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THE FELICITY OF QUEEN ELIZABETH: And Her Times, With other Things; By the RIGHT HONORABLE FRANCIS Ld BACON Viscount St Alban,

LONDON, Printed by T. Newcomb, for George Latham at the Bishops Head in St. Pauls Church-yard. 1651.

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TO the READER.

Reader,

HERE is pre­sented to thy view certain Tracts, containing di­vers Arcana Imperii; by two in their times eminent Councellors of Estate.

[Page] The one is the Feli­city of Queen ELIZA­BETH, and her Times, by that Noble and learned Gentleman, the Lord BACON, Vis­count St. Alban; one of the standing Honors of the Law in general, and of Grayes Inn in particular.

The other is the Ad­vices to Queen ELI­ZABETH, [Page] by that well weigh'd States-man the Lord BURLIEGH, then Lord Treasurer, a man beyond expression excellent, whom it much availed Queen Eliza­beth to have for Mi­nister, as appears by that Favour shewed to him, the Queen alwaies making him to sit in the presence (by [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] reason of the Gout in his Feet) and telling him, My Lord, We make much of you, not for your bad Legs, but for your good Head.

And as for the Lord Bacon, (certain of whose Epistles are an­nexed to this book) if it were expected, we must heap up abundant [Page] Testimonies; We will select some few out of many, omitting the for-rain of Mersennus, and Mr. Pierre D'Am­boise, and others, who have Translated and Commented upon him, and confine our selves to those worthy men that are of our own Nation; and begin with the Testimony of [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] Sir Hennry Wotton.

The Lord Bacon hath done a great and everliving Benefit to the Children of Na­ture, and to Nature her self, in her ut­termost Latitude and Extent, who never be­fore had so Noble and True an Interpreter; (and as I am ready to stile his Lordship) ne­ver [Page] so inward a Secre­tary of her Majesties Cabinet; and he did determine to have his Lordships work of No­vum Organon, read, peice by piece, at cer­tain hours in his Do­mestick Colledge, (Ea­ton) as an Ancient Page 412. of Wot­ton's Letters. Author.

Mr. George Sands, in his Coment on Ovid, [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] professes himself to be much assisted by our Author, whom he calls, The Crown of the latter Age, the Lord Viscount St. ALBAN.

Mr. Howel, in his Vocal Forest, of him thus—The Flexani­mous and Golden Ton­gued Orator, and Chan­cellor of the Kings Con­science.

[Page] The Prefacer to Les­sius Hygiasticon:

The Lo. Bacon, the great Lo. Chancellor, of Learning, aswell as Law.

Dr. Gilbert Watts: The L. Bacon, a learn­ed man, happily, the learnedst that ever li­ved since the decay of the Grecian and Ro­man Empires, when [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] learning was at an high pitch.

Aud for a further te­stimony, we refer you to those Copious and Ele­gant Verses, made by M. Geo. Herbert, som­time Orator of the Ʋ ­niversity of Cambridg, upon this Author, and lately Printed in a Book, called, Herberts Remains.

THE FELICITY Of Queen ELIZABETH: Writ, By Sir Francis Bacon.

QUEEN Elizabeth in regard both of Nature and For­tune, the Pattern of Princes, and wonder of her Sex, of whose ver­tues and glories thereof Monks [Page 2] that live in the shade of Cloy­sters, tart in stile, loose in judg­ment, and not forgetful of them­selves, would be no sufficient a­vowchers; this testimony be­longs to men of note, such as have stood at the helm of State, and been acquainted with the depth and tydes of Civil affairs: In all Antiquity the rule of a wo­man hath been very rare, in that rule the Felicity rarer, and the continuance of that Felicity ra­rest of all; yet this Lady raigned full four and fourty years, and overlived not her Felicity; of which happiness I purpose to speak a little without running in­to praises, for praises are given by men, but happiness is the gift of God.

I say the first stept of her Feli­city, [Page 3] in that she was raised to the top of all from a private fortune, for customarily so run the opini­ons of men, to esteem that most happy, which happeneth most be­yond hope and expectation. But this is not all I mean, my aim reacheth further, that Princes brought up in Regal houses, to hope of succession not uncer­tain, are often depraved with soft and licentious breeding, and be­come immoderate in their raign. From hence we finde the best and most excellent Kings were taught in Schooles of either fortune, such as with us was Henry the se­venth, and Lewis the twelfth a­mong the French, both of which about the same time (as the me­mory yet remaineth) obtained a Kingdom, not from privacy on­ly, [Page 4] but onely from adversity, whereof the latter flourished in justice, and the former in wisdom. Like to theirs was the condition of this Prince, whose hopes and beginnings Fortune brauled, but was thence forward constant to her till her ending.

For first, By birth she had her turn by succession, then she was disinherited, and at last laid aside, and forgotten; in the raign of her brother her fortune was propiti­ous and fair, which in her Sisters grew dark and dangerous: But yet she was not suddenly taken from prison to the Crown, least that fret of remembrance might perhaps make her swell, but being first restored to liberty, she after­wards obtained her claim with­out stir or competition, of whom [Page 5] God intending to make so rare a Prince, it seemeth he prepared her mind, and made her ascend by the steps of her discipline to the Crown of her own inheritance: neither ought the calamity of her mother blast the dignity of her birth, especially it being certain, that Henry the eight was rather led with love towards another, then indignation against her: The nature of which King, light in his loves, apt to suspition, and in them hasty to blood, cannot a­void the note of posterity. As for the accusations made against her person in themselves improba­ble, and leaning upon slight con­jectures, they were not onely de­tested by the silent murmurers of those times, but by Queen Anne her self in that memorable and he­roical [Page 6] speech which she used at the instant of her death; whereas preparing her self to leave this world, and having gotten as she thought a loving and trusty mes­senger, she bids him deliver this message to the King, that well she saw his Majesty would not give over his old wont in heaping new honours upon her: First, from a Gentlewoman he had made her a Marquess, from thence his consort and a Queen, and now finding no higher pitch of ho­nour upon the earth, he was plea­sed to advance her in her innocen­cy to the Crown of Martyrdom; which though that messenger durst not relate to the King bur­ning in new desires, yet Fame (preserver of truth) hath kept it safe for after ages.

[Page 7] Moreover, I put no small part of her Felicity in the measure and compass of her raign, not so much for being long, as beeause it took up that space of age, which is most fit to hold the raynes of publick government, for at five and twenty yeers (when tuition beginneth to cease) she began and raigned till threescore, and whereby she neither felt the wrongs of a pupil under anothers arbitration, nor yet the inconve­niences of an old decrepit age, private men feel miseries enough in old age; but usually it bring­eth to Princes (besides those common griefs) ends void of glo­ry, and diminution of estate, few attaining an old and unwealdy age without some loss of reputati­on and state. Take one exam­ple [Page 8] in Philip the second King of Spain, a most puissant Prince, and coming in swaying a Kingdom, who in his latter daies feeling the burthen and feebleness of age, helped weakness with wisedom, submitting himself to the course of mortal things; thereupon he restored such places as had been won in, there he established a Peace, and attempted the same elsewhere; that his affairs being all compounded he might leavethem intire and illetigious to his heirs. The contrary in all things hap­ned to Q. Elizabeth to whom for­tune was so firm, that she never suffered in flourishing or declining yeers any declination. And to seal up her rare Felicity, she depar­ted not this world till the Rebel­lions in Ireland were decided by [Page 9] stroke of an happy battail, that there might be no blemish nor imperfection in her glory.

That is not also to be forgot­ten what kinde of People she go­verned; had she raigned in Palm­grevis, or over the milk sops of Asia, it would have been no mar­vel that a female Prince should command effeminate Nations: But that in England, so Warlike and stout a People should stir and stop at the beck of a woman, can­not be without great admirati­on; yet, for all this inclination of her people longing for war, & of their rest impatient, she was never hindred from loving and keeping of peace, which will of hers was seconded with success, I reckon among her chiefest praises, for it not onely became [Page 10] her sex, and eased her age, but was certainly a great comfort to her conscience; indeed about the tenth of her raign some tumults were attempted in the North, but they were quickly quenched, and she enjoyed ever after deep peace and security: which inward peace of her times, I judge was most glorious for two respects; the one that it shone the better by the flames and combustions of her neighbours; the other that notwithstanding the easiness of Peace, Armes wanted not their honour; whereby the prowess of the English Name was not onely kept up, but increased; hence many supplies were sent in­to Scotland, France, and the Ne­therlands, divers expeditions by Sea into the Indies, some [Page 11] wherof gave the world a girdle, Fleets were rigged to infest the Coasts of Spain and Portugal. The Rebels in Ireland were often tamed and suppressed, so that she took a special care, that neither the courage of the people should rest, nor their fame suffer any di­minution.

To this glory the weight of desert was added; for by her reasonable reliefs neighbouring Princes were preserved in the King­dom; and afflicted people (ex­posed by their Lords, badly counselled to the cruelty of their Ministers, and devoted to the Shambles) received petition in their miseries, whereof they feel the benefit at this day.

In her councels she was no less kinde and helpful then in her sup­plies, [Page 12] whereby she perswaded the King of Spain to asswage his an­ger towards his subjects of the Ne­therlands, & reduce them to obe­dience upon tollerable terms, and often solicited the Kings of France to keep their faith, by not infringing the edicts granted to publick peace; in the first where­of, she had regard to the state of Europe in general, lest the boundless ambition of Spain once broken out should fuse it self o­ver the Christian world, and en­danger the common liberty. In the second she had compassion of so many innocents that suffered fire and sword with their wives and children; among whom the scum of the people armed and a­nimated with publick power, were let loose like wild beasts to [Page 13] devour them, whose blood called for vengeance, and expiation up­on that Kingdom which had made a league to commit inhu­mane murders and savage Lania­tions; in both which she omitted not do the office of a kinde, wise, and considerate Prince.

There is yet another cause which maketh the piece of her raign more admirable, namely, that it proceeded from her own wisedom and contriving against the disposition of the times; for if we consider her kingdom ei­ther cut into factions at home by difference of religion, or abroad standing as the strength and bul­work of Christendom against the monstrous designs and overflow­ing power of Spain, we shall finde that there was no fuel wanting for [Page 14] a war, but she had provided for all, and gotten the reach both in Force and Councel; as that me­morable event well declared, which for the happiness thereof surpassed all the actions of our age; for when that Navy called Invincible, whose sailes swelled with pride, and secure of victory, had entered the narrow Seas, to the fear and astonishment of Eu­rope; it neither took a cock-boat at Sea, nor burnt a Cottage at Land, nor once touched upon the Coasts; but was miserably scattered and put to flight, and at last dashed upon against the Rocks, whist peace remained in her confines, and no commotion was seen in the Land.

No less happy was she in e­scaping the plot of Traytors, then [Page 15] defeating the power of her ene­mies, for though divers conspira­cies were hatched against her life, yet all were either discovered or failed, neither did they work any jealousies or distrust in her mind, for she kept not the more within, nor went the less abroad, nor in­creased the number of her guard, but secure and confident, and mindful more of her deliverance from danger, then of the dan­ger it self, she changed nothing from the wonted course of her life.

It is not also unworthy to be marked the quality of those times wherein she flourished, for some ages fall out to be so barbarous and silly, that it were no harder matter to rule a Nation of men, then to lead a flock of sheep, but [Page 16] she was eminent in learned and refined times, wherein it was not easie to excel without singular parts of Nature, habituation of Vertue, and extraordinary in­dowments of Wit and Tem­per.

Besides, the raign of Women use to be obscured with marriage, whose worth and actions are commonly smothered up under the names and covert of their husbands: Those onely that live unmarried have no partner in their glory, such was she, and this praise she deserved the more, be­cause she was supported by no props but her own; no half bro­ther, nor uncle, nor Prince of the blood was remaining to whom she might impart her cares, and receive assistance in her govern­ing; [Page 17] yea, those who she advan­ced to highest honours, she kept in such a ballance and restraint, that every one laboured most to please her will, whilst she remai­ned mistris of her self.

Barren indeed she was, left no child behind her, which also hap­pened to many fortunate Prin­ces, Alexander the great, Julius Caesar, and Trojaen the Emperor; but this may be a diverse constru­ction, and be disputed on either part, some call it diminishment of happiness, as if those men were blessed above the conditions of men, who prove aswel happy in their propagation as in them­selves.

Others make it the pitch of happiness, which, say they, is then onely compleat, when it is ex­empted [Page 18] from the wheel of for­tune, and out of danger to be blemished by a degenerating issue.

She wanted not also those out­ward adjuncts of happiness, she was tall of stature, of comely limbs and excellent feature in her countenance, Majesty sate under the vail of sweetness, her health was sound and prosperous, and so drawing to her last without sense of age or misfortune, she had that which Augustus so much desired, a gentle and happy de­parture. The which is likewise recorded of Antonius Pius that good Emperor, whose death was like a dream or some sweet ima­gination: In all her sickness was nothing ominous, nor lamen­table, nor uncouth to her kind, no [Page 19] Symptom was seen strange or noisome, but all of such a frame, as rather shewed the frailty of the corruption of humane nature; for some few daies before her death finding her body (seldom moistened with wine, or a larger diet) to shrink up with driness and cares which attend a crown, she suffered some convulsion in her nerves, still keeping (though in a slow and weaker measure) her speech, motion and understanding, which is not ordinary in that di­sease: But this estate not long a­biding, seeming rather the first steps to death, then last act of life; for when the powers of life are wasted, it is a wretched thing to remain in life; but by the slumber of sense to haste insensibly to death, is a clement and easie close of life.

[Page 20] Add this to the hap of her felicity, that she was not onely happy in her own, but also in the abilities of her servants; for she had such gifted men about her as perhaps this Island had rarely brought forth before.

But God when he favoureth Kings enlargeth the hearts of their ministers.

Two felicities yet remain that may be called Post humus, which are indeed higher and happier then all these that adorned her life: One of her successor, the o­ther of her memory; such a suc­cessor she had, who albeit in re­gard of his masculine vertue and fair progeny, and access of a new Kingdom, might somwhat shadow or exceed her glory, yet he alwayes honoured her [Page 21] name, and gave a kinde of per­petuity to her deeds, for he made so small alteration in the orders he found established, or persons she had chosen, that so the son could succeed his father with greater silence, or less danger or disturbance of estate.

And concerning the fame and happiness of her memory, that is yet so fresh in the mindes and mouths of men, as taking life from her ashes wherein all envy is raked up; it seemeth to contend with the happiness of her life, for if any factious humor raised from dissent in Religion be yet buzzing abroad (though it seems by this time conjured down by consent of truth) as it is most foul and false; so it cannot be long lived, and truly I have gathered these [Page 22] notes of Gods favour and her fe­licity for this special end; that malicious men should be afraid to mingle their cursings (amongst so many blessings of God.)

After all this, if any should say as one did of Caesar, We hear of things whereat we wonder, but look for things which we might commend; I verily think that true admiration is certain excess of praise, and verily these felici­ties here described, cannot befal to any who are not visibly sustai­ned with divine favours, and in some sort have not set their lives in aim of glory; nevertheless, I will recount some few things con­cerning her manners, and of those onely which might seem to lend occasion unto base speeches of contumelious men.

[Page 23] In her religion she was pious, constant, moderate, and could not away with innovations, her pi­ety chiefly appeared in her works and actions, but it was also seen in the ordinary course, and con­versation of her life; she was sel­dom absent from prayers in her closet, or at sermons and solemn service abroad; diligent in reading the Scriptures, well versed in the Fathers, and above all in St. Au­gustine; upon divers occasions she composed sundry prayers: when she mentioned God (though in common talk) added for the most part of Creator, casting, as I have often observed, her face & eies in­to a reverend form of humility: and whereat some have published, that she put off the thought of mortality, nor could abide to [Page 24] hear of old age or death. It is most untrue, for many years before her end she was not nice, often, and with much grace to call her self old wo­man, and used to discourse of her Tomb, and what in­scription would most please her, saying, She delighted not in long Titles, or shadows of glory, a line or two would be enough for her memory, which in few words should only express her name in her virginity, the time of her raign, the restoring of religion, & establishment of Peace: True it is, that being once importuned to declare her successor whilst she was yet in her full strength, not unfit to bear children, she would not endure her winding sheet to be spread before her eies, and [Page 25] yet not long before her death, sitting pensive, and, as it were, musing of mortality, as one came and told her, that divers places stood too long vacant in the State; she rose up somwhat offended, and said, She knew well enough that her place would not stand an instant empty. Her moderation may perchance be doubted in matter of Religion, considering the severity of those Lawes she made against the Pa­pists: But herein we will pro­duce such onely things whereof we have certain knowledge, and made diligent search; out of all question, the meaning of this Princess minde, was this, nei­ther to offer violence to the consciences of men, nor to suf­fer her State to be disquieted un­der [Page 26] pretext of conscience; out of which foundation she judged, first of all, that the toleration of two Religions in one hot heart­burning people, who from diffe­renc in mind) might break out in­to blows, might be of pernitious consequence to the State; there­upon at her entrance upon the Crown, when all things were ful of suspition, she used the power of the Law, and committed som of the busiest, and most facti­ous Prelates for the rest of their Coat: so far was she from vex­ing them with severe inquisiti­ons, that she winked at their faults, and took them into her protection; This was the first state of things: and although the interdiction of Pius the fift might have stirred up her an­ger, [Page 27] and made her resolve of a sharper course, yet she departed not from her nature, and chan­ged little from her mildness; for, like a most wise and heroi­cal Lady, secure of her peoples love, and that the Popish Facti­on could not stir at home with­out far assistance, she passed lit­tle for the claps of the Popes thunder: But about the three and twentieth of her raign things received an alteration, which change of time, was not complotted by design, but recorded in publick Acts, and cut as it were, in brass for per­petuity; Till that year, no great or heavy punishment was laid upon her Popish Subjects by the Lawes precedent; but now the vast projects and ambitions [Page 28] of Spain for subduing of this Kingdom, began to be detected, whereof a principal part was, that a new fangled Faction should be raised in the bowels of this State; which should not onely be ready to receive a for­raign invader, but also, (un­der pretence of the Roman Re­ligion, and power of the Popes Bull,) should absolve her Sub­jects from their Faith and Alle­giance, and prepare their Spi­rits for dangerous innovasions. About that time Ireland was as­saulted with open Armes, scan­dalous Libels were cast out a­gainst the fame, and govern­ment, and the Queen; and all things seemed to swell up in pre­sage of greater motions. I would rather think, that many [Page 29] of the Preists were made wick­ed instruments of other mens malice, then that all were privy to their Councel; yet this is true, and verified by sundry confessions, That almost all the Priests that were sent over into this Kingdom, from the three and twentieth to the thir­tieth of this Queens raign (in which year that Popish and Spanish design was put in exe­cution) had private instructions to divulge abroad, that this E­state could stand thus no longer; that within a while they should see a new face of things, and notable alterations; That the good of England was cared for by the Pope, and popish Prin­ces, if they would not be wan­ting to themselves; yea, some [Page 30] of the Priests were manifestly found guilty of those Plots and Machinations, which tended to the subversion of the State. And that which moved most the car­riage of their secret Councels, was disclosed by letters inter­cepted, importing, that all the watchfulness of the Queen and Councel over the Papists, would be utterly deluded; for, albeit they laboured much, that no man of note or nobility should be head of the Faction; yet, a course was taken to effect the work by men of meaner and in­feriour rancks, whose mindes (though they knew not one ano­ther) should be linked together by secret confessions, without need of Assembly.

Such arts were then used, [Page 31] and, of late in a case (not un­like) resumed; which (it seems) are familiar with those men: Thus clangor approaching, like a storme, put a Law of necessi­ty upon the Queen.

It being now high time, that such part of her subjects as were estranged from her love, im­poisoned without hope of cure, and yet grew rich withall in a private life, which freed them from publick charge, should be kept under and restrained with Lawes of a more heavy nature: The course of all this misery still increasing, was imputed to the Priests, who carried into forraign Countries, and fed by the crums of stranger Princes (professed enemies to this State) were brought up onely in such [Page 32] places where the name of the Queen their Soveraign was ne­ver heard of, but as an heretick and excommunicate person, torn with curses and excommu­nications; If these men were not inticed with treacherous de­signes, they were surely known to be familiar with such as were; who with the venom of their arts, had pernitiously depraved the minds of many Papists, and sowred their whole Lump with a new malignant livery, which was sweeter and less timerous before.

Now therefore, no safer re­remedy could be found, then to debar these unnatural men from all entrance into this King­dom; which was likewise decreed under penalty of their [Page 33] lives, in the seven and twentieth of her raign.

Not long after when the tem­pest rose and fell upon this land; the event well declared what love remained in these mens brests towards their dearest Country; for, so were they blinded with hate and envy, that they rested neither night nor day, binding themselves with Vowes and Sacraments, to bring it into bondage of a for­raign Enemy.

Hereupon, albeit the clouds of Spain (which caused this se­verity) were blown over, and vanished; yet, the remem­brance of danger passed, struck deep in the mindes of men; and, because it would have been ac­counted levity to have repealed [Page 34] those Lawes, and unfaithfulness to neglect them once establish­ed; The Queen was so drawn with weight of affairs, that it was no more in her power to set them in that former estate wherein they were before, in the twenty third of her raign.

Hereunto may be added, that although there was not wanting the industry of divers Ministers to increase her exche­quer; and justice of others to urge exemption of the Lawes, wherein they onely saw the publike safety to consist; yet, constant to her natural clemen­cy, she debated the keenness of their edge, that the Priests who suffered death were very few in regard of their exceeding number.

[Page 35] These things I rehearse, not, as points of her defence, this cause needeth no justification; whereas both the safety of this Kingdom required no less, and the whole course of this se­verity, fell far short of the bloo­dy examples amongst the Pa­pists; which rather flowed from pride and malice, then any ne­cessity: But I am not forgetful of my first affection, having by this time sufficiently shown that this Prince was moderate in cause of Religion, and if any sharpness happened therein, that it proceeded not from her na­ture, but from the iniquity of the times.

Of her great care and con­stancy in true religion, this may be a certain Argument, that al­beit [Page 36] popery had been established by much power and study in her sisters raign, and had taken deep root by time, and was still confirmed by the writ and as­sent of all in Authority; yet, since that it neither agreed with the word of God, nor the pri­mitive pureness, nor her own conscience, she pluck'd it up, with little help, and abolished it with great courage and reso­lution; which was not done up­on a rash impetuous fancy, but with maturity and advice; whereof (among many other things) we may take a conje­cture by an answer so made up­on a by-occasion.

In the beginning of her raign, when Prisoners (as the manner is) were released, for a boon of [Page 37] her new inauguration; A cer­tain Courtier, who by custome had taken up a boldness of speech, and jestingly waited for her as she went to Chappel, when, either of himself, or set on by wiser men, he put an humble petition, crying out a­loud withall, That yet there re­mained four or five honest Priso­ners, who were unjustly detai­ned; beseeching he Majesty to set them at Liberty; and they were the four Evangelists, and Saint Paul the Apostle, who had been long shut up in a strange language, as in a Prison, and kept from conversing among the people; to whom she wisely answered, That full inquiry should be made of themselves, whether they would be released, yea, or no: whereby [Page 38] she put off a sudden question, with a suspended answer; and stil reserved the interest of things in her own freedom and decisi­on.

In which business, she pro­ceeded not by peeces, or with trepidation, but in a grave and setled order: First, calling the Synods to conference, and the States to Parliament; and then within compass of one year, so reformed Ecclesiastical affairs, that till her dying day she de­parted not a whit from the con­stitution then determined; yea, ever after her custome was to warn almost every Parliament when it sate, that nothing should be changed in the right, and discipline of the Church; and thus far concerning Religi­on.

[Page 39] Now to leave these sadder things; if any man should think it a lightness that she suffered her self to be courted and woo­ed, and refused not to be seen upon the scene of Love, even beyond the condition of her Age; this, if it be gently con­strued, wanted not also a share in admiration; for it soundeth unlike those old Stories of a Maiden Queen living in Elizian Islands, from whose Court none was debarred that used fair ac­costment, and no lasciviousness in love; But if it be severely scanned, then greater is the wonder; for, albeit that we of­ten see, that a State is loosened by the looseness of the Prince; yet, these delights she used with such a curb, that they little dim­med [Page 40] her fame, less her Majesty, and softned the vigour and di­spensation of her State nothing at all.

But to shut up my discourse; the Prince was certainly good and vertuous, and so she de­sired to seem, she hated vices, and took the way to fame, by that of honour: Whilst I am upon her vertues, I cannot for­get one passage, when letters were written to her Ambassa­dors in France, to deliver some private message to the Queen-Mother then of Valois; wherein her Secretary, as it were, to curry favour, had inserted this clause, that the Ambassador should say, They two were two such Queens, so versed in Soveraign Arts, and seen in politick affairs, [Page 41] as no Kings nor men in the world went beyond them; She misliked the assotiation, and comman­ded it to be blotted out, saying, The Arts she had learned were of a better stamp, and the principles of a far higher nature, whereby she ruled her people.

She was not puffed up with the length of her raign, although she was long a Queen; for, if any had told her fitly in dis­course, That the world would have taken notice of her admira­ble parts, though she had lived in some mean estate; she would have been well pleased with such insinuations; so much she desired that her vertue should stand alone unbeholding to her fortune for praise.

But if I should enter into her [Page 42] moral or regal commendations, or recite the Roll of her vertue, and rank them in their proper place and light, befitting so rare a Prince, which should slide into the story of her life, it would require greater leasure and a larger vein. I have onely summoned up these two parcels briefly, and sincerely, as I could; for, it must be confessed, That no Commender can be found sufficient for this Prince, but onely time, which, from the first beginning, never produced in all her sex any one like to her for Civil Government and Ad­ministration of Affairs.

FINIS.
THE APOLOGY OF Sr …

THE APOLOGY OF Sr FRANCIS BACON; In, Certain IMPUTATIONS concerning the late Earl of ESSEX. Written to the Right Honora­ble his very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of IRE­LAND.

London, Printed 1651.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE HIS very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of IRE­LAND.

IT may please your good Lordship: I cannot be ignorant, and ought to be sen­sible of the wrong which I su­stain in common speech, as if I had been false, or unthankful to that noble, but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Essex: and for satisfying the vulgar sort, I do not so much regard it; though I love a good name, but yet as [Page 46] an handmaid and attendant of honesty and vertue. For I am of his opinion that said pleasantly, That it was a shame to him that was a suter to the mistriss, to make love to the waiting woman; and therfore to woo or court cōmon fame otherwise then it followeth on honest courses, I for my part, find not my self fit nor disposed. But on the other side, there is no worldly thing that concerneth my self, which I hold more dear, then the good opinion of certain persons; amongst which there is none I would more willingly give satisfaction unto, then to your Lordship. First, because you loved my L. of Essex, and there­fore will not be partial towards me; which is part of that I desire, next, because it hath ever plea­sed [Page 47] you to shew your self to me an honorable friend; and so no baseness in me to seek to satisfie you: and lastly, because I know your Lordship is excel­lently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties & morali­ties; which must be they which shall decide this matter: wherein (my L.) my defence needeth to be but simple and brief: namely, that whatsoever I did concering that action and proceeding, was done in my duty and service to the Queen and the State; in which I would not shew my self false hearted, nor faint hearted for any mans sake living. For every honest man that hath his heart wel planted, wil forsake his King rather then forsake God, & forsake his friend rather then [Page 48] forsake his King; and yet will forsake any earthly commodi­ty, yea, and his own life in some cases, rather then forsake his friend. I hope the world hath not forgotten these degrees, else the heathen, saying; Amicus usque ad aras, shall judge them.

And if any man shall say, I did officiously intrude my self into that business, because I had no ordinary place; the like may be said of all the business in ef­fect that passed the hands of the learned Councel, either of State or Revenues these many years, wherein I was continual­ly used. For, as your Lordship may remember, the Queen knew her strength so well as she look­ed her word should be a war­rant; and after the manner of [Page 49] the choisest Princes before her, did not alwayes tye her trust to place, but did somtime divide private favor from office. And I for my part, though I was not so unseen in the world, but I knew the condition was subject to envy and peril; yet because I knew again she was constant in her favours, and made an end where she began, and especially, because she upheld me with ex­traordinary access, and other demonstrations of confidence and grace, I resolved to indure it, in expectation of better. But my scope and desire is, that your Lordship would be pleased to have the honorable patience, to know the truth, in some parti­cularity, of all that passed in this cause, wherein I had any [Page 50] part, that you may perceive how honest a heart I ever bear to my Soveraign and to my Country, and to that Noble man, who had so well deserved of me, and so well accepted of my deser­vings; whose fortune I cannot remember without much grief. But for any action of mine to­wards him, there is nothing that passed me in my life time, that cometh to my remembrance with more clearness, and less check of conscience: for it will appear to your Lordship, that I was not onely not opposite to my Lord of Essex, but that I did occupy the utmost of my wits, and adventure my fortune with the Queen to have reinte­grated his, and so continued faithfully and industriously till [Page 51] his last fatal impatience (for so I wil call it) after which day there was not time to work for him, though the same, my affection, when it could not work on the subject proper, went to the next, with no ill effect towards som o­thers, who I think do rather not know it, then not acknowledge it. And this I will assure your Lordsh. I wil leave nothing un­told, that is truth for any enemy that I hav to add; & on the other side, I must reserve much which makes for me, in many respects of duty, which I esteem above my credit: and what I have here set down to your Lordsh. I pro­test, as I hope to have any part in God's favour, is true.

It is well known, how I did many years since dedicate my [Page 52] travels and studies to the use and (as I may tearm it) service of my Lord of Essex, which I pro­test before God, I did not, ma­king election of him as the like­liest mean of mine own ad­vancement, but out of the hu­mor of a man, that ever, from the time I had any use of reason (whether it were reading upon good books, or upon the exam­ple of a good father, or by na­ture) I loved my Country more then was answerable to my for­tune, and I held at that time, my L. to be the fitter instrument to do good to the State: and there­fore I applied my self to him, in a manner which I think hapneth rarely among men: for I did not onely labour carefully and indu­striously in that he set me about, [Page 53] whether it were matter of advice or otherwise, but neglecting the Queens service, mine own for­tune, and in a sort my vocation, I did nothing but advise and ru­minate with my self to the best of my understanding, proposi­tions and memorials, of any thing that might concern his Lordships honor, fortune, or ser­vice. And when not long after I entred into this course, my bro­ther Mr. Anthony Bacon came from beyond the Seas, being a Gentleman whose ability the world taketh knowledge of for matters of State, specially for­raign; I did likewise knit his ser­vice to be at my Lds disposing. And on the otherside, I must and will ever acknowledge my Lords love, trust, and favour to­wards [Page 54] me, last of all his libera­lity, having infeofed me of land which I sold for eighteen hun­dred pounds to Master Reynold Nicholas, and I think was more worth, and that at such a time, and with so kinde and noble cir­cumstances, as the manner was as much as the matter: which though it be but an idle digressi­on, yet because I am not wil­ling to be short in commemo­ration of his benefits, I will presume to trouble your Lord­ship with the relating to you the manner of it. After the Queen had denied me the Solicitors place, for the which his Lord­ship had been a long and earnest sutor on my behalf, it pleased him to come to me from Rich­mond to Twicknam Park, and [Page 55] brake with me, and said: Mr. Bacon, the Queen hath denied me the place for you, and hath placed another; I know you are the least part of your own mat­ter, but, you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance: you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters; I die (these were his ve­ry words) if I do not somewhat towards your fortune, you shall not deny to accept a peece of Land, which I will bestow up­on you. My answer I remember was, that for my fortune it was no great matter: but that his Lordships offer made me call to minde what was wont to be said when I was in France of the Duke of Guise, that he was the greatest usurer in France [Page 56] because he had turned all his E­state into obligations; meaning that he had left himself nothing, but onely had bound numbers of persons to him. Now my Lo. (said I) I would not hav you im­mitate his course, nor turn your state thus by great gifts into ob­ligations, for you wil find many bad debtors. He bad me take no care for that, & pressed it: where­upon I said my Lor. I see I must be your homager, and hold land of your gift: but do you know the manner of doing homage in law? Alwaies it is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other Lords, and therefore my L. (said I) I can be no more yours then I was, and it may be with the ancient savings: and if I grow to be a rich man, you [Page 57] will give me leave to give it back to some of your unreward­ed followers. But to return, sure I am (though I can arrogate no­thing to my self, but that I was a faithful remembrance to his Lordship) that while I had most credit with him, his fortune went on best. And yet in two main points we alwaies directly and contradictorily differed, which I will mention to your Lordship, because it giveth light to all that followed. The one was, I ever set this down, and that the onely course to be held with the Queen, was by obsequi­ousness & observance; and I re­member I would usually engage confidently, that if he would take that course constantly, and with choise of good parti­culars [Page 58] to express it, the Queen would be brought in time to Assuerus question, to ask, What should be done to the man, that the King would honour: meaning, that her goodness was without limit, where there was a true concurrence, which I knew in her nature to be true. My Lord on the otherside had a setled o­pinion, that the Queen could be brought to nothing, but by a kinde of necessity and authori­ty; and I will remember, when by violent courses at any time he had got his will he would ask me. Now Sir: whose prin­ciples be true? And I would a­gain say to him: My Lord, these courses be like to hot waters, they will help at a pang: but if you use them, you shall spoil the stomack, [Page 59] and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger, and yet in the end they will less their ope­ration: with much other variety, wherewith I used to touch that string. Another point was, that I alwaies vehemently disswaded him from seeking greatness by a military dependance, or by a popular dependance, as that which would breed in the Queen jealousie, in himself presumpti­on, and in the State perturbati­on: and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings which were joyned on with wax, and would make him ven­ture to soar too high, and then fail him at the height. And I would further say unto him: My Lord, stand upon two feet, and fly not upon two wings. [Page 60] The two feet, are the two kinds of Justice, Commutative and Distributive: use your greatness for advancing of merit and ver­tue, and relieving wrongs and burdens, you shall need no other art or fineness: but he would tell me, that opinion came not from my minde, but from my robe. But it is very true, that I that never meant to inthral my self to my Lord of Essex, nor any other man, more then stood with the publick good, did (though I could little prevail) divert him by all means possible from courses of the wars and popularity: for I saw plainly the Queen must either live or die; if she lived, then the times would be as in the declination of an old Prince, if she died, [Page 61] the times would be as in the be­ginning of a new: and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these courses, the times might be dan­gerous for him, and he for them: Nay, I remember I was thus plain with him upon his voyage to the Ilands, when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation, that I said to him, my Lord, when I came first unto you, I took you for a Physition that desired to cure the diseases of the State; but now I doubt you will be like those Physitians, which can be content to keep their Pa­tients low, because they would alwayes be in request: which plainness he nevertheless took very well, as he had an ex­cellent [...]ar, and was patien­tissimus [Page 62] veri, and assured me the case of the Realm required it: and I think this speech of mine, and the like renewed af­terwards, pricked him to write that Apology which is in many mens hands.

But this difference in two points so main and material, bred in process of time a dis­continuance of privateness (as it is the manner of men feldom to communicate where they think their courses not appro­ved) between his Lordship and my self; so as I was not called nor advised with, for some yeer and a half before his Lordships going into Ireland as in former time: yet nevertheless touching his going into Ireland, it plea­sed him expresly and in a [Page 63] set manner to desire mine opi­nion and counsel. At which time I did not onely disswade, but protest against his, going tel­ling him with as much vehe­mency and asseveration as I could, that absence in that kinde would exulcerate the Queens minde, whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so, as to give her sufficient contentment: nor for her to carry her self so, as to give him sufficient counte­nance, which would be ill for her, ill for him, and ill for the State. And because I would omit no argument, I remem­ber I stood also upon the diffi­culty of the action: setting be­fore him out of Histories, that the Irish was such an enemy as [Page 64] the ancient Gaules or Britons, or Germanes were, and that we saw how the Romans, who had such discipline to govern their soldiers, and such donatives to encourage them, and the whole world in a manner to levy them; yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their feli­city onely in liberty, and the sharpness of their sword, and had the natural and elemental advantages of woods, and boggs, and hardness of bodies, they ever found they had their hands full of them: and there­fore concluded that going over with such expectation as he did, and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to answer it, would mightily dimi­nish his reputation; and many [Page 65] other reasons I used, so as I am sure I never in any thing in my life time dealt with him in like earnestness by speech, by wri­ting, and by all the means I could devise. For I did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey, as it is possible for a man to ground a judgement upon future contingents. But my Lord, how­soever his ear was open, yet his heart and resolution was shut against that advise, whereby his ruine might have been pre­vented. After my Lords going, I saw then how true a Prophet I was, in regard of the evident alteration which naturally suc­ceeded in the Queens mind; and thereupon I was still in watch to find the best occasion that in the [Page 66] weakness of my power I could either take or minister, to pull him out of the fire if it had been possible: and not long af­ter, me thought I saw some o­verture thereof, which I ap­prehended readily; a particu­larity I think be-known to very few, and the which I do the ra­ther relate unto your Lordship, because I hear it should be talk­ed, that while my Lord was in Ireland, I revealed some mat­ters against him, or I cannot tell what; which if it were not a meer slander as the rest is, but had any, though never so little colour, was surely upon this occasion. The Queen one day at Nonesuch, a little (as I re­member) before Cuffes coming over, I attending on her, shew­ed [Page 67] a passionate distast of my Lords proceeding in Ireland, as if they were unfortunate, with­out judgement, contemptuous, and not without some private end of his own, and all that might be, and was pleased, as she spake of it to many that she trusted least, so to fall into the like speech with me; whereup­on I who was still awake, and true to my grounds which I thought surest for my Lords good, said to this effect: Ma­dam, I know not the particu­lars of Estate, and I know this, that princes actions must have no abrupt periods or conclusi­ons, but otherwise I would think, that if you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand, as my Lord of Lei­cester [Page 68] had, and continued him still about you for society to your self, and for an honor and ornament to your attendance and Court in the eies of your people, and in the eies of for­raign Ambassadors, then were he in his right element: for, to discontent him as you do, and yet to put arms and power in­to his hands, may be a kinde of temptation to make him prove combersome and unruly. And therefore if you would imponere bonum clausulam, & send for him and satisfie him with honor here neer you, if your affairs which (as I have said) I am not acquainted with, will permit it, I think were the best way. Which course your Lordship knoweth, if it had been taken then all had [Page 69] been well, and no contempt in my Lords coming over, nor continuance of these jealousies, which that employment of Ire­land bred, and my Lord here in his former greatness. Well, the next news that I heard, was, that my Lord was came over, and that he was committed to his Chamber for leaving Ire­land without the Queens licence: this was at Nonesuch, where (as my duty was) I come to his Lorship, and talked with him privately about a quarter of an hour, and he asked mine opi­nion of the course was taken with him; I told him: My Lord, Nubecula est, cito transibit: it is but a mist: but shal I tel your Lordship, it is as mists are, if it go upwards, it may haps cause a [Page 70] showre, if downwards it wil clear up. And therefore good my Lo. carry it so, as you take away by all means all ombrages and di­stasts from the Queen, & especi­ally if I were worthy to advise you, (as I have been by your self thought, and now your question imports the continuance of that opinion) observe 3. points: First, make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with Tyrone, as a service wherein you glo­ry, but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate. Next, represent not to the Queen any necessity of estate, whereby as by a coercion or wrench, she should think her self inforced to send you back into Ireland; but leave it to her. Thirdly, seek accesse importune, [Page 71] oportune, seriously, sportingly e­very way. I remember my Lord was willing to hear me, but spake very few words, and shaked his head sometimes, as if he thought I was in the wrong; but sure I am, he did just contrary in every one of these three points. After this, during the while since my Lord was committed to my Lord Keepers, I came divers times to the Queen, as I had used to do, about causes of her revenue and law business, as is well known: by reason of which accesses, according to the ordinary cha­rities of Court, it was gi­ven out, that I was one of them that incensed the Queen against my Lord of Essex. These speeches I cannot tell, nor I will [Page 72] not think that they grew any way from her Majesties own speeches, whose memory I will ever honour: if they did, she is with God, and miserum est ab il­lis laedi, de quibus non possis queri. But I must give this testimony to my Lord Cecil, that one time in his house at the Savoy he dealt with me directly, and said to me; Cousin, I hear it, but I beleeve it not, that you should do some ill office to my Lord of Essex: for my part I am meerly passive and not active in this action, and I follow the Q. and that heavily, and I lead her not; my Lord of Essex is one that in nature I could consent with as well as with any one li­ving; the Queen indeed is my So­veraign, and I am her creature, I [Page 73] may not lose her, and the same cours I would wish you to take: whereupon I satisfied him how far I was from any such minde. And as sometimes it cometh to pass, that mens inclinations are opened more in a toy, then in a serious matter: A little before that time, being about the mid­dle of Michaelmas terme, her Majesty had a purpose to dine at my lodge at Twicknam Park, at which time I had (though I profess not to be a Poet) prepa­red a Sonnet directly tending & alluding to draw on her Maje­sties reconcilement to my Lord, which I remember also I shewed to a great person, and one of my Lords neerest friends, who com­mended it: this, though it be (as I said) but a toy, yet it shewed [Page 74] plainly in what spirit I procee­ded, & that I was ready not on­ly to do my L. good offices, but to publish and declare my self for him; and never was so ambi­tious of any thing in my life time, as I was to have carried some token or favour from her Majesty to my Lord, using all the art I had, both to procure her Majesty to send, and my self to be the messenger: for as to the former I feared not to alledge to her, that this proceeding to­ward my Lord, was a thing to­wards the people very implau­sible, and therefore wished her Majesty however she did, yet to discharge her self of it; and to lay it upon others, and therefore that she should inter­mix her proceeding with some [Page 75] immediate graces from her self, that the world might take know­ledge of her Princely nature and goodness, lest it should alie­nate the hearts of her people from her, which I did stand up­on, knowing wel that if she once relented to send or visit, those demonstrations would prove matter of substance for my Lords good. And to draw that employment upon my self, I advised her Majesty, that when­soever God should move her to turn the light of her favours to­wards my Lord, to make signi­fication to him thereof: that her Majesty if she did it not in person, would at the least use some such mean as might not intitle themselves to any part of the thanks, as persons that [Page 76] were thought mighty with her, to work her, or to bring her about; but to use some such as could not be thought but a meer conduct of her own goodness: but I could never prevail with her, though I am perswaded she saw plainly whereat I level­led: but she plainly had me in jealousie, that I was not hers intirely, but still had inward and deep respects towards my Lord, more then stood at that time with her will and pleasure. About the same time I remem­ber an answer of mine in a mat­ter which had some affinity with my Lords cause, which though it grew from me, went after about in others names. For her Majesty being mightily incensed with that [Page 77] book which was dedicated to my Lord of Essex being a story of the first year of King Henry the fourth, thinking it a sediti­ous prelude to put into the peo­ples head boldness and faction, said, She had an opinion, that there was treason in it, and ask­ed me if I could not finde any places in it, that might be drawn within case of treason: whereto I answered; for treason surely I found none, but for fellony ve­ry many. And when her Majesty hastily asked me wherein; I told her, the Author had commited, very apparent theft, for he had taken most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and translated them into English, and put them into his text. And another time [Page 78] when the Qu. would not be per­swaded, that it was his writing whose name was to it, but that it had some more mischievous Author, and said with great indignation, that she would have him racked to produce his Au­thor; I replyed, Nay, Madam, he is a Doctor, never rack his person, but rack his stile; let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of books, and be en­joyned to continue the Story where it breaketh off, and I will undertake by collecting the stiles, to judge whether he were the Author or no. But for the main matter, sure I am, when the Qu. at any time asked mine opinion of my Lords case, I ever in one tenor, said unto her: that they were faults which the [Page 79] Law might terme Contempts, because they were the transgres­sion of her particular directions and instructions: but then what defence might be made of them, in regard of the great in­terest the person had in her Ma­jesties favour, in regard of the greatness of his place, and the ampleness of his Commission; in regard of the nature of the business being action of war, which in common cases cannot be tyed to strictness of instructi­ons, in regard of the distance of the place, having also a sea between, that demands and commands, must be subject to winde and weather; in regard of a councel of State in Ireland which he had at his back to a­vow his actions upon, and lastly [Page 80] in regard of a good intention that he would alledge for him­self, which I told her in some re­ligions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for Gods com­mandements, much more for Princes. In all these regards, I besought her Majesty to be ad­vised again and again, how she brought the cause into any pub­lick question: nay, I went fur­ther, for I told her, my Lord was an eloquent and wel spoken man, and besides his eloquence of nature or art, he had an elo­quence of accident which pas­sed them both, which was the pity and benevolence of his hea­rers; and therefore that when he should come to his answer for himself, I doubted his words would have so unequal [Page 81] passage above theirs that should charge him, as would not be for her Majesties honor; and therefore wished the conclu­sion might be, that they might wrap it up privately between themselves, and that she would restore my Lord to his former attendance, with some addition of honour to take away dis­content. But this I wil never de­ny, that I did shew no approba­tion generally of his being sent back again into Ireland, both because it would have carried a repugnancy with my former discourse, and because I was in mine own heart fully perswa­ded, that it was not good nei­ther for the Queen, nor for the State, nor for himself: and yet I did not disswade it neither, but [Page 82] left it ever as locus lubricus. For this particularity I do well re­member that after your Lord­ship was named for the place in Ireland, and not long before your going, it pleased her Ma­jesty at White Hall to speak to me of that nomination: at which time I said to her: Surely, Ma­dam, if you mean not to imploy my Lord of Essex thither again, your Majesty cannot make a better choise, and was going on to show some reason, and her Majesty interrupted me with great passion: Essex! (said she) whensoever I send Essex back again into Ireland, I will marry you, claim it of me: whereunto I said; Well, Ma­dam, I will release that contract if his going be for the good of [Page 83] your State. Immediately after the Queen had thought of a course (which was also executed to have somewhat published in the Star-chamber, for the satis­faction of the world touching my Lord of Essex his restraint, and my Lord of Essex not to be called to it, but occasion to be taken by reason of some Libels then dispersed; which when her Majesty propounded unto me, I was utterly against it; and told her plainly; that the peo­ple would say, that my Lord was wounded upon his back, and that justice had her balance taken from her, which ever con­sisted of an accusation and defence, with many other quick and significant tearms to that purpose: insomuch that I [Page 84] remember I sad, that my Lord in foro famae was too hard for her; and therefore wished her as I had done before, to wrap it up privately. And certainly I offen­ded her at that time, which was rare with me: for I call to mind that both the Christmas, Lent, and Easter Terme following, though I came divers times to her upon Law business yet me thought her face and maner was not so clear and open to me, as it was at the first. And she did directly charge me, that I was absent that day at the Star-chamber, which was very true; but I alleged som in disposition of body to excuse it: and du­ring all the time aforesaid, there was altum silentium from her to me touching my Lord of Essex causes.

[Page 85] But towards the end of Easter terme, her Majesty brake with me, and told me that she had found my words tru, for that the proceeding in the Star-cham­ber had done no good, but ra­ther kindled factious bruits (as she termed them) then quench­ed them, and therefore that she was determined now for the sa­tisfaction of the world, to pro­ceed against my-Lord in the Star-chamber by an informati­on ore tenus, and to have my Lo. brought to his answer: how­beit she said, she would assure me that whatsoever she did, should be towards my L. ad castigatio­nem, & non ad destructionem, as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before: whereun­to I said (to the end utterly to [Page 86] divert her:) Madam, if you will have me speak to you in this ar­gument, I must speak to you as Frier Bacons head spake, that said first, Time is, and then, Time was, and Time would never be; for certainly (said I) it is now far to late, the matter is cold and hath taken too much wind; where at she seemed again offen­ded, and rose from me, and that resolution for a while continued; and after, in the beginning of Midsomer tearm, I attending her, and finding her setled in that resolution (which I heard of al­so otherwise) she falling upon the like speech, it is true, that seeing no other remedy, I said to her slightly, Why, Madam, if you wil needs hav a proceeding, you were best have it in some [Page 87] such sort as Ovid spake of his mistress, Est aliquid luce patente minus, to make a counsel table matter of it, and there an end; which speech again she seemed to take in ill part, but yet I think it did good at that time, and helped to divert that course of proceeding by information in the Star-chamber. Nevertheless afterwards it pleas'd her to make a more solemn matter of the proceeding, and some few daies after when order was given that the matter should be heard at York hous, before an assembly of Councellers, Peers, and Judges, & some audience of men of qua­lity to be admitted: and then did some principal Councellers send for us of the learned Coun­cel, and notifie her Majesties [Page 88] pleasure unto us, save that it was said to me openly by one of them, that her Majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the business or no. And hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech that I hear is raised of me, how I was a suter to be used against my Lo. of Essex at that time: for it is very true, that I that knew well what had passed between the Queen and me, and what occasion I had given her both of distast and distrust, in crossing her disposition, by stan­ding steadfastly for my L. of Es­sex, and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular emulation, I writ to her two or three words of com­plement, signifying to her Ma­jesty, [Page 89] that if she would be plea­sed to spare me in my Lord of Essex cause, out of the conside­ration she took of my obligati­on towards him, I should reckon it for own of her greatest favors: but otherwise desiring her Maje­sty to think that I knew the de­grees of duties, & that no parti­cular obligation whatsoever to any subject could supplant or weaken that entireness of duty that I did ow & bear to her and her service; & this was the good­ly sute I made, being a respect no man that had his wits could hav omitted: but nevertheless I had a further reach in it, for I judged that daies work would be a full period of any bitternes or harsh­ness between the Queen and my Lord, and therefore if I declared [Page 90] my self fully according to her minde at that time, which could not do my Lord any manner of prejudice, I should keep my cre­dit with her ever after, whereby to do my Lord service. Hereup­on the next news that I heard, was, that we were all sent for a­gain, and that her Majesties pleasure was, we all should have parts in the business; and the Lords falling into distribution of our parts, it was allotted to me, that I should set forth some undutiful carriages of my Lord, in giving occasion and counte­nance to a seditious Pamphlet, as it was termed, which was dedicated unto him, which was the book before mentioned of K. Henry the fourth. Whereup­on I replyed to that allotment, [Page 91] and said to their Lordships, that it was an old matter, and had no manner of coherence with the rest of the charge, being mat­ters of Ireland, and therfore that I having been wronged by bruits before, this would expose me to them more; and it would be said, I gave in evidence mine own tales. It was answered again with good shew, that because it was considered how I stood ty­ed to my Lord of Essex, there­fore that part was thought fit­test for me, which did him least hurt: for that whereas all the rest was matter of charge and accusation, this onely was but matter of caveat and admoniti­on. Wherewith though I was in mine one minde little satisfied, because I knew well a man were [Page 92] better to be charged with some faults, then admonished of some others: yet the conclusion bind­ing upon the Queens pleasure directly, volens nolens, I could not avoid that part that was laid upon me; which part if in the delivery I did handle not ten­derly (though no man before me did in so clear tearms free my Lord from all disloyalty as I did) that your Lordship know­eth, must be ascribed to the su­periour duty I did ow to the Queens fame and honour in a publick proceeding, and part­ly to the intention I had to uphold my self in credit and strength with the Queen, the better to be able to do my Lord good offices afterwards: for as­soon as this day was past, I lost [Page 93] no time, but the very next day following (as I remember) I at­tended her Majesty, fully resol­ved to try and put in ure my ut­most endeavor (so far as I in my weaknes could give furtherance) to bring my Lord again speedi­ly into Court and favour, and knowing (as I supposed at least) how the Queen was to be used, I thought that to make her con­ceive that the matter went well then, was the way to make her leave off there; and I remember well, I said to her, you have now Madam obtained victory over two things which the grea­test Princes in the world can­not at their wills subdue: the one is over Fame, the other is over a great minde: for surely the world is now (I hope) rea­sonably [Page 94] well satisfied; & for my Lord, he did shew that humilia­tion towards your Majesty, as I am perswaded he was never in his life time more fit for your favor then he is now: therefore if your Majesty will not marre it by lingring, but give over at the best, and now you have made so good a full point, receive him again with tenderness, I shall then think that all that is past, is for the best. Whereat I re­member she took exceeding great contentment, and did of­ten iterate and put me in minde, that she had ever said, that her proceedings should be ad repa­rationem, and not adruinam, as who saith, that now was the time I should well perceive, that that saying of hers should prove [Page 95] true. And further she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that day. I obeyed her commandment, and within some few daies brought her a­gain the narration, which I did read unto her at 2 several after­noons: and when I came to that part that set forth my Lords own answer, (which was my principal care) I do well bear in mind, that she was extrordina­rily moved with it, in kindness and relenting towards my Lord, and told me afterwards (speaking how well I had ex­pressed my Lords part) that she perceived old love would not easily be forgotten: wherto I an­swered suddenly, that I hoped she meant that by her self. But in conclusion I did advise her, [Page 96] that now she had taken a repre­sentation of the matter to her self, that she would let it go no further: for, Madam, (said I) the fire blazeth well already, what should you tumble it: and be­sides it may please you keep a convenienc with your self in this case: for since your express dire­ction was, there should be no re­gister nor clarke to take this sen­tence, nor no record or memo­rial made up of the proceeding, why should you now do that popularly, which you would not admit to be done judicially? Whereupon she did agree, that that writing should be suppres­sed, and I think there were not▪ persons that ever saw it. But from this time forth during the whole latter end of that summer [Page 97] while the Court was at Nonsuch and Otlands, I made it my task and scope to take and give oc­casions for my Lords reintegra­tion in his fortune: which my intention I did also signifie to my Lord, assoon as ever he was at his liberty; whereby I might without peril of the Queens indignation write to him, and having received from his Lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and indeavours, I did ap­ply it in all my accesses to the Queen, which were very many at that time, and purposely sought and wrought upon other variable pretences, but onely and chiefly for that purpose. And on the otherside, I did not forbear to give my Lord from [Page 98] time to time faithful advertise­ment what I found, and what I wished. And I drew for him by his appointment some letters to her Majesty, which though I knew well his Lordships gift and stile was far better then mine own, yet because he requi­red it, alledging that by his long restraint he was grown al­most a stranger to the Queens present conceipts, I was ready to perform it: and sure I am, that for the space of six weeks, or two months it prospered so well, as I expected continually his restoring to his attendance. And I was never better welcom to the Queen, nor more made of, then when I spake fullest and boldest for him: in which kinde the particulars were ex­ceeding [Page 99] many, whereof for an example I will remember to your Lordship one or two; as at one time I call to minde, her Majesty was speaking of a fel­low that undertook to cure, or at least to ease my brother of his gout, and asked me how it went forwards; and I told her Majesty, that at the first he re­ceived good by it, but after in the course of his cure he found himself at a stay or rather worse: the Queen said again, I will tell you Bacon the error of it, the manner of these Physiti­ans, and especially these Empe­ricks is to continue one kinde of medicine, which at the first is proper, being to draw out the ill humor, but after they have not the discretion to change [Page 100] their medicine, but apply still drawing medicines, when they should rather intend to cure and corroborate the part. Good Lord, Madam, (said I) how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of Physick ministred to the body, and consider not that there is the like occasion of Physick ministred to the minde: as now in the case of my Lord of Essex, your Princely word ever was, that you intended e­ver to reform his minde, and not ruine his fortune: I know well you cannot but think that you have drawn the humor suffici­ently, and therefore it were more then time, and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating, that you did ap­ply and minister strength and [Page 101] comfort unto him: for these same gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt then correct a­ny mind of greatness▪ And ano­ther time I remember she told me for news, that my Lord had written unto her some very du­tiful letters, and that she had been moved by them, and when she took it to be the abundance of the heart, she found it to be but a preparative to a suit for the renuing of his farme of sweet wines: whereunto I replyed; O Madam, how doth your Ma­jesty consture these things, as if these two could not stand well together, which indeed nature hath planted in all creatures. For there are but two sympa­thies, the one towards Perfecti­on, the other towards Preser­vation. [Page 102] That to Perfection, as the Iron con [...]ēdeth to the Load­stone: that to Preservation, as the Vine will creep towards a stake or prop that stands by it, not for any love to the stake, but to uphold it self. And there­fore, Madam, you must distin­guish my Lords desire to do you service, is as to his perfecti­on, that which he thinks him­self to be born for: where­as his desire to obtain this thing of you, is but for a sustentation. And not to trouble your Lord­ship with many other particu­lars like unto these, it was at the self same time that I did draw with my Lords privity, and by his appointment, two letters, the one written as from my bro­ther, the other as an answer re­turned [Page 103] from my Lord, both to be by me in secret manner shew­ed to the Queen, which it plea­sed my Lord very strangely to mention at the bar: the scope of which were but to represent and picture forth unto her Ma­jesty my Lords minde to be such, as I knew her Majesty would fainest have had it, which letters whosoever shall see, (for they cannot now be retracted or altered, being by reason of my brothers, or his Lordships servants delivery, long since come into diverse hands) let him judge, especially if he knew the Queen, and do remember those times, whether they were not the labors of one that sought to bring the Queen about for my Lord of Essex his good. The [Page 104] troth is, that the issue of all his dealing grew to this, that the Queen by some slackness of my Lords, as I imagine, liked him worse and worse, and grew more incensed towards him. Then, she remembring belike the continual, and incessant, and confident speeches and courses that I had held on my Lords side, became utterly alienated from me, and for the space of (at least) three moneths, which was between Michaelmas and New­years tide following, would not so much as look on me, but tur­ned away from me with express and purpose-like discountenance wheresoever shee saw me: and at such time as I desi­red to speak with her about Law business, ever sent me [Page 105] forth very slight refusals, inso­much as it is most true, that im­mediately after Newyears tide I desired to speak with her; and being admitted to her, I dealt with her plainly, and said: Ma­dam, I see you withdraw your favor from me and now I have lost many friends for your sake, I shall lose you too: you have put me like one of those that the Frenchmen call Enfans perdus, that serve on foot before hors­men, so have you put me into matters of envy without place, or without strength: and I know at Chess a pawn before the King, is ever much plaid upon: a great many love me not, because they think I have been against my Lord of Essex; and you love me not, because you [Page 106] know I have been for him: yet will I never repent me, that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without re­spect of cautions to my self: and therefore vivus vidensque pereo. If I do break my neck, I shall do it in a manner as Master Dorrington did it, which walked on the battlements of the Church many daies, and took a view & survey where he should fall: and so, Madam, (said I) I am not so simple, but that I take a prospect of mine over­throw, onely I thought I would tel you so much, that you may know that it was faith, and not folly that brought me into it, & so I will pray for you. Upon which speeches of mine uttered with some passion, it is true her [Page 107] Majesty was exceedingly mo­ved; and accumulated a number of kind & gratious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon this, Gratia mea sufficit, and a number of other sensible & ten­der words and demonstrations, such as more could not be; but as touching my Lord of Essex, ne verbum quidem. Whereupon I departed, resting then determi­ned to meddle no more in the matter; as that, that I saw would overthrow me, and not be able to do him any good. And thus I made mine own peace with mine own confidence at that time; and this was the last time I saw her Majesty, be­fore the eight of February, which was the day of my Lord of Es­sex his misfortune, after which [Page 108] time for that I perform at the bar in my publick service, your Lordship knoweth by the rules of duty, that I was to do it ho­nestly and without prevarica­tion: but for any putting my self into it, I protest before God, I never moved neither the Queen, nor any person living concerning my being used in the service, either of evidence or examination: but it was meerly laid upon me with the rest of my fellows. And for the time which passed, I mean be­tween the arraignment and my Lords suffering, I well remem­ber but I was once with the Qu. at what time though I durst not deal directly for my Lord as things then stood; yet generally I did both commend [Page 109] her Majesties mercie, terming it to her as an excellent balm that did continually distil from her Soveraign hands, and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people: and not onely so, but I took hardiness to extenu­ate, not the fact, for that I durst not; but the danger, telling her that if some base or cruel minded persons had entered in­to such an action, it might have caused much blood and com­bustion: but it appeared well they were such as knew not how to play the Malefactors, and some other words which I now omit. And as for the rest of the carriage of my self in that service, I have many hono­rable witnesses that can tel, that the next day after my Lords [Page 110] arraignment, by my diligence and information touching the quality and nature of the offen­dors, six of nine were stayed, which otherwise had been at­tainted, I bringing their Lord­ships letter for their stay, after the Jury was sworn to pass up­on them; so neer it went: and how careful I was, and made it my part, that whosoever was in trouble about that matter, as­soon as ever his case was suffici­ently known and defined of, might not continue in restraint, but be set at liberty: and many other parts, which I am well as­sured of stood with the duty of an honest man. But indeed I will not deny for the case of Sir Tho­mas Smith of London, the Q. de­manding my opinion of it, I [Page 111] told her, I thought it was as hard as many of the rest: but what was the reason? because at that time I had seen only his ac­cusation, and had never been present at any examination of his: and the matter so stand­ing, I had been very untrue to my service, if I had not delivered that opinion. But after­wards upon a re-examination of som that charged him, who weakned their own testimony; & especially hearing himself viva voce, I went instantly to the Q. out of the soundness of my con­science, & not regarding what o­pinion I had formerly delivered, told her Majesty, I was satisfied and resolved in my conscience, that for the reputation of the action, the plot was to coun­tenance [Page 112] the action further by him in respect of his place, then they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him. It is very true also, about that time her Majesty taking a liking of my pen, upon that which I had done before concerning the proceeding at York house, and likewise upon some other declarations, which in former times by her appointment I put in writing, commanded me to pen that book, which was pub­lished for the better satisfacti­on of the world: which I did, but so, as never Secretary had more perticular, and express directions and instructions in e­very point how to guide my hand in it: and not onely so, but after that I had made a first [Page 113] draught thereof and propoun­ded it to certain principal Councellors, by her Majesties appointment, it was perused, weighed, censured, altered, and and made almost anew, writing according to their Lordships better consideration, wherein their Lordships and my self both were as religious and curi­ous of truth, as desirous of satis­faction: and my self indeed gave onely words and form of stile in pursuing their direction. And after it had passed their allow­ance, it was again exactly peru­sed by the Queen her self, and some alterations made again by her appointment: nay, and after it was set to print, the Queen, who as your Lordship knoweth, as she was excellent [Page 112] [...] [Page 113] [...] [Page 114] in great matters, so she was ex­quisite in small: and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my Lord of Essex in­terming him ever my Lo. of Es­sex, my Lord of Essex almost in every page of the Book, which she thought not fit, but would have it made, Essex, or the late Earl of Essex: whereupon of force it was printed de novo, & the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment. And this my good Lord, to my furthest remembrance, is all that passed wherein I had part, which I have set down as neer as I could in the ve­ry words and speeches that were used, not because they are worthy the repetition, I mean those of mine own; but [Page 115] to the end your Lordship may lively and plainly discern be­tween the face of truth, and a smooth tale. And the rather also because in things that passed a good while since, the very words and phrases did some­times bring to my remem­brance the matters, wherein I report me to your honorable judgement, whether you do not see the traces of an honest man: and had I been as well beleeved either by the Queen or by my Lord, as I was well heard by them both, both. my Lord had been fortunate, and so had my self in his fortune.

To conclude therefore, I humbly pray your Lordship to pardon me for troubling you with this long Narration, [Page 116] and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion, till you know I have deserved, or finde that I shall deserve the contrary; and even so I con­tinue

At your Lordships Honorable command­ments very humbly.

THE Ld. BACON HIS LETTER TO THE MOST IL­LUSTRIOUS, AND most Excellent Prince CHARLS, Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn-Wal, Earl of Chester, &c.

It may please your Highness,

IN part of my ac­knowledgement to your highness, I have endevoured to do honor to the memory of the last [Page 118] King of England that was An­cestor to the King your Father and your self, and was that King to whom both unions may in a sort refer, that of the Roses being in him consummate, and that of the Kingdoms by him begun: besides his times deserve it, for he was a wise man, and an Excellent King; and yet the times very rough and full of mutations and rare accidents: and it is with times, as it is with wayes, some are more up hill and down hill, and some are more flat and plain, and the one is better for the liver, and the other for the writer: I have not flattered him, but took him to life as well as I could, sitting so far of, and having no better light; it is true your Highness [Page 119] hath a living patern, incompara­ble of the King your Father, but is not amiss for you also to see it one of these Ancient Pieces: God preserve your Highness.

Your Highness most humble and devoted Servant, Francis St Alban.
FINIS.

THE Lord Treasurer BUR LEIGH HIS Advice to Queen ELI­ZABETH in matters of Religion and State.

Most Gratious Soveraign,

CARE (one of the true bred Children of my unfained af­fection) awaked with the late wicked and barbarous attempts, would needs exercise [Page 122] my pen to your sacred Majesty, not onely encouraging me, that it would take the whole fault of boldness upon it self; but, also, that even the world should not doubt to appear in your High­ness presence in their kindly rudeness. For that if your Ma­jesty with your voice did but read them, your very reading would grace them with elo­quence.

Therefore laying aside all self guilty conceits of igno­rance (knowing that the Sign is not angry with the well mea­ning Astronomer, though he hap to miss his course; I will with the same sincerity display my humble conceits) where­with my life shall be amongst the foremost to defend the bles­sings [Page 123] which God (in you) hath bestowed upon us.

So far then as can be percei­ved by my humane judgment, Dread Soveraign, you may judge, that the happiness of your present Estate, can no ways be encumbred with one of these two means, (viz)

Either by your

  • 1 Factious Subjects, or
  • 2 Forraign Enemies.

Your strong and Factious Subjects are the Papists, strong I account them, both in num­ber and nature; for by number they are able to raise a great Ar­my, and by their natural and mutual confidence, and intelli­gence, they may soon bring to pass an uniting with Forraign [Page 124] Enemies; Factious I call them, because they are discontented, Of whom in all reason of State your Majesty must determine; if you will suffer them to be strong to make them the better content, or if you will discon­tent them, by making them weaker; for what the mixture of strength and discontent are in genders, there needs no Syl­logism to prove.

To suffer them to be strong with hope, that with reason they will be contented, carrieth with it in my opinion, but a fairer enamling of a terrible danger.

For first, mens natures are not only to strive against a pre­sent smart, but to revenge by­past injury, though they be ne­ver [Page 125] so well contented hereaf­ter, which cannot be so suffi­cient a pledg to your Majesty, but that when opportunity shal flatter them, they will remem.+ber, not the after slacking, but the former binding, and so much the more when they shall imagine this relenting rather to proceed from fear, the which is the poyson of all Govern­ment, when the Subject thinks the Prince doth any thing more out of fear then favour. And therefore the Romans would rather abide the uttermost ex­tremities, then by their Sub­jects to be brought to any con­ditions. Again, for to make them contented absolutely, I do not see how your Majesty either in Conscience will do or [Page 126] in policy may do it, since you cannot throughly discontent your faithful Subjects, and to fasten an unreconciled love, with the losing of certain love, is to build a house with the sale of lands; so much the more in that your Majesty is imbarqued in the Protestant cause, as in many respects by your Majesty it cannot be with any safety abandoned, they ha­ving been so long time the one­ly instruments both of your Councel and Power; and to make them half content, and half discontent, methinks car­ries with it as deceitful a sha­dow of reason as can be, since there is no pain so small, but if we can cast it off, we will; and no man loves one the better for [Page 127] giving him the Bastinado though with never so little a Cudgel.

But the course of the most Wise, most Politick, and best grounded Estate, hath ever been to make an assuredness of friendship, or to take away all power of enmity.

Yet, here must I distingiush between discontent and dispair, for it sufficeth to waken the dis­contented; but there is no way but to kill desperates (which in such a number as they are) were as hard and difficult, as impious and ungodly.

And therefore, though they must be discontented, yet, I would not have them desperate; for among many desperate men, it is like some one will [Page 128] bring forth some desperate at­temps.

Therefore, considering that the urging of the oath, must needs in some degree beget de­spair, since therein he must ei­ther think (as without the spe­cial grace of God he cannot think otherwise) or else become a Traitor, which before some hurt done seemeth hard: I humbly submit this to your Excellent consideration, whe­ther with as much sincerity of your Majesties Person and State, and more satisfaction for them, it were not better to leav the oath to this sense, That whosoever would not bear Arms against all forraign Prin­ces, and namely, the Pope, that should any way invade your [Page 129] Majesties Dominions, he should be a Traytor; for hereof this commodity will ensue; that those Papists (as I think most Papists would that should take this oath) would be devi­ded from the great mutual con­fidence which now is betwixt the Pope and them, by reason of their afflictions for him: And such Priests as would refuse that oath then no tongue could say for shame, that they suffer for Religion, if they did suffer.

But here it may be objected, they would dissemble and equi­vocate with this oath; and that the oath would dispence with them in that case. Even so may they with the present oath both dissemble and equivocate, and also have the Popes dispensation [Page 130] for the present oath, as well as for the other.

But this is certain, that whomsoever the conscience, or fear of breaking an oath doth binde, him would that oath binde.

And that they make consci­ence of an oath, the troubles, losses, and disgraces, that they suffer for refusing the same, do sufficiently testifie: and you know that the perjury of either oath is equal.

So then the farthest point to be sought for their content­ment is but to avoid their di­spair. How to weaken their contentment is the next consi­deration.

[Page 131] Weakned they may be, by two means.

First, By lessening their number.

Secondly, By taking away from their force, their number will easily be lessened, by the means of careful and diligent Preachers in each Parish to that end appointed; And especial­ly, by good School-masters, and bringers up of their youth; the former by converting them after their fall; and the latter, by preventing them from fal­ling into their errors. For Prea­chers (because their own) groweth a great question; I am provoked to lay at your Highness feet my opinion tou­ching the preciser sort.

First, Protesting to God Al­mighty, [Page 132] and your sacred Ma­jesty, that I am not given over, no, nor so much as addicted to their preciseness; therfore till I think, that you think otherwise, I am bold to think, that the Bi­shops in these dangerous times, take a very ill and unadvised course in driving them from their cures; and this I think, for two causes.

First, because it doth discre­dit the reputation and estimati­on of your power; when the Princes shal perceive, and know; that even in your Protestant Subjects (in whom consisteth all your force, strength, and power) there is so great, and heart burning a division, and how much reputation swayeth in these, and all other worldly [Page 133] actions; there is none so simple, as to be ignorant: and the Pa­pists themselves (though there be most manifest, and apparent discord between the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Jesuites, and other Orders or Religious persons, especially the Benedi­ctims:) Yet will they shake off none of them, because in the maine point of Popery they all agree, and hold together: And so far they may freely brag and vaunt of their unity.

The other reason is, because in truth, (in their opinions) though they are oversqueamish, and nice, and more scrupulous then they need; yet with their careful catechizing, and dili­gent Preaching, they bring forth that fruit which your [Page 134] most Excellent Majesty is to desire, and wish, namely, the lessning and diminishing the Papistical numbers.

And therefore in this time your Majesty hath especial cause to use and imploy them, if it were but as Frederick the se­cond (that excellent Emperor) did use and employ the Sara­zens souldiers against the Pope, because he was well assured, and certainly knew, that they one­ly would not spare his sancti­ty.

And for those objections what they would do, if once they got a full and entire Au­thority in the Church, me­thinks they are inter remota & in certa mala, and therefore, vi­cinia & certa, to be first consi­dered.

[Page 135] As for School-masters (they may be a principal means of di­minishing their number) the la­mentable and pittiful abuses of them are easie to be seen, since the greatest number of Pa­pists is of very young men; but your Majesty may prevent that bud, and may use therein not onely a Pious and Godly means, in making the Parents of every Shire to send their children to be vertuously brought up at a certain place, for that end appointed; but you shall also (if it please your Majesty) put in practice a nota­ble stratagem, used by Certo­ries in Spaine, by choosing such fit and convenient places for the same, as may surely be at your devotion; and by this [Page 136] means you shall under colour of education, have them as hosta­ges of the Parents fidelities, that have any power in Eng­land: and by this way their number will quickly be lessned; for I account death doth no wayes lessen them, since we find by experince, that death worketh no such effect; but that like Hydra's heads, upon cutting off one, seven growes up; persecution being accounted as the badg of the Church; and therfore they should never have the honour to take any pretence of Martyrdom in England, where the fulness of blood, and great­ness of heart is such, that they will even for shameful things go bravely to death; much more when they think them­selves [Page 137] to climb Heaven, and that vice of obstinacy seems to the common people a divine constancy.

But for my part I wish no lessning of their number, but by preaching, and of the youn­gers education under good School-masters; there taking away of their forces, is as wel by Peace's Authority, as of War provision.

Their Peace's Authority standeth, either in Offices, or Tenantries.

For their Offices, their credit w [...]ll seem available, if order be taken, that from the highest Councellor to the lowest Con­stable, none to have any charge or office, but such as will real­ly pray and communicate in [Page 138] their congregation according to the doctrine received generally into this Realm.

For their Tenantries, this conceit I have thought upon, (which I submit to your far­ther piercing judgment) That your Majesty in every Shire should give strict order, to some that are indeed trusty and religious Gentlemen; That whereas your Majesty is given to understand that divers Po­pish Landlords, do hardly use all such of your people and sub­jects, (as being their tenants) do embrace and live after the authorised and true Religion; that therefore you do constitute and appoint to deal both with intreaty and authority, (pay­ing as others do) that they be [Page 139] not thrust out of their living, nor otherwise unreasonably mo­lested.

This would greatly bind the Commons hearts unto you (on whom indeed consisteth the power and strength of your Realm) and it will make them much the less, or nothing at all depend upon their Land­lords.

And although there may hereby grow some wrong, which the Tenants upon that confidence may offer to their Landlords; yet, those wrongs are very easily, even, with one wink of your Majesty redres­sed; and are nothing compara­ble, to the danger, of having many thousands depending up­on the adverse party.

[Page 140] Their Wars provision, I ac­count men and munition, of whom in some, I could wish no man, either great or smal, should so much as be trained up in a­ny Musters; except his [...]arishi­oners would answer for him, that he orderly and duly recei­veth the Communion; and for munition, that not one should keep in his house, or have at command, so much as a Hal­bert, without he were confor­mable to the Church, and of the condition aforesaid.

And if such order were ta­ken, that considering they were not put to the labour and charge of mustering and trai­ning; therefore their contribu­tion should be more and more narrowly looked into: This [Page 141] would breed a chilness unto their fervour of superstition; especially in popular resoluti­ons, who if they love Egypt, is chiefly for the flesh pots, so that me-thinks this temper should well agree with your wis­dom, and the mercifulness of your nature.

For to compel them you would not; kill them you would not; so in reason to trust them you should not; trust being in no case to be used, but where the trust is of one minde, with the trusting reason, which ever commandeth every wise man to fly and avoyd that shamefac'd­ness with the Greeks; which is, not to seem to doubt them, which give just occasion of doubt.

[Page 142] This ruined Hercules the son of Great Alexander; for, al­though he had most manifest reasons, and evident arguments to induce him to suspect his ill servant Poliperchon, yet, out of the confidence he had of him, and the experience he had of his former Loyalty, he would make provision accordingly, because, he would not seem so much as to misdoubt or suspect him; and so by that means he was murthered by him.

But the knot of this discourse is; That if your Majesty finde it reasonable of the one side, by relenting the rigour of the oath, and of the other by disabling the unsound Subjects, you shall neither execute any, but very Traytors, in all mens opinions [Page 143] and constructions; nor yet put faith and confidence in those, even for their own sakes which must be faithful.

The second point of the ge­neral part of my discourse, is, the consideration of your for­raign enemies, which may prove either able or willing to hurt you; and those are Scotland, for his pretence and neighbour­hood, and Spain, for his reli­gion and power; as for France, I see not why it should not ra­ther be made a friend, not an enemy; for though he agree not with your Majesty, in mat­ters of Conscience and Religi­on; yet, in hoc termino, he doth agree, that he feareth the great­ness of Spain, and therefore, that may soder the link which [Page 144] Religion hath broken, and make him hope by your Maje­sties friendship, to secure him­self of so potent an Adversa­ry.

And though he were evilly affected towards your Majesty, yet, I do not think it greatly to be feared, the pres [...] condition of his estate, himself being a Prince who hath given an assu­rance to the world, that he loves his ease much better then victo­ries, and a Prince, that is nei­ther beloved nor feared of his people: And the people them­selves being of a very light, and unconstant disposition; and be­sides, they are altogether unex­perienced, and undisciplined how to do their duties, either in war or peace; they are ready [Page 145] to begin and undertake any en­terprize before they enter into consideration thereof, and yet weary of it before it be well be­gun, they are generally poor and weak, and subject to sick­ness at Sea, divided and subdi­vided into sundry heads, and several f [...]tions, not onely be­tween Hugonites and Papists, but also between the Memoran­cis, Guises, and Migonominies; the people being opressed by all due hate; so that for a well set­led and established Govern­ment, and common-wealth, as your Majesties is, I see no grounds why to misdoubt or fear them, but onely fo farforth as the Guisars hap to serve for Boutefeus in Scotland; and while it shall please your Majesty, but [Page 146] with reasonable favour to sup­port the King of Navar, I do not think the French King will ever suffer you to be from thence anoyed.

Therefore, for France, your Majesty may assure your self of one of these two; either to make with him a good aliance, in respect of the common ene­my of both Kingdoms, or at the least so to muzle him, as that he shall have little power to bite you.

As for Scotland, if your Majesty assist and help those Noble men there, which are by him suspected, your Majesty may be sure of this, that those will keep at home. And al­so whilst he is a Protestant, no forraign Prince will take [Page 147] part with him against your Ma­jesty: and of himself he is not a­ble to do much harm, the better part of his nobles being for your Majesty; and if in time he should grow to be a Papist, your Majesty shall always have a strong party at his own doors, in his own Kingdom, to restrain his malice; who since they depend upon your Majesty, they are in all Policy never to be abandoned; for by this resolution the Romans an­ciently, and the Spaniards pre­sently, have most of all prevai­led: and on the contrary, the Macedonians in times past, & the French men in our age, have lost all their forraign friends, be­cause of their aptness to neglect them who depended upō them; [Page 148] but if your Majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in again the Hamiltons, he should then be beaten with his own weapons, and should have more cause to look to his own succession then to be too bu­sie abroad. But Spain, yea, Spain it is, in which (as I con­ceive) all causes do concur, to give a just alarm to your Excel­lent Highness judgement.

First; because in Religion, he is so much the Popes, and the Pope in Policy so much his, as that the minde of Pope Grego­ry, and the power of King Phi­lip, will, nor can compass, or bring us in all probability to be expected, himself being a Prince, whose closet hath brought forth geater victories, [Page 149] then all his Fathers journies, ab­solutely by ruling his subjects; a people all one hearted in Reli­gion, constantly ambitious, politick, and valiant; the King rich and liberal, and (which of all I like worst) greatly belo­ved amongst all the disconten­ted party of your highness sub­jects; a more lively proof whereof one could never see, then in the poore Don An­thonio, who when he was here, was as much at Mass, as any man living, yet there did not so much as one Papist in England give him any good countenance; so factious an affection is born the Spaniards. Now, as of him is the chief cause of doubt, so of him the chief care must be had of pro­vidence.

[Page 150] But this offers a great questi­on, whether it bebetter to pro­cure his Amity, or stop the course of his Enmity; as of a great Lion, whether it be more wisdom, to trust to the taming of him, or tying of him.

I confess, this requires a lon­ger and larger discourse, and a better discourser then my self; and therefore I will stay my self from roaving over so large a field, but onely with the usual presumption of love, yeeld this to your gratious considera­tion.

First, If you have any in­tention of League, you see up­on what assurance, or at least what likelihood you may have, that he will observe the same.

[Page 151] Secondly, that in a Parlying season it it be not as a Counte­nance unto him the sooner to overthrow the low Countries, which hitherto hath been as a counter-scarff to your Maje­sties Kingdom.

But if you doe not league, then your Majesty is to think upon means for strengthening your self and weakning of him, and therein your own strength is to be tendered both at home and abroad.

For your home strength in all reverence I leave it as the thing which contains in effect the uni­versal consideration of Govern­ment.

For your strength abroad, it it must be in joyning in good [Page 152] Confederacy, or at least intel­ligence with those that would willingly embrace the same.

Truly, not so much as the Turk and Morocco, but at some time they may serve your Majesty to great purpose, but from Florence, Ferrara, and espe­cially Venice, I think your Ma­jesty might reap great assurance and service, for undoubtedly they fear his frauds, and abhor his greatness.

And for the Dutch and No­thern Princes being in Effect of your Majesties Religion, I can­not think but their alliance may be firm, and their power not to be contemned, even the Countenance of united powers doth much in matters of State.

For the weakning of him, I [Page 153] would (I must confess from my heart) wish that your Majesty did not spare throughly and manifestly both upon the In­dies, and the Low-Countries, which would give themselves unto you; and rather take him while he hath one hand free and at liberty, then both of them sharply weaponed.

But if this seem foolish har­diness to your Majesties wis­dom, yet I dare not presume to Councel (but beseech) your Majesty, that what, I say, your Majesty (without warre) can give to the Low-Countries, you would vouchfafe to do it, since as King of Spain without the low Countries, he may trou­ble our skirts of Ireland, but can never come to grasp [Page 154] with you; but if he once re­duce the Low-Countries to an absolute subjection, I know not what limit any man of judg­ment can set unto his greatness: divers wayes are to be tryed, among the rest one, (not the worst) in my opinion, might be to seek either the winning of the Prince of Parma from the King of Spain, or at the least to have the matter so handled, so as the jealousie thereof may arise betwixt them, as Pope Clement did by the notable Marquess of Pescara, for he practized, with him for offering the Kingdom of Naples, not so much with whom to joyn him, as to make his master suspect him, for when I confider that Parma is a Roman by blood, a [Page 155] Prince born, placed in the place he hath by Don John, and maintained in it by the male-contents; whereunto the King hath rather yeelded of necessi­ty then any other way.

Lastly, When I remember the Cittadel of Pierensa, kept by the Spaniards, and the apparent title of his Son Remutio to the Crown of Portugal, things hard­ly to be digested by an Italian stomack, I cannot see how such a mind in such a fortune can sell it self to a Forraign servitude.

The manner of dealing with him, should be by some man of spirit, with the Venetian Am­bassadors at Paris, and after­wards with his own father in I­taly, both which are in their hearts mortal Enemies of the greatness of Spain.

[Page 156] But these sheets of Paper bare witness against me, of ha­ving offered too tedious a dis­course to your Majesty, divers of which points, yet, as of mit­tigating the oath, the School hostages, the heartning of ten­nants, and the dealing with the Prince of Parma, would require a more ample handling; but it is first, reason to know whether your Majesty like of the stuff before it be otherwise trimmed.

For my self, as I will then on­ly love my opinions, when your Majesty liketh them; so will I daily pray, That all opi­nions may be guided with as much Faith, as I have Zeal to your Majesties Service, and that they may be followed with infinite success.

Finis.

TO THE Ld. BACON THEN FALING FROM FAVOUR.

DAZEL'D thus with height of place,
Whilst our hopes our wits beguile;
No man markes the narrow space
'Twixt a Prison and a smile:
Then since Fortune's favors fade,
You that in her Arms do sleep,
Learn to swim and not to wade,
For, the hearts of Kings are deep.
But if greatness be so blinde,
As to trust in Towers of Air;
Let it be with goodness lin'd,
That at least the fall be fair:
Then though darkned you shall say,
When friends fail and Princes frown,
Vertue is the roughest way,
But proves at night a bed of down.

To my Reverend Friend; Doctor A.

SIR,

AMongst consolations, it is not the least to represent to a mans self; like examples of Calamity in others. For examples give a quicker impression then Arguments, and besides, they certifie us that which the Scripture also tenders for satis­faction; That no new thing is hap­ned unto us: This they do the bet­ter, by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case, and more especially, if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier then our selves: For as it savoureth of vanity to match our selves highly in our own con­ceit; so on the other side, it is a good sound conclusion, That if our betters have sustained the like [Page 160] events, we have the less cause to be grieved.

In this kind of consolation I have not been wanting to my self, though as a Christian I have tasted (through Gods great goodness) of higher remedies. Having therefore through the variety of my reading, set before me many examples, both of ancient and latter times; my thoughts I confess have chiefly staid upon three particulars, as the most eminent & the most resembling All three persons that had held chief places of Authority in their Coun­tries, all three ruined, not by war, or by any other disaster, but by justice and sentence, as Delinquents and Criminals: All three famous Wri­ters, insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to poste­rity, but as a little picture of Night­work, remaining amongst the faire and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works: And all three (if that were any thing to the matter) fit [Page 161] examples to quench any mans am­bition of rising again; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory, but to their fur­ther ruine and destruction, ending in a violent death. The men were Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca, persons that I durst not claim affini­ty with, except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples, I was carried on further to observe, how they did beare their fortunes, and principally how they did imploy their times, being banished and disabled for publick businesse, to the end that I might learn by them, and that they might be as well my Counsellors as my Comforters. Whereupon I h [...]pned to note, how diversly their Fortunes wrought upon them, especially in that point at which I did most aim, which was the em­ploying of their times and pens. In Cicero I saw, that during his ba­nishment [Page 162] (which was almost two years) he was so softned and deje­cted, that he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles. And yet in mine own opinion, he had least reason of the three, to be discoura­ged: For that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgement, in form of a Statute, or Law, that hee should be banished, and his whole Estate confiscated and seised, and his hou­ses puld down; and that it should be highly penal for any man to pro­pound his Repeale: Yet his Case even then had no great blot of ig­nominy, but it was thought but a tempest of popularity which over­threw him. Demost henes contrari­wise, though his case was foule, be­ing condemned for bribery, and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of Treason and Disloyalty; yet nevertheles took so little know­ledge of his Fortune, as during his banishment, hee did much busie [Page 163] himselfe, and entermedle with mat­ters of State, and took upon him to counsel the State (as if he had been stil at the helm) by letters, as appears by some Epistles of his, which are extant. Seneca indeed, who was condemned for many Corruptions and crimes, and banished into a so­litary Island, kept a mean; & though his pen did not freeze, yet he abstai­ned from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in wri­ting Books of excellent argument and use for all Ages, though hee might have made better choyce (sometimes) of his Dedications.

These Examples confirmed mee much in a resolution (whereunto I was otherwise inclined) to spend my time wholly in writing, & to put forth that poor talent, or half talent or what it is that God hath given me. But revolving with my self my Wri­tings as wel those which I have pub­lisht, as those I have in hand, me thought they all went into the City [Page 164] and none into the Temple; where, because I found so great conso­lation, I desire to make some poor oblation: Therefore I have chosen an Argument mixt of Reli­ligious and Civill Considerations; and likewise mixt between Con­templative and Active. This work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering Dedications, I have de­dicated to you, in respect of our ancient and privat acquaintance. And because amongst the men of our times, I held you in especiall Reverence.

Your loving Friend, Fra. St. Alban.

IN Obitum Incomparabilis FRANSCI DE VERULAMIO, &c.

DUM moriens tantam nostris Ve­rulamius Heros
Tristitiam Musis, lumina (que) uda facit:
Credimus heu nullū fieri post fata beatum,
Credimus & Samium desipuisse senem.
Scilicet hic miseris, felix nequit esse Camaenis
Nec se quam Musas plus amat iste suas.
At luctantē animā Clotho imperiosa cöegit
Ad coelum, invitos traxit in astra pedes.
Ergone Phoebeias jacuisse putabimus artes?
At (que) herbas Clarii nil valuisse Dei?
Phoebus idē potuit, nec virtus abfuit herbis
Hunc artem at (que) illas vim retinere putes:
At Phoebū (ut metuit ne Rex foret iste Ca­maenis)
Rivali medicam crede negasse manum.
Hinc dolor est; quod cum Phoebo Verula­mius Heros
Major erat reliquis, hac foret arte minor.
[Page 166] Vos tamē, ô tantū manes at (que) umbra, Camaenae
Et poenae inferni pallida turba Jovis,
Si spiratis adhuc, & non lucistis ocellos,
Sed ne (que) post illum vos superesse putem:
Si vos ergo aliquis de morte reduxerit Or­pheus,
Ista (que) non aciem fallit imago meam:
Discite nunc gemitus, & lamentabile car­men,
Exoculis vestris Lacryma multa fluat.
En quam multa fluit? Veras agnosco Ca­maenas
Et lacrymas, Helicon vix satis unus erit;
Deucalionaeis & qui non mersus inundis
Pernassus (mirum est) hisce latebit aquis.
Scilicet hic periit, per quē vos vivitis, & qui
Multâ Pierias nutriit artes Deas.
Vidit ut hic artes nulla radice retentas,
Languere ut summo semina sparsa solo;
Crescere Pegaseas docuit, velut Hasta Qui­rini
Crevit, & exiguo tempore Laurus erat.
Ergo Heliconiadas docuit cū crescere divas,
Diminuent hujus secula nulla decus.
Nec ferre ulterius generosi pectoris aestus
Contemptū potuit, Diva Minerva, tuum,
Restituit calamus solitū divinus honorem,
Dispulit & nubes alter Apollo tuas.
Dispulit & tenebras sed quas obsusca ve­tustas,
Temporis & prisci lippasenecta tulit;
[Page 167] At (que) alias methodos sacrum instauravit a­cumen,
Gnossia (que) eripuit, sed sua fili dedit.
Scilicet antiquo sapientum vulgus in aevo
Tam claros oculos non habuisse liquet;
Hi velut Eoo surgens de littore Phoebus,
Hic velut in mediâ fulget Apollo die:
Hi veluti Typhis tentarunt aequora primum,
At vix deseruit littora prima ratis,
Pleiadas hic Hyadas (que) at (que) omnia sydera noscens,
Syrtes, at (que) tuos, improba Sylla, canes;
Scit quod vitandum est, quo dirigat aequore navem,
Certius & cursum nautica monstrat acus;
Infantes illi Musas, hic gignit adultas;
Mortales illi, gignit at iste Deas.
Palman ideo reliquis Magna instauratio libris
Abstulet, & cedunt squalida turba sophi,
Et vestita novo Pallas modo prodit amictu
Anguis depositis ut nitet exuviis.
Sic Phoenix cineres spectat modo nata pa­ternos,
Aesonis & rediit prima juventa senis.
Instaurata suos & sic Verulamia muros
Jactat, & antiquum sperat ab inde decus
Sed quāta effulgēt plus quā mortalis ocelli
Lumina, dum regni mystica sacra canat?
Dum sic naturae leges, arcana (que) Regum,
Tanquam à secretis esset utris (que) can [...]t:
Dū canat Henricū, qui Rex, idem (que) sacerdos
Connubio stabili junxitutram (que) Rosam.
[Page 168] Arqui haec sunt nostris longe majora Ca­maenis,
Non haec infaelix Granta sed Aula sciat:
Sed cum Granta labris admoverit ube [...]a tantis
Jus habet in laudes (maxime Alumne) tuas
Jus habet, ut moestos Lacrymis extingueret ignes,
Posset ut è medio diripuisse rogo.
At nostrae tibi nulla ferant encomia Musae,
Ipse canis, laudes & canis inde tuas.
Nos tamen & laudes, quâ possumus arte, canemus,
Si tamen ars desit, laus erit iste dolor.
FINIS.

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