THE Turkish Empire is vulgarly called, the Empire of the Otto­mans, fromOr Otho­man the first Emperour of the Turks. Ottoman the first Princ [...] of the Family now reigning, most of whose Successors did severally en­large their Dominions, and [Page 2] by their Conquests added thereto, some of them entire Kingdoms, and the rest, great and rich Provinces. Whereby they have made themselves Sovereign Lords of part of Europe, of Asia, and many great portions of Africa.

The Grand Seignior's Empire borders upon the Republick of Venice towards Sclavonia, and that of Raguza, situate upon the shoar of the Adriatick Sea. This latter Republick is their Tributary, and can preserve it self no longer than it shall please the Grand Seignior; for besides that the City is not strong of it self, its situation is very disadvantageous, being built at the foot of a great Mountain, from whose top they may by rolling down of huge stones overwhelm them, and soon become their absolute Lords and Masters. Within a quarter of a league of Raguza, there is a Port, or Harbor, named Santa Cruz, of a wonderfull capacity, wherein a numerous fleet may winter with much safety.

If the prudence and policy of this Prince were as great as his power and strength, he might long sin [...]e have over­come this Republick, and have made use of the said Harbor for forty or fifty of his Gal­lies to lie always in a readiness there, by [Page 3] which means scarce a Ship could go out or into the Adriatick Sea without being taken.

The whole Coast of Puglia might very easily be ruined by the descents they might make, the distance from Raguza to Puglia being so little, that one may easily see from one shoar to the other.

Also the Republick of Venice, though great by Sea, and who get most of their riches by Trade and Navigation, must soon have declined, and could not but under the favour and protection of a pow­erfull Fleet have sent any forces to de­fend several of their Islands and places of importance; as Corfu, Zant and Cepha­lonia.

They are Neighbours to Zara, a City lying in Dalmatia: Zara is on the Adri­atick Sea-coast very far up within the Gulf towards Sclavonia, near to Friuli and a Fort called Palma, which the Venetians erected several years since, to hinder their frequent incursions.

They are likewise Neighbours to the Arch-Duke of Grats, a Prince of the House of Austria, and to the Kingdom of Bohe­mia. They are Sovereigns of the greatest part of the Upper and Lower Hungary, [...]nd of many Cities not far from Vien­na, [Page 4] gained by force of Arms.

The Princes of Valachia, Bogdania and Transilvania are their Tributaries, whom they change whenever they please: Bog­dania joyns to Poland on one part.

If we take our survey along the coast of the Black Sea on the European side nigh Caffa, they confine upon the Prince of Tartary. This Nation they make use of as the French Kings do of the Swiss.

On the other side of the Black Sea which washes Asia, they border upon the Coun­try of the Prince of Maingrelia, and are also Neighbours to the Prince of Georgia, both the one and the other are their Tri­butaries. Georgia lies near the Kingdom of Persia, with whom he confines; as likewise does the Grand Seignior in many places.

The Turk and Persian are frequently in debate, and at war, as well by reason of their Vicinity which creates frequent occasions of quarrel, as out of the emula­tion and jealousie each Prince hath of his own grandeur; besides the contrariety in Religion, the Turks calling the Persians Hereticks, and the Persians esteeming them so too, and yet both of them hold Mahomet for a Prophet and the Messenger of God, not differing in their Belief, but [Page 5] in Ceremonies, and the washings they are to observe when they prepare them­selves for their Devotions.

In Egypt along the Nile the Turk con­fines with Prester-John, and is Lord also of Arabia Felix, of Meccha and Medina, places of their greatest Devotions; Ma­homet being born at Meccha, and buried at Medina; these Cities are near the Red Sea: he likewise possesses a great deal on the Mediterranean Sea.

Along the coast of Africa, he hath the Kingdoms of Tripoly, Barbary, Tunis and Algier, and joyns upon the countries of Fez and Marocco, who pay him homage and subsist in their dominions only be­cause they are of the same belief with him. I shall not speak here of the great number of Vice-Roys which are under his com­mand, nor of the innumerable Provinces he holds, my design being only to repre­sent in few words the grandeur of this Empire, and the ways to overthrow it.

If we survey what he holds in Europe, and also compute from Raguza or Bel­grade, a City upon the Danube, to Arabia Felix, hardly can a horseman travelling ten or twelve leagues a day, ride from one end to the other in three months time, and in all that vast extent of Land, [Page 6] there is no other Prince that hath any territory or command, he being the abso­lute Lord of all.

The Ottoman Princes are wont so soon as they make themselves Masters of any Kingdom or Province to observe one me­thod, which is to seize on all the Demesns of the Vanquish'd Prince, all that belongs to the Church, or to those that die in battel, or those who by flight make a shift to escape the storm.

As for those People who are content to remain in subjection to their Laws and Customs they leave to all such the posses­sion of their Estates, and the exercise of their Religion, establishing according to the extent and riches or strength of the Countrey so conquered, either Vice-Roys, or Governors of such Provinces, together with Judges to administer Justice. These Estates thus taken are shared amongst a certain number of Souldiers sufficient to guard and preserve their Conquests; they likewise bestow fomewhat upon their Ecclesiasticks, but no more than is neces­sary for their feeding and cloathing.

We must observe that the Grand Seig­nior hath three sorts of Treasu­ries;First. The first is managed by the Treasurers of his Port, who [Page 7] are three in number, to whom all others within the Dominions of his Empire ought to give an account of their administrati­on; the expences of those Provinces where they are employed being deducted, they send the surplus of the revenue to the said Treasurers of the Port, who pay off the Souldiery every three months, as well as all other the expences of the Grand Seignior's household, or whatever else belongs to the State or Go­vernmont; Second. the overplus (which makes another Treasury) is left under the keeping of an Eunuch whom they call Asenadar Baschy, and is one of the three principal Eunuchs who are near the person of the Grand Seignior, and who never stir out of the Seraglio, or Palace, unless to attend and follow their Master. The sums of Moneys which are put into the custody of this Eunuch, re­main in Cash still and are never employ­ed unless the most urgent affairs require it, and then oftentimes the Treasurers of the Port are fain to oblige themselves to make it up again with moneys from a­broad.

The third Treasury, is that of the Church, Third. which is very great for the following reasons: [Page 8] The Turkish Empire, as I have said be­fore, is wonderfully large; the devotion of that people is great; it is true they have not amongst them either Bishopricks or Abbeys, they have onely very sump­tuous Temples which serve them for Pa­rishes. The Ottoman Emperors, their Pa­shaws, their principal Officers, and an in­finite number of other devout people, have founded and given much of their wealth to these Temples, (which we will from henceforward call Parishes) which are worth an hundred or six score thou­sand Crowns yearly revenue; those that serve in them are few in number, and their allowance so moderate, that they must make hard shift to live thereon, so that there is much money remaining, which is put into the treasury of the Church, whereof the Grand Seignior is the principal Guardian: yet cannot he make use of it, but when urgent occasions of State, and the maintenance of their Faith makes it necessary, unless he will offend his Conscience, and violate the Laws of the Empire.

The Revenues of the Grand Seignior are very vast, arising as well from the or­dinary duties paid by the common people, as those contingent sums that are brought [Page 9] into his Coffers: he is heir to all his Soul­diers and to every one that receives pay from him, if they die without Children; but if they leave Daughters he takes but two thirds of the inheritance and successi­on of the deceased, holding the place of Son.

As there comes frequent complaints against such as are in eminent Offices and employments of trust, that they may have pretence to fleece them and get their Estates, they soon conclude them guilty, and seize upon all they have to apply it to the use and benefit of the Grand Seignior. This injustice and cruelty is of dangerous consequence; as is that likewise of appropriating the revenues of their Temples to their own private advantage.

To resume what I was saying of the methods they pursue when they have conquer'd any Kingdom or Province; after they have given to their Temples, and to those that serve in them what they think to be necessary, and also to such numbers of Souldiers designed for the guard of their new Conquests, they apply one part of it to the maintenance of the Vice-Roy or Governor: they do the same for Sala­ries to the Judges, and other Officers, all which is distributed by the Treasurer of [Page 10] the Province, who is accountable for the same, and who ought every three months to bring the remainder into the Grand Seignior's Coffers, upon pein of corporal punishment and confiscation of his Goods.

Speaking of the Kingdom of Thunis, I had forgot to mention with what facility the Grand Seignior might infest, yea ruine the Kingdom of Sicilia, and by the fre­quent cruisings of his Galleys molest the coasts of Calabria, since hard by Thunis there is a Gulf which beats at the feet of the ruines of Goletta and the Cape of Car­thage, able at all seasons to contain a na­val force: Near the said Gulf there is a very safe and a very capacious Harbor, named Porto Farino, distant from the said Kingdom of Sicilia not above fourscore miles, and therefore may be sailed over in a very short time. Should the Turk, powerfull as he is, keep always a good number of Galleys in readiness in the afore­said Gulf of Thunis, or the above-named Porto Farino, they might soon be upon the Sicilian shoar, keep them in perpetu­al alarms, which would ruine the trade of all such as sail upon the coast; hinder the Sardinians in their traffick, whilst the Islands of Malta, Corsica, Majorca, and Minorca, would be liable to the same trou­ble and inconveniencies.

But the ambition of the Ottoman Prin­ces, and the inveterate hatred they bear against the Persians, having cut them out so much work on that side, they have neglected the opportunities they had to doe these and other mischiefs to the Eu­ropean Princes; besides that their Religion obliges them to believe that there is more merit in killing one Persian Heretick in war, than if they slew threescore and ten Christians, so that their great zeal and rage carries them more that way. And this is that which hath in some measure secured the Peace of Europe, which ne­vertheless hath but too many times felt the weight and force of this too potent Monarchy.

In the year 1593. the Treaties of Peace made between the Emperour Rodulphus and the Grand Seignior Amurath, about the interest of the Kingdom of Hungary, (wherein both of them had shares) were broken, and they fell out, and that Agree­ment was converted into a dangerous and bloody war; the event proved pre­judicial to Christendom, and shamefull to the said Emperour, by the signal loss of a Battel, the City, Castle and Province of Agria; it was terrible and bloody for the vast numbers of Christians slain upon the [Page 12] place, or taken and carried away captive by the common enemies of our Faith: It was in Anno 1596 that this disaster hapned.

We must observe that this War com­menced during the reign of Amurath, and ended in the reign of Mahomet his Son, who had the reputation and honour of being at the head of his Army when this Victory was gained; but he did not make use of all that advantage which for­tune had put into his hands; for instead of wintering and putting part of his Army into the Cities under his command, which are numerous on that frontier, he retur­ned to Constantinople, and lost the oppor­tunity of making himself assuredly Lord and Master of Vienna, and of all Hungary; which gave the Emperour leisure and means to prevent his utter ruine.

In those times the interest of the Po­landers made them begin to bestir themselves, and they were making ready to joyn their forces with the Emperour's, foreseeing and apprehending that after the loss and ruine of Hungary, they must needs fall too; yet, notwithstanding this their fears of the power of the Prince of Tartary their neighbour, and some other ob­stacles mentioned elsewhere then obstruct­ed their design.

Before I propose the certain means whereby the Christian Princes may ruine this great Monarchy, I shall speak some­what of its dreadfull force and strength, that so such as shall take the pains to reade this brief Discourse may know, what great power they have, and what forces they can bring together to trouble and molest Europe, and by consequence what care ought to be taken to hinder the dismal effects. Now we ought not to let them know their own advantages any longer, but prevent and attaque them betimes, which cannot be without a Ge­neral union of the Christian forces: but be­fore I discover the methods they ought to take, it will be necessary, (as I said above) to represent what the power of the Turk is, as well by Sea as by Land, that it may be apparent they are not easie to be beaten, or overcome, but by the way prescribed.

This Empire hath under its command five and forty Vice-Roys, as well in Europe, as Asia and Africa, the names and titles of them in the Turkish tongue are not un­derstood by the European Christians, (un­less by such as live under their subjection) which is the reason why I shall not par­ticularly nominate them, but refer my [Page 14] self to the capitulations between our Kings and the Grand Seignior, (which were not long since translated and ampli­fied) under the reigns of Amurath, Ma­homet, &c. who had so much vanity, that in order to make known their grandeur and power they caused them all to be named and inserted in those agreements.

There are in this number of five and forty Vice-Roys two of them that have each his five and twenty Provinces under his command, and in every Province they have a Governour whom they entitle San­jacbey, as much as to say Lord of the Stan­dard, or Banner, nay some of them, whom I shall only name, as the Vice-Roy of Greece, hath seven and twenty Provin­ces; the Vice-Roy of Buda eighteen, the Vice-Roy of Natolia seventeen, the Vice-Roy of Arzeron seventeen, the Vice-Roy of Babylon twenty four, the Vice-Roy of Baseras twenty one, the Vice-Roy of Diar­bekir nineteen, the Vice-Roy of Grand Cairo in Egypt more than the above named; but not to be too tedious, I shall omit to mention the rest.

The Forces of all these Provinces as well of Foot as Horsemen, without in­cluding those that ought to serve at Sea, are very formidable: the number of [Page 15] them is above eight hundred thousand men, 'tis true they are not so brave and generous as they have formerly been, by reason of the Venality that hath crept in amongst them.

During the reign of Sultan Amurath, (a covetous Prince) he began to receive great Presents from those to whom he gave considerable Commands; this autho­rized the Bassa's to doe the like on their parts, which disorder does still continue if not increase amongst them, so that e­very thing is sold to any person that bids highest, even to the meanest and most servile employments. Now we must consider that those that have them may not hold them above a year or two, and having dearly bought the short liv'd pur­chase, they lay most intolerable burthens upon the people to re-imburse them­selves.

The beginning of this disorder is attri­buted to Sultan Solyman, who tenderly loving his Sisters and Daughters, instead of marrying them, according to the cu­stome of other Emperours his Predecessors, to the Governors of Provinces far distant from his Port, would needs bestow them on his Bassa's residing near him, that he might the oftner and more conveniently [Page 16] see them. The expences of these Pri­cesses being very great, being entertained within the Court of the Emperour their own Father or Brother, and their Hus­bands not having sufficient Estates to de­fray the charges, they began underhand to take bribes either in Money or Jewels of such whom they recommended or hel­ped to Offices and Commands, being well assured the interest of their Wives would save their Heads in case they should happen to be discovered and accused: these failures have been followed by ma­ny others of no less importance.

I said, in the beginning of this Dis­course, that as the Ottoman Emperours went on with their Conquests, they settled in every Province a certain num­ber of Souldiers, as well foot as horse to guard and defend the Countrey; as also to make use of elsewhere upon any case of necessity that might happen to the Empire. As for their Horsemen, whom they call Timars Espahi, excepting only five and twenty, or thirty thousand who attend constantly at the Grand Seignior's Port, and some others who are quarter'd at Grand Cairo in Egypt, and at Damascus, who are paid every three months in rea­dy money at so much a day, some more, [Page 17] some less than the others, their pay being encreased according to the merit of their Service: all the rest are Timariots, whom we shall henceforward callOr Estates settled upon condition of furnishing certain num­bers of armed Men and Hor­ses for Service. Commandry's, and accord­ingly as their Commandry's are in value, those that en­joy them are obliged to ap­pear in the Field, with a cer­tain number of men well ar­med and mounted, or else to remain at home to guard and defend the Countrey, as they shall be appointed.

When these Commandry's were first established, the revenues of them were not so great as they are at present, for as their Empire hath encreased, so these are likewise augmented so much, that there are some of them worth ten or twelve thousand Crowns a year: the Bassas, the Eunuchs, the Mutes, the Dwarfs, and even those Women the Grand Seignior makes use of, have an exact ac­count of the names of all the best of them in each Province, (as we have of Churches and Parishes in this Kingdom) and when ever any vacancy falls, they beg them, and put in some Domestick Servant or Slave of their own, that they may [Page 18] receive the advantage of those revenue [...] From hence arises two very great an [...] notorious evils to the infinite prejudice [...] that State; The first is, that where [...] formerly such as were provided wit [...] these Commandry's resided in the Provinc [...] where they had Commission, and wer [...] commonly attending on the Governour [...] the Province; which residence enable them to take care of their people, an [...] hindred passengers and strangers from abusing them, and kept them ever in [...] readiness with their Arms and Horses t [...] march where they should be commande [...] Now since they are bestowed upon som [...] domestick servants or slaves belongin [...] to some Grandee, they do not only, no [...] reside upon the place, but when the G [...] vernours of Provinces receive a comman [...] to appear according to order, they cannot bring those numbers of men, as the [...] were formerly wont to doe, before th [...] disorder happen'd amongst them, becau [...] those that now beg them for their Se [...] vants, will needs take the benefit of th [...] revenues, and not be obliged to doe th [...] service enioyned them. This is the reason why such Governour of a Province wh [...] was in times past wont to bring in five o [...] six thousand men to any place appointe [...] [Page 19] hardly at present is able to produce half that number, and even these are but of the meanest and slightest sort of people. This disorder is not only in the Command­ [...]y's, but amongst the Souldiery who are paid monthly, for the Grandees of this Empire, to exempt themselves from pay­ [...]ng their servants any wages, make them pass muster amongst the rest; and the great mischief of it is, that when any [...]ervice is to be done, then are they not [...]o be found to doe their duty.

The sale of Offices and Governments in [...]he Turkish Empire hath diminished the [...]ffections of those that possess them, they owing no thanks or obligation but to their own purses, and minding only, when [...]hey are once settled, how to reimburse [...]hemselves of the moneys so laid out, which they are often forced to take up at great interest, and not content to recover [...]nly their purchase money, they also [...]rovide a fund for some new bargain [...]hen they must leave the employment [...]hey are possessed of: wherefore if there [...]e any rich Merchant within the limits [...]f their Government, they cause him to [...]e accused (falsly most times) of treason [...]gainst the person of the Prince, or a­ [...]ainst the State, under which pretence [Page 20] they put him to death, and then sieze upon all his goods. But often times Go [...] suffers them to be most severely chastised for their impiety and injustice, upon th [...] complaint of the people for their mal [...] administration, or rather by such as env [...] them and desire to be in their places who hire witnesses to depose or exclaim against them; whereby they are displa­ced, if not worse handled, and thei [...] whole estate confiscate to the use of th [...] Grand Seignior. Some of them are put t [...] death, others escape with the loss o [...] goods only, and perhaps are a while a [...] ­ter restored again to their commands, an [...] then they are doubly diligent to feathe [...] their nests anew. Thus are the peopl [...] of this Monarchy oppressed on all hand [...] above measure.

The Pashaws or Bassas have no bette [...] fortune than the Vice-Roys and Governour [...] of Provinces, the higher they are raised and in credit, the nearer do they ap­proach to their ruine. During the tim [...] that I served the King as his Ambassado [...] at the Grand Seignior's Port, I have obser­ved such great and frequent changes that I cannot imagine where his Highnes [...] could find even amongst his slaves an [...] one that would accept of, or adventur [...] [Page 21] to be raised to the highest dignity of his Empire; that Prince observing no other rule of Justice to put a Bassa to death, or any other Officer, but an ill opinion or suspicion of their infidelity, and some disorder he fansied in his affairs; which jealousies are most commonly suggested to him by the whisperings of some pri­vate enemy.

All the form of Justice observed in put­ting such persons to death, as have been raised to the supremest dignities of the Empire, is, that the Grand Seignior makes a demand in writing of the High Priest of their Law, whom they call Mufty, what punishment that slave or subject deserves who commits felony against his Prince and his Empire, enumerating all the rea­sons of his suspicions and discontents, which he puts down for truths. Now as the question presupposes the certainty of the fact, the Mufty ever concludes it to be death, and thus without any form of process the Grand Seignior sends them away to be strangled, they having onely a very short time allowed them to say their prayers. Immediately after the Justice appears, who takes an Inventory of the dead man's goods, as guilty of high Treason, and all the silver and household-stuff, [Page 22] horses or jewels, are applied to the benefit of the Imperial Treasury; as are likewise the remainders of his Estate, ex­cepting only what the party should have enjoy'd during his life, by his Princes consent, which goes to his Children, and afterwards to his Childrens Children, and in default of such to the Church: and this is all the remedy they can find to se­cure somewhat to their posterity. In my time the late Sultan Amurath satisfied himself with their spoils, and did not put them to death: his Son Sultan Mahomet was more cruel; for he never deprived any one of his dignity, without taking away his life at the same time. This ty­rannical custome pleases the common peo­ple, who delight in blood, and applaud the Prince for such his proceedings; how­ever the consequence is dangerous; for those that have the great and eminent Commands, and find themselves ever in danger of their lives, would easily be tempted to take part with others, if oc­casion presented, besides that most of those who are raised to the supremest dig­nity are tribute children.

Since I have begun to make mention of the disorders that are in their Govern­ment, I shall here take notice of one no [Page 23] less considerable than the above named. Most part of their Souldiery, and especi­ally the body of the Janizaries, who are about the number of forty thousand men, his Light-horse called Spahis-Oglan-ler, [...]re likewise composed of five and twenty thousand, whom they call Legionaries; these ought to be, according to ancient custome, Tribute-children, and are de­ [...]igned to serve the Prince in war. The Gentlemen of his Chamber, who are named Montaferagas, the Servants whom they call Chechenigirler, those that have the keeping and care of all their Arms, whom [...]hey name Gebegiler, the Gunners called Toupchiler, and a world of other Officers of his household, who exceed the number of forty thousand, ought likewise to be of [...]he same sort. But since the corruption of money and the custome of bribery, [...]nd buying and selling of places is grown [...]o rise in this Empire, and particular per­ [...]ons have rather studied their own inte­ [...]est than the service of their Sovereign, [...]he State is sick and in danger of falling: These levies are made every fifth year, [...]s the tribute of the people, and that [...]hrough all the Provinces of Greece, and generally in every Countrey under their [...]ommand, by Commissaries deputed for [Page 24] that purpose out of the Body of the a­foresaid Janizaries. Now, whereas in a Village containing a hundred or six score Fires, or more or a less number of Christi­ans, there may be found, perhaps eight or ten Turks inhabiting amongst them, whose Children being bred and conver­sing daily with the others of the like Age do learn their Language and Customs, the Fathers willing their Children should be chosen and taken by the Commissaries, in­stead of those of the Christians which are to be raised as tribute, give them up glad­ly, in hopes they may hereafter attain to honour and greatness: (for by these ways it is they come to be made Bassas, to com­mand Armies, and to marry the Sisters or Daughters of their Prince) and therefore often give a good piece of Money to those Commissaries, and give their Infant Turk, some Christian name to make it pass the better; and thus are they often admitted and brought to the Grand Seignior's Port, as Tribute Children, where they are carefully bred in certain places allotted for that purpose, whence they canno [...] go forth, being guarded by Eunuchs (as their Wives also are) they have Tutors who teach them their Belief, their Laws▪ their Customs, and especially the Obedience [Page 25] they ought to pay to their Superi­ours, with other exercises according to their several inclinations. They abide here seven years thus shut up, that they may be thoroughly instructed; such as are found to be judicious, and have a soul inclined to vertue and goodness, the chief Overseer, (who is always an Eunuch) gives an account of them to the Ca [...]tain of the Grand Seignior's Palace, who [...] n [...] ­med Capi Aga, to make his report; a [...]d thus they are brought nearer to his per­son, and educated with more care. The Turkish Children who are admitted, and pass for the Sons of Christians, although very young when they leave their Pa­rents, yet when they grow up to be Men, and are entred into the Grand Seignior's Militia, or placed in some other conditi­on, remembring their Fathers and Mo­thers, their blood and the place of their nativity invites them to return thither to see them. By whose complaints they come to the knowledge of all the disorders in the Government, and the tyrannical op­pressions they groan under, and are thereby prompted to design a revenge, and when afterwards they meet in a Body, upon the first occasion that of­fers, they murmur, they complain, [Page 26] and call to have the State reformed.

I may truly say, that in my time du­ring the War in Hungary, I have seen the Janizaries and Spahies in a body, march into the Grand Seignior's Palace, force him to give them audience in publick, and after they had made known their com­plaints concerning the ill Governmen [...] and mismanagement of affairs, have obliged him in their presence to take off th [...] Heads of his most intimate Favorites, a [...] the Authors of all their Grievances.

Had not the Children of natural Turk [...] been received amongst other of their tribute Youths, such disorders would neve [...] have hapned; for those of the Christia [...] race when once bred and educated in th [...] Mahometan Faith, abhor their Relation [...] have no value or respect for them, an [...] own no other Protector or Father but th [...] Grand Seignior alone, know no passio [...] but his, and call themselves the Slaves [...] God, being commonly strict observers o [...] the Mahometan Faith, and utter Enemie [...] of the Christian. This very thing is a mo [...] certain token of the decay of the Mona [...] ­chy, it is true we must lend a helping han [...] towards the pulling of it quite down, th [...] we may reap both the advantage an [...] glory of so brave an enterprize.

This Empire will be able for a long time without a miracle to resist both by Sea and Land the forces that shall con­spire its ruine, unless they be such as I have computed they ought to be in the following part of this Discourse.

For besides the great numbers of the Militia, who live under their command, and who are in pay, as well in times of Peace as War, all others able to bear Arms are obliged to oppose the enemies of their Faith to the last drop of their blood; but when it is upon account on­ly of an offensive war, or design of far­ther conquest, then only those are obli­ged to march that are under pay, they call that general obligation, Nefirham. There is no Prince in Europe, nor in any other part of the world within our know­ledge, that hath better conveniencies to make himself strong at Sea, than this same; he is Lord of the Black-Sea beyond Trebizond, the Countrey thereabouts be­ing wonderfully populous, and wealthy, and infinite Forests, the Villages and Pa­rishes being obliged some to cut down the Woods for the building of Gallies, others to saw and hew it, besides people appointed to make Nails, Ropes, Sails; then have they Ship-wrights that com­pleat [Page 28] them, together with all other the several workmen requisite, and in num­bers sufficient, and all this without dis­bursing one penny. These people are bound to perform the said duties when­ever it is required, upon which conside­ration they are exempted from the pay­ment of any taxes or imposts, and their Children from being taken up as Tribute by the Commissaries, delegated for that purpose; thus a Galley, which amongst us would cost to build eight or ten thousand Crowns, does not stand the Grand Seig­nior in above one or two thousand: as for the Cannon such Galley is to be fur­nish'd with, there are infinite numbers made at Constantinople, there being seve­ral spacious places filled with them, they having all the necessary materials in their own Countrey for the compleating of them. As for the men that sail and row these Galleys, the natural Turks pay no taxes, but only when they are to send out Fleets to Sea, then they are to con­tribute as much as the Christians; this duty is called Avaris, or Avania, and is raised, as I said, indifferently upon all that are under the power of the Grand Seignior, in the same manner as they do the Pioneers in France; that is, that every [Page 29] Parish (according to the quantity of Fires there are in each of them) ought to furnish one, two or three men, and the Judges are bound, at the discretion of the Grand Seignior, to bring him the quantity of men to which their circuit is liable, or else five and thirty Crowns, in lieu of each man, as he pleases, who ac­cording to the number he intends to set forth, either calls for the men, or sends for the money: To this end he makes use of Turks, not of Christians, for his greater security. By this method in less than two months time, he can have enough to Man out two or three hundred Galleys; their Mariners are not of the best, although there be great numbers in constant pay for that use and service, but to help them in case of necessity they take the Sea-men out of their other Ships, though they have no great skill in managing of Gal­leys, their navigation being very different. That which makes them the more secure is, that they seldom go to Sea but in the Summer time, whilst the season is calm, and little subject to storms and the mis­fortunes of winds and waves, otherwise they would often run the hazard of be­ing lost, for want of sufficient knowledge in maritime affairs.

As for the Souldiers they put on board their Galleys, there are some that have Commandries along the Mediterranean Shore, chiefly towards the Morea; who send out one Captain of the Janizaries, one Lieutenant and other Officers, with fifty, three-score, or an hundred Jani­zaries for each Galley, according to the undertaking they have in hand: the Ma­riners are named Azabistan; they are well furnished with Cannon and want not for Ammunitions, but generally their Gun­ners are unskilfull; and indeed that Art is very difficult, unless they have been used to Navigation, there being a great deal of skill in pointing of Guns upon the Sea, because of the motion of the Vessels and Galleys, which are ever in agitation more or less. As for their Pro­visions they have them in great quanti­ties, their Countries abounding much in Wheat, Rice, Flesh, Butter, Oil, Cheese, and other provisions necessary for Navi­gation: they can endure a great deal, and that without any trouble, for from their infancy are they accustomed to live soberly. Their Galleys are not pe­stered nor encumbred like ours: for first they have not the use of Wine, they carry no great store of Salt-meats, as we [Page 31] do, besides many other things; wherefore their Galleys are much lighter than ours, cleaner, and the Rowers put to less labour and pains in their work, by reason the very Souldiers take a pleasure in helping of them; thus are they more fit and nim­ble either to follow or to fly away from an enemy if they be over-matched.

In the Harbor or Port of Constanti­nople, a great number of Galleys are ordi­narily to be seen riding in the Arsenal, as we see our Horses tyed in rows within our Stables. Whenever the Grand Seig­nior resolves to have a force at Sea, he can in less than two years time set out three hundred Galleys.

As for round Vessels, or as we call them, tall Ships, they have but few fit to make men of war: they have only five or six great Gallions which serve to carry Wood into Egypt proper for build­ing, which they fetch from the Black-Sea, and from Egypt they bring back provisions to Constantinople, as well for the use of the Grand Seignior's Kitchin as for the inhabitants: viz. great quantities of Rice, Sugars, Spices and other Victuals and Merchandize: of these Gallions they make some use in case of need. There may be found also about some forty or [Page 32] fifty sail of Merchant Ships, which being well fitted may serve as a Convoy to the rest of the Fleet. They can likewise equip five or six Mahones (which are a sort of Galeasses) but they have but few men fit to manage them; they have some Christian Subjects whom they keep in the Island of Rhodes in a great Town na­med Lindo, who have large and good Vessels, they can bring about twenty of these into service: and this is all the strength they can make at Sea, which is not very considerable, if the power of Christendom would joyn together to at­tack them: And indeed, it is by Sea, that they may with most ease and cer­tainty be destroyed, and not by Land, where they march with millions of men into the field: it being most true, that the Grand Seignior can make up two or three Armies, that shall each consist of at least two hundred and fifty thou­sand men, as well foot as horse, but much stronger in horse than foot. Did they understand the art of War so well as we do, they would be invincible, since they have so much strength and courage. They carry along with their Armies a great number of small brass Field-pieces, which require not above [Page 33] two horses to draw each of them; of these they have many, and so soon as they encamp they chain them to one another, and make a large ring, wherein they place a part of their Infantry, and there secure the Tents of their Chiefs.

That which makes them so valiant is their opinion and belief of Predestination, and their holding that all those that die in battel for the defence of their Religion and Countrey die Martyrs and go into Pa­radise, without any obligation of giving farther account or satisfaction for their former transgressions: on the contrary, such as die with their backs towards the enemy, flying from the shock, are all damned, and if they do escape the dan­ger they lose their honour and the Grand Seignior's pay, and oftentimes their Com­manders put them to death, at least their goods and estates are sure to be confiscate. They are ill armed, the foot who are quite naked carrying only a small Mus­quet, and a very short Sword, which the greater part seldom know how to use, so that although they are very nu­merous, if they be roundly charged, they are easily overcome, whatever resistance they strive to make. Their Cavalry are better, being advantageously mounted [Page 34] upon very good horses; they go on to fight with much heat and fury, but will not stand any long engagement, unless they gain some apparent advantage; and if they make a retreat, it is by turning now and then back, and making a slight charge at every facing upon the enemy, which is their way.

And although I have in this Discourse made known the power of this great Ad­versary, yet I dare warrant, would God permit an union of the forces belonging to the Christian Princes and Potentates, that they would be more than sufficient to destroy them in a few years. But, as I have already hinted, they must first be attacked by Sea, and the Land forces ought by all means to avoid giving battel till they have the news of a naval victory, which will be inevitable, if God for our sins should not hinder and obstruct the effect of our joynt endeavours.

The Catholick King might arm an hun­dred Galleys, as well such as he keeps upon the coast of Spain, as those of the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicilia, compre­hending that Squadron he maintains at Genoa.

The Republick of Venice (assisted by France with Men and Provisions) might [Page 35] very well furnish two hundred Galleys with all the equipage necessary for their navigation; they may likewise furnish six Galeasses, which may well be called Mountains of the Sea, for they are won­derfull great Vessels, and yet are rowed like Galleys, and carry a great number of Guns, some of them fit for battery. It is observed, that when the battel of Le­panto was fought against the Turks, the Galeasses belonging to the Republick of Ve­nice, which were there, and had their Ar­my on board them, procured that Victory.

Besides these numbers of Galleys, the Pope can send eight or ten; France hath commonly twelve or fifteen, and could upon such an occasion set out fifty at least, if not more; Savoy five or six; Tus­cany ten or a dozen; Genoa eight or ten; and Malta six. All these together would make up three hundred and fourscore Galleys, and six Galeasses.

I would afterwards joyn to this force, which is very great, and might easily master and command the whole Mediter­ranean-Sea, a hundred or two hundred of the largest and stoutest Ships that sail upon the Ocean. The King of England, the most powerfull of any at Sea, might if he pleased, wonderfully help towards [Page 36] this enterprize; the Lords of the Low-Countries might give a great addition, being so renowned through all the world; the King of France in his Countries and coast of Bretagne, Guienne, Normandy and Provence might forward this design, there being no Prince in all Europe that hath more Pilots and Mariners than his Maje­sty, who alone is able to furnish more Seamen than any of the Princes in Europe; their number is so great, that for want of employment in their own Countrey, they go abroad and serve in foreign Gal­leys and Ships of War: so that his Majesty may greatly contribute to this pious War. The King of Spain has likewise some very good and brave men of War; each of these great Monarchs setting a helping hand to this work, they are able together to put out a Fleet of above two hundred stout Ships, and Gallions.

This Fleet would be much more usefull and considerable than that of the Galleys, and serve to many more purposes, that is, to fight, to carry recruits, and what­ever refreshments shall be necessary where they are wanting, either to the Galleys or elsewhere: they might also have great numbers of Souldiers that might be landed on the enemies Countrey in convenient [Page 37] places, and also trains of Artillery where­with to besiege Forts and Castles that ought to be attacked: they can carry Arms to furnish such poor Christians (slaves to the Grand Seignior) who would be willing to revolt in favour of our Army.

If this Union and force at Sea thus projected could be brought to pass, it could never be destroy'd but by the anger of the divine power in some most prodi­gious storms at Sea. There ought to be a place appointed where all the Galleys and Ships might have their general ren­dezvous to meet in a Body. At Malta there are very capacious and safe Harbors, but that is a barren Island, where they have not Corn enough to feed their Knights and their own Inhabitants, their provisions being brought thither from Sicilia.

In Sicilia is the City of Messina, where [...]hey have a Harbor both large and good, [...]he rendezvous might be there, where Corn is in great abundance, together with Wines, Flesh, Oil, Cheese, and [...]ll other things most necessary for Navi­ [...]ators: it is nigh enough to the Albanian [...]oast, there being but three or four hun­ [...]red miles distance between it and Cape [Page 38] Saint Mary, neighbour to Castel-novo, the first Maritime City belonging to the Turks and from Castel-novo to the Morea the Galleys may creep all the way withi [...] sight of Land, getting refreshments from the shoar upon every occasion, for all that coast is peopled with a sort of Alba­nians who are Christians, and utter ene­mies to the Turks, and who upon th [...] first sight of our Christian Army would take measures to revolt, and therefor [...] the better to invite and encourage them they ought to be furnished with Arms, and some good Officers to conduct and head them.

Passing along the Morea, they ought to doe the like, the Christians of that Coun­trey being natural Greeks, and although they allow not of our Creed, and may justly fear if we had the power over them, we should oblige them to conform to another Church, yet nevertheless being so hardly used as they are, by the tyran­nies of the Turkish Government, they would infallibly revolt and take up Arms against the Sultan: My opinion is, tha [...] in passing along, they should seize upon two Forts named the oneThis is alrea­dy done by the Ve­netians. Coron, and the other Modon, which are on the [Page 39] Sea-side, near the mouth of the Archipelago, as likewise upon the City and Castle of Scio, the Islands of Metelin and Tenedos, which are nigh the Dardanello's, and full of good Harbors for the security of the Fleets; as also to oblige them to come to their relief. This would prove a thing of no great difficulty, forasmuch as the pride of the Turk is come to that height, that he believes the power of all Christendom is not sufficient to doe him any prejudice, and upon that score, they have neglected the care ought to be taken in furnishing and repairing their Forts, and keeping good garrisons and stores for their defence, of which they are generally destitute, or but slightly provided, for the reasons aforesaid.

There must, at the same time, be a powerfull Land Army likewise, which should march by Bulgaria, and go on to­wards Adrianople; and as I have said, all the common people of Greece, who inha­bit that Countrey, being Christians, and there being very few Turks amongst them, they would most willingly rise: As to the number that Army should consist of, that of the Turks upon such an occasion would be very numerous and strong, and there­fore ours ought in some measure, if possi­ble, [Page 40] to equal them to prevent any terrour or dismay at the appearance of the enemies vast numbers.

Monsieur de la Noüe in a Treatise of hi [...] speaks of the way to attack and beat the Turks, and after what methods the Chri­stian Army ought to be disposed and con­ducted, also the numbers of horse and foot he judges to be necessary for that purpose. I shall add nothing to it bu [...] only this, that if the numbers he menti­ons could be doubled it would be more effectual and secure; but I should be o [...] opinion, that the Land Army should no [...] advance so far as to be forced to come to blows with the Turks till our Fleet had done their work; for, as I told you, being composed of a huge number o [...] Galleys, Galeasses, Galions, and Ships of War, the Victory would be certain, and after the taking of those places before­named, they ought forthwith to proceed directly to the Dardanello's, which are two Castles distant two hundred miles from Constantinople, the one in Europe and the other in Asia, within Cannon shot of each other, both situate on the Sea-side, which in that place is so nar­row, that it seems as if Heaven had de­signed it for the security of Constantinople, [Page 41] and for the greater Majesty of him that [...]s the possessor of it, that it should be so; [...]or not a Ship that sails to Constantinople [...]an pass or repass that Strait without [...]eave of the Commanders of those Castles, which are not so strong but they may be [...]asily taken, and ought to be.

I believe, indeed, that the Turks Fleet would not stay till the Christians came up [...]hither to them, but that they would [...]ome out and meet them, so great is their [...]resumption. There are divers good Ports near the said Castles capable of hol­ [...]ing any the greatest Navies; the Coun­ [...]rey thereabout abounds in Wheat, Wines, [...]nd Flesh, and even the greater part of [...]he Provisions that go to Constantinople [...]ome from a place named the Volle, a [...]ttle beyond Mount Santo, and much [...]earer than Valona, and should the Fleets [...]emain in that station, the City of Constan­ [...]inople must be in great want of food; [...]or no Vessel would dare adventure to [...]arry them Rice, Beans, Pease, Sugars, [...]nd other great and necessary Provisions which are sent from Egypt by that passage, which would be interdicted and shut up, [...]nd that vast and populous City could [...]ot but suffer very much in a short time: [...]is true they may be relieved by the [Page 42] Black-Sea, and principally from the Countries of Bogdania and Valachia, they being fruitfull Provinces, and from whenc [...] they get great store of Provisions by way of the Danube which falls into the sai [...] Sea: there are likewise Caffa, Trebizon [...] and many other Cities upon that Sea tha [...] may help them in time of distress; wher [...] by one may judge of the happiness of i [...] situation, as being seated betwixt tw [...] great Seas; but we need not doubt, if th [...] King of Poland come into the Union, a [...] indeed it will be most necessary h [...] should, the Princes of Bogdania, Valachi [...] and Transilvania will soon revolt to sha [...] off that yoke of slavery and tyranny und [...] which they daily groan, as being Trib [...] taries to the Turk: upon which accou [...] they would all of them sieze on the D [...] nube, and hinder all manner of relief [...] assistance that might otherwise be eas [...] conveyed along the Danube: the Cossa [...] (who are Christians, and by their bi [...] Russians) would disturb them also the sa [...] way, their Countrey bordering upon t [...] same Sea.

The Christian people of Greece revo [...] ing, (as it is rationally to be suppo [...] they would do when they found b [...] Land and Sea filled with armed Men [...] [Page 43] th [...]ir own belief, marching to destroy the [...]kish Power) it would greatly contri­ [...]e towards the Victory, because the [...]ks who reside in those open Countries [...] Villages, would be much allarmed [...] frighted. It would be necessary to [...]ke no difference betwixt those of the [...]ek Church and the Roman; but indis­ [...]ntly to hear their Mass, respect their [...]gy, make the sign of the Cross after [...]r manner, approve their Fasts, and [...]ate them as much as possible; to per­ [...]e their Church-men to appear at the [...]d of our Armies, treating the Christi­ [...] of those Countries with all the gen­ [...]ess and humanity imaginable, and [...]ving great severity towards any that [...]ld wrong them.

[...]he other point is, that a great part [...]e Turkish Militia are Tribute-children, [...] by consequence the Sons of Christian [...]ents who have been snatched and [...] out of the armes and bosoms of their [...]ents: when therefore Prisoners are [...]n, and any of this sort can be disco­ [...]d amongst them, they ought to be [...] kindly treated, giving them to un­ [...]tand that it is well known they were [...]ed away very young and compelled [...]ke up a Religion contrary to the Faith [Page 44] of their Fathers, and that it is impossi [...] but they must have some good inclina [...] ­ons left towards their first Belief; th [...] learn in what condition they served [...] Turk, and provide as well for them, not better, than what they had un [...] him. This would produce two v [...] excellent effects, the one that our adve [...] ­ry would be daily weakned, the othe [...] more importance yet, that this wo [...] breed so great a distrust and jealousie [...] the natural Turks, that they and the [...] ­nizaries would soon divide from ea [...] other, and, as I said before, the Ma [...] forces having first done their work, (G [...] granting them the Victory) the ene [...] would be in such a consternation, t [...] their Land Army might be overco [...] without any great hazard or difficulty.

When I was in Constantinople, I [...] told that after the Victory the Christi [...] gained at Lepanto, their fears and app [...] ­hensions were so great, that had [...] victorious Fleet gone directly to the D [...] ­danello's (those Castles I have already m [...] ­tioned) they might have taken them wi [...] out opposition, and afterwards have [...] come Masters of that famous City.

To embarass and distract them, a [...] make it the more easie to defeat them, [Page 45] would be necessary upon such an occasion, [...]o prevail with the King of Persia not to [...]ose the opportunity to recover the Coun­ [...]ries wrested from him in Asia, which [...]re very large and considerable: so that [...]he Turks being assaulted in divers places [...]t once, would soon be ruined, and laid [...]n the dust: and truly, I am of opinion [...]and not without good grounds, as well [...]s hopes) that they might be ruined even [...]he second or third year of the expedition [...]nd confederacy, which indeed ought to [...]e resolved on, since it is scarce possible so [...]reat a force, and composed of so many [...]everal Nations, could act long together, without falling into some controversies [...]nd quarrels amongst themselves, which might proceed to blows.

Egypt is inhabited by Moors, and a vast Number of Christians called Coftes, who [...]ive under subjection of the Turk, the Moors are their most mortal Enemies, so soon as they should see them assaulted by a good Force, they would be the first that would revolt, and make War upon them. Mount Libanus is likewise stocked with a sort of Christians called Maronites, who are under obedience of the Church of Rome, there are amongst them twenty thousand Fighting-men at least, these have [Page 46] enured themselves to all the hardships toils of War with the Druses who i [...] bit with them in the same Moun [...] and are generally at handy-blows [...] the Turks. Albeit these Druses are [...] [...] ­hometans, they believe their Fathers [...] the Off-spring of the French, who in times conquered the Holy Land, [...] the City of Jerusalem under the con [...] of Godfrey of Bovillon, and Baldwi [...] Brother; that they were defeated a [...] the Death of those two generous P [...] ­ces, when such as could make thei [...] cape out of the conflict, retired into inaccessible and rough parts of M [...] Libanus, where they have from Fathe [...] Son preserved and maintained themse [...] ever since: They are Enemies to [...] Turks, and obey them but by compul [...] upon a good occasion both they and [...] Maronites would undoubtedly rise.

All Asia is inhabited by Christian Gr [...] and Armenians, (these latter are in g [...] ­ter numbers and more affectionate to [...] Latins than Greeks) upon due notice [...] our Union and Design, I question [...] but they would think of redeeming the [...] selves, and take revenge for the oppr [...] ­sion they have so long endured, and f [...] live under.

The Prince of the Georgians, who is of the Greek Church, is able enough to doe them much mischief, upon such an occa­sion. There is also another Nation neighbour to the former, who although Mahometans, yet does by no means de­sire to live under the Turkish Empire, they would be glad to find a happy opportuni­ty to throw off their yoke and break their bonds: these are the Parthians, who at this very time are in continual feud with them.

I shall therefore conclude by this Dis­course, That the Turk ought not to be attacked with a small force, but I am well assured that if the Christian Princes would resolve upon a general union,The Author saith in one years time, but that is somewhat too Rhomantick since Miracles are ceased. That even in a few years time they might over­throw him both by Sea and Land, and make themselves Masters of all his Em­pire; the German Emperour, the King of Poland and the Princes of the Empire ought to have the command of the Land Forces. The Execution of this Proposition must be the work of God, unless he put forth his omnipotent hand, and inspire our Princes as well of the one as the [Page 48] other Church, it is impossible for mankin [...] to bring it about. On the other par [...] all doubts and jealousies and disput [...] concerning differences in Religion must b [...] waved, as well as punctillios for prec [...] dence, and private interest, and nothin [...] aimed at, but to pluck down this potent [...] this monstrous Enemy, who by his Victories, and force of Arms, hath debase [...] the Glory and Grandeur of Christendom I speak with the more assurance of thes [...] ways and means to attain the said ends as having lived for two and twenty years amongst these People, by order o [...] my Sovereign, for the Service of his M [...] jesty and my native Countrey, in quality of Ambassador.

It would likewise be very necessary, i [...] this Design were agreed on by the afore named Princes, (who might promis [...] themselves this Conquest by the Effort o [...] their Strength and Courage) that a project were drawn of the partage to b [...] shared to each; that so, if Heaven did give them Victory, all contests and after debates might be avoided betwixt them a [...] the conclusion and crowning of the En­terprize.

I have not adventured in this brie [...] Discourse to mention the methods tha [...] [Page 49] ought to be made use of to unite all these Potentates, I shall leave that to such as are more knowing in the Politicks to procure it, than my self, who should be ever ready in such a cause, and upon so pious an undertaking to serve as a Sol­dier, a Guide, and an Interpreter, having, during my long abode amongst them, learned their Language, and the chief Roads that lead thorow their Countries.

THE Spaniards, whose Words and Speeches are commonly of great weight, have a saying to this purpose, That there is no good but what is [...]ure, nor no evil but hath an end. And I, on the contrary find, that the pleasures [...]nd good we enjoy in this life are ever mixed with pain, and that the end of one [...]rouble is but the beginning of another. [Page 52] The happiest of people have oftner reason to complain than to rejoyce; and the unhappy, who are by much the greater number, do most commonly fall from a little misfortune into a bigger. I do re­member that George Ragotsky Prince of Transilvania entred into Poland victorious, but he came out again flagging his wings; and that thereupon you did reade me a Lecture of the inconstancy of Fortune, and shewed me, that it was no new thing to see such revolutions and changes; since oftentimes those have been led about captives to make a triumphant shew, who but a short time before had been themselves triumphant Conquerours.

Whatever I may have told you heretofore, I always believed, and still hold it for a certain truth, that the grea­ter part of mankind have much more reason to praise and thank God for the benefits they do receive of him, than to implore to be delivered from the evils that afflict them: and yet we hear of more that do complain than give thanks; because we are more sensible of pain than of pleasure. A Prince feels not so much pleasure in conquering all his life-time, as affliction to find Fortune turn her back upon him but in one single Battel. A [Page 53] great Man, who had scarce found any thing impossible to be attained to by him, till the age of fifty years, and who had seen the most formidable enemies stoop to his power, tells us after all that Fortune is a Woman, that she loves the young better than the aged, and therefore retired into solitude, when he found the power of the greatest Emperour that ever was, could be so easily baffled. We find some persons who will needs have the liberty of undertaking whatever their capricious fancies suggest, and then loudly com­plain when their attempts (begun with­out consideration and judgment) end in misfortune and disgrace. It is certain, that Divine providence (which by the vulgar is called Fortune) does often pull down the pride of the most successfull and haughty, that they may know the good they had received proceeded more from his bounty than their deserts. We find some Politicians whose Eagle eyes can see every thing abroad, are yet stark blind to what does threaten both the ruine of their Countrey and themselves at home. I might confirm this truth by infinite ex­amples, but I shall pass them by in silence to listen to your questions, and to answer to them as exactly as I am able.

Let us then speak of the War that is now in Hungary: And forasmuch as a discourse you made to me about three years since, brought us within sight of a black cloud that was gathering in Tran­silvania, and which hath since produced such a tempest, as hath born down George Ragotsky and Jona Kemin, to raise Abafti to the Throne: entertain me with the cause and sequel of that change, that I may the better know whence it happened that the Grand Seignior, who had been only an idle Spectator in the Tragedy, (which Europe was acting for thirty years together) should now attack his Neigh­bours without provocation, and give us occasion to take up Arms, while we are in a capacity to unite in such a manner as may give him cause to repent his under­taking. I am confident that this rupture was preceded, accompanied and followed with so many notable circumstances, that I might to good use and purpose, spend many days in canvasing and weighing them; and such as shall consider them duly afterwards may reap both pleasure and profit by it.

Although your will hath ever been a law to me, yet is it not without some kind of regret that I now undertake to [Page 55] satisfie you in this point, as being afraid to speak more than I should: but since you must needs know whence they fetch those remedies they will, or do intend to, apply, I shall do my best endeavour to satisfie and entertain you on that subject. And that you may have the more reason to acquiesce in what I shall tell you, I will take my rise from the very first source, and represent in Epitome, all what the Turks have done in Hungary since the time that Bajazet came thither to support their rebellion, and foment their discord. I know the ignorant will say, that the Turk hath little or no regard to justice when he undertakes a War; and that the advantage he thinks to meet with in his enterprizes is ever the principal motive of his designs. For my own part, I own there is little faith to be hoped for or expected from an Infidel, and that many times the Turk hath no other aim in his attempts but his own in­terest: But withall it is not impossible for him to cloak those designs his ambition prompts him to act in the world, with some fair and specious pretence. And for this reason I will let you plainly see, why the Ottomans think and believe they have just cause to preserve Transilvania, [Page 56] and by the same means you will come to understand and know the ground we have to defend it against him, and how it comes to pass we are obliged to raise great forces, and to demand the assistance of strangers. After this I shall proceed to the resolutions were taken at Ratisbon, and satisfie such as would know in what manner our Princes do contribute towards the preservation of Germany, and to the War we have undertaken for our own defence.

I must confess I should not have had all that satisfaction I do promise my self from your discourse, had you but on­ly barely told me what is acted on our frontiers, the forces we have here, and the merit and worth of such as command them. Those that meet with any novel­ty of moment desire to be informed of the true cause thereof; and our War ha­ving taken its rise from the little respect that Ragotsky shewed to the Turkish Sul­tan, and the protection Kemin Jonas sought for and obtained of the Emperour. I cannot but be very desirous to learn the reasons, why the Turks do undertake to chastize the Princes of Transilvania, for beginning a War without their consent, and the obligations our Emperours have to [Page 57] protect them. Begin therefore, if you please, and relate it all as distinctly and briefly as you possibly can.

You ask and desire two things to­gether, which seem incompatible; how­ever, I shall endeavour to joyn them in one, and despair not to perform the task, provided you will be very attentive. In the year 1350, or, according to others, 1383, Lewis the first of that name reigned peaceably over the people of Transilvania, Moldavia, Valachia, Mysia, Dalmatia and Sclavonia, which were of the appurte­nances of his Kingdom: but his quiet was disturbed by a misfortune as little dreamt on as foreseen. Jane Queen of Naples, a most dissol [...]te Princess, preferring some young Neapolitans before King Andrew her Husband, she cruelly put him to death. The news whereof, and the Let­ters from such as were struck with hor­rour at this Paricide, did easily prompt the Soul of Lewis to a just revenge. This generous Prince, believing that both ho­nour and justice obliged him to take up Arms to revenge the death of his Brother, raised a great Army, and went to Naples to bring the guilty to condign punishment. His expedition was prosperous, and ha­ving put Jane to flight, and routed [Page 58] her Confederates, he brought the Rebels to reason, and punished the chief abet­tors of that detestable Paricide. Which being done, and all things appeased, he thought his own ancient Kingdom might require his presence, and therefore was contriving to return again, not neglecting at the same time any means to preserve his new one. He had divers great person [...] in his Army, and amongst others Stephe [...] the Vaivode of Transilvania, whom h [...] held in great esteem, although he was a [...] yet but young. With this Man he left a force sufficient to keep that Kingdom i [...] its duty, which was far distant from Hungary; and having recommended th [...] care thereof to him, he returned home The King's departure gave encourage­ment to Jane and Lewis Prince of Tare [...] ­tum, her new Husband, to make thei [...] effort to regain the Throne. But th [...] prudence, the courage and the fidelity o [...] the Transilvanian put by the thrusts, an [...] prevented the designs, till Pope Clement V [...] put an end to that War. These signa [...] services, performed by the Vaivode, an [...] those he rendred Francis Carcarius, Princ [...] of Padua, (a friend and Ally of the King his Master's) merited great rewards▪ wherewith his hopes did justly flatter him [Page 59] But these were not only forgotten, and Lewis did not only not recompence the Vaivode, but even recalled him from Na­ples, fearing so eminent a person, and one so worthy to reign.

Other great Monarchs have done the like, both before and since that King: Narses and Gonzales have given occasion to Historians to blame the Emperour Ju­stinian, and Ferdinand King of Arragon: But how did Stephen behave himself un­der this disgrace?

The Transilvanian as able a Courtier, as a Captain, concealed his resentment, while he thought it would be useless to discover [...]; and Lewis being dead, he then believed that Fortune presented a favourable opportunity for his revenge. The King had left no other Successor but only a Daughter named Mary who was betroathed to Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of Bohemia. The tender Age of that Princess, the inconstant humour of the Hungarians, and the practices of our Vaivode, caused the said Mary to be so much despised, that many openly decla­red they would never obey a Girl. Then this Cabal knowing the craft and dexteri­ty of the Bishop of Zagabria, who was an Italian by birth and inclination, they [Page 60] sent him to Charles II. King of Naples, the Son of Andrew, and Cousin German of Mary. The Bishop exactly performed what they ordained, offer'd the King­dom of Hungary to the King of Naples, and desired him to come and take posses­sion, as an Estate that belonged of right to him. Charles listned to the Bishop fa­vourably, and being agitated with diffe­rent passions, demanded some time to resolve upon a business of so great im­portance. He spake of it to the Queen his Wife, who omitted neither Argu­ments, nor tears to disswade him from undertaking a thing so dangerous by reason of the inconstancy of those People, and shamefull for the injustice he must commit by dispossessing one so nearly re­lated to him, without any cause. But Ambition overcame reason and equity. Charles equipped a great Fleet and attended with an Army worthy of such a Prince, he took harbor in Dalmatia, and went in few days to Zagabria, where he met part of those Grandees that favoured his design. From thence he passed on to Buda, and although he found resistance by the resolution of Nicholas Gara, and some other faithfull Servants of Queen Mary; yet did he make a shift to settle [Page 61] himself by rhe interest and favour of the Transilvanian. Then Sigismund King of Bohemia the Husband of the said Queen, perceiving the loss of Hungary to be ine­vitable, retired into his own Kingdom, and Charles imagined he had fixed the Wheel of Fortune. His joy notwith­standing was but short-lived, and his Usurpation of no longer duration, than other violent things are wont to be. Sigismund was again invited back by the new King's Enemies, and having van­quished Charles, slain or drove away eve­ry one that opposed him, he recovered all that rightly belonged to Mary his Wife.

These were wonderfull revolutions, and which were undoubtedly of very hard digestion to the Transilvanian.

The loss and defeat of the King of Naples, put that Vaivode into despair, and made him forget all that should be most precious amongst men, Viz. their Religion, and their Native Countrey. He laid under foot all considerations both divine and humane: He had recourse to Bajazet Emperour of the Turks, to whom he promised his Daughter, upon conditi­on he would help him to turn Sigismund and Mary out of their Kingdom of Hun­gary. [Page 62] This was the beginning of the misfortunes of that Kingdom, (till that time most flourishing) and of the hopes those Infidels conceived of subjecting it to their Empire. Bajazet took this op­portunity by the Fore-top, got a great Army together, advanced towards Hun­gary, fought a bloody Battel with King Sigismund, near to Nicopolis; where 'tis held that twenty thousand Christians and threescore thousand Turks were laid in the dust, the 28th. of September, 1396.

I think it was there that John of Burgundy was made Prisoner with the loss of a thousand Gentlemen he had brought thither: But, if I am not mis­taken the Turk made no great progress during the Reign of Sigismund.

Those Burgundians kept company, and stood and fell with the Hungarians, that died in the said Battel. But this was only the beginning of the unhappi­ness of those People. Yet under the Reign of Sigismund, and during that of Albertus of Austria his Successour, the Turk gained little in Hungary: He would needs proceed step by step, and seised upon Constantinople, e're he set his mind seriously upon other matters. However, this had taught him the way to come [Page 63] and visit us. Mahomet the First beat the Hungarians near Taubemberg Anno, 1400. And thus the Infidels advanced by little and little, till after the Death of Albert of Austria. That Prince left no Children; but his Wife was big when he deceased. Her being with Child caused the division that was then bred amongst the Grandees of the Kingdom. Some would needs have them wait till the delivery of the Queen, before they thought of the Election of a King. Others making objections against their becoming subject to a Child, in case the Queen should be safely brought to bed of a Prince, they resolved to chuse a King able to govern them. Hungary be­ing thus divided, one part of the Gran­dees sent to offer the Kingdom to Uladislaus, the Son of Casimir, King of Poland: The other party preferred Ladislaus Son of Albertus before him, though he were yet in his Cradle; where notwithstanding they set the Crown of Hungary upon his Head.

Truth it self, nay the God of Truth hath told us, the danger of a Kingdom divided within it self: and Hungary no doubt hath felt the smarting Effects of it.

This division of minds and interests brought Amurath the II. into the Field, who taking advantage of the discords he observed in Hungary, marched into the very heart of the Country, and besieged Alba-Regalis. He could not however obtain what he desired, on the contrary he lost most of his Army, and was for­ced to raise the Siege. This affront en­raged the Tyrant, who to be revenged, raised new forces, and entred again into Hungary, where he was defeated by John Huniades Corvinus. This action gave not more reputation to Huniades, than desire in the Turk to be revenged. To this purpose, he sent two of the bravest Ge­nerals he had to oppose Huniades, who alway commanded the Armies of King Uladislaus. These were Isaac and Mezets, who falling upon Hungary and Transilva­nia, filled them with all the miseries of a cruel War. Huniades ran in to their As­sistance, and overtook the Enemy laden with Spoil and Plunder. He charged them stoutly, but unfortunately, since he was repulsed, and put to flight. A­murath encouraged with this Victory, thought now of nothing but ravaging the Christian Countries. Mezets returned in­to Hungary, put all to Fire and Sword, [Page 65] and having ruined it, and cut the throats of infinite numbers of People, intended a retreat. Then was it that Huniades be­lieved he might find an opportunity to repair the former loss he had sustain'd. And in effect, he encountred Mezets, attacked and defeated him so entirely, that hardly was there any one left to carry the News of it to the Turkish Sultan.

This good Success ought to have raised the Spirits of the Hungarians, to fall upon him in their turn.

They did so, and had great advan­tage; and without doubt the Affairs of the Hungarians, and the Turks had chan­ged its face, if particular interest had not prevailed above the general good. King Uladislaus had in his Court one Ju­lian a Legate from his Holiness, and George the Despote of Mysia, who ever talking of the good fortune of Uladislaus, the gene­rosity of Huniades, and the facility of reco­vering what was lost, inclined that King to a great undertaking. Preparations were made; and the forces being drawn together, Uladislaus sent Huniades before with the Van-Guard. His Expedition was so prosperous, that he regained divers places; and had he not been put to a stop by the severity of Winter, it is belie­ved [Page 66] he had penetrated and over-run a [...] even to Thrace, and ruined the Turkis [...] Empire in Europe. In this Campagne H [...] ­niades gave eight several Battels to C [...] ­rambo, a great General of the Turks, wher [...] in he ever came off with advantage then the Winter forcing him to retire t [...] Buda, he carried Carambo along wit [...] him, who falling into a very dee [...] Snow, was become his Prisoner. Thes [...] things having thus succeeded to th [...] honour and advantage of the Hungaria [...] King, and the immortal renown of Joh [...] Huniades, the Ambassadors from dive [...] Princes, from the Emperour of Constanti­nople, the Venetians, and Genoese, went t [...] congratulate Uladislaus, intreating him t [...] continue and prosecute a War he had s [...] fortunately begun. They promised and assured him that all the forces of Christen­dom should be his seconds, that a Flee [...] should be sent to obstruct the passage o [...] the Hellespont, and hinder the Turk from coming over there; and that the Greek [...] seeing such hopes and probabilities o [...] their deliverance, would resume thei [...] ancient Courage, to break their bands [...] slavery in pieces. The Despote of Mysi [...] to these arguments, did add all the rea­sons and persuasives, that his earnes [...] [Page 67] desire for the recovery of a Kingdom, and his Children, (who were in the hands of the Turk) could possibly sug­gest, so that all things were tending, and disposing towards a War, no less benefi­cial than honourable to Christendom.

They might well hope for good Success, from so powerfull a League.

And yet it proved unfortunate; and to the ruine of Hungary; which hapned thus. Amurath II. of that Name, the Turkish Sultan, finding Europe combi­ned against him, and fearing the Forces of Asia, consulted his own prudence, and with admirable Craft and Wisedom, obtained that Peace of Uladislaus he ex­tremely desired. He sent Ambassadors under pretence of treating concerning the liberty of Carambo; but in effect it was to disperse that storm that threatned him. These Agents well knowing what influence the Despote had in the King's Counsel, and in the heart of John Hunia­des Corvinus, believed that if they could but gain him, they should gain all their ends. They planted therefore two Bat­teries against him, which nothing can resist, I mean Affection and Interest. They offer'd the restitution of his Chil­dren, and his Estate, if he could but ob­tain [Page 68] of Uladislaus what they reasonably desired of him. This proposition pleasing the Despote, he soon brought Huniades Corvinus to approve of it; and these two being thus agreed, they found no great difficulty in persuading the King to an accommodation. The Peace was made, the Turk withdrew all the Garrisons he had in Mysia, restored them effectually, and exactly performed all he had promi­sed. But whilst the parties were thu [...] employ'd in the executing of this Teeaty; Letters arrived from Greece, which assu­red them that those People, who knew nothing of the conclusion of this Peace, expected every moment when the game would be begun; for that they were fully resolved not to stand with Armes accross like idle Spectators, the absence of the Sultan who was in Asia, giving them a very favourable opportunity to push on their designs. The Italian Fleet, which advanced towards the Hellespont, desired the same thing with great eager­ness. These Letters having been read in the Senate, even those that had been most forward and zealous for the Peace, were now sorry it was concluded: But none durst mention the breaking of an agree­ment, which had been confirmed by a [Page 69] solemn Oath. Then Julian, the Cardi­nal Legate, powerfull in persuasion, of great credit and eloquence, prompted by an indiscreet Zeal, and an impious piety, undertook by a discourse as lear­ned as it was vehement, to prove that they ought to break that Treaty made with an Infidel. ‘He chid the scrupu­lous, encouraged the timorous, com­forted the afflicted, and wholly encli­ned both the King and the Grandees of Hungary to a rupture. He said, he well foresaw the disadvantages of that Peace; but had not opposed it, lest he should have seemed to accuse Huni­ades of imprudence, and have appea­red cruel towards the Despote of Mysia, who could not have redeemed his Children from the Tyranny of the Turk, but by the said Peace. He assu­red them they might safely do it, since they might justly and reasonably break their Faith with the Turk, who by his finess and craft had broken the bonds of a Christian alliance: He represen­ted how that, indeed, the Hungarians could not grant a Peace to the Sultan, without first having the consent of their Brethren: and that an Oath unjustly made, could not oblige without inju­stice. [Page 70] He endeavour'd to make out that the Oath, they had made to Amu­rath, was null; that it did not bind their Consciences; and that they might rely upon him in this particular as be­ing most knowing in Affairs of that Nature; and concluded that they ought to assemble their Forces, march towards Thrace, and joyn with the other Christians, before the over-sight they had committed should be con­veyed farther into Europe.’ These and the like arguments and reasons, uttered with Authority, and by a most eloquent tongue, inspired the Hungarians to de­clare unanimously, that they would ra­ther lose their lives, than forsake their Brethren at this juncture. To this pur­pose, the Army was drawn forth, and John Huniades, marching in the Van, the King followed with the rest of the Army. This Prince being on his way, Dracula the Vaivode of Valachia went to wait upon him, and told him, he admired at the boldness of his attempt, in going to attack the Turk with so inconside­rable an Army; that his Enemy went a-hunting with as many men as he had then about him; that he advised him to return again. This Counsel was rejected, [Page 71] and the Vaivode having left four thousand Horse with the King under the Conduct of his own Son, he retired. Amurath being informed that Hungary was arming against him, quitted Asia, and returned into Europe, got his Forces a-foot, and the soonest he could possibly, attacked Uladislaus at Varnes, a City of Bulgaria, and defeated him intirely. The event of which Battel, so fatal to the Christians, and fortunate to those Infidels, made it apparent by the Death of the King of Hungary, Julian the Pope's Legate, and an infinite number of brave men besides, that we ought to keep our promised Faith; and that God will punish the perfidious, let them cloak the Crime with what pretence soever they please. It's said that Amurath, observing his men had the worst at the beginning of the Fight, drew out of his Bosom the Treaty that had been signed between him and the Hungarians, and lifting his Eyes to Heaven, said more than once with great earnestness and affection, Jesus Christ, behold the Agreement here the Christians had made with me; to which they have sworn by thy Divinity, and which they now break in Derision of thee: Now, if thou, O Christ, art God, as they do say, revenge I [Page 72] beseech thee, an injury done to thy self, and to me; and let even those that do not yet truly know thy Name be witness, that thou canst punish such as violate the sanctity of those promises which they had sealed with thy sacred Name. Which Prayer was fol­lowed, or answered, with the total de­feat of the Christians. The King's head was fixed upon the point of a Lance, and carried into many parts of Greece and Asia, as a token of an entire Victory. The Body of the Cardinal Julian, who per­swaded them to this breach of Faith, was found naked and pierced with many Wounds. The Epitaph of this King who proved both valiant and happy, so long as he was carefull to make good his pro­mises, is worthy of your notice. Thus it is,

This misfortune befell Hungary, the Eleventh of November, upon St. Martin's day, in the Year, 1444.

You have often told me, that an honest Man's word, ought to be inviola­ble. I have ever been of the same opini­on, and this Example confirms me won­derfully. But did this Hungarian's un­happiness involve the whole Army?

God intending to punish this un­happy Kingdom, yet not wholly destroy it, reserved John Huniades, who finding things were in a most desperate condition after the death of the King, saved him­self by flight. The following year, the Hungarians, who till then had rejected Ladislaus, the posthumus Son of the Em­perour Albertus of Austria, did unani­mously acknowledge him their King, being but five years old. And foras­much as he could not sway the Sceptre, because of his Childhood, they gave the management of all Affairs to John Hu­niades Corvinus, who two years after­wards augmented the Triumphs of Amu­rath, by the loss of two and twenty thousand men, that were sent to oppose him. Some time after Amurath the Turk died at Adrianople, and for Successour left Mahomet II. his Son, who surpassed all his Ancestours in Greatness of Courage, and Subtilty of Mind. This undertak­ing Prince, besieged Constantinople, [Page 74] in the third Year of his Reign, and took it in fifty Days, by the 29th. of May, 1453. This loss abated the Courage of the Christians, raised that of Mahomet, and gave him hopes of adding Hungary to the acquisition he had made of Greece. To this purpose he ravaged Mysia, and with two hundred and fifty thousand Men besieged the City of Belgrade; called by the Ancients Alba Greca: but the place being well defended by Huni­ades, he lost almost all his Army, and an hundred great pieces of Cannon: Huni­ades did not long survive this brave Action, for he died the 8th. of September, 1456. And the Turk turning his thoughts towards Persia, and against Italy, left Hungary in quiet: hoping the ambition of the Grandees, and the Youth of the King would create some troubles, during the peace, and that those troubles would give him an opportunity to subject that Kingdom by pretending to spare it.

It was no small Happiness, however, for King Ladislaus, that the Tyrant ceased to disturb him, during his Minority, after the death of John Huniades. Now tell me what he did when he came to Age.

History will inform you that La­dislaus, being 19 years old, made choice [Page 75] of Magdalen of France, Daughter of Charles VII. for his Wife: And that he died of Poison at Prague, during the So­lemnity of the Marriage: So that he had but little time to make either his Vertues or his Vices to appear. Howe­ver some considerable passages did hap­pen between the Death of Huniades, and that of the King. The former having left two Sons, who being Imitators of the Vertues of their Father, gave some kind of jealousie to Ladislaus, and to his Favou­rites an extreme desire to be rid of them. These being envious of the Glory of Hu­niades, prevailed with the King to cut off the Head of Ladislaus, his Eldest Son, for killing the Count of Cilie in a duel, who had challenged him thereto. At the same [...]ime they clapt Mathias the younger Bro­ [...]her into a Prison; and not able to en­ [...]ure the Children of that man, who had [...]aved the Kingdom, they would have [...]ade his process, if the death of the King, [...]nd the Divine Providence who designed [...]im for the Crown, had not prevented it. [...]his death, which hapned in the Year [...]457, caused a marvellous change. Ma­ [...]ias Corvinus, the Son of John Huniades, [...]me from the Prison to the Throne, and [...]l the Enemies of his Father's Honour, [Page 76] and his own merit, could not hinder this man of but a mean condition, from being preferr'd before the whole House of Au­stria, Anno, 1458.

These effects of the Divine Provi­dence are most admirable. But did he Reign Gloriously?

Hungary hath had few Kings comparable to Mathias Corvinus: He was ignorant in nothing that befits a great Prince to know, and his Reign wa [...] glorious both in the times of Peace and of War. Divers great Hungarian Lords, opposed his Election, and after he wa [...] chosen, they solicited the Emperour Fre­derick III. to come and be Crowned, sinc [...] he had the Crown of Hungary in his own power. Some write that he did do so; and 'tis certain, he did not give up the Crown of Hungary till six years afterwards and that in exchange for threescore thou­sand Ducats, which were carried him t [...] Newstadt in Austria A while before thi [...] restitution, some factious Heads offer' [...] the Crown of Hungary, to Casimir, Son o [...] another Casimir King of Poland, who sen [...] him with a numerous Army, upon th [...] Frontiers of Hungary. Mathias hastne [...] to prevent the danger, and forced th [...] Polander to retire. These factions gav [...] [Page 77] the Turk encouragement to undertake, and the opportunity to make himself Master of Bosnia, Rascia, and a part of Servia. But Mathias being Crowned, regained what had been lost, and redu­ced Valachia and Transilvania to their obedience. This Success, and the exam­ple of his Father, made Mathias prose­cute the War against the Turk without intermission; and doubtless he would have cut him out work enough, had he not been diverted by the Emperour, and the Pope. This is apparently seen in the Letters he wrote upon this Subject to the Electors of the Empire, and the Cardinal of Arragon. In these Letters, he remonstrates to the first, that whilst he was posted upon the River of Save, with intention to fight the Infidels; he un­derstood there was an Assembly held at Vienna, wherein they had concluded to fall upon them. To the other he writes, that the Pope favoured the Venetians, who without any just cause had taken the Island of Valga from him; and that to discredit him amongst his own, he would needs deprive him of the power of conferring any Ecclesiastical Benefices in his own Kingdom.

There is small reason that either of those two Princes, whom it most nearly concerns to have the Turk beaten out of Europe, should hinder those that are drawing their Swords against him.

I am of the same mind with your self. But Peter de Reva, says that he transcribed those papers out of the Ori­ginals, and adds some other particulars far more incredible. He tells us in his fifth Century of his Hungarian Monarchy, that the Emperour made a seizure of the moneys which the Nobility and Clergy had raised to supply Mathias in the War he had undertaken against the Turk, and that the Pope helped to drain his Countrey of Treasure, ordering Collec­tions to be there made for the Knights of Rhodes. All this did not hinder Stephen Battory, and Paul Canisius, fighting under his auspicious Banner, from defeating Ha­libek, leaving threescore thousand of his men dead upon the spot. Nor himself from regaining Jaitza, and reducing Bosnia to his obedience, fighting with his own hand. Notwithstanding he was for­ced to make a Truce with Mahomet; and that Tyrant being dead, Anno 1481. he did his utmost to renew the War to ad­vantage. To which purpose he desired [Page 79] pass-ports for some Ambassadors he in­tended to send to him, but could not obtain any. He also entreated the Pope to let him have Zemini, the Son of Mahomet, that he might make use of him against his Brother Bajazet, who was newly seated in the Turkish Throne, and he refu­sed it. This refusal was the more sensi­ble, as being onely upon the considerati­on of a little Summ of money he must have lost, which Bajazet had promised to pay him annually; whilst he obliged himself to confirm the same Truce with Bajazet, as had been made with Maho­met his Father. Some time after, these ssightings of the Emperour becoming in­supportable to a man of his generous Spirit, brought it to an open War. Which War proved so favourable to Ma­thias, that having subdued the greatest part of Austria, and at length taken Vienna and Newstadt, which are the chie­fest Bulwarks; He likewise carried his Arms against Bohemia, and made himself Master of the Provinces of Silesia and Moravia. Then Casimir King of Poland, willing to have his share of the quarry, came int [...] Silesia with a powerfull Army, and by the intercession of the Princes of the Empire, these two Kings were [Page 80] brought to an agreement: So that, Ma­thias, and Uladislaus the Son of King Casi­mir, might both bear the quality of King of Bohemia: But Uladislaus was to enjoy the Electoral dignity solely, and as to the Kingdom, Mathias to possess the Provin­ces of Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia, re­deemable after his death for four hundred thousand Crowns. Whilst Mathias was thus employ'd in these Wars, the Turk brake the Truce and seized upon Killen, and Nestar-Alba, which were then consi­derable Forts upon the River Danube. In fine, Mathias, having reigned five years at Vienna, whilst they were treating a­bout the surrender of it, died there the Tuesday before Easter, in the Month of March, 1450 His Body was conveyed to Alba-Regalis, where he was interred amongst the rest of the Kings of Hun­gary.

It was but reasonable, that so Mar­tial a Prince should dye in the Month of March: But it was pity he did not em­ploy his Valour against the common Ene­my: and I am sorry that such as should have push'd him on, did divert and hin­der him; But, who succeeded?

After the decause of Mathias Cor­vinus, who having no lawfull Child, had [Page 81] wished, they would chuse for his Suc­cessour, John Huniades his Natural Son, the Spirit of Division came amongst the Hungarians. Four Princes pretended to the Kingdom, and the Grandees of Hun­gary, divided into four Cabals, did each of them favour most that person, whom they esteemed most worthy of that ho­nour. John, the Son of the late King Mathias had the Suffrages of such, as revered in him the eminent Vertues both of his Father and Grandfather; and who were more desirous to obey a Na­tive, than a Stranger. The others were of different opinions: Some desired Al­bert Jagelon, youngest Son of the King of Poland, on whom the Pope bestowed Arms, to fight against Uladislaus his o­ther Son, who was likewise one of the Competitors; the Father believing that Uladislaus ought to be contented and fully satisfied with the Crown of Bohe­mia. In fine, some inclined to Maximi­lian, Son of the Emperour Frederick, who was excluded from the Kingdom of Hun­gary, because the faction that sided with Uladislaus Jagelon, prevailed above his. During this interregnum, the Emperour recover'd all that Mathias Corvinus had taken from him in Austria; and at length [Page 82] Uladislaus ascended the Throne. The be­ginning of this Reign was troublesome: Albert the Brother of Uladislaus, assisted by the Brothers of Casimir King of Poland, their Father, besieged Cassovia, the Capital of the upper Hungary, and gave him much perplexity on that side. Blaisius Magger, Servant to John Corvinus, an­gry his Master had been rejected, refused to give the Crown to the New King, which he had in keeping at Vice-grade, endured a Siege, and did not surrender it, till commanded so to do by Corvinus. Max­imilian having regained his places in Austria, advanced towards Hungary; and being assisted by those that had favour'd him, during the interregnum, he made a considerable progress there. In fine; Uladislaus, growing weary of so many disturbances, came to an agreement with Maximilian, the Articles whereof were so odious to the Hungarians, that Emeri­cus Prini, Palatin of Hungary, caused it to be proclaimed thorough all the Sub­urbs of the City of Presburg, that he did not consent to them, nor ever would give his consent thereto. This genero­sity, however lasted not long: For Prini; gained by Bribes, subscribed those Articles of Peace, which gave the Crown of Hun­gary, [Page 83] to the House of Austria, in case Uladislaus should happen to dye without Children. Thus was their distemper cured by a remedy odious to the whole Kingdom, and this storm was followed by another. Albertus the Brother of Uladislaus, seeing him seated on the Throne against his Will, did for the se­cond time besiege Cassovia: but think­ing to take, himself was taken, and for­ced to promise his Brother, that he would let him live in quiet. Shortly after Ulad slaus married, and in three or four Years, he had Anne and Lewis who are so famous in History. Anne was married to Ferdinand of Austria Grandson to the Emperour Maximilian, who had divers Children by her whose posterity Reigns to this day in Germany and Hungary. The accidents of the birth, the life and death of Lewis were extraordinary. He was born without a Skin: which made his people believe he would be stript of his Kingdom; He wore a beard at fifteen years of age, and became gray at eighteen, which made every one guess his life would be but short. He died in a Morass at M [...]at [...], not being above twenty years old; and his Kingdom fell most part of it under the power of the [Page 84] Mahometans; which demonstrates, that those prodigies were but too true, as you shall now hear. Uladislaus having no in­tention to make good what he had pro­mised to Maximilian of Austria, caused his Son Lewis to be Crowned at Alba-Regalis, by Thomas Cardinal of Strigonia, Anno 1508. and the following year cau­sed him to be Crowned King of Bohemia at Prague, being as yet but three years of Age. These things could not be done, without an extreme dissatisfaction and disgust to the Emperour, but Uladislaus maintaining a Peace with the Turk, and having a support from Poland, his Ma­jesty was forced to defer his resentment.

The greatest Calms are ordinarily follow'd by the greatest Tempests; and if it were not so here, Uladislaus was more happy than he deserved.

Towards the latter end of Uladis­laus his Life, and after the death of Ba­jazet, Hungary begun to fall into a Civil War, which had like to have destroy'd it utterly. That King having a mind to attack Selim the Great Turk, who had some disturbance at home, his Brother Achmet contending with him for the Crown. He communicated his project to Pope Julius I.

The Pope approved of it, and promis'd to contribute to it; but prevented by death, he left the care thereof to his Suc­cessors. In the mean while Uladislaus be­thought himself, and renewed the Truce with Selim which he had formerly made with his Father Bajazet. This Truce dis­tasted those that longed for a War: and soon after, the Cardinal Thomas, Legate of the Roman See, joyned the people of Hun­gary, with the Nobility in a Crusado, de­siring to attaque the Turk with the ut­most vigour. Then the meaner sort of people, who till that instant had been treated with severity enough, imagining the Season to recover their liberty was now come, turned their weapons against the Nobility. This multitude grown in­solent by their numbers, elected George Sekel for their King, who was General. And this man having done much mischief, went and laid Siege to Themiswar, where his Army was defeated, and both he, and his Brother taken Prisoners, by John Za­poliha, Vaivode of Transilvania. This ac­tion of Zopoliha's gave him so much repu­tation; that King Uladislaus was despised, and they talked of setting him up in his stead. But Uladislaus prevented them by his death, which hapned Anno 1516.

That which you tell me of the Hungarians makes me find, that they have a great deal of affection and respect for their King, if he be valiant, and that they would willingly change him for another when he is not so.

A Warlike People do gladly see their Kings on Horse-back, when any oc­casion requires it for the defence of their Countrey: And although experience teaches us, that the safety and life of a King, is the preservation of the Kingdom, yet they love to see them at the Head of their Armies. The Hungarians have rea­son notwithstanding to be of another mind, for History will discover, what an addition of misfortune it is to lose their King, when they lose a Battel. Lewis I. having succeeded to Uladislaus his Father in his tender youth, was despised by Sul­tan Solyman, who knowing his weakness, and the divisions that were then on foot betwixt the great ones in Christendom, thought it was then the onely time to subdue Hungary. To this purpose, he made Peace with the Persian, and attack'd Lewis with all his Forces. This young King, finding himself alone uncapable to resist so potent an Enemy, desired the o­ther Christian Princes to send him aid; [Page 87] and not suffer the Bullwark of Chistendom to fall into the hands of the common E­nemies of their Faith. His prayers were in vain, while Christendom was tearing it self in pieces; and Lewis was obliged to take the Field in his own defence, before he had gotten all his own Forces toge­ther. The Turk had already past the Save, and the Drave, when meeting the Hungarians in small numbers, and ill pro­vided of a General, he easily defeated them; and so entirely, that the King, and the greater part of those that follow­ed him, perish'd in the Battel, or in their Flight.

I have heard say, that two and twenty thousand Christians died in that Battel, and that besides the Horses for service, five thousand Waggons, four­score pieces of great Cannon, and six hun­dred lesser ones, with all their equipage, fell into the Victor's hands.

The loss of the Battel was but a small matter, in comparison of what did follow. The Turk took, and slew in Hungary, above two hundred thousand persons: He set his foot so far within the Countrey, that they could never drive him out thence; and at this time, we find how difficult a matter it is to wrest any [Page 88] considerable post out of his hands. So that we may well set a mark upon the 29. day of August in 1526, as one of the most fatal, that ever afflicted Christendom. This King died without Children, and his want of issue strenghtned the right and pretensions the House of Austria had to possess the Crown of Hungary. How­ever they found the Hungarians but little inclin'd to favour them. John Zapoliha Count of Sebusa, Vayvode of Transilvania, who came too late to defend the Crown, thought he was come time enough to put it upon his own head. He had for a long while employ'd his money, and used all his industry to gain the affections of the whole Kingdom; and by the defeat of George Sekel, and of the populace who had made him their King, a little before, he had made some steps, and open'd his way towards the Throne. Finding him­self therefore in a condition that might justly make him hope for it, he pray'd, and exhorted the Grandees, each in par­ticular, not to suffer the Right of Election they had to fall, but to take generous resolutions in the following Diet. He re­presents to them that Hungary was never very fortunate under the command of a Stranger. That Sigismund the Bohemian, [Page 89] and Uladislaus the Polander, had made it most apparent, by their defeats, at Nico­polis, at Colembat and at Varna, that Strangers rule but very unsuccesfully in this Kingdom. He endeavour'd to make them believe, that if possible a Stranger could reign gloriously in Hungary, yet it were better much to have a King of their own Nation. That divers people, and the best governed in Europe, exclude the Women from the Crown, for fear lest it should pass into the hands of Strangers. That the Hungarian Nobility were not so degenerated, but that they might find some heads amongst them worthy to wear a Crown; and although he were none of the most deserving, yet he pre­sumed himself was not incapable either to Govern a great Kingdom, or to defend this with his Sword.

There are few Nations but do ab­hor the Dominion of a Stranger. But what did the Hungarians resolve?

The advice, and the merits of Za­poliha, touched the greater part of the Hungarian Nobles so home, that they put the reins of the Government into his hands, and caused him to be Crowned by Paul de Verda Archbishop of Strigonia, upon St. Martin's day in 1526. But as that mise­rable [Page 90] Kingdom was running to its own ruine; Stephen Battory, and some other Grandees, who with an envious Eye be­held the fortune of Zapoliha, sided with Ferdinand of Austria, and supported his interest. That Prince strengthned by hi [...] new Kingdom of Bohemia, by the victo­rious Army of the Emperour Charles V. hi [...] Brother, by his Marriage with Anne, the Sister-German of the late King; by the pretensions which Ladislaus, Son of the Emperour Albertus I. had left his House, an [...] the Hungarian Lords who followed hi [...] party, believed that Hungary could no [...] escape him. In effect, Ferdinand assiste [...] by his Friends, and by his Right, wa [...] declared King, took the Field, and know­ing there is no better way to destroy an [...] living Creature, than by striking it t [...] the heart, he marched directly to B [...] the Capital City of the Kingdom. Kin [...] John, amazed at this attempt, quitte [...] that place, Ferdinand seized on it, an [...] soon after beat his Adversarie's Arm [...] and drove him quite out of the Kingdo [...] These fortunate proceedings were inte [...] ­rupted by the Turk, who regained J [...] ­itza, the Capital of Bosnia, which ha [...] been taken by Mathias Corvinus, wi [...] extraordinary Valour. This loss, a [...] [Page 91] the retreat of King John, made Ferdinand guess, he was not yet at the end of his race; but that John, and Solyman would cut him out a great deal of Work

I would fain know, whither that dethroned King retired, and what he did to recover his Kingdom?

The poor King, finding he was de­feated by the revolting of his own men, and the Emperour's Forces, betook himself to his last shifts and refuge; He withdrew into Poland, to Jeremy Lascus, the Pala­tine of Siradia, a Person illustrious both for his birth and vertue. Lascus over­ [...]oy'd to have such a guest, offer'd him [...]ll that was in his power, and having [...]ften consider'd of the most probable ways to restore him, he advised him to [...]ave his recourse to Solyman the Grand [...]eignior. And forasmuch as those that [...]ive the Council, ought to be the most [...]orward to put it in execution; he under­ [...]ook to go to Constantinople, with a Letter [...]om Sigismund King of Poland. This [...]eat man, who had formerly been an [...]mbassador at the Port, soon made it [...]ident he knew how to negotiate. He [...]uickly by his presents gained Ibrahim [...]e Prime Vizier, Lustibey and Lewis [...]itti, who were in favour with the Tur­kish [Page 92] Sultan. These being instructed by the prudent directions of Lascus, easily perswa­ded the Grand Seignior, that it would be both honourable and advantageous to him, to take a wronged King into his protection, and to restore him to his Throne. In the mean time Ferdinand, who apprehended the practices that Lascus was managing at the Port, sent thither John Oberdans, a Hungarian Lord, to desire the Amity of Solyman, and to demand the restitution of all that he had taken in Hungary, since the death of Lewis II. This demand of­fended Solyman, who replied, that the Ottomans did never allow of any amity to those who had offended them: That Ferdinand was mistaken in asking it, after his having invaded a Kingdom to which he had no pretence; that he thought him unworthy of what he desired, and that he would revenge the injury he had newly done him. Upon this, he com­manded Oberdans forthwith to leave Con­stantinople, and tell his Master, that he declared War against him, and that he would come to meet him in Hungary, bringing himself the Keys of those Citie he demanded.

The Turk talked big, and if the ef­fects were answerable, he must needs have made King Ferdinand repent his ha­ving disturbed the repose of Zapoliha.

Solyman could not do all he would, but desiring to make good his promise, he took the Field with a dreadfull Army, and marched towards Hungary in the Spring. King John being advertised of his approach, went to receive him at Belgrade, accompanied by Lascus, and the bravest Troops of the Hungarian No­bility, he could possibly draw together, and in the presence of them all, acknow­ledg'd him for his Lord. There it was, that the Sultan rising a little from his Seat, gave him his hand, assured him, that no­thing could be more delightfull to him than to relieve the afflicted, who were unjustly persecuted by their Enemies; commanded him to be of good courage, and said, he would restore to him all that he could recover from his adversary. These promises were confirmed by a most so­lemn oath, with a great deal of pomp, after the manner of those Infidels, who ever do appear in all their actions more than in reality they are. In fine, all things being thus in readiness, Solyman advan­ced to Buda, and easily took it, the Ger­man [Page 94] Garison having abandon'd it, and compell'd Thomas Nadasdy, to surrender the Castle, whereof he was Governour. This Victory gave the Sultan an opportu­nity to restore King John to his Crown; and he did so. Then over-running all that durst oppose him, he went and laid Siege to Vienna. There it was, that So­lyman's fortune Shipwrack'd. He batter'd and assaulted the place, with all the fury, and all the skill imaginable: But if the one bravely attaqued, the other as stout­ly defended. Philip, the victorious Prince Palatine of the Rheine, and Nicholas Count of Salines, forced him to retire with shame, and to confess, that to take Vienna, a Man must be very well provided, and have a good head-piece on.

That place is the mark the Otto­mans have aimed at for above a whole Age: they believe that by taking the Imperial Seat of the Western Empire, they should cut off that head of the Roman Ea­gle yet remaining. But since he fled, ra­ther than retreated, and was shaded with Cypress, not Crowned with Laurel, let's follow him, and know what he did upon his going off.

All that he did, being nothing to our purpose, I shall omit his cruelties, [Page 95] and the horrible tokens of his indignation, which he left behind him. It is sufficient you should know, that being arrived at Buda, he caused all the Regal Ornaments to be brought forth, and said to King John in the presence of a multitude of Hunga­rian and Turkish Lords. Brother, and Friend, since after God, thou hast had re­course to me, in thy time of Calamity; I have been gladly willing to favour and assist thee; and have so contrived it, that thou art Mas­ter of thy Kingdom; now I resign into thy hands, the City and Castle of Buda, together with all the rest of Hungary, whereof I de­clare thee King. Then turning towards the Grandees of Hungary, he said to them: I command you to be faithfull, and obedient to your King, here present. If you do this, I shall be your Friend, and if not, my Cymiter shall destroy you. And thou, O King, my Friend, remember the good thou hast now re­ceived from God, and my self. Thou hast the Crown, which thy self, and thy Successors may happily enjoy, if you persevere in my amity, and the respect you owe me. Having [...]aid thus, he left Lewis Gritti with him, [...] whom Andreas, since Duke of Venice, had [...]egotten on a Greek Concubine) with some Cavalry, and retired towards Constantino­ [...]le.

It's a wonder, that Solyman, who came off so scurvily in Austria, did not, to repair his loss, retain Hungary for him­self. For I have heard it affirmed, that the Turk takes little heed to keep his pro­mise.

Solyman did like those that break young Horses, he made use of this mild­ness to allure the Hungarians, and gave up to John that which he believed he was not able to hold. Then King John, having good reason to fear the Turk would be weary of assisting him, and finding his affairs in an ill posture, sent the same Las­cus to Vienna whom he had employ'd at the Port. This great Man obtained a truce for a year; during which the two Kings came to an agreement, which somewhat took off the edge of the former bitterness betwixt them. By this agreement John was to enjoy the Kingdom of Hungary till his death; and Ferdinand, or one of his Sons was to succeed him. And because it was not impossible but John might leave some Children, it was said, that if he had a Son, that Son should possess all the Lands, Cities and Castles, that belonged to John, before he was King of Hungary. And moreover, besides the things above-men­tioned, he should be Prince of Transilvania. [Page 97] This Treaty was ill observed. Ferdinand caused Transilvania to be attaqued by Balthasar Banfy; Sclavonia, by John Co­eranerus, and the Province of Sebusa, by Leonard Baron of Veltz. All these attempts proved vain, by the prudence of King John, and the valour of the Monk George Martinusias his Favorite. And for this cause, they came to another agreement. The Calm which this King enjoy'd after that Tempest was blown over, gave him leasure to think of his marriage. To this [...]nd he sent unto Sigismond King of Poland, to demand Isabella, or Elizabeth, his Daughter; and having obtained her, his Nuptials, and the Coronation of the Queen were made with great Solemnities.

I believe Ferdinand did not willing­ly see this Marriage, whence might pro­ceed the continuation of his troubles, and a new opposition to his Right; nor that Solyman approved of the accord, which John made with Ferdinand, unknown to him, or at least without his assent. And I think he had reason, for the Vassal can­not innovate any thing in what he ac­knowledges to be in Fief, without the consent of his Sovereign.

In this affair, King John was like unto him that holds a Wolf by the Ears: He found there was as much cause of fear on the behalf of Solyman, as from his competitor to the Kingdom; and he thought he might have better hopes in a Christian Prince, than from an Infidel. Yet so it fell out, that in the end, his Suc­cessors submitted to the Turk, to preserve part of their Dignity: as we are going to see. Some while after the Marriage of King John, Stephen Maillats, and some others, took up Arms against him, in be­half of Ferdinand. Then John willing to extinguish the Fire, before it grew to a greater head, left the Queen at Buda, and went into Transilvania; where he freely pardon'd those that confessed and were sorry for their faults; which Clemency cau­sed many to return to their Duty. But Mai­lats retired to the strong Castle of Pogaras, to wait for the assistance that Ferdinand was sending to him, under the conduct of Nadasdy. The King besieged him there, and took it after a long Siege. In the mean time a Couriere comes, who brings him News of the Birth of a Son, whom God had sent him. Such News being very pleasing to those that have no Children, and especially to people advanced in [Page 99] years, we may imagine that King John received it with great joy. This invited him to drink to some excess, after the Hungarian fashion. And that excess in­creasing some distemper he had, he died at Sassebes, a few days after the Birth of his Son, in the 53. year of his Age. His death was concealed, as much as it was possible; but at length it was made pub­lick with the tenor of his Will and Testa­ment. By it, the King declared his Son the universal Heir of all his Estate: and George Martinisius Tutor to the said Prince. Some days before he died, the King had exhorted the Hungarian Nobility to have a regard to the honour of the Nation, and to prefer his Son before any other when they came to elect a King: assuring them that the Turk would take care to protect him, if they had recourse to his Arms. The prayers and request of a dying King, and the fear and aversion the Hungarians had of submitting to a stranger, obliged some to set the Crown upon the Infants Head on the day he was Baptized, and to send to the Port, to demand assistance of Solyman.

The Kingdom of Hungary is very un­happy, yet hath suffer'd no more than it have deserved. It is a most shame­full [Page 100] thing, that a Christian King upon his death-bed, should exhort his Subjects to apply themselves to the Turk, to free his posterity from the obligation himself had imposed upon them by a Sacred Oath. It is great want of prudence and policy to Crown an Infant, when it must make him become the object of the anger and envy of a potent Prince his next neighbour. It is an unsufferable impiety, to call upon an Infidel for aid, before 'tis known, whe­ther the person we suspect and fear, will exceed the bounds of reason in his de­mands. The Hungarians had lived more at ease, would they but have made good those promises their Kings had engaged them to perform, and the Turk had been confin'd within much narrower bounds; if the house of Austria had not been obstruc­ted in their just pretensions.

When a Countrey is to be lost, every thing contributes towards its ruine. Those Kingdoms that have changed their Masters have been the chief contrivers of their own misfortunes. Hungary was become so depraved, that every one gloried in his inconstancy and treachery: But let us resume the thrid of our discourse, and draw nearer to our own times. King Ferdinand, being informed of the death [Page 101] of his adversary, sent Nicholas Count of Salmes to the Widow, to desire she would make good the treaty agreed upon be­twixt her Husband, and him: to submit to that by reason, which otherwise she would be compell'd to doe by force: that she and her Son, would find more ad­vantage in acquiescing to what had been promised by the late King, with mature deliberation, than by drawing the miseries of an obstinate and bloody War upon the Kingdom of Hungary. That he was ready to make good his engagements, and use her with a more than ordinary clemency and kindness. The Queen answer'd the Count, that her Sex, her Age, and her Grief, rendred her uncapable of resolving on an affair of so great importance, with­out taking the advice of her Father the King of Poland; that she desired that Fer­dinand would allow her some months for these reasons; that the Emperour Charles, or himself could not in honour attaque a Woman drowned in Tears, and an Infant rocked in his Cradle. This answer dis­pleased Ferdinand, who sent Leonard Ba­ron of Velts with an Army, to compell her to obey. The Queen finding her self in this extremity, dispatched some Ambassa­dors to the Port. These were very well [Page 102] received by Solyman, and brought thence a Scarlet Robe embroidered; an iron Scep­ter with a handle and pomel of Gold, and a Cymiter, whose Scabberd was set with precious Stones, as tokens of his amity, and protection. At the same time, the Sultan commanded the Governours of all the neighbouring places to take the Field without delay to assist that Queen. Lascus, who was gone over to serve Ferdinand, and who at that instant was his Ambassador at Constantinople, demanded the Kingdom of Hungary of the Turk, upon the conditions he had formerly given it to John Zapoli­ha. This demand distasted the Tyrant, who put the Ambassador into Prison; say­ing he deserved to die, for daring to scoff and affront his Highness in that manner. Solyman therefore denying Ferdinand's re­quest, and sending succours to Queen Eli­zabeth, Hungary became the Theatre of many and most horrible confusions. The Germans, the Turks, and the Hun­garians spilt much blood there: Rogendorf, the new General of Ferdinand's forces, be­sieged Buda. This Siege put Solyman in­to a rage, and on his march to relieve it. However he might have spared his la­bour, for his forces had raised the Siege before his arrival. And Rogendorf ha­ving [Page 103] lost twenty thousand men there, sa­ved himself by flight. Solyman notwith­standing pursued his Voyage, and being come near the City, sent some presents to the young King; But soon after desi­ring to make him pay for his visit and charges, he sent to intreat the Queen to let him see her Son, assuring her it was only to oblige his Children to love him the better. At the same time, the De­puties had order to tell her, that if he did not visit her, it was for fear lest it might stain her Reputation. The Queen thanked the Grand Seignior for his civility and care, and doubting whether she were best to send her Son, or not send him, George Martinisius told her, she could not refuse it. Over-come therefore by necessity, she laid him in a Cradle worthy of such a Child; and having com­manded the Nurse, and some other Ma­trons, together with divers Hungarian Lords to attend him, she sent him to the Camp; Solyman to shew the greater re­spect and honour, caused them to be re­ceived by a party of Horse, saw the In­fant, and caused it to be caressed by his Children. And at the same time, seized upon one of the Gates of Buda, whence his Troops got into all the streets and pla­ces [Page 104] of the Town. That done, he com­manded the Burghers to surrender their Arms, if they would save their lives; which was performed without any dis­turbance Then Solyman sent back the young Prince to his Mother, and detain'd those Grandees who came with him. The Queen finding her City and her Officers under the power of the Turk, she weeps, and intreats; But neither her prayers, nor her tears could hinder Solyman from consulting whether he should detain the Kingdom of Hungary, or restore it to the young King.

The Turk is so absolute and so for­midable to his own Subjects, that I dare assure my self, that in his Council every one speaks according to the humour and inclinations of the Prince.

It was not so here, for their opini­ons were debated: and the Grand Seigni­or did not follow the most unreasonable. Mahomet and Ustrephy were of opinion, that Solyman should carry the young King, and the chief Hungarians to Constantino­ple, and place a Governour at Buda, who using moderation, might by insensible degrees accustom those Libertines to bear the Otto­man yoke; and in the mean time suffer them to enjoy their estates and liberty. Rostan [Page 105] Son-in-law to Solyman, gave him more honourable advice, persuading him to keep the Faith he was engaged to; it being im­possible to doe otherwise without staining his Reputation and Credit. Jahaoglis, Bassa of Belgrade, laying aside all that is humane or decent, endeavour'd to persuade Solyman to reduce Hungary into a Province, and free himself from the necessity of coming thi­ther so often, to the relief of a Woman, and an Infant. He represented to him, that they could never be able to resist the German Forces, but by his Highnesses help; and by consequence his trouble would be eternal. He said, it ought to be remembred, that within twenty years space, Solyman had been forced to come five times into Hungaria Panonia, at vast expences, and not without great dan­ger to his Person; The first, to reduce the City of Belgrade, which in those days was a meer nest of Thieves. The second to re­venge an affront upon his Ambassadors, to whom he sacrificed King Lewis; and then by a prodigality beyond all example, he be­stowed the Kingdom of Hungary upon a Person, no way considerable, but for the mis­chief he had done to the Ottoman Forces. The third, to succour the same King against Ferdinand of Austria, who molested him, when at the same time he disturbed all Ger­many, [Page 106] by the Siege of Vienna, and those incursions, which brought sixty thousand Christians into slavery. The fourth, be­cause that retreat of Solyman's, having gi­ven the same Ferdinand the confidence and assurance to attaque King John, and the hopes of subduing his Kingdom, he was for­ced to come and help him: and the fifth for the affairs now before them, and which we have above related. This Bassa, who had been present in all those expeditions, ex­aggerated the inconveniences Solyman had undergone; the great Men he had lost, and the necessity that would oblige him to neglect his other affairs, to look after this only. Whence he concluded, that since War ought not to be made, but to procure peace and quiet, the Sultan, his Master, ought to reduce that Kingdom into a Province, which he had so often gained, and defended; send back the Queen, to Sigismund her Father King of Poland; take the Infant Prince along with him to Constantinople, to be brought up in the Mahometan Law: slay all the Grandees of the Kingdom; demolish their forts and strong holds; transport part of their Families into Asia: and keep the rest in awe and sub­jection by sufficient Garrisons.

This last spake like a true Turk, for that race are very cruel, and sworn Ene­mies to those of the Christian Faith.

Jahaoglis said nothing, but what Solyman was well able to doe, and which many of his Predecessors would have done upon the like occasion. He resolved however to use greater moderation. He left a Garrison in Buda, intreating the Queen to allow of what he did, and to retire with her Son to Lippa, where she should Reign in Transilvania bordering upon the King of Poland, her Fathers Ter­ritories. And having assured her of the affection he would still have towards her Son, he caused her to be convey'd by some of his own Guards, and gave her Waggons, and Beasts of burthen; that she might conveniently, and without further danger, carry such goods along with her, as were her own. The Queen finding the necessity for her departure, endeavour'd to make them believe, she willingly quitted that place, she could not hold. Some of her Grandees followed her with much joy, as being deliver'd out of Prison. And the Transilvanians swore fealty to the young Prince, by the consent of the Turk. And remembring how King John had mildly govern'd them [Page 108] near upon thirty years, they promised to be obedient to his Son without com­pulsion. The affairs of the Hungarians being in this posture, as we have told you, King Ferdinand, who stood in fear of Solyman, would needs endeavour to appease him; and to that purpose sent him some presents, worthy both of him that gave them, and he who was to re­ceive them. Amongst other rarities there was, a Gold Gobblet enriched with preci­ous Stones, and a Silver Clock of a won­derfull fabrick and artifice: The Body of it was a Globe, which had adorned the Closet of his Grandfather Maximilian, and shewed not only the hours of the day but the motions of the Planets, the distan­ces of the Sun and Moon, imitating the great Machine of the World, as much as art could make it; and all these would go on for a whole year together, with once winding up.

Did these presents work any good effect? Did they obtain that tranquillity which Ferdinand desired?

The Globe did please the Sultan ex­tremely, he being well skilled in Astrono­my; yet did not oblige him to any civili­ty. Ferdinand's Amhassadors demanded the Kingdom of Hungary of the Turk, upon [Page 109] the same conditions he had formerly granted it to John Zapoliha; which was honourable to Solyman, and beneficial to the State. There was all the probability imaginable he would condescend to it. Yet this was the answer they received by the mouth of Rostan, That his Highness would grant a Peace to their Master, if he would surrender all the places that had be­longed to King Lewis I. If he would not approach near the Frontiers of Hungary: If he would oblige the House of Austria to pay him such Tribute, as he would impose, to preserve the honor of his Ottoman Majesty; that the said Tribute should be but small in [...]omparison of the great trouble he had been at, [...]nd the immense charges in his War; And [...]f these conditions appeared harsh to Ferdi­ [...]and, he would employ all his Forces to com­ [...]ell him to this very thing. Upon this an­ [...]wer Solyman retired to Constantinople, [...]fter he had ransacked some Provinces. This haughty comportment of Solyman's, was at Vienna interpreted as a Declarati­ [...]n of War; wherefore King Ferdinand [...]ade choice of three Generals to oppose his dreadfull Enemy, and solicited George Martinisius, who refused not to [...]erve him. This Monk, whom King John [...]ad made choice of to be Tutor to his Son, [Page 110] Principal Minister of State, and controller of his Treasury, desiring to tyrannize over his Master, and the Queen his Mother, had always several strings to his bow. And whatever he promised either to the Queen, the Sultan, or the King of the Romans, it was but to make use of the one against the other for his own ends; and himself to reign absolutely by such policies. The ambition of this little Gentleman, who from a mean and despicable domestick Servan [...] of John Zapoliha's Mother was become a Monk; and from an ignorant Monk, a Servant to King John, Bishop of Varadin, and Prime Minister of State; who could en­dure no rival, which made the Queen appre­hensive, that he would make her unfor­tunate, and dethrone her Son. Thes [...] fears of the Queens, made her represen [...] to Solyman, how that Martinisius had de­manded aid of Ferdinand King of th [...] Romans, to compass the designs he ha [...] to reign himself, by the oppression, an [...] perhaps by the death of her Son. Marti­nisius, on the contrary represents to Fe [...] ­dinand, how he being infinitely oblige [...] to the late King, could do no less tha [...] endeavour to procure the Son all th [...] advantages, all the honor, and all th [...] happiness he was able. But that his qu [...] ­lity [Page 111] of Prelate, did yet much more engage and bind him, to the preservation of Christianity; that he had to do with a timorous Woman, who upon the least cause of suspicion, implored help of the Turk; and that Transilvania must infalli­bly fall into the hands of the Infidels, if they did not take away the Government from her. To this purpose he besought King-Ferdinand to force her to give up her right for some compensation, and judged it necessary, that they should offer to the Son, the same advantages that had been promised to the Father. Ferdinand who well knew Martinisius, did not doubt but that he would deceive him, however he resolved to reap some profit by the Monk's artifice. He applauded his Zeal, and having conjured him to persist in his worthy undertakings; he sends him some pieces of Cannon, and a thousand Horse, with their whole pay for four Months service. Things being therefore in a posture of change, every one endeavour'd to make his best of this juncture. Ferdinand informs the Empe­rour his Brother of all that hapned, and of the hopes he had of making some con­siderable advantage, if he pleased but to assist him with his Counsel, and his For­ces. [Page 112] The Emperour relish'd the proposi­tion King Ferdinand made, and sent John Baptista Castaldo, a Spaniard, to him, a Person both wise and valiant; to whom was committed the management of their design. Queen Isabella of Jagelon, who knew and feared the practises of Martini­sius, called together the States of the Countrey, to gain the good Will of the Grandees, believing by this means both her Son and her self might be preserved in their right and power. Martinisius apprehending lest the Assembly should take some resolutions against him, went to Agnabet, where the Diet was assem­bled, dissolved it, and forced the Queen to retire to Alba-Julia, and began a War against his Master. During these occur­rences Castaldo arrived at Claudiopolis, called by the Hungarians Colesvar, and the Germans Clausemburgh; whence fol­lowing his instructions, he desired Mar­tinisius to make good what he had promi­sed to the King of the Romans. Then that Prelate, knowing the Queen stood in fear of him, went to her, told her her faults, and exhorted her to make some agreement with Ferdinand, to which she consented. To this purpose the Estates were convocated at Claudiopolis: Where [Page 113] Castaldo produced the Commission he had to treat with the Queen; he shewed them how the Queen and her Son, were una­ble to defend Transilvania against the Turk, and that for the greater benefit of Chri­stendom, it would be very necessary they should make it over to Ferdinand. And that both she and her Son might be com­pensated. He promised to John Sigismund the Dutchies of Opelen, and Ratibor, which yielded five and twenty thousand Ducats yearly; that he should have in Marriage with the Princess Jane, the Daughter of Ferdinand, a hundred thousand Crowns for a portion; and the Queen his Mother should receive for her own use fifty thou­sand Crowns, together with the payment of all her debts.

Methinks, that in consideration of all Transilvania, this compensation is but small. Yet when we weigh the advan­tage, of being deliver'd from the necessity of maintaining a War against the Turk, or against the House of Austria, then it appears great. And besides the Queens Sex, and the Infancy of her Son made them uncapable thereof: But did the Queen accept of these proffers?

This courageous and prudent Prin­cess, desiring to throw off the yoke which Martinisius was putting on her Neck, acquiesc'd in the King's desires, and im­mediately deposited the Regal Ornaments into the hands of Castaldo. That done, she intreated the Spanish Don, to prevail so far with his Master that what had been promis'd her, might be forthwith accomplished; and retired to Cassovia, which was allotted for her retreat, until the whole treaty were fully executed. Castaldo, having the Crown of Hungary, believed they ought to own his Master for King: And for that reason, he desired the Grandees of Transilvania to take the Oaths of Fidelity to King Ferdinand. They did so without any more dispute, after George Martinisius had led the way, who by this Treaty had gotten the Arch­bishoprick of Strigonia, and a Cardinals Cap, which were procured him by the said King of the Romans. Things being in this posture, each prepared themselves fo [...] War: The Hungarians knew full well, the Turk would never without a resent­ment suffer a Province which owned him for Sovereign, to pass into other hand [...] without his leave. In effect he entre [...] Transilvania, but succeeded little in hi [...] [Page 115] affairs so long as Martinisius lived, or that the Queen had hopes they would make good the agreement that had been made with her. As to what concerns Marti­nisius, you must observe, that desiring to serve the Christians, without too much exasperating the Turk against him, he saved Ulambey whom they could have cut in pieces upon the surrender of Lippa: and received into his Castle of Vivaria the person that gather'd the Tribute which the Transilvanians paid to Solyman. These actions cost him his life; For Castaldo mistrusting him, caused him to be stabb'd by Mark Antonio Ferrero his Secretary, who by reason of his employment had constant access to him. Solyman being informed of the death of Martinisius, and the Oath the Transilvanians had made to King Ferdinand, commanded Stephen Prince of Moldavia, Governour of Buda, and the neighbouring Countries there­abouts, to take up Arms and attack them. This command was no sooner given by the Port, but they felt the effects. And Transilvania had reason to say, that the death of a Tyrant had not deliver'd them from slavery. In the mean while Queen Elizabeth, not being able to obtain the effect of what had been promis'd her, [Page 116] did again beseech the Sultan to have pity on her Son. Solyman moved either with the tears of the poor Queen, or his own interest, assisted her powerfully, and reduced the Transilvanians to the necessity of importuning Ferdinand to permit them to treat with the Turk in the behalf and favour of John Sigismund. Ferdinand consented, though somewhat against his will; and they obtained the same kindness that had been granted to John Zapoliha, his Father; upon the sub­mission, acknowledgment and tribute Soly­man should impose. This happen'd in the year 1551. The Queen having re-entred upon her Estate, Sigismund Augustus King of Poland her Brother, was the Media­tour in another Treaty between King Ferdinand and her. By this Treaty, the Queen obtained more advantageous con­ditions than before. Her Son was to marry Jane the Daughter of Ferdinand, and hold in Sovereignty to him and his heirs to perpetuity all Transilvania, the Countries of Abavivar, Murant, Huszth, Marmet, and part of the revenue of the Lands of Beregh and Ugacha.

I do not think one can name ma­ny Countries, that have so often changed Masters as Transilvania, nor do I know [Page 117] whether I ought presently to believe that a King of the Romans, brother of the grea­test Emperour that ever reigned in Germa­ny, and Father of many Children, could resolve to lay down that Sovereignty he had gained, partly by consent, partly by force.

I know great Princes do very un­willingly resign what they have once acquired, nevertheless it is certain that Ferdinand did make the surrender I have told you of, and allowed John Sigismund to doe whatever he pleased in Transilva­nia, excepting the assuming the title of a King: They went farther yet, and that Transilvanian supported by the Turkish Forces, demanded that the Danube might divide the Estate of Hungary from that of Transilvania; and that upon default of Males in the House of Austria, his descen­dents might succeed in the Kingdom of Hungary. This demand vexed Ferdi­nand, who took up Arms, and forced the Transilvanian to let the Tibiscus limit his Territory. This agreement displeased John Sigismund, (or the Turk, who made him stickle, as not being able to do it him­self, by reason of a truce he had made for eight years.) Wherefore the Transilva­nian declared War against the Emperour Maximilian I. who lately succeeded Fer­dinand [Page 118] his Father: took from him Zach­war, Hudad and Corazo; and had taken Cassovia, had not the severity of the season hindred him. However these Voctories lasted not long, for Maximilian finding himself wronged, caused him to be assaulted briskly, recovered what he had gained, and forced him to a Peace. But Solyman being returned from Malta, where he miscarried in his affairs, renew­ed the War in Hungary, where he died, having besieged Zigeth, which surrendred to the Bassa Mustapha, his Lieutenant General, the 7th. of September 1566. Selim, who succeeded his Father, agreed upon a truce for eight years with the Hunga­rians, and included the Transilvanian, who upon the recommendation of Sigis­mund Augustus King of Poland his Uncle, added to his demeasn some Lands which the Emperour yielded to him, and the City of Guyla, which he bought of the Turk, Anno 1568. The Transilvanian then finding that the War was advanta­geous to him, endeavour'd to corrupt divers Hungarians, that he might carry his Arms into Hungary with success. This design however had not its effect, for he died in the year 1570. being not yet three and thirty years of Age, and in [Page 119] him was extinguished the race of Zapoliha. He had taken care to make choice of Gas­per Bekez, for his Successor: But he was rejected by the Grandees of the Country, who put Stephen Battory into his place the 24th. of May 1571. This Prince owned the Turk, as his Predecessor had done; and having been elected King of Poland, after the retreat of Henry of Valois, he made it appear that Fortune and Vertue are not incompatible. This man in a short compass of time was first a Baron, then a Prince, and now a King, and most of all these degrees: Stephen being thus elected King of Poland, gave up Transil­vania to Christopher Battory his Brother, who not having the favour of the House of Austria, because his Brother had been preferred before Maximilian II. he was constrained to seek for support at Constan­tinople. This Prince was very vertuous, and having quell'd the bold Bekez, who oft-times endeavour'd to supplant him; he reigned gloriously to his death, which laid him in the grave, Anno 1581. Sigis­mund his Son, succeeded him, being yet a Child. And King Stephen Battory, his Uncle, having allotted him three Tutors, it bred such a jealousie betwixt them, that he was forced to set them all aside, [Page 120] and put both the Person and Affairs of his Nephew into the hands and trust of John Geczy Governour of Varadin. This was a man of great worth, who soon gave sufficient proof that he had as much courage, as conduct: Scarce had he taken in hand the management of his Pupil's affairs, when King Stephen died, Anno 1586. Then the factions that arose in Poland about the election of a King, gave him opportunity to make his worth appear. He joyned his forces with those of Samoisky, who favoured Sigismund of Sweden against Maximilian of Austria his Competitor; who was beaten, taken, and compell'd to quit his pretensions to the Swede. At the same time, the Turk made a rude War in Hungary, against the Emperour Rodolphus II. And though his Majesty had brave Officers, who made the Sultan purchase the Victories he obtained very dearly: yet in Anno 1595. Sinan Lieu­tenant General for Selim, reduced the ad­mirable fortress of Javarin to obedience, which had till then been esteemed im­pregnable.

'Tis said, that Sinan bragg'd he had reduced the Emperour Rodolphus to the necessity of demanding a Peace, by the loss of that wonderfull and important [Page 121] place. Yet Sansovinus affirms, he lost fifty thousand men there, and that the War soon after began with more heat than ever.

The Emperour had too much cou­rage to ask for Peace, upon such a loss. He knew that could not but be very disadvantageous, and for that very rea­son, he was resolved to carry on the War. To this end, he desired assistance of every one that was able to afford it; and drew Sigismund Battory, Prince of Tran­silvania, to his party. This Lord suffer'd himself easily to be engaged in this noble design, because he had courage, and be­cause he thought it scandalous in a Chri­stian to favour those that aimed only at the utter destruction of Christianity. He made an agreement, therefore with the Emperour, the chief Articles whereof were; That Sigismund taking up Arms against the Turk, the Emperour should be obliged not to make any peace, but by the joynt consent of the Transilvanian; and if it came to that, the Principalities of Vala­chia, Moldavia and Transilvania, should be comprehended; that he should enjoy the title, the honour and the prerogative of a Prince of the Empire; that they should as­sign him an honourable rank amongst them; [Page 122] that the Emperour should bestow a Princess of the House and Blood of Austria upon him; so long as the present War should last, he should annually furnish him with an hundred thousand Florins of the Rhine, which are worth four hundred thousand French Livers, and should maintain a good body of German Horse and Foot for him; that all such places as he could gain by the Sword should remain in propriety to him and his Heirs of both Sexes: That if by misfortune the Turk should happen to drive him out of Transilvania, The Em­perour should give him Lands in the Empire, sufficient to maintain him like a Prince; That there should be a general Amnesty for himself, and for all those that had served him in favour of the Turk against his im­perial Majesty; That he should re-enter upon all those Lands he had before in Illyria and in Hungary; that the Emperour should pro­vide him with Artillery, Powder and Am­munitions for War: And that on his part, he should take the field with fourscore thou­sand Combatants, Transilvanians, Vala­chians and Moldavians. This agreement was sealed, by the Marriage of Sigismund, with Maria Christina, the Daughter of Charles Archduke of Gretz; by the Order of the Golden Fleece, sent him from Philip II. King of Spain; by the consecrated Hat [Page 123] and Sword, presented him by Pope Clement VIII. and by huge Summs of Money granted and raised for him in several parts of Christendom. This League was pleasing to many great Potentates, and so distastfull to Sultan Amurath, the Princes of the House of Sigismund, and to the grea­ter part of the inhabitants of Transilva­nia, that it was soon followed with inva­sions, commotions and blood-shed. Then the Transilvanian took near his person the Siculae, who were very affectionate towards him; and studying a most hor­rible revenge against his Kindred, and the Grandees of Transilvania, convocated the Estates at Claudiopolis. There it was that Sigismund put to death Balthasar Battory his Uncle, and divers other Lords of the Country, whom he declared guil­ty of Treason, and amongst the rest, Stephen and Andreas Battory, his Cousins, the Sons of Balthasar. At the same time Sigismund believing he had suppress'd and stifled the rebellion, caused his League with the Emperour, against the Ottomans to be proclaimed thorough all his Terri­tories; and exhorted his Subjects to take up Arms to free themselves from the tyranny they had so long endured. In few days afterwards, he had fifty thou­sand [Page 124] men on foot, and having put them under good Officers, caused them to ad­vance towards the Danube to begin the Dance. And now, indeed, being in the Field, fortune sided with him, and kind­ly gave him opportunity to take seven Ships, laden with money, and other rich goods, which Sinan would have employ'd for the corrupting of the Officers of Vi­enna, that he might betray it to his Ma­ster. This prize and victory made Si­gismund hope he should be able to be­siege and take Themisvar: but scarce had he attack'd it, when news came the Tar­tars ravaged his Countrey; so that he was forced to go back and defend it: The Siege being raised, he marches towards those Barbarians, and finding them in a place that was inaccessible, where valour would have proved but useless, he betook himself to craft; and having set fire to their quarters, he forced them to come out, and utterly defeated them without much trouble or loss.

Hitherto Prince Sigismund Battory hath been happy, and unless, upon ac­count of the death of his Uncle, and some other Transilvanian Lords, he be stained or convicted of cruelty, I cannot find, that his conduct ought to be blamed. [Page 125] Now I would fain know, whether for­tune did attend him to his Grave, and whether he left any Children heirs to his Vertues and Estate?

I am fair and softly drawing on to­wards what you desire to know. The Valachians and Moldavians admiring the Victories of the Transilvanians, would needs have their share, and therefore joyned with them. Sultan Amurath, finding his losses caused this revolt, desi­red to prevent the like; and to that pur­pose, commanded the Bassa of Themisvar, to attack those Rebels, and to make them feel the severity of fire and sword. The Bassa willing to obey this order, went into the field: but was defeated about the latter end of the year 1564. This Victory of Sigismund's, was soon follow'd by another over above twenty thousand Tartars, who returning homewards, laden with booty, were set upon, and defea­ted by the said Sigismund: About the same time died Amurath II. and had for Successour Mahomet the third his Son, who was then aged about thirty years. Mahomet being come to the Crown, be­stowed great largesses upon his Janizaries, and made great preparations for a War against the Christians. Having therefore [Page 126] had information, that the Cosacks, and the Podolians were entred into the League with the Transilvanians, he sent an Army of an hundred thousand men, under the conduct of Sinan, whom he commanded to chastize these rebels exemplarily. Si­nan prepared himself to execute the commands he had from his Master; and whilst he was endeavouring to gain some Friends in Moldavia, he likewise raised a formidable Army to compleat his design. For all this, he was but roughly handled by Sigismund, who follow'd him so close at his heels, when he thought to repass the Danube, that the Bridge being over­charged with the numerous Crowds of such as fled, broke down; and Sinan fal­ling into the River, was in great danger of keeping company with an infinite num­ber of his Men, who were then drowned. This action, added to divers others, wherein the good fortune, prudence, and valour of Sigismund had been manifested with great splendour, gained him the name of Invincible, and forced Mahomet to take the conduct of the Army upon himself. Now does he take the field with two hundred thousand fighting men; and these dreadfull forces gave him the confidence to advance as far as Agria. [Page 127] There it was that the Arch-Duke Maxi­milian, and Prince Sigismund despising his great numbers, out of a custome of bea­ting them, gave him a Battel, which might have restored the whole affairs of Christendom, had not the infamous, and insatiable desire of booty, put a stop to their farther victory and pursute. Ours lost about twenty thousand men, and the Turks many more. But, from that time, it seemed, Fortune who till then had been favourable to the Transilvanian, now tur­ned her back. That Prince forgetting his former Valour, resolved to exchange Tran­silvania for some Lands in Silesia: and to attain those ends, he raised all the force he could, to make his utmost effort. He besieged Themisvar, and was constrain'd to raise the same, as at the first time. Some while after, the Bassa Ibrahim be­sieged Varadin: And Basta having intrea­ted our Sigismund to joyn his forces with those he commanded, to relieve the place, he promis'd it, but broke his word. Since that time, nothing appeared in him but irresolution, and inconstancy. He cau­sed his Cousin, the Cardinal Battory, to be proclaimed Prince of Transilvania: and not being able to maintain it; he resigned his Estate to the Emperour Rodolphus II. [Page 128] who gave him Ratibor, and Opelen, to hold for his life, with a pension of fifty thousand Crowns, and a Cardinals Cap, which the Emperour was to procure for him.

It appears to me, that he was mar­ried, and you say, he desired to have a Cardinals Hat.

I told you before, that Sigismund Battory, Prince of Transilvania, had marri­ed Maria Christina of Austria: But being as sluggish in the War of Venus, as he was brave and active in the field of Mars, he owned his impotence; and his marriage was declared Null. But I have not yet told you, that after several mischiefs which his departure brought upon the Estates of Transilvania, Moldavia and Valachia, which he had yielded up to the Emperour; and after he had repented it, and shewed many tokens of an extreme inconstancy, he died at Prague the 17th. of March 1603. This death did not con­firm the possession of Transilvania to the Emperour: For the Turk, having still some partisans in the Country, and the people believing their liberty infringed by the agreement made between the Emperour, and the Transilvanian, no body was satisfied with the present condi­tion [Page 129] of things. George Basta the Empe­rour's Lieutenant General in Transilvania, tyrannized over the people. The Turks, the Tartars, the Polanders, and others their neighbours had made it the Theatre of a long and bloody Tragedy: inso­much as the Transilvanians breathed after nothing but their former condition. In effect, Stephen Boskay, having driven away the Decemviry the Emperour had sent into that Countrey, established him­self with the good liking of the people, rather by reason of the failures commit­ted by the Generals for the Emperour Ro­dolphus, than by any other interest or power he could make use of: The Com­monalty complained of the Inquisition, the insolence of strangers, and the extinction of their privileges and immunities Bos­kay fomented these grievances, and im­proving his credit amongst the people, mightily confirmed himself in the posses­sion of his Principality. From thence it was, that Gabriel Bethlem, (to whom the Turk had given some hopes of having Transilvania,) believing it was not yet a fit time to think of that, submitted wil­lingly to Boskay. In the mean while, the same Bethlem, being joyned with Bechtes Bassa of Themisvar, endeavour'd to sur­prize [Page 130] Lippa, and was surprized himself: So that he was forced to fly in his Shirt, his fear making him forget and leave be­hind him in his pocket the Treaty of his Conspiracy. This writing falling into the hands of the Count de Beljoyoso, Governour of the Countrey, mightily perplexed him, and consulting how to find out some re­medy, it was judged to be incurable. In ef­fect, Boskay, lost no time, vanquish'd Bel­joyoso, reduced him to extremity, and sei­zed upon several places. Then having the Grandees, the Cities, and the people on his side, he put himself into such a condition, that he could talk magisterially to them; but fortune, who takes delight to make her self admired, turned to Basta's side, who having gained some Victories, exhorted Boskay to quit his sword, and bow down his Neck to the Imperial Yoke. Boskay who pretended to the Principality, re­plyed, That if they did not leave him Transilvania; if they did not put Hunga­rian Officers into the Provinces, and in the Cities to Govern them; if they did not re­move the foreign Militia to some other places and if they did not allow him the exercise of his Religion, he would rather chuse to pre­fer War, than Peace. Fortune, which ma­ny times favours the bold, took Boskay's [Page 131] part, and made him triumph over all the difficulties he met with in this War. Basta, who pressed most upon him, saw all his Victories turned to an entire and utter disobedience: His Soldiers mutined, telling him, he paid them only with words. They fell upon him in his own House, and those very men that were appointed to guard nine and twenty Waggons, laden with Silver, with Cloath and other Stores, plundred them, and escaped some into Poland, and others to the Enemies. Thus Transilvania being deliver'd from Basta's Army, part of the hundred Cities were taken by Boskay's Friends, and the re­mainder surrendred without the trouble of a Summons. This progress of Boskay's, forced the Emperour to send Demetrius Nabradi, Bishop of Vesprin, and Sigismund Forgas to treat with him. These deputies soon found, that his prosperity had made him insolent. They received no other Answer, but only, If they came from the Grandees of Hungary, they were welcome; but if they were sent by the Em­perour, they might go back again, he being now at that pass, that he could not retreat, nor change his condition. This language made the Deputies understand, that there was nothing for them to doe there; and [Page 132] that Transilvania had changed its Master. In effect, the States of the Province, be­ing assembled at Kerene, Boskay was con­firmed in his Usurpation of that Princi­pality: Upon condition, he would allow the Roman Religion, the Lutheran and the Swiss to be practised amongst them. Then Sigismund Ragotsky obtained the Government of Transilvania, and Valen­tine Homonay was made General of the forces of that Countrey. The Grand Seignior, who had his Eyes open upon all these changes, sent a Chiaux to Boskay, who on his behalf presented him a Mace, a Cymitar, and a Flag, to confirm him in the possession of his new Principality. In acknowledgement of which favour, Boskay dispatched Stephen Corlat, and George Kikedy to the Port, to assure the Turk of his Fidelity, and to offer him some token of his obedience.

It's said that Embassy was infamous, upon account of a present of some Ger­man Children, which those Envoys made him.

Such as dare invade anothers right, and sacrifice an infinite number of peo­ple to their ambition, think it no burthen to their own Conscience, to plunge a few innocents into slavery. Boskay would [Page 133] needs give Machiavel the lye, who tells us, that men can hardly become intirely or compleatly wicked. For having en­deavour'd to debauch those places from their duty, who legally obey'd the Em­perour, his treachery went farther; and although both he and his, took Religion for pretence of their disobedience, they accompanied the Turk in the incursions he made into Moravia; where having de­ [...]troy'd a vast number of Christians, he [...]ut four thousand into Fetters. And [...]othing was ever so full of zeal, as his Godly Army. They sold divers of their [...]rethren to the Turk, and as their Crime [...]as beyond all example, so by an un­ [...]eard-of prodigy, there issued drops of blood [...]ut of the gold they received in payment for [...]hose poor Souls they thus condemned to capti­vity. These marks of friendship shewed to [...]ur common Enemy, were seconded with [...]n agreement between Boskay and the Sul­ [...]an; who would needs bestow the Title of King of Hungary upon the first, but he [...]earing a change of Fortune, refused that [...]avour saying, that indeed the Emperour [...]ad been lawfully Crown'd. By this [...]greement Transilvania was left to Boskay [...]ree, for ten years tribute, which they [...]ere to advance. And that time being [Page 134] expired, they were to send ten thousand ducats yearly to the Grand Seignior, as a token of their Vassalage. These things passing thus in Europe, the Bassa's of Aleppo and Caramania were cutting out work for the Sultan. For which reason he would needs be excused from the obligation of assisting Boskay; and permitted him to make an agreement with the Emperour. On the other hand, his Majesty being ti­red with so long a War, and persuading himself that Boskay having no Children, there would quickly be some new Revo­lution in that State, he soon consented to whatever was propounded. The chief Articles of this Peace were, That there should be an Amnesty on both sides; that the Roman Religion, the Ausburgh, and the Swiss should be tolerated thorow all Hunga­ry; that the Palatine should be elected by votes; that the Governments of all places should be given to Hungarians, excepting Comora and Javarin, which might be given to Germans. All Transilvania, with that part of Hungary that had belonged to Si­gismund Battory, should be resigned to Bos­kay, and that there should be added to them Zatmar, Vgoe, Tockai and Bereg; that they should endeavour to make a Peace with the Turk; and if they could not obtain it, [Page 135] Boskay should joyn his Forces with the Em­perour's. This Treaty was approved and sworn, by the principal Lords of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria, Silesia, Moravia and Lusatia. Many of them signed it, and there was only Melchior Clesel, then Bi­shop of Neustadt, and since Cardinal, who made some difficulty, because, said he, they ought not to assist Hereticks: but at length he consented. This Peace was succeeded by a Truce of twenty years, which the Emperour made with the Turk. By this agreement, the Sultan obliged him­self to call the Emperour Father, and the Emperour was to give the Sultan the Title of Son. They were both to bear the name of Emperour; the Controversies that might possibly arise between them, were to be deter­mined by the Governours of Javarin, and Buda. The Forts were to remain in the same condition they were in at that time, and neither was to erect any new one. The Em­perour gave the Turk two hundred thousand Crowns for once, and after that, they were every three years to bestow mutual presents on each other by their Ambassadors; that their amity might remain the more firm. These Transactions were made, 1606. and followed with the sickness and death of Boskay, who for his Successour in the [Page 136] Principality of Transilvania, declared Va­lentine Homonay; but the States of the Countrey prefer'd Sigismund Ragotsky be­fore him. This man, loving his ease and quiet, more than the noble toyles of honour, refused their offer; but finding himself forced to accept thereof, he did it with as much repugnance, as if it were only an honourable slavery.

Although it be said, that Crowns are extremely heavy, yet they rarely are refused. And if I am not deceived, this moderation of Ragotsky's shewed he was the more worthy to Reign.

There is no less honour in refusing a Crown, than in striving to deserve one. And I must confess, did I not know that he rejected it really out of contempt, I should have believed it had been out of fear. The Emperour Rodolphus II. had some repugnance, for the Liberty of Con­science he had granted. And the promi­ses of the Persian Ambassadors, together with the Rebellion of Gambolah, who had drawn over to his party Aleppo, Da­mascus and Tripoly, fomented his irresolu­tions. This was it that gave occasion to the Heyducks to continue their violences, and the Archduke Matthias to take up Arms to repress their audacious attempts. [Page 137] That Prince having his Sword in hand, pursued his point, and obliged the Empe­rour Rodolphus his Brother, to give him Hungary and Austria. Then did Matthi­as, less scrupulous than the Emperour, sign the Articles of the Transaction of Vienna, adding there the expulsion of the Jesuits; and received the Homage Ragotsky did him for his Principality. Soon after it was clearly seen, that Ragotsky despised worldly greatness; For being peaceable possessor of Transilvania, equally cherish­ed by Matthias and the Turk, he trans­fer'd his dignity to Gabriel Battory, having not Reigned above one year. Achmet, the Emperour of the Turks, confirmed this choice, and the King Matthias opposed it not. Battory was not so moderate as Ragotsky had thought him to be. He became insupportable for his Letchery, and the honour of the most vertuous Matrons being no way secure under the Domi­nion of a Prince so horribly debauched, they conspired against his life, and he was assassinated at Valeneza Anno 1616. Bethlem Gabor, who had greatly contri­buted to this Murther, seized on the Estate of the defunct. And to appease Matthias, who was then become Emperour, and the Turk Achmet who were equally [Page 138] offended, to the first he promised all rea­sonable obedience; and gave up some good places into the hands of the second.

I think Gabor is renowned in History, and that he gave some trouble to the Em­perour Ferdinand the II.

This Transilvanian endeavour'd all his life-time to fish in troubled Waters. But the fortune of Ferdinand the Emperour, having the ascendent over his, he was forced in the end to buckle. Let us now see what hapned in those parts, during the Reign of Ferdinand II. This Archduke was the most zealous Catholick in the World, and one that could the least of any man suffer the Religions, which his Predecessors had connived at in their Countries. This zeal, and his good fortune, made the Emperour Matthias, his Cousin, prefer him, before all the other Princes of his House; and who designing he should be Emperour, after his death, caused him to be owned King of Hungary and Bohe­mia, before his decease. Ferdinand began his Reign, with the oppression of the Protestants: He commanded some of their Churches to be shut up, and demolished some others in Bohemia. He recalled the Jesuits into Hungary, and rejected those Articles that favour'd the Religionaries, [Page 139] in the Treaties made between the Empe­rours and the Hungarians and Bohemians. This proceeding having displeased a Body, which at that time was formidable, gave the Bohemians occasion to prefer Frederick Elector Palatine, before Ferdinand: And immediately he beheld the Protestants of Bohemia, and Hungary before the walls of his Capital City. At the same time, Gabor, armed with the pretence of his Religion, entred into the League, and rai­sed an Army of eighteen thousand men, strengthned with eighteen pieces of Can­non, wherewith he entred into Hungary; and finding their spirits inclined to a Re­bellion, he made so great a progress, as gave him the confidence to be proclaimed King. During these transactions, Ferdi­nand was at Francfort, where he was elected Emperour. And this election ha­ving given him both authority and forces, he now thought only how to recover the Kingdoms he had newly lost, and to hum­ble those that had dared to attaque him. He loudly complained of the injustice of his adversaries, and having remonstrated to the Electors of the Empire, to the French, and English, the just reasons he had to regain his own, he drew into his party all the Catholicks of Germany, and even the [Page 140] Duke of Saxony, who had been one of the main Pillars of the Protestants, and held the swords of Foreigners within their Scab­berds. Soon after, the Elector Palatine, who had taken the Field with very consi­derable Forces, was put to flight. Gabor, made a stouter resistance, and had brought the Emperours affairs to an ill condition, had his associates plaid their part as well at Prague. Count Dampier, General of the Imperial Forces, lost his life in going to view the Castle of Presburg, where Gabor had a Garrison. And Charles de Longve­val, Count Bucquoy, who after his subdu­ing of Moravia, had made great progress in Hungary, died there being pierced with sixteen wounds. The death of this great man, gave opportunity to Gabor to reco­ver many places, to vanquish those that opposed his designs, and range over the whole Countrey. But in fine, seeing his confederates put to flight, and his own Army much weakned, he demanded a Peace, and obtained it, Anno 1622. upon these following conditions. That he should keep all Transilvania, Tokay, Cassovia, and seven other Lordships in Hungary; That resigning with the Crown the other Cities which he held in Hungary, he should quit the name of King, contenting himself [Page 141] with that of Prince of the Empire, and the Principalities of Opelen and Ratibor, and that he should restore the Jesuits, where they had been setled before the War. This Peace lasted not long. Gabor gave up Vaccia to the Turk, who sent him fourscore thousand men, which the Count de la Tour, had procured for him. With these Troops he invaded Hungary, alledging they had not made good to him what was promi­sed by the Treaty of Odimburg; that they oppressed his Religion, and did not deli­ver the money to him, that was his due. The Emperour to prevent this growing mischief, informed the Grand Seignior, that Gabor abused his Forces, whilst he at­taqued him without cause or reason; and adding his Sword to his words, forced his Enemy to an accommodation less advan­tageous than the former. By this Treaty made in the year 1624. Gabor lost the Title of Prince of the Empire, and some part of what had been granted him of Hungary. A while after this restless spirit joyned his Forces with those of Charles Count Mans­field. But forty thousand Tartars having been defeated by the Polanders, he was forced to quit that design, to goe and take a care of his Countries. And ha­ving enjoy'd the Company of Catharine, [Page 142] the Daughter of John Sigismund Elector of Brandenburg, but four years, he died in Anno 1628. having endured incredible torment in his Feet. And his death made it evident he equally respected the Empe­rour and the Turk. To each of them he left a Horse, the harness set with Jewels, and richly embroider'd, besides forty thousand Ducats in specie. His Wife had of him an hundred thousand pieces of Gold, of six pound value each, a hundred thousand Crowns of Silver, and a hundred thousand Florins, with three Lordships, which she was to enjoy during life.

That Princess, having so much rea­dy money, and Jewels sutable to a Per­son of her Quality, had enough to raise some younger Brother of a good Family: And I believe it was for that reason, that Charles Duke of Saxe-Lauwemburg marri­ed her, some years after the death of her Husband. But, I would fain know who succeeded to Bethlem Gabor, and what hapned to those Countries after his de­cease.

When the Heirs to Principalities are uncertain, the death of the Prince is ever attended with trouble. Catharine, the Widow of Gabor not being capable to Reign, named Stephen Czac, to succeed [Page 143] her Husband, and desired the Turk to confirm him: This Election displeased the Transilvanians, who divided their affec­tions, and some of them made choice of Stephen Bethlem, Brother of the late Prince; while others would rather have George Ragotsky. The first was so unfortunate, that his own Children rose up against him; and the second having overcome his adversaries, complied with the Empe­rour, gained the Sultan's favour, and pos­sessed Transilvania singly. Yet, was not his good fortune constant, Stephen Beth­lem, who had surrendred all his pretensi­ons to him, killed one of his Relations; and fearing the just punishment which he deserv'd, endeavour'd to avoid it by a bigger Crime. He craved assistance of the Port, who sent him an Army of Turks and Tartars, with whom he besieged Gy­ula. Ragotsky abhorring the infidelity of the Turk, submitted himself to the House of Austria, and received from thence three Regiments of Foot, and one of Horse, to re-inforce his Army, with the which he destroy'd five and twenty thousand Turks neer Szabuta. In fine, Bethlem, retur­ning to his duty, was received into fa­vour, and the Sultan confirmed Ragotsky in his Principality: During these occurren­ces, [Page 144] the Emperour Ferdinand II. died, lea­ving for Successour to the Kingdom of Hun­gary, and all his Estates, Ferdinand III. his Son. This Prince, who had a very dangerous War cut out for him in Ger­many, desired to preserve the Peace in Hungary; It was, notwithstanding bro­ken, by the advice of such, as persuaded him that he ought to forbid the Lutherans to frequent a Church, they had at Pres­burgh; and to revoke whatever had been promised in their favour. This policy appeared but very ill to such as know, that even good acts do loose of their va­lue, when done out of season. There is nothing that shocks men so much, as a violence against their Consciences, and there are few things wherein we ought to have a greater circumspection, than when we go about to reform Religion. The Lutherans of Presburgh, not being a­ble to suffer the loss of their Church, nor to preserve it without the assistance of Strangers, called Ragotsky to their Aid. This man fearing to put to Sea without Bisquit, and enter upon a War, wherein he should have but little succour from the Turk, who was employ'd in Asia; desi­red the Emperour and his Council, that they would vouchsafe to make good their [Page 145] promise to the Hungarians. The Empe­rour despising both the intercession and the Forces of Ragotsky, would give him no satisfaction. That Prince then believing himself to be more obliged to his Sect, than to his Friend and Benefactor, suffer'd himself to be over-persuaded by the Con­federates Ambassadors, who sought his Al­liance; and having declared War against the Emperour, he entred Hungary with an Army of seventy thousand fighting men. And that it might appear he did not be­gin the War without good reason; he by a Manifesto set forth, that since the year 1619. they placed Hungary amongst the Hereditary Provinces belonging to the House of Austria, that they bestowed up­on the Clergy, those employments that appertained to the Laity, that they kept the Protestants out of all Offices; that they would not hear their complaints and grievances, and that against their Wills, and without any thing of their consent or allowance, they had intro­duced the Jesuits into that Countrey. The first expedition of Ragotsky, was to ravage the Lands of George Homonay; af­ter which he subdued all that opposed him even to Cassovia. The Emperour to put some stop to this torrent, opposed him [Page 146] with eight and twenty thousand men, under the conduct of the Count de Boucha­im, and the Palatine of Hungary; but not having been able to regain Cassovia, he most readily hearkned to a proposition for Peace. By the agreement they yiel­ded to Ragotsky seven Lordships in Hunga­ry; in his favour they set open ninety Churches, wherein the Protestants might publickly teach their Doctrine; and the Hungarians were restored to their privi­leges. This Treaty, seemed disadvanta­geous to the Catholicks; but the Suedes felt the much greater inconvenience; for the Emperour having pluck'd this Thorn out of his Foot, relieved Brin, and forced Torstenson to raise the Siege he had for­med there. Then Lewis Count de Souches, a French Gentleman, who had been the chief cause of its preservation, had the Government thereof bestow'd upon him, as a reward for his signal service.

I do not believe, we can any where else, meet with such notable and frequent changes, as these in Hungary and Transil­vania; and I admire, that a people that cannot stir, without drawing in upon their Countrey the Turks, and Germans, will not, for all that, forbear taking up Arms so often.

The people of that Countrey are so Warlike, they scarce know how to live in peace. And the Princes hoping to im­prove their condition do most commonly impair it. Ragotsky made us see it clear­ly, when he espoused the King of Suedens quarrel, and equally disobliged both the Emperour, and the Sultan. This Transil­vanian, desiring to have a share in the glory, and conquests of King Charles Gus­tavus, went and joyned him in Poland, with considerable Forces. And being able to doe no great wonders, was con­strained to retire, either with a great deal of shame, or with very little reputation. His misfortune did not however end with the loss of his Army; he was persecuted yet more, his ill fate armed the Turk a­gainst him, and slew him in a Battel, where­in he lost his life, together with that Countrey he might have left to his Son. Some have written that the Christians ex­cited the Turk against him, and that was one of the chiefest causes of this present War; Kemin Janos, his Lieutenant Ge­neral, endeavour'd to get into his place, and to attain his ends, he did submit to his Imperial Majesty, sought for and obtained his protection. But he could not pre­serve that Estate, which he had seized [Page 148] on. It was then, that the Court of Vien­na, desiring to maintain Janos, without exasperating the Ottomans, could effect neither the one, nor the other. Janos was lost in a Battel, and the Turk was dissatisfied with the Emperour, who, (as he said) had infringed the Truce, which was between them. This misunderstan­ding heated both parties, and occasioned several Embassies, and Negociations on ei­ther side. The Sultan declared that he intended nothing but to maintain the Peace; and his Subjects modestly complained of us, saying that we desired a War, and they would make none, unless they were compell'd to it by necessity. During these wranglings, Nicholas Count Serini believed the War was already at our Doors, and imagining it would be some advantage to him, to build a Fort upon the Banks of the River Mur: he did so, and began some Hostilities. This Fort gave the Turk greater cause of complaint, who deman­ded it should be demolished by a Chiaux, and by an Aga, whom I saw at Vienna, in the month of January one thousand six hundred sixty two. These demands had no favourable answers; but it seemed as if they had talked to deaf man. And, to tell the truth, observing that haughti­ness, [Page 149] and resolution to give the Turk no satisfaction, I concluded that they would have a War; and that the Fort of Serini, was a place, would make work enough for several Ottoman Armies. Yet expe­rience hath shewed us, that the said Fort was worth nothing, and that we had no need to undertake a War of such impor­tance for it. I shall not lay down the reasons, because any one may easily guess them. It shall suffice I tell you, that the Court of Vienna seeing the Turkish Forces in Transilvania, and fearing to be taken unprovided; they sent the Counts de Montecuculi, and Souches, into the Field with two small Bodies of men: But a good part of them were destroy'd without gi­ving a blow, or preventing the loss of Kemin Janos, or the establishment of A­baffi. The Sultan, therefore seeing that Transilvania was in his power, and that Abaffi was fast in the Saddle, and obliged to serve him, demanded again with grea­ter instance, that the Fort Serini should be demolished, and reparation made for the injuries, he said, they had done him. For all this, could they not resolve to grant him what he asked: so that with­out more adoe, he resolved to take his own satisfaction, and try whether his first [Page 150] Warlike enterprize, would prove as hap­py, as he thought it just. He therefore began that War, which he prosecutes to this day, with much heat, and in which all Christendom seems to have a share. I conjure you to consider seriously, what I have told you till this present, and I am confident you may rightly judge of the justice of both parties in this controversie. We must now see, after what manner the Turk attaqued us in the year 1661. with what Forces we opposed him, and what either of them hath acted since the beginning of this War; that so you may the better apprehend what we are to fear; and what we may reasonably hope.

It seems to me, that the interest of his Imperial Majesty obliged him to chuse rather to demolish the Fort Serini, and give satisfaction as the Grand Seignior de­manded, than to enter into a War against him. For Hungary and the Empire stood in need of Peace, and there was but little probability of wresting Transilvania out of the Turkish hands, which he had so lately seized upon, with some appearance of Justice.

If it were reasonable to measure Counsels, by the Events, we should have just cause to blame that which was given [Page 151] at Vienna. But I guess, they did not be­lieve, that those who had stood so long with their Arms across, when they might have attaqu'd the Empire with advantage during the War, had a mind to measure their Cymitars with our Swords, when we were all in peace. We have notwith­standing seen the contrary; and Maho­met IV. resolved to begin the War by the rupture he made, after he had dallied with us a while: For to tell you the truth, I do not think but all his Embassies, and that great show of moderation, were only to amuse us. The quick sighted judged rightly, that it was necessary to levy men; and the more stupid said, that there was no trusting of such, as have no faith in them. The Emperour finding he should have need of assistance, desired some; and the very formalities of giving, and of receiving it, was the cause they were not in a readiness when the business began. The Confederates offer'd conside­rable forces, which they had already on foot; but they would have the command over them; and his Majesty thought, that it would be an affront to his dignity to receive them upon those terms. The Empire making the same offers, and the same demands, met with the same diffi­culties; [Page 152] and from thence it came to pass, that the Grand Vizier being advanced as far as upper Hungary, attacked Neuheusel, by the Hungarians called Vivar; defeated three thousand men, who made a sally to surprize him, sent some prisoners to Constantinople as tokens of his Victory, and at last, forced the garrison to surrender upon composition, and triumphed over that considerable place, which gave him opportunity to make inroads to the very gates of Vienna, and harass the Frontiers of Germany.

I knew before of the taking of Neu­heusel, and the incursions the Tartars made into Moravia: But I do not appre­hend what you mean by the Confederates, nor what distinction you make between them and the Empire. Do me the favour to discourse of it, and then you may be pleased to give me an account of our forces, and the exploits our men perfor­med, after the retreat of the Grand Vi­zier.

The Treaty that was concluded at Munster upon the 24. of October 1648, ha­ving yielded up some Lands to the French, and to the Suedes, as likewise to some Princes of Germany, they all feared that the House of Austria would repent [Page 153] the having bought such a Peace: that they would endeavour to recover what had been dismembred from the Empire; and that some others would demand what they had lost. To obviate these inconveniences, the Cardinal Mazarin, persuaded those that had any cause of fear, and such as desired the peace of the Em­pire, that it were fit they should unite more closely, and engage to defend each other mutually, in case they should hap­pen to be molested in the possessions of what the Treaty had adjudged to them. Ten or twelve Princes, as well Ecclesia­sticks as Seculars, and of all Religions al­lowed in the Empire, entred into this League. And every one having taxed himself proportionably to his forces, they to this purpose designed to have about five and twenty thousand men, under the conduct of the Prince of Salmes, and of Count Holach. The Emperour, to whom this thing was highly distastfull, endea­vour'd to dissolve them, and not being able to compass the same, he endeavour'd to turn it to his own advantage. To this effect, finding he was now threatned with a War by the Turk, he remonstra­ted the approaching danger, and desired those Troops might be employed for the [Page 154] defence of the Empire. The Confederates consented thereto, upon condition they should be sworn to none but themselves, nor should be employed against any but the common enemy. On the contrary, his Majesty desiring they should obey him absolutely, and that they should let him have them without any conditions; the business lingred so long, that they arrived very late in Hungary. They were then under the command of Wolfang Julius Count of Hollac, and made a separate body from the Emperour's, and those be­longing to the Empire. Whence you may judge, that although the greater part of those that composed this League were German Princes, they were however cen­sed as somewhat differing from the body of the Germans; because several Stran­gers signed to it, and contributed to their maintenance; or because the two Kings, who were parties concerned, had more power than all the rest of the Confede­rates together.

Now speak of the forces the Vizier employed against us at that time, and how it came to pass that storm was not diverted by a conclusion of the Treaty that was then on foot?

That I may answer your question in one entire discourse, you must know, That the Turk having resolved to cut us out work, he sent his Grand Vizier into Hungary, who arrived at Belgrade the 8th of June. The Baron de Gois Ambassador from his Imperial Majesty, came thither the day after; and the eighteenth he was conducted into the presence of the Vizier. He had then on his left hand two of his Brothers, on his right the Mufti, and a­bout his Person near two hundred Officers. In this first audience, the Baron having made his Complement to the Vizier, he told him, he was come thither to conclude the Treaty that had been begun betwixt him and Aly Bassa. They let him know that it was too late, and that they would think further on it when they were upon our Frontiers. The Baron replied, they were then to blame to make him come thither, that he could not understand why they refused to conclude it, that they should meet with greater difficulties when the War was begun: And that God would punish those who should be the cause of shedding innocent blood. The Grand Vizier answer'd, that he had weighed those reasons very maturely be­ing at Constantinople; and that in case [Page 156] they would then have consented, to what they now offer'd, he should not have undertaken that journey. Neither would he hear any thing of the Treaty of Themis­var, and made great complaints against those that had broken the peace. Upon which the Baron said, those things had been urged before, and that they were fully answered. This is what passed at the first audience. To which the Vizier added, that the Baron might yet send an Express to Vienna, and assure the Empe­rour, that if he would lay down that sum of money he would demand, evacuate all the places he yet held in Transilvania, that of Zekelheid in Hungary, and raze the Fort Serini, there might be some means of making a Peace.

I fansie that by this proposition the Vizier intended to amuse the Imperialists, and that the Turk was not advanced into Hungary, with an Army of seventy thou­sand Men, and an hundred and thirty pieces of Cannon, to go back again with­out striking one blow.

I believe so too, and do not think that an Officer, how great soever in me­rit and reputation, durst have taken any resolutions contrary to those his Master had prescribed him. The Army there­fore [Page 157] began to file away upon the 11th of June in the year 1663. And this was done with so much pomp, that one would have judged it to consist of two hundred thousand fighting men. The noise of the Camels, the Horses, and the Mules, the ratling of the Drums and Timbals, and the sound of their Trumpets, lasted both day and night till the eighteenth of the same month. The Officers moved slowly, and although some or other marched every day, they were most of them Bassa's with their equipage, which being magnificent, made a stately show, and appeared great to admiration. In fine, the Aga of the Janizaries parted the fifteenth with four thousand of his companions, and was followed by the rest of the Army till the eighteenth, at which time the Grand Vi­zier went on his way, with a most royal magnificence. He sent a thousand foot before him, with each a led horse or two in their hands. After these marched the Spahi-Alagarsi, who is General of those Gentlemen that serve on horseback, prece­ded by his great Standard, and followed by six hundred Spahi-Edeli, who are the most valiant of all Turky, having their Cornets very prettily adorned. These were followed by a long Staff, at the top [Page 158] whereof was a large brass button, from whence hung down a Horse-tail. Soon after were seeen two great Guidons, which they carried before the Vizier's Brothers, and other Persons of Quality and com­mand, who were accompanied by seven hundred Hasvadars, or Valets, most of them covered with Coats of Mail, from the crown of the head, down to the knees. At last the Grand Vizier's Ensigns and Guidons marched, and were immediate­ly followed by sixteen led Horses, with Saddles and Housins embroider'd with Gold, and Precious Stones. The Grooms that led them, had Cloath of Gold Vests, and Breeches of Crimson Velvet. Eight of the Vizier's Footmen had the like cloa­thing, and he went in the midst of these, accompanied by two Janizaries, wearing upon his head a Turban of great price. After the Vizier came the Rosevendy, or great Chancellor; the Tesdatir, or Com­missary General, and some other of the principal Officers of the Army: The Gentlemen of the Chamber, all young Fel­lows of twenty or thirty years, cover'd with Jacquets: Six hundred Hasvadars, forty Cimbalists and Trumpeters; two hundred ordinary Horse-men, and three­score Horses, that carried the Grand Vi­zier's [Page 159] Tents and Pavillions. With this mag­nificent and dreadfull train, he arrived at Bukovar the four and twentieth; and there he was informed by the Aga whom he had sent to the Cham of Tartary, that instead of fourscore thousand men he had promised, he would send ten thousand, under the conduct of his Son. The ex­cuse he made for not keeping his word was, that the white Tartars and the Mus­covites, had made some incursions into his Countrey, which obliged him to keep his men for the defence of his Frontiers. Two days after he got to Eseck, where he sojourned eight or ten days, waiting for such as were to joyn him. At last he passed the Bridge, which is above twelve thousand paces in length, and arrived at Buda the fifteenth of July. There it was, that after they had held divers Councils, the Siege of Neuhusel was resolved, and the seventh of August the place was inves­ted. Three thousand men whom the Counts Forgats, Palfi, and the Marquis Pio, commanded to surprize the Enemy, fell into their Nets, and were massacred, and taken Prisoners. And the place was so closely begirt, that they were forced to capitulate, and surrender upon com­position the 18. of September, in the same year.

The defeating of that great sally, did without doubt, so much weaken the Garrison, as caused the loss of the place.

It is probable they might have held out longer: but there being no relief to be expected, they must in fine, have been compell'd to submit to their Enemies. They endured three assaults, wherein the Turks were vigorously repulsed. Howe­ver the Count Forgats their Governour was confin'd, and accused for not having done his duty in that Siege. But I be­lieve it was more his unhappiness, than his Crime, that lost it: It was reported here, when this strong Fortress was taken, that the Officers were young, and with­out experience. And on the contrary the Vizier was a Person about the Age of five and thirty, active, and diligent in his ex­peditions, skilfull in the Mathematicks, of an heroick courage; and who was day and night in the Trenches, both to en­courage his Soldiers, and to shew them a brave example. This place being taken, he caused seven pieces of Cannon to be fired in token of Victory. And having sent one of his Brothers to the Port, to carry the news of it to the Grand Seignior, he began to repair the Breaches; and then retired, to prepare himself for the [Page 161] next Campagne. This loss awakened the Empire, which seemed to have lain asleep, and the Diet having been called at Ratis­bon, some of the Princes appeared there in Person, the rest by their Ambassadors. There was the magnificence of our Ger­many to be seen: For although the Em­perour had desired the Potentates to come without any pomp, yet nothing appeared but what was brave and stately. Divers old Officers came to offer their Swords to the Emperour. And those Princes who were no strangers to the smell of Gun-powder presented themselves to command the o­ther. The Number and merit of the pretenders did as much puzzle his Majesty in the liberty of his choice, as the great variety of Flowers in Summer does the Ladies in a curious Garden. He must however resolve, and chuse Comman­ders for the new Bodies they were going to raise. The Emperour who had already three Armies under the conduct of the Counts de Serini, Montecuculi and Souches, desired to make them more capable to undertake somewhat extraordinary. To this end, without changing the inferiour Officers, and leaving the Sovereign com­mand to these Counts, he joyned with them Philip Prince Palatine of the branch [Page 162] of Sultzbac, and Count Spar, persons of merit and great reputation. The first commanded his Majesty's Horse, in qua­lity of Captain General, and the other led the Foot, and the Cannon. Leopold Willi­am, Marquiss of Baden, was General in Chief of the Army belonging to the Em­pire. Count Fugger, Governour of Ingolstad, commanded the Infantry under him, and Ulric Duke of Wirtemberg was General of the Cavalry. John Adolphus Duke of Hol­stein, and Gustavus Adolphus Marquis of Baden served in the same Army in quality of Mareshals de Camp, the one of the Horse, the other of the Foot. The Army of the Confederates having lost the Prince of Salmes, a little before the beginning of this War, they ever afterwards were un­der Wolfang Julius Count Holoch, who had Officers and Soldiers of great importance. Count Serini commanded the Hungarian [...] and Croats, who were numerous, and the Count de Souches had a flying Army, wherewith he scowred the Enemie [...] Countries, and covering our Frontiers, often obtained Victories. He it was who regained Neutra, and Levens in the be­ginning of the Campagne, then forced th [...] Enemies Camp who would have reco­ver'd them, that they might with the les [...] [Page 163] trouble march into Germany. This acti­ [...]n laid six thousand of the Enemies in [...]he dust, put five and twenty thousand [...] ffight, took their Baggage and Cannon, [...]nd gave great encouragement to our People.

I would gladly know the number [...]f Soldiers, that made up all these Ar­mies, by whom they were raised, by whom maintain'd, and who furnish'd [...]hem with the provisions, and Ammuni­ [...]ion they stood in need of.

Armies are ever more numerous [...]pon paper, than in the Field. So that [...] cannot precisely tell you the numbers of [...]ur men It is said, that the Emperour's con­ [...]isted of twenty four thousand men, and [...]hat of the Confederates of twenty thou­ [...]nd. That the Emperour was to have in Montecuculi's Army, twelve thousand [...]ght horse, seven thousand Cuirassiers, [...]nd eighteen thousand Foot. In the Count Serini's five and twenty or thirty [...]housand Hungarians and Croats. And [...]nder Souches ten or twelve thousand of [...]ll Nations. If to all these, you add the Voluntiers, and French Auxiliaries, who [...]mounted at the least to four thousand Horse, and as many Foot; This number [...]s one of the greatest the Christians have [Page 164] for a long time had in the Field, and were sufficient to have driven the Turk out of Hungary. And truly it might have been done, had they all acted by one consent, or had there been a General of such a quality, that all the rest of the Generals had been obliged to respect him for his birth, and to obey him for his absolute power, and Command. If therefore our misfortune would have it so, that we suffer'd some places to be taken; we must lay the blame on the little good Order, and the great Animosities betwixt the several Nations, that made up our Ar­mies. But to proceed, the Princes being at Ratisbon, when the resolution was ta­ken to assist his Majesty, each of them promised to doe what he could, in pro­portion to his incomes and strength. And each of them made levies and sent in Soldiers, who were maintain'd by those that raised them. However it was ne­cessary, the Emperour should provide Magazines, whence the Armies might draw their Ammunitions and Provisions, when they had need of it, for their sub­sistence; and if his Majesty's Orders, had been duly observ'd, the Forces had wanted nothing. For every Prince, Lord, and Republique, taking care to provide [Page 165] their Quota, it may be imagined the Sol­diers were well maintain'd: and that no­thing was wanting but the Spirit of Unity, to have obtained good Success. 'Tis true, that as this vast body of the Empire moves but slowly, the Troops were not at their rendezvous till it was late, and Canisia was relieved by the Enemy, before our Soldiers were come together.

The Gazets assure us, that the Forts Serini, little Comorra, Vesprin and Papa were taken under the very Noses of our Armies: and the most confident believed the Vizier might go on farther.

Victories, and defeats, do common­ly follow each other; because the one en­creases Courage, and the other dimini­shes it. The Vizier retiring to Constanti­nople, after the taking of Neuheusel, cau­sed the Counts Serini, and Holach to be attacked. And these having repulsed the Enemy with considerable loss, they brea­thed nothing but Battels, and Victories. And indeed, these brave men, taking ad­vantage of the Turk's retreat, over-run a part of Hungary, took and plundred Ra­boscha, Segues, and the five Churches; burnt the Bridge of Eseck, which is above twelve thousand paces long, carried a terrour thorough all the Countrey, burnt [Page 166] to ashes all the Corn, Hay and Straw, the Enemy had on the Banks of the River Drave. The noise of these Victories spread over the whole Empire, and giving a re­putation to those Generals, raised the Courage of their Soldiers, filled their Pockets with money, and furnished them plentifully with those provisions they wanted. These Noblemen therefore see­ing things were disposed towards a Victo­ry, consider'd by what means to effect it, went to Ratisbon, propounded some Mili­tary exploits, made them understand the Bridge of Eseck could not be repaired, till the season was very much advanced, and that in the mean time, they might besiege and take Canisia, which they held block'd up by the taking of Buzats, Zigeth, and the Garrison they kept at Serinvar. They demanded things necessary for the Siege of so important a place; and be­lieving undoubtedly they would send them, it was begun with great applica­tion and eagerness in the Spring. This Siege was bloody, and having weakned the Besiegers, and lasted longer than was expected, the Enemy approached, and made them raise the Siege. And be­fore the Christian Forces could be drawn together, they took Serinvar, and little [Page 167] Comorra. These advantages were fol­lowed by greater. For although our Armies were now gotten together, they continued their Victories, by the taking of Vesprin. But good Fortune, being at last weary of waiting on the wrong par­ty, turned to us, and from that time the Vizier and his men were less succesfull. Lewis Count Souches; Governour of Comor­ra, defeated the Infidels at Sernevits, and pursued them so vigorously, that he made them quit Barcan, and ruin'd a Bridge of Boats, they had upon the Danube. Re­mond Count de Montecuculi, made them repent the design they had to pass the River of Raab, and the Counts de Coligny, and dela Fueillade, cut in pieces every man of them that had passed the said Ri­ver, near Saint Godards.

It is affirmed indeed, that Coligny, and la Fueillade did wonders; wherefore I should be huge glad, before this discourse be ended, to hear somewhat more at large of the Succours the Emperour de­manded of Foreign Princes; for I verily believe they were one of the main Strength of our Armies, and the chief motive that obliged the Grand Vizier to encline towards and desire a Peace so soon.

There is no doubt of it: For the Emperour taking care to fortify himself against that potent Enemy, dispatched Ambassadors to implore the assistance of all such as could afford him any. These Ambassadors met with good words every where; and in some places with good effects. All Germany roused themselves, Italy, Sweden, Spain, Lorrain and France, took the business to heart, for the preser­ving of Hungary. Spain and Italy promi­sed to furnish great Summs of Money; Sweden, Lorrain and France offer'd to send them men to be maintained at their own charges. I cannot precisely tell wha [...] the others did: But, it may be truly af­firmed that the zeal of the French, did upon this occasion surpass that of all the other Christians. The King heard with regret, that the Turk had begun the War, and with joy that the Emperou [...] desired he would assist him. The destru­ction and havock the Tartars had mad [...] upon our Frontiers, and the Christians that were daily carried away in chains bred so much compassion, that whe [...] Count Strozzi limited to four thousan [...] Foot, and two thousand Horse, the Suc­cours he demanded in the Name of hi [...] Imperial Majesty, he was sorry he had se [...] [Page 169] such narrow bounds to his liberality. He therefore exhorted his Nobility to this glorious Enterprize; and said, even to those whom he best loved, that they might make their Court with as much advantage to themselves in Hungary, as in the Louvre: He protested in presence of the Princes, and Lords of his Court, that if the Daufin his Son were but ten years old, he would send him upon that expe­dition. And which is most worthy to be observed, he assured them, that if God should be pleased to afflict Christendom so much, as to suffer the Emperour to be worsted that Campagne, he would himself go the next and endeavour to repair the loss, and repulse his Enemy. These dis­courses did so stir up the French Nobility, that several hundreds who preferr'd the satisfaction of their Consciences, and the motions of their generosity to all the pleasures and delights of the Court, made preparation to go against the common Enemy. Prince Philip, Chevalier de Lor­rain, knowing his Predecessors had reign­ed in Jerusalem, after they had driven out the Mahometans, and that his Father, the Count de Harcour, was grieved his old Age would not admit him to buckle on his Armour, nobly supplied his place, and [Page 170] upon this occasion shewed so many proofs of his courage, that it may justly be said, he made those Lorrain Princes live again, who other-while conquer'd the East, as also the Duke of Mercoeur, who in the be­ginning of this Age was admired for his actions at the retreat of Canisia, and the taking of Alba-Regalis. The Princes of Rohan and Soubize, having a thousand Predecessors to imitate, made it appear in this service, that if the Dukes whose names they bear, knew how to defend the Protestants whilst they lived, they were no less forward to expose their lives for the defence of Christianity against the Infidels. The Duke of Brisac, remem­bring the reputation of the Mareschals de Cassé and Brisac his Ancestors, spared nei­ther his body or heart to pursue their race, and gain the Crown of Honour. The Count de Sault, and the Marquisses de Ragny and Canaples demonstrated the ar­dent desire they had to equal the merit of the Constable Duke de Lesdiguieres, the Mareshals de Crequy, the Lords de Pontdor­my, and an infinite more of their illustri­ous Predecessors, which pushed and spurr'd them on in the way of Military Vertue. The Duke of Bouillon, and the Count d' Auvergne his Brother, attracted by the [Page 171] examples of their Brother and their Un­cle, as well as of the famous Godfrey, who filled all Europe with admiration in the year 1096. did so signalize themselves, that if they do not Reign in Jerusalem, as their Ancestors, they shall at least Reign in the hearts of those that were Spectators of their prowess, and know the laudable ambition they have, to equal the ancient Counts of Bologna, Nassaw, Berg, and the Princes of Orange. The Count de Selle, the Chevalier de St. Aignan, the Marquis de Casteinau, together with all the other French Noblemen, who made up about two thousand Horse, remembring they had for their King, and for their Patron Lewis the victorious, made it fully ap­pear, some by their noble deaths, the rest by their Heroick exploits they were resolved to tear the wreaths of Laurel out of the Vizier's hands, or fall in the gallant attempt. In fine, those Auxilia­ries that Monarch sent us, under the con­duct of the Count de Coligny, and the Leiutenant Generals Bodevis and Gassion, contributed highly to those Victories we have obtained: and one may affirm there was not that private Souldier amongst them, that had not been a Commander; nor one Captain that had not a great deal [Page 172] of experience; Insomuch, that this small body, who might have furnished Officers for an Army of fifty thousand men, had a great share in the advantages we gained upon the Turks in that Campagne, and the renowned actions of the Count de Co­ligny, have acquired him a reputation suf­ficient to make him famous in History, as well as an Andelot, an Admiral, a Francis, and a Gaspard his Ancestours.

I do not doubt but all these valiant persons did sufficiently exercise the cou­rage of the Grand Vizier.

The havock they made amongst all the Ottoman troops, having cover'd the earth with their bravest Spahi, and passed the Raab upon the carcasses of the stout­est Janizaries, brought such a consterna­tion amongst them, and did so quell the heat of the Grand Vizier's courage, that fearing a mutiny, which might have cost him his head, he then sought for nothing but how to obtain a Peace that might be honourable for him, and usefull to his Master. The Emperour, on whom for­tune had looked favourably, fearing her wheel might turn, and she might frown again, consented to the Grand Vizier's re­quest; and contrary to the sentiments of the Swordmen, agreed to his propositions.

Sir, I am thus far pretty well infor­med how things went in this succesfull Campagne, but as you have related it in gross, I shall lose a great deal of the pleasure it would be to me, unless you would now relate the great action, wherein the Turk was defeated, more minute and particularly.

If you can have so much patience, I will doe it punctually, in the following Relation.