THey say they have patiently indevored, according to Covenant, to settle Religion and happy peace: by pressing the sending Propositions.

Their patience was seen, when after they had fastened themselves in England, they concurred not to subdue the power under his Majesties command, nor take his Towns, (obvious to every common understanding) and which they persisted in to the last, and by that meanes pre­judiced this Kingdome millions.

According to Covenant: heres their limitation.

The Covenant, as Scriptures, usually is expounded as the opinions of men are: But why that should not be overmuch stood upon, or kept over close unto, Consider: First, it was made in Scotland, when the Parliaments power was very low through the trechery of the Hothams, revolt of Lords and Commons to the King, and the absurd managing of the Parliaments war; wherein the Scots Com­manders had the chief stroke, who knew how to make a little work goe a great way, insomuch, as Hurr [...]y, then but an ordinary man, cride shame of it.

Secondly, it was that which our Commissioners would by no means have brought, but could get no better.

Thirdly, it is ambiguous and hard to be understood, nay never yet ageeed as to the meaning: an eminent Lawyer being asked whether he understood it, when he tooke it, answered, no; it being replied, why then did he take it? why said he, they would have undone me else.

Fourthly, it was forc't upon men, (a way profest against in Scot­land) to the ruining of many hundreds, who other way were with­out exceptions, both Ministers, and Laymen. Experience proved it crooked, Conscientious men, men of parts, and great learning re­fusing it.

Fifthly, its conceived absurd and hypocritical; to swear the preser­vation of the Kings person as a man, when at same time a war is inga­ged in against him, and he known to be in the field, subject to death by the bullet and sword.

Sixthly, it never made man friend to the Parliament, that was not so before.

Seventhly, humane, and so alterable.

Eigthly, how hath it been observed by the founders, except for their own ends: with many more.

By sending Propositions.

That is as they like, and such as made for the good of Scotland, and Scots-men in England, and for ruine and extirpation of those whom they hate; who are just, honest, wise, and pious men, only differing in judgement and life from them, and who have merit­ed better then they in subduing the enemy, the best way to a good and happy peace, let what will be pretended; otherways why agree they not to the Propositions now sent, against which they have no exception, but that they are not for the Scotch Interest: which is to continue, to reap the sweetnesse of England.

They offer the best way for a peace, a Treaty at London. And why at London? because there are many discontented persons, who will, when his Majesty comes to London, joyne to force the Parliament, as they did lately, and had done more, had not the Army prevented. The words of Mr. Hollis are considerable, it never re­pented the King and his party that they fought against the Parl. but that they fought against London after the wars between King & Subject, & King, and he that put in to be King (take the words of the story) the overcomer never thought himselfe safe untill he was [Page 2]master of London; and if he had London, he car'd not for his enemies: wirnesse Henry the seventh, and many others; so that it cannot be otherway in reason concluded, but that they that are for his Maje­sties coming to London to treat, are so far from a good and happy peace, that they are for a new war; for if they intend peace, they will avoyd differences, and reason will take place as well at South­hampton as London. The Reason why a personall Treaty is best, because first other means have been ineffectuall. I have gone severall times in a rationall way about a businesse, but it hath not succeeded: there­fore I will now goe in an irrationall. But admit a Treaty, sure its not meant that his Majestie and the Parliament argue the business; for then they will (being so many) be too hard for one; if some of his, and some of Parliament, then it hath been before.

Secondly, the Kings removall from Parliament hath been acknow­ledged the cause of the war. The Kings removall, as a good King, was not; for Kings have frequently been absent from Parliament; the Kings coming as a good King, intending peace, cannot hurt; but what appeares that his Majestie is other, then when he went hence? hath he not the same Counsell, friends, and takes he not the same wayes? he ever said he was sorry for the miseries of his Subjects, he saith no more now.

Thirdly, but Commissioners on both sides may give Reasons. Proper Commissioners that can give Reasons no where but at London, nor no where, but where, and when his Majesty is at London, or present.

Fourthly, the King may have just desires to move for the Crown. And God forbid but they should be considered, and granted; but when all that hath been done by his influence in England and Scot­land, since his Reigne, shall be waied in the scales of Justice, it will be little that will fall in for the Crowne in away of Justice, said the Scots in generall, when at beginning of their troubles they were for deposing him and his, had not the next heir stuck with them, and yet it cannot be denyed that what the Kings of England had formerly, setting aside the calling, dissolving, and peremptory negative voyce in Parliaments, there was nothing but would stand well with a Kingly, or Monarchicall government, and without pre­judice to the people.

Fifthly, It will beget mutuall confidence. If the ends be the same, o­therway not: after agreement it may, not before; love is from simi­litude; [Page 3]those that differ, are best asunder. It cannot be expected his Majesty will grant whatever is sent him, without discourse of, or excepti­on against. Therefore the Parliament are willing to a personal Treaty for most things. The Parliament will not give full power to their Commissionesr. Nor will the Kingdome of Scotland to you, nor have you any such: nor is it fit you or theirs should. Must all the Kings and Princes in Christendom meet at Munster, because their Embas­sadors have not power to determine, without first sending the Agree­ment to them as its made head by head? excellent Scots reason.

But his presence will do hurt at London, and make divisions, its ob­jected: and they answer, it cannot be, for he hath no Army.

It did upon the Scots at Newcastle, and before: Or how come they to be his chief pleaders, that were first fighters against him? And had not that apprehension frighted, he had gone into Scot­land, and not come this way when he was at Newcastle.

If they were esteemed enemies that drew him from Parliament? What are they that hinder his return?

They that drew him away were occasions of a war, therefore ene­mies, and for that end did it. The Parliament to prevent a war, are not willing he come untill all is agreed: and what is that com­ming to London? What if there were no London, cannot the King and Parliament agree? Have Kings been so in love with London and Parliaments in times of peace? King James counted the one his hell, the other his purgatory. But the new Propositions, the foundati­on of Peace, which concern Religion the interest of the Crown, the Ʋnion and Joynt-concernment of both Kingdoms, are not so well stated as in the old. For first, The Covenant is left out, w^ch is a solemn vow by creatures made to God. The Covenant was entred into, to bring a good peace, now to stand upon it, is to bring an ill War, for the reasons before: and because there is a generall adversnesse to the taking it, more then against the matter of it. Its the opinion of learned Perkins, that Jeptha did not sacrifice his daughter, but did that which was e­quivolent, and better; so may the Parliament.

The parts of which Covenant are in preservation, and reformation of Religion. Not the Scots Religion, farther then against the common enemy, and let any disturb them for it, or go about to destroy it, England will hazzard life and estate for them, and their best blood. No better quarrell to fight, then when any will destroy others, be­cause [Page 4]not of their Religion. For Reformation, it is to be according to the word of God, and best reformed Churches: for the word of God, that must be, as the Parliament conceive; for best reformed Churches, what have you against that in the Netherlands, where many different professions are tollerated?

Happinesse of the King. As he is King of England, sure the Parli­ament of England are as fit judges, as the Parliament of Scotland is, as he is King of Scotland, and therefore may make their lawes for his happinesse, as well as they in Scotland; and so no need England be in ward to Scotland. Peace and safety of the three Kingdomes: The best way for that, is to destroy and keep under the Common e­nemy to all, and they that consider how the Scots prosecute the war in Ireland, now, and long since too much favouring the Rebels, and at this time upon treaty with them, to deliver vvhat they there hold, the transactors on the Rebels side being Romish Clergy, as by credi­ble Intelligence is certified, never having for years marched one foot, or made one shot against them: and how active with small help the English have been, and victorious: insomuch that had the Scots done what they could, Ireland had in all likelyhood ben con­quered by this time; which had they as much minde unto, as to sub­due their enemies in Scotland, would have appeared by the like acti­vity, and to pretend supplyes from England, is idle, they having all necessaries about them, and growing rich: As for England, the third kingd. how forward they have been al know, & is mentioned before.

The King is adverse to the Covenant, is our obiection: and why then take we so much liberty in other matters of God? We take that li­berty that in our judgement is according to the minde of God, and dare maintain by Argument and Scripture, that it is Consonant to both, against whomsoever.

But the Covenant must be kept unto, let the King be as adverse as he will, because good for King and Kingdomes; That is, He must not be King of England, Scotland, or Ireland, as to government, unlesse he will take the Covenant: and where is his reason, or what he can say, or his Commissioners, in a personall Treaty allowed him, in this? Let an Angell come from heaven and say he must not take it, yet un­lesse he will, he must not govern; when they will, reason must take place; and when they will not, then it must not: So that what is good for Kingdoms, in the opinion of Scotland, may be stood upon, [Page 5]though his Majesty, and England, Ireland have never so much reason against it. But this must not be understood that his Majestie be kept in prison, or wronged; Truly for a King to be at liberty, and not to governe, can be no great content; to see a mans wife, and not to enjoy her; to be hungry, and see good food, and not permitted to eat it, is an unhappinesse rather then an happinesse: the King, un­doubtedly, were it put to him, would rather choose to end his dayes in the Isle of Wight, then to live in any outward contents in London, or any of his houses, divested of his Government.

Or that Armies should be kept on foot after the enemy is overcome: to burthen the Kingdome, or force the King to grant what they please.

Why keep you an Army on foot in Scotland, having no enemy in field? can there be no need of an Army to prevent an enemyes ri­sing? how many discontents are in England and Scotland? what tampering is there between the Crown of France and Scotland at this time? how are the people disposed unto insurrection, occasio­ned by their present and future suffering? the latter you cannot wash your hands off, nor well of the present; let England have as­surance Scotland will not stirre up, nor act new troubles, the Parli­ament will undertake to reduce to as small a number as you shall in Scotland. As for the Armies forcing the King to grant what they please, its clear, (his Majestie being Judge) the Army hath made as pleasing overtures for him, as the Parliament of England or Scot­land: and for the burthen of England; what is it to any other that the owner carryed his cow; besides, you know England can bear to maintaine an Army, as well and as long as Scotland. But you ex­pected that when you departed, the Army in England should be disban­ded. You meane the Independent part of it: for sure you have not forgot, that before the 11 Members went away long, an Army of many thousand horse and foot was voted to be a standing Army for this Kingdome, and Colonels named, Governors of Towns ap­poynted, and had they been of your party, no doubt you would have stood for their continuance, and excused the burthen, and im­posing upon his Majesty, which now you cry out of: but is it in any of the Treaties, great or small, or in the Covenant, that England shall not keep an Army on foot without the approbation of the Commissioners, or Kingdome of Scotland? And not have ta­ken the King away contrary to his will. That he never yet said, but if [Page 6]true, the Parliament are proper Judges of that offence.

To whom the Parliament of both Kingdoms were to make addresses,

And Scotland yet may, but not of what they please: Ambassa­dours sent from forreign States, may be denied Audience, and have by King Charles, when their Ambassie may be prejudiciall: yea, if a King be King of two kingdomes, there is little of reason, that the one Kingdome shall have liberty to make addresses, which in their opinion are destructive to them.

Suppose King Charles should offer to add to the Kingdome of Scotland, the Counties of Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and Westmerland, as some of their own say he did: Is it fit the Par­liament permit such a transaction?

And had they not received assurance from the Parliament of the contrary, all the allurements of the world, and threatnings could not have made them part with the King, untill all Armies had been dis­banded.

For the Parliaments assurance, certainly they never made any of this kinde, it being not in their power: nor should they have put the King in prison, and laid him in chains: nor could you have made good yours, had you so done, which was not agreed at his coming, but the contrary. You see his Majesty when he pleases, can escape guards; and for that way of allurements and threatnings, sure none were made by Parliament, nor doth it appear they were so zealous to have him, but that it was as much your, as their desire: as for his return untill all was disbanded, its probable the Parliament would not have much stood upon that, nor would they, were his Majesty with you.

And this they assert (against all calumnies) that their loyalty is more to them then all.

Loyalty is of a large extent, admits of various interpretations, a volume may be written in definition of it. Scotland is famous for Loyalty, and as famous for contending, destroying, dis-throning of their Kings: what hath been foolishly said, it had been better to have past by with scorn, the Parliament never letting fall the least word to the contrary of your Loyalty.

But the Ordinance leaves out the sitting of the Assembly.

Not of Scotland, but England: What of that? they have sate long: An Army, or a Kingdome of strange opinions indeed is brought [Page 7]forth not at all to their credit, who have not laid any of them upon their backs by Argument, nay declining it, a way which was judged best, in most times and places, to make all men of a mind in matters of Religion; and had their debates been more publick, and admit­ted of objections, no doubt the fruit had been better. But must they sit always there? peoples soules crie aloud for their returne, and truly lines of communication are downe, and they may passe, that is, all that have not got better livings within.

The Proposition of setling Religion in England and Ireland, accor­ding to Covenant, is not done, but instead thereof, a meere shadow of Presbyterian government, without life or power.

The Covenant runs, Setle Religion according to the word of God, and best Reformed Churches, this is expounded the Scots Presbytery, which indeed was the word of God, and best Reformed Churches in their drift; the great stick is, because there is not a coercive power to kill, burne, destroy, imprison, and ruine in life and estate all that are contrary minded, or will not conforme thereto. Be­cause no power to compell, therefore no life or power: the Mini­sters profession and paines is dead, unlesse he have a power to com­pell to conformity, which never went with life and power since the beginning of the world.

But instead thereof, Liberty is granted for all wayes of Worship, and for exercise of any opinion that men shall have, which opens a door to all blasphemy, and contrary to Covenant. It is not true that liberty is granted to all opinions, nor doth granting some liberty open a way to blasphemy; for you proffer to yield in some things. What is Blasphemy and Idolatry punishable, is disputable; the Scripture seemes to make them both to be a casting off the worship of the true God, and worshiping an Idol: and sure the Parliament takes care to prevent that, or will do. As for its being contrary to a­greement, or Covenant, its not so conceived by Parliament, but agreeable thereunto: and sure there are none more fit to expound their Covenant then themselves, as to themselves.

And this is true, because its Ordained that none shall be forced to the stablishment: And is this grievous? consider seriously, Would you in Scotland have been content, to have been forced to the Common-Prayer-Book, when sent unto you by the King? Would the French Protestants think well, if they should be forc'd to Popery which is [Page 8]established by their supream? Judge all the world, whether there be much of reason or piety, that a Prince may compell his people to be of his Religion, or what he sets up; and so its possible, either by the minde of the Prince, or by deaths, three or four Alterations may be in twelve years, as was in the dayes of Henry the eighth, Edward the sixth, Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth: But ours is the true Religion, therefore all are to be compelled unto it; prove that it was given you immediately from God and spare not; but if it were hammered out of the heads of an Assembly of Scots or Eng­lish Divines, there is no reason that compulsion should be used where infallability cannot be made good. The Jews, Christ, his A­postles never compelled. And whatever is pretended, liberty, is only intended: To judge of intention, is proper to God. I the Lord trie the heart: this cannot be meant of a Scotch lord.

Presbyterie is limited for a time: The Parliament when they make Laws, know not oftentimes how they will prove, and there­fore for tryall, set a time, not out of dislike, or intent to alter, but to prevent inconvenience, which possible may fall by the experi­ment, or perpetuating a Law at first. Pardon England, if they take not Presbyterie upon the bare recommendation of Scotland; its possible we may therein (as to persecution) be out of the Frying­pan into the fire.

The Ministers are to exclude none from Saerament, but what the houses think fit, though against their consciences. Why! What a turn­ing about is here? now men must have liberty of conscience, and must act in judgement and righteousnesse: And is this allowed Presbyte­rian Ministers only? shew us a place of Scripture, or a good reason for this, viz. That you should have liberty, and others compelled.

The Parliament allows not in the Church the use of all Ordinances. All that they think are Jure Divine, and for other its not good to put overmuch power into their hands, untill they see how they will imploy a lesse tallent; which, if experience shews well, its like they will have more: men newly raised in nower, grow so proud, that no ground can hold them.

The Parliament [...] [...], allowes many Sects that have been cast out informer time. Look the History of the Churches, and you will finde sometimes a Counsell threw out, the next put in, and the next after put out: and if persecution or throwing out be a mark, sure its of truth rather then error.

The Parliament gives tolleration, for Sects to set up in any place con­venient. This is but for trial, to see whether they be consistent with the Civill Peace, which if not, they will suppresse them: be­sides, would not the Presbyters have that liberty? Then as you would that men should do to you, so do you to others.

And not liable to any penalty. That's the businesse. The sword of the spirit is nothing without the fleshly sword. That phrase, Sir, you shall be of this Religion, Will you, Nill you, and none other, not shall you worship any other way, but the States way, if you do, to Lollords Tower you go: Iesus Christ & his Apostles tested, or rather drank deep of this Cup of mercy, from Jews and others.

Though it seems that this extends not to tollerate the worst, yet men may write, and discourse of all whatsoever.

For writing, no doubt care will be taken that none shall, so as to do hurt. As to opinions, you know in all parts, in Latine men have taken liberty: the main care is, in not writing to disturb the civill Peace; and truly, all that can be written in seven years, cannot strike deeper to set a kingdome in a fire of difference and a new War, then this very Declaration of yours, Printed in England without any Au­thority, yea, in defiance of Parl. yet is there not one word in any of the Treaties or Covenant, that Mr. Iohn Cheesly shall have power to Print in England, no, nor any of the Commissioners. For discouse, you knovv disputations vvere allovved in the Universities, and the best Schollars ever studied to maintain that vvhich vvas contrary to received truths, as the best vvay to finde out truth. It vvere a sad fruit of all our troubles and suffering, if vve might notdiscourse with­out imprisonment and banishment, and upon any subject, Argument never did truth hurt.

They would have the Parliament call to mind, former sayings, and doings, and consider that Divines have sate foure years, framing a Di­rectory for Doctrine and Worship, and at last are laid aside.

Either the Divines have done their part, or they have not; if they have not, let them end it, give it to the Houses, publish it to the king­dom, and avvay to their charges, there is nothing on their part re­quired, as to establishing of it; if it be done, vvhy are they yet here? they vvere called but to advise and present.

The Houses Ordained a Fast for extirpation of Heresies and Schisms.

Are Heresies and Schisms so, because contrary to the vvord of [Page 10]God? Then every man hath his liberty to judge, and to there may be danger; for if the generality of the people of England, shall think Presbyterie a Sect or a Schisme, then the Covenant svvears them to root it out; and fasting puts an edge to this oath: if they be only so that the State declares; so then, vvhen they have made a civill Lavv, declaring vvhat shall not be, and vvhat shall, the subject ought to, and no doubt vvill, give active or passive obedience thereto.

The Covenant bindes to observe the authority of the supream Magi­strate, priviledge of Parliaments, and firme Peace between the King­domes.

The Parliament offers the return of his Majesty, upon such tearms as they conceive safe and good; and truly if the King be to be re­sident among them, there is need of other manner of tearms in England, and for England, then in, or for Scotland: A Scepter bruiseth not at distance, as it doth at hand. Priviledge of Parlia­ments, How many of Scotlands priviledges have England, or its Parliament violated? It were well if Scotlands Commissioners could wash their hands as well of breaking the priviledges of Eng­lands Parliament. As for a firm peace between the Kingdoms, the Parliament and kingdom of England sure have not hitherto been wanting, when it shall be considered what they have suffered, and yet do suffer, and what they have parted with to Scotland. Its con­fest, and hath been acknowledged in word and deed, that England was beholding to Scotland very much, and truly if they kick not down that soop of milk, it will never be forgotten by this Nation: But this may be said, their own interest and safety was involved; And England have sundry times done as much, and more for them, when thoy were trampled upon, and brought to misery by their Princes; many sheets close written will not contain the favours England hath shewed to Scotland in their distresse, and this over and above at Englands own charge: And sure its a good prayer, That God would confound those who shall be instrumentall in a War between the kingdoms, or shall not assist each other against a common enemy; but on the other side, let not Scotland think, be­cause of intercourse of favours and kindnesses to each other, that therefore England must become Ward to Scotland, no more then they would have Scotland be in Ward to England, for like, and gretter favours.

Yet it is evident that many Sectaries with their adherents and abetters, do by their Doctrine and actions, offer violence to the King, his Person, and Authority.

For their Doctrine, its possible other men may Preach as vvildly as many Presbyters, vvho have in all times, but chiefly of late, in their Pulpits, Preached up this or that faction, rather then Iesus Christs Doctrine; and as the party increases or decreases, so they do in their zeal. Shevv such an example of four Sectaries, as that delivered in by four Divines to the Common Counsell, (vvhose names shall be omitted, because men of good life certainly) vvhere they say, they had done vvhat they could to stir up the people in the late tumult and force upon the Parliament: For their actions, if it be examined, it vvill be found they have rather gone the contrary vvay; and vvhen it vvas apprehended they vvould be instrumentall to restore the King, Hovv vvere they hugg'd by the royall party, and hated by the Presbyters? for the Kings Authority, vvhere is it? Is it not a­greed he have none untill he do so and so?

And against Rites, and Priviledges of Parliament, so that there is not any one Article of Covenant, which is not in high degree violated by them.

When the Parliament of England shall intreatyour help, to repair them, for the Sectaries breaking of Priviledges of Parliament, you shall doe well to give your help, according to Covenant. But why speak you not of the late force done upon the Parliament, where the Lords and Commons were kept prisoners, untill they had voted what the Presbyters and Royalists would have, and after the Lords had said what they would have them, yet were kept up, not being suffered to depart, and the Members of Parliament fored from Lon­don, and a war commenced, armes raised, and upon those extorted Votes? what say you, will you according to Covenant right the Par­liament in this Priviledge, if they desire you? No, no, you will halt then, as when you were to follow the Kings forces to Worcester, goe [Page 12]quite another way. As for the violation of every Article of the Co­venant by the Sectaries, shew where they have violated that, which saith they will amend their lives, or that, which saith they will bring Delinquents to condigne punishment, or that, where its said, they will maintaine the Doctrine, and Discipline of Scotland, against the common enemy, nay indeed, shew that they have violated any of the Articles of the Covenant.

Dividing between the King and his people, or making factions against the Covenant, and taking to them the name of Saints, yet are to be accounted Mulignants, Intendiaries, evil, instruments. What is casier then to charge? what harder then to prove? no worse character, then to be apt to charge, and unable to prove. Have the Sectaries divided between the King and his people? What said the Propliec to the King are the Presbyters in England only the Kings people? what shall become of the Episcopall party? are the Pres­byters and they the Kings people? why a Cavalier, more then a Sectary? and how doe these divide? by seeing farther into the plots of those, that would make fruitlesse all our bloud and sufferings, then others, that would faine patch up an unfound peace. Take here two expressions, the first of Mr. Sir Jo: Chees: Well said he, talke what you will, and doe what you will with the King, now you have him at Holdenby; if ever he agree, or doe any thing by way of com­pliance, or condescention, then never trust Scotland, who have try­ed him over and over. The other of an honest, and wise Presbyte­rian Minister, now in North hamptonshire, who used these words: If else Independints bad not seen farther into King Charles, then the Presbyters, we had been the miserablest people in the world by this time: and this was said upon occasion of discourse of the Battle at Nusehy.

The name of Saints is justly given to holy men; sanctity is sancti­fication; the good living shews the saint; not a swearer, a drunkard, a whore master, a flet, a thief, a plunderer; but he that prays, medi­rates, hears the word preached, doth no hurt to his neighbour, is a saint. Now if all be saints, that are thus, affirmative and nega­tive, what a poore company of Saints are in England, and Scot­land? and how many Sectaries will be found Saints? For Saint must not be confind to such a mind, or judgement, then what will be­come of all men that differ, though but in circumstances, if only [Page 13]one sort be Saints? they were mighty in Scripture, and holy, no doubt, who had not heard that there was a holy Ghost. They are to be accounted Malignants, Incendiaries, and evill Instruments, that hinder a good peace, and foment an evill war; but to put that up­on them, that differ from you in Judgement, and therefore, and con­clude your selves contrary, because Covenanters, or of another Judgement is ridiculous: give an instance and prove it, and you say, and doe something, but to say it only may be in like kind retorted upon you, and if it were necessary, proved it may be. And in show, take this Argument. They that doe most conforme to, and comply with those that have been the principall cause of all the miseries that have of late been, in these three Kingdomes, are most malig­nant: but in writing Declarations, overtures, and attempts, the Scots Commissioners, if not, the Kingdom of Scotland have; Ergo. they that will read, and consider, may prove the assumtion.

That pious and peaceable men should be troubled, because that in all things, they cannot conforme to presbyterian Government, and may stand with publick peace, and is not destructive to Order, and Government of the Church, is not your desire.

Bellarmin writ twelve books to prove Justification by works, and towards the end saith, the best and surest way is, to be justifid by the merits of Christ alone. You have done the same in this for sure, there cannot be found a man this day in England, that would have any man, or opinion tollerated, that is not accompanied with piety and peace; and will stand with, and is not destructive to the Order, and Government of the Church, that shall be, or is crected, and if thone be, its fit he be rooted out, as an one my to the peace of the kingdom.

Yet, they doe from their hearts, and foules, abhor such a vast and gene­rall Tolleration, as is inconsistent with the Covenant, and will see all in confusion: But, what if it may stand with publick peace, and not de­structive to the Order, and Government of the Church, which should have been the assumtion, and not the Covenant; for that was ne­ver understood, nor is ever like to be: but the civill peace, and Go­vernment of the Church being undermined, or destroyd, will beha­vious: when a toleration hath so done, then complaint; the Parlia­ment is the proper Judge what will make for Englands p [...]ce if they allow it, let others be patient untill they see contrary and then no doubt the Parliament will hear, and reforme.

Therefore they obtest the Parliament by the Covenant, and what e­ver they have said or done to induce the Kingdom of Scotland to joyn with them, that they do not establish such impious tolleration.

The Parliament, what ever they have said, or done to induce the kingdom of Scotland to joyn, met with a reciprocall inclination, and for the Covenant, they do not violate it in their own judge­ments, in satisfying tender consciences. If it be such as will stand with the peace of the kingdom, and not destructive to the Go­vernment erected, you allow it, and you will not allow that which is impious; have patience, and see whether this tolleration be so: If you say impious in your Judgement, that will be but your Judge­ment; the Parliament would be loath to be thought the tolleraters of any thing that is impious, do not charge them, unlesse you are able to prove it, which yet appears not.

The second Difference is the Interest and Power of the Crown, and so by Covenant bound to support the Kings Just Power and Greatness.

That is answered before But thus much, if the Kingdom of Scotland will say, the King notwithstanding what hath been past by his instru­ments in His Name, to the hurt of both Kingdoms, ought to be restored in His Just Power and Greatness, that is, (for so they must say) whatever de jure was His formerly, must again be His, what then needs any Personal Treaties, any new Bills, or any more but an humble Petition to His Majesty, to come and govern again without any Conditions at all? But if any restriction may be, how comes it, or what is meant by this, Just Rights of the Crown?

This consists, they say, in consenting to Laws: And who denies it? Is the Parliament about to restore the King, and not Laws upon Him without His consent? Wherefore then do they send them to Him? nay, sure they will not deny Him his Reasons, they did not in the Petition of Right, when He stuck at some part of it, it was ar­gued on both sides by a Committee of Parliament, and learned Councel of the Kings, and upon Debate, the Kings Councel yielded, and the King consented, Bills or Acts of Parliament do not hinder His Majesty of making his exceptions.

These words His Majesty will advise.

These and many other you bring to prove His Majesties Negative ought to be allowed Him: But do you mean that He shall say so, and that is sufficient; for shame do not urge it so, for if after a Parlia­ment hath been long in making Laws, it may be for the support of the Being of the Kingdom, and to prevent immediate Ruine and Destru­ction, and while these Laws were making, have spent the Kingdom many thousands, shall His Majesty by the Advice of a Favorite, dis­solve the Parliament, and say, He will advise; to what end are Par­liaments? they were as good never sit or Debate, when such an an­swer shall blast all: Its one thing to give Reasons against, and an­other thing to blast good endeavors by saying, I will, but do nothing: And in this case, if the Kingdom stand in eminent and real need, no doubt the Parliament may declare a Law; and so Keeper Littleton said this Parliament, That an Ordinance was good, if His Majesty re­fused, with I will advise, and not do so.

And in protecting and defending His Subjects.

Sure the Parliament will not deal with His Majesty, as the Egy­ptians did with the Israelites; if they intreat Him to take again the Protection of them, they will give Him wherewith: Yet remember, that Kings of England in their fullest Power; could not raise Men or Money to defend themselves or Subjects without Parliament: And all know, that these two wanting, its a poor defence that can be made. And though Kings who usually studied the weal of their People, were permitted to make War and Peace as they saw cause, yet it cannot be proved, nor seems it reasonable, the premises considered, that de Jure the Militia was so in the King, or Power of War and Peace, as that he could do it without consent of the Parliament, but that the People whom it chiefly concerned, and who were like to undergo the miseries or good incident to them, were asked, and yet His Majesty in as full Power as any of the Kings of England. Many a time it hath been said in Parliaments before this, That the King could not go to War without consent of His Subjects; and how often did Kings, when they saw a necessity of War, call Parliaments, and communicate their de­sires, and had consent from Parliament.

Which are the Essence and Being of all Kings, and the chief part of their Duty and Function.

The main Conditions at the Coronation, its confest, is to [Page 16] [...], but they are both according to Law.

[...] the Militia you are content it be setled so as it may not [...] agreed, but you would have His Majesty have it, as to Foraig [...] States, and His Posterity after Him, which to deny, roots up the foundation of Monarchy.

If His Majesty have it, as to any Affair, how is it consistent with the Parliaments having it? and may not a Power intended to one place, be converted to another; how often hath it? and so presently a new Wat: As for His Majesty, no doubt the Parliament, when they see Him so moved, as that He is cordial for the Liberty of the Subject, The Interest of Religion, as agreed, no doubt they will be apt again to repose in him; and until he hath taken the Covenant (if you remember the Negotiation with the Queen) you are neither willing he have the Militia, or any thing else: For His Posterity, you know how the Heir apparent hath acted; where he is, how he there acts and moves, what assurance he hath given of acting better then his Father; and is not the Parliament wise in being shie how they in­trust their Life and Death, and into whose Hands they put that Power. As for rooting up the foundation of Monarchy, its but re­stricting it, thereby to bring it to be consistent with the Peoples Li­berty; the stick that is crooked must be set for a time the contrary way, or it will never be strait.

Yet you would not have Monarchy as high as Tyranny. The Father would not have the Son take evil courses, but yet gives way that he have the same allowance, company, place, opportunity, as before.

And you by no means can agree to an Armies being up in England, now there's no Enemy, when some Garisons and the Train bands may do it, and not an Army to inslave King and Subject.

Hath the Parliament of England taken any notice of what you in Scotland continue or disband? you would fain have us naked once more, that we might either be surprised by our Adversaries, or need again your help: For the Trained bands, we have had experience of them, and seen the miserable inconvenience in London and Countrey, of taking housekeepers from Trade, Wives, Children and Servants; and how many thousand have been thereby undone? and how the Kingdom hath thereby been impoverished! You are not ignorant, that in other parts of the world, the Plow and Trade pays the Sol­dier, and that those who are not faln upon that fight; but were these [Page 17]Trained bands Sectaries, then by no means Trained bands would not do well. As for the Armies inslaving King and Subject, its not so; they are kept on foot that England may not be slave to King and Scotland. When your Army returned into Scotland, it was expected the Par­liament disband this in England: Was it? sure it was not imagined England was so much fool; somewhat hath been said to that before: Farther thus, Were there not an Army in England, what think you would become of Presbytery, let any reasonable man judge if it would stand a moneth, and not be rooted out, and the preachers and pro­fessors of it: Do not think to deceive the world with words, England in general loves Episcopacy better, and Popery as well as Presbytery; for in time of Episcopacy, they had all things in plenty and good fel­lowship to boot: who shall expect to enjoy Bishops Lands in lieu of their money you had, if no Army? when will the Parliaments debts be paid without an Army? how will money be had to reduce Ireland without an Army? You see an Army can hardly do these things, but in spight of Parliament and Army, Common-Prayer book, and what­ever is Episcopal, enters openly, and men refuse to pay any kinde of Taxes.

Therefore you declare, that Propositions go for disbanding.

That is Sectaries, that so an Army of Presbyters may come in the room; and if you put it not so, its not as the Eleven Members would have, nor according to the Compact with them and their Party: And truly, could Presbyters have been kept from being tampering with Royalists, to patch up an unsound Accord, its probable Sectaries had never been used so much; and could such be had, its like They might be with content dismist: And yet take this, That an Army of Presbyters will not have that Antipothy, and so not so secure for Presbyterian Government; for if a little opposition should come, our new Presby­ters would choose to read the Common-Prayer book, and so assure themselves of the hearts of their Parishioners, the force whereof will be full Tythes, Oblations, and good Chear, rather then want these.

Armies were raised, For defence of the Kings Person, Authority, Religion, and Priviledges of Parliament.

Are any of these so secure, as there needs no power to defend them; how many days is it since wrong hath been offered to all these.

And though other nations have need to continue Souldiers, yet the sea is Englands and Scotlands bulwarks.

But there's no sea about the Presbyterian pulpit, the Royalists dis­contents and sufferings, nor between England and Scotland, though His Majesty be in an Island; and beside, there are ships to go between Eng­land and Scotland, and France: and Robert Write saith, There are pas­sengers come in them, who frequent St. Germans and Fountain-blew.

And if we study Peace and Ʋnity between the Kingdoms, under the Government of the King, we need not fear Enemies abroad.

The way to it is not to offer to His Majesty a dissent, in the name of the Kingdom of Scotland from what the PARLIAMENT of England thinks necessary for their safety, and a good and lasting Peace.

Its a custom in other nations, to keep Soldiers to raise money, but the people of England and Scotland are a free people, and why then should War be made a Trade among them?

Be assured of it as a truth, the Army is so far from continuing onely to raise money, that if the Parliament can be without them, they will be willing to disband, with reasonabler Arrears then you went out of England with; and for the Kingdoms being free, it will appear at last, the Parliament and Army of England will be no inslavers, at least of this, to their credit and others shame: as for war being made a trade, it hath not been the custom of this nation, nor of yours; its true, as a trade abroad you know how well Scotland hath driven it; and truly to bend both Powers to restore Allies, there's no doubt England will hearken to as readily as Scotland, and yet take care to reduce rebellious Ireland besides.

For a Proposition of Pay of Arrears, and disband all in one.

Why you should so much affect Englands weal therein, appears not, be­cause you are so opposite to their designs tending to an Accord; besides, if you mean after an agreement, would you have His Majesty restored, and forthwith His, and His parties words taken, that they will conform to all that is agreed, and the Parliament have only the name of a Militia.

Titles of Honor you desire the King may not be hindered from be­stowing or conferring, it being a chief flower of the Crown.

But how shall the Parliament, and so England, be assured, that none shall be honored who have not wherewith to maintain it, but must put his Majesty upon unjust grounds to maintain that honor? and whether his Majesty will not confer honors to the prejudice of the ancient No­bility of England, and make so many Lords as may bring honor into [Page 19]disesteem, That the Lords house may not be founded, so as it will be King-trod against its own and the Kingdoms good? For honors in Scot­land, let him give as many as he will, so he gives not (as formerly) the wealth of England to maintain them. And now thus much hath been said, it will be no great digression to say, That there seems to be reason that there should be no more Scotchmen about His Majesty, as servants, or preferred in England to any thing that expends the Re­venue of England, then there are English in Scotland; and though there be a necessity that Scotchmen attend His Majesty, as in relation to the affairs of Scotland, yet there is no reason that Englands Revenue maintain them, nor that English honor be bestowed upon them, but that they wait what falls in Scotland.

All expressions of Joynt Interest in these Propositions are left out.

If the Parliament make them good, they do well, if nor, God will be angry with them; for to act against the true Interest of Kingdoms ever proves fatal, and hath been the alone cause of the present condi­tion of His Majestie, Children and Party.

But there is left out of the Proposition, that which joyntly concerns both, and that contrary to agreement; viz. That peace should not be made with the King, without the consent of Scotland.

That there is a necessity of treating or debating Joyntly, because an agreement, is, That no Peace shall be concluded, but by mutual consent, doth not follow. The Princes of Christendom have had a long time, you know, a Treaty at Munster, wherein each have treated apart, yea, and without the privity of other; And those who have been in confederacy, not to agree to Peace, but by Joynt consent; for have not each their se­veral business distinct from the other, as the French, Dutch, Sweads, Hassians, and others, all in confederacy: Now the Joynt Interest is of several natures, and will take his proper place, and you have the ex­ceptions as any of the forementioned have; but that the Parliament may not treat for their own particulars, and forbear the other, there's no question: all the question is, how far a Joynt Interest obliges, for they are alterable as you know well, but in regard it is onely charged upon the Parliament, to have left it out, it may be after assumed.

The Parliament is obliged, as they have declared to Ambassadors, to set aside Episcopacy in England, and hinder its coming again into Scotland.

And if they do not, wo be to them, for if they shall forget what [Page 20]slaves they were to the Lordly power of Prelates, and what by that way they suffered, and resetle any such like thing, it were pity but they should be bored through the ears, and so marked for eternal slaves. And sure the rooting out of Episcopacy in England, is enough alone to make good the Interest, increase Union, and perpetuate Amity.

The next blame is laid upon the Army, for medling with the matter of Peace, and proposals so much disliked and declared against by Parliament.

As for the Armies medling, it was but to put the great wheels off the Scots Axeltrees; and having, as they conceive, fixt them upon English, they intend to let them alone, hoping the Pins will keep them there; but if they should go back, its like they will make bold with them again, onely with this distinction, as Subjects, not as Soldiers. If the master hath got a cup too much of Scots ale, the servant is not to be blamed if he takes him by the arm and leads him until he be recovered again, and in his right minde; yea, though it be with giving a frown or two, to those that made him to drink too much.

As for proposals, remember what Letter was sent to the Parliament, after the battel at Marston-moor by the Generals.

Which you conceive to be the cause of the alterations: A terrible dis­grace to the Parliament, as if the Parliament were moved in the least, by the London Remonstrance drest at Worcester house.

This you say might have been prevented, if the Parliament at first, framing the new Model, had hearkened to the advice of taking the co­venant, &c. It's true, then there had been an Army that would not have subdued Englands enemies, probably in one and twenty years: and the Kingdom must have been subject all this while to plunder, & mens wives and daughters subject to the same condition as they were in the North.

But the Proposition for London is left out, in which formeerly it was ordained that they have their Militia in their own hands, also the Tower, and that their Militia go not out of the City, but by their consent, also an Act of Parliament; for confirming their Charters, Customs, Liberties, &c. And an Act that all By-laws, be as firm as an Act of Parliament, with po­wer to repeal them as they please, and for good service done by Parliament.

For London, these times give it over-great to be ruled, either by King or Parliament; and so reason bids no addition: The people that govern in it, in regard their skill is chiefly in getting money, have little understanding in any thing else: especially the Anci­ents, in whom rule is, and therefore subject to run several ways in a [Page 21]week, therefore very unfit to manage weapons, and most unfit to have charge of the Tower where all weapons are; For Charter, Priviledges, &c, they have often been confirmed, and if now forfeited, as sure not, the Act of oblivion puts in old State.

As for their By-laws, being as good as an Act of Parliament; if it were granted, London would be undone: for example, all Acts done in Common-Councel relating to London, are By-Laws, no Acts of Parlia­ment: Put case they give Fifty Subsidies to Parliament. To repair of Pauls. To make a new Line of Communication. And then give as much more to pull it down; should they agree that their Militia, that is, the Train Bands or Housekeepers go to Newcastle, or farther in arms, and all these binding, a man had better be a slave in Turkey, then a free Citi­zen of London: A hundred other instances might be given. As for power of repealing, there's no danger, if the making binde not: Let it be considered what a brave City London would be, if a company of Shoe-makers, Taylors, Chandlers, Bricklayers, Plaisterers, and such like men, who generally can neither write nor read, shall be able to make Laws, as good as if by King, Lords and Commons agreed unto; what will become of London, and where is His Majesties Negative voyce, or the Lords and Commons; a Cobler of London is a brave man indeed.

As to the Court of Wards; there seems to be no difference, His Majesty is willing to part with it upon consideration, and the Parliament is willing to give it.

For Deans and Chapters, Lands intended for augmentation of means for ministers, you wish it so.

To settle One hundred pounds a year and no more for every Mini­ster, and dividing the Parishes as equal as possible, will do well; but why the Ox should eat of any mans corn, but his he treads out, seems irregular.

There is one thing more, that is, The Bill for the Militia sent to the King, gives power to put Soldiers into the Town of Barwick, contrary to the large Treaty.

The words are no more but these, That His Majesty consent that the Militia of the Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, and Town of Barwick, also the Island of Garnsey and Jersey, be in the hands of Parliament; the reason of the naming Barwick, being not for put­ting Soldiers in, but because that Town is reckoned a part of Scotland, and so named, being not comprehended in England, as is not Wales, Garnsey and Jersey: whence see how easie it is for discontent to finde fault where none is.

Somewhat might be added, as to the late Dissent presented to His Majesty, whose fore-goer was a Trumpet: Truly your love is kindely taken, and sure will be by England; but the Trumpet cannot be ter­rible: Your Dissent in matters of Religion is allowed you by Instru­ctions; but for the glory of the King. you are required an endeavor and no more. But to allow you the Dissent: Consider whether this hath not been a means to keep His Majesty from consent; and indeed it appears by His Majesties Answer, that He is turned about thereby: For whereas in one of His Messages He desires to give the Scots content apart, now His main Objection putting Him upon refusal, is your dis­sent; and so you may be said to be the hinderers of a good Peace. For let it be observed, His Majesty gives no Reasons against the Bills, onely in general they divest the Crown, which for former failings, in former Messages He was content to yield unto; And so whereas His Majesty and the Commissioners of Scotland press that Argument or Reason may take place, they now flie to, they cannot agree, or they dissent; and there's an end.

If any one had pleased to take this pains, a little to undeceive the people, this should have been willingly spared; In that which the Par­liament are to give in answer, you will have things full and clear to all, though it may be you may stay sometime; in the mean time, if this prove but a peparative, to keep the mindes of men from being too much carried away with one story, until they hear another, it is all that is aimed at.