A BRIEFE RELATION OF the present Troubles in ENGLAND:
VVritten from LONDON the 22. of Ianuary 1644 to a Minister of one of the Reformed Churches in FRANCE.
VVherein, Is clearely set downe who are the Authours of them, and whereto the Innovations both in Church and State there doe tend.
Faithfully translated out of the French.
OXFORD, Printed by HENRY HALL Printer to the UNIVERSITIE. 1645.
A LETTER CONCERNING the present Troubles in ENGLAND:
VVritten from LONDON the 22. of Ianuary 1644. to a Minister of one of the Reformed Churches in FRANCE.
VVherein, Is clearly set downe who are the Authours of them, and whereto the Innovations both in Church and State there do tend.
Faithfully Translated out of the French.
OXFORD, Printed by HENRY HALL Printer to the UNIVERSITIE. 1645.
To the READER.
NO sooner did this Letter fall into my [...]ands, but straight I had a thought to publish it; to the end that all the world might be acquainted with the deportment of that Faction in England, which for these three or foure yeares together hath caused the effusion of so much blo [...]d there. Some happily of our religion in France will at first glance disrelish my designe: but after they have throughly weighed it, I am confident they will all joyntly acknowledge their engagements to me for presenting them with a worke which undeceives their credulity, who strongly fancy that we countenance their irregular proceedings, and meet in the same thoughts with those that have beene the unhappy contrivers of them. And it may be also that some among the Catholiques will be ready to say this is but the opinion meerely of some one particular Person, and that all Protestants will not subscribe unto it. But I protest before God, that I never heard of any knowing judicious man with us, whose discourse agrees not with that of the Author here; and it were to be wished that the whole world would conforme it selfe to the example of the Reformed in France. Were it so, there should no Prince stand in need of guards, or be forced to levy Armies for the defence of his Person against the insolence and Rebellion of Subjects. There would be no more undermining the peace of the Church, which would now cherish a compleat union & absolute correspondency betwixt its owne and the secular government, confining it selfe to its proper limits, and having still a speciall regard to that subordination which is required of it. I speake this, Reader, because it is true; though sundry conceive otherwise of it, either meerely out of a custome they have embraced wholly to surrender themselves unto the sway of other mens judgement: or because they have a strong prejudice against the Discipline we practice, as if it were not altogether so agreeable with Monarchy. Iudge of it by the grounds thereof, and pause a while in comparing our actions with our doctrine (without resting upon any other consideration) [Page] and thou canst not but conclude, that the sole drift of our intentions hath ever beene to defend our selves rather by the weapons of the Spirit, then those of the flesh, and that we joine in an unanimous detestation of all such as maintaine it lawfull to make use of temporall violence for promoting the truth of the Gospell. This Letter I here present thee with, is cast in the mould of the true Protestants. It appeares in defence of their doctrine touching the power of Kings, and the obedience of Subjects; withall condemning their proceedings, who under a pretence of purging the Church from its errours and enormities, and reinstating Christians in their lost Liberty, maske a designe of engaging the whole world in a horrible confusion. I cannot informe thee, who is the author of it. Thus much only thou maiest know, that sojourning in England, a certaine Minister, (a freind of his, and a man of great abilities) requested of him a large account in writing of the present distempers there. He hath done it, thou seest. He paints them in their proper colours, points out the contrivers of them, and their aimes. He makes it legible to the world, that this Parliament is nothing, in generality, but a seditious Crew, bending all their indeavours against the Lawes of the Realme, with a designe to turne all [...]opsieturvy; nor this Synod but (for the greatest part also) an Assembly of Heretiques and Ignoramusses, that trample upon all the maximes of Christianity, and entertaine no thoughts, but of an Epidemicall confusion. That the People (in grosse) are wholly set upon Anarchy, being cosened by a consent wrought in them by the Parliament touching the Tyranny (as they phrase it) of Kings; and intoxicated by the Synod with the hopes of a most blessed condition, were they but once freed from that insupportable yoake of the Clergy. If happily out of this throng God hath sequestred some wellaffected persons for himselfe, they are so thinne a company, that they dare not declare themselves, for feare of being overborne by the malice and number of the rest, as divers have already beene. Weigh by this, Reader, if the malady be not great, the remedy difficult.
A LETTER CONCERNing the present troubles in England.
WHEN I had the Honour to give you an account in writing of my abode here in England, I had not the least intention to acquaint you with all my thoughs touching the present distempers of the same. Not that the feare of any censure could amate me, although I am not ignorant, that he who would give a faithfull indifferent relation thereof, must oppose himselfe to those ordinary impressions, which men have already entertained concerning them. And if this amuse them (as no doubt but it will) that I cannot prevaile with my selfe to nous [...]e them on in an errour, whereinto the malice or ignorance of their misinformers hath so deeply plunged them, I shall for a long time runne the hazard of their disfavour, as being resolved not to write any thing but of what I have beene an eye-witnesse, and which you will finde to beare no great harmony with the common voice. It is undoubtedly a matter of no triviall concernment to provide that the world be herein disabused, and that the truth of a businesse of this nature be no longer liable to misapprehension. Wherein you are somewhat interessed your selfe by that common profession you make in the list of such conscientious Persons as are designed to superintend the good of People, and to steere their Consciences aright. And I hope you (with many moe besides) will not be wanting to give the world satisfaction what a disparity you conceive betwixt the proceedings of [Page] [...] [Page 1] [...] [Page 2] most of these Novell Reformers, and of those who in former ages attempted to rescue the Church from that Tyranny, under which for so long a time it groaned.
For my part I finde so little conformity in these latter to our first Reformers, that I thinke it concernes them to guild over with some specious pretext the poison they diffuse, as being their Enemies, not their Followers; or if perhaps they make a shew of treading the same path, 'tis not out of any intention to joine and associate with them, but rather to marre and undoe the worke which by their meanes was set on foote in the world. And in truth, Sir, what can be hoped for from such a Rabble as this (naturally so insolent and headstrong) but the markes of Rebellion both against God and Man? it being their sole employment to advance factions and fidings, when ever the affaires either of Religion or Policy are brought into agitation. So that if you abate hence all who have, either (out of haughtines and unbridlednesse of Spirit) combined against their Prince, or nourished the Schismes and ruptures of the Church in broaching their empty and wild Fancies, I dare not promise that the residue shall afford you either a Body of Subjects, or a Congregation of Christians.
I intend not to discourse of those of the King's Party; wherein ('tis true) there be some apparently culpable, but yet more of such as I may call really unfortunate, those alone I meane, that make up the greatest number of Reformed and Honest men in that Kingdome. I shall confine my Discourse to those, who beare the World in hand, they are at oddes with nothing but Popery, which in their jealous apprehensions was taking roote in England againe. With this pretty cheate they have got the approbation of not a few Protestants, who (without sifting their designe) are by this meanes engaged to applaude a pa [...]icidiall attempt upon the Soveraigne Majesty, and a villainous plot against the Sacred Overseers of the Church. Either of which two crimes is doubtlesse one of the most essentiall notes of reprobation; nor is it possible for him to make good the profession of Christianity, who complies or holds any the least correspondence with such as are knowingly guilty of the same.
Your new-fangled Ministers of London are mostly involved in the equall guilt of both. For who knowes not how at the very first rise of these troubles they preached openly to the People, That Kings [Page 3] are not to be obeyed if once they assault their Liberties and Priviledges (which in their construction is the first steppe to Tyranny) or taking upon them to intermeddle in Church affaires, they fall upon any absurd & impious opinion. Wherein they came nothing short of Cardinall Bellarmine, who writes, That if Princes shall once apply themselves to the protection of Heresy or exercise of Tyranny, they are left to the mercy of the Pope, and the Church, who are first to excommunicate them, then to absolve the Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance, and they upon this discharge, assoone as they can be provided of a competent strength are to employ it against them, to expose them to punishment, and by all meanes feisible to dethrone them. A wonderfull thing that they who are such professed enemies to the Jesuites, that use their persons (when they seize them) with so much inhumanity, and for the continued revolution of so many yeares have exposed their bodies quartered to all passengers (as a spectacle of horrour) upon their most eminent Gates, should notwithstanding shake hands with them in a point for the which at first they did so much abhorre them. Would you not conclude that they are all alike the Disciples of Mariana, and the Agents of a Boniface? what affinity is there betwixt these Doctours and Saint Ambrose? when this great Saint, this reall Christian perceived that the Arians were about to possesse themselves of the Church in Milan, with the approbation of the Emperour Valentinian, he addressed himselfe unto that Prince in these tearmes; Royall Sir, we intreate, we presume not to fight. If the Prince will needs make use of his Supreame power, I am ready to discharge the duty of a Prelate. I shall stand upon my defence, but 'tis in the petitions of the poore. I can [...]emoane me, I can weepe, I can [...]igh; but against Armes, against Souldiers, against the Gothes, my onely weapons are teares, nor ought I to use any other manner of resistance whatsoever. And in another place, If the Kingdome shall lye panting under the pressures of Tyranny, I am ready to suffer any kind of violence, even Death it selfe. Besides that universall injunction laid upon Christians, to put up injuries with patience, (God having reserved unto himselfe the right of revenging by the power of his Justice, as Saint Gregory upon Job speakes, Man being uncapable of performing it, but with a heart fraught with malice) he knew I say besides this what David once sung to God; against thee onely have I sinned: upon which passage (in the Apology he compiled for him) he thus comments; [Page 4] He was a King, and so not within the reach of the Lawes: Vi [...] lis delictorum liberi sunt reges; if I may borrow the attestation of so divine a pen. Now if David were not mistaken, if Saint Ambrose spake reason in this point, with Saint Chrysostome, who assures us so punctually, that Kings are above the Lawes; What shall we thinke of our upstart Reformers, that have placed Kings below their People, and stirre up the People against their Kings? It is a pregnant evidence they are swayed by that spirit of rebellion, which heretofore animated the Gregories, the Bonifaces, the Mariana's, the Bellarmines, to attempt upon the Honour and life of Kings, rather then by that spirit of wisedome and meekenesse, which moved Solomon to leave this divine precept behind him, (equally obliging all that have not forfeited their reason) never to divorce the respect due unto Kings from that which they owe unto God himselfe; and in case they shall presume to do otherwise, associating themselves with such Libertines as refuse to pay the tribute of obedience, to be afraid their calamity doe not arise suddainly. The Pulpits here are full of none but Preachers of discord and division betwixt the King and his Subjects. In lieu of praises, magnifying the name of God, Invocation of the Holy Spirit, Confession of Sinnes, sighs and groanes for the commission thereof, here is nothing to be heard but reproaches, revilings and accusations. Charity in all other places throwes her skirt over the Errours she discovers, be they as great and numerous as can be. 'Tis charity here to lay them naked in the view of the world, and if there be no reall ones, to devise some, that so they may never be destitute of a forgery wherewith to traduce their Prince. His Person and Actions are both exposed to publique reproaches: The Churches Ring of nothing but declamations against Him; and if happily some small relickes of shame have ever slacked the heate of those bawling Predicants, or railing Scriblers, impudence makes others in compensation to double the Cry. This yet is nothing in comparison of their usuall Execrations, as if that Law pronounced by the mouth of God himselfe, which forbids to curse the Prince of his People, no not so much as in thought, did not at all concerne them. That detestable League which in the memory of our Fathers was attended with such tragique effects in three or foure of our Kings raignes, and against which our Protestants have alwaies so eagerly declaimed, laying their grounds upon certaine proofes drawne from [Page 5] the corruption of Rome, which gave life unto it, had nothing in it of more venimous consequence, then this we see here, save that the Emissaries and Boute-feus of the English Confederacy have not as yet imbrued their hands in the bloud of their King.
And can it suite with their profession, who talke so much of reducing Christian Religion to it's primitive purity, and reviving the Innocence and Simplicity of the Apostolique times, who call him their Master that reconciled the world to God, and united men in the same mutuall affections, who are not ignorant that Peace and Concord are the essentiall characters of a Christian, and that such should never be the occasioners of warre, to employ the sword in such a manner as this?
I cannot thinke there's any man so credulous as to beleive, that such courses can finde any welcome among those that are Protestants indeed; they may with many who are such in shew onely, of which sort are all the opposers, not of monarchy alone, but indefinitely of any secular authority whatsoever. There were some in the infancy of the Church, who strained Christian liberty so farre, that they condemned it as unjust for the Enfranchised of God, and such as were guided by his spirit, to be subject to the command of any creature.
The Donatists sucked the same poison from them, which afterwards diffused it selfe among the Anabaptists; and in fine reached us also, by meanes of some who gave a second birth to this Heresy, which now walkes up and downe here in great bravery, under pretences very specious in the apprehension of some shallow Judgements. And though I conceive this will not be to the generall prejudice of the Reformed Churches in Europe (by reason of that just jealousy which Princes ought to entertaine, that they hold no intelligence amongst themselves, and that they doe not all bandy togethr against the rights and prerogatives of their respective dominions.) Yet it must needs [...] to their shame atleast, if they doe not openly declare against the villany of their proceedings, and the iniquity of their designes; especially since they have had the impudence to invite them to an imitation of their example, and to steppe in for the support of their faction. I am not ignorant what grounds we goe upon, and how little resemblance ours [...]eare to theirs; but the world will not passe sentence upon us by our positions, but either by our actions or by our silence. [Page 6] For if we be silent when they are bragging of [...] with us, and yet appearing in the field against their Soverai [...], who will not be ready to conclude that had we the like power [...] our hands, we would do as much every w [...]it our selves [...] but if [...] the contrary we speake our mindes, condemning the unlawfullnesse and horridnesse of their designe, (our actions suiting still with [...] doctrine) in stead of exasperating the secular powers, we shall [...] them: for it cannot be but they will take part with us, and [...] off such as make them so subordinate either to the people in gro [...], or to some select parcell of the whole body, who (let them talke what they will) are no lesse Subjects then the rest. In breife, [...] need but demand whether of the two are the better Christians; those that wast so much bloud to subvert the right of Kings, and to cherish a warre (under counterfeit pretences) for the suppression of all order, and engaging the whole world to the same common confusion? Or they of the Primitive times, who maintained, that to sh [...] bloud was to violate Christianity; to oppose Kings, was to disobey God, and to contest with Superiours, was to fight against that Order, which he established. I beleeve they will hardly be swayed by examples, lesse by reason; nor that they put any great value upon the authority, which the practise of the first ages may challenge over us. If they do, I would exhort such preachers of fire and sword, to call to minde how the ancient disciplien of the Church denied their communion to such as had slaine an Enemy in a lawfull warre, and that they would hence collect how those times stood affected to such as voluntarily embroyled themselves in an unlawfull and unjust one.
See, Sir, in part what I have to say to you upon this argument. It will not be amisse, if in the next place I acquaint you with the innovations they make in Religion, and what fruits Christianity is like to reape from the labours of such doughty Reformers. 'Tis a truly impious designe to per [...]ue a Reformation in such manner as these men do, and which tends onely to the subversion of an order established by God, under a pretence of pulling downe one devised by man, which they call Tyranny, because indeed it is the onely meanes whereby to check them in that full ca [...]c [...] of unbridled licentiousnesse, unto which they are naturally so much devo [...]. Not but that there is alwayes matter enough for a reformation both in manners and government, and that it is extreamely necessary to correct the [Page 7] evills and disorders of the present times, and withall to prevent that corruption which may be feared from the future. But who will be the fittest to go through with this taske? will the Parliament? no, in as much as the Bishops, that is the Clergy are no longer a part of it. Will the Synod be able to supply this defect? no, not they, because the whole body is composed of persons interessed; besides that ignorance and blindenesse are there (for the most part) in their greatest exaltation [...] or if perhaps there be some knowing, there is a great dearth of honest men, most of them being possest with the spirit of division, which hath drawne them into the bypaths of Hereticks, as well ancient, as moderne. Well then, shall the People beare the burthen? this is altogether impossible, unlesse first there be made an universall resignation of all sence and reason, because (of themselves) they are uncapable of all manner of order and conduct. Neither can the King, assisted only by his Counsell and Magistrates, be thought a [...]it instrument to mannage the businesse, for feare he make Religion waite upon his owne private interest, and by consequent bring the spirit under the command of the Flesh. The issue then will be to finde out a just and lawfull way for the advancing of this Reformation; which in my opinion can be no other then that of a generall Assembly, indicted by the Prince; wherein the Boroughs shall have their Deputies, whose voices are to be heard, and their suffrages admitted; The Church it's Bishops and Doctors; The Parliament diverse of the Nobility, which they may chuse out of their severall Houses; and the King his principall Officers. And to make the action more Authentique to establish in the Church that uniformity, which ought to be in a body in which the Spirit of Union and Concord is the Moderatour (as that of Christians is) there may be called thither the most eminent Protestants from forraigne parts, by whose assistance all doubts and scruples may be solved. This in my judgement is the way, to maintaine the severall rights of each order in the State of England, as also in the whole body of Christendome, entire. I know none that can dislike the project, but your new Independants, and the fanatique Illuminat [...]es, commonly called Brownists, who in truth are no other but the Brats or Brethren of the Munster-Faction. These men have fancied to themselves a monstrous Common-wealth, an absurd and motley State, in which there should not be the least cognizance [Page 8] of civill Authority, nor any other spirituall power acknowledged, but such as the Sonne of God should by an insensible and [...]idden influence exercise over them. Collect now from these Premises, how such kinde of people stand affected to Royalty, and then what reckoning they make of Councels, and the Persons they consist of. Their aime indeed is to ruine both; to have no Rulers or Overseers at all, either Temporall or Spirituall, Secular or Ecclesiasticall. They want no specious colours to blanch the blacknesse of their Designe. They make their King a Demy-Apostate, and little better then a Tyrant: They proclaime to the world, that he had a resolution to violate Religion, and to destroy their Liberties and Priviledges. That he hath supplanted the Fundamentall Lawes of the Realme, and falsified the Oath made to his Subjects, the observation of which alone must entitle him to a Dominion over them. As for the Overseers of the Church, it hath no need (say they) of any at all, in as much as the Founder and Head thereof hath skill enough to governe, as he had to establish it. That 'tis enough if there be meere Pastours only to preach, without being lifted above others, or others above them. Such be the Authors and Abettours of this Fancie who gave the first blow at Episcopacy. A strange thing that some even of the honester sort, should so rashly mingle with the enemies of that Order, transported in the simplicity of their hearts by this groundlesse conceit, that 'tis the Prelates alone who have opened the gap to wickednesse in the Church, as if where there are no Bishops at all, Innocence and purity bare an absolute and soveraigne command in the Soules of men. Ferrier, P [...]tes, with many more besides in France will be perpetuall attestours to the world, that your Church Government lyes no lesse open to the assaults and stratagems of the Devill, then that which hath beene setled from all Antiquity. Were it my drift to search it to the bottome, it would be easie to demonstrate this with advantage, and that had it beene a few yeares elder, and liv'd in a Country where the Lawes of the Prince are not so rigorous against Innovatours, as they be in France (which permits but two sorts of Religion) or at least if God had not from time to time raised some eminently guifted Persons therein, (in which respect I must needs confidently affirme, that it flourisheth now more then ever) there could not have wanted matter, through the many visible inconveniences thereof, to embroyle the Church in a tedious and perpetuall [Page 9] taske. I shall but point at one▪ 'tis the equality of Pastours, which indeed at first blush presents you with a comely glosse, and hath a wonderfull influence upon the fancy, when it beholds it at a distance, but (in truth) is the source of disorder, the fountaine of negligence, and the bane of that laudable emulation among the virtuous to out-strip one another in goodnesse. It is to shut the doore against the perfection of life, in denying the strictest observers of their masters injunctions those advantages and prerogatives which himselfe hath designed them. What a block is it in the way to all those eminent persons without, who were a coming toward us? You know better then I how memorable to this purpose is the example of the Arch-bishop of Spalata? Being to be honoured with no ranke at all above others, can you thinke they will quit that which they enjoy where they are? There can be no humility so great but may justly take offence at this. How can any Genius, acquainted thoroughly with it selfe, and borne to a preheminence over others with some singular endowments of Nature, be allured over to a profession, whose sweetest bai [...]e is but a voice with the meanest, and where its resolutions shall be valued as cheape as those of any other particular Person [...]. The world is not to learne what a traine of inconveniencies attend these kind of suffrages and Deliberations, and how there must needes follow many farre worse upon the neck of those, so long as there is nothing but a ba [...] supputation of Votes, without any endowed with Power and Abilities to poyse them. Put case their Assemblies consist of a hundred Persons; will there in truth be found ten, who will not rather be opinionate to cover their severall defects, then be conformable to the example of their fellowes, or endeavour to better themselves by their Counsells? Such is that selfe-love and radicall inclination we have to sooth our selves, that we do not easily hearken to the commands of reason, till we be awed thereunto. And seeing this distinction of degrees is so necessary for the good of the Church, how shall that end be obtained, if there be not some delegated both in and out of those Assemblies, to represent the power of the whole, to exact upon all emergencies an account of their proceedings, to have the right of proposing, and collecting Votes, of ratifying Decrees, of promulgating and putting them in execution, and daring to the field whatsoever opposers of the same? Is this feisible without a Bishop, seeing [Page 10] that in such Synods as ours all enjoy an equality of Power and Authority, and where (according to that proverbiall censure of the Assemblies of Carthage.) The greater number carries it from the better? Besides, when the Synod is dissolved, each Minister is left to his owne liberty, to do what his fancy shall suggest unto him. Put case he be found hipping either in manners or Doctrine, he i [...] accountable to none but those of his owne Consistory, who are allwaies in readinesse, like so many rotten Pillars, to support a crazie Wall; or so many blinde guides, that will needes undertake to reduce straglers into the way, or such as leade men upon a praecipice. So that by this meanes the offender wants no invitations nor advantages to inv [...]igle those that lend an care to him, he being no way accountable but to another Assembly. In the interim he is proling for parties to his crimes, and Abettours to his Opinions; so that instead of fearing the rigour of a Judge in the Synod, he is often provided of an Advocate, which would be altogether impossible were there one enabled to stifle such disorders in the wombe. This hints me of what I have read in Calvin upon this Argument. That the Presbyters, to wit, all such as had the cure of Soules, were accustomed in every City to cull out one amongst the rest, upon whom in particular they bestowed the title of Bishop, to prevent (saith he) those ordinary Divisions, which flow from a Parity. Notwithstanding this Bishop was not so farre li [...]ted up above his fellowes in honour and degree, a [...] that he might exercise any act of jurisdiction over them. His proper function resembled that of a Consul in the Senate. He made relation of proceedings in a full House, [...]e advised, informed, exhorted: He ruled a [...] by his authority, managed the whole Action, and put the generall and unanimous results of the Senate in execution, whereto he subjoyneth, that according to the universall attestation of all Antiquity, the necessity of the times was the first Authoriser of this Custome. Now this necessity was nothing but those divisions which crept in among the Pastours of the Church for want of some principall Overseers, which is now farre greater in this Nation, then ever it was with them, as you shall see anon.
But let us feele a little more the pulses of these men that will have no degrees or preheminence in the Church. They be the very same that would have none in the State also: They strike at Episcopacy for the same ends they have assaulted Royalty. They are [Page 11] no strangers to the frowardnesse of their owne dispositions, but are sufficiently convicted how farre each of them in particular hath degenerated from the Maximes, and even from the very graine of their Ancestours. That they are generally odious and destructive to the Publike, nor can ever build any hopes to themselves but such as must have their foundation in perpetuall discords. That seeing their expectations frustrate, and themselves consequently in a wretched condition, their onely way is to advance a generall confusion, and so to involve all order and constitution of former ages (which crosse their wicked inclinations) in the same common ruine. The very complexion of these R [...]k [...] [...]ells speakes the worth of what they oppose so eagerly. To which if you add [...] the manner how they have from the beginning invaded it, with what violence they have proceeded, you may easily inferre the basenesse of those who put them upon that employment. No sooner had they notice of those jealo [...]sies betwixt the King and his Parliament (wherein at that time there were not a few sicke of the same disease with themselves) but they readily embraced the opportunity, to make their Soveraigne and the Bishops sensible of their inveterate spleene towards them. Having first set some of the other sexe a worke, (which in the open streets renounced all shame and modesty, in lieu of benedictions (wherewith the custome was to greet Princes) to belch out with a deliberate impudence most traiterous expressions against their King: the impunity of that sexe (whose insolence is oftner sleighted, then punished) animated the other to a desperate resolution of offering violence unto his Person. To which purpose they invest his Pallace, seize upon White hall gates, and had not the well mannaged providence of some of the Lords (though strongly suspected by that frantique multitude) quashed their designe, he could not have escaped their hands. The King having given them the slip, immediately they divert the streame of their fury upon the Bishops; & as if they had beene of a Jewish descent, and some Pilates were upon the bench to give judgement, they cryed, away with those followers of Christ, as the other had cryed, away with Christ himselfe. The Parliament indeavouring in a [...]rudent way to settle this disorder, found a rub at the first from some among themselves that had a maine hand in the businesse, giving private intelligence to that seditio [...]s Rabble, how their proceedings were disliked, and how the House of Lords had [Page 12] carried the matter in favour of the Bishops, and that they likewise were seconded by a considerable party of the House of Commons. This set them all on fire in a moment; insomuch that of Accus [...]s and Prosecuters they had turned Executioners, if those pious men had not by keeping out of the way given place to their fury. In the meane time they are still urgent, they bawle, they threaten. But perceiving how that great Body would hardly be forced without destroying it, and throwing themselves also into danger, they joine subtilty to open violence. The Bishops must be impeached of High Treason against King and Kingdome, and of subverting the Fundamentall Lawes of the Land. This prodigrous calumny nourished the boldnesse of their Abettours in Parliament, and drew over to them all the faint hearted, debarred the liberty of protecting justice, and rendring her venerable to such as had yet freely withstood those violent courses. From that very houre they are interdicted all resort to Parliament. Their Houses are plundered, their persons imprisoned, their complaints derided. In a word, there is not any outrage imaginable which they did not exercise upon them; insomuch that the very reasons they alleadged to cleare themselves, were brought under the compasse of a high misdemeanour, albeit they knew not how to proceed against them; For even in their greatest heare they were forced to leave the matter undecided, and so it continues to this day. They are never more gravelled, then when they fall upon debate of that. The Parliament, that is to say, the Lower House, and the Synod, doe both joine heads together to put an end to the Question. The one, in debarting those a place in their Assembly, who have a light to sit there from the first institution of Parliaments, and whose votes in that place are so fundamentally necessary, that without them all the decrees of the other are null, and the originall constitution of the Kingdomes infringed thereby. The other, contributes to their totall extirpation, and to shake off all obedience to them, that so they may open a gappe to their Libertinisme, and force upon the Church that disorder and confusion which the spirit of giddinesse, they are possessed with, hath ever aimed at.
Judge, Sir, by these proceedings what sincerity there it in these Novelists, and if any honest man can shake hands with them.
Suppose the Bishops had indeed transgressed in matter of State, this is but a poore plea for the proscription of Episcopacy in selfe. [Page 13] The Persons should be punished, not the Profession abolished; after the example of those Emperours, who having upon good ground, (such at least as appeared so to them) ejected certaine of their Bishops, did forthwith substitute others in their roomes, to let the world know, that if with one hand they put the law in execution against the crimes of men, with the tother they would still maintaine the reverence due unto an Order in their esteeme so sacred, that those they had divested of it, they adjudged altogether unworthy of the same. Suppose now they were found peccant in point of Religion; this they may be as Men, and as Sinners, not as Bishops.
The Ministery among us was never arraigned for those strange crimes, which have beene proved upon some of it's Professours. The Church is here to employ her authority, which stretcheth not beyond suspension or deprivation, and that of the Persons, not of the Function. How many Bishops hath Antiquity beheld shamelesly profaneing the holinesse of their Profession? How many tainted with avarice, ambition, tyranny, heresie, sorcety? and yet never man saw any considerable number of them condemned; never durst or would any preferre a Bill for the suppression of the Order.
I am not ignorant of what is here commonly objected, that absolute authority and supers [...]uity of riches are the usuall bane of the Soule; and that there be but few men of ranke, upon whom they have not a corruptive influence. That these two, being as it were inseperable Accidents, cannot be sequestred from the Church without destroying the Subject which containes them. That the Waldenses and Albigenses concurred in the same judgement, and that of late they have received a totall proscription among our selves.
For the first, it is granted by all, that Riches and Authority suite not indeed with a narrow soule, uncapable either of rightly understanding, or knowingly valuing the pure and true dictates of Christianity.
To the second, who denies but there may be Bishops without either investing them with an absolute Power, or affording them any such excesse of riches?
In the whole Primitive Church there were none but indigent and necessitous ones, enabled with no other authority, then to dispense the graces of God, and to proclaime his Judgements unto the People. [Page 14] And yet no doubt but if choice were made of consci [...] men after the example of the Primitive Fathers, there would be little ground to grudge them what the bounty of Kings and the consent of the People hath suffered them for so many ages successively to enjoy.
If they be such as are indeed worthy of a Bishop [...]icke, they will employ their authority in executing Justice upon the vicious, expend their riches in accommodating the needy, as the Prelates here doe generally at this day. Their very Adversaries confesse them to have ever beene most strict inquisitours after crimes, and most severe [...] nishers of the same. Nor can they deny, that the poore and unfortunate, the Widowes and Orphans have ever found somewhat either in their Counsell or credit to protect them from scorne and reproach. And they must needs farther acknowledge, that besides those workes of Charity, (which call for a reverent esteeme, and even a kind of veneration to the memory of an infinite traine of Bishops) the publicke monuments founded by them both for the Honour and the profit of that Kingdome, are so many pregnant arguments, that they have employed their great revenues, rather as just Stewards for the benefit of others, then as the vassals of their owne pleasures. Witnesse so many stately Churches, famous Colledges, rich Hospitals, so many Bridges, Foundations, Dotations, Edifices, which owe their being to that Order.
'Tis true; the Waldenses and Albigenses were generally against Bishops: but who can give us the true meaning of those we desire may passe for our patternes? How many were there amongst them whom it would be a great crime to propose for our imitation? I cannot be induced to beleive, that they of the most rationall sort among them, who were best acquainted with the Errours which had then stole into the Church, were the same with those who at that time made warre upon the Bishops. Nor can I thinke, that they who massacred Trincavell, their Viscount in Besiers, and dasht out their Prelates teeth, (having taken Sanctuary in Saint Magdalen's Church) were in the number of those whose successours we glory to be called. If so, what may we thinke of the Divine Providence which forty two yeares after gave these bloud-thirsty men into the hands of the Croissades (as very bloud-suckers as themselves) who sacrificed them in the selfe same Church, wherein they had spilled the [Page 15] bloud of others. Vengeance pursued them into the place they had chosen for a Sanctuary, and where they had exercised their cruelty, there they received their punishment. A remarkeable circumstance to assure us that the finger of God's Justice was there. In the History of the Kings, the Bookes of Chronicles and M [...]ocab [...]s, there are sundry notable examples of God's particular indignation against some, upon whom he executed Justice in the same places where they had committed their severall crimes. The like you have in Josephus, and generally every Author abounds with such examples; all which I will baulke with silence, that I may not passe over two or three remarkeable accidents to this purpose, in such fresh memory and knowledge of all the People here, that even at this day they strike the consciences of the most with astonishment, however they still continue in defiance to such visible summons from that providence which endeavours by this meanes to awake them.
The death of Hampden is one. This man whom all your Novelists looked upon as one of the cheife Actours in the managing of their designe, and who was the first that put them in a posture of Armes against their Prince, received his Deaths-wound in the very same *Chalgrove field. feild where first he put the Militia in execution. That of the Lord Brookes is another, and perhaps you will thinke it a greater miracle. In the very moment he threatned to demolish the Cathedrall of Lichfield, the same day whereon they celebrated the memory of the Saint Ghad. Saint that founded it, he was slaine with the glance of a bullet sent him from the hands of a dumbe person, and that too just as he was peeping out at a door; which I think hath not been hither to observed. These circumstances are not to passe our attention, being so many infallible testimonies of a Divine vengeance I might adde to the list of such examples that horrible disease of Py [...]. At the same time that his Conscience was gnawed with the vermine of ambition, affecting a Tyrannicke power, God gave him for food to lice, and made him perish by such a kind of death, as once he did those monstrous Tyrants, Herod and Philip the second, who both imbrued their hands in the bloud of their owne sonnes.
It remaines now, that I should answer to such objections as are drawne from the custome of France, wherein you can spare men labour your selfe with many moe besides, that are acquainted with [Page 16] the present inconveniences which attend that way, and foresee such as may be feared for the future.
In the meane time I will proceed to examine the grounds of Episcopacy. And first of all I say that Episcopacy is either of Divine, or at least of Ecclesiasticall Institution. If of the former, then ought Bishops to be continued where they are, and restored where they are not. Put case it be of the latter onely, we are to examine whether it was establish'd upon good grounds, or no; and if so, whether those grounds be not of equall validity with us, and we obliged as much thereupon to maintaine it, I intend not at this time to discusse either of these two questions: that taske hath already beene so amply performed by sundry eminent writers of this age, that there remaines little more to be done to it. Nor will I deliver my owne opinion, I shall onely insist upon two others. Saint Hierome saith that Episcopacy was instituted as the onely meanes to stoppe the current of those Divisions which sprung at first among Christians. Before (saith he) that by the instigation of the Devill there were any fidings in Religion, and People began to say, I am of Paul, and I of Cephas, and I of Apollos, the Churches were ruled by the joint resolutions of Pre [...] sbyters. But when every one began to fancy, that those he baptized were his owne, and not Christ's, it was ordained throughout the whole world, that there should be one chosen out of the rest with whom the cure of the Church was to be entrusted for the rooting up of Schismes, and taking away all matter of dissention. What this great Doctor spake so punctually of the Baptisme of Paul, of Cephas, and Apollo [...], is nothing (in my judgement) but an allusion to what we reade in one of the Epistles to the Corinthians, and ought to be construed of all those seeds of division, which the Devill scattered among Christians in the infancy of the Church, and such as he hath throwne amongst them ever since. Thus we see so many monstrous Heresies have beene strangled by meanes of this Order; some [...]oone as they saw the light others, after they had in a sort empoisoned the whole Earth. And if still there have continued some in the World, or any slips of the old roote have beene remaining, it hath generally happened in such places where Episcopacy had not it's full force, and where Councells have not enjoyed their due liberty, as in some of the Southerne and Easterne Countries, and some also of the North, where Christian Religion hath suffered either a totall extirpation, [Page 17] or at least some notable alteration by [...]
If then Episcopacy hath produced fruits answerable to their hopes who did first institute it (as beyond all contradiction it hath) to what course shall we betake our selves in these distractive times, wherein the Devill is so busy at his old game, in [...]omenting Divisions among all those whom the Spirit of God hath freed from the yoke and slavery of Rome? now especially when there are so many visible Factions amongst us, some siding with Luther, others with Calvin, and most of the rest following no other guides, then their owne apish unruly Fancies? what course I say shall we now fly to for remedy, but the example of all antiquity, in tracing their Steps, and conforming to their rules, withall applying our selves to those Antidotes wherewith they healed the like distempers we suffer, and are upon the point to perish under? In those times the unity of the Head begat an Unity of Mission, this an Unity of Doctrine, and both together an Unity of all the Faithfull among themselves. But in these dayes of ours, from the multitude of Pastours equall in authority, there flowes a diversity of Mission, from this a repugnancy of Doctrines, and from both jointly the Schismes and sidings of People; which could never have befallen us, had men contented themselves with a meere Reformation of Episcopacy, and not utterly abolished it; Or if during their Division, they had established it in such places as they had made themselves Masters of, or where they enjoyed a Toleration. This is cleare from the example of Rome, whose Disciples are never at oddes with themselves, but still keepe the Body close and well compacted in all it's Members, through the skill of their Conductours, who have the sole power of deciding controversies amongst them, and they neither have authority, nor any the least badge thereof, but what they derive from their Heads. So that it is a rare thing to behold any Innovation of Religion with them, either in Doctrine or Discipline, and if any should arise, that Order doth so hedge it in, that it cannot proceed a steppe further, then they please themselves.
If examples borrowed from our Enemies be odious, let us insist onely upon that of England. So long as the Bishops were not molested in their Function [...] that Kingdome was not disquieted with any Schismes or disorders in the Church. There durst not a Sectarie shew his head, till those Christian Guides were overborne with violence, [Page 18] and all superiority among Pastours decryed. Now if their conjecture be sound; who say that Saint Hierome builds not a bare allusion upon the words of Saint Paul, but a cleare observation, that immediately after the Apostles times there arose certaine jarres among their Disciples, some pretending to a right of greater preheminence by reason of some better endowments (which every one in particular ascribed to him who had baptised and instructed him) and that upon this foundation the Devill attempted to build a multiplicity of bodies, and prevailed so farre, that he seemed to have got a share in the Church then in her Infancy; have not we reason every moment to feare the like now from so many upstart Doctrines [...] Religion, and so many different sects in Europe, resulting from that variety of Opinion [...] which is every where to be seene amongst out Teachers? The malady is so great, that it seemes to be arrived at its height, and so little care is taken of applying a remedy, as if men had a designe palpably to betray the cause of God. The greatest mischeife I finde herein is, that so long as our exteriour government shall continue in the same posture it is at this present, it will be impossible to heale the distemper, and if we go about to alter the Order established, it must needes be from better to worse, in as much as every sect will be busy in tempting others after it, and so make a rupture in the Body, and teare the Church in peeces.
Let us once more reflect a little upon Antiquity. Had there beene ought amisse in the first institution of Episcopacy, and had not indeed the spirit of God beene the sole contriver of it for the common benefit of the Church, could his providence have given way to that generall unanimous approbation it received from Christians in every corner of the Universe? We see clearely, that of all the new Lawes and severall alterations devised by the wisedome and prudence of man, there is not any one but hath beene opposed in some part of the world, or other. Witnesse what [...] hath beene [...]uded upon the Church either against the custome of Antiquity or the rules of Scripture, such as ar [...] the Supreme authority of one Person in cases spirituall, the severall te [...]s about the Encharist, Invocation of Saints, worshiping of Images, with many other. But this decree which enables one of those that are imployed in the disp [...]s [...]tion of the Heavenly treasures with a power above his fellow [...] hath continued inviolable among all the Nations of the earth for [Page 19] well nigh the space of fourteene hundred yeares together, not a man in all this time opening his mouth against it, (what ever difference of opinions, Schismes and Heresies the Spirit of blindenesse introduced within the pale of Christianity) till this age of our Reformers, who perswaded themselves they could by humane prudence setle among the Ministers of the Gospell an equality of merit, of zeale, of charity and affection, by ordaining an equality of Power and Authority, and were further confident by this meanes to cut the throate of that Tyranny, under which our Fathers for so long a time had groaned, as also to re-invite into the world that sweetnesse and [...]ffability, wherewith the founders of the Church so expressely charged it should be governed. And lastly they presumed, that if the Prelates were once outed, integrity, innocence, and good manners would be restored to their place in the Church againe, nor should luxury, incontinence, or any other kinde of leudnesse usurpe their Roomes any more for ever.
These indeed were good wishes and desires, but the meanes of persuing them starke naught. Neither did they meet with a generall likeing, divers having rejected them as fighting with that successe which others had promised themselves in the use of them. Did not Germany, which first threw the Pope out of the Saddle, and where the purity of the Gospell was first restored to its ancient Liberty, retaine still in her Churches that superiority, against which they declaime here? 'Tis inviolably maintained in most countries of the North. Did the Patriarch of Constantinople abjure or condemne it, Cyrill. when he reformed himselfe after the example of the Protestants in the West? Or dare any of us deny him our Communion, because he retained it? Nay was he ever so much as advised to forgoe it? The lustre and majesty of the title he bare was no impediment to him from being both a confessour and a martyr of the same Christ we worship.
But let us herein consult with our most eminent Reformers. Luther a most violent opposer of the Authors of ruine and corruption in the Church, after he hath spent himselfe in heaping reproaches upon the Bishops, calling them Idolls, and dumb Statues, idle puppets, deceitfull maskes, trunkes without branches or rootes, empty shadowes, stage-players, such as were so farre from knowing the honour of their Function, and how to discharge it aright, that they did not understand [Page 20] the Etymology of the name they bare; wolfes; breifly: tray [...]ours, [...], murtherers, the monsters of the Ʋniverse, the burden of the earth▪ the Apostles of Antichrist, moulded and fitted for the destruction of the world and extinguishing the light of the Gospell, at last he comes to himselfe againe; and tells us that he inveighs onely against the corruption of their liver, and their palpable Ignorance, as for the r [...]st, th [...] he harboured not a thought against the Order and frame of the Church, and that nothing he had spoken of those idle drousie Animalls and filthy belly [...] Gods ought to be applyed to the honest Pastours, and reall Bishops, whom he there calls the Head [...] and Over-seers of the Christian Church. In other places, as namely in his Captivity of Babylon, he overthrowes the sacrament of Order, and rejecteth (as a groundlesse fancy) their indelible character. But he quarrells not there with Bishops alone, but even with Preists and Deacons, avouching all the faithfull equally to be Preists and Deacons, and endowed with equall Authority. Notwithstanding recollecting himselfe, he concludes for the exellency of Episcopacy, acknowledging the name thereof to be sacred and ancient: and that if he deny it those against whom he declaimes, 'tis because he thinks it unlawfull to bestow it on such, whose corruption and filthinesse vendors them so unworthy of it. In the Tract he compiled for the instruction of Ministers, he closeth hi [...] reformation with an establishment of Bishops, to which he would have the Cities of Bohemia conforme themselves in electing one or two, and enabling them with Authority over the rest, to goe in visitation about the Churches after the example of Saint Peter in the Acts, which he stileth a lawfull and Evangelicall Archiepiscopacy. But if men [...]e so vainely timerous that they dare not adventure upon the reestablishing of an Apostolicall Institution, he permits them to retaine the custome of Rome, in having Bishops to call, ordaine, and confirm [...] such a they shall finde capable according to the platforme and Doctrine of Saint Paul. So likewise you may see divers examples of that age, which testify that the opinions of those times were much different from ours about the point in Question. We finde in one of Peter Martyrs Epistles to Beza, that a certaine Bishop of Troy making a scruple of continuing in that profession after his conversion to the Reformation, was unanimously received and acknowledged of all for a lawfull Prelate, whose Authority together with his Piety prov'd a maine advancement of the Churches good. This worthy Author [Page 21] not condemning Episcopacy in generall, passeth only this verdict upon it, that in as much as none are raised to that dignity but by the favour of Princes, Christians can have but faint hopes of reaping any great benefit thereby. In the same place he concludes for the necessity of their visitations, as a present remedy to curethe naturall infirmity of man, who is ever declining from bad to worse, and be speakes there of Primates and Arch-bishops, as of those, who for Sanctity of life and Purity of Doctrine were designed to this Function in the severall Cities and Sees of greatest note: withall condemning those who intrude at their owne pleasures into the Ministery, & concludeing it is not without some emphaticall ground, that in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus the severall conditions and qualifications of Bishops, Preists, and Deacons are so punctually described. Where it is worth your observation, that he marshalls all three in their proper ranks, a pregnant evidence that he made more then two degrees of Ecclesiasticall Order. And so likewise doth the Author of our reformed discipline in France, who in the first Article acquaints us with three sorts of Ministers, Bishops or Pastours, Deacons, and Presbyters, quoting to this purpose the same Epistles with Peter Martyr. Where two things deserve our notice, first the name of Bishops, and next that of Presbyters. As for the former I cannot but wonder why he should confound it with that of Pastours, & then after distinguish both from Presbyters, if it be true (as many would have it) that Presbyters, Pastours, and Bishops, were but one and the selfe same thing in the Primitive Church. As for the name of Presbyters, it is misapplyed with us to such whose Function speakes them to be no more then Deacons. A thing utterly repugnant to the practice all ages. Whence it appeares, that he was somewhat ashamed to baulke an Order which he knew the Primitive and purer Christians held in such singular estimation, and the Church, maugre the severall corruptions in it, hath ever since maintained. At least we may shrewdly suspect, that he afforded this name a place there, as the print or shadow (at least) of a Function which had beene before, and the seed or basis of that which ought to have beene established among the Churches in his time; then especially when it might be done with the least prejudice to manners or doctrine, both which it was constantly beleeved were most of all undermined by Episcopacy. The truth is, all the Divines of greatest note with us have beene [Page 22] driven upon this conclusion, whensoever they have fallen upon the same Question. They all joyntly condemned with extreamest rigour the corruptions, which in their times were (in a sort) the individuall companions of that Profession, but they never deny it its due reverence, considered abstractively in it selfe. Calvin after he himselfe had executed the Office of a Bishop in Geneva, Instit l. 4. c. 4. § 4. discourseing of the ancient institution of Bishops in Cities, of Arch-Bishops above them in Provinces, and in fine of Patriarchs advanced at the Councell of Nice above both the former, saith, that this was done [...] order to the discipline of the Church, and withall acknowledgeth, that Antiquity notwithstanding such innovations, had not the least thought of obtruding upon the Church any other forme of government, then what God himselfe had prescribed in his word. That howsoever they bestowed on that forme of their owne the name of Hierarchy, a word not extant in Scripture, yet we are not to dwell upon the notion, but to weigh the nature of the thing it selfe. By which passage, Sir, you may easily inferre, how this worthy Author stood affected to the Order we speake of. That of Beza an able judicious writer (if we reflect upon the times he liv'd in) is no lesse for our purpose, then the former. He grants in one place, that Episcopacy was usefull in the Church, and that the distinction of Bishops and Arch-bishops was first instituted for the read [...]er conv [...]ing of Synods, and managing the affaires of the Church with more steadinesse. To wave what this able Auth or hath farther delivered upon the Question, who will not hence conclude (if he cast but an eye upon the many difficulties they meet with that are to steere the inclinations of men either in Religion or Policy) that he was so farre from disallowing Episcopacy, that on the contrary he approv'd it as an Institution of highest consequence to Christianity? And in the particular case of England, every body knowes, that these two eminent Persons absolutely sub [...]ibed to its continuance there. The one of which hath published so much to the world in a Tract against Saravia [...] and doth not the other also speake expressely in behalfe of those in that Kingdome, which the men of this generation would quite extirpate?
But let us farther examine their opinion who speake of the thing in generall, Pol [...] is pe [...]emptory, that to make up those breathes in the Church which happened after the Apostles times, there was one set ever the rest of the Presbyters, and call'd by way of eminence Bishop, [Page 23] whereto he subjoyneth, that in relation to that primitive order and discipline of the Church, there hath ever beene one ranked before the rest of his Brethren to keepe them within compasse, and to prevent the broaching of any new doctrines. Melanchton is yet more expresse. The policy of the Church (saith he) that is the exteriour face thereof, is compounded of two ingredients. The first is the Ministery, a thing of Gods owne immediate institution, (and it containes five parts, 1. The right of calling and ordaining Ministers. 2. The injunction to preach the Gospell. 3. The power of remitting sinnes. 4. of administring the Sacraments, and 5. The right of exercising Jurisdiction upon Offenders by excommunication.) The second is the humane Constitutions of Bishops, and Councells, who are to regulate the degrees of Ministers, and the difference of time and place when and where to execute their Functions. Now (saith he) those constitutions are to be maintained for the cherishing of good Order, yet so as they be drained from all tincture of superstition, And he gives the reason, because they have a kinde of right naturall, the very law of nature obligeing us to the constant observation of good order in the conduct of our lives. A passage very part for Episcopacy, as noting unto us the impossibility of composing any Church▪ disorders without it. For the Members will then teare one another in peices, and the body which kept them together in so close and strict an union, cannot long mal [...]taine the peace and harmony which that order as the soule infused into them, as Saint Basil somewhere speaketh. I cannot wave neither a passage I have sometimes read in Hierome Savanarola, a bitter enemy to the corruption of the Clergy, and one that vehemently declaim'd against the disorders of the Church. If (faith he in his booke de veritate Fidei) there shall happen any kno [...]ty difficult scruple in the Assemblies of the faithfull, the Bishops are they that must decide the Question: which must needes be construed of that superiority, whereby they are to bridle the boldnesse and insolence of such as being hurried on with a spirit of confusion, disquiet [...]he Church with maladies hard to be cured. This mov'd the other Hierome about 1200 yeares agoe to avouch, that the prosperity of the Church did so mainely depend upon the superiour Minister, that were it otherwise, there would be as many Schismes among Christians, as Presbyters. Which consequent (saith the Arch-bishop of Spalata) is manifestly seene in such of the reformed Churches as have abandoned Episcopacy. This [Page 24] was the reason why the Princes and all those of the Clergy that subscribed to the Ausburge Confession, did joine in such an open Protestation before God and Man, that they sought not for the extirpation of it. They were as well acquainted as we with the corruption of the Bishops, and had as much (at least) to feare from their continuance, as we can possibly have. And yet to prevent the unavoidable necessity of that confusion, into which they would otherwise have fallen, they unanimously agreed upon the defence of that Ancient Order, and to oppose with all eagernesse such as should endeavour the abolition of the same. This they hotly pursued, not barely in order to Religion which they laboured to rescue from Romish slavery, but also for some secular considerations, intwisted with Religion it selfe; as the union and concord of the People, without which it would be a very hard taske for them to preserve their severall Rights and Prerogatives entire. This also is the reason why the succeeding Emperours made so many attempts to bereave the German Protestants of this Order, being taught by experience that Episcopacy keepes them closer together, and that this union of the People is the greatest obstacle to their ambitious designs. Had there been any Bishops in the Palatinate, all the rest of the reformed parts in Germany would have strucke in for their defence, and engaged themselves in the same quarrell, France it selfe would not have suffered them to be made such an easy prey to the house of Austria. But all things seemed to conspire the ruine of that State, which to the prejudice of it's owne particular interests, the interests of Christendome, and of all those of the North (who had declared themselves both against Rome, and against all such as aim'd at an universall Monarchy) would needs set on foot new maximes, and pursue the project of a reformation, from which it had so many visible evills to feare.
I have long since exceeded the bounds of a Letter, and (contrary to my first thoughts) have well-nigh swelled it into a Volume. The feare I have to trespasse upon your patience makes me passe by a whole cloud of our first Reformers, all jointly subscribing to the same conclusion. And besides, the small remnant of time behind will not suffer me to recall into your memory what those of our Age determine upon the Question.
I have scarce heard of any able and judicious Divine with us, who values not this Ancient Order as the band and instrument of that [Page 25] peice which Christ preached. I know very well that all your narrow and popular Judgements doe leane another way, and that the number of these exceeds by much that of the more knowing sort. Nor am I ignorant, that there be some able malicious heads amongst us, which clearely see the truth, but cannot affect it; they are so transported with the love of an unlawfull and counterfeite liberty, that they never busy themselves about the prevention of that disorder which it will inevitably (sooner or later) pull upon them and all such as adhere to them.
Mounsieur du Mouli [...] is none of that number. This gallant man (whom God honoured with so many eminent gifts above all that were either the Authors or Abettours of such corruptions as had crept into the Church) is peremptory in the point (appealing to the generall suffrage of Ecclesiasticall story) that immediately after the times of the Apostles, or indeed while they were yet living, there begun in every City to be one of the Pastours set over the rest, distinguished by the Title of Bishop, and invested with a power above his fellowes, to prevent that confusion which ordinarily flowes from equality, & this institution met with a generall approbation; whence (saith He) we cannot excuse Aërius for opposing the determination of the Church in his time, when the difference stood onely in point of Discipline. A little after he concludes, that in England God made use of certaine Bishops out of the Church of Rome for accomplishing that glorious worke of the Reformation; whereupon the name and dignity Episcopall hath beene derived successively unto such his Ministers, whom he hath raised up to discover the errours and corruption of men. That in other places where God made choice of Presbyters and Doctours, the Pastours of the Church are barely stiled Ministers, the People with us being not able to digest the names of Preists and Bishops, the bad conversation of such as went under that name having rendred them so extreamely [...]dious. Which yet is but a slender ground for their extirpation, as I shall cleare anon.
Antonius de Dominis, an able m [...]n without question, and a professed adversary to the Romish Tyranny (under which in fine he perished) maintaines with great force of reason, that the Election of Ministers, to wit, of Bishops and Preists, was made by the Apostles according to the institution of Christ; that the Church hath alwaies acknowledged and professed a difference betwixt them; the diversity of [Page 26] their functions and the generall practice of antiquity having ever ranked Bishops before Presbyters.
And in the same place he takes the paints to collect and salve the severall passages of Scripture which seemingly speake the contrary, as also those in the Fathers, and Canons of Councels. Whereupon he gives us a very remarkeable observation (which I gave you a light touch of before) and 'tis this, That all such as forsooke the Communion of the Catholicke Church (as the Novatians and Donatists) would yet still retaine their Bishops, knowing very well that the Church could not possibly subsist without them, as being absolutely necessary in the Catholique Church, of which every one in particular would pretend to be a Member.
And hence is it that in Rome there have sometimes beene three at once; one of the Catholiques, who was the lawfull and true one; the other two, of those two bodies (or rather dismembred peeces of the Church) which they set up for no other reason, but because they would otherwise have beene convicted to be without the pale of the Church of Christ.
I hope Monsieur Blondell and Salmasius, when they have once purged Episcopacy from such corruptions as the spirit of lying had fastened upon it (on purpose to render it as pernicious in the use, is it was sacred in the institution) will no longer keepe aloose in th [...] opinions from us, [...]ut sadly laying to heart the evills which will inevitably oppresse the whole Church, if once it be deprived of it's ancient forme of government, they will contribute such advice to this miserable Country, as their knowledge and honesty shall suggest unto them: nor continue to stifle a knowne truth, as many at this day (strangers to neither of us) so unconscionably doe. Let the Monkes grumble (as long as they please) against that Order, to which they cannot endure their owne extravagant rules should be any way subordinate. Let the insolent and saucy Jesuite oppose their authority, and slinke out of their sight for feare they should take notice of his Corruption. But let us whose thoughts ought to be most pure, and actions most regular, submit unto those maximes to which these fifteen last Centuries have paid an universall obedience. Who knowes not that if the Power delegated to the Ministers of the Gospell should be equally shared amongst all, Confusion and Division must needs be the issue? Had not the Jewes (who were but an inconsiderable [Page 27] Body in respect of us Christians) their High Preist, answerable to our Bishop in every particular Church? who marched before the rest, enjoyed divers peculiar prerogatives above his Brethren, and had certaine distinct functions in point of Religion apperteining to him. Doth not even reason informe us, that 'tis impossible for any Congregation or Society of men to keepe long together, if there be not some one set over the rest, that (like an indissoluble chaine) is to restraine the severall members (how different and disagreeing soever among themselves) within the limits of their proper callings. What would be the issue of all our Assemblyes, had they not a president over them? by meanes whereof we still retaine an Idea of that Churches practise, which we have abandoned for it's impurities. And this indeed is the onely Antidote for all sores and distempers in the Church; no remedy so present and Soveraigne; it being impossible for the same man to differ from himselfe. We see that Families are ever at unity when they beare an orderly subjection to the Master of the House, be there never so many private jarrings of opinions among the severall members.
Examine we the matter yet a little further. Is there any thing more agreeable to reason, then that the lesse depend upon the greater, the weake and feeble upon the strong? in a word, to behold that subordination in the world, that where any prejudiciall counsel [...] or resolutions shall happen to [...]e proposed, they may be timously check'd by some intervening authority, and kept within the bounds prescribed them.
How many may we every day see attempting to passe the bounds of their abilities and professions? and of what a banefull consequence the impunity of such irregularities may prove, I leave it for any man to determine. This I'me sure made the Divine Providence speake by the mouth of Saint Paul, that 1 Cor. 14. 29. when the Prophets speake, there should be some to judge. That which followes is very observable; v 33. The spirits of the Prophets are subject unto the Prophets; whereof presently he renders the reason, For v. 34. God is not the Author of Confusion, but of Peace, as in all Churches of the Saints.
Behold, Sir, at a nearer distance the reasons for which this Order was first established, which in my judgement are of equall force for the continuance of it to all ages; seeing you have as great cause now as ever to feare those inconveniences which attend on equality. [Page 28] You have Councels to be assembled, Schismes to be composed. Heretiques to be convinced, and many ill appointed Churches to be visited.
But there is yet a more speciall and pressing motive in the case of England, to wit, the Genius of the People, who being accustomed to gaze upon a gorgeous outside, will not without much reluctancy be drawne to yeild any manner of reverence and submission to such as stand not upon the vantage-ground of honour. Witnesse their Divines and all the gowned tribe. Let their vertues be never so legible, the Great ones looke upon them but as so many silly fellowes in blacke, extracted out of the scumme of the People, who for their part thinke they doe them a great honour, if they shall vouchsafe to use them as their companions. The case being thus, what may we thinke would attend the extirpation of Episcopacy out of that Kingdome, but the utter contempt of Christianity?
From vilifying the persons, 'tis ordinary to proceed next to a slighting of the Profession, though never so sacred. And if they put such a cheape esteeme upon the Persons of those that are to direct the Conscience, and watch over the soule, with what oscitancy and indevotion will all their counsels and instructions be entertained amongst them? 'Tis indeed the dignity of the Prelates which hath hitherto supported the dignity of Religion, and if any manner of respect hath beene paid them, it was first excited by the Majesty and lustre of that superiority wherewith God hath invested them, as the most naturall meanes to keepe in an Evangelicall awe a People, whose very Genius seconded with excesse of riches and security, hath merited them the name of the most insolent People in the world.
But they tell us, that the Bishops of meere Overseers were become absolute Lords; and of Rulers had transformed themselves into Tyrants: which indeed may be true of some, but not of all. How many have there beene in England since the Reformation so farre from the least smacke of their Predecessours or any of their fellow brethrens vanity, that on the contrary in examples of modesty and and humility they have left most of the truly Reformed Pastours in Europe behind them? who knowes not that the now Bishop of Dur [...]a [...], notwithstanding the large revenues he formerly enjoyed, and the severall titles of honour particularly annexed to that Bishopricke, [Page 29] hath manifested to the world that he is cast in the same mould with those untainted soules of the Primitive Church.
All men may reade his temper, and what spirit swayed him in his greatest prosperity, inasmuch as now sharing in the common calamity, depriv'd of all his livelyhood, and brought to indigence, thrown downe from so high a pitch of greatnesse to so low an ebbe, from so much honour to so much infamy, shut up, as it were in a prison, without ease, without liberty, and almost without a freind too, aged about fourescore and five or six yeares; he beares it all out with such composednesse of spirit, such an absolute resignation of himselfe to the Divine Providence in the midst of these his trialls, that he seemes to have no part in the corruption of the Times, and those impurities wherewith they charge his Brethren: such a large portion he hath in the innocence and vertues of the Primitive Martyrs.
Did ever any man behold a more Apostolique man, then the present Bishop vsher. Primate of Ireland? I applaud not now the learning either of the one, or other. I speake onely of their piety, that characteristicall vertue of the Saints.
Could any the most active and noted adversaries of Episcopacy ever blemish the conversation of Doctor Bromhall Bishop of Derry, of Jewell, Bilson, Hall, Downham, Davenant, Sands, Abbot, Andrewes, Ʋsher, Prideaux, and a large Catalogue besides of such whose vertues are not yet come to my knowledge, no more then their names? For all those prerogatives they enjoy above other men by reason of the Character they beare, for all that superiority and those titles full of pompe and magnificence the Lawes of the Land have allowed them; did ever any know them give the least scandall to the most scrupulous conscience, or the least occasion for the meanest Subject to complaine of them? On the contrary, the whole course of their lives is a copy worthy the imitation not onely of such as had need to reforme themselves, but even of the most unblameable persons. I should but wrong their modesties in proceeding any further. And I would be loath to distast them, having no other intent then simply to describe them. However I shall confidently a vouch thus much, that they live in Episcopacy with much more integrity, then any of their Persecutours do in their professions; as being conformable to their intention who first gave life [Page 30] unto it. The Divine Authours of so sacred [...]n Ordinance knew well enough what high conceits are apt to surprize the soules of men when once they are lifted up above others: and hence was it that of so many names wherewith the Apostles invested the Rulers of the Church, they pitch't upon the name of Bishop, for such as were to fit at the Sterne. There were others that carried more state and lustre with them, as that of [...]astour, wherewith homer honours his King, of Elder, of Doctour, of President, of Cheife. But this is a name of toile and diligence, by which the first imposers of it intended to containe such as they had exalted above the ranke of others within the bounds of their c [...]lling. And agreeable hereunto, what paines have the men we named ever denied to consecrate unto the Church? Have they ever thwarted the Rules of their first Institution? And if the name they beare speakes them engaged to a perpetuall taske in managing of publicke affaires, have they not ever applied all the powers of their soules to the pursuance of the same? Yes, they have done it with a flaming and saint-like zeale, and have made the world read in their Actions their constant readinesse to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to the good of their Brethren.
But they are traduced for countenancing Popery where it was already, and scattering some new seeds thereof where it had been extirpate.
This may be true of some, but is a grosse slander upon the most of them.
If it had a simple toleration, this was done mostly out of a charitable regard towards the Reformed Churches in Popish Dominio [...]; nay further for the good of the Papists themselves whom they so tolerated. Their examples, their conversation, their affable deportment might happily one day draw them over to a Profession from which banishments and other the like rigorous courses doe commonly divert them. Religion cannot be forced upon the soule. God must either Infuse it himselfe, or perswade it by men. Had the Bishops leaned never so little to the Popish Party, and could they have been induced by any warping in opinion to favour those of that Religion when the Protestants were overborne in Ireland, they would certainly have used them with more humanity when they had them at their mercy; as an argument of that good correspondence betwixt them.
But the case was much otherwise, so as never were any in a more deplorable condition, then they. There is no manner of reproach, disgrace, losse & persecution, which hath not befallen them. Had the Bishops there beene such as the common voice proclaimes them, would they not have bee [...] spared? And if they had not been Protestants indeed, would they not have gone over to the Conquetours, and have followed the prevailing party? was there for all this, I will not say a Bishop, but even any well affected to Episcopacy, whom the threats of Fire and Sword could prevaile with to embrace Popery, and renounce the Reformed Religion?
They further tell us, that they doated too much upon titles of pride and ambition, and such honours as the superstition and Idolatry of blinder times bestowed on them. Beshrew their hearts that did so. But the Innocent have reason to complaine of hard dealing, if they must be listed with the guilty, were there indeed any such at all. You will pardon me if I shall hereupon avouch, that many even of our owne men have sometimes picked a quarrell where there needed none. I remember we once fell in discourse upon this argument, and how after some slight debate you agreed with me in the upshot, that the Overseers of the Church ought in all reason to be invested with some distinct and peculiar character to draw respect from inferiours; That this was ever the practice of the Church, and the very intention of those that established a superiority therein. Whence arose the severall appellations of Father, Paternity, Pope, Holinesse, with many such in use with antiquity. Nor is Episcopacy and the respects due unto it commended unto us with more earnestnesse, then formerly they were. As God seemes to have graven his image in a more eminent manner upon the face of such as are in authority, thereby representing his unity, (an unity not to be parallell'd with any thing in the world) in like sort hath the Church universall honoured them with such prerogatives as might best denote the obedience due to God himselfe who conferred that function upon them. Hence doth the Author of that Epistle to the Trallians, which goes under the name of Saint Ignatius, use these expresse tearmes; Reverence your Bishop as yee doe Christ, reserving also a share in the honour to the Presbyters, that so by your subjection to the Bishop and the Presbytery, y [...] may be sanctified in all things. This Presbytery, as he there interprets it himselfe, is the Colledge of Presbyters, a sacred Assembly, the Bisoaps [Page 32] Councellors, and such as we call Assessours in civill Courts, to whom he enjoynes obedience as to the Apostles of Jesus Christ. Where the distinction he makes betwixt the honour due to Bishops and that appertaining to Presbyters is worth our observation. For he saith that the former are to be reverenc'd as Christ, the other as his Apostles; which he would never have done had he not presumed that they, who were intrusted with the care of the Church, did governe it according to the rules of their Master, surrendring themselves to the obedience of his holy spirit, and these holding fast to their head, won authority to their Ministery and all their instructions by that conformity betwixt them.
I am not Ignorant that some cavill at this exhortation, and take occasion hereby to condemne that age of having first attempted upon the honour and respect due unto Christ; as if by such expressions the Bishops were put into the ballance with him; but these men consider not how all this was grounded upon Scripture; He that heareth you heareth me; They have not rejected you but mee; Obey th [...] that have the rule over you. And besides, what Ignatius enjoines in behalfe of Bishops, Polycarpus a disciple of the Apostles expressely recommendeth in behalfe of Preists and Deacons, in that excellent Epistle he wrote to the Philippians; which we have only seene in manuscript. Abstaining (saith he) from these things, be ye subject to the Preists and to the Deacons, as unto God and Christ: the like expression was used by the Primitive Doctours of the Church in exhorting the People to obey their Kings and Princes, which they borrowed from an Epistle fathered upon Barnabas, not This Epistle of Barnabas was [...] first printed at Oxford by the Lord Primate of Ireland, and since at Paris. yet published to the world. What inconvenience can there be in bestowing that upon one which hath beene given to many, and allowing as much to a Bishop, as hath beene granted an Assembly of Presbyters, seeing that (in the language of antiquity) the care of the Church which was dispersed in the whole body, is united in him, and that authority which had beene scattered amongst so many, wholly devolved upon him? Suppose this corruption in manners they talke of were such indeed, or worse; suppose farther, that the Bishops were guilty of some errours in Doctrine; may we for all this suppresse them? nothing lesse, nay we are not so much as to decline theirs or any man [...] company upon this ground alone, if we will beleeve one of our most able and judicious writers; [...] I meane, who in his Lecture [...]. [Page 33] Of the Church, hath this passage, that we ought not to deny a diseased Person the benefit of our society, if the malady be not mortall and contagious. That in the body the separation of any one part is dangerous, what errour soever hath infected it, except it be Heresie or Superstition, otherwise there can be no just cause of doing so. As for the depravation of manners he is yet more expresse, affirmeing it downeright folly for any man to conceive that a sufficient ground of seperation, and alleadging the words of Christ, they sit in Moses chairs, what therefore they bid you, that doe; and he gives the reason, wheresoever there is purity of Doctrine, God must needs have a Church, though encombred with a multitude of faults. Now if this eminent writer had occasion to speake thus, what a grosse shame is it for such as have nothing to object against their Bishops, but the bare corruption of manners, to endeavour not only a simple seperation from them, but a totall suppression of them? As for their Doctrine, that's Scot-free from censure; 'tis indeed so pure, that it agrees in every particular with that of our best reformed Divines, witnesse their severall Tracts of the Eucharist, The power of the Pope, The right of Kings, The adoration of Images, and the like; which assure us, that those which at this day advance the purity of Religion, are their deserving successors that laboured so much in the first establishing of it. Such were the Prelates God employed in this great worke, the Arch-bishops of Canterbury, & Yorke, the Bishops of London, Worcester, in Peter Martyrs time, Cran [...]er, Ridley, Lati [...]er, Hooper, men all famous in their generations, and such as knew how to weild a Bishoprick. Most of which dyed martyrs in that hot Combat they maintained against the Errours and impieties of their times. Before them (when men durst scarce mutter of a Reformation) one of the Bishops of Lincoln [...] couragiously entred the Lists with the IdolatryGros [...]head. and Superstition into which the Church was then plunged. And he performed the Combate with so much gallantry, that the common suffrage of all good men after him gave him this honorary title. The Hammer of Rome. Yet for all this they of London ma [...]e him and the rest I have named you the common the [...] of their Invectives, both in the Presse, and in the Pulpit. They spare not to call them in publique a packe of impostours, and Hypocrites, such as never trac'd the paths of Christianity but in a r [...]ling posture, their soules being drunke with the cup of abdomination, what fellowship can [Page 34] we have with such a generation as this? We, who have ever paid so much honour and esteeme to the memory of those worthy men, that we have placed them in the ranke and calendar of our Marty [...] Nay our most upright and conscientious Divines have proposed each circumstance of their lives and deaths, as the most exquisite patternes in all Europe (and perhaps in the whole world besides) of an unwearied constancy in asserting Truth and suppressing falshood.
Finally, they are accused for intermedling too much in State affaires. They will needs have it unlawfull for them to beare any share in the administration of Justice, and that such priviledges should be annexed to Episcopacy, which (say they) are incompatible with [...]y but the Secular Authority, and therefore they tooke care to d [...] vest them of the same in the beginning of this Parliament. They which harpe so much upon this string are the very same malignant Spirits of which I have formerly given you the character. Had they but any shadow of reason, is it possible they should thus fight against the custome and example of so many ages both in their owne & forraigne Countries? Who knowes not that the Constitutions of greatest consequence in any State have bin made in Councells & Assemblies of Bishops? What else meaneth that ancient Ordinance (of almost 900 yeares standing) which pronounceth all Elections of Kings void, where the Bishops and cheife of the People are denyed their [...] And whence arose the custome, in all debates of preserving inheritances & successions in families of having as much recourse to Episcopall as Regall Authority in that behalfe? We finde that King Aethelstant [...]. 928. by expresse Statute joyned the Bishops in Commission with the Justices Secular, to stop the current of Injustice, and to root out all the seedes thereof. Those employments did not divert them from the care of the Church Councels were no whit [...].
On the contrary, we finde that in this Age (or a little before) wh [...] the barbarisme of the Saxons had almost spent it self and men begu [...] to tast the sweetnesse of Christianity, that the Bishops (thereupon resuming their Authority, and following the advice of one B [...]nif [...], Arch-bishop of Mayence) ordained, that every Presbyter should yearly give an account of his Ministery to the Bishop, who likewise for his part was yearly to visit his Diocesse, & in like manner to yeild an account of his proceedings to the Metropolitan; these and many other [Page 35] Ordinances (tending all to the establishment of purity in manners) were with all rigour put in execution, notwithstanding they set a part some time for secular affaires. And this is further very remarkeable, that Bishops themselves made lawes for the government of the People; We finde it amongst others in one Odon Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who exhorteth the Prince to yeeld all manner of obedience and submission to the Bishops, which speakes the antiquity of their Power in this Kingdome: a power which I can see no cause should be denied them, if those that are invested with it be sincere Professors of true Christianity (as they ought to be who are preferred to Bishopricks) no more then their right of [...]itting in Parliaments, a right common to them with all the Bishops that ever have beene in the world, and to which those of this Kingdome have a stronger title, it being but the small remnant of that great power they had once, and which they mannaged wit [...] [...] much discretion. Nor was it ever knowne that either King or People endeavoured their extirpation heretofore, no not so much as to exercise my rigour upon their persons, for about eleven hundred yeares together, since the tyranny of the Saxon Kings forced them to quit the Realm and retire themselves to France, that they might enjoy more case and liberty of Conscience in the service of God.
If ever their Votes in Parliament were lyable to suspicion, it was doubtlesse in the reigne of Henry the 8, when they had so straight a dependance upon Rome; that Prince having in a manner shaken off the Romish yoake, and by his owne sole authority taken upon him the government of the Church of England (which Pope Nicholas had heretofore freely resigned to Edward the Confessour) had just cause to feare that in those Conventions they would betray his interests [...]or of the Holy See's sake, (as they call it) and so by consequent that he runne a great hazard of his owne Prerogative in not excluding them. Notwithstanding be never had such a thought. No more had Edward the Sixth, nor Queene Elizabeth; and certainly those Princes had more to feare for the Rights of their Crowne, (which they rescued from the Romish Subjection) then the People at this day can possibly have for their liberties and Priviledges. Their Religion then bound them to what (in all probability) was very prejudiciall to the Rights of their Kings nothing doth now oblig [...] them to the least disadvantage of the People.
Then they swore obedience to the Bishop of Rome; now they do it to none but to God himselfe. Then the discipline of the Church had well-nigh suffered a totall subversion, and England (after the example of Poland) might have conceived that the Nobility alone, without Bishops, were intrusted with the Reformation of the Church, and that there was no more need of Prelates for Counsellors of State, that is, to sit in Parliament. Notwithstanding neither did that Example nor these considerations prove prejudiciall to the Bishops: The Fundamentall law of the Realme, by which they are established, together with the necessity of maintainin [...] them, and besides that sundry the most eminent amongst them had couragiously sacrificed their lives in behalfe of Christianity, o [...] poysed all other considerations whatsoever. And the law which first seated them in Parliament, expects them there still; now especially, when God [...] leased to make use of Publicke votes for the government of the Church, they are of more importance then eve [...]. They are in England, as in our Assemblies of State, or as the Clergy in our highest Courts of Justice. Which of our Kings, (who are absolute Monarchs, without sharing their Power, either with People or Parliaments (as they do in other places) which of them I say, did ever entertaine a thought of debarring the Bishops this Priviledge. We finde indeed in a certaine old Constitution, that one of our Kings out of a zealous and pious intent, making (it seemes) a conscience of diverting them from the service of God, discharged the [...] all, except the Abbat of Saint Denys, from assisting at Parliamen [...] and hearing criminall cases; but we finde not that this Ordinan [...] was ever put in execution: but on the contrary that the weigh [...]ie [...] employments of those times were wholly devolved upon Churchmen, whose abilities and honesty won them such a generall repu [...] that the custome then was for Princes to select, among others, two Bishops for the cheife of their retinue, to be the [...] of the Court, and withall to see that justice were exactly and due [...] administred. They had likewise two Masters of Requests continually attending on them, one of which was alwayes [...] Clergy-m [...] who gave present Justice. And we finde in a certaine Constitutio [...] of one of our Philips, that of five appointed to give answer [...] such Petitions as were presented in Parliaments, two were to be Lay-men, and three Clerkes.
But what neede we go farther then England to warrant the equity of this custome? debarre the Bishops their right of sitting in Parliament, and what respect will a proud licentious People afford the Clergy? you may assure your selfe none at all. Let them use what meanes they can to make them, their Synods, or Councells, of any esteeme with them, they will conforme no further to them then they please themselves. Indeed to disvote Bishops in such Assemblies, is to bereave them of all Authority, and to open a gap for any wilde Chrochers in point of Religion to enter in that Kingdome. 'Tis in a word, to suppresse the Bishops themselves, to throw downe the Pillars of the Church, and so to render the conservation of Christian Purity impossible.
Perhaps Sir, you may thinke I speake in this more then comes to my share, being one who professe to have no portion in the corruptions of Rome, and so much to abhorre the Superstition of embracing such things as some upon divers pretences, (either out of ignorance or malice) have introduced into the world, to the great prejudice and disquiet thereof, and in derogation to the just liberty of Conscience. But if you please to reflect a little upon that prodigious clashing of opinions, which at this day divides England into so many severall sects, you will certainely conclude with me, that in case this Order be once abolished, neither innocence of manners, nor integrity of doctrine, can any longer enjoy a place in that Church. The reason [...] obvious, if it be but considered how, since the discontinuing of Episcopall Power in that Kingdome, those that owe obedience and should be accountable for their doctrines to the Bishops, do now live in such a horrible fashion (as I have allready inform'd you) that we may safely beleeve the most of them are the spawne of such as were once disgorged out of the mouth of Hell, and dispersed in the Church to stifle Christianity in her Cradle, rather then the successors of those that have beene the constant assertors of truth and opposers of falshood. Witnesse the severall impieties and heresies both ancient and moderne, where with they empoyson the soules of that People, who (in the common confusion) listen to them, blindely swallowing downe (under pretence of Reformation) all sorts of fancies and doctrines indifferently. The most absurd dreames of the old Chiliasts, the most pernicious ertours of Origen, the most infamous libertinisme of the Anabaptists, [Page 38] and the most execrable impieties of the Soci [...]ians, doe usually take up the greatest part of their Sermons, the rest being designed either for inflaming the Auditours with the coales of sedition, and setting both parties at an irreconcileable distance; or else to embase all manners to the lowest degree of corruption. Yet in this generall depravation, God hath reserv'd for himselfe some well disposed persons, and indued them with courage to enquire into their actions, and to brand the crimes of the Age.
They have stoutly express'd their dislike of what hath beene constantly delivered by many hundred Preachers in that Kingdome. I will not present you with an exact list of all they have published.
Judge with your selfe, if there be any impiety those men will make scruple of, many of whom (out of an extreame unheard of impudence) have had the boldnesse to defame in the open pulpit some of the other sex, whom they could not tempt to lewdnesse in their private Houses. I am very credibly informed that their names were presented to the Parliament, but could never heare o [...] any punishment so much as intended them▪ this in my opinion was the [...] crying sinne, then that of the Ghostly Father, who seduced a [...] in time of confession. There is in this an unparallel'd kind of scandall, and such as you will find farre to surpasse the greatest crim [...] which have ever beene charged upon any Hereticke in the World. Such disorders were not to be heard of till [...] Bishops were outed of their Jurisdiction, and ill Church discipline robbed of it's force and vertue, notwithstanding the naturall irregularity of that People.
Three yeares Anarchy and Independance in the Church have plunged that State into more confusion then all the Civill Wa [...], th [...] case, prosperity, and long enjoyed plenty, the wildnesse and debauchednesse of many of their Princes in former times could do [...]. There be some, I know, that lay all the blame upon the negligence of the Prelates, accusing them of betraying that care where with they were entrusted for the good of the People; and are therefore urgent to have th [...] made the first examples of Justice, as having [...] led the Churches with a company of scandalous deb [...]ist fellowes, instead of honest and faithfull Pastours. But were this true, the evill they complaine of would have shewed it selfe during their Authority, [Page 39] a [...]d while these monsters were in place, and not onely within these few yeares, as it hath done.
Not would this shamelesse ca [...]umny deserve any other answer, were it not expedient to let the world know, that at the very moment the peace of the Church was molested, the Devill shooke off his chaines, and hath ever since without all controule disgorged his venime in the midst of it.
So long as there was a perfect harmony of affections betwixt the People and their Pastours, and an absolute conformity to those rules which were unanimously observed for the space of a whole age and upwards; such as had any seeds of a corrupt and depraved soule, were at least over-awed, and so not daring to appeare abroad, they were made uncapable of doing any mischeife. Those who are best acquainted with the Innovations of the times, and that make any conscience of a Lye, will all conclude with me, that the disorder which at this day hath overcast all England with an everlasting shame, owed it's beginning to none but such as have usurped the place of those ancient Divines and Pastours which they drive to their Cures. They are for the most part but a schismaticall and factious Crew, which the madnesse of a brutish and seditious People hath confusedly thrust up into the pulpit: Men of a farre different temper from those, who were in a peaceable and Legall way preferred to those places before: Such at Lond. were Holdsworth, Hacket, Featley, Marsh, Shoote, Squire, all men of abilities, and such as the Puritans themselves, before ever these troubles began, followed with admiration. These worthy persons who have by their learning and conversation so much advanced the Protestant cause, when to satisfy their Conscience and discharge the duty of their callings, they endeavoured to prevent the growing evils, and to choak the Ieeds of that fatall and deadly division among all the members of this Kingdome, were shamefully debarred of their Liberty, the exercise of their profession, and to compleate their miseries, having first made them spectatours of such ignorant, malicious and turbulent Firebrands as were preferred to their Benefices, and possest of their Houses, they thrust them into Dungeons, where they still continue loaded with chaines and [...]ons, bemoa [...]ing their owne and their Countryes misery. The most of the Cambridge Doctors have well [Page 40] nigh beene in as bad condition for refusing to take up armes against their Prince.
Above all Doctor Ward, who after he had beene Professour of Divinity in that famous University for the space of thirty yeares, reputed generally for one of the most pious and knowing men [...] his time, and who had with much vehemence opposed Popery and Arminianisme, and all other Innovations of our age, hath suffered divers torments by their cruelty, who endeavoured to extort his approbation of that tyranny which they exercised upon the Soules of all those they sought to engage in their faction. In fine, he died, having beene kept in bonds as a vile Malefactour: His last words acquaint us sufficiently with the nature of his crime.—I will never (said he, giving up the Ghost) be a Rebell to my King, nor well I ever contribute to that outrage which is done to my Prince. Those be the deb [...]ist f [...]ll [...]wes the Bishops set up; these be the Monsters whom they chase out of their Pulpits, and banish the Churches. The [...] which the Parliament, or rather a franticke people, have put in the [...] roomes, are such as I have formerly describ'd you, who preach nothing but injuries, and denounce nothing but cursings; and yet, for all this, talke of agreement with us in France.
Certainly it highly concernes us to entertaine no manner of commerce or allyance with them.
I speake onely of the outward conformity; as for that within, what fellowship and unity of spirit can there be betwixt us a [...]d those that are enemies to all Order, and harbour so many impurities amongst them? These are they of which your Synods must henceforth consist, (if the Independents doe not quite suppresse them) and who must prescribe Rules to Christendome. These be they who must mould the Discipline and dispose of the Government of the Church. Judge now with what wisedome and holinesse it is like to be governed. Let them ordaine or execute what they please, the Magistrates must be no better then Lookers on, in as much as the Clergy and themselves are two distinct bodies, which must needs draw along with it such consequences as are most pernicious both to Church and State; For by this [...]nes a doore is opened not onely to sedition, tumults, a [...]d civill warres, but even to all excesse of [...] and licentiousnesse, to which that Nation is naturally devoted. There [Page 41] would be lesse cause to feare any such disorder, might the Bishops be still continued, and enjoy their Priviledge of sitting in Parliament. The People would entertaine better correspondence one with another, and Peace would sooner flourish amongst them.
The Prelates (like faithfull Pastours) preaching innocency as well by their practise as their doctrine, and as members of a Convention representing the whole State, would by their authority nourish good agreement and perfect harmony in all the inferiour Clergy. This your Boutefeus and opposers of Episcopacy perceive well enough; and therefore would have no Rulers at all, neither Bishop, nor Magistrate. In which respect they are farre worse then the Ministers of that Tyrant of the Church, who in shaking off, as much as in them lieth, all obedience to secular Princes, acknowledge a multiplicity of Heads amongst themselves, and by the severall ascents and power of superi [...]ity, which they call Hierarchy, (and which they have prudently established for prevention of discords and confusion) they arrive at last at one, to whom all indifferently are bound to submit, as to their spirituall Monarch.
They bragge withall of an intended conformity to Geneva; But let me tell them, before they can doe this, they must abjure that Independence which they are so hot in pursuit of; and in stead of being Masters and Lords Paramount in their Consistories, they must submit to their just Authority, whom God hath in every State deputed to represent his Authority, to wit, Princes, and their Vicegerents: For so it is in Geneva, where in the place they issue forth their spirituall censures, one of the cheife Senatours is alwaies appointed to passe sentence upon offenders, without the concurrence of any one besides, which denotes the subordination of the Consistory, and it's subjection to the Magistrate. I instance not in this Custome, as if I thought it worthy the imitation: no, it hath it's blemishes as well as those in other places, and is perhaps as repugnant to the ancient practice of the Church. That which I most dislike in it (as a matter of dangerous consequence) is, that instead of the usuall Discipline among the Faithfull in winning the Soule from vice by sweet alluring meanes (after the example of God, who drawes us with the cords of love) they exercise a temporall Jurisdiction, and practice the severity of Judges meerly secular; which begets two evils at once; the first, an intrenching upon the Churches function, [Page 42] in depriving her of the liberty of censuring crimes: The second is, that by the rigour of that Custome Offenders are many times driven to such desperate resolutions, that they chuse rather to flee the City, then to abide the haz [...]rd of a triall; whence commonly ariseth a third; namely, that by the intercession of Parents or Freinds, they are permitted to compound with their purses, and so that repose and security which should be found onely in the goodnesse of men (such especially as would be accounted Saints) i [...] often to be had in the corruption and venality of the Judges: the ready way to impenitency and hardnesse of heart.
Can they now after all this object against the Bishops of England, that either avarice or corruption hath prevailed with them to connive at the vicious, or that they used too much rigour and precipitation in the execution of their authority? If so be they have any designe to make Geneva their patterne, For my part I finde nothing commendable in their Discipline, but this; that our first Reformers have hereby given the world sufficient proofe of their absolute aversion from infringing the force of Lawes, or undermining the Authority of the Magistrates; And that they never dreamt of being endowed with a power (so directly opposite to all secular authority) which might any way disoblige them from obedience due to Princes.
The custome they have in their monethly Assemblies is yet more for our purpose. For besides that they never conveene without the consent of their Senatours, either express'd or implyed, (no more then our assemblyes doe in France) the severall results and acts of those meetings are altogether invalid, till the same Powers have approved and ratified them; which is yet more remarkeable, in as much as there they confine themselves to the cognition of such causes alone, as reflect either upon manners, or Religion.
The Palatinate went beyond Geneva in this particular, where in the Ecclesiasticall Assembly at Heidelberg, the Prince had alwaies his Officers, or Overseers, as I may truly call them: Nor was there ever any Synod held within the verge of his Dominions, where there was not a President deputed by Him; and besides what ever was agreed upon, nothing could be put in execution, till it had passed the examination of his Counsell, and received his owne approbation, A custome very conformable to the practice of all [...]ges since [Page 43] the infancy of the Church, whensoever any Councells at all were held, or where there was any Prince, or such as either might or would challenge any interest in them.
Would our Reformers here walke in the same Track, they would abate of that insolence, whereby they maintaine, that the power they exercise is no other then the power of Heaven, nor would they any longer call their Conventicles the Tribunall, and their Censures the Decrees of Christ. They would talke no more of a right of conv [...]ning in despight of their Magistrates, or Princes: and when they were conveened by their authority, they would attend their approbation, as necessary to the execution of what they had determined. And in case they were at first denyed it, they would no [...] straight picke a quarrell, and excommunicate them, much lesse would they dare to depose them for any opposition whatsoever. They would confine themselves simply to a power over the conscience, without encroaching upon the civill Magistrate, and under a pretence of advanceing piety towards God, and charity towards their neighbour, would no longer abuse such weake silly people, as suffer themselves to be inveigled by the persons they susteine as Ministers of the Gospell.
But we may lawfully conclude, they thinke of nothing lesse; they have a quarrell with the temporall lawes, and downe they must sooner or later, if this torrent be not maturely opposed. They will destroy all Legall Parliaments and overturne all secular authority.
This is the mischeife which all the sound Members of the present Parliament should eagerly struggle with, and not consent so slavish [...]y (as their manner hath beene) to such things as threaten the whole with inevitable ruine.
All the care they take and the paines they bestow here to reestablish, as they pretend, the freedome of their Votes, the Liberty of the Subject, and the purity of Religion, are indeed but so many attempts to involve themselves, with all the ancient rights of Church and State in the same common destruction; the Capitall Enemies thereof insensibly gathering ground, and notwithstanding all their faire pretences, making their party so strong, that when the Parliament shall have fancyed themselves at the very [...]op of their designe, (thinking now they have pluck'd up all Tyranny and superstition by the rootes,) they will finde in the issue, that they have [Page 44] intangled the State in so much confusion as all the wit of man will never be able to compose, There is no Law here, but Arbitrary. What house is secure? What person free? What wise man regarded? What honest man imitated? What vice punished? What virtue rewarded? What stranger priviledg'd? What Minister of State unviolated, contrary to the Law of Nations? All professions, degrees and qualities, are hudled up together in the common confusion. The People which used to receive Lawes, in this generall hurliburly prescribes them, ignorant, malicious, and giddy headed rabble that it is; it must be shaping a monster which the whole world cryes out of; nay, 'tis allready formed. The London [...]out being now the sole Moderatours to all the Rebellious part of the Kingdome. They have ruin'd the Nobility, despoiling them partly of their meanes, and partly of their power. Such of the Peeres as continue still amongst them, are neither of any account, no [...] Authority. You shall have three or foure seditious rascalls of the City, who are of no extraction, no merit, no name, (but what they have purchased in traduceing honest men, in murthering the innocent, and turning each place that lies within the reach of their fury into a disconsolate Wildernesse) more listened to, and draw more abettours after them, then all the House of Lords can do. So that me thinkes I heare some interpose and say, certainely this convention you tell us of, hath nothing but a counterfeit name; and is no more then the shadow and empty picture of a true Parliament: things are carryed there with so much precipitation and violence, that for any man but to talke of moderation, and to indeavour the recalling of some humanity into the mindes of men, is the ready way to be accounted a Malignant: and they that have attempted any such matter have beene used accordingly: Witnesse the many Members of Parliament, who being returned thither upon a free Election, according to the Lawes of the Land, have neverthelesse beene chased thence, some by the bare Votes of such as complyed with the popular madnesse, and others by some out-rage or injury done to their persons. And how many of these have for their honesty and integrity sate in six or seven Parliaments with a generall applause? What kinde of People now have they substituted in their places? Even such as the lawes of the Realme did ever exclude thence, [...] the knowen instruments of malice and fury.
They have not indeed quite suppressed the House of Peeres, but they have notoriously vilified it, in so much as they will no longer allow them a share in the publique consultations. No share I say, there being but two or three of the Lords left to their liberty, and that for no other reason, but because they combine with the faction. The rest are forced to swimme with the streame, and they have not spirit enough to contradict the major part in any thing, though their Conscience prompt them never so much unto it.
Things could ne'r have come to this passe, had not the Bishops beene outed, and therefore (as I informed you before) they begun at them; a peice of the most notorious violence and injustice that ever was heard of, condemned by all the honest men I know, that are acquainted with the Principles of Christianity, and the Lawes of a well-grounded Policy, agreeable to both which they were first seated in Parliament, and ought to have beene continued there, as the only Pillars to support Order and Uniformity, and consequently to hinder the State from falling to peices, especially to prevent the downefall of Monarchy, all other formes of government being hereso utterly repugnant to it. But I ground not only upon those advantages which Monarchy enjoyes in their conservation to worke your dislike of those that outed them, nor upon the sole interests of the whole Church, which was so much concerned to keepe them in their places. I stand altogether for their personall rights, which are as ancient as those of the State, the Bishops having as strong a title to a place in Parliament, as either the Lords, or Commons. For if with the rest of the Clergy they make a part of the State (as undenyably they do) who can question their share in the rights of the State? So that to exclude them is to set up one distinct State in the midst of another, which is all one as to dismember and divide the same State from it selfe, and by consequent to engage it to its owne inevitable destruction. Besides, as the Nobility and the Clergy (though both concurring) cannot without violation of the Publique Right exclude the Commons from publike conventions where Lawes are to be made for all, so neither can the Nobility and Commons (though both agreeing) debarre the Clergy, no more then the Clergy and the Commons can exclude the Nobility.
The case being thus, who sees not, that in the expulsion of Bishops [Page 46] all the rights of the State are infringed, & that this is the act of an unruly multitude: which (being empoysoned with a spirit of Libertinisme) did at the first extort the approbation of those Lords that stayed amongst them, and then rewarded their Cowardice with the losse of their Power, and reducing them unto such a low contemptible condition, that they could scarce be more vilified were they quite expelled the House.
Weigh a little (I beseech you) with what pretences they ma [...]ke this outrage. They will needes perswade us, that Holy orders are inconsistent with secular employments, and that it is a thing below the Ministers of the Gospell to intermeddle in civill Affaires. To which purpose they quote us severall passages of Scripture, and urge with all the example of a certaine Church man, whom Cyprian would not allow any commemoration, because he had taken upon him to be Guardian to a ward. But this rigour which they presse so hotly upon the Clergy is neither consequent, nor character of true Sanctity. 'Tis indeed the issue of an Anabaptisticall braine. Henderson and Marshall (two of their most able and expert Divines) proclaime to the world by their secular employments in England and Scotland, that they make but a mocke of these Arguments, and that they beleeve those of their profession may without wounding their conscience, or transgressing the rules of Christianity embrace all opportunities to promote the good of the Church, though it be in the conduct of temporall affaires. They have their generall Commissions, as if they had never entered upon holy Orders, by which they are enabled to heare and determine any matter of State, even to the advanceing of a warre.
But granting these men the inconsistence they dreame of, would not you concurre with me in this, that though the Bishops Votes in Parliament be not simply necessary as a part of the civill government, yet they ought to be granted them as the undenyable consequent of that universall priviledge which all free-borne Subjects enjoy, which is, not to be bound by any Law they never assented to, either in their owne persons, or by their proxies.
Besides it was ever till now thought but reason and equity, that to such conventions where both spirituall and temporall affaires are to be joyntly agitated, there should be summoned not onely your secular Sca [...]-men to judge of the utility, or (as they phrase it here) [Page 47] the convenience of Lawes, nor such onely as are skilfull in that profession to give verdict of their legality, but withall some wise and honest Divines, to judge for matter of piety in enacting them. The truth is, these cavillers bewray both in their speeches and in all their proceedings an absolute incapacity of any sound judgement, blindly hurried on to an alteration of government, out of a fond conceite, that their designe will succeed so fortunately as to leade the dance for all the people in Europe to follow, to which they sollici [...] them in their Covenant. But they have more wit, I trow, then to be their Apes. They have better rules to follow of their owne; especially we Protestants of France, When they of London were told, that the rigorous courses they [...]ooke against the Papists here, would sooner or later be practiced upon the Protestants in France: their answer was, Let others looke to themselves and let us alone for looking to our selves. with whose inter [...]s those Gentlemen were very little affected, when they used the Papists with so much inhumanity, so as it seems they would not acknowledge us for their brethren, or that their charity was very cold towards us.
We have learned both from Christ and his Apostles, the Doctors of the Church, and all our first Reformers, that such as be Incendiaries either of the Church or State have no portion amongst the faithfull, nor the Saints of God; and for this very reason I cannot be perswaded they have any favourers or Abettours amongst us, or that any to whom God hath given the least graine of understanding or honesty, will not condemne their designe, and all their proceedings, and having once advised them to quit such courses, will not utterly detest them if they persevere.
You will say now, that though they have put downe Episcopacy, and undermined the power of the Nobility, yet they are not any way disaffected to Royalty. Can any man beleive this after so many thousand seditious Propositions, which they daily publish both in Presse and Pulpit? peruse them, I beseech you, for my sake, though I know you cannot doe it without horrour, and ever and anon turning your eyes from them; so full of venime are they against all the Princes in the world; so contrary to the doctrine and practice of Christians, and so injuriuos to the name and profession of all true and sincere Protestants, such are these▪ Though the King be greater then any one of his Subjects in particular, yet he is farre lesse then the body collective of all his Subjects: The King is for the people, and not the people for the King; and by consequent, the people are of more worth and value then he, in as much as the meanes are alwaies subordinate to that end to which they are directed, and from whence [Page 48] they derive their worth: The power and authority of any usu [...] ing Tyrant is as much from God, as that of lawfull Kings: The Power of Princes (those especially which by inheritance are such) flowes from the people, and consequently is more deeply rooted and eminently seated in them, then it is in the Person of the Prince; because, Quod efficit tale est magis tale. (I am forced to make use of their owne barbarous tearmes, that I may the better expresse the barbarousnesse of their conceptions.) As Kings receive their power from the people, so they may be divested of it by them, either in the body collective of all, or in the body representative in Parliament, or by the major part of either. In case the King shall falsifie the Oath he takes at his Coronation, the people are thereupon discharged, a [...]d freed from their alleagiance to him; Positions so much the more absurd, because the Lawes of that Land have provided to the contrary, and that all the world have acknowledged it as a maxime, that the King of England never dyes; that without all distinction of time, as well before as after his Coronation, he receives all such homages and services, as are due to the Crowne; that he is not King upon condition, as if by violation thereof, he should fall from his Right to the Kingdome, but upon bare promises, the non performance of which is enough to denominate him unjust, but not to depose him. They proceed, No sonne may with more equity binde the hand of his distracted father, no marriner more justly remove a Pilot from the Sterne, who would wracke the ship (either out of ignorance, or malice) then Subjects may by force of armes dethrone their Prince, if he shall once apparently hearken to any counsels pernicious to the State, and that the Common [...]wealth either by his weakenesse, or negligence, be in danger of ruine. Saint Paul doth not command, but barely exhort a [...]ery soule to be subject to the higher powers. This was but a prudentiall counsell of one that was to rule a People at such a time as they had neither strength nor meanes to doe otherwise, and that to thinke the contrary were to put such a yoake upon the conscience, as he never dreamed of; By the higher powers Saint Paul speakes of, we are not to understand the Person of a King, but his charge and office, as it is represented in his Courts, and in the Parliament; insomuch that the Subjects of England, according to this doctrine, may beare armes against CHARLES STEVVART, residing at Oxford, and yet still observe that alleagiance which is due to the King in his Parliament at [Page 49] Lond. Which is as much of a true body to make an idle phantasme, of a King a Chimera, as some have done of Christ himselfe, transubstantiating him from a true man to an imaginary, senselesse, and absurd I know not what. The Authors of these pernicious opinions might learne a little more wisedome, were they but capable of weighing (as they ought) the rules of that State; which informe us that every treason respects either mediately or immediately the person of the King. There can none of them be ignorant, how that before these fatall distractions, all the Judges were of opinion, and have so determined the case, that the Subjects of England are clearely and absolutely bound to obey their Prince even in his naturall capacity, that is, the person of CHARLES STEVVART, and not onely in his politique capacity, as he is I know not what imaginary and Platonicke King. Besides they need not be informed how this very doctrine which the Parliamenteers at this day publish to the world, and upon which they ground all their severall acts of violence, is both in the Magna Charta, and those acts concerning the banisHment of Hugh Spencer, condemned in full Parliament, and rejected as a principle of Treason, fraud, and Rebellion. They proceed yet further, and tell us. That the Parliament may in case of necessity ordaine lawes for peace and warre in spight of the Prince, which shall equally oblige every member of the State; And in case the King refuse to confirme them, the same Parliament is to be the sole arbitratour and judge of that necessity; and of the time how long it ought or can continue; That the King is bound to ratifie all presented to him by the Parliament, notwithstanding all the objections which either his Counsell or his owne reason and Conscience shall suggest unto Him. That the Civill Government ought alwaies to give place to the Ecclesiasticall. Were it so, that the government of the Church here were partly Democraticall, as the Brownists would have it, or partly Aristocraticall, and partly Democraticall, as it is amongst the Presbyterians, it is easy to inferre, what would become of the Civill Magistrate.
These are the holy maximes and pious Doctrines of those that pretend to purity of life, and talke of restoring the Lawes and Ordinances framed by our first Reformers to that vigour and Authority, which the Tyrants of the Conscience, and enemies of all secular power have wrested from them. I am sure neither Christ, nor Moses, [Page 50] nor Paul, nor Peter, taught them any such lesson, but Maria [...], Bellarmine, Bourchier, Brutus, Buchanan, and the rest of those Hellish finebrands employed by the Devill to disturbe that Order, which the Eternall providence of Heaven had set up in the World.
Let me hereunto adde that notable demonstration of their Affection towards their Queene. They have expressely prohibited all prayers both publique and private for Her Conversion. A horrible thing that they should plot the destruction of Her soule, and endeavour to extend the fruits of their Rebellion against Her in another world. Will you not say it had beene enough to persecute Her in thi [...] but I have not yet told you all. They have also basely and insolently stained Her Reputation, and, in a way which all honest men will account no better then parricide, attempted to murther a Princesse, a Daughter of France, to whom the winds and the sea had shewed more pitty but an houre before.
And yet forsooth they must needs have all the Reformed Churches to make them their Precedent: inviting us, whom they ranke among such as groane under the yoake of Anti Christian Tyranny, to The expresse words of the Covenant. joine with them in the same or like Association and Covenant, and to use our utmost endeavours for the recovery of Peace and quiet in every part of Christendome. What is this but to sollicite us to shake off the yoake of Soveraignty? to deny all subjection to our Princes, and at once to destroy both their Authority and their Persons? For all which they pretend the Advancement of the Kingdome of Christ.
'Tis indeed mightily advanced since these men, who call themselves his Disciples, have subverted all secular Authority amongst them, scattering abroad such positions as ought to render them odious to us, in as much as they convince them before all the Powers of God's establisHing to be sowers of sedition, Libertinisme, and Rebellion.
But granting them that all this combustion they make in the world is to advance the Kingdome of Christ; Have they any warrant from the example of the Primitive Christians to pursue that [...]nd by such meanes? no, it was never in their thoughts to arme themselves so much as against those Pagan Monsters, whose calmest d [...] meanour towards them farre surpassed in rigour and cruelty all the [Page 51] outrage and persecution which we can be imagined to have s [...]ffered from any of our Princes, for above five hundred yeares together. Saint Peter was reprov'd for presuming to defend his Master with the sword. This example l'me sure is authentique; nor is that of the Christians under the Emperour Julia [...] much inferiour to it. Their number was great, and their power formidable, but their Religion restrained them from employing it against their Prince, though in their owne defence. Please you to call to minde the Theban Legion.
Doubtlesse they had all heard and weighed that injunction of our Saviour; But I say unto you, that ye resist not evill. They had learned also, that the Powers are ordained of God, and that whosoever resisteth the Power resisteth the ordinance of God. Not as if that prohibition to resist Princes implyed a Command of obeying them against Conscience. All that can be deduced thence is this, That in case they shall persecute their Subjects out of any considerations whatsoever, whether sacred or civill, it were better to endure a thousand deaths then to lift up a hand against them.
The crime of these men will appeare farre more horrid, if notice be taken, that the King against whom the combination is made, did never attempt the least innovation either in Religion, or Liberty. I speake onely of England.
As for Scotland, I am not ignorant what hath passed there, of which I intend to give you a particular relation.
They cannot produce any innovation here, Indeed the It is to be presumed, that the Author, being a stranger, was too faire transported with the vulgar outcryes against this worthy Prelate: whose many pious actions, & the sincerity of whose intentions had he truly known, he would readily have given another character of him. And when he shall understand and consider his constant perseverance to Death in the same resolutions of zeale for the true Protestant Religion, and exemplary loyalty to his King, (for which he became a willing sacrifice) no doubt but he [...]ill be as ready to retract this rash censure, as we to admonish. Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was shrewdly suspected to have beene contriving some. That weake, ill-temperd, and fondly ambitious soule, would perhaps have presumed to be tampering, had he continued longer in place, which is therefore now the principall charge against him.
But as for the King, what signall demonstrations hath he not ever given the world of an extreame a version from Popery? How many Protestations hath he made of sticking close to the Protestant Religion? How carefull is he to performe all those duties to which the Faith he professeth obligeth him? He hath filled the Churches and Sees with men whose piety, knowledge, and conversation, are patternes worthy the imitation of the most Orthodox Christians. [Page 52] His house hath ever abounded with men of Learning and Honesty. Besides, what would it advantage him to reestablish Popery? Is he weary of being a free Monarch? Would he do homage againe to Rome, and acknowledge a Soveraignty above his owne? The Interests of his Crowne as well as those of his Conscience would not suffer him to entertaine such a thought. But this is not all, he would have cause to feare a farre greater mischeife from Scotland, which all the advantages he could hope for from all the Papists in the world would never be able to counterpoise. He must further shake off them of the Palatinate, and in doing that, forfeit all his reputation in Germany; He must breake with Denmarke; Nay he must not entertaine any commerce, either with his nearest allyes, or his dearest freinds.
The marrying of his Daughter to the Prince of Orange's Sonne, is a pregnant evidence of his affection to the Protestant Religion. But to make good their Calumny, they accuse him of favouring Papists; and yet who knowes not, that the exchequer was never fuller with their composition-money, then now? In the Reignes of King Edward, Queene Elizabeth, and King James, they were not used with halfe the rigour. When this King shewed them most favour it came short of what they have done. But I pray, by what principle of Christianity are we bound to destroy such as are of a different Religion? There is no forceing of any man's beleife, none that can subdue the Liberty of the soule, God onely excepted. Our French Kings are well instructed in this point, they might with a like equity destroy or banish us, as here they do Papists, did they not know that the conscience neither can nor ought to be forced. Most true it is, that the Protestants in France, never attempted any thing upon the persons of their Princes, what violence soever hath beene practic'd upon them by such as abused their Authority; on the contrary for all their sufferings they have made it legible to the world, that they would rather part with all the bloud in their veines in their defence, then hazard the least drop to be revenged of them, even then when some strange counsells had prevailed with them to signe their destruction. A very pressing consideration wherewith to refute all pretended interests of Religion, and to procure them a toleration, notwithstanding the differences of opinions. The Papists case in England is much unlike theirs, in as much as they are ever and a non [Page 53] plotting the destruction of their Prince; a crime I am so farre from excusing, that I detest it as one of the most execrable which the veriest [...]ake-hell in the world can be guilty of. But withall let me adde, that it had never beene so much in use, had those, who could not conforme to the Reformation, beene dealt with more favourarably. The Law here is unjust onely in condemning their persons to death, as such, but just in proceeding against their treasonable machinations. Let it in God's name have its full course upon them as they are Traitours, but not barely as mis-beleevers. God gave to his Apostles no Commission to propagate the Gospell of his sonne by force of Armes; much lesse to our States and Kingdomes now: would but Christians lay this seriously to heart, they would never make use of any but the Armes of the spirit against those that are reprobate to the truth; and so there would be some difference made betwixt Papists that are onely offenders against God, and such as are so both against God and the Princes which he hath set over them. How many of them beare as much respect to their Soveraignes as we can possibly do to ours, and are as zealous for the good of Kingdomes and the Peace of People? Others indeed there be that have sucked the same venime with these new emissaries of Hell, who take this for a Maxime: That Kings are no longer Kings, but reall Tyrants, when they cease to be Catholiques; and that it is a meritorious Act to embrew their bands in their bloud, and to free the People from their dominion over them. Let the Law be executed against such without mercy, not let any Princes or States give the least toleration to such abhominable Incendiaries. But as for the rest, let the unblameable conversation and integrity of those that are in authority over them, preach a Reformation to them, untill their houre be come, and grace from Heaven be shed amongst them. If the Religion they professe be not of it selfe destructive, and that in all other considerations they submit to the Lawes and maintaine the Interests of the State in which they live, all the power which can be challenged over them, is but to restraine them within the publique rules: it being an act of the greatest injustice, to deprive them either of their lives or estates, for no other reason but because they are incapable of the knowledge and piety of another person. This was one of the wormes that gnawed upon the conscience of Philip the second, that he had attempted by force of Armes to propagate Christianity [Page 54] in the new world, where the Devill was their only deity. And how heavy should this example lye upon the Consciences of all such Princes and Magistrates as exercise the same cruelties upon their Subjects, or on those that differ not in the foundation from them, worshipping the same Christ, acknowleding him to be what he is, and all expecting salvation by him?
But if such pressing motives cannot worke upon England, let them at least consider what must necessarily befall to many thousand honest Protestants that live under the dominion of Popish Princes, who certainely will revenge upon them all the outrage done the Papists under Protestant Princes. And the number of the former is farre greater, then the number of these; so that for one Preist who out of a fond distemper'd zeale shall be put to death here, there will be in other places f [...]ty Protestant Ministers in danger to perish. Besides this, France at the first led the way in abstaining from all cruelty towards those of the Reformation there; but was afterwards implacably mad against them neare upon the time that those rigorous Lawes were enacted against Recusants in this Kingdome. And if in France such courses were thought fit to be utterly abandoned, why should they be continued in England?
If none of these considerations will move them, let them forbeare at least out of charity to us. And to this purpose they may recall into their memories what Justin and Theoderick did in the case of the Catholiques and the Arians. The former vehemently persecuted the Arians in all quarters of his Dominions, and the latter did as much to the Catholiques in the West, where he commanded. But both at last were content to supersede from bloudshed, and by the advise of their Doctours, in the yeare 525 (If I mistake not) allowed them case and liberty of Conscience, whom they could not master by torments and violence. John Bishop of Rome was one that interposed in the businesse, and the first who perswaded the Orthodox Prince to more mildnesse, and to quit all thoughts of rigour and courses of cruelty. The Christians of those times judged aright, that violence did not suit with the Gospell, and that steele was no fit instrument to make impression upon obdurate hearts. And though their Princes would somtimes arme them against Pagans or Soctaries, it was meerely for the interests and safety of their Crownes; as in particular, that Justine, I named you, when he saw the Empire ready to [Page 55] fall in peices, and that the most warlike nations (who had subdued the rest) were fallen off to such Princes, as indeed bore the name of Christians, but were by reason of their Hereticall opinions divided from them, had great reason to be afraid that many of his owne Subjects agreeing with them in the same Principles, would follow their example. It concerned him not to destroy them, and to harbour them neare himselfe was to nourish so many vipers in his owne bosome. Yet in as much as he was the occasion that many Orthodox Christians lost their lives, and because he had no jurisdiction over the Consciences of those that were not such, he relinquished all former courses of violence and persecution. 'Twere well, if this example could worke the Kings of England and all other Princes in the world to the like moderation. Do not even the Turk and the Persian tolerate us in their Dominions? Shall humanity be found in Barbarians, and not in Christian and civilized Princes? What? doth the Reformation oblige us to be cruell? I cannot thinke it, no more then that any Protestant in France (who hath not renounc'd his reason) will not subscribe with me to the same opinion.
I speake not this to disswade from the use of such meanes [...] necessary for abolishing of Superstition, and reestablisHing the purity of Christian Religion. There be other courses enough besides violence to reduce stragglers into the way. And if there were not, should they finde a toleration, might they not be prevented from seducing others? If there be any just cause to feare the consequents of the Maximes and Doctrines they maintaine, it concernes the Magistrate prudently to provide a remedy, and to stop them from proceeding further; but above all to take care that their Priests [...]atter not any rebellious Doctrine, a thing very familiar with such as have had their breeding at Rome, in Spaine, or in any Schooles of the Jesuites. Had they their education at home, they would breath nothing but affection to the place of their nativity; and the liberty which would be indulged them among their Parents and kindred (without the least jealousie of suffering for any differences in opinions) would nourish respect in them towards their King and all other their Superiours; whereas rigour doth but harden them the more, and imbolden them to redeeme themselves at any rate from that irkesome necessity (which is commonly imposed on them) to beleeve [Page 56] otherwise then they will, and perhaps too then they can.
Let me but adde a word of the Liberties they talke of, and for which they make so much noyse in the world. I am not altogether ignorant what they be, as having seene a great part of the Lawes and Customes of that Kingdome. Certainely those gentlemen may with much credit charge their King with the violation of them, who have themselves so insolently trampled upon whatsoever hath the face either of Publique or private right. I shall attend an opportunity to give you a distinct information of their basenesse in this particular. For the present I shall onely assure you thus much in generall; that their complaints are most groundlesse, as flowing from the same spirit by whose instigation they have slandered the religion and piety of their Prince. Did he ever during that peaceable part of his reigne over them, endeavour to stretch his prerog [...] tive, or to protect any of his Creatures, that encroached, I will not say upon the Lawes of the Realme, but even upon the propriety of the meanest Subject? Was there ever in any Kings Reigne knowne fewer escheats, except those from Recusants? or fewer proscriptions and banishments? fewer executions? lesse disorder and violence? lesse repining? fewer impositions? in a word, fewer Innovations? And therefore it concerned them to fancy (as they have done) a thousand illegall and tyrannicall actions in that Prince, that so they might more easily delude the People; and in the issue engage them (as in their owne defence) to a resolution of making head against him, either wholly to devest him of all rule, or to reigne a while in his stead, or at least to have a constant share with him in the government. That blinde unruly Beast is never more servilely tame, then when abused with lyes, ever repining and ready to mutine at any extraordinary imposition, though never so reasonable and advantagious: You may lead it whither you please with a specious pretence; so willing at this time to sacrifice it selfe to the ambition of some factious spirits, intoxicated by their oaths and protestations, that they aime at nothing but the good of the People. In like manner have the Pesantry of France sometimes inconsiderately engaged themselves in the service of a King of Navarr [...], a Duke of Normandy, and another of Burgogne, who having in effect no other designe then to advance their owne greatnesse, would [Page 57] notwithstanding have nothing more in their mouthes then the publique liberty, of which (to speake truth) they were the most pernicious if not the onely enemies. Just so it is here now. They that have undertaken the protection of Priviledge, possessing their abettours and Disciples with the hopes of securing their liberties, thinke of nothing lesse then the interests of others; and that very thing which they pretend to appeare in the feild for, hath beene more violated and infringed by them, then ever it was by all the Kings of England.
And yet they have so varnisht over their actions, that by this trick they have got the estates, the lives, the hearts, nay and the consciences to boot of the People here, wholly into their owne disposall. It may be those unfortunate Wretches will be one day sensible of the Imposture, and perceive at last how they have approved and engaged themselves to what will be their destruction, if they repent not. For those that flatter them with the hopes of liberty, will either get the upper hand, and so [...] them their vassals, or else plunge them into a condition farre more intolerable then the most irksome slavery: were it not for that Anabaptisticall venime, which hath intermixed it selfe with the naturall propension of this people to Libertinisme, there might be some hopes of remedy. But there have been the like disorders here to fore in this Kingdom. And a man would thinke that the soules of the Earle of Leicester, and the Duke of Gloucester, had by a kind of transmigration possessed the ring-leaders of this present Rebellion. But the former were so much the more excusable, in that they made not Religion the screene to their Ambition, which sooner put on end to those troubles.
That you may the better remember the cheife circumstances of that History, give me leave to acquaint you how in the reigne of King Henry the third there was a Parliament held at Oxford, which Posterity justly branded with an infamous name, calling it. The mad Parliament. (except me but the generall superstition of those times, and it will mervailously resemble that at Westminster) At which time the Lords and Commons fore'd that King to consent to the nominating of certaine persons amongst them, whom they stiled Commissioners and G [...]rdi [...]s of the Peace. Whereupon under pretence of that extraordinary power, and by vertue not onely of an Ordinance of the two Houses, but of a compleate Act of Parliament, they rose up in Armes against their Prince, and molested him with a long and bloudy Warre, like this.
After the various successe of which insolent attempt, and the severall innovations which distracted the Kingdome, the review of the whole businesse was committed to a free Parliament, in which the Authors and Promoters of that warre were condemned of High Treason, and all the Rebels Estates by a solemne Act confiscate. But the extent of the crime abated of the punishment, lest otherwise the greatest part of England should have beene made a desolation. And certainly were there any hopes of a free Parliament now, the trai [...] ous attempt of those who make up that shadow of a Parliament, would be proceeded against with all rigour, and the example of that at Oxford be renewed, seeing they have dared to renew the cri [...]. And were the punishment proportion'd to the offence, these men should be used with more severity then the other, they have so [...] out-done them. For their attempt was onely against their owne Prince, but the designe of these against all the Princes in the World. They were contented to be Rebe [...] themselves, but these must have all the Protestants in Christendome to be so likewise. They medl [...] not with Religion, nor thought to disquiet the Church; these h [...] violated Religion, and torne the Church in peeces. They offered [...] violence to any of the three States in Parliament, suppressing onely the votes of some particular persons which crossed their designe. These have outed the whole Body of the Clergy, chased away divers of the Peeres, despoiled others of their Estates and Authority, sparing none but such as will be then Fellow-traitours. In breife, the former indeed advanc'd their Rebellion under a pretence o [...] maintaining the publique Liberties, but they expos'd not all the Kings that were to succeed to the madnesse and cruelty of the People, as these men doe.
I know you have often seene divers of their Positions, but I have reserv'd one to this [...], which is worse then all the rest. They maintaine. That Subjects may in [...]suanc [...] of their Liberty take [...] Armes and employ all their strength against any that shall endeavour is reduce them to slavery. That there is no yoake of which they may not lawfully rid themselves, whosoever imposed it, whether some Conquerour, or their owne naturall Prince. That nature it selfe dictates unto the whole world the recovery of it's lost liberty, notwithstanding any former contracts, or any lawes to which they have sworue obedience, or even the expresse approbation of some preceding ages. That whosoever shall have [Page 59] power enough and not employ it to that end, men should be so farre from startling at their back rardnesse, that on the contrary they are to hold them for no other then Rebels against that nature, which commands them to dispense in this case with all former obligations whatsoever.
Sir, were not this ground enough for all the Magistrates in the Universe to arme against such Pests as these? You will now rest fully satisfied, that 'tis not Religion they fight for, and that by the conservation of those Priviledges they talke of, they intend nothing but the ruine and destruction of such as are in Authority over them. What else can we expect from such maximes? They who complaine so much of abusing Monarchy have infringed all the rights of it themselves. There was a Parliament in Scotland held in despight of the King, and the Acts of it are daily put in execution, contrary to his expresse commands, which is utterly to abolish all Regall Power, and to annihilate the Fundamentall Lawes of the State. This Parliament in England was indeed conveencd by his Authority, but they bound his hands from dissolving it when he ought and would have done. No sooner were the Members met, but he was chased from London, and they upon this possesse themselves of the Houses, Forts, Castles, Ports, Navy and Ammunition of their Prince. They put the Earle of Strafford to Death upon pretences of their owne devising, that so they might have some colour for the designe against the person of their Soveraigne. They have forced his consent to an Act, which infringeth all the prerogatives of the Crowne. They will needs have the disposall and ordering of his family, murther his friends and trusty Ministers, and so hinder all from being such. They will clip his Revenues as they please, not suffer him to dispose of vacant offices. They will not allow him any power in Church-affaires; bereave him of his Bishops, that so they may render him uncapable of discerning all factious contrivances under colour of Religion; and consequently of all meanes to prevent the execution of them. At this very present they are consulting how to deprive him of his Wardships, which you know is one of the fairest Flowers of the Crowne of England, and the most proper character of Soveraignty.
I have almost spent my selfe in limning you the designes and practices of these men; but I hope you will not be weary in perusing and weighing them. I have besides many things of great consequence [Page 60] to tell you, which I reserve for some better opportunity, when I may have more leisure and liberty then is allowed me at this present.
In the interim let me earnestly request you to make what use you can of the truth of this Relation in behalfe of Reason and Justice.
In God's name employ your utmost endeavours to blast those false pretences of Zeale and Religion, that none of ours be carried away with them. I beleive it was to that end you desired this Letter from me, which I have dispatched towards you in persuance of your commands, and withall to satisfy my Conscience.
I will say nothing what is like to be the successe of our Ambassadour here. You may easily guesse by this Relation. The H [...]ll [...] [...]rs have as weake hopes, as we: and I'me confident both of the [...] desire to testify unto the world their love and inclination to Peace although some accuse them of an aversonesse from it, and that all their designes tend to the nourishing of this Warre. But certainly they desire to see and end of it, were it but for this reason, that the King of England might engage himselfe in the interests of Germany, and employ his strength there in behalfe of all the oppressed Princes, those especially which are more neare unto him. I will discourse with you more at large upon this, when I shall have the opportunity to give you an account of those other passages mentioned in your Letter.
In this and all things else you shall reade the constant desire I have to assure you, that I am unfeinedly.