THat no man might be mistaken in judging what principles beare rule in this Major; in the first lines of his discourse, he fully demonstrats himselfe to be for the King, being no whit ashamed to avouch, (that which now all good men blush at, to remember) that he tooke up Armes, in defence of the authoritie & power of King— and Parliament: which he receits, as rejoycing this miste­rious [Page 2]doubtfull and ensnaring conjunction should be minded, rather then the just disjoyning of them in the now Lord Gen. Commission; & is a marke that fails not to tell you, that he is absolutely the Kings, as all others are, who use it in these knowing times; most of them being as much in their hearts for the King, as him selfe was in words for the Parliament, which he never failed in all his writings to proclaime, but in deeds, this Major and his Majesty will prove both alike to Parliaments.

And however he pretends him selfe tyed both in duty and conscience, (under the notion of rendering his true reasons of quitting his employment in the Army) to accuse Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, and Commissary Generall Jreton, yet the whole scope of his Narrative will manifest, that most of­ficiously he doth it, in pursuance of the Kings service, as being hopefull thereby to worke divisions in the Army, and so be­cause he hath failed to make it wholy usefull to him (which he ever aymed at) yet possibly now by new distempers to make it useles to it selfe, or if he failed thereof, yet to work new jealousies and quarells betwixt the Parliament & the Army, either of wihich could not but be more advanta­gious to the King, then any thing he could doe for him in holding his employment, and which is in deed the true cause wherefore he left it.

And for which the King is highly beholding to him; for to do him this speciall peece of service, he hath layed himself open to all the world, to be the most [...] and perfi­dious dissembler that this age hath known, and therefore though he faile of his purpose, and that the service intended, be likely to prove a dis-service, yet it were a great pitty, that to officious a Traytor, should not receive a Traytors reward from one hand or other; in the mean time, this is his portion, he will be to himself like Cain, possessing a Conscience only to torment him, all that have any thing of Christianity or hu­manity in them will abhorre him, nor is he likely to have a speeedy end of his vexation, but by a Judas course: for he hath endeavored to bring to destruction his most intimate familiar friends, not for doing the things he sayes they did, [Page 3]but because all those things were steered to an honester end then he intended.

And hence it is, he now complaines to the Parliament, that he hath left the Army, because the principles, designes and actions of those Officers, which have a great influence upon the Army, are (as he conceives) very repugnant to the honour and safety of the Parliament and King — dum, from whom they derive their authority.

Having thus spoken, he thinks he is safe enough, from be­ing suspected to be for the King, and therefore as a most ten­der conscienced and wel-affected Major, he boldly proceedes and charges these Gentlemen, the Lieutenant Gen, and Commis­sary General; with breach of Parliamentary trust committed to them at Walden, that instead of reducing the Army to the obedi­ence of Parliament, they not only discountenanced those that were obedient, but encouraged the disobedient, declaring that there had been lately much cruelty and injustice in the Parliaments proceedings against the Army, that Commissary General Ireton there framed the papers and writings sent thence to the Parlia­ment, That Lieutenant Generall Cromwell said, they were in a double capacity, &c.

Then, that at Triple Heath, they instructed the Souldiers to cry justice, justice, — then that they without allowance of Par­liament, or knowledge of the Generall, contrived and setcht the King from Holmby, that they animated the private Souldiers and Agitators therein, and in securing the Garison of Oxford, and the Ammunition there, — shewes the Generalls distike of removing the King, and that the Lieutenant Gen, said, that if it had not been done, the King would have been setcht away by or­der of Parliament, or conveyed away by Col. Graves to London, &c. That Cornet Joyce affirmed that the Lieutenant Generall ordered him at London to do that he did.

This is the substance of the first part of his accusation of these Gentlemen,—in justification of whom there needes no more but this; its known the Parliament was so unhappy as to be steered by some politick men into a course, directly op­posite to the interest and freedom of the Common-wealth, dayly vexing and molesting conscientious people for non­conformity [Page 4]conformity to Presbyterian Government, examining them ex officio, imprisoning them during pleasure, and animated the City in their corrupt Remonstrance; by which all men were excluded from office (military or other) that submitted not to the Presbytery.

And when redresse of these grievances was sought for from Parliament, the influence of those Polititians was so great, that the Petitions of all the honest parties grieved, were sentenced to be burnt by the common Hangman: Who­soever accused any of these domineering men, was in danger to be crusht; as Mr. Guerdon a Member of the House was, for appearing against Col. Hollis, about his soliciting the King to come to London; some being imprisoned for appearing therein.

Its known what libellous bookes, and scandalous ser­mons were published, licenced and preached continually a­gainst the Army, and that divers Souldiers were then hang­ed, and some otherwise punished at Assizes and Sessions for doing faithfull and needfull service to the Parliament, accor­ding to their Orders and Ordinances: and whilst things were in this dangerous posture, and the Major part of the Parliament wrought into this evill constitution, occasion is taken to vote the disbanding of the Army, under pretence of service for Ireland.

Now its well known, that in all these evill times and de­clination of the House of Commons from their first princi­ples and practices, there was a considerable number of the Members that opposed those time-serving men very boldly and couragiously, their debates were high and publikely known, both to the Army, and all over the Land, and the worser party seldom carried any thing, but the House was forced to divide, so that matters of the highest nature were carried somtimes by six, and other times by three voices only.

In all which time, none were more openly opposite to whatsoever was illegall or destructive to freedom, then the Lieutenant Gen. and Commissary Gen. so as their judgments were fully known; and if they had not declared themselves, [Page 5]yet if any had but put or imagined themselves in their cases, they might easily have judged, with what safety to them­selves, they could have consented to the disbanding of the Army, when no sooner it had been done, but their much sought for lives, had lyen at the cruell mercy of their most wicked and malicious adversaries, one of them having been more then threatned by a chiefe of the faction.

Neverthelesse, to entangle them throughly, and either ne­cessitate them to disobey the Parliament, or destroy them­selves and all that any wise adhered to them, who but the Lieut. Generall, and Commissary Generall, are appointed by Order of Parliament to disband the Army?

In this case now, if they gave heed to the dictats of their own consciences, rather then to that destructive Order of Parliament; have they not the Law of nature, the proceedings of this Parliament against the King, and the Scots first com­ing into this Kingdom, to justifie the preservation of them­selvs, the whole Army and their friends; had they not been Traytors to all these, and to justice it selfe, if they had obey­ed Commands so destructive?

And it must in conclusion be a received truth by all, that if any authority, yea if Parliaments shall turn tyrants, even Parliaments themselves must and ought to be resisted, other­wise what tye is there upon the supream authority?

But this subject is so rationally and fully cleared in the Ar­mies Declaration of the 14. of Iune 1647, that it is needles here to infist upon, nor was Major Huntington a protester a­gainst that Declaration; then it seems, he was well pleased to see the Army and Parliament at so great a difference, as hoping in time by that meanes, to make some faire advan­tage for the King his Master.

And what now doth all this large accusation amount to? but that those who so cunningly sought to entangle these Gen­tlemen, that which way soever they took, they should be ruined, was by their wisdom circumvented, and the evill intended fell on their own heads, as (doubtles) this evill will fall upon this Majors head one time or other; and had he been but as wise as he is officious, their ill successe in [Page 6]their unjust attempts, might have sufficed for a fair war­ning to him.

As for his singling out these two Gentlemen about remo­ving the King, or any thing else in his accusation, his malici­ous end may be easily perceived, these having prevailed most against the King when he was at strongest, and through them it is no lesse discernable, that he strickes at the Generall himself, though in the narrative of this accusation, he would seem to exclude him; every man knowing it, as unexcusable to hold, as to remove without or against Order, they be­ing all from head to foote, even the whole Army alike engaged.

And it had been an extream weaknesse in them, to have ha­zarded the King out of their own custody, perceiving the earnest desirs of their numerous and malicious adversaries, to make use of him to the Armies ruin; all this wind shakes not, & the Major might have spared his unsavory breath in blow­ing this coale a fresh; all that he hath said hitherto, being far better known to be owned by the whole Army, then he can expresse, whereof he thought himself no small one, putting himself forward, that so he might have opportunity to lead to his own, and the King his Masters ends.

In the next place, the Lieut. Generall is charged to make it his busines to Court his Majesty, both by Members of the Ar­my, (whereof this officious Major was one) and severall Gen­tlemen formerly in the Kings service, into a good opinion of the proceedings of the Army, which then were really good and justifiable; as also into a disaffection to, and dislike of the procee­dings of Parliament, (which then were really evill and de­structive though not to the Kings designs, which caused him so often to alledge as this Major sayes) that the power by which they fought, was the power of Parliament, it seems that power was then used more for the Kings ends then eve­ry one knew, though well known to the King, and now sea­sonablie remembered by this his Major, though to little purpose.

For what followeth? why that the Lieut. Generall pro­mised, that the Army would be for the King, in what, In do­ing [Page 7]injury to any? No, but in the settlement of his whole busi­nesse, What was that? Read but their Declaration of the 14. of Iune 1647. and it will appear to be a work so heedfully pro­posed, as to the freedom and security of the people, that the Lieut. Generall and his sonne Ireton need never to be asham­ed for that; And for what did he so work the King (Major) and so promise him; Upon what condition? — but that the King and his party would sit still and not declare against the Aymy, but give them leave only to manage the present busines in hand.

Now what is it that troubles this Major in all this? Is it because these gentlemen were so kinde to the King? No, but that they have not been soe carelesse of themselves, as to give him opportunity to destroy them; for they soone found that the King could better disgest any principles, then those of Independencie, and that they had good reason to awaite up­on his wings, and to keep good guards upon him, as per­ceiveing well where he had a minde to be; & though the Ma­jor be pleased to make this a peece of a charge against them yet had it been his owne case, (and he honestly minded) he would have done no lesse, nor would he have been diverted from so necessary a care, with the bigg words or high looks of any.

But then he sayes the Parliament complyed with the Ar­my, after which the King inclined to hearken unto the Ar­mies desires, and not before; so it appeares as then the Par­liament was his pilot, though as to the people, it had steered a very dangerous course, but neither King nor Parliament can erre in this Majors divinitie, his part it seemes, is to charge only the Lieutenant Gen. and Commissary Gen. and he is resolved to be true (as long as he can or gets by it) a­gainst them, or till the King put him upon some other part or designe.

Then he chargeth them, that at Caversham, the King was continually solicited by Messengers from Lieute­nant Gen. Cromwell, and Commissary Gen. Ireton, pro­ferring any thing his Majestie should desire, as Revennes, how much, he sayes not, and such might be meant, as might not [Page 8]be prejudiciall to any? next Chaplaines; and if the state were wise, what hurt could they do? Then wife Children, Servants of his own, visitation of friends, accesse of letters, all these were not evills essentially, & were profered only upon condition of the quietnesse of himself and his party, which doubtlesse they resolved to see performed.

But then (which troubles the Major most of all) the King he sayes was further promised by Commissary Gen. Ireton, that his negative voice should not be medled withall; and believe it, this is matter for any honest true hearted Englishman to be troubled at▪ yea, he goes on saying, the Commissary Generall should tell his Majesty, that he had convinced those that reason­ed against it, in the generall Councell of the Army; and all this they would do, that his Majesty might the better see into all our actions, and know our principles, which lead us to give him all those things out of conscience.

For that we were not a people hateing his Majesties person or monarchicall government, but that we liked it as the best, (and that by this King) saying also, that they did hold it a very un­reasonable thing for the Parliament to abridge him of them: of­ten promising, that if the King would sit still, and not act against them, they would in the first place, restore him to all these, and upon the settlement of our own just rights and liberties, make him the most glorious Prince in Christendom.

Here indeed, was too much comprized by the negative voice at the least, and some contradiction too; for how could just rights and liberties consist with a negative voice, or how could he be made the most glorious Prince, that should be al­lowed so black a spot of tyranny, as is a negative voice, and which therefore would enforce a beliefe, that the Major was mistaken, and reported this story rather as he would have is then truly? but admit all be true, (which will never be be­lieved by those, who from much intimacy have had discour­ses of a quite contrary nature from those Gentlemē) yet thus much may be said in their behalf, that at this time the King made use of the present distempers in London, and stood very high upon his points, and could not otherwise be drawn to decline the party opposing the army, but upon such promises [Page 9]and workings, as their too much feare of his party wrought from them, rather then any desire to be officious unto him, in things so opposite to liberty and their own judgments; doubtlesse they were full of care, and in great perplexity, ha­ving begun so high an enterprize, that the like had not been in mans memory.

And its evident, the condition of his sitting stil was all in all in these promises, without wich the King would not be satisfied; so if an error, t'was for peace sake, not for their own ends, but for publick quietnes—But why is the Major now troubled about these things, except because they are not per­formed? he (it seemes) hath done nothing else but dissem­bled all this time, for the basest of ends ambition and coue­tousnesse, even to betray his owne native liberties, and the just freedomes of the whole Nation.

And what if at the same time, all on the Kings parte, was done onely to amuse them, and in time to be discovered to their disparagment, how if at that instant or before, a Com­misson were conveyed to Colonell Massie, how if the King had before laid those Scots Egges that now are hatch't, and the King was resolved to cast him selfe any way▪ rather then on the Independent interest, as being incompatible with his, and that there was never any realitie on his part towards them, what then Major? As for any offence this might be a­gainst the Parliament, in the Parliaments sense, all they did was offence: so that all this is only thus much, the King was (not so simple as he hath been deemed, but rather) too suttle for them in this state work, and not much neither, all things reehoned.

And touching all the businesses which he receiteth about the proposalls, they are but things of the same nature, for all that endeavoured by these Gentlemen thereby, was to keepe the King and his party quiet, and all that he intended, was first or last to divide, disparage, and weaken them by disputes and debates, about pleasing him in those proposalls, and accor­dingly it soon took effect, though not so much as was expect­ed; but it had been greater and more dangerous, if the Londo­ners had not been soe for ward in their violent courses against the Parliament, thereby putting the army upon speedy mar­ches [Page 10]unexpected returning, & urgent employment to pacify that tumult, which united them beyond imagination: yet what by those disputes, and the diligence of the Kings agents continually about the head quarters, it was verily expected, that at Honnslow-heath, a very great part of the Army would have declared for the King.

As for all the rest of the Majors Narrative, to that at Cole­brook, comes to no more but this, the King saw his party in London was not able to compasse any design, they were so divided within themselves, and that therefore it was in vain, to make those his enemies who had him in custody, and that the best course he could then take, in pursuance of his intenti­ons, was to seeme wholly theirs, upon such cunning tearmes, as in time would be like bones cast amongst them.

They on the other side, perceiving all this crafty dealing, were yet forced to hold faire with him, because his party might otherwise take fire, upon the least distaste taken by him, which at that time might have much prejudiced them, though done him little good; for he was wholly ordered by the Scots counsell, who were then altogether unprovided, and resolved not to stirre, till the Army should fall into di­stempers; which as the King and his politick party handled the matter, they knew would certainly be, upon their first freedom from a visible adversary; as indeed it came to passe.

So that all the businesse about the proposalls, comes to this, that they were used by these Gentlemen as a meanes to keep the King from stirring, and their error was, in believing those could have done it: for the King did but seeme to re­gard the proposalls in all he did, but (in his heart) abhorred to come in upon any such rearms, neither upon the Armies or Parliaments interest, as resolving rather still to hazard all, then to have any barres or bonds upon him, but such as he can break a sunder, or shake off at pleasure.

And therefore the whole series and carriage of this busi­nesse, proves no other but as a dream, the Lieut. General and Commis: Gen. were indeed over carefull to keepe him quiet, that could not have been troublesome then, but to his own ruine, nor did any thing make more for the Kings advantage, then his long insisting, altering and tampering upon the Ar­mies [Page 11]Proposalls, and Absolon-like, holding discourses and in­timacy with the Officers and Souldiers, to insinuate himself in their favours, and steale away their hearts, chiefly in pre­tending to cast himself wholly upon the Army.

By all which fraudulent means, jealousies were dayly bread, with emulations & divisions to purpose, which their present prevalencies & successe, in obtaining so ready a passage to & through the City, made the Lieut. Gen. Commis. Gen. and o­thers too much to slight & neglect, by which means, those di­visions so increased & grew to such a head, that although they were quit of their fears from London, yet greater and more dangerous distractions remained amongst themselves, as wit­nesse their Councells at Kingston and Putney: which also bread so great a discontent between the generall Officers and Adjutators, that the Officers knew not which way to resolve upon for their own security.

All which distractions were not a little fomented by Bartley Ashburnham, Beswell & others the Kings instruments, with the chiefe Officers had most correspondency, to the fur­ther dislike and complaint of the Adjutators, so that heats were dayly struck between them; all which made for the Kings design, who as their differences increased, he ministers more and more occasions, keepes (as it were) open house at Hampton Court, resolves and gives out, that he will not de­part thence, except to London, invites and intertains thousands both of City and Country to visit him, ingratiates himself openly with Londoners, Souldiers, and all resorters; and thus in effect, he becomes Master of his Masters; nor could those who gave him this liberty to their own prejudice, now re­strain him, but to their greater prejudice: for at this time, his party began a fresh, and (as if by direction) to take such heart, that his interest is not only the most frequent dis­course at head quarters, but openly maintained in all compa­nies, and what course then to hinder it appeated not.

Which intricat businesses thus occurring, made the Army not only to deal so gently with their unjust opposers in Par­liament, as finding the King upon their divisions, was grown somewhat formidable to them, but to alter their purpo­ses so often about purging the House; for they having been [Page 12]loosers by their gentlenes to the King, were loath to hazard the making so great a party their desperate enemies.

For now their work was made extream difficult, the scean or face of things was wholly changed, the grievances and cause of the people, which they had espoused and undertaken, was quite layed aside, to the great grief of the Adjutators, and all men who had affixed so great hopes on them, and they were forced to take new Councels meerly to preserve them­selves.

So that all this Majors Narrative of what one said and did at one time, and what another did or said at another time, ei­ther to the King or from him, or concerning the Parliament, or any of the Members or Votes, comes all to nothing, be­cause necessity makes them so, against which there is no plea; but all that can be said may be summed up in this totall, the King was too sutle for them in the art of King-crast, and their dear-bought experience (no doubt) will warne them from dealing any more with him at that weapon, ha­ving another so just, so tryed a one, as yet in their own hands.

Yet as skilfull as he was, they foyled him shrewdly at his own weapon in getting him so suddainly into the Isle of Wight.

It seems, by so long practise with him they found, that he lay most open to fear, & no marvel, having so guilty a con­science, so that although the busslings of Martin, Rainsborrouh and the new commotions of the new Agents, put them to much care and trouble, yet they made a seasonable use there­of, to affright his Majesty out of his hold at Hampton Court, and from his more advantagious resolution of comming to London, where he was dayly and hourly by his friends ex­pected, by which so timely and needfull an act, they secured both themselves and the Agents party from such a danger, as would have put them into new motions and further divi­sions: And though the busines of the Agents ended not with­out further trouble, yet was this conveyance of the King from Hampton Court, the first and principall means that made way for union in the Army; which that it proved so, seemes to be this Majors extream trouble and vexation.

For whats the cause of all these his stories? but by his re­nueing the memory of all miscarriages, differences, jealousies, [Page 13]unkindnesses, weaknesses, affronts, quarrels, slaunders, arts, policies and the like, where with these shattered times did most unhappily abound, to east them all again into new divi­sions and distempers, which is still his Masters work, and without which he sees (not withstanding all risings, revoltings and the Scots to boote) he is not likely to prevaile: and this most base and vile end, this unworthy Major most labours with all his might, not only by lies, but by some truths more maliciously used then lies, to compasse his ungodly designe.

But for all his mischievous hast, he comes too lare, the burnt children are sufficiently warned, no Tutor being so power­full as experience; the Officers and Souldiers have learned at dear rates, to shun a Courtier as they would do a Leaper, or as a penitent man would shun the tempter: so that old things are past away, and all are become new.

The parliament and the Army are friends, and the Army are at unity within themselves, all minding and intending the publik good and common freedom of the Nation, all jarres and scarres are healed, all are hearty true and reall Friends, no by-names nor scandalous distinctions are mentioned amongst them; so united are they in affection, though far distant in their present imployment, that whereas this Major thinks by this his treachery to divide them, or at least to expose these Gentlemen, the Lieut. Generall, and Com. Generall to the condemnation of the Army, and thereby to render them use­lesse in these dangerous times, when their experienced abili­ties are so much needed, and possibly also to expose their lives to danger, as a sacrifice more pleasing to his Master, then that of Sr. Iohn Hotham his first, as these his greatest opposers. — all works the contrary, their present actions, fidelity, mag­nanimity and ingenuous frequent acknowledgment of unad­vised trusts to men of corrupt principles, and their admitting into their hearts too great estimation of the King and his par­ties power, contrary to that wonderfull experience of Gods mighty power and providence, which so mightily went forth and alongs with them and their Armies, together with their great respect manifested to men of integrity, though former­ly at some distance, and their dislike of flatterers and time­servers; This, this sincerity in them, hath so renewed the af­fections [Page 14]of the whole Army to them, that a haire of their heads (whil'st they so continue,) is not be touch't, & the evill this unworthy Major intends against them, turns to their ad­vantage, yea and for any good he hath herein done for the King his Master, he had as good played the last Act of Achi­tophell, then thus to have either acted, or Councelled or spo­ken against those gentlemen, whereby he is become hatefull to himself and friends, and useles to all parties.

Thus much may suffice, in reference to their actions and designs, somewhat is yet necessary to be spoken, concerning their principles.

As first, he charges them to hold that every fingle man is judge of just and right, as to the good or ill of a Kingdom. Put case now Major, the Parliament (of whose honour you would be thought to be so tender) should Command you to take up Armes and kill and slay such a man, or sort of men, admit your judgment and conscience tells you, those men have done no wrong, or that those things are just and good, for which the Parliament commands you to kill and slay them: who is judge in this case? Are not you a murtherer if you obey them? Who is Judge if you obey them nor? Certainly, this principle would not have offended you, had not your conscience been stifled with ambition and mercinary gaine.

Their second principle he saith is, that the interest of honest men is the interest of the Kingdom, and the truth is, the interest of honest men is an honest interest, and if the Kingdoms in­terest hath not been so, or is not so, yet that it ought to be so, who will gainsay? nor is an honest interest so hard to be discerned in these discoursive and experimentall times: But the Lieutenant Gen might be confident, that those only were honest, who were conformable to his judgment; for who thinks him not able to judge of publike right? Believe it, those that throughly know him, do testifie his ability suffici­ently: And as for his engageing of Col. Rains borough; its wel known that Rainsborough is mettle past bowing or warping, and its an Argument, the Lieut. Generalls interest was cer­tainly just, when Col. Rainsborough would promise confor­mity to him and the Com: Generall.

Their third principle he sayes is, that it is lawfull to passe [Page 15]through any formes of Government, for the accomplishing of his ends; now its known, his ends alwayes proposed have been publike freedom and safety, and who in these knowing times is so ignorant, as to deny so undoubted a truth? Are not all formes of Government appointed to those ends? Now, if any Government shall become so farre degenerate, as to neg­lect or betray the just liberty and due safety of the people, doth it not utterly expire in it self, and cease to be any more a Government, but rather a meere confusion.

Is not Salus populi, suprema lex? Or is any form, Govern­ment, Argument, Law, objection, or exception to be pleaded against the freedom & safety of the people? No certainly: so that this principle being rightly applyed & wel under stood, is so far from disparaging these Gentlemen, that nothing could be an occasion of their greater honour, then that it may be recorded and related to all posterities, the whole course of their actions manifested, this was their undoubted principle.

Their 4 and last principle, he sayes is, that its lawful to play the knave with a knave, such a phrase of speech any of them might occasionally express, as being a common saying, but that they meant as he would have them understood, appear­eth not, it being generally taken in a more tolerable sense, as to deceive the deceiver, which is excused by Hushies policie, in destroying the corrupt Councell of Achitophell.

But wise and good men may somtimes be more apt (in way of discourse) to speak of such a thing, then at any time to practice it; and no doubt, but foresight & resolution prevents the need of it, the success thereof seldom answer­ing the expectation, one evill, (yea the least) seldom escaping without producing another; and so also it cometh to passe, with those that make use of a K. to catch a K. as may be seen by their using of this Major in all they imployed him; which may be a sufficient warning for them henceforth, to take heed what sort of men they trust, there being hardly any vain glo­rious flattering or covetous men employed by them, but one way or other they are prejudiced and disparaged by them.

And though this treacherous Major (for a conclusion to his accusation) would induce all men to believe, that if these Gentlemen thus principled shall prevaile by the Army, they [Page 16]intend to destroy the power and authority of Parliament; (for which he saies he engaged, beleive him those that can) yet if their demeanour towards the Parliament in generall upon their late successe, and their gentle bearing towards their grea­test opposers, from whom not one drop of blood, nor one pen­ny of mony hath been drawn nor taken, they all being out of trouble, imprisonment, exile and fear, and so in all pro­bability may still continue, except they make to themselves new occasions, by contrivances and Personall Treaties.

If these and the like carriages and inclinations in them, be duly weighed, it wilbe impossible for any construction to be made, but that most earnestly they desire to see the Common-wealth restored to a certaine condition of just and true free­dom, safety and peace by this Parliament, according to the trust reposed in them, and would rejoyce that it might nei­ther be deferred, nor done to halves nor parcels, which (as all men see) doth cause new and perpetuall troubles.

And these their just desires and resolutions being perceived by this Malignant Major, hath caused him at this time to ap­pear in his colours, to acquite his command, and to fall upon this course, to put the Parliament, Army and Kingdom into further distempers, and there by to render them more inca­pable of making opposition either against the Scots or other forraign forces or intestine enemies, which have risen up in so many places for the King his Master, against the Parlia­ment and Army.

But it availeth nothing, God is mercifull, hath fetcht them home by repentance, made them to see & be sencible of their errours, passes ever their many failings and infirmities, re­mains with them still, blessing them with success upon success even to admiration: and doubtles will continue so to do, if yet they shall vigorously set themselves to do his work, in sup­pressing all kinds of tiranny & oppression in whomsoever, & in clearing and securing the liberty, peace & safety of the peo­ple, according to their many promises & engagments, and for which just ends, God hath raised, prospered & preserved them, —but let them henceforth beware of shewing respect to persons in judgment, and of that curse which certainly at­tendeth all those that do the work of the Lord negligently.