An Answer to tvvo Danish papers the one called Jus feciale armatae Daniae, the other, A manifest / faithfully translated out of the Latine original, which was published by the King of Swedens command.

AN ANSWER TO TWO Daniſh Papers: The One called, Ius Feciale armatae Daniae; The Other, A Manifeſt.

THe Danes have not thought it ſufficient to provoke the moſt Serene and Puiſſant Prince, Charles Guſtaf, King of the Swedes, Gothes, and Vandals, aſſaulting him and his Kingdome of Sweden by the Sword; but they have proceeded more fiercely with the Pen and the Tongue, the uſual weapons of unmanly ſpirits. Two venemous Papers of theirs are come abroad, which, if the ſacred perſons of Kings were not concerned in them, might juſtly paſs for defamatory invectives and notorious Libells. One whereof appears under the name of Ius Feciale armatae Daniae, (or, the legal proceeding of Denmark in taking arms, and proclaming war, &c.) the other of A Manifeſt. But before thoſe men that will judge impartially without the biaſs of affection or hatred, they can no otherwiſe juſtifie the titles they bear, than that the firſt ſhould be ſo called by way of contrariety, as the Antients were thought to term war Bellum, quaſi minime bellum; the later, from the effect, becauſe indeed it both evidently manifeſt the Daniſh injuſtice. The very form of that writing bewrayes a palpable injury in ſetting forth the grounds of this war, while it turns thoſe things into captious ſophiſtry, and malicious accuſation, which were done heretofore in the reign of another Prince, which for the greateſt part of them, are cancelled by Acts of Oblivion; which belong to other nations, and have no relation to the Kingdome of Denmark; which are too inconſiderable to be proſecuted by a war; laſtly, which might eaſily be reconciled by a compoſition, both offered, and actually treated upon.

There is therfore little reaſon to fear, that thoſe Pamphlets ſhould gain any credit and favorable opinion amongſt judicious and equitable perſons; and as little need of a ſtudied and tedious confutation. Onely leſt the Danes ſhould flatter themſelves, and take our ſilence for a confeſſion of guilt, or leſt any doubt ſhould remain in the hearts of thoſe that are not converſant in the affairs of the world: for clearing up the truth of ſuch things as are injuriouſly queſtioned, it will be ſufficient to make a bare Narrative out of publick Acts and Records.

It is freſh in the memory of all the world, in what poſture the Daniſh affairs ſtood 1644. and the year following. When by juſtice, and the proſperous ſucceſs of Armes, the moſt Serene Queen and Kingdom of Sweden had poſſeſſion of the principal places in Denmark, and were propitiouſly invited by the conduct of War and good fortune to conquer more; yet they hearkned rather to Peace, than to the allurements of Victory. For out of a deſire to ſettle tranquillity in the Northern Kingdomes, a few places onely being retained, but the moſt part of their Territories and ſtrong Towns reſtored, the Swedes not improving the opportunity of bringing the Danes into a more ſtrait bond of conformity, while the chance of War turned alwaies to their loſs, did notwithſtanding their own victorious progreſſes, the very next year conclude a Pacification at Bremsbro upon equal terms, and made the Articles of the Agreement much eaſier for them than the ſtate of affairs deſerved, or the occaſion required: That thereby the World might be ſatisfyed, how much they deſired a firm alliance, and the Danes bound to obſerve the ſame more inviolably for the time to come, upon the account of an extraordinary obligation. But this confidence deceived us; foraſmuch as after the Covenants were mutually ſigned, within few weeks ſpace the Counſel of Denmark, ſeeing their ſtrong Holds ſurrendred into their hands upon the Treaty, began to conſider and eaſt about how they might repair their forces, and raiſe a new War againſt Sweden. It is known from very good hands, that the late King was hatching upon thoſe thoughts unto his laſt breath; and that he that reigns at preſent endeavoured to revive the ſame reſolutions, ſetting up a Title from his pretended claim upon the Arch-biſhoprick of Bremen and Biſhoprick of Verden, keeping together ſome forces a good while (though againſt the will of the States) to effect his intent by violence, So that nothing ſtood then in the way to ſtop ſuch a proceeding, but the more prevalent love of peace, the fidelity and prudence of the States of Denmark, and of ſome of the Counſellours at Court. The moſt important ſettlement of controverſies between the two Kingdomes concerning the freedom and immunity of Swediſh Ships and Merchandiſe in the Sound, being more expreſly concluded in the forementioned peace, while they were yet aſhamed to break out into open violation, was notwithſtanding ſo baffled and circumvented, that under borrowed colours and pretenſes the Swediſh Navigation, Merchants, and Seamen were brought under ſundry troubles and injurious ſufferings. Which that they might carry the fairer ſhew, and they provide themſelves with aid and ſupport to carry on their deſigns, it was conceived to be for the Daniſh Intereſt, to ſow all ſeeds, and take all occaſions to blow the coal of differences betwixt the Crown of Sweden and its Allies, the moſt Mighty Lords the States of the United Netherlands: Nor was any thing omitted, that might contribute thereunto. Therefore the firſt year after the Peace concluded, King Chriſtian the fourth began, and Frederick the third continued to negotiate a Contract with the ſaid Lords States about farming the Cuſtomes in the Sound; as alſo for making a League offenſive and defenſive, particularly againſt the Swedes. But though by reaſon of the antient Confederacy, and the great advantages they lately received therby, he fell ſhort of his intention as to the point of offenſe; yet he prevailed ſo far, as the cuſtoms being once agreed for, ſeveral inſolencies contrary to Covenants and ordinary proceedings, & thoſe very burdens, from which theſe modern treaties had recovered the antient imunity, being again practiſed on the Swedes upon the account of a defenſive league made, gave the Danes encouragement to purſue their deſigns. We ſhall hereafter ſet down both the ill conſequences of this Negotiation, and the Acts relating thereunto. But at laſt things came to that paſs, that when the King of Denmark had drawn upon himſelf a great ſhare of the dangers growing out of the late war between the moſt Serene Common-wealth of England and the States of Holland, by Ambaſſadours ſent to the moſt Serene Queen in the year 1653. actions were excuſed, a levelling of accounts was offered, and ſatisfaction promiſed for all wrongs that ſhould be made to appear. For their conſciences made them fear, that the Swedes might as well have he will and reſentment, as they had given the cauſe and occaſion, to revenge the infringing of Covenants. And when it was made evident, how much injury had been done, and how fair and juſt an opportunity there was to aſſert and vindicate the obſervation of agreements by other wayes, yet the love of peace and amity prevailed in Sweden, even to the laying aſide both the proſecution of their right, and the uſe of their power. In this condition things remained till the time that the Queen reſigned the Crown of the Kingdome of Sweden; nor did the Danes pretend any thing to the contrary.

Ever ſince his ſacred Majeſtie took the government upon him, he hath been deſirous not onely to preſerve and maintain all compacts and peaceable intelligence between he Northern Kingdoms, free from any manner of injuſtice and innovation; but particularly to cement and aſſure all mutuall offices of conſanguinity, friendſhip, and neighbourhood with the King of Denmark. When in the beginning of his reign in evitable neceſſity forced him to take armes for the defenſe of his kingdoms right, liberty, and ſecurity, againſt the cloſe and treacherous deſignes of the Polanders, diſcovering amongſt the reſt the dangers like to enſue upon the Baltick ſea by their intention to introduce a forrein Fleet; he opened theſe things to the King of Denmark out of the ſingular confidence and integrity of a kinſman and neighbour, both ſignifying his intention and the cauſes of war againſt the Polanders, as alſo offering by word and writing of his Reſident in that Court ſuch things as he conceived might conduce to prevent the prejudice of both Kingdoms, eſpecially a hearty conjunction of minds and counſels.No. 1. Moreover when his Majeſty was preparing to depart out of his Kingdome in order to the war in Poland, the King of Denmark making remonſtrance of ſome things by his publick Miniſter, about ſhewing Certificates in the Sound, as diſagreeable to Covenants, and therefore deſiring redreſs; all kind of ſatisfaction was granted to him freely and without delay. Then beſides a Proclamation publiſhed, whereby his Majeſties Subjects ſailing through the ſaid Sound were forbidden under great penalties to doe any thing contrary to agreements, he likewiſe commanded his Reſident in the Daniſh Court, that upon conference with the Miniſters of State there he ſhould examine whether any offenſe were committed; and what appeared, ſhould be rectified by re-inforcing a ſtrict obſervance upon the inhabitants of his Swediſh Dominions; but what required further ſearch and diſquiſition, ſhould be referred to his Majeſties cogniſance, to remedy whatſoever ſhould be found amiſſe: With the later part of this determination the King of Denmark was content; and for the former, he took it kindly, as a teſtimony of faithfull and friendly neighbourhood, diſapproving nothing of his Majeſties intentions, wiſhing happy ſucceſs to the war he undertook, and largely profering all good offices worthy of a friend and neighbour, as appears in his anſwer dated at Copenhagen, Iune the 21. 1655.No. 2.

Hereupon there followed a confident and free communication between the Miniſters of both Kings touching thoſe things that were for the intereſt and advantage of both Kingdomes. And when that which the Swediſh Agent demonſtrated to be more conducible, was readily embraced by the Danes, judging it neceſſary to enter into a mutuall league for the defenſe of the Baltick ſea, that Declaration was no ſooner made, but the Swedes on their part immediately contributed their beſt endeavours thereunto; the Reſident Magnus Durer or one ſide, and the Commiſſioners on the other, treating a confederation of minds and aſſiſtances to the end aforeſaid. Which things, as it was agreed, were to be wrought and prepared by theſe men, but afterwards to be accompliſhed (according to the method and tenor of Covenants) upon the borders of both Kingdomes by other perſons deputed and choſen out of the principall Senators of the Kingdome. Amongſt theſe mutuall exchanges of good will and affection (as it ſeemed to be) nothing was further urged or ſpoken of grievances, or of thoſe things, which how-ever they are too old to be remembred, are now taken up for a freſh pretenſe. The matter in queſtion, after the expreſs forms thereof had been drawn up, and ſeverall times debated by the Commiſſioners on both ſides, was brought to that period, that in the beginning of the year 1656. the League was looked upon as a thing reſolved and concluded, becauſe nothing remained that could check or hinder it. But then the Danes began firſt of all to deſire, that the States of the United Netherlands might be comprehended in the Treaty; nor did the other ſide refuſe it: onely the manner of including them was diſputed, whether it ſhould be done in generall terms, as was uſuall in ſuch agreements, or under ſome ſpeciall condition to be entered into by them. Hence the Danes laid hold of an occaſion to demurre, making aſemblance indeed of a deſire to diſpatch ſpeedily, but purpoſing to retard the Swediſh Reſidents earneſt ſolicitation; to which end it was intimated by the Rix-hofemaſter (or Lord high Steward) and the Chancellor of Denmark, that their King was reſolved to proſecute and finiſh that negotiation by his own Reſident whom he intended to ſend to the Swediſh Court. hereof as there appeared no certain or preſſing reaſon, ſo the delay rendered it ſuſpicious; and the more, becauſe the Daniſh Reſident coming to the King in Pruſſia, mentioned nothing at all of it; and afterwards being demanded by Commiſſioners in the Kings name, whether he had any thing to ſay upon that ſubject, he pretended a want of power may almoſt an ignorance of what had paſt, and that he would make report of thoſe things to his King. In the mean time it was underſtood by proofs of unqueſtionable credit that all this was carried on by diſſimulation onely, but that other things were ſecretly under contrivance to the hatred, prejudice, and ſurprize of the King and Kingdome of Sweden. Siniſter reflections upon the Treaty were ſcattered abroad both to his Highneſs the Lord Protector of England, and to the Lords States of the Vnited Netherlands, as if it tended to the deſtruction of trade: and ſuggeſtions were inſtilled into them, as if ſomething was intended by theſe agreements that would be prejudiciall to their reſpective States and Dominions. In Muſcovia they went yet further, and ſpurred on that hoſtile invaſion of Liefland which they had procured, and framed a pernicious aſſociation againſt the Kingdome of Sweden. In Poland they held forth the hopes of favour and aſſiſtance againſt his ſacred Majeſty; and more violently inflamed the refractory diſpoſitions of the Dantzackers. In Auſtria there was jugling to plot thoſe things which are now brought to light by open and declared effect. By all which it appears, that all the deſignes and thoughts of the Danes were at a great diſtance from the true intent of the Treaties. Yet was it impoſſible ſo to conceal them, but that ſome glimpſes thereof appeared through the crannies of their hearts. The firſt ſtroke (as I may ſay) was againſt our proceedings before Dantzick, which were juſtifiable by the Law of War; at which time the Daniſh Counſell, under a pretenſe to procure freedome of Trade with that City (which yet was never interrupted, but had been fully reſtored by the agreements concluded with the Holland Ambaſſadors) ſent letters of the 15. of Iuly, 1656. to the Counſell of the Kingdome of Sweden, full of unkindneſſe and threats, and ſmelling rank of a war ſuddenly intended; as that kind of ſtile is uſually the fore-runner of blows. Nor had they held their hands at that time, if it had not been for the bad ſucceſſe in Liefland, after the Muſcovites were diſappointed of their hopes in the ſiege of Riga, and for the misfortunes of the Polanders after the victory obtained againſt them at Warſovia; as alſo for the agreements concluded with the States of Holland, and the commerce of Dantzick included therein. Theſe croſſe accidents made them think this conjuncture unſeaſonable, and took away the pretenſe whereupon they were neceſſitated to expect a more favourable opportunity, and go on by Treaties lying in wait for fitter times and occaſions; and yet not abſolutely forbearing thoſe machinations, which they imagined would be to the prejudice of the King and Kingdomes of Sweden, but did not perceive that they were as much to their own. Amongſt other things, he not onely ſuffered and aſſiſted the Holland Fleet to paſs through his Sound, and to uſurp ſome Royalties belonging to the Dominion of the Sea, contrary to the liberty of the Baltick, hitherto preſerved entire by the valour and endeavours of our Anceſtors, nay contrary to Covenants confirmed by oaths; but he alſo brought his own Ships to Dantzick, with aid and ſuccour to that obſtinate City, contrary to friendſhip and to the Law of Nations. The moſt Serene Elector of Brandenburg, fearing the iſſue of ſuch proceedings, and out of the love he bore to the common tranquillitie, took a wiſe courſe by way of prevention, and making the King of Denmark ſenſible of the dangers & diſadvantages that would accrew to the preſent ſtate of Europe, and ſpecially of the Proteſtant Religion by ſuch ſtrange counſells, adding alſo an exhortation to a ſtraiter Vnion and Concord, he prevailed ſo farre with him (as appears by the anſwer given to his Highneſs Ambaſsador at Copenhaguen Sept. 6, 1656.) that he conſented to the finiſhing of the Treaty, which he had both intermitted and prolonged.No. 3. After his Electorall Highneſs had acquainted his Majeſty herewithall, he ſuffered nothing to be wanting on his part that might conduce thereunto, but expreſt his conſent for a continuation by his Royall reſolution given at Frawenburg the 26. of October, and offered ſuch things as might ſuit beſt with a quick and eaſie diſpatch.No. 4. But that which followed on the Daniſh part gave clear evidence, that they had nothing leſſe then a ſerious intent to bring matters to a happy compoſition.

Preſently after the Treaty was renewed, the Commiſſion which his Majeſty had ſent to his Commiſſioner from Frawenburge the 7, of October in the ſame yearNo. 5. was called in queſtion, nay diſhonoured by a reproof, though it were ſufficient both to re-aſſume and finiſh the negotiation; neither could any thing be pretended to the contrary, beſide the change of the times and the ſtate of affairs, and becauſe nothing was expreſsed touching grievances. But although that needed not to have been granted, by reaſon of the mention thereof in generall, and that there was no ſuch clauſe as might cauſe an alteration in re-aſsuming the buſineſs; nay whatſoever might make to the clearing of grievances, was couched therein, if a right underſtanding had been applyed, ſo that there was no need of any more formality: Moreover though it might be juſtly anſwered, that nothing was ever ſpoken upon thoſe points either in the time of the preceding Treaty, or in the anſwer to the Electors Ambaſsador, neither had it any relation to the making of the League, but was exactly conformable to that very declaration of his which the foreſaid Ambaſsador had received: yet ſuch was the ſincerity and conſtancie of his Majeſties purpoſe, that he gave way to their deſires, and ſent a Commiſſion in ſuch a manner as the Danes themſelves would have it.No. 6. His Majeſty was further pleaſed to remove all obſtructions, and beſides his generall command particularly injoyned his Reſident to offer the King of Denmark (if he deſired it to make their friendſhip more firm and ſolid) an Oblivion of ſuch things as had any way ſwerved from the rules of amity and their agreements ever ſince the time of the late peace untill that preſent: as alſo for the redreſs of grievances that might be objected on either ſide, he propoſed a free diſcuſſion agreeable to the Articles in ſuch caſes by Commiſſioners of both Kingdoms upon the borders, or in a third place, with power to decree ſuch reparation as might not intrench either upon former agreements or his Majeſties honour.

He was alſo willing to admit, that if any jealous diſpoſition was not content with this declaration, he would be bound to an abſolute performance in clear and expreſſe terms of the Covenants: Than which nothing could be ſtudied more ſweet, more obliging, or more ſuitable to peace and the intended confederation. Hereupon the Articles of Vnion were again brought to the anvile by Both parties. The Swediſh Reſident trod in his former ſteps, and advanced his old propoſals, as conducing to the main intent, and hitherto allowed on all hands. But all this labour on the Swediſh part, full of ſincerity, and friendſhip, became fruitleſſe: for when the point of confederation heretofore begun ought to have been re-aſsumed, the Danes changed the whole order, matter, and form of Treating, and laying aſide the endeavour of concluding a League, clog'd all paſsages with the objection of grievances, ayming rather at exaſperating than uniting of hearts. Neither were the grievances produced all at once, but to foreſlow and cripple the Treaty, they were drawn out piece-meal, one by one.No. 7. And it was premiſed in generall, as it were to obſerve the due form of Treaties, That an alteration ſhould be made in the peace concluded at Bremsbro, That reparation ſhould be given for damages in the Cuſtomes of the Sound that the Swediſh Subjects had occaſioned, That Security ſhould be expreſt upon the Treaty. Which things as they were brought into diſpute without faith and reaſon, againſt law, againſt order, againſt the intent, againſt the rules of friendſhip, and againſt covenants: ſo ought they not to be admitted into Treaties deſigned for another purpoſe. But although this was viſible enough to the Swediſh Reſident, yet could he obtain no mitigation: and ſo that he might not ſeem to diſtruſt the juſtice of his cauſe, he complyed with their will, and anſwered to the grievances with the hope of fairer proceeding afterwards. But beſides ſeverall remonſtrances as well againſt their demands impertinent and improper to the ſcope of the buſineſs, as alſo againſt the injuſtice of their accuſations, he ſhewed at large, how there was nothing either of right or truth in the things upon which they beſtowed thoſe attributes, and how on the contrary much more and greater wrongs had been done to the Kingdom and inhabitants of Sweden, whereof they might more juſtly and truly complain, and require ſatisfaction.No. 8. And when at laſt with much difficulty (even at the requeſt of the Mediator) he had obtained a diſcovery of all the remaining grievances,No. 9. and replyed ſuch things to them as were convenient,No. 10. he forbore not ſtill to preſs, that they ſhould be referred to an examination appointed and preſcribed by agreement of both Kingdoms, where they would receive a certain and finall determination, and be obſerved in the mean time by clear indiſputable Covenants; the negotiation of the League being not to be interrupted for doubtfull pretenſes, that would require a longer and deeper inquiſition. But the Danes having no patience to bearken to thoſe propoſals, even before a juſt proof of any grievance was made, totally laid aſide the treaty of the League, obſtinately deſiring that the peace made at Bremſbro (which ought to be the foundation and rule of this) ſhould be changed, and ſo proſecuted nothing elſe but their demands of ſatisfaction and ſecurity. Under theſe ſhadowes they endeavoured to cover (but ſo as it appeared ſufficiently) their deſire to have thoſe Lands reſtored, which when they could not be taken from us, were in the laſt peace left irrevocably by their Kings own word and authority, by way of recompenſe for our laying down armes, and for a farre larger tract of ground delivered to them. And although it were demonſtratively proved, that ſuch things were deſired without right and reaſon, to wit, ſatisfaction without either debt or damage; Security otherwiſe then by Covenant, and as it uſeth to be betwixt Princes in amity; nay, without any colour of danger, preſuppoſing that all this was built upon ſuggeſtions not yet proved, nor contributing any thing to peace and friendſhip; that what had been yielded up for the peace ſake, could not be brought in queſtion without the breach thereof; that ſuch things were incongruous both to cuſtome and the reputation of Kings; that to have their Covenants (the very bond and ſtrength of concord) altered, could not be for the intereſt of both Kingdomes, nay was utterly againſt the obligation of friendſhip and neighbourhood, and in that regard oppoſite to the very intent of Treaties: yet for all this he prevailed nothing. Conſidering therefore the deſignes and practiſes of the Danes in the mean time out of the obdurateneſs of their hearts, what counſells, decrees and preparations for war were made in their publick aſsemblies at home, what conſpiracies and malicious Leagues were entred into abroad with the declared enemies and the uncertain friends of Sweden, the raiſing and embodying of great forces being haſtened every where, exactions and burthens being increaſed upon the Lord Frederick Duke of Holſtein and his Territories, out of hatred to his Majeſty of Sweden whoſe Father-in-law he is; conſidering all this it was evident enough which way they were bent, and what they were reſolved upon. Yet the Reſident thought fit to try them once more, offering a memoriall the 8. of April, to ſhew the impoſſibility of their deſires, and to obtain a Categoricall anſwer to better purpoſe: butNo. 11. he was fruſtrated again, and they were ſtill in the ſame tune.No. 12. When therefore their ſtubborn reſolution for war againſt all that was equitable and faire had rendred fruitleſs both the Swediſh Reſidents moderate inſtances and remonſtrances, and the diligent good offices and mediation uſed by the Elector of Brandenburgs Ambaſsador to preſerve peace, and that their ſpirits were rather blown up higher by this modeſty, as if it had proceeded from fear, ſeeing there was no hope of better things, nor that they could by this way be induced to the thoughts of peace, much leſſe of a League; the Reſident, not to ſpend more labour in vain, found it neceſſary to intimate his departure, and to reſerve the buſineſs in hand for ſome other fitter time and place, Which purpoſe of his, with a re-iterated demonſtration of his readineſs to continue the Treaties, and the Danes tergiverſation and drawing the contrary way, he declared to them in a writing preſented the 2. of May that inſtant year.No. 13. Neither did he break off the Treaty, as they lay to his charge, the continuation whereof he urged with all earneſtneſs, and at that time offered it; which motion of his was ſo farre from being imbraced by them, that they quickly diſmiſt him, as a perſon whoſe room they rather deſired then his company. Neither would he have left off, notwithſtanding all the neglects he had already received from the Danes, becauſe he was imployed to conclude a League; but another was offered, as the method of the Commiſſion for grievances ſeemed to require; who was rejected as ſoon as offered.

For although they would not ſuffer him to effect his intentions, yet was he not unmindfull that ſuch differences might be compoſed by another way, ſet down in the Covenants between the Kingdomes, to wit, that matters in controverſie ſhould be diſcuſſed and determined in a Treaty renewed by Commiſſioners on both ſides appointed to that end upon the confines of the Kingdomes after the antient manner. The King and Counſel of Denmark would not willingly ſeem to refuſe that offer; but the Reſident was hardly gone out of their Territories, when three very conſiderable Swediſh Ships richly laden, paſſing the Sound upon confidence of Agreements, and guilty of no offenſe, were yet arreſted there, ſeized upon as prize, and the Swediſh Subjects uſed like Enemies. In other places they began to ſtir-up and encourage his Majeſties ſubjects to rebellion. And by theſe ſteps there followed a proclamed War.

Now by what hath been ſaid let the World judge freely, which ſide hath been more ſtudious and more ſincerely deſirous of peace between the Kings and Kingdomes of the North; and with what brow of confidence the Daniſh Papers can boaſt of their obſervance of peace, amidſt ſo many things in relation to it done by them coldly, unconſtantly, and clean otherwiſe then was intended, as alſo many things fairly and kindly offered, and as ſcornfully rejected by them. But this will be better diſcovered by him, that ſhall weigh thoſe cauſes of breaking the ſame, which they ſet forth.

The Daniſh pretenſes took both beginning and end from their fear of the Swediſh Arms: though beſides the conſciouſneſs of their deſert, there appears no cauſe at that time that could move an innocent heart, and a conſtant minde; and if there had been any, yet it might have been removed by that obſervation of good neighbourhood and friendſhip which was offered during the Treaty of the League, and ſhould have been confirmed by the intended Covenants. Thoſe arguments whereby they would juſtifie this fear, are very weak, and deſtitute of truth. How little thereof is there in that which is firſt laid down, That it is the Cuſtome of Sweden to begin Wars without warning. In the Record of times there are not a few examples extant of War proclamed, even againſt the Danes. If ever it was omitted, there was reaſon for it, ſince neither the Law of Nations requires it alwayes as neceſſary, nor is there any need of it, either when wrongs are done which nothing but taking of arms can right, or that blow is ready to be given which muſt be prevented by a quick providence. The Aggreſſor denounces the War; and he is beforehand in ſending the Defiance, who makes the neceſſity of repelling the Adverſary, and defending our ſelves. As it happened in the laſt War with Denmark, although even then proclaming was not altogether forborn. It is for want of experience, that they call this a Barbarous and Turkiſh Proceeding: It might with more reaſon be called Daniſh, when lately the King of Denmark before any ſolemn found of Trumpet uſed violence and hoſtility upon the Swediſh Ships and Subjects. Then they ſay, That they ought to fear now what hath been done heretofore. But how can they fear, unleſs they have done thoſe things now, which deſerved the juſtice of revenge heretofore? whereof truly they make themſelves both conſcious and guilty by this very objection. That panick fear of their Subjects which is mentioned, ſhewed not its effect before the King of Denmark had openly taken arms: ſo that it proceeded from his actions, nor from any of the Swedes. After his injuries and affronts put upon a warlike Nation, no man could expect ſo long a forbearance and impunity; but ever one might wonder, with what patience, gentleneſs and curteſie that Nation laboured (though in vain) for peace and friendſhip. They allege ſomething of a debate and perſwaſion to take arms againſt the Danes but without proof. If any ſuch thing were, it became harmleſs, and ended without effect: The event makes it clear, that the Counſel inclined not to that opinion; who if they had had as good a will, as they wanted neither cauſe nor power, certainly it had been both nearer and eaſier for them to fall upon he Danes, then upon the Polanders. Whoever ſhall obſerve in what manner they have prejudiced and abuſed the Kingdome and its inhabitants, will believe we had cauſe enough to proſecute our defenſe by the Sword. And it may be the Chancellors words reflected upon that, if ever they were ſpoken: But ſince nothing bath been hitherto attempted by force and arms, they claim another interpretation, and furniſh a ſtronger argument of a purpoſe to maintain Peace and Covenants, then to ſtrike fear into any one. Which neither may be ſufficiently grounded upon the words of I know not whom, implying an intent to make up the loſſes of the Poliſh War upon Denmark. Such language might haply fall either from freedome of private diſcourſe, or from the obſervation of what the Danes were contriving, or from the conjecture of that neceſſary defenſe which would follow thereupon. But how doth it advantage this caſe, to charge the Covenants of Bremsbro with injuſtice? An abſurd accuſation, and void of all appearance of right, when the Danes at that time deſerved far worſe for the injuries they had done, & the damages they had cauſed; when it was juſt to impoſe ſuch terms by the Law of Victory; when of thoſe places that were gotten by the right of the Sword, a few onely retained, more were reſtored; when the agreements were ſolemnly ratified; when ten years ſilence had confirmed, and conſecrated then amongſt the Monuments of Friendſhip; when the Danes owe their ſafety and quietneſs to nothing elſe ever ſince. Nay, it is well known, and will be made good out of the Daniſh Record, that the Commiſſioners whom the King of Denmark on his part appointed for that Treaty, had power to yield up many more Territories, namely Schoneland, and other places; ſo that it is manifeſt he was willing to part from more then he did to buy a Peace. And it would become the Danes better to render thanks and praiſe for Swedens moderation in ſo great good fortune, then to complain of quitting leſs then they would have been content to do. Hence they had no ground of fear, if they had perſiſted in that faith, with which they were willing to be bound. While they themſelves are guilty of the breach, they endeavour to arreign Sweden for it, not onely without any proof at all, but without probability to pitch upon any particular action. But they are convict therof by the confeſſion they make of thoſe wounds of paſt hoſtility not yet cured and confirmed, the memory and ſmartneſs whereof they promiſed to bury and extinguiſh in a firm peace (but with what integrity, the world now ſees) when their preſent actions declare, they only laid it up in a ſullen mind, and alwayes intended a revenge. The example of the Popiſh War is vainly alledged to ſtrike a terrour upon the Danes, unleſs they will acknowledge themſelves like them, partners of their enmity and guilty. The juſt and neceſſary cauſes of that Engagement are elſewhere ſet forth and proved already. It is a weak and ſenſeleſs objection, that the King of Denmark labours now to diſapprove that, which he openly approved before by wiſhing good ſucceſs, and hinting ſome other particulars: certainly when he was acquainted wih the motives thereunto in a friendly way, he ſhewed not ſo much as a geſture that imported a diſlike. As long as the arms of Sweden were imployed there Denmark had reaſon to think it ſelf the more ſecure nor ought there to be any fear when that ſhould be brought to an end, becauſe their ſecurity (as a mutual benefit of friends) would ſtand more ſtedfaſt then, upon the League and Covenants of amity. But beſides what is diſcovered by the compunction of their own ulcerated conſciences, all other things that are forcibly drawn into arguments of fear, are vain and groundleſs. He that looks more narrowly, will find that it is meer envy againſt the acquiſitions and enlargements gotten by the proſperous Arms of the Kingdom, and againſt the glory of the Naiton, that makes up the Alpha and Omega of their quarrel, while they reflect but little upon that piety which ſhould teach them to judge aright, and attribute the ſucceſsfull iſſues of War to the hand of God, as one that gives ſentence from above, the Lord of hoſts.

But although indeed there were ſome cauſe of fearing, upon what account can War be derived from thence? Fear gives us no right, but to prepare by way of caution; or if violence be offered, by way of defenſe. The Licence which the new Daniſh Law of arms maintains, of breaking in upon another mans poſſeſſion, of tying their horſes (as they ſay) to their neighbours hedges, is as improperly applyed, where there was no enemy to reſiſt, and where all was peaceably and friendly, as it is contrary to the general rights of the world. They that being truly poſſeſt with fear, are allowed no more than to provide harmleſs remedies for their ſecurity; are condemned, if they oppoſe preſent force againſt a future danger, and undertake certain enmities upon doubtfull ſuſpcions. Cicero, who was otherwiſe learned in the Law of Arms than the Danes, was alſo of another opinion: Who ever decreed this, (ſaies he) or how can it be granted to any man without the danger of all, to have right and law to kill him, by whom he ſaies he is afraid that he may be killed himſelf? There cannot be alleged or ſhewn the leaſt ſyllable of threatning, much leſs any appearance of hoſtility from the Swedes, before the Danes drew their ſwords. Whatſoever is objected, conſiſteth in bare jealouſies onely, far from any offenſe, or from ſuch a danger as could deſerve a repulſe by a violent hand.

But that is not all, that the Danes were fearfull; they go on to reproach the Swedes as injurious againſt them. They begin with their claim laid to the Archbiſhoprick of Bremen, and Biſhoprick of Verden. The relation to whereof we ſhall fetch from its very firſt grounds. Theſe Provinces being freed from the Enemies garriſons by the glorious valour of Guſtaf the Great, while he waged the German War, were reduced under the Swediſh power; only the juriſdiction and revenues thereof were reſtored to the Archbiſhop Iohn Frederick for his life, as being the Kings friend and kinſman. But after his death no man could make any title, or pretend any right to them, but they who had reſcued them from the Enemy: nor was there any cauſe to reſtore them, beſides the account of preſerving friendſhip with the king and Kingdome of Denmark, and exerciſing the ſame uon his Son by way of bounty and obligation. From whence proceeded this ſingular gratification, that they ſhould be delivered to the preſent King of Denmark, at that time ſtiled Archbiſhop (whoſe claim had been diſallowed by the Imperialiſts before, nor did the Kingdom of Sweden rely at all thereupon) yet upon condition of neutrality and faithfull friendſhip, an expreſſe reſervation being added to the Inſtrument ſet forth upon that ſubject,No. 14. That if the Archbiſhop or Archbiſhoprick by themſelves or their dependants ſhould any way give favour and aſiſtance againſt the Kings Majeſtie of Sweden, and his Allies, the Safeguard ſhould forthwith become void and abrogated. He held them for ſome years in a quiet poſture, as long as he continued in peace. But when in the War which began with his father King Chriſtian the fourth, he inclined more to the ſway of his private affections, than to the condition of the ſurrender, and the Covenant of Neutrality, not onely affording aid and ſupplies out of thoſe Territories, but at laſt becoming a party in the War, and acting hoſtility againſt the Swedes, he provoked their arms againſt himſelf, and from thenceforth forfeiting the right of Covenant fell obnoxious to the Law of War. Ever ſince that, thoſe Lands were ſeiſed upon according to the Law of Arms, and not onely detained by a juſt poſſeſſion, but to be conſidered under the Nature of things loſt and obtained by the right of War. Now he can hve no pretenſe to require them again, but by vertue of Peace confirming thoſe things to the poſſeſſors which were not agreed to be reſtored, and naturally allowing the preſent poſſeſſion, if it were not otherwiſe covenanted. But there was never any covenant for a reſtitution. Indeed his demand thereof was made in the Treaty at Bremsbro, but arrived neither to agreement nor promiſe, being expreſly laid aſide by the 38. ArticleNo. 15. till ſome other Treaties, the Commiſſioners onely giving him hopes of their recommendation, as the words import. From thence the King of Denmark had no right to redemand what was gotten in the War, nor the Queen of Sweden any neceſſity to reſtore it; it was left in her abſolute power to determine what ſhe pleaſed: therefore if matters were not carryed according to his deſire, there is no reaſon to complain of injuſtice, ſeeing there was no preteneſe of right. It is a partial and groundleſs complaint, if they ſay therer is any Article not fulfilled on the Swediſh part. Hitherto there hath appeared none amongſt them, to whom any reſtitution ought to be made according to that Article, that have complained: nor do we know any body that had reaſon to This only appears, and perchance it is the thing meant, That the Daniſh Reſident in Sweden did earneſtly ſolicite the reſtoring of certain Eccleſiaſtical Benefices; but very incongruouſly, ſince by the publick conſent and authority of the Empire thoſe Church Livings being extinguiſhed together with the Chapters, did no longer remain ſuch, but put o a new quality of a ſecular nature, and paſt all together in Fee to the Kingdom of Sweden. There is no ſcruple made to allow thoſe points which were reſolved about referring the cauſe of the Archbiſhoprick to peculiar Treaties. That by reaſon of very difficult and tedious Negotiations for War and Peace at that time, there happened a delay of two Moneths; That Letters alſo of Safe Conduct fo rthe Ambaſſadours of a Prince in amity were not, as is untruly affirmed, denyed, but ſeemed needleſs and ſuperfluous; it will not appear ſo ſtrange to thoſe that are converſant in affairs, as it is impertinent and indiſcreet to upbraid us with ſuch paſſages at this time. But that Negotiation came to nothing, partly by the neglect of thoſe things which ought not to be omitted, or by doing what ſhould have been forborn, and partly by incident occaſions which altered the ſtate of the buſineſs. When perſons ſhould have been ſent in behalf of the Prince, to treat upon the reſtitution, they came to the Court at Stockholm, and ſhutting their eyes at the juſtice of poſſeſſion and military acquiſition, complained as it were of wrongs and required things as their own: to which proceeding the Lord Chancellor of the Kingdome could do no leſs then oppoſe the title and condition with which the Archbiſhop received thoſe lands, the cauſe and ground of their forfeiture, the incongruity of the manner uſed in the demand, and the juſt reaſon he had not to conſent thereunto: All which he did, not in deriſion, or vanity of words, but with VVeighty Reaſons, as the neceſſity of the Buſineſſe, and the importunity of the Demandants required. Beſides the Ambaſsadors brought a Commiſſion with them, onely to require reſtitution, not to treat; which was altogether unſuitable to the buſineſs, and alſo diſagreeable to the Covenants: for it is not Reſtitution, but a Treaty, that is mentioned there. When thus there was no way to begin with theſe men, much leſs to conclude, it was neceſsary to ſuſpend the negotiation. But the Danes acknowledge, with what teſtimonies of affection all things were carried, and how friendly and fair offers were made. All which is vainly objected to have proceeded from diſſimulation. Indeed the effect followed not, from their own deficiencie and falſe perſwaſion, as if reſtitution ought to be made againſt the very words of the Covenant without contract, without any condition, and without ſatisfaction. It had been in vain to have laid it apart for a Treaty, and deferred it till other negotiations, if it ſhould have been done ſo abruptly, peremptorily, and inconſiderately. The King of Denmark, Chriſtian the 4, confeſt the errour, and afterwards offered another manner and place of Treating,No. 16. but too late, and when the ſtate and circumſtance of matters was no more the ſame, as it is declaredNo. 17. in the Queens anſwer. In the mean while they began to take thoſe Territories into debate at Oſnabrug and Munſter while the peace of Germany was in Treaty, both becauſe they were a part of the Empire, and becauſe the ſubject in queſtion had ſome relation to that peace. Then another conſideration hapned, and that no ſmall one, to alter the Treaty; upon a ceſſation of arms concluded with the Field-marſhall Koningsmark as to the province of Bremen, before the peace of Bremsbro was publiſhed, a garriſon of the Prince was to remain in Bremerverd upon certain conditions. By which agreement the quiet poſseſſion of the whole province free from all hoſtity and danger was left tot he Queen of Sweden, and that place only to the Prince until a further compoſition, upon condition of keeping all things in the ſame ſtate, and beſides proviſions and money agreed to be furniſht, of living innocently, and without deſigne or Stratagems. But when contrary to theſe Covenants an irruption was made from that upon other places of the Province, the inhabitants were oppreſsed with exactions and inſolencies of Souldiers, the waies were rendred unſafe by robberies committed upon Merchants, paſsage and other like favours were granted to the Imperiall forces at that time our enemies, but denyed to the Swedes, the Fore was more and more ſtrengthned with an addition of men and warlike proviſions to the prejudice of the agreements and the danger of the neighbourhood; a neceſſity of repreſſing theſe attempts enforced the Lord Count Koningsmark (not ſtaying for a Royall command) to ſeize upon the Fort, and ſo both to chaſtiſe the breach of faith, and to prevent a greater danger enſuing. It hapned in the mean time, that amongſt other points concluded for the pacification of Germany, the Emperour and the States of the Empire offered the Territories of Bremen and Verden as a ſatisfaction to the Kingdome of Sweden, diſanulling the Eccleſiaſticall character which they had born, and reducing the Lands to a ſecular right with the title of Dukedomes. Neither were they onely granted, but there was added a ſecurity of maintaining and defending the ſame after the form of Warrantie. From that time it is the cauſe of the German Empire which the King of Denmark oppoſeth. We leave him to the Juſtice of the Emperour and States, ſo farre as he impugnes their publick Acts, vilifies their faith, power, and honour, and tempts their patience.

In the mean while Sweden thought it might ſafely rely upon the publick authority of the Empire, upon the inviolable reverence of their aſſurance given againſt the dangers of any claim, and laſtly upon the notorious inconvenience of ſuch a deſire, which no ſober man could approve. We are blamed, that thoſe Lands were required by us, that they were accepted of, that they were not exchanged for ſome others in recompence. But there was no need to require them, when they werre already in poſseſſion by right of war; and they might be juſtly retained, when they were freely offered. In the Articles about means of ſatisfaction the Swediſh Plenipotentiaries named thoſe Lands they had ſeiſed upon, that they might be brought into Treaty to that end; but ſo, as they preſently declared their equity and fair meaning, that they required not all of them for the Crown of Sweden, but that others might be ordained to ſuch perſons as perchance had particular pretenſe to ſome of them, endeavouring that way to avoid contentions that might obſtruct the peace; and ſo thoſe pretendants carried away the moſt, and farre more conſiderable, than the Kingdom of Sweden did. Out of all the reſt the conſent and will of the Emperour and Empire offered the Territories of Bremen and Verden erected into Dukedomes; which offer is confeſt in the letter of the Father, Chriſtian the 4. wherein he complains of the decree of the Emperour and the States, but imputes nothing to the Swedes upon that account. They had good right to receive what ſo Soverain a publick judgement had decreed might and ought to be delivered unto them: neither was it handſome for Sweden to withſtand thoſe determinations, nor could we do it without a malicious hindrance of the peace. The Chancellor who was then ſent by the Archbiſhop to the forenamed Treaty, did not ſo much oppoſe the parting from thoſe Lands, as deſire a recompence, becauſe he well underſtood, (as appeared by thoſe learned writings which he publiſhed) that the power of the Empire, and the manifeſt advantage of that ſurrender in relation to peace, could not be queſtioned without ſacrilegious Treaſon: but that it would be better for his Lord, being within ſo near hopes of ſucceſſion to a Kingdome, to obtain ſomething of perpetuity and equall value in lieu of an Eccleſiaſticall benefice that was onely for life. He can alſo ſay, if he wil confeſſe then truth, how the Swediſh Plenipotentiaries, not bound to ſuch a good office, did yet by way of ſupererogation inſtead of hindring his deſires, uſe all their diligence, counſels, aſſiſtance, and perſwaſion to further the ſatisfaction he aimed at. And he had received it, if either the Archbiſhop coming to the Crown of Denmark about that time had not let fall the proſecution of the cauſe, as he ought to do in ſubmiſſion to the requeſt of the States, or if he had deſired nothing but what was reaſonable. But when his Ambaſsador required both great and many things, and the aſſembly of the Empire thought that either nothing was due, or not ſo much, he put an end to the Treaty, either by his Maſters command ſcorning (as ſome have ſaid) a pecuniary ſatisfaction, or through his own impatience and over-haſty departure. But if there were any obligation of recompence, it was chargeable upon the Empire, not the Kingdome of Sweden, and conſequently that onely, not this, ſhould anſwer the proceſs. But what need is there of this tedious relation, ſince it is viſible, that the acquiſition is not onely juſt and fair, but frequently allowed for ſuch by the King of Denmark? After the publication of the peace he did in a moſt friendly manner congratulate with the Queen both by letters and by his Envoy for the glory and happineſſe of regaining tranquillity, and of the enlargement of her Territories, not making the leaſt complaint, demand, or proteſtation.No. 18. Soon after by his ſaid Miniſter he propoſed ſomething concerning debts, which he pretended the States of the Dukedome ought to him and Ioſias Ranzow, requiring juſtice againſt them of the Queen, as Dutcheſſe of Bremen-When the Chapter of Hambourgh, as a part of the Dukedome, ſent Deputies to her Majeſty to deſire the ſettlement and confirmation of their rights, he writ letters in their behalf, as in a cauſe wherein he had no intereſt, and which appertained to her Majeſties will and diſpoſition. Ever ſince that time he hath given the titles of Duke of Bremen and Verden to the Kings of Sweden, and received all writings and addreſſes bearing the ſame, without any ſhew of a mind bent to contradiction, much leſs of ſuch caution was Princes in the like caſes uſe; And which deſerves ſpeciall obſervation, when the war againſt Sweden was under debate, nay almoſt concluded, in the Commiſſions which the King of Denmark received from his Majeſty to renew the Treaties, and which he likewiſe delivered to his Commiſſioners, he not onely ſuffered thoſe titles, but gave them: which makes it clear, thta either there was no ground of hoſtility from thence, or what hath been taken up, is of a later date than the war. When at the Diet of Ratisbon the peace, and with that the forſaid ſurrender, was inſerted into the publick Conſtitution of the Empire as a fundamer tall Law, his Ambaſſadors were preſent, and ſubſcribed the ſame, as well he that repreſented the Kings perſon, and ſubſcribed in the number of the Counts of the Empire, as he that came from him as Duke of Holſtein, conſenting, approving, and not ſo much as whiſpering to the contrary. Nor was there any thing in that Diet, that carried the appearance of a diſpleaſure, objected againſt the ſitting or voting obtained there in the name of the Dukedome of Bremen and Verden; no more than there was before in their Circular conſultation at Luneburg. Nay, when in the year 1654. an aſſembly of the Circle of lower Saxony at Brunſwick was ordered, directed, & concluded in the name of his Majeſty as Duke of Bremen, the King of Denmark as Duke of Holſtein being invited by his Majeſtie, appeared by his Ambaſsador, ſpeaking nothing in derogation of the acts or rights of the King, but exhibiting a directory of what was fit to be conſidered, and performing all duties as well in his coming by Ceremonies, and ſhewing Crednetialls and Commiſſion, as in the deliberations when he was come. When the controverſie touching the immediate dependance of the City of Bremen, which had formerly been moved againſt him as Arch-Biſhop, was again ſet on foot in the Imperiall Court, a teſtimony of what had paſt in that particular being deſired of him, the originall of the Imperiall decree in oppoſition thereunto he communicated to the King as Duke of Bremen. For indeed he was withheld from thwarting peace and the Laws, by the obedience he ought as a Member-ſtate of the Empire; neither could he have any colour to do it as King of Denmark, ſince that Crown had no right to thoſe Lands. Moreover it is ſaid, and that not without good credit, that amongſt the conditions which the States of Denark made when they conferred the Kingdom upon him, they required that he ſhould lay aſide the memory and pretenſions of thoſe things which concerned the Archbiſhoprick of Bremen and Verden, and ſhould not ſeek any further ſatisfaction upon that account; nor was he Crowned, till he hd accepted of that condition. Which is made more probable, as by may other paſsages, ſo by the letters which the Counſell of the Kingdome of Denmark writ to the Queen of Sweden the 13. of April, 1648. long after the ſurrender of thoſe Lands had been offered, approved, made, regiſtred, and publiſhed, wherein they deſired to be comprehended under the peace, making no mention then of any demand (which is now produced amongſt the cauſes of the war) much leſs framing any contradiction thereupon.No. 19. Which that it ſhould be made after their requeſt was granted, ſhewes the greater injuſtice in the King of Denmark, who being included in the peace, doth yet diſallow the act thereof.

As theſe old grudges about the Archbiſhoprick, of Bremen and Verden diſparage the peace concluded in Germany; ſo that which follows concerning the two Pariſhes Irne and Zerne doth no leſs to the prejudice of that, publiſhed at Bremsbro. The clear words whereof in the 25. article, wheterNo. 20. Iemptland with the adjacent places called Herrendale, are to be ſurrendred for ſatiſfaction, doe ſo define the matter, that whatſoever is ſituate towards Sweden on this ſide the Mountain Fiolles, which divides Sweden and Norway, ſhould be contained therein. When therefore the forenamed two Pariſhes are placed within the limited bound on Swedens ſide, there is good right and reaſon they ſhould be retained and poſseſt, There remains a third ground of a more juſt complaint, ſtill in the hands of the Danes, which ought to be reſtored according to the tenor of the foreſaid definition. After two years quiet poſseſſion the Daniſh Reſident at Stockholm made a diſpute upon a pretenſe that they were not expreſly named, as if that evident delineation equall to words did not ſupply, and virtually imply the naming of them: whereupon he deſired a meeting upon the preſent caſe, which was eaſily obtained of the Queen, out of her great inclination to peace, and accordingly by her Majeſties anſwer given the 26. of October, 1648. a day was appointed him, to wit, the 3. of Iuly. No. 22. The ſame day was alſo expreſly ſignified to the King himſelf by her Majeſties letters dated at Stockholm the 26. of May in the year following.No. 22. The Swediſh Commiſſioners coming to the place timely enough, upon the 27. of Iune gave notice to the Danes from a place not farre off, of their arrival and purpoſe to conferre. Long it was before any anſwer came, at laſt they received this from Chriſtiania the • 0. of Iuly, 1649, That they, the Daniſh Commiſſioners were ready for a confer •• 〈…〉 but now could not come thither again without ſpeciall order.No. 23. It appears not whether this hapned by the inconſiderateneſſe of the Reſident, or of thoſe who penned the Commiſſion, or through the negligence of the Commiſſioners, or perchance whether they did not repent themſelves of an ill grounded demand, fearing a more juſt one of another Pariſh which ſtill remained to be reſtored. Without doubt it was done by the errour and fault of the Danes, who do ill to excuſe themſelves by objecting that they were deluded therein. Knowing their own guilt in that particular they patiently bore the reproach of ſo foul a negligence caſt upon them by the Swediſh Reſident in the Court of Denmark, whereunto he added (out of the confidence of the Swediſh right) the offer of another meeting to that purpoſe. Which the Chancellor of Denmark Chriſtian Thomſon refuſed, not judging that worthy of a meeting, which is now made the pretenſe of a bloody war. The next accuſation the Danes lay to our charge is an alleging of grievances from ſtealing of Cuſtom, which yet according to the rigour of the narration doth onely concern Officers & Subjects. How then his Majeſty and the Kingdome of Sweden can become obnoxious to occaſion a war, is neither inferred, nor doth it appear. By the common conſent and reaſon of Nations particular offenſes, if they be diſcovered, are to be puniſht in the offenders, not reaching unto Kings: much leſs can they juſtify a war againſt them, unleſs the ſufering party have applyed themſelves to them by accuſation, proof, demand of juſtice, and after al this have been denyed it: the leaſt part whereof is not expreſt. Indeed there was once a complaint made to his Majeſty of Sweden, about the beginning of his raign, when he was ready to ſet forward to the Poliſh war: but ſuch content was immediately given them, that they deſired no more at that time: for the Subjects were forbidden to commit any ſuch thing, as we have already declared, the obſervation of Covenants was ſtraitly injoyned upon them, the care and inſpection thereof laid upon the Reſident, with power to make amends where matters were clear, and offering all juſt and uſuall redreſſe of debate and compoſition in ſuch things as required further ſearch and conſiderations. Now what could be deſired more than this? After theſe fair proceedings the complaint ceaſed, as long as they could counterfeit a ſhow of keeping peace and making a League: but ſince they have diſcovered their inclination to arms and diſenſion, for want of other cauſes to declare the ſame, they began to urge grievances afreſh. But as to that point, every thing was ready to be granted that could be deſired with any appearance of equity. And whereas the agreement between the two Kingdomes ſolemnly concluded at Stetin the year 1570. & renewed in the pacification of Bremsbro, had appointed a certain order and method of debating and determining ſuch things, his Majeſties Reſident did ſeverall times offer whatſoever was conſonant to thoſe rules, onely he required that there might be no delay in the acts of the League upon any ſuch account. But when he could not obtain this deſire, for all the equity and advantage thereof, he was ready to anſwer to what they could object, not only waitin for, but earneſtly preſſing a ſpeedy declaration of particulars. But then it plainly appeared that no ſuch thing lay before them in the Treaty, and that they were to ſeek for thoſe pretended grievances For when the Reſident both by his own induſtry, and the aſſiſtance of the Elector of Brandenburgs Ambaſſador, urged for a declaration of the grievances; he received this anſwer, That they would firſt make a collection of thoſe that concerned the Cuſtomes, but that they could not be ſo ſoon ingroſſed: ſo unready and ſo uncertain were thoſe injuries, which were inſiſted upon with ſo much clamour and violence. Which put it out of queſtion, that the Danes had made their former complaints without any certain ground; and for their preſent loud accuſations, they were rather aſhamed of them, than ſtudious of righteouſneſs and the light of truth. At laſt he confuted ſuch things as were produced, with anſwers fortified by truth and equity, that whoſoever would ballance the caſe impartially and without paſſion, could not find any juſt reaſon of accuſation, much leſs a ſufficient cauſe to begin a war.

It is enough to refer the Reader to theſe things, as they are laid down in order. Firſt of all, the things heaped together in the Daniſh Papers, beſides the bare Narration, contain nothing at all of demonſtrative verity; nor any thing probable, if you conſider that which all the world knowes, their rigorous taking notice and extorting of Cuſtoms. Who will believe, that if any abuſe had been diſcovered in that particular, the offenders had not preſently been admoniſht, corrected and puniſhed; when ſuch proceedings were uſed againſt them without reaſon, if any interpretation of the Covenants would bear it; and the ſlighteſt pretenſe that could be ſtrained, ſerved to juſtify the extremity of Law againſt the Swedes? Beſides, the delinquency objected relates to Seamen and Merchants, whoſe practice it is to ſeek their gain by any trick whatſoever; but at their own peril. It belongs not to Kings to pay thoſe ſcores, but the action is laid againſt the Defrauder onely, and that (by common uſage) in the place where Cuſtomes are taken, from whence thoſe that are eſcaped, are looked upon as clear and unpuniſhable in other parts. As the King of Denmark would be unwilling to ſtand obnoxious for the deceits of his people in forrein Cuſtomes: ſo he hath no reaſon to accuſe Sweden, if perchance their Subjects have committed any ſuch fault in other places.

But they ſay, They have oftentimes complained of thoſe things to the Swediſh Reſident, though in vain: Whereof he acknowledgeth nothing at all, beſides ſome importunate and unreaſonable exprobrations. Which is not ſtrange, ſince their complaints uſed to want nothing, but faith, right, and reaſon. And now who can ſay, that ſuch deſires could take place, being diſagreeable to covenants, and void of truth?

Two things are chiefly reproached; firſt as to Certificates, that they never came compleat and entire from the Cities where the Magiſtrates had ſigned them, to the Daniſh Cuſtomes, but with blanks firmed with the Seals of thoſe Cities; and were written or filled up by the Swediſh Miniſters, nay ſome of them made in forrein places. But it is clear and palpable to the Danes themſelves, by reaſon of ſundry and changeable occaſions and circumſtances of Traffick, eſpecially where Merchants and Merchandize come from, or are ſent to remote Countreys, that the Ships wherein they are fraighted, nay the Commodities that are laden being bought by Factors upon a general order, cannot be known in their Native Countrey; and therefore that it is impoſſible they ſhould be inſerted in Certificates, which uſe to be deſired and brought from thence for ſpecified particular Commodities, which yet do often fall out otherwiſe: nor can any other courſe be taken, but that arriving from another Countrey, they ſhould declare the condition of their Cargo, profeſs the ſame in preſence ofthe Swediſh Reſident, and ſo be regiſtred according as their reports were found true. It is a calumny and ſlander of the Cuſtomres, without any argument of truth, when they ſay that this was ever done by boys, women, or other ſtrangers, or even by the Reſidents Officers, without his own knowledge and ſpeciall command. Foraſmuch as the ſame was obſerved of old, nothing heretofore required upon that account, no fraud ever ſaid to be detected nothing otherwiſe defined upon that caſe in the Covenants, nothing contrary to them in this proceeding, nay rather ſuitable to the ninth Article of the Agreements at Bremsbro; there can be no juſt cauſe of complaint thereupon. It was long ago provided by Queen Chriſtina, that no fraudulent dealing ſhould creep in as to that particular. For ſhe ordained, that all Certificates ſhould be ſent to the Reſident remaining in Denmark, that he ſhould take care to ſee all things done righteouſly, and after his examination to deliver them into the Cuſtome-houſe Office: The integrity of which proceeding ſhe ſtrictly injoyned as well upon her Reſident as upon Cities under her Dominion.No. 24. Ever ſince that time not any one man hath been convicted or found guilty of miſcarriage in that kinde. He that beſides this providence on the Swediſh part, ſhall conſider the rigorous examinations and ſearches uſed by the Daniſh Officers of the Cuſtomes, will think it impoſſible that any room ſhould be left for fraud or abuſe.

The ſecond charge is framed out of thoſe things which ought to be obſerved by the Agreements made at Chriſtianople with the Ʋnited Netherlands 1645. about exhibiting Bills of lading. But nothing of that relates to the Subjects of Sweden, for whoſe Navigation and Traffick proviſion hath been more fully made by other Covenants; but that which was provided about Holland Ships and Merchants, is not agreeable, but contrary thereunto, nothing being thereby lyable to diſcovery but Certificates. It was therefore injurious to exact other things, and thoſe unuſual heretofore, no part whereof obliged the Northern Kingdoms: nay the agreement between them was clearly otherwiſe in expreſs terms. That his Majeſties Reſident would not conſent to ſuch things, accompanied with ſo great prejudice, nay contradicted and oppoſed them, is very unhandſomly laid to his charge. For he did but according to right, while they required him without any, to introduce ſuch things, contrary to agreements, and without any power. He proteſted while the Treaty was in hand, that to his knowledge, or by his permiſſion, nothing was ever done in favour of Strangers, or to the detriment of the Daniſh Cuſtomes; nor was there any ſubſtantial proof then produced to the contrary, and as little now in the Daniſh Papers. They onely expreſs how it troubles them, that the patience of their Officers ſhould withhold them from falling upon the Swediſh ſhips and Merchandiſe and that the liberty which the Swediſh Traffick hath gotten, makes ſuch progreſs and increaſe as moves their envy.

The damages by leſſning their Cuſtoms, are falſly objected to the Swedes, from whom they have no right, nor ever had, to require any So there can be no defrauding, where there is a confeſt immunity. If any wrong in that kind hath been done, it was by other people who were lyable to Cuſtoms; wherein it is ſo much the leſs probable that the Swedes ſhould uſe any deceit, by how much their gain would be the leſs, and their hazard the greater. It is an unſeaſonable and impertinent argument which they draw from the compariſon of traffick in the Cities of Liefland for a time; when it was charged with unreaſonable exactions, and is ſo even now after the recovery of Liberty. That doth but manifeſt, what an obſtruction to trade grew from the Daniſh Cuſtoms and vexations; which being taken away, it is no wonder that Traffick and Navigation ſhould flouriſh again, from which men were forced to forbear heretofore by reaſon of thoſe afflictions. But Cities being freed from them, could furniſh out their own ſhipping, turn into commodities the money heretofore extorted by the Danes, hope for and get more certain gains, which uſed to be cut off by vexations, delays, and law-ſutes.

But all this complaint about Grievances proceed, firſt from hence, that it vexes them at the heart, to ſee the revenues of the Sound not ſo great at this time as formerly, and that they have not ſuch a licentious power to encreaſe the ſame, and burden trade therewith, ſince Sweden hath recovered her antien liberty and the Hollanders by arms and contracts have diminiſht the extremity of thoſe exactions to about a ſixth part wherein Sweden hath taken or impaired nothing from the Danes, ſince it had antiently the poſſeſſion thereof, nor had they any right or legal cuſtome to exact it. So that all which they call damage from this ground, is really not ſo, but properly to be eſteemed the ſurceaſing of an unlawfull gain.

The other ſpring from which the Daniſh complaint flosw, is placed in the errour of an unjuſt ſuppoſition, as if that paſſage of the Sound had any right over the Swediſh Ships and Merchants; which is juſt none at all. It hath been long ſince notorious to the world, and made good by late victories (ſince which it hath been more fully reduced into Covenants) that the King of Denmark as to any thing of the Swediſh Nation hath no Dominion, juriſdiction, power of viſiting, impoſing, and exacting any thing in that Strait, more than in the open Sea. A general ordinance and confirmation of that liberty is contained in the articles of the laſt peace, limited with no exceptions, but eſtabliſht in full and ample forms: only when other nations were content to forgo part of their liberty in that particular, that a diſtinction might be made who they were, and what belonged to them, what to the Swedes, this one clauſe was granted, that Certificates (according to the manner there expreſt) ſhould be ſhown in the Office of the Daniſh Cuſtom-houſe concerning thoſe things which the Swedes, would affirm to be theirs. In all other reſpects the immunity and freedom was intire, impeacht in no particular, but left without any charge; ſo that the Danes have not a ſyllable of right to ſet up againſt it. Whatſoever therefore is exacted or impoſed more than this, is unjuſt, and improperly called a grievance where no ſuch title is allowed of. But Sweden hath better grounds of a juſt complaintin many things ſlyly and treacherouſly offered to infringe & diminiſh thoſe rights of liberty contrary to convenants.

Theſe cloſe deſigns began to take effect the very next years after the peace of Bremsbro, when the Swediſh ſhips were brought under the ſlavery of being viſited, from which by the tenor of the pacification they ought to be free; by this ſubtlety, that the Certificate being readily accepted of, as it were out of ſingular reſpect to the Swedes, their requeſt of letters of conduct was prevented by the viſitors making haſt with them to the Swediſh ſhip, or that which was laden with Swediſh goods, and there while he offered them, under the pretenſe of obſerving the building of the ſhip, or ſome other thing, eſpecially if there was any forrein commodity there, he would ſearch and pry into every part of the ſhip. Hence they took occaſion to queſtion ſome of thoſe things they found, to render them ſuſpected upon ſlight cavills, to bring them under inquiſition and other ſutes from which they were expreſly exempted by the law of the peace, and the mean while to detain and vex the ſhip with great prejudice and incommodity. Then they aſſumed to themſelves the examination of certificates, and if they failed in the leaſt tittle, Cuſtom was required, not regarding that the ſaid Certificates were by the agreement left to the truſt & care of the Magiſtrates in every place, free from ſearching, & not preſently to be charged with Cuſtom upon a ſmall defect, or miſtake, when the truth & reality ſufficiently appeared otherwiſe. Moreover when ſhips returned from Portugal or other far remote countreys, if Certificates were not inſtantly ready in the Sound (which they would have to be ſent thither, and wait there) but were prevented by the proſperouſneſs of the voyage, they would not allow time to expect them, nor a harmleſs ſtay in a common road till they were brought, but the ſpace of twenty four hours was ſet, within which if they were not exhibited, neglecting and refuſing their intreaty for a ſuſpenſe till the arrival of the ordinary poſt, Cuſtome was demanded with threats to be carried away into the port at Copenhaguen; when, notwithſtanding the ſhewing of them was not limited to a certain time in any of the covenants, yet was uſurped here in the open Sea and upon the coaſt, which ought to be free from every man. If any thing was found in the ſhips beſides what belonged to the Swedes, under that pretenſe even that alſo which was theirs, contrary to the Law of the covenants was made obnoxious to viſitation (which the ſaid covenants did generally forbid) with a twofold great inconvenience following thereupon; for firſt that examination was differred till all the other ſhips were viſited, the ſhip being in the mean while hindred a long time from her intended voyage; ſecondly the making up of the accounts was committed to ſome citizens under a charge and expenſe which they call writing and counting money, ſometimes greater then the Cuſtoms themſelves. When theſe things were not ſufficient for their deſignes, in the year 1649. by a treaty of Redemption (as they call it) concluded with the States of the Ʋnited Netherlands, whereby they did as it were rent or farm the Cuſtoms, the Danes committed far more intolerable breaches againſt the covenants. To ſay nothing of the many and great prejudices which were hereupon exerciſed upon the liberty of the Baltick Sea, and the ancient Royalties of the Northern Kingdoms, by this covenant of Redemption there was obliquely intended againſt Sweden an impoſition of that cuſtom and moleſtation, the right or duty whereof that Crown had nevr conſented to bring upon its ſubjects; nay, thereby they aimed almoſt at a totla abrogation and voiding of the agreement of Bremsbro. Ships and goods were charged upon another account in Holland, and ſeveral wayes in the Sound: In Holland under pretence of haven-right, the freedom agreed and eſtabliſht was not allowed to thoſe that arrived there: in the Sound, veſſels that were paſſing to other places were not diſmiſt upon ſhewing their Certificates at the cuſtome houſe Office (as the expreſs words of the covenants run) but they were remitted to ſhew them before the Holland cuſtomers; and if they refuſed ſo to do, made cuſtomable, detained, and puniſht; ſubject alſo to their vifitations; examination, troubles and Law-ſuits, if any Swediſh commodities were fraighted in Holland ſhips, as if their liberty from thenceforth ceaſt: Whatſoever theſe men impoſed, ours were forced to ſuffer. Thence came burdens and charges to be doubled, which ought not to be ſingle. The inconveniencies whereof the Queen explained in two letters the tenth and ſeventeenth of May 1651 ( N. 25. , and N. 26.) which ſhee writ with a deſire to remove them. We will not detain the reader with a recital of the arreſts, proceſſes, impoſitions, nay ſeiſures after they were out of the Sound, detentions, and confiſcations, wherewith the Swediſh ſhips and goods have been moleſted ever ſince; The Danes themſelves are not ignorant hereof, when more then once a juſt and better obſervation of covenants hath been required at their hand for theſe very cauſes; ſometimes the injurie hath been confeſt, and reſtitution followed; ſometimes alſo but a reparation of dammages, and an amendment of exorbitancies promiſed. Some mention thereof you will find in the grevances preſented to the Daniſh ambaſſadours at Stockholm 1653. N 27. you will find their acknowledgement of the injuſtice by their anſwer the 14. of March N. 28. and by the Swediſh commiſſioners reply the 28. of March N. 29. which things are further witneſſed as well by their ill obſervation of covenants, alledging grievances to no purpoſe and without proof, as by their endeavours to hinder and deſtroy the Swediſh commerce.

That after the laſt peace with the States of the united Netherlands ſomething was concluded or offered to free the Swedes abſolutely from exactions in the Sound, is untruly urged. There was no need of that long before, when the Swedes many years paſt had publiſht, and both by their publick writings, and at laſt by arms defended this judgement againſt the Danes, that they had neither right nor reaſon to exact a chargeable cuſtom for a paſſage onely (without any benefit of landing) in the open Sea, whereof that ſtait is a part. Nor is it unknown to the world, that when the Hollanders would endure that ſlavery no longer, they rather invited Swedland, then we them, to a league for aſſerting the common liberty ſo much oppreſt by the Danes.

From this point the Daniſh papers go on to that cauſe which paſt between the king and the Lord high Steward of Denmark, or Rixhofemaſter Corfitz Ʋlefeld, objecting that it was contrary to ther peace, that he was entertained in the Kingdom of Swedland, that he obtained a ſafe, and not the Royal favour, that he was neither delivered nor expelled at the requeſt of the Danes. All that upon this occaſion relates to theſe times, wherein the moſt Serene Lady Queen governed the Kingdom of Swedland. Both her Majeſty N. 30. and the Counſel of the kingdom of Swedland N. 31. anſwered to the letters of the King, and counſel of Denmark written upon that ſubject. From whence it appears, that as they would not be engaged in the cauſe ſo they could not deprive an unconvicted perſon of the right of protection. And when after that declaration of right and equity they inſiſted no further at that time, they have no pretence to take up that now as a cauſe of making war againſt his Majeſty which was done in the raign of another. To receive a man into ſecurity who is fled from his own countrey, not by reaſon of a legal condemnation, but for fear of his adverſaries, is not againſt the law of nations, but ſuitable to humanity, full of examples amongſt princes and nations, and agreeable to the covenants between the Kingdomes. For in thoſe concluded at Stetin 1570. For the peace of the kingdoms, it was mutually reſolved in the fourteenth Article N. 32. as the words bear it, thus; That ſuch of the Nobility or commonalty as ſhould fall into the Kings diſpleaſure for a fault laid to their charge, if to avoid his indignation they ſhould retire themſelves out of one Kingdom into the other, and deſire to partake of the rights there, then they ſhould enjoy ſafe paſſeport, that other Kings ſecurity, peace, and protection: but that the King, whoſe ſubjects they were, might adminiſter legal execution of juſtice againſt them according to allegations and proofs. The Danes accuſing of us for the reception of this man hath ſo much the leſſe juſtice in it, becauſe they cannot be ignorant, how often exiles of Sweden have not onely been received and kindly uſed in Denmark, but alſo preferred to Offices and dignities. But as the firſt part of the fore recited Article could not be denyed to a man that was next in degree to the King in Denmark, and heretofore the firſt in his favour and ſecrets, honoured there for ſervices to his countrey, and not of obſcure fame abroad, not yet condemned or convicted of any crimes that could deſerve ſo ſevere a proſecution; as (I ſay) this could not be denied him out of commiſeration of his fortune, without a breach of the Lawes of humanity: ſo the latter part was offered by her Majeſty to the King and Counſel of Denmark. When thereupon he made himſelf ready for his defence, the Qu. intimated the ſame to Peter Juel, at that time Daniſh Reſident in the Court of Sweden, who ſolicited the cauſe againſt him, that he might hear it, make his anſwer, and take notice of her Majeſties inclination to juſt proceedings. But he, as it were diſcordered, flung out of the preſence in wrath, without the modeſty fit for a Reſident, or the reſpect due to the Queen It happened while theſe things paſt, that the Lord high Steward made uſe of certain proofs from letters, preſently to refute ſuch matters as had been objected againſt him at another time: ſpecially whereas he was charged to have entered a great ſum of money upon the accounts, and made deduction therof, which yet the man to whom it ſhould have been paid, ſaid he had not received it; he made the contrary appear by the acquittance and letters of thoſe that were to have the ſaid money, and ſhewed the falſhood of the accuſation. By refuſing the offered tryal, what elſe could be collected, but that the Danes would have him accuſed, ſo as he might not be convicted; condemned, ſo as he might not bee heard, nor make his defence; ejected and puniſht, ſo as the truth of the fact might never come to light. Which things ſince they are not permitted by divine and humane Law, her Majeſty could not conſent to ſuch a deſire; nor the Daniſh zeal juſtly argue, that it was misbecoming the dignity of a King to plead againſt his Subjects in another place, ſeeing it was ſo ordained by the Agreements; nor is it lawful for any King to uſe his abſolute authority in anothers Kingdom, and to oppreſs a man unheard and undefended, though the ſuit be againſt his own Subject. It is not unuſual, nor taken to be againſt the dignity of Superiours, that Kings ſhould make proceſs againſt their exiled Subjects in the Territories of other Kings, as it is ſhown by infinite examples in Hiſtory. That no other proceeding may be allowed in Sweden, it appears out of the foreſaid pacification of Stetin, which preſcribes the manner thereof. When beſide, nay againſt Covenants, a man that was preſent, accuſed as guilty, and offering himſelf to trial, not without a fair ſhow of confidence, was yet refuſed the hearing of his defence, nor any thing proved that was alledged againſt him, nay the legal adminiſtration of juſtice declined; all this could not but move the Queen and Counſel of the Kingdom to the equity of protection againſt paſſionate and blind perſecution, all equall and impartial judges to the preſumption of his innocence, and all other perſons to favour and good will towards a man otherwiſe eminent for wit, qualities, and experience. Indeed the Danes declared their opinion N. 33. out of the 21. Article of the ſaid Covenants, that all extremity was forthwith to be uſed againſt him, by reaſon of a Writing he ſet forth, but impertinently; That proviſional clauſe ſpeaks of contumelious and reproachful Pamphlets; not to be inflicted but upon thoſe that write and publiſh ſcandalous papers, fraught with affronts, diſgraces, and infamy; and indeed, if the Subjects of one Kingdom do ſo againſt the King and Inhabitants of another. Now whereas in this caſe there was a controverſie betwixt the King and his principal Miniſter and Subject, and betwixt the Noblemen and one of their fellow Peers, therefore it was to be proſecuted not by the Covenants, but by Law, according to the 24. Article. The writing came forth not in the nature of a ſcandalons Libel, but under the title of an Apology; and ſo, that the Writer ſeems to have publiſht it, not to rail upon the King and Kingdom, but to defend himſelf and his cauſe, and to maintain his reputation. Eſpecially ſeeing it was oppoſed to another writing, which the King had ſet forth in print before, purporting the charge againſt him. Whereby ſince the King had committed that cauſe to the judgement of the world by a publick accuſation, and as it were challenged him; it appeared not how he was guilty of a ſcandalous detraction, while after the pattern ſet before him, he was willing in like manner to expoſe the neceſſity and ſubject of his defence unto the world; and if he deſired to be thought an honeſt man, he could not decline that way of publick judgement begun by the King. They do him wrong to object, that any thing was done or omitted otherwiſe, then the common cauſe of Kings, the rights of Commonalty, and the merits of the fact required; while that was offered in Swedland, which is agreeable to the order of judgements, and tenor of Covenants, both which was neglected and ſcorned by the Danes, withdrawing the matter in queſtion from a legal inquiry of truth, and intending all things not for adminiſtration of juſtice, but the ſatisfying of paſſion, which ought not to be admitted by a juſt Prince, ſtudious to obſerve agreements.

Foraſmuch as relates to Memmius Burin her Majeſties Secretarie in the Dukedome of Bremen, the King of Denmark doth indeed tax him with an undue departure, but hath not yet made it appear to be ſo. When Peter Juel the Daniſh Reſident in the Court at Stockholm gave notice thereof, her Majeſty commanded him to repair into Swedland to anſwer for himſelf. Upon which ſummons he appeared, as relying upon the integrity of his conſcience; upon his appearance he produced cauſes why there was no reaſon to believe ſuch an imputation againſt him. And when the grounds and arguments of his defence were communicated to the Reſident, he offered nothing to the contrary, but reſted content, honouring him with his table and converſation, as a perſon guiltleſſe, and giving him hopes of re-reconciliation. When the ſame man was preſented by her Majeſty in right of the Directory of to the Secretarieſhip of the circle of Lower Saxony, he entred upon and perſormed that Office, the King of Denmarks Ambaſſador being preſent, and moving nothing thereupon. Neither did the Queen ſuperſede the inquiſition, which ſhee committed to certain Counſellours and other Officers of the Kingdom, to ſee if there were any ground why he ſhould be accuſed, diſcharged of his Office, and puniſht; but no ſalſhood or crime could be diſcovered: Thus much onely appeared, that he was indeed called to undertake ſome employment under the principal Secretary: but that he was never actually placed therein by the preſent King, onely put to bee Governour of a certain Nobleman in his travels; in the mean time while he was abſent, being traduced by malicious enemies, he often deſired to be diſmiſt, and when he could get no anſwer to his deſires, being as it were forſaken, he at laſt ſubmitted to the neceſſity of undertaking another condition after the forementioned, which he could not but attribute to providence amongſt ſuch occurrences. Beſides which, when the accuſed perſons probable allegations were juſtified by theſe arguments of his Innocence, the ſilence of the accuſer, the inconſtancie and alteration of matters objected, and the preſumption of letting the accuſation fall: to condemn a man in other things of ſpotleſſe life and clear reputation, not confeſſing nor convicted, or to deprive him of his Office and Dignities as one condemned, and deliver him into the hands of an enraged King, would have been repugnant to the laws of juſtice.

The reſt of their accuſations, which are related, proceeded upon no better terms nor arguments: whereunto a refuſal of Juſtice cannot be alleadged, when nothing was either juſtly demanded or proved. He hath little reaſon to deſire favour from a Judge, that doth not himſelf perform the duty of a fair accuſer.

Furthermore, many things are enviouſly alledged, of a deſire to enlarge the Kingdome, and encreaſe the traffick of Cities under its dominion; which ſavours of a ſuſpicious and jealous diſpoſition, but makes nothing to juſtifie a War. For they tend onely to raiſe hatred, and foment malignity; but when they meet with juſt and right judgements, they fail even of that end. But moſt of them are feigned and contrived, never to be made good by creditable proofs; eſpecially ſuch things as are caſt out about ſecret plottings and deſigns in emulation, and to the diſadvantage of neighbours: They will never be able to produce reſolved counſels, or inſtructions containing ſuch reſults, as they have largely, but vainly heaped together, about the prejudice of Trade. They to whom they ſay ſuch things were communicated, are ignorant of them; and wiſe men will never believe otherwiſe, but that either the Danes deſire to abuſe others in thoſe particulars, or are abuſed themſelves by too much credulity. It is evident what it is that wounds the Danes; that Sweden is ſo zealous and ſucceſsfull in their prudent Counſels, to preſerve hitherto the common freedom of Trade, and a better conſtitution within the bounds of their own Dominions: the firſt whereof hath turned to the benefit of the European World, beſides the withſtanding of the Danes immoderate increaſe of Cuſtoms and burdens upon Navigation; the other is as profitable for the enlargement of the Kingdom, and the intereſts of the Subjects: Yet all this without injury to any one. What Nation hath not an inherent juſtice and right to attend and watch for their own and their Subjects advantages? Traffick is laid in common, ſubject to nothing but induſtry, leſt free by the Law of Nations, that every man may as freely and lawfully derive his profit from thence, as take water from the Sea. That care and induſtry is not bound to old rules, but admits of alterations with the change of times and occaſions. How many innovations hath Denmark it ſelf, Norway, both ſeen and introduced? If we may enter into compariſons, to whom the common care and advancement of Trade owes moſt, to the Swedes or the Danes; the greateſt obſtructions and detriments will be found to have been eaſt in by them, and removed by us. What the condition of the Baltick Sea, and of the Hanſe Towns ſituate thereupon, and what the dangers of thoſe that ſailed therein were 30. years ago, occaſioned by the war and peace betwixt the Danes and the Emperour, they can tell, who remember the ports blockt up, the Sea ſwarming with Pirates, prodigious titles of dominion taken up by others upon the ſame Sea, and both deſigns and endeavours to bring it for the time to come under the Spaniſh yoak. All which when the King of Denmark, forſaking both the publick cauſe, and that of his Friends and Allies, upon the peace made at Lubeck had left without reparation, or reſtauration to the former ſtate; by the bloud and valour of the Swedes things were repaired, and again brought to that paſs, that while the Germane War continued, nothing was unſafe or attempted upon the Trade of the Baltick Sea, but what proceeded from the Danes; and when the peace was concluded, the former power and vigour was reſtored to Sea, Rivers, and Lands by the compoſition of Oſnabrug. What ſtops and hindrances were thrown in the way of that Treaty, by the Cuſtoms introduced in the Sound againſt the Law and uſage of Nations, and the ſame ſo often innovated, encreaſed, and by ſtrange wayes exacted, appears by the long complaint of other Countreys, ſpecially of Poland and the Ʋnited Netherlands; but it was Sweden by whoſe means that immoderate exceſs was brought to reaſon and remedy, as the Acts of the year 1645. and the promiſes which the King of Denmark thereupon made to the Swedes and Hollanders while the pacification was making at Bremsbro and Chriſtianople, do ſufficiently teſtifie. And there indeed the ſhoe wrings them, that a bar ſhould be ſet up againſt their boundleſs licentiouſneſs.

We paſs over other things, as not judging it worthy the pains to anſwer them; and being ſo deſtitute of truth, they are denied with as great eaſe, as they are objected. It hath not, nor cannot be made good, that there was ever any intention to ſue in the Emperours Court for an Inveſtiture of the Baltick Sea. It is as great a ſtupidity to believe it, as an abſurdity to ſay it; when without any ſuch thing not onely all the right of dominion that could be thereby deſired, was of old due to the Kingdom of Sweden, and more fully then any Inveſtiture could make it, and that the Northern Kingdoms never granted the Emperor any power upon that Sea but when he would have uſurped the ſame about thirty years ago, the moſt glorious King of Sweden oppoſed him, and by Arms defended both his own right and the Baltick liberty. The manner of the Inveſtiture is expreſt in the Inſtrument of peace, which there was never any intention to exceed.

They write with no other ſtyle of truth and credit concerning the Swedes interpoſing in buſineſſes between the King of Denmark and his kinſmen, concealing names and circumſtances. There is as little knowledge to be had of the things, as they relate them, as of the parties they forbear to name; all which will doubtleſs be ſuſpected by avoiding the light, and being ſo wrapt up in obſcurity. If perchance they mean hereby that which paſt heretofore about the juriſdiction of Swabſtet, and the rights of the moſt Serene Duke of Holſtein upon the Biſhoprick of Sleſwick, their diſcourſe is very much out of the way from that buſineſs: For the Swedes neither took upon them any judgement thereof, nor was War threatned upon that account, nor was any endeavour uſed to diſſwade an amicable compoſition, or a lawful deciſion. But rather her Majeſty out of the reſpect of friendſhip and neighbourhood earneſtly recommended that controverſie to the Daniſh Ambaſſadors, that differences might be compoſed upon equal terms ſweetly, as between kinſmen, and without further difficulty or bitterneſs of contention.

Of like nature is that which is ſaid concerning a deſign of invading the County of Delmenhorſt, and of orders given to that purpoſe; as alſo about diſputing the title of Dithmarſe: all without the leaſt juſtification of truth. Without queſtion a ſcruple of conſcience was the cauſe of that ſuſpicion, and that ſuſpicion thruſt forth an expreſſion of what was juſtly feared; ſince the King of Denmark is not ignorant of the rights which the Dominion of Bremen hath upon both thoſe lands: As how the County of Delmenhorſt was of old a Fee of the Archbiſhoprick, N. 34. and there yet remains an action againſt the Counts of Oldenburg for a fraudulent uſurpation upon that right; and when Chriſtian the laſt of the Counts of Delmenhorſt departed this life, the Chapter oppoſed the Counſellors of the Count that ſucceeded, by making a Proteſtation and a reſervation of their right: Then how Dithmarſe N. 35. was violently rent from the Archbiſhoprick within theſe hundred years, the inhabitants thereof invaded by arms, and forced to obedience, how the Archbiſhops complaining to the Emperour of the injury, deſired his aid againſt their powerfull adverſary, and reſerved their rights purloined and abuſed by the craft and hypocrifie of the Danes N. 36. Laſtly, although when the Archbiſhoprick came to the Princes of Holſtein, and thenceforward for the intereſt of their Houſe the controverſie lay a good while covered under the aſhes of ſilence, yet was it never to this day totally extinguiſht, nor did the Arch. Biſhops or all the States renounce their rights.

They reckon amongſt their imputations thoſe letters, which his Majeſties Ambaſſador in Germany, Count John Oxenſtiern (out of that care of preſerving peace which is incumbent upon the Office of an Ambaſſador) writ from Wiſmar the 26. of February, 1657. to the Lords Directors of the Circle of Lower Saxony, at that time when the war was already reſolved in Denmark, and matters were very near breaking out into hoſtility. N. 37. They contain nothing but what agrees with the Inſtrument of peace, and whereunto the States of the Circle were bound without any other excitation, as well by the Conſtitutions of the Empire publiſht for the execution of the general peace, and ſo many times confirmed, as from the Warrantie promiſed to the King and Kingdom of Sweden in the laſt pacification. For thoſe Conſtitutions do principally oblige the Circle and ordain, that by their providence diſturbances may be prevented, and the lands ſituate under them defended againſt violence. How neceſſary theſe rules were, appears by the ſequel; how beneficial not onely to the Territories of his Majeſty and neighbours, but even to thoſe that the King of Denmark holds in Germany, if they had their force and authority, is evidently perceived by the damages and inconveniences cauſed by the Danes raſhneſſe, and by thoſe we have juſt reaſon ſtill to expect. There is that conſidence to be repoſed upon the conſent of the States of the Empire (if they would not ſuffer the paſſion of the Danes to prevail over their reaſon in this particular) that as there is no man but will diſapprove and take to heart the invaſion of the Imperial Provinces, and the bringing of a War upon Germany; ſo he will think it well done, to give provident and timely admonitions for averting the violation of the publick peace. Nor was there any other thing declared, as well in the anſwer of the Lords Directors, N. 38. as in that which they and the Supreme Officers of the Circular Militia out of their care of the common tranquillity writ to the King of Denmark. N. 39. and afterwards took upon them to do it. The King of Denmark hath no reaſon to think that Letter was framed to render him odious; which could never have been done ſo effectually and deeply by a writing intended to a good end, as he hath drawn it upon himſelf from the poverty, deſtruction, waſting and ruine of ſo many innocent men and Countries by his inconſiderate Arms, ſeeing all thoſe evils muſt be charged upon his ſcore, that follow the precipitation of his attempts, and the neceſſity of a defence.

The objection of not obſerving the laws of the Empire concerns other people; neither doth it appear by what right that charge is made without authority from them; the raſhneſs of the action onely is evident, while the parties concerned are ſilent, becauſe in truth there is no ſuch matter, nor any ground for a complaint. It is not yet out of the memory of man, what the Empire and the States thereof, nay what the common Liberty and ſecurity loſt by that war and peace made by the King of Denmark in Germany, nor what they regained by the bloud and labour of the Swedes. The laſt peace viſibly declares, that the Kingdom of Sweden deſired not to diminiſh any thing of the ancient Rights belonging to Germany and its States; whatſoever remained of that kind, was carefully reſtored, guarded, and confirmed. We are content the publick acts ſhould bear teſtimony, how the Swediſh Counſels and votes in the Aſſemblies of the States of the Empire, and of Deputies, yea and of the Circles too, have alwayes been carefully directed and given for peace and publick ſafety. That which of late years the Circle of Lower Saxony decreed at Luneburg and Brunſwick, was concluded, the King as Duke of Bremen not gainſaying, nor diſſenting from the major part of votes, nay happily directing and encouraging them in the laſt Aſſembly, when the Ambaſſador of Daniſh-Holſtein raiſed no ſmall ſtrife and diſturbance, and ſtubbornly oppoſed the Circular defenſe well agreed on before; which being referred thither by the laſt Diet, was diligently treated, and as much as in him lay, brought to effect. Hitherto no man hath been heard but the Dane, nor he neither till he would be an enemy, that could ſay he had received any offenſe.

That the raiſing of Souldiers in Germany for the Poliſh War ſhould entrench upon the Conſtitutions of the Empire, is an unjuſt objection; while he himſelf doth that againſt a Member-State of the Empire and its Provinces, which he blames for being done againſt a forrein enemy to no prejudice of the Empire at all: Thus he hath not obſerved what he requires of another. But further, the objection is ignorant; by the publick right of the Empire it is permitted within the limits thereof even to forrein Princes and people, held to be a point of the Germane liberty, never denyed to any but declared enemies of the Empire, and practiſed by many even to this very day. Their haſty cenſure runs in a very quick ſtream, gathering together thoſe things which are of obligation to ſtrangers that make Levies in Germany. The application whereof, as they make it, is incongruous; ſeeing his Majeſty as a State and Member of the Empire, brought his ſouldiers into his own Provinces, and maintained them there without inconvenience to any one, till they were drawn from thence; and then obtained no more then a harmleſs peaceable paſſage not to be denied to any man by the law of nations, and permitted even to forrein forces by the Conſtitutions of the Empire, yet ſo as he both requeſted it of his neighbours, and they as readily granted it. All this while nothing was done but what was agreeable to the ordinance of publick peace and the execution thereof, as alſo to the Inſtrument of peace. But if the inſolence of ſouldiers went a little beyond their bounds, that was beſides his Majeſties intentions, and contrary to his command. It was alwayes thought fit to appoint ſome to overſee their march, and to provide by orders and Commanders a means to withſtand and puniſh their extravagancies. It doth not appear, nor will be believed, that ever the ſouldiers paſt by the Kings command through the King of Denmarks Countries, or that they were landed upon his coaſt. It was alſo againſt the Kings will, if notice thereof were not given. Neither was there ever any complaint made or mentioned of ſuch things heretofore. Yet how innocent our march hath been through the Daniſh Countreys, their own Papers ſhew, alledging nothing of damages, when otherwiſe they uſe to omit nothing even of the lighteſt moment. But it imports not much that they paſt ſo quietly, where there was neither danger, nor ſubject of offenſe. But it looks maliciouſly, to complain of an innocent taking of that which is to be denyed to no man.

We cannot ſee by what authority the Danes take upon them to ſcoff and abuſe the Imperial Inveſtiture, as not taking effect. Neither is it to any purpoſe to anſwer their curioſity in a thing wherein they are not concerned.

Much alike is that clauſe, that touches the laying aſide that controverſie about the City of Bremen; ridiculous, for the clawing flattery misbeſeeming a King; and no leſſe unhan from, for the prevarication. That State which he had formerly impugned with the hoſtility of his pen, and his father by Arms, which afterwards he would have had convicted, furniſhing the Queen with evidences againſt it; he now takes patronage of the ſame, that by ſoothing allurements he may ſtir it up to rebellion and breach of covenants. Nor is it unknown, what more hath been acted in his name to weaken the fidelity and conſtancie of the City. But it is to no purpoſe to plead that cauſe with a perſon, that hath no intereſt at all therein. His Majeſty ſhowed by the compoſition he made, how much he reſpected the peace of Germany and the ſafety of the City, when at that time he wanted not ſtrength to decide the controverſie another way. But the King of Denmark declares, how glad he would be to have the difference revived, their loyalty corrupted, and the City in confuſion, that what he could not do by right and the power of his arms, he may bring about by his ſubtill arts and treacherous practiſes.

Concerning the Mannors of Ralſwick and Strew in Rugen, the caſe ſtands thus: Thoſe lands were anciently the Biſhop of Roſchilds, to whoſe Dioceſe that Iſland belonged in the time of Popery, but lay within the Territory of the Princes of Rugen, and ſo were ſituate under, and ſubject to their Territorial Soverainty. But afterwards in the Reformation when the Eccleſiaſtical conſtitution of Germany had ſuſpended the Churches juriſdiction, and tranſlated the care of religion, with what appertained thereunto, into a right of the States of the Empire, from that time the goods of the Church, as part of the Territory, following the rights thereof, the moſt Illuſtrious Princes of Pomerania thereupon thought the foreſaid Mannors fell to their lot. But becauſe the King of Denmark aſſuming to himſelf the ancient rights of the Biſhop or Roſchild, oppoſed their title, a controverſie aroſe between them, which was at laſt determined at Kiel in Holſtein, in the year 1570. N. 40. after this manner, That the propriety and profit of the Mannors, and right of conferring them upon others, ſhould belong to the Kings of Denmark; but the Superiority and Dominion ſhould remain to the Dukes, ſo that being as it were ſituate in their Territory, hey ſhould be ſubject to their juriſdiction, and to Provincial charges. Nor had they any particular priviledge of immunity either before or after this agreement, but excepting what was left to the Kings of Denmark, they were in the ſame condition with the reſt of the inhabitants and lands. As long as that Iſland in the time of the Germane war was held by the Crown of Sweden upon occaſion of covenants and right, thoſe Mannors continued free from military taxes, and that was granted in regard of friendſhip with the King of Denmark: But ever ſince Rugen became a Fee of the Kingdom of Sweden by the Peace of Oſnabrug, and all matters were ordered no longer by right of War but of Territory, it was reaſonable that ſuch provincial duties as are laid upon other Mannors ſhould be performed by thoſe, in the ſame manner as by the reſt that are ſubject to Territorial right and power; beſides that the inhabitants petitioned more then once, that the indulgence of paſt years might be no longer continued to their oppreſſion. Now ſeeing there appeared neither covenant for, nor foundation of any priviledge, and ſeeing a requeſt or proteſtation ought not to be any longer admitted (by way of juſtice, contrary to the tenor of the foreſaid agreement) to the prejudice of Territorial rights, & the burdening of other inhabitants of the Province; how can juſtice be ſaid to be denied, where there was none at all, or an impoſition be noiſed for a grievance, where there neither was nor appears any exemption?

Thoſe things which are afterwards intermingled concerning the breach of liberties and rights of the Swediſh ſubjects, and the burdens laid upon them, are brought to no other end, but that their incitements and provocations of that people to diſobedience and rebellion might find the readlier ſucceſs. We neither know nor believe, that they have appointed the King of Denmark to be their advocate. And it is held a treſpaſs of a high nature amongſt Soverain Princes, for a man of his own head to negotiate the affairs of another Kings ſubjects. For after the bounds of Dominions and Kingdomes are once ſet, and from thenceforward the care of every Prince confined to his own, and reſtrained from another mans ſubjects, Divine and humane Laws, the conſent of Nations, the common intereſt of Kings, reaſon, cuſtom, and the tacite agreements of ſocieties, beſides the Conſtitutions of the Empire, have condemned ſuch kind of buſie ſollicitations and ſought patronages. The treacherous deſigns and falſe colours whereof without queſtion they underſtand by this time, ſince they find the incommodities of a War ſo raſhly brought upon them, the cruelty of the Danes, dangers and charges • encreaſed pon them for defenſe againſt irruptions and running invaſions; and that the Danes are the onely cauſe of all theſe miſchiefs. And ſeeing a deliverance from theſe miſeries cannot be hoped but by an end of the Daniſh vexations, they will think it concerns them to oppoſe their attempts the more vigorouſly. We do not adde, with what fallacious and vain oſtentation theſe things are written by the King of Denmark, while every one ſees the miſerable condition of his own Subjects groaning under far greater burdens and inconveniencies, that they live almoſt without juſtice, liberty, or a competency of livelyhood, ſubject to the ambition and avarice of a few, ſighing and panting after better things, but while the War laſts expecting little ſupport and no relief from him, and when it is ended, nothing but that tyranny and ſlavery which he hath long aimed at.

At laſt a pretenſe is raked out of thoſe things that paſt with the Dantzickers, when yet nothing can be pickt from thence, that is not juſtifiable by the Law of Nations, and deſervedly inflicted upon them, nothing that the King of Denmark can pretend with equity to vindicate by Arms without prejudice to the publick. The Counſel of Sweden declared as much by their Letters written by way of Anſwer to the Counſel of Denmark in the year, 1656. N. 41. To which he replied nothing in his anſwer returned the 26. of April, in the year following, but that he excuſed their bold and ſtubborn reſiſtance from the allegiance that City ought to the King of Poland, adding nothing how it concerns the King of Denmark, nor of the right that involves the Subjects and adherents of enemies, and what means ought to be uſed againſt them. By an old Law of Nations practiced time out of mind, whereby Subjects become obnoxious to thoſe actions of War in which Kings are engaged, and are dealt withall by the Law of Arms, after his Majeſty had accepted of a deciſion by the Sword betwixt him and Poland, he might lawfully invade a City ſubject to their power, and favouring their injuſtices: and ſo much the rather, becauſe it had formerly been in part an occaſion of that War; and whereas before the truce it was obliged to the Kingdom of Sweden to run the hazard of their fortune, after the ſame was broken by the treachery and plots of their adverſaries, it ought to return to its former condition, and ſo might moſt juſtly be reduced. But though his Majeſty might well enough have made it the firſt ſtep of his military Engagement, and had right to invade it as an enemies place, yet he dealt ſo graciouſly, that in regard of Religion, neighbourhood, and traffick, he ſuffered his Reſident and others, if they would timely provide for their own quiet and ſafety, to make them fair offers, and ſuch as were accompanied with no prejudice, upon condition they would forbear hoſtility, neither abetting his enemies with favour and aſſiſtance, nor diſobliging him. But when they refuſed that, and not onely entertained an union of affections and counſels with the enemies, but turned all their abuſive and treacherous helps upon the Swediſh part, all their reall courteſies upon the Polanders, it was impoſſible to avoid the exerciſing of juſtice upon a declared enemy. And yet that was done with great moderation, rather to ſweeten their minds, and induce them to a care of their ſafety, then to bring ruine upon their City. Neither was there any ſtop or prejudice upon their Trade, which his Majeſty left free, and no man excluded, though he might juſtly have forbidden it. Only he was neceſſitated to impoſe Cuſtom, but that very eaſie and moderate, for preventing their malicious attempts, and maintaining a Navy to watch againſt the ſame. Which ſurely is not to be blamed, when it hath been a practice in all ages with Kings and Nations, abſolutely to block up their enemies Ports, to hinder the importation of Commodities and all Trading with them, to puniſh their Navigations with the confiſcation of Ships and goods. Neither have any people ever ſuffered it to be brought in queſtion, whether ſuch proceedings are juſt againſt the Subjects, Cities, and Ports of enemies. When his Majeſty declining the uſe of that right, left Trading free and ſecure in an enemies Countrey under ſo ſmall Cuſtom, he could not perſwade himſelf any man would be ſo unreaſonable, as not to think they were bound readily to acknowledge they had a very good bargain, enjoying the liberty of traffick upon ſuch eaſie terms, contrary to the cuſtom of War. Beſides, they needed not to have paid it, if they would have been content to forbear Trading, as is uſuall in the time of hoſtility. It is not unknown, how far greater Taxes have heretofore been impoſed by others without any juſt ground. Whatever was done in this caſe, the Law of War will juſtifie; but that leſs was done then might have been, appears by what others uſe to do, which hitherto we have not practiced. Much of this civility in theſe matters was upon the ſcore of friendſhip with neighbour States, and particularly of that which was thought to continue ſtill with the King of Denmark. For aſſoon as it was underſtood that he took offenſe thereat, although none was given him, that ſmall impoſition was forborn, and the Fleet drawn off. Moreover, during the Treaty with the Ambaſſadors of the Lords States of the Ʋnited Netherlands held and accompliſht at Elbing, room was left open for the foreſaid City to be comprehended, that in the very heat of War it might have enjoyed Peace and all its advantages, and that no man might complain of any want or obſtruction of Trade. N. 42. Nor was it refuſed, if the Dane had been ſo pleaſed, that the ſame ſhould be inſerted into thoſe agreements which were in hand with him at that time. But as the King of Denmark employed his uttermoſt induſtry to hinder the ratification of the league renewed with the Hollanders, ſo by his crafty inſinuations he moved and encouraged that City rather to put it ſelf upon the hazard of War, then to enjoy peace with a continued and flouriſhing Trade by the agreements of Elbing. Which intention of his that he might the better compaſs, when the Swediſh Fleet was totally withdrawn from before that Port, he both permitted the Holland men of War to paſs the Sound as it were to beſet the ſame Port, and cauſed his own likewiſe to come up, juſt as the Treaty was brought to a concluſion. The event clearly ſhowed, what he did contrary to the deſire of Peace and the obligation of good neighbourhood, and what effect it had in a City brought into confuſion by his artifices. Which Peace being firſt ſcornfully rejected, and afterwards violently oppoſed by them, made them unworthy of the benefit that had been offered. When therefore under pretenſe of loyalty (as it were due to the King of Poland, but not ſo punctually obſerved heretofore, if we may believe Hiſtory) they thought fit to uſe hoſtility, and run upon furious affaults, all that was lawfull againſt enemies, might juſtly and deſervedly fall upon their heads. And ſeeing it were but juſtice to deſtroy them, being ſo obſtinately implacable; why ſhould it be reputed a crime to ſtraiten them, onely to bring them to repentance? That which was done in order to the ſtopping one of the ſtreams of the Weyſſel near this City, might indeed be interpreted as an inconvenience to a hoſtile place, that would not be reduced to reaſon, & the care of its own ſafety, but not as the deſtruction of Trade, ſince there might be a more commodious paſſage at another branch of the ſame River. Yet was there nothing committed in that particular which did in the leaſt ſwerve from the Laws and uſages of War. The reproof of this liberty, granted to every man by the Law of Nations, ſeems ſtrange, ſince the Kings of Denmark have alwayes uſed it when they are engaged in Wars, and he that raigns at preſent doth uſe it againſt Cities and Territories ſituate in Germany under the protection of the Empire, which he doth not onely exclude from freedom of Trade, but oppreſſes them with depredations and great ſufferings both at home and abroad, and terrifies them with the fear of greater. When before the laſt truce Sweden waged War with the Polanders, the Seas lying before the City were poſſeſt paſſages by Sea and Land blockt up, greater Cuſtoms impoſed, and yet neither he, nor any other Kings and States of Europe did then make that quarrel theirs, nor look upon it as the common cauſe; onely one or two deſired ſome particular things for the liberty of their own Nation. And when things returned to their former poſture by the Law of Nations, nothing was offered further in oppoſition thereunto, much leſs was that judged to be a cauſe of diſturbance, or an unjuſt hindrance of traffick. It is certainly freſh in the memory of many yet alive, how the moſt glorious King Guſtavus the Great interdicted Commerce not onely with Dantzick, but with other Cities alſo under the Kingdom of Poland, by Edicts publiſht and ſet up in every place; thoſe that were concerned, not gainſaying this proceeding, becauſe they had alwayes done the ſame, as well they might by the Law and cuſtom of Nations. How this mans father Chriſtian the fourth judged otherwiſe both of the juſtice of ſuch actions, and their ſuitableneſs with friendſhip we have drawn up ſeverall evidences. When he had Wars in Germany, and diſtruſted his own power to withſtand the Imperialiſts then aiming at the maſtery of the Sea, he invited the moſt invincible King by Letters written the 12. of September 1627. N. 43. that with his Fleet he would watch over the Ports of the Cities of Germany lying upon the Baltick Sea, and in exchange for that courteſie freely offered both his help, and a prohibition againſt the Navigation and Trade of the Dantzickers. He ſet forth a Proclamation the 25. of March 1628. forbidding all Commerce and Navigation to and with that City, under pain of confiſcation of Ships and goods. N. 44. Then by other Letters of the 14. of May in the ſame year N. 45. he promiſed, that he would not permit any Ship going to, or coming from Dantzick, whether it belonged to that or any other place, to ſail, come, or paſs in or upon the ſtreams of his Dominions, if the Cuſtomers of Sweden did not by their Paſſes ſignifie that Cuſtom was paid. In conſequence whereof be gave Commiſſion to ſeiſe upon ſuch Ships and goods, as far as his power and command reached. That which the Father approved by the Law of War, and as a good friend and neighbour aſſiſted, the Son hath made a cauſe of War, which cannot be juſt if the Law of War have any force. But what right can he have to forbid that ſuch actions ſhould be done (even by the common Law of Nations) againſt a City in Arms? He complains that his Cuſtoms are decreaſt by that means. But as yet there appears no ſuch right in thoſe very Cuſtoms, that their diminution ſhould warrant the making a War upon others. Beſides, care was taken that they ſhould not be diminiſht: For there was left a freedom of Trade, inſerted the ſecond time into the agreement of Elbing. If that proved without effect, the fault is to be laid upon the ſtubbornneſs of the Citizens, and the corruption of the Danes, not upon the King of Swedens intention. If the Danes received any diſadvantage thereby, it is ſubmitted to judgement (for giving reparation, if any damage accrewed) whether it was fitter to make War upon his Majeſty acting according to the Law of Arms, and yet in the mean time leaving and offering the freedom and ſecurity of traffick; or to reduce a diſorderly City to reaſon. The firſt could not rightly be done againſt him, who onely made uſe of his own right; the latter by his fathers example ought to have been proſecuted againſt them, who diſdainfully rejected a liberty which was determined by agreement. But if the Danes will take this for a ſufficient cauſe of war, that their Cuſtoms are grown leſſe by reaſon of others wars, as no war either by ſea or land can be managed without ſuch intervenient prejudice, ſo no nation can ever be ſecure againſt them, becauſe they will never want ſuch a pretenſe. The granting of this principle will be an occaſion and pretenſe of hoſtility againſt all men, and as it were a tacite ſubmiſſion to their arbitrement of peace and war, to the infinite wrong and prejudice of the European world. From whence they will proceed to a luſting deſire of preſcribing and limiting Navigation and Commerce, whilſt others are at war, of giving Law to Kings and States, of taking away and hindring their liberty and all right of war.

That which is contained in the 42. Article of the peace of Bremsbro N. 46. concerning this City, affords nothing to move the King of Denmark to a juſt indignation, for this very reaſon, becauſe the right of War is exerciſed upon a City ſubject and aiding to the Polanders. That place hath no obligation to aſſiſt or defend them, nor any power to prohibit Sweden from vindicating its own Rights by the Sword. Such accidentall and acceſſory incluſions were never of that value and authority amongſt Nations, that either the principall Leagues ſhould be judged broken by actions againſt parties ſo included, or the rights of War aboliſht by any other cauſes. The clauſes there inſerted are impertinently urged here, as if his Majeſty had thereby loſt his power of Military right againſt enemies and their Cities, eſpecially when thoſe Cities do not forbear hoſtility. By common interpretation covenants are alwayes ſo to be underſtood, if things continue in the ſame ſtate; the alteration whereof diſſolves the force and bond of the covenant. When war was compoſed by that peace, proviſion was made that no revenge ſhould be exerciſed upon the Dantzickers for what was paſt; not to excluded actions of peace or war upon other accounts for the time to come: which indeed holds as little correſpondence with the intention of covenants, as it doth with reaſon. Neither doth that agreement allow them any other ſecurity, then they had before in the time of the truce; the end whereof reduced the City to its former condition, under which it lay before it was aſſaulted by arms, that is, ſubject to pay Cuſtoms, and to undergo the ſufferings of War, if the like occaſions happened again. For as much as they had not a perpetuall peace, but a truce onely with the Kingdom of Sweden; the conditions thereof failing, it muſt needs expire. In that Article of Bremsbro there was nothing changed therein, nor enlarged to further time, nor was it ſo much as debated. But ſuppoſing they ought to have had a more ample ſecurity, yet had they forfeited the ſame by their miſcarriges, their conſpiring with the enemy, and declaring themſelves ſo againſt the Swedes. Neither will any diſcreet man ſhow himſelf ſo unreaſonable againſt Sweden, as to impoſe upon it ſo great a ſufferance of injuries againſt the law of Arms and the practice of the world. That others were prohibited Navigation, and their ſhips or goods taken from them in the open Sea, is a charge that wants example as well as credit: Juſt as ſuch things are faid to have been committed againſt the Danes, without the particular mention of any fact. The forbearing to name circumſtances both here and elſewhere is an infallible Argument that there was no ſuch matter, when upon other occaſions the leaſt puntillio's are not omitted.

It is hereby made manifeſt how diſtant from truth and juſtice thoſe things are, which are vented in the Daniſh Papers. Nor is it leſſe obvious to thoſe that conſider impartially, that by the true law of Arms the King of Denmark hath no juſt cauſe at all to make War upon a King, his neighbour, his friend, his kinſman, and of the ſame Religion. While for the making a colourable pretenſe of arms he rubs over thoſe things which happened before the laſt Peace, and were compoſed by this, he diſcovers the paſt thoughts of his heart hitherto diſſembled, that he intended not a faithfull and perpetuall League, nor ſuch as ſhould laſt any longer then till he had ſtrength and opportunity to break it. When he alledges ſuch things, as either appertain to others, and are without the ſphear of his vindication; or being done in the time of the moſt Serene Queen, were not allowed by his Majeſty now reigning (as almoſt all thoſe points are which make up the groſſe of his objections) he ſhows to what ſtraits he was put, to rake together incongruities againſt his Majeſty, while he wanted wherewithall truly and juſtly to upbraid him. And ſeeing thoſe things had been partly buried in long ſilence before, nor for many years together accuſed ſo much as in word before the Peace was broken, and partly debated in friendly Treaties, without any ſignification of diſtaſte or offenſe; ſeeing alſo there continued all the while frequent and repeated teſtimonies of good neighbourhood and affection by letters and Envoyes, it is manifeſt that he had no faithfull and ſincere intention to maintain peace and friendſhip, but reſerved a perpetual diſcontent and cloſe hatred in his heart, having been quiet hitherto for no other reaſon but for want of power to offend, and under that cloak waiting for an occaſion, ſeeking revenge, and plotting miſchief againſt Sweden, when he thought that he had gotten what he lookt for while his Majeſty was incumbred with a War againſt the Polanders and Muſcovites, two potent enemies, when either he found or made his Majeſties friends faithleſſe to him, was provoked or did provoke others to confederacies againſt him, being perſwaded that Sweden had not ſtrength enough remaining to oppoſe him, or at leaſt that all their force would neceſſarily be imployed in other Wars; then he broke the peace, and flew out into hoſtile invaſions and the proclaiming of a War. But hitherto his hope and opinion hath failed; nor will his ſucceſſe prove better then the reaſon of his engagement.

As the defigne of this War began without juſt cauſe, ſo it was carried on without juſt means, raſhly and inconſiderately. But the Common Law of Nations it is held unjuſt to take up Arms before the tryal of an amicable compoſure. But that was ſo far from being ſought after by the Danes, that it was abſolutely rejected, even when offers were made to knit faſter the bonds of friendſhip and neighbourhood, and if there were any controverſie, to bring differences to a fair and equal account. Beſides, by the agreements made heretofore at Stetin betwixt the Northern Kingdoms, and confirmed by the late Peace, in caſe any controverſie ſhould ariſe, there is extraordinary caution uſed to hinder the taking of Arms, and a way of proceeding ſet down. N. 47. which the King of Denmark ſhould have obſerved, nor indeed could he neglect the ſame without the forfeiture of his faith, when the Swedes had made it appear, that if there were any grievances, they ought to be redreſſed by that method; yet he neither did nor admitted any thing agreeable thereunto. The pacification alſo of Germany in the Inſtrument of peace at Oſnabrug contains the manner of propoſing and determining incident controverſies, with a ſevere and ſolemn prohibition (under the penalty of breaking the peace) againſt beginning a war upon ſuch accounts. Yet the King of Denmark not caring for all this, hath done nothing of that which was deſired, but preſently thruſt his ſword into the very bowels of Germany. Seeing therefore no war is juſt, but when it is neceſſary, what can be more unjuſt then that, which had not begun, if he could have bridled his revenge, and his blind ambitious defire of making not Sweden onely, but all the world tributary to him in the Sound? But he might have forborn it, if he had not perverſly rejected thoſe things that were treated and brought to concluſion concerning the preſervation of peace and making a League, without any probable reaſon, onely out of the preſumptuous perſwaſion of his ſtrength and the opportunity. When you look upon the Daniſh demands, you will find ſuch things propoſed as by their impoſſibility ſought for nothing but an occaſion to break off the Treaty: They were ſuch as were never heard of before, unworthy of Kings, nay groſſely abſurd. The ſcope of the Treaty was, the ſtrengthening of friendſhip and confederation; and yet they deſired to have thoſe covenants diſſolved, by which peace, friendſhip and ſafety was reſtored to, and did continue amongſt Kings, Kingdoms, and Nations. It was under deliberation, how the Sea ſhould be kept ſecure and free; and thoſe things which Sweden put in execution to preſerve the ſame according to the tenor of the Covenants, the Danes called Grievances. When it was ſuitable to friendſhip and mutual confidence, that every one ſhould keep what was their own, they endeavoured to wreſt out of the Swedes hands what they had lawfully gotten in war, and held confirmed in peace. When they could not ſay they were offended, much leſſe wronged, in any thing, but that way was not given to their intemperate luſt joyned with the loſſe and prejudice not onely of Sweden, but of the whole Sea and of thoſe that trade therein; yet they would have impoſed ſuch a ſatisfaction as was to be required from conquered people. When all friendly and faithfull things were offered, they laboured to take away Provinces after an unuſuall way under pretenſe of Security. Theſe exactions, which uſe not to be made but upon ſubdued enemies, nor ever granted by any but a conquered Nation, are a demonſtrative argument of no inclination to peace, and of a war long deſigned for thoſe pretenſes.

But the War was managed with no better skill, then it was begun. The firſt ſtep whereof was an invaſion of the Lands of the Germane Empire, and ſo a violation of that Peace, which had been recovered with ſo much bloud, ſuch tedious labours and difficulties, after mortall deſtructions, amidſt many millions of prayers and ſighs for the ſame. Whether the premiſes do not render him guilty of breaking the Peace, and liable to the puniſhments due thereupon, we leave it to be judged by the tenor of the Imperiall Conſtitutions, and of the late pacification. After that, one of his principall endeavours was, to ſtir up his Majeſties ſubjects (otherwiſe loyall enough) to Treaſon and Rebellion, to call in moſt cruell and barbarous enemies to the oppreſſion of Chriſtians, to bewitch his friends with falſe ſuggeſtions, to diſturb the peace of ſo much of the Chriſtian Church, as is made up of Proteſtants, and to cut off all the hope, comfort, aſſiſtance and relief, which they can onely expect from union and concord amongſt the Northern Kings and Kingdoms. What miſchiefs and dangers by that war hath already happened to, and do ſtill threaten, not onely him and his territories (for which he may thank himſelf, as the authour of his own misfortune, deſerving no pitty for ſuch a voluntary offenſe) but his neighbours, and the common ſecurity and quiet of almoſt all the Northern World, yea and the ſafety of thoſe that profeſſe the Proteſtant Religion, every one ſees, and many ſmart for it, yet without hope of aid and redreſſe from him.

Amongſt ſo many unjuſt and horrible proceedings of the Daniſh war, there can remain no doubt of the juſtice of his Majeſties defenſe: Onely it will hardly appear with what conſcience and piety the Name of God, as witneſſe and judge, is ſo often called upon in the Daniſh Papers. We leave the Danes to try the ſeverity of Divine judgement, not to be deceived like men with corrupt Narrations; undoubtedly hoping, that God, the World, and the Sword, to which this controverſie between Kings is committed, will be propitious and favourable to the juſter ſide.

Their reproaches and bitter invectives ſo prodigally caſt upon us, we do not return, being better inſtructed by the example of their confeſſed unhandſomneſſe, but we paſſe by and ſlight them, thinking it fitter to anſwer them with the Sword, then with a railing tongue and the pedantry of a pen and inkhorn.

Juſt JEHOVAH, Judge and Revenger, be ſo preſent with our righteous Arms in a bountifull diſpenſation of proſperous ſucceſſes, as Conſcience, Confidence, Juſtice, and Glory clap their hands in favour of our Defenſe.

Note. The publick Acts and Records before-mentioned and often cited according to the numbers in the Margin, being not yet ready for the Preſſe, ſhall follow with the firſt opportunity.