ROGER WIDDRINGTONS Last REIOYNDER TO Mr. THOMAS FITZ-HERBERTS REPLY CONCERNING THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE, And the POPES power to depose PRINCES: Wherein all his arguments, taken from the Lawes of God, in the old and new Testament, of Nature, of Nations, from the Canon and Ciuill Law, and from the Popes Breues, condemning the Oath, and the Cardinalls Decree, forbidding two of Widdringtons Bookes are answered: Also many Replies and Instances of Cardinall Bellarmine in his Schulckenius, and of Leonard Lessius in his Singleton are confuted, and diuers cunning shifts of Cardinall Peron are discouered.

PROVERBS 12.

The lip of truth shall be stable for euer; but he that is an hasty witnesse frameth a tongue of lying.

IHS

Permissu Superiorum. 1619.

❧ The CONTENTS of this TREATISE.
  • THE Preface to the Reader: wherein it is shewed first, how dangerous and perniti­ous a thing it is, vnder pretence of zeale to Catholike Religion, and to the Sea Apostolike, to coyne, teach, and publish by fraude and violence false articles of Catholike faith, e­specially in things, which doe greatly derogate from the tem­porall Soueraignty of absolute Princes.
  • Secondly, how exceedingly Widdringtons Aduersa­ries doe preiudice themselues and their cause, by handling this controuersie concerning the Oath of Allegiance, and the Popes power to depose Princes, in such a fraudulent, vn­charitable, and slanderous manner; and in not permitting learned Catholikes, to whom the charge of soules is commit­ted, and who ought alwaies to bee ready to satisfie euery one, that asketh them a reason of their Catholike faith, to try and examine by the true touchstone of Catholike faith, and the vndoubted principles of Catholike Religion, whether the faith, which they pretend to bee Catholike, bee a false and forged Catholike faith, or no:
  • Thirdly, what is Widdringtons chiefe drift in making this Reioynder, and in continuing still to handle this con­trouersie.
CHAP. I.
  • Widdrington freeth himselfe of two fraudes, whereof [Page] he is wrongfully accused, and returneth them backe againe vp- his Aduersary.
  • Secondly, hee discouereth the fraude and falshood of his Aduersaries reasons, which he yeeldeth for the supposition of his Discourse, and that therein he contradicteth his owne grounds.
  • Thirdly, he plainly sheweth, that he hath answeared pro­bably, and like a good Catholike.
CHAP II.
  • Widdringtons answere to an argument of his Aduer­sary, taken from the rule of the law, [The accessory fol­loweth the principall,] is confirmed.
  • Secondly, Two Instances which he brought against that rule, are prooued to be sound and sufficient.
  • Thirdly, that place of S. Paul, 1. Cor. 6. If you haue Secular iudgements, &c. is at large examined.
CHAP. III.
  • Widdringtons answere to Fa. Lessius argument taken from that maxime, [Hee that can doe the greater, can doe the lesse,] is confirmed.
  • Secondly, the foure Instances, which hee brought to con­fute the said argument and maxime, are examined, and proo­ued to be neither friuolous nor impertinent, but sound, suf­ficient, and to the purpose.
  • Thirdly, Cardinall Bellarmines example touching the translation of the Romane Empire, and the argument which D. Schulckenius bringeth to confirme the same, with [Page] two other examples of Clodoueus King of France, and of Boleslaus King of Polony, are confuted.
CHAP. IIII.
  • Widdringtons interpretation of that clause of the Oath, wherein the doctrine [that Princes who are excom­municated, or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed, or murthered by their subiects, or any other whatso­euer,] is abiured as impious and hereticall, is prooued to bee sound and sufficient, and is cleered from all absurditie and contradiction, euen by M. Fitzherberts owne examples, and that it may without periurie be sworne by any Catholike.
CHAP. V.
  • Widdringtons answeres to all M. Fitzherberts argu­ments, taken from the law of God, both in the olde and new Testament, are prooued to be truely probable and sincere, and no way fraudulent, or contrary to his owne doctrine.
  • SEC. 1. First, all the authorities, which are brought out of the old law, are confuted in generall, by the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine and other learned Diuines.
  • Secondly, the arguments taken from that place of Deu­teron. 17. Si difficile & ambiguum, &c. and the exam­ples of Eleazar and Iosue, and from the difference of the sacrifices to be offered for Priests and Princes, together with the testimonies of Philo, Theodoret, and Procopius, are answered in particular.
  • SEC. 2. All M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the olde law, since the institution of Kings, are at large exa­mined: [Page] and first his argument, taken from the authority of Priests and Prophets, to create, annoint, chastice and de­pose Kings, is disprooued.
  • Secondly, Widdringtons answeres to the examples of Queene Athalia, deposed by Ioiada the high Priest, and of King Ozias deposed by Azarias the high Priest, are confir­med, and whatsoeuer D. Schulckenius obiecteth against the said answeres is related, and answered.
  • Thirdly, it is shewed, that the authority of S. Chryso­stome brought by M. Fitzherbert to confirme the example of King Ozias, maketh nothing for him, but against him, and that in vrging this authority he dealeth fraudulenty, per­uerteth Saint Chrysostomes meaning, and also contradi­cteth Card. Bellarmine.
  • SEC. 3. All M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the new Testament, are examined: and first, his compa­rison betweene the old law, and the new, the figure and the verity is prooued to make against himselfe.
  • Secondly, those words of our Sauiour, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose, &c. and Feed my sheepe, are declared, and the arguments drawne from thence, and from the nature of a well instituted Common-wealth are satisfied; and Doctor Schulckenius Reply is proued to be fraudulent and insuffi­cient.
  • Thirdly, the authoritie of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 10. affir­ming, that he and the rest were readie to reuenge all dis­obedience, is answered: M. Fitzherberts fraud in alledg­ing the authority of S. Augustine is plainely discouered, and the Conclusion of his Chapter shewed to be false and frau­dulent.
CHAP. VI.
  • [Page]M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the law of Na­ture are confuted: and first it is shewed, in what manner temporall things are by the law of Nature subordinate to spirituall, and the temporall Common-wealth to the Church of Christ.
  • Secondly, that Religious Priests cannot by the law of Nature punish temporall Princes temporally; and that in the law of Nature the ciuill societie was supreme, and disposed of all things, as well concerning religion, as State, and that therefore the new Oath, denying the Popes power to depose Princes, is not repugnant to the law of Nature.
  • Thirdly, the difference betwixt the directiue and coer­ciue power, and how temporall things become spirituall, is de­clared, and from thence prooued, that the Church may com­mand, but not inflict temporall punishments; and diuers Re­plies of M. Fitzherbert and D. Schulckenius are confuted.
CHAP. VII.
  • 1. Certaine places of the old and new Testament are explained: 2. D. Schulckenius Reply to the answere Widdrington made to those wordes, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose, &c. and thirdly, Cardinall Bellarmines second reason, and Fa. Parsons answere to the Earle of Salisbu­rie grounded thereon; and fourthly other arguments brought by M. Fitzherbert, from the examples of Ananias and Saphyra, and of others, and from the practise of the Church, and the person of man, are cleerely confuted.
CHAP. VIII.
  • [Page]M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the law of Na­tions and the Ciuill law are answered: and first the diffe­rence betwixt the Priests of the old and new Testament, and the Priests of other Nations, and also betwixt the law of Nations and of Nature, is declared.
  • Secondly, from thence it is prooued, that among all Na­tions the ciuill common-wealth was supreme, and disposed of all things both spirituall and temporall, and punished all persons both Priests and others with temporall punishments, and consequently that the new Oath cannot be impugned by the law of Nations.
  • Thirdly, what M. Fitzherbert obiecteth from the Ci­uill Law, is confuted.
CHAP IX.
  • First, the difficulties which some make concerning the au­thoritie of the Lateran Councell are propounded.
  • Secondly, the decree of the Councel, which is common­ly vrged to prooue the Popes power to depose Princes, is related.
  • Thirdly, Widdringtons first answere to the said decree is prooued to be sound and sufficient, and M. Fitzherberts replies against the same are confuted.
CHAP. X.
  • Widdringtons second answere to the decree of the La­teran [Page] Councell (affirming that absolute Princes are not comprehended therein, because they are not mentio­ned by their proper names, but by inferiour titles) is prooued to be neitheir improbable nor absurd, but conforme to the doctrine of learned Diuines and Lawyers; and M. Fitz­herberts exceptions against the said answere are shewed to be very insufficient and fraudulent.
CHAP. XI.
  • Widdringtons first answere to an obiection propounded by himselfe is prooued to bee sufficient, and that the consent of temporall Princes is necessary to the validitie of Ecclesia­sticall constitutions, which inflict temporall punishments, and consequently are not made by true spirituall autho­ritie.
  • Secondly, the doctrine of the Lord Cardinall Peron, in his speech to the Lower house of Parliament against the Oath propounded by them, is examined.
  • Thirdly, M. Fitzherberts obiections grounded vpon the decrees of Pope Callixtus, Vrbanus, the Councell of Eliberis in Spaine, and the constitution of the Apostles are cleerely confuted.
CHAP. XII.
  • An other answere of Widdrington grounded vpon certaine Glossers, or Expositours of the Canon Law is confirmed, and M. Fitzherberts exceptions against the same are prooued to be fraudulent and insufficient.
  • [Page] Secondly, it is shewed, that from no Canon of the Church it can be prooued, that the custome of the Church is, or hath beene to inflict by her spirituall authoritie temporall penalties.
  • Thirdly, the true difference betwixt the Diuines and Canonists, concerning the Popes power in temporalls is declared.
CHAP. XIII.
  • Widdringtons third answere to the decree of the Late­ran Councell is confirmed.
  • Secondly, it is shewed, how certaine it is, according to the doctrine of learned Catholikes, that the Church cannot erre in decrees or precepts of manners; from whence it is cleerely deduced, that from the Decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell it cannot with any colour of probabilitie be prooued, that it is a point of faith, that the Pope hath au­thoritie to depose temporall Princes.
  • Thridly, all M. Fitzherberts arguments to shew the contrary, are most plainely confuted.
CHAP. XIIII.
  • Three Instances grounded vpon three examples of Popes Decrees and sentences brought by Widdrington, to confute three arguments of Fa. Lessius, whereby he labou­reth in vaine to demonstrate, that the foundations of the De­crees and sentences of Popes and Councells, must bee cer­taine and of faith, are prooued to be sound and sufficient.
  • Secondly, the first example brought by Widdrington [Page] is confirmed, and M. Fitzherberts exceptions against the same are confuted, and hee himselfe in setting downe Wid­dringtons. Instances, and applying them to the decree of the Lateran Councell, is conuinced of manifest fraud and falshood.
  • Thirdly, that proposition, Many things may be cer­taine to the Sea Apostolike, and yet seeme vncertaine to other learned men, is examined.
CHAP. XV.
  • Widdringtons second example and his Instances grounded thereon, are confirmed, and M. Fitzherbert in impugning the same is conuinced of manifest fraud and igno­rance, in taxing therein of fondnesse the learnedst Diuines of his owne Societie.
  • Also Widdringtons third example, and his Instances grounded thereon, are prooued to be sound and sufficient, and M. Fitzherberts fraud in relating the said Instances, and applying them to the Lateran Councell, is plainely discoue­red.
CHAP. XVI.
  • Another argument, or rather answere of Widdrington is confirmed, and M. Fitzherbert in labouring to prooue that Widdrington by his owne grant is fallen into heresie or er­rour, is conuinced of palpable ignorance.
  • The Conclusion of all Widdringtons discourse in his Preface to his Apologeticall answere, is confirmed; and what M. Fitzherbert excepteth against the same, and also [Page] his briefe Recapitulation of all his Discourse in this his Treatise, are confuted.
CHAP. XVII.
  • M. Fitzherberts vncharitable Admonition to the Ca­tholike Reader, that Widdrington is no other then an heretike, disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, and that his submission to the Catholike Romane Church, proceedeth from no other ground, but from a deepe dissimulation, or rather artificial and execrable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Catho­likes, is clearely confuted, and prooued to be voide of charity, learning, and sincerity: and what reasons the King and State may haue to permit such submissions, is there declared.
  • Widdringtons answere to the Popes Breues, forbid­ding the Oath, is confirmed, and hee freed from all disobedi­ence and irreuerence for not admitting them.
  • The decree of the Cardinals forbidding two of Widdring­tons Bookes, and commanding him to purge himselfe forth­with, is fully answered by his Purgation, and humble Suppli­cation, which he made forthwith to his Holinesse.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

HOw dangerous and pernicious a thing it is (deare Contreymen) in any temporall Kingdome or Common-wealth to coyne, or willingly to vtter, and much more by fraud or violence to force the people to accept of counterfait money, any man of meane vnderstanding may easily perceiue. And true­ly no lesse dangerous and pernicious is it in the spiri­tuall Kingdome and Church of Christ, 1 Tim. 3. which is the pillar and firmament of truth, to inuent, forge, or divulge, and which is farre worse, to thrust vpon the faithfull by fraud and violence false articles and positions for true and infallible Catholike faith, but especially in things which are greatly preiudiciall to the temporall Soue­raigntie of Christian Princes, whom Christ our Sauiour, hath appointed to be Nurcing Fathers and Protectours of his Church:Isay 19. Concil. Trid. sess. 25. cap. 20. de Re­form. for that thereby not onely Christian Princes are extreamely wronged, but also the Christian Religion is greatly scandalized, and the soules both of Princes and subiects are much endangered: and ther­fore no lesse thanks doe they deserue at the hands of the Church of God, who should discouer a false and forged Catholike faith, and the first inuenters or pub­lishers thereof, then doe they at the hands of the tem­porall Kingdome, who should disclose false and coun­terfait [Page] money, and the first coiners or vtterers of the same.

2 And this is the very case betweene me and my Aduersaries in this controuersie concerning the Popes pretended authority to depose temporall Princes, and to dispose of all their temporalls. For I accuse them, and also in my iudgement clearely conuince them, that they haue, if not coined and forged, yet at least­wise not onely taught and divulged, and, which is worse, endeauoured by fraud and violence to thrust vpon Catholikes a false and forged Catholike faith, but also that they haue wrongfully defamed and slan­dered those Catholikes, and my selfe in particular, who doe plainely discouer their falshoods, and that they seeke both by deceitfull and violent meanes to hinder aswell the learned as the vnlearned people, that they shall not by the true touchstone and vndoubted rules of the Catholike faith, & by reading those books which doe exactly and sincerely debate this question, examine in what a fraudulent manner they seeke to co­lour this their false and newly forged Catholike faith: wherein they doe most egregiously abuse all Christi­an Princes and people, most exceedingly scandalize Catholike Religon, and as much as lyeth in them, they make the Sea Apostolike odious and dreadfull both to Princes and people, and giue occasion of perpetuall discord betwixt the Kingdome and the Priesthood, whereby they prepare the way to Antichrist, and lay open a wide gap to Schisme, heresie, Atheisme, and infidelity.

3 For if vnder the pretence of aduancing the Popes [Page] authority in so great preiudice of Regall Soueraignty, we once forsake the ancient and approoued rules, by which as by an assured touchstone the true Christian and Catholike faith, hath alwaies been discerned from the false and counterfeit, what vndoubted grounds, shal we haue to build our Catholike faith vpon, which In the Creed of S. Athana­sius. vnlesse euery one shall keepe entire, and inuiolate, without doubt he shall perish eternally? If Christian Princes & peo­ple once perceiue, that the supreame Pastours of Gods Church doe both permit and applaud some learned men, who are otherwise potent in the Court of Rome, to impose by fraud and violence vpon the Church of Christ, in fauour of that authority which they pretend to haue ouer all temporals, a false and forged Catho­like faith for true, and to disgrace and slander all those who shall detect their forgeries, why may not the said Princes and people iustly suspect, as Fa. Lessius argu­ethIn his Sin­gleton part. 3. num. 74., that the Catholike faith and Religion is for a great part thereof a meere inuention of men, deuised of set purpose by Popes, Bishops, and Cleargie men in policie, that they may more securely dominiere, and vnder a shew of piety and Religion, dispose of all tem­porals at their pleasure? And therefore how much these men are to answere at the day of iudgement, for so greatly wronging Christian Princes, for so mighti­ly scandalizing Catholike Religion, for so much en­dangering the soules of all sorts of people, and for so vniustly oppressing and slandering innocent and zea­lous Catholikes, who doe plainely discouer their fraud and falshoods, I cannot but tremble, when I [Page] seriously consider the same.

4. And if perhaps my Aduersaries will in their owne defence alledge, that one may be excused from all fault before God and man, who in zeale should teach any doctrine to be Catholike, which he sincerely in his con­science thinketh to bee truely Catholike, albeit per­chance in very deed it is not so; as also he that vttereth counterfait money not knowing it to bee counterfait, but sincerely thinking that it is good and lawfull coine, is not to be condemned before God or man: I answere, that all things done in zeale are not free from sinne, when the zeale is blinde, and grounded vpon an erroneous conscience, and culpable ignorance: O­therwise we might excuse from all fault the Iewes, for crucifying our Sauiour, and putting to death his Disci­ples,Luke 23. for that they did it through ignorance, and thought thereby to doe seruice to God; Iohn 16. and S. Paul for blasphe­ming and persecuting the Christians, before his con­uersion,Acts 1. because he did it being ignorant in incredulity.

5 And therefore first I wish them to remember that admonition,Bell. lib 2. de gemitu columbae cap 9. which Cardinall Bellarmine my chie­fest Aduersary giueth to the Pastours and Prelates of the Church vpon occasion of relating the fearefull death of Pope Innocent the third, who greatly busied himselfe with the deposing of temporall Princes, and with the disposing of temporall kingdomes, whereby great warres, and much effusion of innocent blood, were caused in the Church of God (which perchance was one of the three causes for which the said Pope, as Cardinall Bellarmine rehearseth, had beene damned eter­nally, [Page] if he had not repented at the houre of his death.) For first he deposed Philip, and set vp Otho, Matth. Paris in vita Ioannis ad annū. 1210. Page 220. then he deposed Otho, for seeking to recouer certaine townes and forts belonging to the Empire, which the said Pope in the time of Frederikes minority had taken into his owne possession: afterward he sought to thrust out of Italy the said Frederike the second,Blondus decad. 2. l b. 6. Abbas Vrsperg. ad annū 1212. who before at A­quisgraue was crowned Emperour by the said Pope In­nocent his authority. I omit now to relate how here in England he carried himselfe, first in taking part with the Barons, and deposing King Iohn, Matth Paris in vita Ioannis ad annū. 1212. pag. 223. And Stow in the life of King Iohn. and (which nei­ther Car. Bellarmine, nor Suarez dare iustifie, who will not admit that the Pope may lawfully depose a King, and giue his Kingdome from the next heire; who is free from all fault, to another) in giuing the King­dome to the King of France, and his posterity for euer, wherby he depriued the next lawful heire Henry the 3. being a childe, of his right, without any fault commit­ted by him: But after the Popes Legate had cunningly perswaded King Iohn, to resigne vp his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope, then he tooke King Iohns part against the King of France, and the Barons, and com­manded them not molest him, for that he was now become the Popes Vassall. But marke, I pray you, what Card. Bellarmine writeth of this Pope Innocent.

6 About this time, saith he,Surius ad 16. Iunij. relating Surius words in the life of S. Ludgard, Pope Innocent the third, after the ce­lebrating of the Lateran Councell, departed this life, and forthwith he appeared visibly to Ludgard. But she seeing him compassed about with a great flame of fire, demāded who [Page] he was: He answered, that hee was Pope Innocent: And what is this, saith she with a pittifull grone, that the common Father of vs all is so cruelly tormented? Hee answered, For three causes am I so tormented, which also had most iustly ad­iudged me to euerlasting torments, if by the intercession of the most pious Mother of God, to whom I built a Monasterie, I had not repented at the last houre. And truely I haue escaped eternall death, but I shall be tormented with most grieuous pu­nishments vntill the day of Iudgement: But the Mother of mercie obtained for me of her Sonne, that I might come to thee to desire prayers: which when he had said, he presently va­nished away. And Ludgard told his necessities to her Sisters, that they might relieue him: but she greatly pittying his case did afflict her selfe for his cause, with wonderfull punishment. Let the Reader know, saith Thomas Cantipratensis the wri­ter of her life, (from whom Surius tooke the same) that those three causes are, by the reuealing of Ludgard, not vnknowne to vs, but for the reuerence of so great a Pope, we would not relate them.

7 Which example, saith Card. Bellarmine, is wont oftentimes to terrifie mee exceedingly, and to cause mee to tremble. For if so commendable a Pope, and who in the eies of men was accounted not onely honest and prudent, but also a Saint, and woorthy to bee imitated, did scape so narrowly hell fire, and is to bee punished vntill the day of Iudgement, with the most grieuous fire of Purgatory, what Prelate would not tremble? who would not examine most exactly the secrets of his conscience? For I doe easily perswade my selfe, that so great a Pope could not commit deadly sinnes, but being deceiued vnder the shew of good, by flatterrs, and [Page] those of his owne houshold, of whom it is said in the Gospell, Matth. 10 A mans enemyes are they of his owne howshold. Therefore let vs all learne by this so great an example, to ex­amine carefully our conscience, least perchance it be erroneous, albeit to vs it seeme to be right and sound. Thus Cardinall Bellarmine, whose counsell in this point, I thinke it ne­cessary, that all my Aduersaries with Cardinall Bellar­mine the chiefest of them, and my selfe should duely consider, least that the zeale, which all of vs pretend to haue, be blind, and not according to knowledge, and that our conscience, albeit to vs it seeme to bee right and sound, bee erroneous, and grounded vpon culpable ignorance. For my owne part, I haue exa­mined my conscience very carefully, and cannot find my selfe guilty of any fault, for examining this con­trouersie touching the lawfulnesse of the Oath, and the Popes power to depose Princes, and that I was not mooued thereunto for feare, flattery, hope of gaine, or any other worldly respect, but truely and sincere­ly, God is my witnesse, for the loue, I beare to God, Religion, my Prince and Countrey, to finde out the Catholike truth, and being found, to embrace, pro­fesse, and follow it, and thereby according to our Sauiours commaundement, to render to God and Caesar that obedience, which doth belong to them.

8 Secondly, therfore I wish my Aduersaries to consi­der, what may in the iudgemēt of any prudent man, be thought of those men, who by fraud or violēce should seek to force vpon any one a great sum of gold, which he greatly suspecteth to be false and counterfaite, and [Page] therefore refuseth to accept thereof, before hee hath fully tryed whether it be true or forged coyne: and whether any fault be to be found in him, both for de­siring to haue the gold examined by the touchstone, and those waies by which true gold is discerned from counterfaite, before hee bee compelled to take it for good and currant; and also for giuing his reasons why hee thinketh the same to bee false and forged: And if they will not suffer him to make triall, whe­ther it be good or no, but will needes haue him to take it for good gold, when not onely himselfe, but also diuers other skilfull Gold-Smiths doe greatly suspect, yea and are fully perswaded, that it is naught and counterfaite, and if he refuse to accept thereof in that manner, they should seeke to disgrace him with the Prince and people, and to accuse him of disobedi­ence to the State, and who wilfully refuseth to accept and acknowledge the Kings coyne for lawfull, whe­ther these men doe not great wrong to that party, and whether it may not be prudently thought, that they haue a guilty conscience, and that they them­selues suspect the said gold, not to bee indeed so good and currant, as in words they would pretend.

9 Now the case betweene mee and my Aduer­saries is farre worse then this. For they haue sought by false and fraudulent meanes, not onely to impose vpon the whole Christian world, a false and coun­terfait Catholike faith, for truely Catholike, but to slander and defame all those Catholikes, and my selfe in particular, who, for the reasons wee haue often [Page] propounded, refuse to accept thereof for Catholike, vntill it be better prooued so to be, and to condemne vs of temerity, and disobedience to the Sea Apostolike, yea and of flat heresie; and they would make the world beleeue, that wee are not true Catholikes, but heretickes disguised and masked vnder the vizard of Catholikes. For so saith M. Fitzherbert c. 17. nu. 19. And albeit we doe publikely professe our selues to be true Catholikes, and doe submit all our writings to the iudgement and censure of the Catho­like Romane Church, and doe sincerely and solemnly protest to recall and recant foorthwith our errour, if wee haue committed any, as soone as it shall be made knowne vnto vs, that wee haue written any thing a­misse, yet they feare not to affirme, contrary to all iustice and charity, that all this our profession, sub­mission, and protestation, is but a false luster and glosse, So saith Fitz­herbert c. 17 nu. 1. & 26. to cast vpon our counterfaite ware of purpose to deceiue, and that it proceedeth from no other ground, but from a deepe dissimulation, or rather an artificiall and execrable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Catholikes.

10 Neither will they suffer vs to examine by the true grounds of Catholike Religion their newly inuented Catholike faith, and to yeeld our reasons, which doe fully perswade vs, that their faith, which they pretend to be Catholike, is not ancient and true, but a newly inuented, and a false and forged Catho­like faith, but they haue caused his Holinesse to con­demne our bookes, which in our iudgement doe plainly discouer their forgeries, and to forbid all Ca­tholikes, as well learned as vnlearned to read them, [Page] without signifying vnto vs any one thing in particu­lar which we haue written amisse, although wee haue often and earnestly requested to know the same: but all that they say or write, wee must, forsooth, without any further examination approoue for good and cur­rant doctrine, albeit wee haue most plainely conuin­ced them of manifest fraude and falshood, in almost euery one of their arguments and answeres, which they haue brought to prooue their doctrine, in this point of the Popes spirituall authority to depose Prin­ces, and to inflict temporall punishments, to be truely Catholike. All which being duely considered, what infinite wrong they haue done vs, it is too too ma­nifest, and albeit they pretend true zeale to Catholike Religion, and to the Sea Apostolike, yet for my own part I cannot see, but that any prudent man may iustly suppose their zeale to bee blind, and not according to knowledge, but grounded vpon culpable or wilfull ignorance, and that they themselues suspect their owne conscience to bee eroneous, and their cause to be naught, and therefore would not haue it to be fur­ther sifted and examined.

11 For seing that the nature of truth, being like to pure and perfect gold, is such, that the more it is examined, the more cleere and perspicuous it doth still appeare, and contrariwise falshood the more it is sifted, the absurdity thereof still sheweth it selfe more manifest; if my Aduersaries are in their consciences perswaded, as in wordes they professe, that they haue truth on their side, and that the au­thority [Page] of spirituall Pastours to excommunicate vpon iust cause Christian Princes, to binde and loose, and to dispence in Oathes in generall, which all Catholikes acknowledge to be included in their spirituall power, be denyed in the late Oath of allegiance, as they pre­tend, or that their authoritie to depose Princes, which all men confesse to bee denyed in the Oath, bee cer­taine, out of controuersie, and a cleere point of Catholike faith (for which two causes chiefly they cry out against the Oath, and condemne it for vn­lawfull, as containing in it more then temporall allegiance, to wit, a manifest denyall of Ecclesiasti­call authority,) why are they so much afraide to haue the matter charitably and sincerely debated by learned men? Why will they not suffer those Catho­likes, especially who are learned, and to whom the charge of soules is committed, and are able to discerne betwixt truth and falshood, betwixt Catho­like faith and opinion,1. Pet. 3. and who ought to bee alwaies readie and prepared, to satisfie euerie one that asketh them a reason of that faith which is in them, to reade such bookes as doe sincerely and exactly handle this controuersie, and all the difficulties on both sides, and doe plainely declare, in what particular man­ner all Christians are bound by the law of Christ, according to the true and approoued grounds of Ca­tholike Religion,Matth. 22. to render to God and Caesar that which is their due?

12 Why doe they so shamefully abuse his Holi­nesse, by misinforming him, that his power to excom­municate, [Page] to binde and loose, and to absolue from Oathes in generall, is denyed in the Oath, and that his power to depose Princes, which indeed the Oath denyeth, is a point of faith, and thereupon by vrging him to con­demne the Oath, as containing in it many things flat con­trary to faith and saluation, and to forbid those bookes of Catholike Writers, that doe plainly discouer their forgeries, and euidently conuince, that no such spiri­tuall power, as they pretend, is denyed in the Oath, and that his power to depose Princes, which the Oath denyeth, is not a point of faith, but hath euer since the time of Pope Gregory the seuenth (for before his age the practise thereof was not heard of,Onuphrius. l. 4. de varia creat. Romani Pont. as Onuphri­us witnesseth) it hath euer beene a great controuersie betwixt Popes, and Christian Princes, and those Ca­tholikes who haue fauoured either part: and, which is more extrauagant, by vrging him to commaund vnder paine of Censures the Author of those bookes to purge himselfe foorthwith, and yet not to signifie vn­to him any one crime either in generall, or in parti­cular of which he should purge himselfe, although hee hath very often most humbly and instantly re­quested to know the same?

13 Why doth not Cardinall Bellarmine, my chiefest Aduersarie, being accused by mee to his Holinesse, in publike writings of manifest fraudes, falshoods, corruptions, and calumnies, cleare him­selfe all this time of such fowle imputations, which cannot but greatly blemish his honour, and quite discredite his cause in the vnderstanding of any iu­dicious [Page] man? if in his conscience hee thinke him­selfe to bee guiltlesse, and that I haue falsly accused him, why doth hee not answere and iustifie himselfe, and shew to the world that I haue belyed him, that also thereby I may see my errour, and aske him pub­like forgiuenesse, and bee penitent for the same? If hee see that I am innocent, why doth hee not re­store my credit, which hee hath wrongfully taken away, and in plaine tearmes confesse, that hee was deceiued and mistaken in this controuersie, and imitating the example of famous Saint Augustine, re­tract all that hee hath written amisse, especially to the hurt and disgrace of innocent men? Can any man of iudgement imagine, that hee being now so neere his graue, would take such paines to write e­uery yeere some one or other little Treatise of deuo­tion (which neuerthelesse will not excuse him before God, from restoring the good name of them whom hee hath falsly defamed) and that hee would bee so carelesse to purge himselfe of such shamelesse crimes, which cannot but leaue his memory tainted with perpetuall infamy, if with his credit hee could cleere himselfe? And therefore, if he did sincerely consider the admonition hee gaue to other Prelates, vpon oc­casion of Pope Innocents examples, to examine their conscience carefully, whether it bee sound or erro­neous, hee might truely haue iust cause to bee sore a­fraide, and greatly to suspect, that howsoeuer hee maketh an outward shew of zeale, sanctitie, and deuotion, hee hath within an erroneous and seared [Page] conscience, for which hee must shortly, before the tribunall of God render a strict account.

14 All which their proceedings being duely considered, whether they are not manifest signes, that in their owne consciences they suspect the iustice of their cause, and doe plainely see, that they are not able to make good their newly inuented Catholike faith, and yet will still goe on to maintaine by fraude and violence, what they cannot by reason and argument, wherein also how much they discredit themselues & their cause, how mightily they scandalize Catholike Religion, and make the Sea Apostolike odious to Princes and subiects, how egregiously they wrong and slan­der innocent Catholikes, and how greatly they endan­ger their owne soules and others, I leaue to the iudge­ment of any prudent and pious man.

15 Wherefore my chiefe drift, good Reader, in this my answere to M. Fitzherbert is first, to keepe and maintaine entire and inuiolate the puritie of true Ca­tholike faith and Religion, which is greatly defiled, not onely by impugning true and vndoubted articles of faith, but also by forging and defending false arti­cles for true. Secondly, to defend my innocency (which as long as I haue a pen to write, or a tongue to speake, I will, God willing, not bee afraide to maintaine a­gainst any man whatsoeuer, that shall falsly accuse me and my doctrine of heresie) and to make knowne my sincere proceeding in handling this great and dan­gerous controuersie, which concerneth our obe­dience due to God and Caesar, and the fraudulent and [Page] corrupt dealing of my Aduersaries, who by fraud and violence seeke to afflict, intangle, and disturbe the con­sciences of scrupulous and vnlearned Catholikes, and to nourish in their hearts such dangerous speculations, which without manifest treason can neuer bee put in practise. Thirdly, to make manifest to all men that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes is not certaine, vnquestionable, and a point of faith, but ve­ry doubtfull, vncertaine, and at the most onely pro­bable: and consequently, that it cannot bee practised by the Pope, or any other whatsoeuer, without mani­fest iniury to the Prince, who is in lawfull possession of his Kingdome, of which the Pope vnder pretence onely of a probable power or title seeketh by his sen­tence to depriue him; for that according to the appro­ued rule of the law, and grounded vpon naturall rea­son, In causa dubia, De regulis Iu­ris in 6. & ff. de regulis Iuris regula, In pari causa. siue incerta melior & potior est condi­tio possidentis. In a doubtfull or disputable case the conditi­on of the possessour is to bee preferred. And therefore, as well obserueth Fa. Lessius in his Singleton Par. 2. nu. 38., potestas, quae non omnino certa, sed probabilis, non potest esse fundamen­tum, &c. A power, which is not altogether certaine, but pro­bable, cannot be a ground or foundation, whereby immediate­ly one may be punished, and be depriued of his right and do­minion, but such a power must be most certaine, and not doubt­full, or disputable, &c.

16 So that there is a great difference to be made, for as much as concerneth practise, betwixt a power onely probable, which tendeth to fauour, and is hurt­full to none, and which is penall and preiudiciall to a [Page] third person, who is depriued thereby of some thing which he lawfully possesseth. For it is most certaine, and approoued by all Diuines, that one may practise a probable power, to vse Lessius words, Quando agitur de fauore & beneficio, & nemo cogitur, nemo iure propinquo seu in re obtento spoliatur, sed potestas quae non omnino certa sed probabilis, non potest esse fundamentum, &c. When it is treated of a fauour and benefit, and no man is forced, or com­pelled, no man is spoiled of his next right, or which hee posses­seth indeed, but a power which is not altogether certaine, but probable, cannot be a ground or foundation, whereby immedi­ately one may be punished, or depriued of his right and domi­nion, &c. And for this cause my Aduersaries, knowing right well that if they should once admit that this power of the Pope is onely probable, they must con-consequently grant, that it is merus titulus sine re, and can neuer bee lawfully put in practise by any Pope, Prince, or subiect whatsoeuer, haue so much laboured to conuince out of all lawes humane and diuine, that this power is not onely probable, but most certaine, and a cleare point of faith. But how shamefully they haue spent their labour in vaine, and what friuolous and fallacious arguments they haue brought vnder pretence of spirituall good, to make Soueraigne Princes (whom all the ancient Fathers with uniforme consent acknowledge to bee supreame on earth, and next vn­der God in temporals) to bee in temporals subiect to the Pope, and that the more they striue to make their doctrine in this point to be certaine, and of faith, the more they shew it still to be lesse probable, and to bee [Page] inuented and maintained onely in fauour of the Pope without sufficient grounds, thou shalt see it, good Rea­der, in this Treatise made as cleare and manifest, as the light at noone-day.

17 Onely I must desire thy patience and par­don, for my often repeating the selfe same things, which may seeme to some to bee both superfluous and tedious, but to me for satisfaction chiefly of the vn­learned Reader, it seemed very necessary, especially, for that the chiefe state of the controuersie depends thereon, and yet my Aduersaries will scarse take no­tice thereof, yea, and are not ashamed to affirme, that I doe not teach any such things, although they haue beene by mee very often inculcated. As among other things, for example sake, albeit I haue in all my bookes so often repeated that distinction betwixt the directiue and coerciue power, betwixt commanding, en­ioyning, or imposing, and inflicting, punishing, or disposing, and that I doe so often and so expresly affirme, that spirituall Pastours haue by the institution of Christ authority to command, enioyne, and impose tempo­rall and coporall penalties, but to inflict them, to pu­nish temporally, and to dispose of temporall things, onely by the consent and grant of temporall Princes,Page 258. yet Cardinall Bellarmine in his Schulckenius is not asha­med to auerre, that Widdrington denieth the Pope to haue authority to command temporall Princes in temporals in order to spirituall good, and therevpon taxeth him of teaching flat heresie; and the most that M. Fitzherbert prooueth in this his Replie, is, as you shall see, that spi­rituall [Page] Pastours may, for the necessitie of the Church, and the good of soules, command, enioyne, and im­pose temporall and corporall afflictions, as fasting, almes deedes, vsing of haire-cloth, and the like, wher­of no Catholike maketh doubt: And therefore I thought it necessarie to inculcate, as often as occasion should require the aforesaid distinction, it being the maine marke to which the greatest part of all my Ad­uersaries arguments, and of my answeres doe prin­cipally tend, and whereon the whole state of the Controuersie betwixt me and them, con­cerning the Popes power to depose Princes, and to dispose of all tem­porals, doth chiefly depend.

CHAP. I.

Wherein Widdrington freeth himselfe from two fraudes, where­of hee is wrongfully accused, and returneth them backe vpon his Aduersarie; secondly he discouereth the fraude, and falshood of his Aduersaries reasons, which he yeeldeth for the supposi­tion of his Discourse, and that therein he contradicteth his owne grounds; and thirdly hee plainely sheweth, that hee hath an­swered probably, and like a good Catholike.

1. THere bee three things (Good Reader) which my Aduersary Mr. Fitzherbert in the first chapter of his Reply doth wrongfully lay to my charge. The first is, that I haue lame­ly, and fraudulently set downe the summe and substance of his discourse in the two first Chapters of his Supplement; the second, that in relating a supposition of his, I haue vsed two fraudes, the one in the relation of his wordes, and the other in the vse and application of them: the third is, that I haue nei­ther answered probably, nor like a good Catholike. And because the Reader may the better iudge of the sufficiencie, and truth of both our answeres, (for my onely desire is that the trueth in this difficult controuersie may be cleerely knowne) I will obserue the same me­thode, order, and number of Chapters, which he doth; and there­fore my answere to his first accusation, for that he remitteth his Rea­der for proofe thereof to his fift, sixt, and seuenth Chapters, I will also referre to those places, and only his two accusations I will examine with him in this Chapter.

2 To begin therefore with his second accusation, whereas in the beginning of my answere to the substance of M. Fitzherberts discourse, I affirmed,Dis [...] [...]ol. in [...] [...]ect [...] ‘that first of all he supposeth, that thePopes power to excom­municate and depose Princes, (if they deserue it, and the good of the Church, and the saluation of soules doe necessarily require it) is deni [...]d in [Page 2] this oath, whereupon hee concludeth afterwards, that although the oath doth not expressely affirme, that the Kings Maiestie is supreame head of the English Church nor in plaine words deny the Pope so to be; yet it sup­poseth, and implieth both the one, and the other, and thereupon denyeth the Popes authoritie to excommunicate and depose a temporall Prince: and howsoeuer the matter may bee otherwise coloured, it is euident, that the true reason, why the said authoritie of the Pope is impugned by the oath, is no other, but because the Kings Maiestie is held to bee no way subiect to the Pope, yea and to bee himselfe supreame head of the Church of God in England. This being presupposed, hee goeth about to prooue, that this oath is repugnant to the law of God, of Nature of Nations, Ca­non, and Ciuill, &c.’

3 Now Mr. Fitzherbert doeth bouldly, but vntruely affirme, that I haue vsed herein two fraudes, the one in the relation of his wordes, the other in the vse and application of them. For albeit, saith hee,Chap. 1. nu. 7 Wid­drington alleadgeth them truely, and doth not falsifie my text, yet hee relateth them in such sort, that his Reader must needes conceiue, that I lay them downe in the very beginning of my Discourse for the onely foundation, and ground of all my building; and therefore as soone as he hath cited them, he saith, hoc posito probare contendit, &c. this being supposed, hee la­boureth to prooue, that this oath is repugnant to the Diuine, and Naturall law, to the law of Nations, Ciuill, and Canon. So hee, and then hee pro­ceedeth to the abridgement of all my Discourse, beginning with the law of God in the olde Testament, and so goeth on with the rest, and impug­neth my supposition, as the onely foundation of all my Discourse and ar­guments.

4. But the trueth is, hee findeth those words of mine in the 66. page of my Supplement, (as it may appeare by his owne quotation thereof) af­ter I haue discoursed of the law of God in the old, and new Testament, and of the lawes of Nature, and Nations, and of the Ciuill law, in the conclusion whereof I haue those words, referring them to the Ciuill law onely: for ha­uing prooued, that the said law confirmeth and establisheth the Popes su­premacie, I inferred, that it cannot fauour, and much lesse enioyne, and iustifie the oath for two reasons; the one, because the said oath is in part groun­ded vpon the beliefe, that the Kings Maiestie is supreame head of the Church of God in England, and no way subiect to the Pope (which is repugnant to the Ciuill law) and the other, because the Ciuill law acknowledging the subiection of temporall Princes to the Pope in matters belonging to their soules, and to the good of the Church, doth by a necessarie consequent ac­knowledge, that they may bee punished by him temporally in their persons and states, where the good of soules and the seruice of God doeth require it, according to the rule of the law, Accossorium sequitur principale, the accessorie followeth the principall. Then, I say, I argued in the [Page 3] place, which he citeth, and I remitted my Reader for the confirmation of this second reason to a more ample Discourse thereof before in the same chap­ter. Nu 66. & 56. Now then it appeareth (as I haue said) that hee hath dealt fraudu­lently with me two wayes, the one in referring my supposition to all the lawes, whereof I treated, whereas I referred the same expresly, and only to the Ci­uill law: the other, &c. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

5 But truly I cannot but wonder, that this my Aduersarie should at the very first beginning of his Reply be so inconsiderate, as in wrong­fully accusing me of fraude, to deale so vntruly and fraudulently him­selfe, which could not but greatly empaire his credit with the [...]udicious Reader, and cause him to be iealous of his sinceritie in the rest of his Replyes, when at the very first entrance hee should finde in him such fraudulent proceeding. For that which I affirmed is very true, and I meruaile, that Mr. Fitzherbert doth not blush to deny the same, to wit, that hee did first of all, that is, at the very first beginning of his Dis­course in the sixt page of his Supplement, before hee began to prooue the oath to bee repugnant to any law Diuine, or Humane, suppose that the Popes power to excommunicate and depose Princes (if they deserue it, and the good of the Church, and the saluation of soules doe necessarily require it) is denied in this oath. For these be his expresse words in the sixt page, and ninth number of his Supplement.

6 Therefore I thinke good to let him vnderstand heere, that my mea­ning is not to contradict any article of the oath, that concerneth meerely Ci­uill obedience to our Soueraigne, but such clauses only, as doe either direct­ly, or indirectly preiudice the authoritie of our spirituall supreame Pastour, and namely those which doe exempt temporall Princes from excommunication and deposition by the Pope, when iust occasion shall be giuen by them, and the necessitie of the Church, and the good of soules require it: to which purpose I will prooue (marke well these words) that this new oath in respect of such clauses is repugnant to all lawes Humane, and Diuine, and therefore iustly condemned by his Holinesse, and refused by Catholikes. First then I will speake of the law of God, &c. So he.

7 Wherefore it is apparant, that Mr. Fitzherbert in the very be­ginning of his Discourse referreth his aforesaid supposition to all lawes both Humane, and Diuine, and yet now to taxe mee of fraude, hee doth not blush to say, that I haue dealt fraudulently with him in refer­ring his aforesaide supposition to all the lawes whereof hee treateth, whereas, saith he, hee referred the same expresly and onely to the Ciuill law: Which errour of his I would not willingly haue construed in the wor­ser sense but attribute it only to his obliuion, and forgetfulnesse of what he himselfe had written in the beginning of his Discourse, and not to any fraude in him, but that my wordes which hee himselfe doth relate, are so plaine, that he cannot bee excused either from manifest fraude, or [Page 4] from so palpable an errour, which no man of vnderstanding can scarce­ly commit. For marke my words, which he himselfe setteth downe. First of all he [M. Fitz.] supposeth that the Popes power to excommunicate, and depose Princes, is denyed in this oath; wherupon afterwards (to wit, in the 66. page, as it is euident by my quotation) hee concludeth, that al­though the oath doth not expresly affirme, that the Kings Maiestie is su­preame head of the English Church, nor in plaine words deny the Pope so to be, yet it supposeth, and implieth both the one, and the other, and thereupon denyeth the Popes authoritie to excommunicate and depose a temporall Prince, &c.

8 Now who seeth not, that I did cleerely distinguish betwixt first of all, and afterwards, betwixt his supposition, which I referred to first of all, and to the beginning of his discourse in the sixth page, before he began to treat of any of the lawes, as also it may euidently appeare by those words of mine, This being supposed hee laboureth to prooue, &c, and be­twixt his conclusion, which I referred to afterwards, and quoted the 66. page, where he treateth in particular of the Ciuill law. But because I quoted onely the place, where my Aduersarie maketh the aforesaide conclusion, for that the Reader could otherwise hardly finde it out, vn­lesse he should read 66. pages together, and did not quote the place, where hee made his supposition, for that by those words of mine, first of all he supposeth, and those other, This being supposed he laboureth to prooue, that this oath is repugnant to the law of God, of Nature, of Nations, Ciuill and Canon, the Reader might easily perceiue, that this supposition of his was in the beginning of his discourse, before he beganne to treat of any of the lawes; Belike my Aduersarie thought, that hee might easily from hence haue some colour to taxe me of fraudulent procee­ding at the very first beginning, little imagining that my words should be so narrowly scanned, and that the Reader would easily conceiue the difference betwixt first of all, and afterwardes, betwixt his supposition in the beginning of his discourse, page 6. and his conclusion, page 66. but guile hath heerein beguiled it selfe, and whilest my Aduersarie by tax­ing mee of fraud, thought to discredite mee at the very first entrance, hee hath cleerely prooued himselfe to bee guiltie both of fraude and falshood.

9 The second fraude, which my Aduersarie Widdrington hath vsed, saith Mr. Fitzherbert,Nu. 6. is, for that he laboureth, as it seemeth, to perswade his Reader, that all my arguments and reasons are grounded vpon a false sup­position of my owne, which hee sayth, I doe not any way prooue, but suppose as knowen of it selfe, and this hee seemeth to gather out of my owne wordes alleadged by him, as you haue heard, wherein I affirme, that the new oath supposeth and implieth a deniall of the Popes supremacy, although it bee not expresly denied therein (hee should haue said, wherein I affirme, that the [Page 5] oath denieth the Popes authoritie to excommunicate and depose a temporall Prince, for this is that, which I said, hee did suppose, and no way prooue) When neuerthelesse Nu. 9. hee could not but see, euen in the verie same place, from whence hee tooke my wordes, that I did not prooue the oath to be vnlawfull by that supposition onely, but also by the subordination, and sub­iection of temporall things to spiritual, when the good of soules, and the seruice of God requireth it: Besides that, it is most euident in my discourse concer­ning diuers of those lawes, that I deduced the vnlawfulnesse of the oath, from the very substance of them, as it will manifestly appeare heereafter, when I shall come to touch them in particular. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

10 But that I haue vsed no fraud at all in my wordes, as my Ad­uersary vntruely affirmeth, and that rather that imputation of fraude may bee retorted backe vpon himselfe, it is very apparant. For in the beginning of his discourse, to wit, in the sixt page of his Supplement, he supposeth, as you haue seene, that the Popes power to excommuni­cate and to depose Princes is denied in this oath, which also afterwards in the 66. page he confirmeth, and in regard onely of these two clauses, hee taketh vpon him to prooue, that the Popes spirituall authoritie is denied therein: VVhich his supposition, for as much as concerneth his power to excommunicate, and consequently his spirituall Supremacie, for that the former is according to the doctrine of all Catholikes in­cluded in this latter, as a particular in the vniuersall, I shewed in my Theologicall Disputation against Cardinall Bellarmine, Fa. Gretzer, Disputatio Theol. c. 4. sect. [...] and Lessius to be cleerely false, and withall, in my answere to the sub­stance of this my Aduersaries discourse, I affirmed, that hee doth not prooue it with any one argument at all, but supposeth it as knowne of it selfe: which any man that will but sleightly run ouer his discourse, may presently perceiue to be true.

11 For albeit he doeth boldly affirme, and suppose, that the Popes power to excommunicate, and to depose Princes is denied in this oath, and consequently, if the Popes power to excommunicate Princes be not denied therein, his position, or copulatiue proposition is false, for that to the truth of a copulatiue proposition it is required, that both parts of the copulation bee true, and to make it false, it sufficeth that one onely part of the copulation be false, yet he bringeth no one argument in his whole Discourse to prooue, that the Popes power to excommunicate Princes is denied in the oath, but cunningly passeth ouer to his power to depose, which all men confesse to be expresly denied therein. Nei­ther can any man, who is not desirous of set purpose to misconstrue my wordes, and meaning, imagine that I intended either to deny that the Popes power to depose Princes is impugned in the oath, for that my whole Disputation, and also my answere to this my Aduersaries Dis­course, doth plainely shew the contrary, or to affirme, that my Aduer­sarie [Page 6] doth suppose as knowne of it selfe, and by no reason at all endea­uour to prooue, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, and that therefore the oath in regard of this clause, which is expresly denied therein, is vnlawfull, for that I haue briefly related and answered ma­ny of his arguments to this purpose, and those words of mine, which he himselfe relateth, This being supposed, he goeth about to prooue, that the oath is repugnant to the law of God, &c. doe cleerely conuince the same.

12. But my onely intention and meaning was to affirme, as the Reader may plainely gather from my words, that my Aduersarie at the verie first entrance of his Discourse supposeth, that the oath doth con­taine in it a deniall of the Popes power to excommunicate and to depose Princes, and that to these two generall heads hee promised to reduce all the arguments and exceptions, which hee should bring against the oath; And that although he hath endeuoured by the subordination of temporall things to spirituall, and by many other arguments drawne from diuine and humane lawes, to prooue, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, yet concerning his power to excommunicate, which all Catholikes doe beleeue to bee graunted to him by Christ, that hee bringeth no one argument, or shew of an argument, to prooue, that it is denied in this oath, but supposeth it, as being graunted, or knowen of it selfe.

13 Whereby it is apparant that I am free from all fraude in this point, and that my Aduersarie cannot bee excused from fraudulent proceeding, both for wrongfully accusing mee of fraude, and also for taking vpon him in the beginning of his Discourse to impugne the oath, as being repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine, for that it containeth a deniall of the Popes power to excommunicate and to de­pose Princes, and yet not bringing any one argument to prooue that his power to excommunicate is denyed therein, but supposing it as knowne or granted, and cunningly passing ouer to his power to de­pose: which considering It hath euer beene a great controuersie, saith Fa. Azor, Tom. 2. l. 11. cap. 5. q. 8. betwixt Emperours and Kings on the one part, and the Bishops of Rome on the other, and the Schoolemen, saith Trithemius,In Chronico Monast. Hir­saug. ad annum. 1106. doe contend about the same, it is no hard matter for a man of meane Theologicall learning to scrape together, as Mr. Fitzherbert hath done, out of so ma­ny Authors, who haue written in fauour of the Popes power to depose Princes, some colourable arguments to prooue the same; all which neuerthelesse haue beene heeretofore by mee, and others very cleerely answered.

14 Considering therefore, that neither his Maiestie did intend to deny in this oath the Popes power to excommunicate him, although the lower house of Parliament, as his Maiesty himselfe affirmeth,In his Pre­monition. p. 9. at the first framing thereof, made it to containe as much, which hee forced them to re­forme, [Page 7] neither is there any one clause in the oath, from which it may bee gathered, that the saide power to excommunicate is denied there­in, neither did my Aduersary bring any one argument, or shew of an argument to prooue the same, although in the very beginning of his Discourse hee promiseth to prooue, that the oath in respect of this clause is repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine: for this cause I vsed these words, which now my Aduersary carpeth at, That it is a won­der that learned men do not blush to affirme with so great confidence, that to be his Maiesties meaning, which hee himselfe in publike writings doth expresly professe not to be his meaning, and to inculcate so often and so coldly without any solide proofe, that very argument (concerning the deniall of the Popes power to excommunicate) which both by his Maiestie, and many others hath beene so often very soundly confuted.

15 Now Mr. Fitzherbert taketh great exceptions against these wordes, and groundeth vpon them his third accusation, that I haue neither answered probably, nor like a good Catholike. Whereto I answere first, saith hee,Nu. 14. concerning his vaine bragge of the sound confutation of our argument, that seeing the same hath no other ground or proofe heere, but his owne word, and idle affirmation, it deserueth no other answere for this place, but a flat deniall. But I might likewise returne his owne answere of his vaine brag and idle affirmation, to those words of his,Nu. 10. 11. 12. That the oath implieth the deniall of the Popes Supremacy, and that hee and others haue amply prooued, that whosoeuer abiureth the Popes power to depose Princes, doth consequently abiure his spirituall authoritie: yet I will abstaine from such bitter termes, and whether it bee a vaine bragge of my owne, and an idle affirmation, or rather a very true assertion, that their argument concerning the deniall of the Popes power to excommunicate, where­of in that place I did onely speake, hath beene sufficiently confuted or no, the Reader by my answeres may easily perceiue.

16 For Cardinall Bellarmine, Fa. Lessius, Gretzer, and this my Aduersary doe affirme the oath to be vnlawfull, and to deny the Popes spirituall authoritie, for that it denieth his power to excommunicate, which all Catholikes graunt to bee included in his spirituall Primacy. That his power to excommunicate is denied in this oath, Fa. Gretzer, and my Aduersarie doe suppose as manifest, neither doe they bring any one argument for the proofe thereof, and therefore their assertion, or rather supposition may with a meere deniall bee as easily confuted. Cardinall Bellarmine also at the first did barely, & without any proofe, but onely by the way of an interrogation affirme, or rather suppose the same. And being taxed by his Maiestie of falshood, for affirming so boldly, That the Popes power to excommunicate are hereticall Kings, is plain­ly denied in the oath, seeing that this point converning the Popes power to ex­communicate, was in this oath purposely declined by his Maiesty, yet Cardi­nall [Page 8] Bellarmine afterwards in his Apologie, Cap. 15. bringeth no other proofe for cleering himselfe of that imputation, then which in effect hee had brought before.

17 That I did truely affirme, saith he, that the Popes power to excom­municate euen hereticall Kings is denied in that forme of oath, it is manifest by those wordes of the oath. Also I doe sweare from my heart, that not­withstanding any declaration, or sentence of Excommunication or de­priuation made or granted, or to bee made or granted by the Pope or his Successours, &c. I will beare faith, and true allegiance to his Ma­iestie, his Heires, and Successours. But whosoeuer sweareth that he will obey an hereticall King, notwithstanding the Popes excommunication, doth not hee together sweare, that he acknowledgeth not in the Pope power to ex­communicate hereticall Kings? for otherwise it were not an oath, but sacri­ledge, to sweare, that hee will not obey the sentence of Excommunication made by the Pope against an hereticall King, if he should beleeue, that the Pope hath power to excommunicate hereticall Kings.

18 To this argument I gaue two answeres.In Disput. Theol. cap. 4. sect. 1. The first was, that a Catholike man either terrified with feare, or mooued for hope of gaine, may sweare, that he will not obey a iust Excommunication, and by so swearing commit sacriledge, who neuerthelesse doth beleeue, that the Pope hath power to excommunicate: And therefore from those words of the oath [notwithstanding any sentence of Excommunica­tion, &c. I will beare true allegiance to his Maiestie, &c.] or to speake more plainly from these words [notwithstanding aiust Excommunication I will not obey it] it cannot bee rightly inferred, that I therefore deny the Popes power to excommunicate. But whosoeuer sweareth in that manner, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, either denyeth the power to excommunicate, or committeth sacriledge. Be it so. But if this se­cond were freely granted him, this neuerthelesse being granted, I cannot in any wise perceiue that to bee true, which hee before did absolutely, and without any disiunction affirme; In this branch of the oath the Popes power to excommunicate hereticall Kings is plainly denied.

19 My second and principall answere was the very same in effect, which his Maiestie before had giuen, to wit, that by swearing the foresayde branch, neither the Popes power to Excommuni­cate is abiured, nor any sacriledge committed. For hee who swea­reth, that notwithstanding any sentence of Excommunication to be denounced against the King, he will beare faith, and true allegiance to his Maiestie, although hee doth sweare, that hee will obey the King being excommunicated, because Excommunication hath not power to depriue Kings of their temporall dominions and Iurisdiction,Apol. nu. 346.as Be­canus with many other learned Diuines, whom I cited in my Apologie, doth affirme, yet he doth not sweare, that hee will not obey a iust Ex­communication, [Page 9] as Cardinall Bellarmine doth ill conclude. For albeit he beleeueth, that the Pope hath authoritie to excommunicate hereti­call Kings, yet hee doth not beleeue, that Excommunication, being a spirituall Censure, worketh this temporall effect, to depriue hereticall Kings of their Royall authoritie, to make Kings no Kings, or to take away from subiects their naturall and ciuill obedience, which by the law of God, according to Cardinall Bellarmines owne doctrine,In tract. con­tra Barcl. cap. 21. pag. 202.is due to all Kings, although they be heretikes, so long as they remaine Kings.

20 Nowe Fa. Lessius argued in this maner. You will say, saith he that the power to excommunicate is not here denyed, but onely a certaine effect of Excommunication, which is, that notwithstanding a Prince be ex­communicated, yet shall not the subiects be released from the bond of their al­legiance. But this effect doth necessarily follow the sentence of Excommunica­tion, as the practise of the Church for the space of more then twelue hundred yeeres doth shew. To this argument I answered, that by no practise at all of the Church it can be prooued, that the absoluing of subiects from the bond of their alleagiance, which by the law of God is due to all ab­solute Princes, is an effect of Excommunication, but at the most ano­ther punishment, although sometimes imposed together with Excom­munication, as Becanus with many other learned Catholikes doe ac­knowledge: concerning which punishment, whether it may for any crime be imposed by the Popes authoritie vpon absolute Princes, or onely vpon inferiour Princes by the consent of absolute Princes, to whom they are subiect in temporals, it hath euen bene and is also now a controuersie among learned Catholikes, as by the testimonie of those two Authours, whom I cited a little before,Nu. 13.and also of many others cited by me else where,in Apolog. nu. 4 & seq. and in this Treatise, part. 1. per to­tum. Becanus in q. de fide haereti­cis seruanda cap. 8. nu. 16. Becan. in Con­trou. Angl. cap. 3. q. 2. Suarez tom. 5. disp. 15. sec. 6. nu. 3.it doth cleerely appeare.

21 From hence it is very apparant, sayth Becanus, that heretikes by this precisely that they are excommunicated, are not depriued of their domi­nion or iurisdiction either ouer their subiects, or ouer their temporall goods, but this depriuation is a distinct punishment, and inflicted by a distinct law. And againe, It is one thing, sayth he, to excommunicate a King, and ano­ther thing to depose him, or to depriue him of his kingdome, neither is the one necessarily, connected with the other. Many Kings and Emperours haue bene excommunicated, and yet not therefore deposed, and contrariwise many deposed and yet not therefore excommunicated.

22 ‘Excommunication sayth Suarez, can not haue this effect (to take away the dominion of a kingdome, or of a people, and the paying of tributes, and doing seruices which are answearable thereunto) concerning such sub­iects,vnlesse an other thing be first supposed, which is, that the Lords be de­priued of their dominion, or the vse thereof, because the dominion remayning still in it force, it can not be, but that the subiects are bound to obey and con­sequently [Page 10] to communicate at leastwise as much as is necessary to fulfill their obligation, according to the chapter Inter alia desentent. excommun. But Excommunication of it selfe hath not this effect, because as it doth not depriue of the dominion of other temporall things, nor of the vse of them, so it doth not depriue of this dominion, because there is no more reason of that, nei­ther is there any law, wherein this is specially ordained of Excommunication; I say of Excommunication, because this is sometimes ordained in the law con­cerning some excommunicated persons, as heretikes, yet by this speciall ordi­nation we may vnderstand, that Excommunication of it selfe hath not this ef­fect; for when this effect is to follow, it is necessarie, that it be specially expres­sed in the law or sentence. And therefore when this effect is adioyned, I doe not call it an effect of Excommunication, but a peculiar punishment imposed together with Excommunication, as when an heretike is excommunicated, and depriued of the dominion of his goods, this depriuation is not an effect of Ex­communication, but a certaine punishment ioyned together with Excommuni­cation. Thus Suarez.

23 We haue therefore out of Becanus, and Suarez, that the de­priuing Princes of their dominion, or iurisdiction is not an effect of Excommunication, contrarie to that which Fa. Lessius saide; Wee haue also out of Cardinall Bellarmine, Bellar. in. trac. contra Barcl. cap. 21. Pag. 202. and the same Suarez, that subiects are not released from the bond of their obedience, vnlesse the Prince be depriued of his dominion, or iurisdiction, for that to deny obedience to a Prince, sayth Cardinall Bellarmine, so long as he remaineth Prince, is repugnant to the law of God; and the dominion or iurisdiction of a Prince, sayth Suarez,Suarez in De­fens. fidei Cath. lib. 6. cap. 3. nu. 6.remayning in its force, and not being taken away, it can not be, but that the subiects are bound to obey, because the obligation of obedi­ence, sayth hee, in any degree or state whatsoeuer doth so long endure in the subiect, as the dignity, or power, and iurisdiction doth endure in the Superiour, for these are correlatiues, and the one dependeth vpon the other. So that you see how well these learned Diuines of the Societie of Iesus doe agree amōg themselues in assigning the reason, for which this oath of allegiance doth containe in it a manifest deniall of the Popes power to excommunicate, and of his spirituall Supremacie. And whether En­glish Catholikes for so weake and slender arguments, and wherein our learned Aduersaries doe not agree among themselues, are bound to ha­zard their perpetuall libertie,In Append. part. 2. sect. 4.and whole estate, with the vtter ruine of their posteritie, I remit to the iudgement of the pious and prudent Rea­der. Thus I answered in my Theologicall Disputation, which afterwards in my Appendix to Suarez I did more fully explaine. Now let the Rea­der iudge, whether this my answere to their argument be a vaine brag, and an idle affirmation of my owne, or a solid confutation thereof, and whether I had not reason to affirme, that learned men doe not blush to inculcate so often and secoldly without any solid proofe that very ar­gument, [Page 11] which both by his Maiestie, and many others hath bene very soundly confuted, considering that my Aduersary doth so boldly affirme, that the oath is vnlawfull and repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine, for that it denyeth the Popes power to excommunicate, and yet he bring­eth no argument at all to prooue the same, but it must, forsooth, be sup­posed as certaine, and besides he concealeth what I before at large had answered to the aforesaid argument. And thus much concerning his first answere and exception.

24 Secondly, saith my Aduersary, Nu. 14 touching the declaration of his Maiesties mind in this point; I cannot but meruaile, that such a learned man, as this Authour is held to bee, cannot distinguish betwixt the contents of the oath, and the end or intention of him that ordained it. For I will not deny, but that his Maiestie might intend nothing else by ordaining this oath, but to exact of his subiects a profession of their obedience vnto him, and yet neuerthelesse hee that should take the oath should thereby abiure the Popes Supremacie (for the reasons before declared) notwithstanding his Maie­sties protestation of his intention. This will be euident, See these rea­sons beneath, nu 33. & seq. if we turne the case to a like oath of the Popes part, as for example; if the Pope should exact an oath of Catholikes to sweare, that the King cannot depriue a lawfull Bi­shop of Canterbury, and should withall protest, that he meaneth not thereby to make them abiure, or deny the Kings authoritie, but only to professe their dutie and obedience to the Sea Apostolike, I make no doubt, but that the Protestants would say according to their grounds, that this protestation and declaration of the Popes mind, could not excuse the takers of such an oath from the deniall of the Kings Royall authoritie, because his Ecclesiasticall Supremacie is (according to the Protestants opinion) so necessarily included in his Regall, or Kingly power, that whosoeuer denieth the one, doth conse­quently deny the other. In which respect, I say, the Popes protestation of his meaning, or intention could not in the Protestants opinion, warrant the swearers from periurie.

25 And so say we in this case of his Maiesties publike profession, and declaration of his intention, that it cannot alter the nature of the oath, or de­rogate any thing from the contents thereof, or from the Popes Supremacie, or from his Maiesties beleefe concerning the same, and much lesse can it make any thing in the oath lawfull, which is otherwaies vnlawfull: and therefore I say, that seeing the Popes power to depose Princes, is necessarily included (according to our doctrine and beliefe) in the Popes Ecclesiasticall Supre­macie, that the takers of the new oath cannot be excused from the deniall of the Popes supreame authoritie, nor consequently from periurie, notwith­standing any protestation of his Maiestie to the contrary: for if he should pro­test, that he doth not force the takers of the oath to abiure the Popes Suprea­macie, it were Protestatio contraria factis, a protestation contrary to his deeds, which the Lawyers hold to be nothing worth.

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[Page 12]26 But first my Aduersarie could not but cleerely see, howso­euer here he is pleased to babble, that I, who as he scoffingly saith, am held to be so learned a man, not only could distinguish, it being no such difficult point of wit, or learning, but also did oftentimes in my Apo­logie, Apologeticall answere, Theologicall Disputation, and in my Appen­dix to Suarez in expresse wordes distinguish betwixt the ende of the worke and of the worker, of the Art, and Artificer, of the law and pre­cepts therein contained, and of the Lawmaker: and shewed, that when the words of any law are ambiguous, they are to be vnderstood accor­ding to the intention and meaning of the Lawmaker, and that neither the intention of his Maiestie was to deny in this oath the Popes power to excommunicate, or any other his spirituall authoritie, but onely to require of his Catholike subiects a profession of that temporall and ciuill obe­dience, which all subiects by the law of God and nature do owe to their lawfull Prince, neither in the oath is contained any clause, which by learned Catholikes is not thought to belong to temporall, & ciuill obedience.

27 Wherefore there is a great disparitie betwixt the oath, which the Pope should exact concerning his Maiesties power not to depriue a lawfull Bishop of Canterburie, and this new oath of allegiance concer­ning the Popes authoritie not to depose his Maiesties: because that Ec­clesiasticall Supremacie, which his Maiestie doth challenge, is, accor­ding to the opinion of all Protestants, necessarily included in his Re­gall or Kingly power, insomuch that whosoeuer denieth the one, doth consequently, in the opinion of all Protestants, deny the other: but the Popes authoritie to depose Princes is not, according to the opinion of all Catholikes, necessarily included in the Popes spirituall Supre­macie, for that many learned Catholikes doe hold, that the Pope hath no such power to depose Princes, and therefore hee that denieth his power to depose, doth not consequently, according to the opinion of all Catholikes, deny his spirituall Supremacie. And albeit Mr. Fitzher­bert doeth boldly affirme, that, according to his beliefe, the Popes power to depose Princes is necessarily included in the Popes Ecclesiasti­call Supremacie, yet I will be bold to say, that his beliefe herein is not Catholike, or Vniuersall, but a particular beliefe or rather an opinion of his owne and of some other Catholikes, the contrarie doctrine being, as I said, euen to this day maintained by many learned and vertuous Catholikes. And therefore vntill he bring some better ground for his beliefe, then his bare I say, I will also be bold to say, that the takers of the new oath are according to the doctrine of learned Catholikes excu­sed from the deniall of the Popes supreame authoritie, seeing that, accor­ding to the opinion of many learned Catholikes, the Pope hath no such power to depose, and so neither is his Maiesties protestation repugnant to his deeds, nor his intention disagreeable to the contents of the oath.

[Page 13]28. Secondly, although my Aduersary to prooue the oath vnlaw­full, and to containe a deniall of the Popes Supremacy, doth seeme now to fly from his Maiesties intention to the contents of the oath, and ex­presly saith, That he will not deny, but that his Maiestie by ordaining this oath, might intend nothing else but to exact of his subiects a profession of their obedience, and temporall allegiance, and not of his Ecclesiasticall Suprema­cie; neuerthelesse he seemeth before to affirme, that his Maiesties inten­tion, opinion, and vnderstanding is, that the Popes spirituall authoritie is abiured in this oath, and his Ecclesiasticall Supremacie is acknow­ledged therein, which the iudicious Reader may plainely gather both by those wordes in his Supplement before related, wherein hee auou­chethSee his words be­neath, Nu. seq. 29. That it is euident enough that the true reason why the Popes autho­ritie to excommunicate and depose a temporall Prince is impugned by the oath, is no other, but because the Kings Maiestie is helde (both by himselfe and other Protestants) to be no way subiect to the Pope, yea and to be him­selfe supreme head of the Church of God in England, and also by the first of these two reasons, which he bringeth heere in his Reply, why he suppo­posed, that the oath implieth a deniall of the Popes Supremacy.

29 And as for my supposition, saith he,Nu. 10. that the Oath implieth the de­niall of the Popes Supremacy (he should haue said of the Popes autho­ritie to excommunicate and depose a temporall Prince, for this was his supposition, as I cleerely shewed before) Thou shalt vnderstand, good Reader, that I was mooued thereto by two reasons, which are manifest e­nough in the very place, which Widdrington citeth: The one was, because it is euident, that the faith and beliefe of all English Protestants is, that the Kings Maiestie is no way subiect to the Pope, but that hee is himselfe su­preame head of the Church of God, in England. Whereupon it may with great reason bee inferred, that the deniall of the Popes power to depose his Maiestie, which is expresly contained in the oath, is supposed and implied therein, as a necessary consequent of their beliefe, who ordained it.

30 For it is great reason to interprete all assertions, positions, lawes, or decrees (especially such as touch Religion) according to the doctrine and be­liefe of the Authors thereof, for it is to bee presumed, that euerie one spea­keth, writeth, and decreeth, according to the grounds and principles of his beliefe and Religion, as euery Artisan worketh according to the grounds and principles of his Art. And therefore, as the positions, assertions, and decrees of knowne and professed Catholikes are to bee interpreted according to the grounds of the Catholike faith, so also the positions of all Sectaries whatsoe­uer are to be vnderstood according to the different doctrines of their Sects: In so much, that if a Catholike and a Protestant should affirme both of them one thing (which might be controuersed in respect of Religion) the sense and meaning of either of them is to be interpreted according to their different Re­ligions, and their different grounds, and sense thereof. And vpon this conside­ration [Page 14] I made no doubt to affirme, that the new oath, denying the Popes power to depose his Maiestie implieth the deniall of the Popes Supremacie; for that not onely his Maiestie, but also all they of the Parliament which de­creed it, doe holde and beleeue, that the Pope can not depose his Maiestie, because hee hath no authoritie at all in England, and especially ouer his Maiestie.

31 My other reason was the same that I touched before, concerning the necessary deduction of the Popes power to depose Princes from his Ecclesiasti­call Supremacy: for albeit the Supremacy of the Pope be not expresly abiu­red, or denied by this oath, yet it is denied couertly by a necessary consequent, because his authoritie to depose Princes (which is necessarily deduced from the supreame power that Christ gaue him) is denied thereby: as in like case, if wee should deny that his Maiestie hath any lawfull power to suspend, or de­priue the Arch-bishop of Canterburie, all Protestants would say, that we deny not onely his Ecclesiasticall Supremacy, but also his temporall and Kingly authoritie, because the power to suspend and depriue Bishops within his Realme, is included therein, and necessarily deduced from it in the opinion of all Protestants. And in like manner we say with much more reason, that who­soeuer abiureth the Popes power to depose Princes, hee doth consequently ab­iure his spirituall authoritie, because the former is included in the later, and doth necessarily follow of it, as it hath beene amply prooued by diuers, and namely by me in my Supplement, Chap. 5.6 & 7 whereof I shall haue further occasion to lay downe the particulars heereafter. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

32 But first of all, good Reader, I wish thee to consider, how cunningly this my Aduersary concealeth the first part of his supposi­tion concerning the denyall of the Popes power to excommunicate, whereof onely I vnderstood those words whereon hee groundeth his third accusation. In the beginning of his Discourse he supposed, as you haue seene, that the Popes spirituall Supremacie is denyed in this oath, for that his power to excommunicate and depose Princes is denyed therein. And because his Maiesty had in expresse words publikely af­firmed, that his intention was not to denie in this oath the Popes power to excommunicate, answering also the argument, which Cardinall Bel­larmine out of those words of the oath (notwithstanding any sentence of Excommunication &c.) brought to prooue the contrarie: and because my Aduersarie did also without any proofe at all, suppose, as Fa. Gretzer had done before him, that the Popes power to excommunicate, and consequently his spirituall Supremacie is denyed therein, for this cause I vsed those words, that truely it is a wonder, that learned men doe not blush &c. which my Aduersary a little before carped at. Now, forsooth, he pretending to yeeld a reason of his supposition, yet yeeldeth none at all concerning this parte thereof touching the Popes power to ex­communicate, for which onely I vsed the aforesaid words, and which [Page 15] if he could sufficiently prooue to be denyed in this oath, all Catho­likes would forthwith graunt him, that the oath containeth a denyall of the Popes spirituall Supremacie, which includeth as a generall the particular authoritie to inflict spirituall Censures, but he cunningly passeth ouer to the Popes power to depose Princes, which no man doubteth, but is denyed in this oath, & yeeldeth two reasons, such ones as they be, why he supposed the oath to containe a denyall of the Popes Supremacy, for that the Popes power to depose Princes is denied therein.

33 His second reason (for thereof I will speake in the first place) which he tooke from the contents of the oath, is the same, which hee touched before concerning the necessarie deduction, according to his beliefe and doctrine, of the Popes power to depose Princes from his Ec­clesiasticall Supremacie: But his beliefe and doctrine herein, as also I touched before, is not Catholike, but a particular beliefe, or rather opinion of himselfe and some other, and not generall of all Catho­likes, for that many learned Catholikes, as I shewed before, are of opi­nion, that Christ hath not giuen to S. Peter or to the Church, authoritie to depose Princes, or to inflict temporall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, or imprisonment, but onely Ecclesiasticall or spi­rituall Censures. And therefore there is a great disparitie in the simi­litude, which my Aduersarie bringeth betwixt his Maiesties authoritie to suspend, or depriue the Arch-bishop of Canterburie in the opinion of Protestants, and the Popes power to depose Princes in the opinion of Catholikes, for that al Protestants do beleeue, that his Maiesties power to suspend or depriue an Arch-bishop (taking suspension in that sense, wherein the Protestants doe hold, that his Maiestie hath power to sus­pend and depriue) is necessarily included in his Regall authoritie, but all Catholikes doe not beleeue, (whatsoeuer my Aduersary and some few others doe) that the power to depose Princes is necessarily inclu­ded in that spirituall Supremacie, which Christ hath giuen to S. Peter and his Successours, as hath bene amply prooued by me and diuers o­thers, and what particulars Mr. Fitzherbert hath laide here, or in his Supplement concerning this point, we will beneath in their due places examine.

34 His first reason he deduced from the grounds and principles of the Protestants Religion, and from the doctrine and beliefe of his Maiesty, and those of the Parliament, who made the oath. But how silly and insufficient this reason is, yea and repugnant to his owne grounds, and also of Fa. Parsons, in whose defence hee wrote his Supplement, any man of iudgement may quickly perceiue. For behold his reason: It is great reason, sayth he, to interprete all assertions, positions, lawes or de­crees (especially such as touch Religion) according to the doctrine, and beliefe of the Authours thereof, for it is to be presumed, that euery one speaketh [...] [Page 16] and decreeth according to the grounds and principles of his beliefe and Religion, but it is an assertion, position, and the beliefe, not onely of his Ma­iestie, but also of the Parliament, which decreed the oath, that the Pope cannot depose his Maiestie, because he hath no authoritie at all in England, and especially, ouer his Maiestie, therefore it is great reason to affirme, that the new oath denying the Popes power to depose his Maiestie, implieth a deniall of the Popes Supremacie.

35 But first his Minor proposition is very vntrue: For neither his Maiestie, nor the Protestants doe hold, that the Pope can not depose his Maiestie, because he hath no authoritie at all in England, and espe­cially ouer his Maiestie. This indeed is the reason, why they hold, that the Pope cannot excommunicate his Maiestie, because he hath no autho­ritie at all in England, and especially ouer his Maiestie. But the reason, why they hold that the Pope hath no authoritie to depose his Maiesty, is, for that deposition, being not an Ecclesiasticall or spirituall, but a ciuill and temporall censure or punishment, for what crime soeuer it be imposed, can not be inflicted by any Ecclesiasticall or spirituall autho­ritie. For which reason the Protestants doe holde, that although the Protestant Bishops of this Realme haue Ecclesiasticall and Episcopall authoritie herein England, yet they haue no authoritie by vertue of their Episcopall power to depose or depriue his Maiestie of his tempo­rall dominions, for that they take deposition, or any such temporall violence, as his Maiestie affirmeth,In his Pre­monition. pag. 9. to be farre without the limits of such a spirituall Censure, as Excommunication is.

36 And although this be sufficient to shew the insufficiencie of this my Aduersaries reason, yet graunting him onely for Disputation sake, which he in his Minor proposition vntruely affirmeth, that his Maiestie, and the Parliament should hold, that the Pope can not depose his Maiestie, because he hath no authoritie at all in England, his reason neuerthelesse is both insufficient, and also repugnant to that, which Fa. Parsons, and he himselfe suppose to be true. For albeit Fa. Parsons doth confidently affirme,In his booke intituled, The iudgement of a Catholike English man &c. part. 1. nu. 22. pag. 13. and 16. that there is no man who sticketh or maketh difficul­tie to acknowledge our Soueraigne to be true King, and rightfull Lord ouer all his Dominions, for that euery English Catholike will sweare and acknow­ledge most willingly all those parts and clauses of the oath, that doe any way appertaine to the ciuill and temporall obedience due to his Maiestie, whom hee acknowledgeth to be his true and lawfull King, and Soueraigne ouer all his Dominions, and the same in effect doth my Aduersarie in his suppo­sition affirme, as you haue seene before,Nu. 6. yet, according to this his rea­son, neither he, nor any other Catholike can acknowledge King Iames to be our true and lawfull Soueraigne, nor can promise to yeeld him all temporall alleagiance, nor to defend him from all treasons, and trai­terous conspiracies, nor to disclose them, when they shal come to their [Page 17] knowledge, when any such acknowledgement shall be demanded at their hands by the Protestant Magistrate: for that in the opinion of all Protestants, the Ecclesiastical Supremacy of his Maiesty, as my Ad­uersary himselfe confesseth, is included, and necessarily deduced from his temporall and Kingly authoritie: and all reconcilements to the Pope, and all returnings of Priests into this land made by the Popes authoritie, are by the lawes of this Realme made treasons, and traite­rous conspiracies.

37 Seeing therefore, to vse my Aduersaries wordes, It is great reason to interprete all assertions, positions, lawes or decrees (especially such as touch Religion) according to the doctrine, and beliefe of the Authors thereof, for it is to bee presumed, that euery one speaketh, writeth, and de­creeth according to the principles and grounds of his beliefe and Religion, it is cleere, that if my Aduersaries argument be good, neither he, nor any other Catholike can acknowledge King Iames to be their true and law­full Soueraigne, and that they will yeeld him all temporall allegiance, and defend him from all treasons, and disclose them when they shall come to their knowledge, for that, in the opinion of all Protestants, his Ecclesiasticall Supremacy, as my Aduersary himselfe confesseth, is included in his Regall and Kingly authoritie, and according to the lawes of this Realme all reconcilements to the Pope, and all returnings of Priests into this land, made by the Popes authority, are treasons and traiterous conspiracies. So that you see what contradiction there is in my Aduersaries sayings, and what a prettie argument hee hath made to prooue himselfe a traytour, seeing that according to his owne grounds, hee can not acknowledge King Iames to be his true and lawfull Soue­raigne, nor promise to yeeld him all temporall allegiance, if it should be exacted by the Protestant Magistrate, for that in the opinion of all Protestants his Maiesties spirituall Supremacy is included in his Re­gall and Kingly authoritie.

38 But secondly, if Mr. Fitzherbert had beene pleased out of the desire of truth to handle this question betweene him and mee sincere­ly, and not with a flourish of words to obscure the difficulty, and blind the vnderstanding of simple and scrupulous Catholikes, he might ey­ther out of his owne iudgement, or at lest wise from of that, which I in my Theologicall Disputation did answere to the arguments of Gret­zer, Disputatio Theol. c. 2. sect. 1 who thought it vnlawfull to acknowledge King Iames to bee our Soueraigne Lord in temporals, and of Capellus, Ibid. c. 6. sect. 5. who also thought it vnlawfull for any Catholike to promise, that he will disclose all trea­sons and traiterous conspiracies for the reasons aforesaide, and also from that, which out of the doctrine of Suarez, Ibid. c. 1. I declared in what manner wee ought to interprete the wordes of any law, hee might, I say, haue quickely perceiued the weakenesse of his reason, and in what [Page 18] sense his Maior proposition, and the proofe, which he bringeth there­of to make it true are to be vnderstood.

39 For to repeate againe his wordes, It is indeede great reason to interprete all assertions, positions, lawes, and decrees (especially such as touch Religion) according to the doctrine and beliefe of the Authors thereof, whensoeuer the wordes are doubtfull, and vnlesse the Author doe in expresse wordes declare his meaning to be the contrary. For it is to bee presumed, that euery one, vnlesse he declare the contrary, doth common­ly speake, write, and decree according to the grounds and principles of his be­liefe and Religion, as euery Artisan doth vsually worke according to the grounds and principles of his Art, vnlesse hee will take vpon him to doe some worke belonging to another Art; as if a Physitian will take vpon him to measure land, then hee must worke according to the grounds of Geometrie, and not of Physicke: And if a Protestant will speake, write, or decree like a Catholike, and vpon Catholike grounds, hee must obserue the principles of Catholike Religion, and likewise a Ca­tholike, if he will speake, write, or decree like a Protestant, and vpon Protestant grounds, must obserue the principles of the Protestant Religion. And therefore, as the positions, assertions, and decrees of knowen, and professed Catholikes, are to be interpreted according to the grounds of the Catholike faith, vnlesse they declare to haue a contrary meaning; so al­so the positions of all Sectaries are to be vnderstood according to the different doctrines of their Sects, vnlesse they declare their meaning to bee other­wise: in so much that if a Catholike, and a Protestant should affirme both of them one thing, which might be controuersed in respect of Religion, the sense and meaning of either of them is to bee interpreted according to their diffe­rent Religions, vnlesse they declare the contrary. And in this sense my Aduersaries Maior proposition is true, otherwise it is false; for doubt­full, and ambiguous wordes are euer to bee vnderstood according to the declaration of the speaker, and the wordes of euery law, whensoe­uer they are doubtfull, are to bee taken in that sense, which the Law­maker shall declare his meaning to be.

40 Now his Maiestie, who with the Parliament deuised this new oath, not for the Protestants, but to make a triall how his Catholike sub­iects stand affected towards him in point of their loyaltie and due obedience, hath oftentimes, as my Aduersary could not but see in my Theologicall Disputation, publikely declared his meaning,In an Act of Parliament anno septimo ca. 6. and in his Premonition pag. 9. and in his Apologie pag. 2. nu. 2. & pag. 246. and that hee intended in this oath to exact of his Catholike subiects nothing else, then the profession of that temporall allegiance and ciuill obedience, which all subiects (what religi­on soeuer they professe) by the law of God doe owe to their lawfull Prince, with a promise to disclose all contrary vnciuill violence, and to make a di­stinction, not betwixt Catholikes and Protestants, but betwixt ciuilly obedient Catholikes, and such Catholikes, as are the disciples of the Powder-treason: [Page 19] And therefore his Maiestie caused the lower house of Parliament to re­forme that clause, which contained the deniall of the Popes power to ex­communicate him. So carefull was hee that nothing should bee contained in this Oath, except the profession of naturall allegiance, and ciuill and temporall obedience. Hee saide [in this oath] for as the oath of Supre­macie, saith his Maiestie, was deuised for putting a difference betweene Papists, and them of our profession, so was this oath ordained for making a difference betweene the ciuilly obedient Papists, and the peruerse disciples of the Powder-Treason. And againe, This oath, saith his Maiestie, was ordained only for making of a true distinction betweene Papists of quiet dis­position, and in all other things good Subiects and such other Papists, as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloodie maximes, that the Powder-Traitors did. The same also but in more ample wordes affirmeth his Maiestie in his Apologie for the oath.

41 Seeing therefore that his Maiestie hath so often, and so pub­likely declared, that he intended by this oath nothing else, but to make a true distinction, not betwixt Catholikes and Protestants, but betwixt Catholikes and Catholikes, and to vrge them only to make a profession of that naturall and ciuill obedience, which all Subiects, of what Re­ligion soeuer they bee, doe by the law of God owe to their lawfull Prince, there is no reason to draw an argument from his Maiesties intention or beliefe, and from the grounds and principles of the Pro­testants Religion, but only from the contents of the oath it selfe, to proue it to be vnlawfull, and to containe in it any thing which is re­pugnant to Catholike faith and Religion. And that this is a probable answere, and not a vaine bragge, and idle affirmation of my owne, it is so euident, that I dare aduenture to remit it to the iudgement of my Aduersarie himselfe, albeit he sticketh not at this time to affirme, that I haue neither answered probably, nor like a good Catholike.

42 Concerning which last accusation hee writeth thus:Nu. 17. Now then to conclude this point, whereas Widdrington saith, as you haue heard, that it is meruaile, that learned men blush not to affirme the Kings minde to be that, which his Maiestie hath declared to be no part of his meaning, I may well say, that it is a farre greater wonder, that hee professing to be a Catho­like, and knowing and confessing as he doeth in his Epistle Dedicatorie, In Principio. and after in his Theologicall Disputation,Cap 10 sec. 2. nu. 1. & 2. that his Holinesse in two Breues hath declared his mind concerning this oath, palam & ex professo, openly and expresly (to wit, that it containeth many things which are manifestly re­pugnant to the Catholike faith and saluation of soules) it is, I say, an ex­treame wonder that he blusheth not extreamely to defend the said oath cōtra­ry to the expresse & strickt cōmandement of his spiritual Pastour, whose voi [...]e he is bound to heare and obey if he bee a sheepe of Christs fold, and child of the Catholike Church. And therefore I conclude, that hee sheweth him­selfe [Page 20] not only impudent, but also impious in preferring the declaration of a tem­porall Prince (which neuerthelesse being well weighed, doeth nothing helpe his cause, or preiudice ours) before an Apostolicall decree of S. Peters Suc­cessour, whose obedient child hee professeth and ought to be, wherein he shew­eth sufficiently how good a Catholike he is, and whom he holdeth for his Su­preame head in Ecclesiasticall causes, as also what probabilitie we may expect of him hereafter for the confirmation of the rest of his assertions, seeing that wee haue found him at the very first so fraudulent, friuolous, and contrarie to his owne profession, as you haue heard in this Chapter. Thus you see with what bitternesse Mr. Fitzherbert concludeth his first Chapter.

43 But if hee had beene pleased to haue dealt vprightly, and as hee hath in a most spitefull manner vrged against me this obiection, which is taken from his Holinesse Breues, so also he had set downe the answere which in the tenth Chapter of my Theologicall Disputation I gaue thereunto, the Reader would presently haue perceiued, that my Aduersarie hath passed the bounds of Christian charitie and iustice in wrongfully accusing me of impudencie, impietie, and disobedience to the Apostolicall decree of S. Peters Successour, whose obedient child I did there, and also I doe heere professe my selfe to be, and am readie to obey in all those things, wherein, according to the grounds of Ca­tholike Religion, hee hath authoritie to command: Neither can my Aduersarie without blushing affirme, either that the Popes Holi­nesse, albeit hee bee Saint Peters Successour, cannot erre in his par­ticular commands and decrees, which are not propounded to the whole Church, but to particular Churches or Kingdomes, or that any Catholike is bound to obey him in those things, wherein, according to the doctrine of learned and vertuous Catholikes, hee hath no au­thoritie to command.

44 First therefore I shewed in that place out of the doctrine of Fa. Suarez, that there are two sorts of humane precepts, as well Ec­clesiasticall, as Ciuill. The one is called a constitutiue precept, which of it selfe maketh that thing, which it forbiddeth to bee vnlawfull, which otherwise if that precept were not, would not bee vnlawfull: as the eating of flesh in Lent, and the doing of seruile workes vpon Sundaies, and Holidayes, which if they were not forbidden by hu­mane lawes, would not be vnlawfull. And although a constitutiue pre­cept of humane power may sometimes binde with danger of some great temporall losse, as of goods, libertie, yea also of life, yet the Ec­clesiasticall law, setting aside scandall and contempt, which are forbid­den by the law of God, and nature, doe seldome or neuer binde with very great temporall harme: and therefore wee are not bound to ab­staine from flesh in Lent, or from doing seruile workes vpon Sun­daies [Page 21] and holidaies, when we are like to incurre thereby any probable danger of some great temporall hurt.

45 The other is called a declaratiue precept, which doth not of it selfe make, but suppose and declare the thing, which it forbiddeth to be vnlawfull, as being before prohibited by some other former law, as theft, murder, drunkennesse and such like, which are otherwise forbid­den by the law of God and nature. And this kind of precept, as well obserueth Suarex, dependeth onely vpon the reason, for which the act is commanded, or forbidden, or, which is all one, vpon the prece­dent law, from whence all the obligation of the declaratiue precept doth proceed. Insomuch that if the reason be not true, and that there is no such precedent law, or obligation, as the declaratiue precept affir­meth to be, the declaratiue precept hath no force to binde at all: and with the same certaintie, or probabilitie we are bound, or not bound to obey a declaratiue precept, as it is certaine or probable, that there is, or is not any other former bond and obligation.

46 As for example, his Holinesse doth by his Breues forbidde all English Catholikes to take the new oath of allegiance, for that therein are contained many things, which are cleerely repugnant to faith and saluation. If therefore it be certaine, or probable, that nothing is con­tained in this oath which is repugnant to faith, or saluation, it is also certaine or probable, that this declaratiue precept of his Holinesse, which is grounded vpon this reason, that something is contained therein contrary to faith and saluation, is, according to the doctrine of Suarez, of no force to bind, neither are English Catholikes by vertue of this declaratiue prohibition bound to refuse the said oath.

47 Secondly, I also shewed in that place, that this declaratiue com­mand of his Holinesse forbidding Catholikes to take the oath, for that it containeth many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, is such a declaratiue precept, which is not grounded vpon any infallible reason, or definition of the Church, but onely vpon his opinatiue iudgement, that his reason is true, and that either his power to excommunicate, and consequently his spirituall Supremacie is denyed in this oath, which is very vntrue, or that his power to depose Princes, which is denyed in the oath, is a cleere point of faith, and necessarily included in his spiri­tuall Supremacie, and consequently the denyall thereof is plainly re­pugnant to Catholike faith. Which being so, it is manifest, that wee are no further bound to obey this declaratiue prohibition of his Holi­nesse, then we are bound to follow his opinion, and to belieue, that ey­ther his power to excommunicate, or some such like is denyed in the oath, or that whosoeuer denyeth his power to depose Princes, denyeth the Catholike faith.

48 Whereupon I concluded, that considering neither his power [Page 22] to excommunicate, or any such like is denyed in this oath, as I haue prooued at large against Card. Bellarmine, and others, nor that his pow­er to depose Princes, which is expressely denyed in the oath, is certaine and of faith, the contrary doctrine being probable and also maintained by many learned Catholikes, as partly also I haue already prooued by the testimonie of learned Catholikes before alledged, and heere beneath by answering all my Aduersaries obiections I will make it more manifest,Part. 1. per. t [...] ­tum. there can bee made no doubt, but that any En­glish Catholike may with a safe conscience, or without any crime of disobedience to his supreme spirituall Pastour, or any preiudice to Catholike faith, refuse to obey his Holinesse declaratiue command which is onely grounded vpon such an opinion, which, considering the contrary is probable, and defended by many learned Catholikes, may without any note of impudencie, impiety or disobedience be re­iected by Catholikes.

49 Thirdly, I also affirmed in that place, that no Catholike doth onely for this cause take the oath, or thinke it to be lawfull, because the Kings Maiestie, being of a contrarie Religion doth command it, or thinke it to be lawfull, as though those Catholikes, who take the oath, doe it onely vpon the Kings bare word affirming the oath to be law­full, and seeme thereby to preferre the opinion of a Protestant Prince in things, which in some sort doe belong to Religion, before the opi­nion of our supreme spirituall Pastour, but because the Kings Maiestie being our lawfull Prince, and Soueraigne Lord in temporals, what re­ligion soeuer hee professeth, hath established an oath of allegiance to make a triall how his Catholike subiects stand affected towards him in point of their loyaltie and due obedience, and commanded all Ca­tholikes to take the same, which oath learned Catholikes for probable reasons doe thinke to be truely in oath of temporall allegiance, and to containe nothing which is repugnant to faith and saluation, therefore English Catholikes to obey the iust command of their Prince doe take the oath, and thinke it to be lawfull, both for that they hauing duely examined all the clauses of the oath, doe find nothing therein contra­rie to faith and saluation, and also for that many learned Catholikes, whose opinion they may lawfully follow, albeit other Diuines with the Popes Holinesse doe thinke otherwise, doe constantly maintaine the same.

50 Neither doe I giue more credite to his Maiestie, then to his Holinesse, but both of them with all dutifull respect I doe honour, and also beleeue in those things, which they of their certaine knowledge doe affirme to be true: And therefore, as I beleeue his Maiesties Royall word affirming, that his intention was not by this new oath of allegi­ance to deny the Popes power to excommunicate; so also I beleeue, that [Page 23] first Breue of his Holinesse was not surreptitious and written without his knowledge or priuitie, for that in his second Breue he doth auerre as much. But as for the first Breue, wherein English Catholikes are com­manded not to take the oath, for that it containeth many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, it being, as I saide, onely a declaratiue precept, and grounded vpon a fallible, and in my iudgement, a very false opinion, that either the Popes power to excommunicate is denied in the oath, or that it is a point of faith, that the Pope hath power so depose Princes, it is euident, according to Suarez doctrine, that no Ca­tholike is bound to obey this his declaratiue precept, vnlesse hee be also bound either to beleeue, that the Popes power to excommunicate is de­nied in the oath, which is apparently vntrue, or to follow his opinion concerning the certainety of his power to depose, which being in con­trouersie among Schoolemen, and learned Doctours, and as yet not decided by the Iudge, as no man is bound according to the com­mon doctrine of Vasquez, and many others, to follow it, so also no man is bound, according to the approued doctrine of Suarez, to obey his declaratiue precept, which is grounded thereon.

51 Lastly, I obserued in that place, that if his Maiestie should by Act of Parliament commaund all his Catholike subiects to acknow­ledge by oath, that the Pope is not by the institution of Christ the di­rect temporall Lord of this Kingdome, or of any other, and that hee hath no direct power to depose his Maiestie, and that they will beare faith and true allegiance onely to his Maiestie, as to their direct Lord, and Soueraigne, &c. and his Holinesse following the Canonists opini­on who hold it hereticall to affirme, that the Pope hath not direct do­minion ouer the whole Christian world, should by his Apostolicall Breues, forbid all English Catholikes to take such an oath, for that it containeth (as the Canonists imagine) many things contrary to faith and saluation, (as Pope Sixtus the fifth, if any credit may bee giuen to the Iesuites themselues did intend to condenme, if he had liued, Cardi­nall Bellarmine his first tome of controuersies for impugning the Popes direct dominion in temporals) the very same inuectiue, which Mr. Fitzherbert maketh against mee, accusing me of impudencie, impietie, disobedience, and of being no good Catholike, for not obeying the Popes declaratiue precept, which is only grounded vpon such an opi­on, which no Catholike is bound to follow, for that the contrary is maintained by many learned Diuines, hee might also make a­gainst all those Catholikes, who following heerein Cardinall Bellar­mine, and the common doctrine of Diuines, should take that oath, and thinke it to bee lawfull, notwithstanding the Popes declaratiue precept to the contrary. And doubtlesse Cardinall Bellarmine who vehemently impugneth the Canonists opinion, would easily [Page 24] in the like manner as I haue cleered my selfe, defend those Catholikes from all imputation of impudency, impietie, disobedience, or any o­ther crime, notwithstanding the Popes declaratiue precept to the contrarie.

52 Thus did I answere to this obiection taken from his Holinesse Breues, but more amply in my Theologicall Disputation, shewing also by sundry examples, that diuers Popes haue in their Apostolicall Breues, or decretall letters registred in the Canon law, maintained false opinions, and which now are flat hereticall, and that therefore their opinions, and consequently their declaratiue precepts grounded thereon, are not alwaies to bee followed by Catholikes, and withal, that many learned Diuines haue impugned diuers decrees of Popes concerning the licen­ces, which they haue giuen to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and their dispensations in the solemne vow of religious chastitie, and in marriage not consummate, who were not therefore ac­counted impudent, impious, or disobedient children of the Catholike Church, for that such decrees were not grounded vpon any infallible definition, but onely vpon the Popes fallible opinion, which they of set purpose did impugne,Sot. in. 4. dist. 27. q. 1. ar. 4. insomuch that learned Sotus feareth not to confesse, that the Popes, who haue dispensed in marriage not consum­mate, did erre, following therein the Canonists opinion, and which he boldly affirmeth to haue no shew or colour of probabilitie, notwithstan­ding so many practises of sundry Popes who haue dispensed therein.

53 But this my answere my Aduersary doth heere altogether conceale, compelling me for cleering my selfe, to repeate a great part thereof, which if he had beene pleased sincerely to haue set downe, the Reader would presently haue perceiued, that the voyce of our supreme Pastour is not alwaies to be followed, & that it is no great wonder for a sheepe of Christs fold, and childe of the Catholike Church to disobey without blushing, the declaratiue commaund of his supreme Pastour, when it is onely grounded vpon such an opinion, which no Catholike is bound to follow, for that the contrary is maintained by learned and vertuous Catholikes, as is this, which denieth the Popes power to de­pose Princes to be a point of faith, and the contrary improbable, and that the Popes power to excommunicate is impugned in the oath. By which it is euident, how iniuriously Mr. Fitzherbert to disgrace mee with his Reader, hath accused me of the aforesaid ignominious crimes, which rather may be retorted vpon himselfe. And so I will conclude with him this chapter, remitting to the consideration of the iudicious Reader, what probabilitie and sinceritie we may expect of him heere­after for the confirmation of the rest of his Replies and answeres, see­ing that wee haue found him at the very first so fraudulent, friuolous, and repugnant to himselfe, as you haue heard in this Chapter.

CHAP. II.

Widdringtons answere to an argument of his Aduersarie ta­ken from that rule of the law, The accessorie followeth the principall, is confirmed, and two instances, which hee brought against that rule, are prooued to bee sound and sufficient, and that place of S. Paul. 1. Cor. 6. If you haue secular iudge­ments, &c. is at large examined.

1. MY Aduersarie in this Chapter goeth on with the like bitternesse as he did in the former, and as before hee taxed me of fraude, impudencie, impietie, and of being no good Catholike, but how wrongfully you haue alreadie seene, so now he boldly affirmeth, that my arguments, and answeres are partly repugnant to my owne doctrine, and partly malicious, improbable, im­pertinent, foolish and ridiculous, but how vndeseruedly you shall pre­sently perceiue. He tooke vpon him, as you haue seene, to proue in his Supplement, that the oath is vnlawfull, and repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine, in respect of two clauses, to wit, that it doth ex­empt temporall Princes from Excommunication, and deposition by the Pope, and that therefore it was iustly condemned by his Holinesse, and refused by Catholikes, although for this later hee could not bee igno­rant, that where one Catholike hath refused it, a hundred haue taken it. And as for the first clause concerning excommunication hee passeth it ouer altogether with silence, neither doth he bring any one argument, or shew of argument to proue that the Popes power to excommunicate is denied in the oath, for which cause I affirmed in my Admonition to the Reader, that Mr. Fitzherberts supposition, for so much as concerneth the Popes power to excommunicate Princes, and consequently his Pri­macie in spiritualls, which he doth not proue with any one reason to be denied in the oath, but supposeth it as manifest, is very vntrue.

2 But as for the second clause concerning the Popes power to de­pose Princes, which is expresly denied in the oath, he maketh a long Rhetoricall discourse, labouring in vaine to prooue, that according to all lawes humane and diuine the Pope hath power to depose Princes and to dispose of all their temporals. And because the breuitie of that Admonition, which was made after my Theologicall Disputation was in the presse, would not permit to examine in particular all the argu­ments, which he brought to prooue the same, I thought good to [Page 26] answere briefly such arguments, as seemed most plausible, and withall to insinuate a certaine distinction, which I had oftentimes in my for­mer bookes declared more at large, betweene the Popes power to com­mand temporals, and to dispose of temporals, to command or impose temporall penalties, and to inflict temporall penalties, or to punish tem­porally by way of coercion, which distinction doth plainly declare the true state of the question, which he seeketh to obscure, and quite ouer­throweth all his chiefest grounds.

3 Among the rest of his proofes he brought one from this vul­gar rule of the law, Accessorium sequitur principale, The accessorie follow­eth the principall, from whence hee inferred,Cap. 1. Suppl. nu. 67. that seeing not only the bo­dy, but also temporall goods and states are inferiour to the soule, and ordained for the seruice thereof, it must needes follow, that the Church hauing power and authoritie ouer the body for the benefite of the soule, hath also power ouer temporall goods and states, when it is necessarie for the good of the soule, and for the glory of God, for the which our soules, bodies, goods, states, and all things else were created, and ordained, according to that rule of the law, The accessorie followeth the principall.

In Ad. nu. 154 To this inference I answered briefly in this manner. Second­ly, euery learned man may perceiue, how vaine that consequence is, which this Authour deduceth, The accessorie followeth the principall, there­fore the Church hauing power ouer the soule, hath consequently power ouer the body and goods, except it be vnderstood of the power to command corporall things so farre foorth as they serue to spirituall things: For we might also from that principle argue thus: The acces­sorie followeth the principall, therefore he that is Lord of all horses, is Lord of all bridles, The Pope hath power ouer the soule of the Prince, therefore also ouer his life. Let this Authour explicate, what the Lawyers vnderstand by the name of accessorie, and what by the name of principall, in that axiome of theirs, which suffereth many ex­ceptions, and is limited by them diuers wayes, In the meane time wee deny his consequence, [not consequent,] as Mr. Fitzherbert translateth. So that it is manifest, that I did not deny that consequence, if it had beene vnderstood of the power to command temporals in order to spiri­tuall good, but because the words are generall, and so may comprehend both, and Mr. Fitzherbert also meant of both, therefore I did absolutely deny his consequence.

5 Now my Aduersarie will needs haue me forsooth both to contradict my selfe in this answere, and also to ouerthrow my owne arguments. For hauing set downe my answere, hee replyeth thusNu. 2. Wherein I wish it to be noted, first what Widdrington granteth, and after what he denyeth, and I doubt not but it will easily appeare, that he ouerthrow­eth his owne arguments, and contradicteth himselfe. He granteth, as you see, [Page 27] that my consequence is not vaine, if it be vnderstood of a power in the Pope to command corporall things, so farre forth as they are to serue spirituall things, & yet he denyeth my consequence, albeit I doe not thereby suppose in the Pope any other power ouer bodies, and goods, then such as followeth of their subor­dination to the soule, which is in effect the same relation, and limitation that he maketh thereof, to wit, so far forth as corporall & temporall things are to serue spirituall things, as it may euidētly appeare by the discourse, which I make con­cerning the same in my Supplement, from whence he taketh my argument: and therefore I thinke good to repeate here, what I haue said there touching this point, whereby I hope I shall not onely fortifie, and prooue my consequence, which he denyeth, but also explicate fully, what I meane by the name of acces­sorie, and principall, as you see he commanded me to doe; he should rather haue said, as I wished him to doe. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

6 And I also wish the Reader to obserue first, what my Aduersa­rie pretendeth to prooue, and after what he prooueth, and I doubt not, but it will easily appeare, that I doe neither ouerthrow my owne argu­ments, nor any way contradict my selfe. He pretendeth to prooue, that the Pope, as Pope, hath power in order to spirituall good to depose temporall Princes, to punish them by depriuing them of their king­domes, and by disposing of all their temporals, and not onely to com­mand or enioyne, but also to inflict temporall punishments, as it appea­reth by the whole scope of his Discourse, both in his Supplement, and also in this Treatise, whereupon a little beneath in this chapterNu. 10. he cal­leth that distinction, which I made betwixt the power to command corporall things, and to punish corporally by way of coercion, a friuo­lous distinction, and afterwarde especially in the sixt chapter,nu. 14. 15. 16. 17. hee laboureth to impugne the same, and to prooue, that if the Pope may command corporall and temporall things, as they serue the spirituall, and are reduced thereto, he may also punish his subiects in their bodies or temporall goods, and dispose of all their temporals for the same respect.

7 And neuerthelesse neither out of holy Scriptures, nor from this rule of the law, the Accessorie followeth the principall, nor from the subiection of temporall things to spirituall, nor by any other argument doth my Aduersarie sufficiently prooue, that the Pope hath power to dispose of temporals, or to punish temporally by way of coercion, which he pretended, and would seeme to his Reader to prooue, but onely that the Pope as Pope hath power in order to spirituall good to command temporall things, and to punish by way of coercion Christian Princes and people with spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Censures. By which it will easily appeare, whether I doe contradict my selfe in my answere, and ouerthrow my owne arguments or no: For I granted, that the consequence was not vaine, if it were vnderstood of a power [Page 28] in the Pope to command corporall things in order to spirituall good, but because he pretended to prooue, that the Pope as Pope, can not onely command or impose, but also dispose of temporals, not onely enioyne tem­porall penalties, but also inflict them, or punish temporally by way of temporall constraint, therefore I did absolutely deny his consequence, or the consequence as it was vnderstood by him.

8 And if it had pleased my Aduersarie, after he saw, that I gran­ted the consequence, if it were vnderstood of the power to command temporall things, as they are to serue spirituall, to haue set downe plainly, what he intended to prooue by that consequence, and whe­ther he meant of the power onely to command temporall things, or also to dispose of temporals, as to dispose is distinguished from to command, the Reader would quickly haue perceiued his fraude, and that I doe neither contradict my selfe, nor ouerthrow my arguments: but to blind the eies of his Reader, he doth neither affirme the one, nor the other in this place, but he vseth, as you haue heard, such generall Words, which may be applyed to both. For whereas to cleere the vnderstanding of his Reader, he should haue declared of what power he meant, for that I granted the consequence, if it were vnderstood of the power to com­mand temporals, but if it were vnderstood of the power to dispose of temporals, in which sense he must needs vnderstood it, if be will speake to purpose, then I denyed his consequence, yet he onely affirmeth, that he doth not thereby suppose in the Pope any other power ouer bodies, or goods, thē such as followeth from the subordination to the soule, which is in effect the same relation and limitation that Widdrington maketh thereof, to wit, so farre forth, as corporall and temporall things are to serue spirituall. But if he had expressed, that according to his doctrine and not mine, from the subordination and relation of the soule to the body, and of temporall things to spirituall, it necessarily followeth, that the Pope hath power not onely to command or impose temporall things, but also to dispose of temporall things, not onely to enioyne temporall penalties, but also to punish temporally by depriuing men of their temporals, the Reader would presently haue perceiued both the weakenesse of his argument, and the sufficiencie of my answere.

9 For it is very apparant, and my Aduersary knoweth it right well, that I alwaies denied, that either from the subordination, subiecti­on, or relation of temporall things to spirituall things, of temporall ends to spirituall ends, of temporall power to spirituall power, of tem­porall Princes to spirituall Pastours, or from any other ground, rule, or principle, it doth necessarily follow, that the Pope as Pope, and by his Pastorall office, hath power to dispose of temporall things, to depose temporall Princes, to inflict temporall punishments, or which is all one, to punish temporally by way of temporall constraint, as by depri­uing [Page 29] any man of his goods, libertie, or life, although I euer graunted, that the Pope as Pope hath power to commaund or impose temporall things, and to enioyne corporall or temporall punishments in order to spirituall good, or, which is all one, so farre foorth as temporall things are to serue spirituall things, that is, are to be vsed to the honor of God, and the good of soules: and to compell, by the inflicting of spirituall censures or punishments, all Christians to obey his iust command. And therefore with good reason, and conformably to my owne doctrine I graunted the consequence, if it were vnderstood of the power to com­mand temporals, and also denied it, if it were vnderstood, as my Aduer­sarie must needes vnderstand it, of the power to dispose of temporals, and to punish temporally by way of temporall constraint. Neither doth my Aduersary by that Discourse, which hee made in his Supple­ment, and now repeateth againe, prooue any other thing, then that the Pope by the ordinary power of his Pastorall office, may command tem­porall things, and enioyne temporall penalties in order to spirituall good: And therefore it had beene needlesse to set downe heere his wordes, but that the Reader shall see that I am not willing to conceale any one of his arguments. Thus therefore he writethNu. 3.:

10 Hauing discoursed in my Supplement,Supplem. c. 1 nu. 65. of the written Law of God deliuered to vs in the New Testament, and prooued thereby, that our Sauiour made Saint Peter the supreame Pastour and Gouernour of his Church, I prooued also the extension of his spirituall power to temporall things thus: The spirituall Pastour, said I, hauing power ouer the soule, must needes haue authoritie ouer the body, and temporall goods or states so farre foorth, at lest, as it shall bee conuenient for the good of the soule, according to the rule of the Law, to wit, hee that hath the greater power hath the lesse: By the which reason the Apostle iustified his dealing with temporall affaires, yea with such as appertained to politicall gouernment, when hee aduised the Co­rinthians to constitute and appoint Iudges among themselues, to decide their controuersies, rather then to haue recourse to the tribunals of Infidels. Ne­scitis, &c. Know you not, saith he, 1. Cor. 6. that we shall iudge Angels, how much more secular things? as who would say, Seeing wee haue the grea­ter and more eminent authoritie, haue wee not also the lesse? if we haue power ouer spirituall things, shall wee not haue power ouer temporall and secular things? Thus argueth the Apostle, and thereupon doubted not to inter­meddle in the temporall and politicall gouernement, which then belonged to the Pagan Emperours.

11 But how weake, and altogether insufficient is this Discourse of his, to prooue the Popes power to depose temporall Princes, to dis­pose of all their temporals, and to punish temporally by way of coerti­on, which is the maine marke, at which my Aduersary aymeth, any man of indifferent vnderstanding and learning may easily perceiue. [Page 30] For first, although it be true, that the spirituall Pastour hath that spiri­tuall power, ouer the soule and body, which for as much as appertai­neth to the power it selfe, and not in regard of all other things, which are requisite, that the power shall haue effect, is sufficient and necessa­rie to the eternall saluation of soules, yet that hee must needes haue euen ouer the soule, and much lesse ouer the body, and temporall goods, and states all that power, which is conuenient for the good of soule, as my Aduersary heere affirmeth, is very vntrue: for this were a too too large extension of the Popes pastorall power ouer the soule and body, and would cleerely prooue, that the Pope should haue power to doe miracles, as the Apostles had, and by miraculous operations to bring actually all Christians to the kingdome of heauen. For no man, as I thinke, can make doubt, but that the Pope to haue all that power, whereby all Christians shall bee actually saued, is very conuenient for the good of soules. Neither will my Aduersarie be euer able to prooue, that it is necessary to the saluation of soules, or to the gouernment of the Church, as it was instituted by Christ to bee a spirituall, and not a tem­porall Common-wealth, to haue power to dispose of temporals, and to depriue temporall Princes of their kingdomes and liues.

12 Secondly, that proposition, he that hath the greater power hath the lesse, which my Aduersary vntruely saith to bee a rule of the Law, for that it is not to bee found among the rules either of the Canon, or Ciuill Law, is very vntrue, if it bee taken in those generall wordes, and without due limitations, which my Aduersary doth not declare, as might be conuinced by infinite examples, whereof some may be seene in the next Chapter, where wee shall treate of this Maxime more at large: and for the present this onely shall suffice, that if it were vniuer­sally true, it would cleerely conuince, that the Pope, who by the insti­tution of Christ hath spirituall power, which is the greater power, should also haue temporall power, which is the lesse, which my Ad­uersarie, as I thinke, will hardly grant, vnlesse hee will now become a Canonist, and affirme, that the Pope as Pope hath both temporall and spirituall power, and is both a temporall and spirituall Prince, which is repugnant to the common doctrine of the Diuines of his owne Societie.

13 True it is, that if the lesse be taken for that, which is contai­ned in the greater either actually and formally, or vertually, he that hath the greater power hath formally, or vertually, also the lesse, as be­cause a hundred crownes is actually contained in a hundred pounds, and foure degrees of heate is actually contained in eight, and heate is vertually contained in light, therefore from those rules of the law, (which rather may bee called rules of naturall reason for that they are grounded vpon the light of nature)De regulis iuris in 6. re­gula 35. & 80. Plus semper continet in se quod est [Page 31] minus, & into to partem non est dubium contineri, The greater doth alwaies containe in it the lesse, and there is no doubt but that a part is contained in the whole, we may rightly inferre, that he, who can giue a hundred pounds, can giue a hundred crownes, and the fire, which can produce eight de­grees of heate, can produce foure, and the Sunne, that hath power to produce light, hath also power to produce heate. But temporall power is neither formally, nor vertually contained in the spirituall power of the Pope, although it be vertually and supereminently, contained in the spi­rituall power of God almightie, in whom all create powers are vertu­ally in an infinite and superexcellent manner contained. That which is obiected, saith Ioannes Parisiensis, he that hath power to doe the greater, Ioan. Paris. de potest. Regia & Papali cap. 17. ad 17. hath power to doe the lesse therefore the Pope, who hath power in spiritualls, hath also power in temporalls, it is true in the greater and lesser which are per se subordained, as because a Bishop hath power to ordaine a Priest, there­fore he hath also power to ordaine a Deacon: but it doeth not hold in those things which are of a diuerse order or kind; as because my father could beget a man, therefore hee can also beget a dogge: or because a Priest can absolue from sinne, therefore hee can also absolue from the debt of money.

14 Thirdly, neither is that true, which my Aduersary affirmeth, that S. Paul by that proposition, he that hath the greater power hath the lesse, did iustifie his dealing with temporall affaires, when hee aduised the Corin­thians to constitute and appoint Iudges amongst themselues to decide their controuersies, rather then to haue recourse to the tribunalls of Infidells, which Iudges S. Chrysostome vpon this place calleth Arbiters, and accorders, or reconcilers. For S. Paul foreseeing, that some might easily obiect, as S. Chrysostome obserueth, that those Corinthians, who were new­ly become Christians, were for the most part rude, ignorant, and vn­noble, and therefore might seeme to bee men vnfit and vnworthie to intermeddle in secular controuersies, therefore to preuent this obiecti­on, he vseth an argument which the Logicians call a maiori ad minus, from the greater to the lesse, which argument is not grounded in that maxime, he that hath the greater power hath the lesse, but in this, hee that is worthie to haue the greater power, is not vnworthie to haue the lesse. To preuent therefore that obiection S. Paul argueth in this maner: Know you not that the Saints shall iudge of the world? and if the world shall bee iudged by you, are you vnworthie to iudge (especially as Arbitratours) of the least things? Know you not that wee shall iudge Angels, how much more secular things?

15 This therefore is the force of the Apostles argument, as Benedictus Iustinianus a learned Iesuite vpon this place doeth well de­clare. The Apostle, saith he, argueth a maiori from the greater: Be [...]ed. Iustin: in 1. Cor. 6. For if the Saints are accounted worthie to be appointed Iudges of the whole world, [Page 32] who can thinke them vnworthie to bee ouer the meanest and least iudge­ments? If to your iudgement the world shall be subiect, are you to bee ac­counted vnworthie to decide and compose the least controuersies and strifes of your brethren? If we shall iudge the Angels (these bee the wordes of Photius related by Iustinian) how much more shall wee bee fit to compose the strifes and controuersies which arise concerning things necessarie to mans life? whereupon the Apostles argument doth well conclude saith Iustinian, that those who are appointed Iudges of the world, cannot bee accounted vn­worthie to haue charge of humane iudgements, if they bee appointed by them who haue this authoritie, or who may by right subiect themselues to their iudgements, as those, who are in suite may to Arbitratours. Nei­ther is this repugnant, saith Iustinian, to the publike authoritie of Iudges and Magistrates, for no man is compelled to goe to the Magistrate, if by other waies he may peaceably maintaine his owne right.

16 Neither were those Iudges, whom the Apostle commanded, or aduised the Corinthians to appoint any other then Arbiters, or Arbi­tratours in power, although we should grant, that they were to be cho­sen by common consent, and not by the parties only, who were in suite, which neuerthelesse cannot be conuinced by the Apostles words. For albeit the Apostle doeth not say (which is the onely reason that D. Schulckenius bringeth to prooue,D. Schulck. in Apol. ad nu. 269 pag. 445. that they were to be chosen by com­mon consent) that euery man must choose to himselfe an Arbiter, for Arbiters are not to be chosen by the consent of one only partie, but by the consent of both, yet the Apostle doeth not say, that the whole Church of the Corinthians is by common consent of all to choose the Iudges of such causes, as D. Schulckenius without any sufficient ground affirmeth, but rather Saint Paul saith the cleane contrarie. For these bee his words: If therefore you shall haue secular iudgements, the con­temptible that are in the Church set them to iudge; wherefore the Apostle speaketh only to those Corinthians who shall haue secular iudgements, that is, as Iustinian well expoundeth, who shall haue controuersies & strifes to bee debated, and not to the whole Church, vnlesse we suppose that the whole Church shall bee at strife among themselues, and also hee speaketh with a condition, that if the Corinthians shall bee at strife, they shall appoint men to decide their controuersie, so that the parties, who shall bee at strife, and not the whole Church, vnlesse the whole Church shall bee at strife, are, according to the Apostles command or aduise, to appoint men to iudge or decide their controuersie.

17 But be it so, that the Apostle should not say, if you shall haue secular iudgements, appoint contemptible persons to iudge and decide your controuersies, but he should say, because it may be, and it is very like to fall out, that you shall haue now and then secular iudgements, therefore I will haue you to choose before hand by common consent [Page 33] same contemptible persons to iudge and decide those controuersies, which shall heereafter arise among you, which neuerthelesse were to wrest the words of the Apostle, which of themselues are very plaine, yet it is cleere, that these Iudges were in power meere Arbiters, or Arbi­tratours, and had no publike and lawfull authoritie of themselues to giue iudgement, to which the parties were in iustice bound to stand, but they receiued their power and authoritie to giue iudgement, and to make a finall end of controuersies from the parties, who were at strife, and who for the auoyding of scandall, which the infidels might take, seeing their strifes and contentions, submitted themselues to their de­cision and arbitrement.

18 That they were Arbiters, or Arbitratours, S. Chrysostome, Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 6 Almain. de potest. Eccle. & Laica. q. 1. cap. 10. Abulens. q 96. in cap. 20. Mat. Salmeron tom. 14. disp. 9. Ia­cobus Almainus, Abulensis, and Salmeron, a learned Iesuite doe in ex­presse words affirme. And also that they had no publike power, but onely priuate, and, if we may so call it, compromissorie, which they re­ceiued from those priuate persons, who werein suite, and by their mu­tuall promise and consent gaue power to those Arbiters to iudge, and make a finall end of their controuersies,in Apol. nu. 271. I prooued by the authoritie of S. Thomas, and the glosse of Nicolaus de Lyra vpon that place, for that, according to their doctrine, the appointing of those arbitrarie Iudges did nothing derogate from the subiection and obedience, which the Christians did owe to Heathen Princes, and that they were bound to appeare before the Heathen Magistrate, and consequently to stand to his iudgement, when they should be called to his tribunall, and that the Apostle doth onely forbid the faithfull Corinthians to goe willingly, and haue recourse to Heathen Iudges in those causes, which may bee determined by the faithfull.

19 From whence it euidently followeth, that the power of these Iudges was onely priuate, arbitrarie, or compromissorie, and not pub­like, for if they had publike authoritie to decide Secular causes without the expresse or tacite consent of the Secular Prince, it must needs dero­gate from the subiection, which they did owe to the Secular Prince, neither could the Heathen Iugdes haue lawfull power to reuerse that sentence, which was giuen by those Christian Iudges, if the cause had b [...]ne before decided by sufficient and publike authoritie of a more emi­nent power and tribunall: which must also be a derogation to their au­thoritie, and to the subiection which in Secular causes is due to Secu­lar Princes. And this also Benedictus Iustinian doth very plainly insi­nuate, when he affirmeth, that by this any man may easily vnderstand, that the Apostle doth not speake of lawfull iudgements, which are exercised by Magistrates, and publike Iudges by publike authoritie, but of those, who by the common consent (to wit of those who are at strife) are appointed deba­ [...]rs of ciuill controuersies: and that this right and authoritie of the Apostle [Page 34] to command humane and ciuill things doth not repugne to the publike au­thoritie of Iudges and Magistrates, for that no man is compelled to goe to the Magistrate, if by other waies he may peaceably maintaine his owne right.

20 By which it is euident, that this manner of iudging, which the Apostle commands, was not legall, or done by publike authoritie, and that these Iudges were not Magistrates, and who had publike au­thoritie. And therefore although these arbitrarie Iudges were appoin­ted by the declaratiue commandement of the Apostle for the auoyding of scandall, yet their power was only priuate and compromissorie, and was giuen them by the mutuall consent of both parties, in so much, that if either of the parties who were in suite, would not haue obeyed the Apostles commandement, & admitted of those Arbiters, but would haue had recourse to the tribunal of the Heathen Magistrate, although by disobeying the Apostles commandement, and by scandalizing Chri­stian Religion he should haue greatly offended, yet he should not haue offended against iustice, in wronging either of those Christian Iudges, or the other partie that would not willingly goe to the Heathen Ma­gistrate, against which without doubt he should haue offended, if hee had refused to obey the sentence of his lawfull and legall Iudge, and who had full power and authoritie, to decide and end the cause.

21 And by this it is very cleere, that my Aduersaries conclusion is very vntrue, to wit, that the Apostle did intermeddle in the temporall and politike gouernment, which then belonged to the Pagan Emperour, for this had bene to derogate from the ciuill subiection due to temporall Princes, but he did onely intermeddle with the priuate and peaceable composition of secular controuersies among the faithfull Corinthians, which euery Christian without any publike authoritie, or any preiu­dice to the same might doe, and which the Apostle by his Apostolicall and spirituall power might command the Christians to doe, and by spirituall Censures compell them so to doe, when otherwise they should scandalize the Christian faith and religion. And this very an­swere did I giue in my Apologie to this text of holy Scripture, which was vrged by Card. Bellarmine to prooue, that the Pope had power to depose and put downe Secular Princes, as the Apostle had power to appoint and set vp new Iudges in Secular causes: for I denyed his con­sequence, because the appointing and setting vp of those Iudges did no­thing derogate from the subiection due to Secular Princes, for that they were onely Arbiters, or peaceable composers of secular causes with the consent of the parties who were at strife, but the putting downe of Princes, or depriuing them of their Royall authoritie, doth greatly derogate, or rather quite ouerthrow and abolish their tempo­rall soueraigntie.

[Page 35]22 To which answere of mine, D. Schulckenius onely replieth,In Apolog. pag. 444. That although these Iudges whom the Apostle commanded the Corinthi­ans to appoint, had not indeede vim coactiuam in foro externo, a coactiue power in the externall Court, and that if either partie would not obey the Apostle, and goe to the Iudges appointed by the Church, but would bring his cause to the publike tribunals of the heathen Magistrates, the other par­tie was bound there to appeare, and there to debate his cause, yet they were not meere Arbiters or voluntary Iudges: For Arbiters are chosen by the parties, but these were chosen by the common consent of the Church, and were appointed by publike authoritie, by the command of the Apostle, who was a spirituall Prince. Besides, none are bound to admit Arbiters, vnlesse they will, but Christians were bound to admit these Iudges, and were forbidden to goe to the tribunals of Infidell Princes. Moreouer the Saints are not to iudge the world and Angels, as Arbiters chosen by them, but as true Iudges, and as sitting with Christ the supreame Iudge.

23 But all this is easily satisfied by that which I said before: For although the faithfull Corinthians were by the publike spirituall autho­ritie of the Apostle commaunded to choose those Iudges, or Arbiters, yet it doth not from thence follow, either that those arbitrarie Iudges were to bee chosen by the whole Church, and not onely by the par­ties that were at strife, or that the Apostle, for that he was a spirituall Prince, had either himselfe publike authoritie to decide secular causes, or could giue the same to any other. But because the Christians were bound by the Law of God to compound their controuersies among themselues, by way of arbitriment, and not to bring their causes to the hearing of Heathen Iudges, in case they should thereby scandalize the Christian Religion, therefore the Apostle might by his publike spiri­tuall and Pastorall power command them, and also with spirituall Cen­sures compell them so to doe.

24 And although these arbitrarie Iudges, were to be chosen by the whole Church, and by the common consent of all the faithfull Corinthians, which neuerthelesse can not bee sufficiently gathered from the Apostles wordes, yet it doth not therefore follow, that they were not meere Arbiters, or voluntarie Iudges in power, or, which is all one that they had more then arbitrarie, priuate or compromissorie power. For it is not materiall by whom a publike, or legall Iudge, or else an Arbitratour, or compromissorie Iudge bee chosen, but from whom they receiue their authoritie to iudge: as a true, proper, and publike Iudge may sometimes bee chosen by the people, as is the Re­corder of London by the Citie, and the Chancellours of Oxford and Cam­bridge by the Vniuersities, but it is the Kings Maiesty that giueth them publike authoritie to iudge: And Achiters, or voluntary Iudges may be chosen by the common consent of the people to decide by way of [Page 36] arbitrement, or voluntarie submission all ciuill controuersies, which shall arise among them, yet seeing that they are onely Arbiters, or haue onely arbitrarie, voluntarie, priuate, or compromissorie power, the parties onely who are at strife doe giue power to iudge, and to make a finall end of their controuersies. And although abstracting from scan­dall none are bound to admit Arbiters, vnlesse they will, yet if by not admitting them they should scandalize the Christian Religion, as the Corinthians did, they are bound to admit them, or which is all one, to giue them arbitrarie, voluntrary, or compromissorie power to decide and determine their controuersies.

25 True also it is, that the Saints are not to iudge the world, or the bad Angels, as Arbiters, yet in what manner they are to iudge, whether by onely assisting our Sauiour, and approouing or applau­ding his sentence, or by being Assessores supremi Iudicis Christi, by sit­ting in seates of honour with Christ the supreme Iudge, as Noble men, and Iustices of peace do sit vpon the bench, with the chiefe Iudge of Assises, or in any other more peculiar manner, it is a controuersie among Catholike Diuines, although it be certaine, that the Saints shall not be true and proper Iudges, as Iudges are properly taken, howsoe­uer D. Schulckenius doth seeme heere to affirme the same, for that to iudge, and to giue iudgement, doth properly signifie an act of Iuris­diction, and superiority of power to giue the definitiue sentence pro, or contra, which Iurisdiction in respect of the last iudgement of soules, is onely communicated to Christ. Se [...]. Suarez tom. 2. disp. 57. sect. 4. But howsoeuer it be, the argument of Saint Paul, whereby he intended to prooue, that Christians were not vnworthy to iudge Secular causes, which he calleth the least things, is of force, as I declared before, for if they be not vnworthy to iudge the world and Angels, much lesse are they to be accompted vn­worthy to decide by way of arbitrement Secular causes, or the least things.

26 And whereas D. Schulckenius affirmeth, that those Iudges had no coactiue power in the externall Court, and that if one of the parties should call the other to the tribunall of the Infidell Magistrate, he were bound to appeare, and debate his cause before the Heathen Iudge, this doth make nothing against that which I haue said, but is rather a confirmation, that these Iudges were onely Arbitratours, and voluntary Iudges in power to decide Secular causes. For if they had beene true and pro­per Iudges, and had not onely priuate and arbitrary power, but also publike authority to iudge, why should they not haue (as all other true and proper Iudges haue) both a commanding and also a coactiue power either temporall or spirituall, according as D. Schulckenius will haue them to be temporall or spiritual Iudges? And if they were true Iudges, and not onely Arbitratours, how could the faithfull Corinthians bee [Page 37] bound in conscience to leaue their tribunalls, and goe to a Heathen Iudge to haue their cause decided by him, if they should be called thi­ther although against then willes, seeing that they should thereby of­fend, not only by reason of scandall, but also against obedience, and against legall and morall iustice, by declining the iudgement of their lawfull Superiours and Iudges, and by wronging their Aduersarie in drawing him against his will from the tribunall of his lawfull Iudge, and who had good and sufficient authoritie to make a small end of his suite?

27 But considering that these Iudges, whom the Apostle com­manded the Corinthians to appoint, were not lawfull and proper Supe­riours and Iudges, but only Arbaratours, and consequently to whose iudgement they were not bound to stand by vertue of any subiection and obedience due to them, but only by reason of scandall, whereon the declaratiue precept of the Apostle was only grounded, and which scandall being taken away the commandement of the Apostle doth also cease, this difficultie is easily cleared. For albeit it was very scandalous, and therefore iustly reprehended by the Apostle, that the faithfull Co­rinthians should of their owne accord without any necessitie (for in that case,Disp. Theol. c. 10. s. 3. nu. 10. Salmer. tom. 8. tract. 29. in Euang. as I obserued in my Theologicall Disputation out of Alphonsus Salmeron the actiue scandall doth cease, and if it be any scandall it is not giuen, but taken) goe to the tribunalls of Heathen Magistrates, yet it is not scandalous to appeare before them when they are called, for in this case they must of necessitie by vertue of their subiection appeare, and so the scandall ceaseth, which would still remaine by their appea­ring, if those Iudges, whom the Apostle commanded the Corinthians to appoint, had beene true and lawfull Superiours and Iudges, for then they had also beene bound by vertue of their subiection, not to forgoe the iudgement of their lawfull Superiours and Iudges, and consequent­ly not to appeare before the tribunall of the Heathen Magistrate in derogation of the authoritie of their Christian Superiour and Iudge. And this may suffice for this point.

28 Moreouer we read in the old Testament, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Nu. 4. pa. 31 3 Reg. 18. that Elias the Prophet had power to inflict temporall punishment, yea death vpon the false Prophets of Achab, whom he commanded the people to kill in his presence: as also he caused fire to fall from heauen, and consume the two Captaines of King Ochozias and their troupes. 4 Reg. 1. In like manner wee reade in the new Testament, that the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul extended their spirituall authoritie to the temporall punishment of the body, when it seemed to them conuenient for the glory of God, and good of soules: and therefore S. Peter stro [...]ke Ananias and Saphyra with suddaine death, Act. 6. and S. Paul depriued Elymas the Magician of his sight, Act. 13. 1. Cor. 5. and deliuered the incestuous Corinthian to the deuill to be bodily [...] and tormented for the [Page 38] example and terrour of others, vt spiritus saluus fiat, that his soule might be saued: and the same iudgements, and corporall punishments these Apo­stles might (no doubt) as lawfully haue executed vpon any Prince in the world, if hee had then beene a Christian, and giuen the like occasion.

29 But who would not wonder, that any man of ordinarie iudg­ment should from an extraordinarie, and miraculous power of the A­postles, yea and of the Prophets who were no Priests, or from a speciall command or inspiration of God to kill men, and to doe other mira­cles, inferre that the Pope hath an ordinarie Pastorall and Episcopall power to doe the like: as are those examples, which my Aduersarie bringeth of Elias the Prophet, who was no Priest and by the comman­dement of God,3. Reg. 18. ver. 36. Abul. in 3. Reg. 18. q. 35 and not by any ordinarie authoritie or iurisdiction caused the false prophets of Ashab to be slaine, and by miracle caused fire to fall from heauen to consume the two captaines of King Ocho­zias and their troupes; and of S. Peter, who by miracle either killed Ananias and Saphyra, or foretold their death, and of S. Paul, who also by miracle depriued Elymas of his sight, or foretold his blindnesse, and deliuered the incestuous Corinthian to the deuill to bee bodily vex­ed, and tormented, which manner of deliuering men to Satan did proceede from an extraordinarie and miraculous power giuen to the Apostles, and not from any ordinarie power which was to descend to all their Successours: But of these examples I shall haue occasion to speake againe beneathCap. 6.

30 And the same iudgements and corporall punishments saith Mr. Fitzherbert, might (no doubt) these Apostles as lawfully haue executed vp­on any Prince in the world, if hee had beene a Christian, and giuen the like occasion. But first, I meruaile, why he addeth that condition [if he had then beene a Christian] for the example of Elymas, who was no Chri­stian, doth proue, that the same iudgements and corporall punishments they might haue executed not only vpon Christians, but also vpon in­fidels. Besides, if any one will reduce those examples to a dialecticall forme of arguing, hee will easily perceiue, that they are very weake, and insufficient, not to vse those his foule and vnseemely wordes of absurd, impertinent, foolish and ridiculous, to proue, that the Pope by his ordinarie Pastorall power can doe the like. As that because Elias, who was no Priest, had an extraordinarie commission and power giuen him by God to kill the false Prophets, and to cause fire to fall from heauen to consume those two Captaines, and their troopes therefore the Pope by his ordinarie Episcopall and Pastorall office hath power to doe the same in the like cases, and so of the rest, that because S. Peter and S. Paul had an extraordinarie power giuen them, &c.

31 And all this, saith my Aduersarie, Nu. 5. may be confirmed by the [Page 39] common custome, and practise of the Primitiue Church to enioyne bodily pe­nance to publike penitents, as to attend to continuall fasting and prayer, Tertull. de pe­nitent. Ambros. ad virg. lap. sam. cap. 28. and to lye vpon sackcloth and ashes (as it may be seene in Tertullian, S. Am­brose and others) whereupon it followeth, that if the Church may chastise a man in his body for the good of his soule, much more may she chastise him in his goods, and temporall state, which are ordained by the law of nature to serue both the body and the soule, as the Philosophers touch, & namely Plato,Plato epist. 8. ad Dionys. who therefore aduised a Law-maker to procure by his lawes, that the three kinds of goods (to wit, of the mind) the body, and fortune) be sought and pos­sessed in due and ordinate manner, that is to say, that the goods of the mind be preferred before the other two, and the goods of the body esteemed only so farre forth, as they may serue the mind, and lastly that the goods of fortune (which are honour, dignitie, wealth and temporall states) be accounted no better then ministers and seruants of both the other.

32 But first I doe willingly graunt, that it may be confirmed by the common custome and practise of the Primitiue Church, that not onely the Pope, but also inferiour Bishops, yea and Priests had power to command, or enioyne bodily penances to their penitents, as fasting, prayer, lying vpon sackcloth and ashes, yea and giuing of almes in satis­faction of their sinnes, as the building of Churches, Colledges, Hospi­tals or Religious Houses, according to the greatnesse of their offence, and the qualitie, condition, and abilitie of the penitent, or to vse the tearme of Diuines, cla [...]e non errante, the key not erring: For if such penances should be enioyned without discretion and due regard of the greatnesse of the offence, or of the state and condition of the penitent, the key should erre, and would not haue force to bind. Secondly, I doe also graunt, that there is an order and subordination in worth and dig­nitie betwixt spirituall, corporall and temporall goods, or of the soule, of the body and of fortune, and that, according to the light of nature, the goods of the soule being most worthy are to be preferred and estee­med before the other two, and that the goods of the body, bodily life, health, libertie, and such like bodily contentments are to be preferred before the goods of fortune, which are honour, dignitie, wealth and temporall states, and that all of them are with due order to be referred to the seruice and glorie of God, and to the eternall saluation both of body and soule. But what followeth from all this?

33 Whereupon I inferre, saith my Aduersarie,pag. 33. nu. 5.6. (according to the axiome of the law, accessorium sequitur principale) that seeing not onely the body, but also temporall goode, and states are inferiour to the soule, and ordained for the seruice thereof; a must needs follow, that the Church ha­uing power and authoritie ouer the body for the benefite of the soule, hath also power ouer temporall goods and states, when it is necessarie for the good of the soule, and for the glorie of God, for the which [...] bodies, goods; [Page 40] states and all things else were created and ordained. And this me thinkes our aduersaries should not deny, seeing that their Ecclesiasticall discipline admitteth not onely corporall chastisements by imprisonment, but also pecu­niaris mulcto and penalties. Therefore vpon this I inferre, that Christian Princes being sheepe of Christs flocke, and consequently to be fedde and go­uerned by the supreme Pastour of the Church, may also be chastised by him in their temporall states, when it shall be necessarie for the glorie and seruice of God, the benefite of soules, and good of the whole Church, whereto all Christian Kingdomes, Isa 60. and Empyres are subordinate, and subiect, as I haue prooued before out of the holy Scripture, and will prooue also after a while by the very law of nature, and light of reason.

34 But first touching the consequent, or conclusion of his in­ference or argument, to wit, that the Pope hauing power ouer the soule, hath power also ouer the body and goods, when it is necessarie for the good of the soule and glory of God, I doe willingly graunt the same, if it be vnderstoode of a power not to dispose of corporall and temporall goods, but to command and enioyne them in order to spirituall good, albeit my Aduersarie did vnderstand it of both, as I shewed before. But as concerning the consequence, inference or argument, which hee draweth from that rule of the law,De Regulis Iuris in 6. re­gula. 42. The accessorie followeth the principall, or as it is in the Canon law, Accessorium naturam sequi congruit princi­palis: It is fit, or conuenient that the accessorie follow the nature of the prin­cipall: which rule, as the Glosse there affirmeth, is taken from that rule of the Ciuill law,ff. de Regulis Iuris regula 138. Cum principalis causa &c. When the principall cause is not consisting, for the most part neither those things that follow haue place, there can be no conuincing, or demonstratiue argument (as all my Aduersaries arguments must be, if hee will prooue by them, that the oath cannot with a safe and probable conscience be taken by any Ca­tholike, and that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes is a point of faith) be drawen from that generall rule of the law, which hath so many exceptions, restrictions, and limitations, and which are not as yet made sufficiently knowen by the Lawiers, as neither what is vniuersally meant by Accessorie, and what by Principall, and what is to follow the nature of the principall.

35 And therefore not without cause doth the rule of the Ciuill law, from which this rule of the Canon law is taken, adioyne that word [plaerunque, for the most part] and the rule it selfe of the Canon law, doth not absolutely say, that the Accessorie must follow, or doth follow the nature of the principall, but it is fit or conuenient, that the accessorie doe fol­low the nature of the principall, to signifie, that it doth not alwaies, and of necessitie but for the most part, and of congruitie follow the principall, and that Iudges ought for the most part follow this rule in their iudge­ments, if they haue no speciall reasoned meaning [...] to the contraries [Page 41] And therefore, as the marginall Glosse vpon the Ciuill law doth well obserue,Leg. Et si is quem Cod. de praedijs & alijs. &c. The accessorie doth not follow his principall, when in the accessorie there is not the same reason, which is in the principall.

36 Secondly therefore, I would gladly know of my Aduersarie, whether he will haue this rule to be grounded onely in humane law, and hath it force and strength onely from thence, so that if the Ciuill, or Canon law had not made and ordained that rule, it would not be of force and validitie, or else it is grounded also in the law of God, or na­ture. If he graunt the first, as commonly the Lawiers doe, and there­fore some things, which seeme of their owne nature to be accessorie, as a saddle, and bridle are to a horse, are not accessorie according to hu­mane law, and therefore he that selleth a horse, doth not consequently sell the bridle and faddle, and somethings, which are not accessorie of their owne nature, as a dowrie is not necessarily annexed to marriage; are made accessorie according to humane lawe, and therefore he that marrieth a woman with the consent of her parents, hath right to a dowrie, and the parents are bound by the Ciuill Law to giue a dowrie, if they be able: wherefore the Glosse vpon the aforesaid rule of the Ci­uill law doth obserue, that the word [plaerunque, for the most part] was purposely added to that rule of the law, for that sometimes that rule doth faile, to which purpose he alledgeth many texts of the Ciuill law. If my Aduersarie, I say, will graunt the first, he can not but easily per­ceiue, that there can no forcible argument be drawne from the afore­said rule to prooue, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath a dis­posing power ouer the body, and ouer corporall and temporall goods, because he hath power ouer the soule; both for that the aforesaid rule is not generally true, and especially, as I obserued out of the Glosse, when in the accessorie there is not the same reason which is in the princi­pall, as there is not the same reason, that a spirituall Pastour can dispose of the bodie, and of corporall or temporall goods, because he can dis­pose of the soule and of spirituall goods, but chiefly for that our Saui­our Christ gaue to S. Peter and his Apostles all their spirituall and Pa­storall power long before that rule of humane law was ordained, and whether it were ordained before or after, it is manifest, that our Saui­our was not tyed to giue any power to S. Peter and the Apostles by force and vertue of any humane law, neither can the institution of Christ depend vpon any rule, which is grounded onely in humane law.

37 But if my Aduersaries meaning bee, that the aforesaid rule, The accessory followeth the principall, is grounded in the Law of God, or nature, so that abstracting from all humane lawes, yet either by the in­stitution of Christ, or by a necessary sequell or consequence drawne from the light of naturall reason, it is alwayes true (I say alwaies true, for otherwise if the rule be not generally true, there can no inuincible [Page 42] argument be concluded from that rule to prooue, that hee who hath the principall, must of necessity haue the accessory, or who hath power ouer the principall, must of necessity haue power ouer the accessory) then this rule may rather be called a rule, or Maxime of Logike, then a rule of Law, and it is taken from that Topike place, which the Logici­ans call, The place of Antecedents, and in sense it is all one with this dia­lecticall axiome, Posito antecedenti necesse est poni consequens, the Ante­cedent being put, the consequent must of necessitie be put, or follow; or if we call the antecedent the principall, and the consequent, the accessory, the principall being put, the accessory must of necessity follow, or which is all one, the accessorie doth necessarily follow the principall.

38 But in this sense neither can bridles be said to be accessory to horses, for that horses, can consist without bridles, neither can any separable accident (to vse the Logicians terme) be said to bee accessory to the substance, and so neither musicke, physicke, or any other Art can be said to be accessory to the soule, for that the soule can consist without any of these Arts, neither can the mortall body it selfe be said to be ac­cessorie to the immortall soule, for the soule can consist without the body, neither can the goods of fortune, as honour, dignitie, riches, earthly kingdomes, &c. nor the goods of the body, as health, libertie, and other bodily contentments be said, as my Aduersary would haue them, to be accessory in any man to the good of his soule and his eter­nall saluation, which is the last end, to which hee ought to referre all his corporall and temporall goods and miseries, for that any man may attaine to eternall saluation, and haue spirituall and iustifying grace, which is the onely meanes to attaine thereunto, without any worldly riches or preferments, and without any bodily comforts, and content­ments, albeit in another sense all the former inferiour things may bee called accessory, for that they are ordained and referred to the other more worthy, noble, and principall things.

39 Neuerthelesse I doe not deny, as I haue often said, that Christ our Sauiour hath giuen to Saint Peter and his Successours suffici­ent power to gouerne his Church by spirituall meanes, and conse­quently power to command both spirituall and temporall things in or­der to spirituall good, and to chastise the transgressours of his iust com­mand with spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Censures, for that all these are spirituall meanes, and comprehended in spirituall gouernment: And because the commanding of spirituall and temporall things in order to spirituall good is by the institution of Christ annexed to spirituall go­uernment, or the power to command temporall things, which is the lesse noble, and therefore may be called accessorie, is by the institution of Christ annexed to the power of commanding spiritual things, which being the more noble, may be called the principall: therefore from that [Page 43] maxime of the Logicians there may be drawen a good argument, suppo­sing the institution of Christ, that if the Pope hath power to command spirituall things in order to spirituall good, he hath power also to com­mand temporall things in order to the same spirituall good, not for that temporall things are per se, and of their owne nature subiect and subordained to spirituall things, except onely in worth and nobilitie, or that temporall things are the accessorie, and spirituall things the prin­cipall, taking accessorie, and principall, as I haue before declared, but for that the power to command spirituall things is the principall, or antece­dent, and the power to command temporall things in order to spiri­tuall good is the accessorie or consequent, and by the institution of Christ annexed to the power of commanding spirituall things.

40 But for all this I vtterly deny, that the power to dis­pose of temporall goods is by the institution of Christ annexed to spirituall gouernment, or to the Popes power of commanding ei­ther spirituall or temporall things, for that the disposing of temporall things, for what ende soeuer it bee, is not a spiritu­all but a temporall action, and doeth belong to a temporall or ciuill power, which by the institution of Christ hath it acts, offices, dignities, meanes, and ends distinguished from the spirituall power: both which, as they are supreame in their degree and order, and conse­quently independent one of the other in those things, which are pro­per to either of them, so they cannot intermeddle with the actions of each either: and as the supreame spirituall power doth reside in spiri­tuall Pastours, so the supreame temporall power doth reside in tempo­rall Princes: and as spirituall Pastours are by spirituall power, spiri­tuall lawes, spirituall actions, and spirituall meanes and punishments bound to bring all men, as much as lyeth in them, to euerlasting hap­pinesse, so also Christian Princes, are bound, as much as lyeth in them, by temporall power, temporall lawes, temporall actions, and temporall meanes and punishments to bring their subiects to the kingdome of heauen, which is the last end, to which all Christians ought to referre all that they haue, or are.

41 Wherefore if that, which Mr. Fitzherbert doeth lastly in­ferre, that Christian Princes being sheepe of Christs flocke may bee chasti­sed by the supreame Pastour of the Church in their temporall states, bee so vnderstood, that hee may by way of direction or command enioyne them temporall penalties or punishments, as to fast, to pray, to giue almes or the like in satisfaction of their sinnes, or for some other great spirituall good, this is very true, and I haue affirmed the same too too often; and this only he hath prooued by this Discourse which he hath here repeated out of his Supplement, albeit this bee not the marke, at which he aimeth, and which hee pretended to prooue: for as I haue [Page 44] shewed before,Nu. 6. his chiefe drift and purpose was to proue, that the Pope hath power not onely to command temporals in order to spirituall good, but also to dispose of temporals, not only to command christi­ans, that in satisfaction of their sinnes or in defence of the Church they will dispose of their temporall goods according to the qualitie of their offence, and the necessitie of the Church shall require, and their abili­tie doth extend, but also to depriue them of the right, power, and domi­nion, which they haue ouer their temporall goods and states, if they shall refuse to obey his iust command, which my Aduersarie by this Discourse in his Supplement hath not, as you haue seene, so much, as probably confirmed, and neuerthelesse, as I haue often said, not onely probable arguments, but conuincing authorities, or demonstrations are required to prooue his doctrine for the Popes power to depose Prin­ces, and to dispose of their temporals, to bee certaine, and a point of faith, and that the oath cannot lawfully, and with a safe consci­ence be taken by any Catholike. And thus much concerning the Dis­course which Mr. Fitzherbert hath made in his Supplement. Now you shall see what from thence he doth inferre.

42 Thus did I discourse, saith he,Pag. 34. nu 7 and argue in my Supplement, whereby my Aduersarie Widdrington may perceiue first, what I meane by the accessorie, and by the principall; as that the soule of man, and the seruice, and glory of God are the principall, and that the accessory is the body, goods, and all temporall states whatsoeuer, because they are sub­ordinate to the soule, and ordained for the seruice thereof, and for Gods glory.

43 And my Aduersarie also by that, which I haue heere an­swered to his Discourse may perceiue, that although the soule of man, and the spirituall good thereof, and the seruice and glory of God may in some sense bee called the principall, and bodily and tempo­rall goods the accessorie, for that they are the lesse worthy, and lesse noble, and therefore though not of their owne nature referred, yet by the intention and will of man ought to bee referred to the eternall good and saluation of the soule, as to the last end of man, in which sense temporall good may bee said to be subiect and ordained to the su­pernaturall good of the soule, whereof I haue treated more at large aboue in the second part: Yet in that sense, as antecedent and consequent, principall and accessorie are taken in that maxime, the spirituall good of the soule, eternall saluation, and the supernaturall seruice and glo­rie of God cannot be called the principall or antecedent, nor corporall goods and temporall states, as health, wealth, honour, &c. the ac­cessorie or consequent, for that God may bee serued and glorified, and the soule saued, without hauing any such corporall, or temporall contentments, yea rather they doe hinder then promote the good of [Page 45] the soule, for that according to our Sauiours owne wordes,Matth. 19. A rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdome of heauen: For they 1. Tim. 6. that will be made rich, fall into tentation and the snare of the Deuill, and many desires vnprofitable and hurtfull, which drowne men into destruction and perdition; and By many tribulations Act. 14. we must enter into the kingdome of God.

44 Neither did I desire my Aduersary to declare, what he vnder­stood in particular by the names of principall and accessory, for I knew right well, that hee tooke the good of the soule for principall, and the goods of the body and of fortune to be the accessory, for that they are referred and ordained to the good of the soule, in which sense the words principall and accessory are not taken in that maxime, as I shewed before, and it will more cleerely appeare beneath, but I desired him to declare, what the Lawyers vnderstood in generall by the names of principall and accessory in that rule of the Law, for that the nature and definition of principall and accessory being once knowne, we might the better descend to particulars, and more easily perceiue whether the good of the soule was to bee taken for principall, and all other corpo­rall and temporall goods for accessory in that rule of the Law, and with­all he should also haue explained, if hee had meant to cleere and satisfie the vnderstanding of his Reader, what the Lawyers vnderstood by those wordes, [to follow the nature of the principall] all which my Aduersary hath, as you haue seene, neglected to declare.

45 Secondly, Widdrington may see, saith Mr. Fitzherbert,Pag. 34. nu. 8 the force and validitie of my consequence, to wit, because the Church hath power ouer the soule, (which is the principall) therefore it hath power also ouer the accessorie, that is to say, ouer the body, temporall goods, and states, when it is necessarie for the good of the soule, and the glorie of God, for which our soules, bodies, goods, states, and all things else were ordained.

46 And hee also may see, in what manner his consequence is of force, if it be onely vnderstood of a power to commaund temporall things in order to spiritual good, to wit, not for that the Church hauing power ouer the soule (which he calleth the principall) must also haue power ouer the body and temporall goods, (which he calleth the ac­cessorie) when it is necessarie for the good of the soule, and the glory of God, because temporall goods and states are not necessarie for the good of the soule, and the glorie of God, but rather lets, and hinderan­ces thereof, seeing that soules may be saued, and God glorified without the enioying of such corporall or temporall goods, and therefore tem­porall goods, and states can not rightly be called the accessory or conse­quent, as accessory or consequent ought to be taken in that maxime: But the force of his consequence can onely consist in this, that because Christ our Sauiour hath giuen to Saint Peter and his Successours, suf­ficient authority to gouerne the Church by spirituall meanes, and in [Page 46] order to spirituall good to command not onely spirituall things, which is the more noble and principall, but also temporall things, which power is the lesse noble, and so by the institution of Christ annexed to the spirituall power of gouerning the Church, and of commaun­ding spirituall things, for which cause it may well be called the ac­cessory or consequent, therefore from that rule, or maxime not of the law, but of the Logicians, The accessory, or consequent doth necessarily follow the principall or antecedent, it may be well inferred, that the Pope hauing power to command spirituall things, hath also power to com­mand temporall things in order to spirituall good, for that this power to command temporall things, is by the institution of Christ annexed and adioyned to the spirituall power of gouerning the Church and of commanding spirituall things: I say, by the institution of Christ, for that there is no absolute, necessarie, or naturall connexion betwixt the power to command spirituall things and temporall things: and there­fore it was in our Sauiours absolute power and choice to haue graunted to Saint Peter and his Successours a power to command onely spiritu­all things and not temporall, euen in order to spirituall good, as he hath granted him a power to dispose onely of spirituall things and not of temporall, but the disposing of temporall things for what end soe­uer it be, he hath left to the temporall power of Secular Princes, who in temporals acknowledge no Superiour on earth.

47 Thirdly, Widdrington may note his absurditie, saith Mr. Fitzher­bert, Nu. 9. pag. 34 in denying the consequence, and yet granting it in effect. For gran­ting, as hee doth, that the body, and temporall goods are ordained to serue spirituall things, Supra nu. 1. and that therefore the Pope hath authoritie to command corporall and temporall things in order to spirituall, he granteth conse­quently, as much as I require, to wit, that the Pope hath power to punish corporally and temporally, when it shall be conuenient for the good of soules, and Gods glorie: for he can giue no sufficient nor probable reason why the Pope can doe the one, and not the other, seing that it can not be denyed, but that the Church hath alwaies vsed to enioyne bodily penance to her penitents, as fasting prayer, and lying vpon sackcloth and ashes, which was vsually imposed euen in the primitiue Church, Supra. nu. 5. as I shewed in the place alledged a little before out of my Supplement.

48 Whereupon I inferre, sayth he,nu. 10. that if the Church may punish a man in his body for the good of his soule, it may punish him in his goods to the same end, seeing that temporall goods are inferiour to the body, and ordained for the seruice of the body and soule, Supra. nu. 5. as I haue before declared by the opinion of the Philosophers themselues. But because he will giue me a better occasion hereafter infra cap. 5. nu. 1. 2. &c. 39. Item cap. 6. nu. 13. 14. 15. 16. & seq. to treate more amply of this point, and to confute a friuoulous di­stinction of his, of the power to command corporall things, and to punish cor­porally, I wil now say somewhat to the instances, that he bringeth against my [Page 47] consequence which he impugneth, by drawing two other consequences from the same principle, and confronting them with mine to shew some absurdity therein.

49 But Mr. Fitzherbert may also note, that I haue committed no absurdity in denying absolutely the consequence, and also graunting it with a condition, for so I doe not graunt it in that sense wherein I doe deny it. I graunt that the consequence is not in vaine if it bee vnderstood of the Popes power to commaund temporalls in order to spirituall good, but because my Aduersarie did vnderstand it not onely of the Popes power to command temporals, but also to dis­pose of temporals, and to inflict temporall punishments, or punish temporally, not onely by the way of command, but also by the way of temporall constraint, therefore I did absolutely deny his consequence. And therefore albeit I did grant this consequence, The accessorie or con­sequent followeth the principall or antecedent, (being so vnderstood, as I declared before) therefore the Pope hauing power to gouerne the Church by spirituall meanes, and to command spirituall things in or­der to spirituall good, hath consequently (supposing the institution of Christ) power also to commaund corporall, and temporall things in order to the same spirituall good, yet I did not grant these consequen­ces; The accessory or consequent followeth the principall or antecedent, there­fore the Pope hauing, by the institution of Christ, power to commaund spirituall things in order to spirituall good, hath consequently power to dispose of temporall things in order to the same spirituall good, nor this: The accessorie or consequent followeth the principall or antece­dent, therefore the Pope hauing power to dispose of spirituall things in order to spirituall good hath consequently power to dispose of tem­porall things in order to the same spirituall good.

50 Obserue therefore, good Reader, how cunningly Mr. Fitzher­bert, to make thee imagine, that my answere is absurd & repugnant to my selfe, endeauoureth to delude thee, and to cast a myst before thine eies, whilest he affirmeth, that I graunting, that the body and temporall goods are ordained to serue spirituall things, and that therefore the Pope hath authoritie to command corporall and temporall things in order to spiri­tuall good, doe consequently graunt so much, as he requireth, to wit, that the Pope hath power to punish corporally and temporall when it shalbe conuenient (a large extension of the Popes spirituall power to depriue Princes of their kingdomes) for the good of soules, and Gods glorie: as though, for­sooth, he requireth nothing else, but that the Pope may only command temporall things and not dispose of temporall things, may punish cor­porally and temporally by way onely of commanding or enioyning temporall and corporall penalties, and not also by inflicting them, or by way of temporall coercion, and by depriuing Christian Princes and subiects of their temporal states and corporall liues, whereas the whole [Page 48] scope of his Discourse, as I shewed before, and concerning depriuing them of their liues you shall see beneath,Nu. 65. tendeth to prooue the cleane contrarie: and in this very place he plainly signifieth as much, in pro­mising to confute beneath a friuolous distinction of mine, as he tearmeth it, of the power to command corporall things, and consequently corporall punishments, and of the power to punish corporally, not by the way of command, for this power I haue graunted aboue an hundred times, but by way of corporall coercion and constraint: Which distinction doth breake the necke of a great part of his Discourse, and also declareth the true state of the maine question betwixt him and me, and therefore he might haue done well hauing so fit an occasion offered him to haue confuted in this place that distinction, and not to leaue his Reader in suspense touching this point, which is the maine controuersie betwixt him and me, and which distinction being once ouerthrowen, and pro­ued to be friuolous, this whole question concerning the Popes power to depose Princes and to inflict temporall and corporall punishments would presently be ended.

51 But the plaine trueth is, that neither in the fift chapter (for there hee barely repeateth what he saide heere concerning this distin­ction) nor in the sixt chapter doth he bring any one probable proofe to confute this distinction, as I will cleerely shew in that place. In the meane time without interrupting the order, which hee obserueth in his Chapters, and withall not to leaue thee, good Reader, altogether in sus­pence, thou maiest easily gather some ground and reason of this dist­inction, partly from that, which hath beene said a little before, partly from the words which I related out of S. Bernard, See aboue, part. 2. cap. 8. that the Pope may command, but not vse the materiall sword, and partly by the compari­son, which Cardinall Bellarmine out ofSee aboue, part. cap. 9. S. Gregorie Nazianzene did make betwixt the soule and body, and betwixt the spirituall and tempo­rall power or common wealth. For as the soule hath power to com­mand coporall actions for the good both of the body and soule, but she hath not power of her selfe without the concurrance of the body to do or exercise corporall actions euen for the good of the soule, so also the spirituall power or common wealth may comand temporal actions in order to spirituall good, but shee cannot of herselfe without the con­currance of the temporall power exercise any temporall action be­longing to temporall gouernment, although it bee neuer so much with order or reference to spirituall good: neither doeth the re­ference of a temporall or bodily action to a spirituall ende alter, or change the nature of the action, for as a bodily action, although it bee done for the good of the soule, is still a bodily action, and doth not by that reference become a spirituall action, so a temporall action, although it bee done for a spirituall end, doth still remaine a temporall [Page 49] [...]tion, and vertue and vice may bee found as well in temporall, as in [...]irituall actions.

52 Now you shall see, how soundly Mr. Fitzherbert impugneth the two instances I brought against his consequence, which were these: The accessorie followeth the principall, therefore he who is Lord of all horses is Lord of all bridles: The Pope hath power ouer the soule of a Prince, and therefore ouer his life. To which he replieth in this manner.Pag. 35. nu. 11.12. But of these two instances I must needes say, that the former is ridiculous, and the later malicious; for by the former hee impugneth himselfe, and not mee: You haue heard him before admit my consequence, so that it bee vnderstood of power to command corporall things in order to spirituall; for he saith that my consequence is vaine except it be vnderstood in this manner, and there­fore being vnderstood so, hee alloweth it for good. And if we vnderstand it so then it must needes follow according to his owne ground, that hee who is Lord of all horses (which are the principall) may command all bridles, be­cause they are the accessorie.

53 Now then hee must either grant his owne argument or deny it; if be grant it, hee prooueth nothing thereby against mee, but rather fortifieth my consequence (which is, as hee himselfe relateth it, that the Church ha­uing power ouer the soule, hath power also ouer the body and goods, because the accessorie followeth the principall) If hee deny it, hee denieth his for­mer grant, which was, as you haue heard, that whosoeuer hath power to com­mand the principall, may command the accessorie, for seeing that all hor­ses are the principall, and all bridles the accessorie (according to his owne supposition in his argument) hee that denieth the Lord of all horses to bee the Lord of all bridles, denieth that hee who hath power to command the principall may command the accessorie, which is the same that hee hath granted already, as you haue heard; so as I see not to what purpose this his argument serueth, but to discouer his owne folly, and yet forsooth hee will haue vs to beleeue in any case, that all his arguments are probable at least.

54 But I must needes say, good Reader, that my Aduersarie hath small reason, for these two instances, which I brought against that rule, or maxime, The accessorie followeth the principall, as it was vnder­stood by him, to vse such vndecent tearmes, for whose folly is disco­uered, and who is the ridiculous and malicious, you shall foorth with perceiue. It is true, that I granted the consequence not to be vaine, if it were only vnderstood of a power in the Pope to command spiritu­all things, and to punish temporally by way of command in order to spitituall good: but from hence it doeth not follow according to my ground, but according to his owne, that he who is Lord of all horses, may consequently command all bridles, yea and it followeth accor­ding to his ground, that hee who can dispose of all horses, can dis­pose [Page 50] of all bridles, and that hee who buyeth all horses, doeth conse­quently buy all bridles: For first, by his consequence hee doth intend not only to prooue, that the Pope hath power to command tempo­rall things, or to punish temporally by way of command, but also to dispose of temporalls, to depose temporall Princes, and to inflict tem­porall punishments, as I shewed beforeNu 6. and hee in the next para­graphes doth expresly affirmeNu. 13.14.15.16.. Secondly, according also to his owne ground, and not mine, a bridle is accessorie to a horse, for that it is or­dained to serue a horse, for which cause hee affirmeth, that temporall things are accessorie to spirituall things, for that they are ordained to serue spirituall things. And therefore according to his owne ground these consequences are good: The accessorie followeth the principall, there­fore he who is Lord of all horses is Lord of all bridles, therefore hee who can command all horses can command all bridles, therefore hee who can dispose of all horses can dispose of all bridles, therefore hee who buyeth all horses, which are the principall, must consequently buy all bridles, which are the accessorie.

55 But I doe not graunt, that a bridle is accessorie, or consequent to a horse, or that corporall and temporall goods are accessorie or con­sequent to the spirituall good of the soule, in that sense as accessorie is and ought to be taken in that maxime, The accessorie or consequent must follow the principall or antecedent, or which is all one, if the principall or an­tecedent be supposed or graunted, the accessorie or consequent must of necessitie follow: and my reason is, for that a horse can be without a bridle, and the spirituall good or life of the soule can be without corporall goods, or temporall honour and riches, yea and better without them, then with them. Neuerthelesse I doe graunt, that the power to command temporall things in order to spirituall good is, according to the institu­tion of Christ, accessorie or consequent to the power to command spiri­tuall things in order to spirituall good, for that both of them are, by the institution of Christ, connected and conioyned in the spirituall Pastour of the Church: and because the power to command spirituall things is the more noble and worthy, and the power to command tem­porall things the lesse noble and worthie, as spirituall things are more noble then temporall, therefore the power to commaund spirituall things may be well called the principall, and the power to command temporall things the accessorie, and which, by the institution of Christ, doth follow the first and more noble power as the principall.

56 And by this, that Dilemma, which he maketh, is easily an­swered. For I graunt the consequence in that forme of words, as he setteth it downe, in one sense, and I denye it in an other. I graunt it, if it be vnderstood of the Popes power to command temporals, and to enioyne temporall penalties in order to spirituall good, and if he had [Page 51] intended nothing else then this, I should indeed haue prooued nothing against him, but should haue fortified his consequence; But because in his consequence he spake of a power in the Church in generall ouer the soule, body and goods, therefore the Church, sayth he, hauing power ouer the soule, hath power consequently ouer the body and goods, which power may be vnderstood not onely of a power to command, but al­so to dispose, not onely to enioyne spirituall and temporall punish­ments, but also to inflict them, and because the Pope in order to spiri­tuall good hath a power not only to command spirituall punishments, but also to inflict them, and by a iuridicall sentence to depriue men of certaine spirituall goods and benefites, therefore by his consequence it might seeme to be rightly inferred, that the Pope hath also in order to spirituall good a power to dispose of the bodie and of temporall goods, euen as temporall Princes haue in order to temporall good a power not onely to command, but also to dispose thereof, and to depriue by a iuridicall sentence their subiects of their temporall goods, and also of their corporall liues, and because my Aduersaries drift and meaning was to prooue thus much by his consequence, therefore in this sense, which his words did beare, and he also intend, I did absolutely denye his consequence. Now what repugnance or contradiction, trow you, can all his skill in Logike (although it were farre greater then most men that know him suppose it to be) find in granting his consequence in one sence, and denying it in an other, and whose folly is discouered, and whether my instance or his Reply be ridiculous I dare aduenture to remit euen to his owne iudgement.

57 But my Aduersarie perceiuing, as it seemes, that according to the vulgar axiome, ducere ad inconueniens non est soluere argumentum, to draw one to an inconuenience is not to solue the argument, endeauoureth to answere my instance, abstracting from my grant: But let vs set aside, sayth he,nu, 13. pag. 36▪ Widdringtons graunt, and consider how probable is the instance that he maketh against me by this argument considered in it selfe, and com­pared with mine. The accessorie, sayth he, followeth the principall, and therefore he who is Lord of all horses is Lord of all bridles, which no doubt is true, if he speake of such a one, as hath a supreme dominion, or power, as I doe in my argument, when I speake of the Pope, who being supreme head of the Church, and in that respect hauing the direct charge of mens soules, hath also indirectly the care and charge of whatsoeuer is accessorie to the soule, and subordinate thereto, so farre forth, I meane as is requisite for the good of soules: as also in like manner a supreme temporall Prince, albeit he be not directly the Lord of all horses and bridles in his kingdome or State, yet hauing directly the charge and care of the whole common wealth, he may dispose not onely of all the horses, but also of all the bridles in the com­mon-wealth, when it shall vndoubtedly be conuenient, and necessarie for the publike good thereof.

[Page 52]58 True it is, that this consequence, The accessorie, or consequent doth necessarily follow the principall or antecedent, therefore a supreme tem­porall Prince, who is Lord of all horses is also Lord of all bridles, or which is all one, who may for the common good dispose of all the horses in his king­dome, may also for the same good dispose of all the bridles, is a true and good consequence, but not for that a bridle is accessorie or necessarily annexed, and consequent to a horse, as my Aduersarie affirmeth; for then it must be true not onely in a Prince, but also in all other men, who haue power to dispose of the principall: and moreouer this conse­quence would also be good, The accessorie followeth the principall, there­fore a supreme temporall Prince, who buyeth all horses, which according to my Aduersaries doctrine are the principall, must consequently buy all bri­dles, which are the accessorie: But the aforesaid consequence is there­fore good, for that to be a supreme temporall Lord of all bridles is ac­cessorie or consequent to be a supreme temporall Lord of all horses, which is the more noble, principall, or antecedent, and so the power in a temporall Prince to dispose of all horses is necessarily connected with his power to dispose of all bridles.

59 Wherefore, according to my opinion, who doe not make bridles to be accessory to horses in that sense, as accessory is taken in that maxime, but a supreme power to dispose of all bridles to bee accessory, or consequent to a supreme power to dispose of all horses, for that a su­preme power to dispose both of horses and bridles, is necessarily in­cluded in a supreme power to dispose of all temporall things, as a part in the whole, the aforesaid argument, speaking of a supreme temporall Prince is good, not onely vi consequentis (to vse the termes of Logi­cians) by vertue of the consequent, but also vi consequentiae, by vertue of the consequence, or, which is all one, not onely the consequent is true, but also the consequence is good. But he that will grant the argument to be good in regard that bridles are accessorie to horses, as my Aduersarie doth, he can not maintaine that argument to be good in a supreme temporall Prince by vertue of the consequence, or, which is all one, by vertue of that maxime, The accessorie followeth the principall, but by vertue of an other maxime, which is, that euery part is contained in the whole, and therefore a temporall Prince, who for the common tem­poral good hath power to dispose of all temporall things, hath power to dispose of all horses, bridles, and all other temporall things.

60 Now although I did grant this consequence in the Pope, that because the accessory or consequent doth follow the principall or antece­dent, therefore the Pope hauing power to commaund spirituals, hath also power to command temporals in order to spirituall good, not for that temporals are accessory, or consequent to spirituals, in that sense as accessory and consequent are taken in that maxime, but for that a power [Page 53] in the Pope to commaund temporals in order to spirituall good, is, by the institution of Christ, accessory and consequent to his power of com­manding spirituals, yet I vtterly denyed this consequence, The accessory followeth the principall, therefore the Pope hauing power to commaund, and to dispose of spirituals, or to inflict spirituall punishments, hath also power to dispose of temporals, and not onely to command or inioyne, but also to inflict temporall punishments, or to punish temporally by way of constraint. For although temporals are ordained to spirituals in that sense, as I haue often declared, and for that cause may be called accessory to spirituals, yet as accessory is taken in that maxime, they are neither accessory to spi­rituals, for that spirituall good may in any man be very well without them, neither is the Popes pretended power to dispose of temporalls in order to spirituall good, and to punish with temporall punishments by way of constraint, accessory or consequent to his power to dispose of spirituals, or to punish with spirituall punishments, or Ecclesiasti­call censures.

61 And by this is easily answered that, which Mr. Fitzherbert saith in the next Paragraph concerning priuate men. And if wee consi­der, saith he,Nu. 14. p. 3 [...]. also Widdringtons argument euen in particular and priuate men, it may haue a very true sense, and will fortifie mine; for whosoeuer is Lord of any horse, is Lord also of the bridles that belong to that horse, be­cause (according to Widdringtons supposition) they are accessory of the said horse, and therefore according to my axiome, doe follow their principall: and the same must needes bee granted in this our case, seeing that the Pope doth no otherwise dispose of temporall goods then the same doe belong to par­ticular men, whom he hath occasion to chastise for the benefit of their soules, and the publike good of the Church; and therefore when he punisheth any Prince temporally, hee neither doth, nor can doe it in other mens goods, but onely in those goods, or states, which belong to that Prince, as a Lord of a horse disposeth not of other mens bridles, but of the bridles that belong to his owne horse; for as other mens bridles are not accessory of that horse, so neither are other mens goods accessory to the Prince, who is to be punished, but such goods or states onely as belong to him, and may consequently be disposed of by his supreme Pastour, when his and the publike good of the Church shall ne­cessarily require it: So as you see how well Widdrington argueth for mee, and therefore the probabilitie that I see in this his argument, is no other, but that he playeth, as I may say, booty with me, and helpeth vnder hand to defend my cause. Thus much for the first argument.

62 But first it is vntrue, that I according to my owne doctrine doe suppose that bridles are accessory to horses, as accessory is taken in the aforesaid maxime, but I doe suppose, and that truely, according to my Aduersaries doctrine, that bridles are accessory to horses, for that they are made and ordained for horses, in which sense hee taketh acces­sorie [Page 54] in that maxime, and therefore he affirmeth, that corporall and tem­porall goods are accessory to the spirituall good of the soule, for that they are ordained and referred to the said spirituall good.

63 Secondly, it is also vntrue, that the argument, which I made against his consequence, if it be considered in particular and priuate men, can haue a very true sense, as it is grounded in that rule or maxime, the accessory followeth the principall, and that it doth fortifie his conse­quence. For whosoeuer, saith he, is Lord of any horse, is Lord also of the bridles that belong to that horse, because (according to his owne supposi­tion, and not mine) they are the accessory of the saide horse. Obserue now, good Reader, how cunningly this man would shift off the argu­ment, or instance, which I made against his consequence, and delude thee with ambiguous words. For what can any man imagine my Ad­uersary to vnderstand by these wordes [the bridles that belong to that horse] for surely no man can be so simple, as to thinke, that any bridle can be said to belong to a horse, as to the true owner thereof, or so proper to a horse, that the horse can not be without that bridle, for so indeede it would very well follow from that maxime, that he, who is Lord of that horse, is also Lord of that bridle, and he that should buy that horse, should also buy that bridle which belongeth to that horse. And therefore either it must be said, that such a bridle doth belong to such a horse for that the bridlemaker did make it serue such a horse, and for this respect it can not be truely said, that he, who is Lord of that horse, is Lord also of that bridle, for the bridlemaker, and not he who is owner of that horse, may be Lord and owner of the bridle: or else for that such a bridle is, for the most part, or alwaies vsed for such a horse; neither for this respect, or any such like can it be truly said, that he who is Lord of that horse is consequently Lord of that bridle, and can dispose thereof, because that bridle may be lent for the vse of that horse by some other man, who is the true Lord and owner of that bridle, and consequently may dispose thereof, and not of the horse.

64 It remaineth therefore, that for this cause onely, as my Aduer­sary himselfe here insinuateth, such a bridle can bee said to belong to such a horse, for that the same man, who is the true Lord, and owner both of the horse and bridle, and consequently hath power to dispose of them both, doth appoint that bridle to serue that horse; and al­though in this sense that consequent bee true, to wit, that hee who is Lord of any horse, is also Lord, and can dispose of the bridles, which belong to such a horse, or to speake more properly, which belong to the Lord of such a horse, for that the same man is Lord of them both, yet it is not true by vertue of the consequence, or by vertue of that maxime, The accessory followeth the principall, or for that the horse is the principall, and the bridle the accessorie, in that sense as principall and ac­cessorie [Page 55] ought to be taken in that maxime, for then it must also follow, that hee who buyeth that horse, and consequently can dispose thereof, as being the true owner of that horse, hath also power to dispose of that bridle, for that the accessorie must follow the principall, which conse­quence is false, but the consequent is true not by vertue of that maxime, The accessorie followeth the principall, but by vertue of another maxime, which is, that he who is the true Lord, or owner of any horse, bridle, or of any such like temporall thing hath power to dispose thereof.

65 Wherefore it is apparant, that my aforesaid instance, argu­ment, or consequence, The accessorie followeth the principall, therefore hee who is Lord of all horses, is consequently Lord, and can dispose of all bridles, is neither true in Soueraigne Princes, nor in priuate men, vnderstan­ding, as my Aduersarie doth, that bridles are accessorie to horses, neither doth that consequent, although it bee true, not by vertue of that maxime, The accessorie followeth the principall, but by vertue of this, that hee who is Lord of any bridle hath power to dispose thereof, or he that is Lord and can dispose of all temporall things, hath consequently power to dispose both of all horses, and all bridles, fortifie my Aduersaries argument concer­ning the Popes power to dispose of all temporall things, vnlesse it bee first prooued, as hitherto it hath not beene, that the Pope is Lord both in temporalls and spiritualls, in such sort, that for the common spiritu­all good hee may dispose of all temporall things, as it is certaine, that absolute Princes may for the common temporall good dispose of all temporalls, and priuate men may dispose of those goods, which are their owne. And therefore the comparison, which my Aduersarie heere maketh, betwixt the Lord of a horse, who only disposeth of his owne bridles, and not of another mans, and the Pope, who to pu­nish a Prince disposeth only of the Princes goods and states, and not of other mens, is to little purpose, for that it doth suppose that which is in question, and which hitherto hee hath not prooued, to wit, that the Pope hath power to dispose of the temporall goods, states, and bo­dies of all Christians, and that the publike good of the Church doth necessarily require, that the Pope haue power to dispose of all tempo­ralls. And thus much concerning my first instance, wherein whether I haue plaid bootie with them, and helped vnder-hand to defend his cause, and whether it be foolish, ridiculous, and repugnant to my owne doctrine, I remit to the iudgement of any learned man.

66 Now you shall see, how well Mr. Fitzherbert replyeth to my second instance: His other argument, or instance saith he,Pag. 38. nu. 15. 16. 17. is, as I haue said no lesse malicious then his last was foolish and ridiculous. The Pope, saith hee, hath power ouer the Princes soule, ergo, ouer his life, because the accessorie followeth the principall: wherein you see hee seeketh to draw vs to an odious question touching the liues of Princes. Neuerthelesse to say [Page 56] somewhat vnto his argument, and yet not to enter into such an odious matter, let him make the case his owne, and I will not deny, but that the Pope ha­uing power ouer his soule, and being withall supreame Gouernour of the whole Church, hath power also ouer his life, so farre foorth as it may be con­uenient for the good of the Church, I meane not, that the Pope hath power to take his life without iust cause, or by vniust, or vnlawfull meanes (which neither the temporall Prince, who hath direct power ouer his body can doe) but vpon iust occasion giuen by him, and according to the ordinarie manner prescribed by the Ecclesiasticall Canons, that is to say, by deliuering him o­uer to the secular Iustice, S. Leo epist. ad Turbium Ast­ [...]ricens. Episc. because the Church, as S. Leo saith, refugit cru­entas vltiones, doth fly bloodie punishment, and therefore the Church vseth not by her owne ministers to giue, and much lesse to execute the sentence of death vpon any, though shee might doe it, if shee would; for seeing there is nothing that hindreth it, but Ecclesiasticall Canons, the Pope being head of the Church, might dispence therewith, and make it lawfull, if iust occasion required.

67 And how true it is, that the Pope hath power ouer the life of any Christian (with the circumstances and limitations before mentioned) I feare me my Aduersarie Widdrington might find to his cost, if hee were heere, and would not recant his doctrine, euen in this point, to wit, that the Church cannot inflict temporall and corporall punishments, whereby hee impugneth not only the ancient, and vniuersall practise and custome of the Church, but also the Ecclesiasticall Canons, Cap. ab ab­olendam cap. vergentis. cap. excommuni­camus extra de haeretic. & cap. licet de voto, & cap. 1. de homici­dio in 6. & Concil. Trid. sess. 24. c. 8. & 25. cap. 3. and decrees of many Councells and Popes, and finally of the Councell of Trent, as I shall haue good occasion to shew more particularly heereafter Inf. c. 11. nu. 3. & 9. item c. 12. nu. 6. 7. & s..

68 In the meane time hee is to vnderstand, that granting as hee doeth, that the body is subordinate and subiect to the soule, and that all corporall and temporall things are to serue spirituall things, yea and to bee commanded by the supreame spirituall Pastour to that end (and consequently that they are accessorie in the respect of the soule and good of the Church) hee cannot with reason deny the consequence of my argument, to wit, that forasmuch as the accessorie followeth the principall, therefore he that hath power o­uer the soule, and all other spirituall things, hath power also ouer all things that are accessorie thereto, namely the temporall goods, states, and bodies of all Christians, when the good of soules, and of the whole Church doth necessa­rily require it, as shall bee further declared after a while Cap. 5. nu. 37. & 38. item c. 6. nu. 12. 13. 14. & seq. vpon further oc­casion giuen by my Aduersarie.

69 Heere you see, that Mr. Fitzherbert doeth not deny my con­sequence, but alloweth it for good in those his wordes. And how true it is, that the Pope hath power ouer the life of any Christian, (and conse­quently of Christian Kings) with the circumstances and limitations be­fore mentioned, to wit, so farre foorth as it may be conuenient for the good of the Church (a large and intollerable extension of the Popes spirituall [Page 57] power to take away the liues of Christian Princes and subiects) and vp­on iust occasion giuen by him: and againe, that the Pope hath power ouer the temporall goods, states and bodies of all Christians, (and consequently of Christian Princes) when the good of soules, and of the whole Church doth necessarily require it. So that you see he graunteth my argument to be good, but yet to be malicious, that I speake the trueth, but of ma­lice. But truely it is strange to what virulent and slanderous speeches some intemperate spirit hath drawen the libertie of this mans pen. If he imagine, that with any colourable reply he can except against my aunswere, then it is friuolous, impertinent, foolish and ridiculous: if he can not, then it is malicious. God almightie, who is the onely searcher of all mens hearts, knoweth herein my innocencie, and that zeale to the Catholike religion, desire to know the trueth, loue to my Prince and countrey, and not any splene or malice hath mooued me to write both this, and all the rest: and therefore I humbly beseech his Diuine Maiestie to forgiue him, and to graunt him true repentance for that which is past, and that hereafter he may haue a more milde and temperate spirit.

70 But wherefore, trow you, is my argument malicious? because it draweth him, sayth he, to an odious question: as though, forsooth, the propounding of euery odious argument, although it be neuer so good and conuincing, must needs proceed from malice. I confesse indeed, that this doctrine concerning the killing of Christian Princes is odi­ous, abominable, false, scandalous, neuer taught in the Church of God before these later yeeres; and which all good subiects ought with all their hearts to detest and abhorre, and Princes more narrowly to looke vnto, and whether this doctrine for the Popes power to depose Chri­stian Princes be a point of faith, from whence such an odious, scanda­lous and detestable doctrine doth necessarily follow, I hope all good Catholikes, and true hearted subiects will heereafter more diligently consider.

71 And how true it is, sayth my Aduersarie, that the Pope hath power ouer the life of any Christian (with the circumstances and limitations before mentioned) I feare me, my Aduersarie Widdrington might finde to his cost, if he were here at Rome, and would not recant his doctrine euen in this point, to wit, that the Church can not inflict corporall and temporall punishment, whereby he impugneth &c. But first, that the Pope hath power at Rome ouer the liues of those who are his temporall subiects, no man calleth in question, for that he is now the temporall Prince of Rome. But this prooueth not, that the Pope as he is Pope, and by vertue of his spirituall power hath authoritie to put any man to death. If my Ad­uersarie could bring but one example, that the Pope before he was a temporall Prince, and when the Citie of Rome was subiect in temporals [Page 58] to the Roman, Grecian, French or German Emperours did by vertue of his spirituall power put any man to death, then he should say some­thing to the purpose, if the facts and examples of Popes were a sufficient argument to prooue their right and authoritie.

72 Secondly, although it be true, that the Church by vertue of her spirituall power hath authoritie to command, impose or enioyne corporall and temporall punishments, as I haue often said, and the an­cient and generall practise of the Church doth confirme the same, yet that Ecclesiasticall authoritie is, by the institution of Christ, extended to the disposing of temporals, or to the inflicting of corporall and tem­porall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, very many Doctours with Iacobus Almaine, Almainus in libro de Do­minio natu­rali, ciuili & Ecclesiastico in probatione secundae conclu­sionis. as I haue often said, doe ex­presly deny; neither hath the contrarie as yet by any approoued pra­ctise and custome of the Church, or by any other conuincing argu­ment bene sufficiently prooued, and what my Aduersarie doth parti­cularly bring to that purpose from the Ecclesiasticall Canons, and de­crees of any Councell or Pope, and from the late Councell of Trent, you shall see in those places, where he promiseth to shew it more par­ticularly.

73 In the meane time to conclude this Chapter with my Ad­uersarie, he is also to vnderstand, that albeit I doe graunt, the body to be subordinate and subiect to the soule, and that all corporall and tem­porall things are to serue spirituall things in that manner, as I haue at large declared in the second part, and in the beginning of the next chap­ter will briefly insinuate againe, and therefore to be commanded by the supreme spirituall Pastour in order to spirituall good, yet with good reason I did deny the consequence of his argument, to wit, that for as much as the accessorie followeth the principall, therefore he that hath power ouer the soule and all other spirituall things, hath power also ouer the temporall goods, states, and bodies of all Christians, when the good of soules and of the whole Church doth necessarily require it, if he vnderstand, as it is cleere he doth, of a power not onely to commaund, enioyne, or im­pose, but also to dispose of temporals, and to inflict temporall punish­ments: for that temporall states and bodily goods are not accessorie to the spirituall good of the soule, and of the Church, as accessorie is and ought to be taken in that maxime, because the spirituall good of soules and of the Church may bee without such temporall goods and states, yea and in euery particular man perchance better without them, then with them: Neither is it necessarily required to the good of soules or of the whole Church, that the Pope haue power to dispose of the tem­porall goods, states or bodies either of Christian Princes or subiects; and therefore the Reader may also well coniecture, what he is to ex­pect from my Aduersarie in the rest of his Replies, when in this, where [Page 59] he maketh a shew to haue so great aduantage against my answere, that hee feareth not to call it friuolous, impertinent, foolish, ridiculous, and contrary to my owne doctrine, yet all his exceptions are so impro­bable, that his virulent speeches might very truely, if Christian mode­stie, and charitie would permit, be retorted backe vpon himselfe.

CHAP. III.

Wherein Widdringtons answere to Fa. Lessius argument taken from that maxime, hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, is confirmed; and the foure instances, which hee brought to confute the said argument and maxime, are examined, and prooued to be neither friuolous, nor impertinent, but sound, suf­ficient, and to the purpose: Also Cardinall Bellarmines exam­ple touching the translation of the Romane Empire, and the argument, which D. Schulckenius bringeth to confirme the same, with two other examples of Clodoueus King of France, and of Boleslaus King of Polonie, are confuted.

M r. Fitzherbert in his third Chapter proceedeth with the like bitternesse, and yet with as little probabilitie as hee did in the former; For after I had made two instances against his argument, drawne from that rule of the Law, The accessory followeth the principall, I brought foure instances against another like consequence of Fa. L [...]ssius, taken from another maxime. The like argument, said I,In Admonia. nu. 15. Fa. Lessius doth vrge. ‘The Pope, saith he, hath power to excom­municate Kings, and therefore he hath also power to depose them, because hee that hath power to inflict a greater punishmēt, hath also power to inflict a lesse. We might also conclude thus, if it were lawfull to transcend from one thing to another of a diuers kinde and nature, The Pope hath power to excommu­nicate Kings, therefore also to kill them, because he that can doe the greater, can doe the lesse. A man hath power to vnderstand, therefore also to flye. A priuate Priest hath power to absolue from sinnes, therefore also from debts. He hath power by force of the Sacraments to giue the kingdome of heauen, therefore also to giue an earthly kingdome. Are not these and such like good­ly arguments to perswade English Catholikes to cast away prodigally all their goods, and to deny their allegiance to their Prince?’ Thus I argued in that place.

[Page 60]2 Now my Aduersarie, after he had repeated my words, replieth against these instances in this manner.Nu. 1. 2. & seq. Thus saith Widdrington, scof­fing and cogging, as you see, and shewing his malicene lesse then before. But how sincerely and truely he alledgeth the argument of Lessius, I know not, for I haue not his booke, neither did I euer reade it, and I make no doubt, but if it had beene laid downe, together with the circumstances thereof, it would haue beene cleere enough of it selfe, and not haue needed any defence or explication of mine: And truely although it were as bare, and naked as he makes it, yet the consequence would be good and sound for ought he saith against it, seeing he saith nothing in effect, but that which may be vrged in like manner against the Apostle Saint Paul for the like argument, in his Epistle to the Corinthians, where commanding them to constitute, and ap­point Iudges amongst themselues to decide their controuersies, he said, Nesci­tis quoniam angelos iudicabimus, quanto magis secularia? Doe you not know, that we shall iudge Angels, and much more secular things? as who would say, seeing wee haue the greater and more eminent power, haue we not also the lesse? if we haue power ouer spirituall things, haue we not also power ouer temporall or secular things? Thus argued the Apostle vpon the same ground that Lessius doth, to wit, vpon this principle, qui potest maius, potestetiam minus.

3 And now will this graue Sophister scoffe at the Apostles argument, and say, that he might as well haue concluded, that Qui potest intelligere, potest volare, Hee which can vnderstand can flie? for what can bee more different in kinde and nature, then Angels, and secular things? and yet ne­uerthelesse the Apostle prooued soundly by an argument a maiori ad minus, that the Church might ordaine, and dispose of secular iudgements, because it had a greater power to iudge of Angels: and the reason, that mooued him thereto, was the same that mooued Lessius, to wit, the subordination of secu­lar and temporall things to spirituall: for albeit spirituall and temporall things are of different kinde and order, being considered in their owne natures, yet if they be respected and conioyned in one Ecclesiasticall, or mysticall body, and referred to one last end (which is Gods seruice and glory) they are subordinate the one to the other, and therefore are not of diuers orders in that respect.

4 And if hee grant not this, how will he make good his owne former grant, that the Pope hath power to command corporall and temporall things, quatenus spiritualibus deseruiunt, so farre forth as they serue spirituall things? doth he not therein acknowledge this subordination, and thereupon grant that power in the Pope, as a consequent of his spirituall power? why then doth he deny the argument of Lessius, grounded vpon the same conside­ration, seeing he argueth a maiori ad minus, concerning things subordinate one to another? as who would say, that for as much as spirituall things are su­periour in order and dignitie to temporall things, and all of them principally ordained and referred to Gods glory and seruice, therefore he that hath su­preame [Page 61] power ouer the spirituall (which is the greater and higher) hath power also ouer the temporall (which is the lesse and inferiour) to dispose thereof, as shall be requisite for Gods glorie and seruice, where to both spirituall and tem­porall things are ordained.

5 Whereupon it also followeth, that the Pope hauing power to excom­municate Kings, may depose them, as well because the power to excommuni­cate is greater then the power to depose, as also because the temporall state, whereof the Pope depriueth the Prince, is ordained to serue the spirituall, and therefore to be disposed by the supreame spirituall Pastour, so far forth as shall be necessarie for Gods seruice, and the good of the Church. So that you see the argument of Lessius (if he made any such) hath a good conse­quence. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

6 But to omit his bitter and slanderous words, the maine sub­stance of his reply in this chapter is, as it was also in the former chap­ter, grounded vpon the subordination of the temporall power to the spirituall, and of temporall things to the eternall saluation of soules, whereof I treated at large aboue in the second part, which if the Reader will be pleased to peruse, he will easily perceiue, that all my Aduersaries reply in this chapter is of little worth, and that from this subordination no sound argument can be drawne to prooue, that the Pope hath pow­er to dispose of temporall things. For albeit the temporall power may be said to be subiect to the spirituall, or rather temporall Princes are in spirituals, and in temporals as they are reduced to spirituals, subiect to the direction or command, and to the spirituall coercion, or correction of the supreame spirituall Pastour: And albeit temporall goods and states both of the body, and of fortune may be said to be subordained, or rather ordained to the eternall saluation of soules, although not of their owne nature, as I declared in that place, but in this sense, that all Christians, as well Laikes, as Clerkes, Kings, as Popes, are bound to refer all their powers and actions to the eternall saluation of their soules, in so much that as spirituall Pastours are bound to referre and ordaine their spirituall power, and the vse thereof to the eternall saluation of their own soules, & of those who are subiect to them, so Christian Prin­ces are bound to refer their temporall power, & the vse thereof to the e­ternall saluation of their own soules & of their subiects: Neuerthelesse, considering that Christ hath left in the Christian world, or common­wealth, as it containeth both temporall & spiritual power, earthly king­domes, & the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, two distinct & supreme powers, & consequently independant one vpon the other, and therfore neither subordained, or subiect one to the other in those things which are proper to each other, as the disposing of spiritual things, and spiritual coercion or correction are proper & do belong to the spiritual power, so the disposing of temporall things, and temporall coercion or [Page 62] correction are proper, and doe only belong to the temporall power.

7 So that although it belongeth to the supreame spirituall Pastour to direct and instruct a temporall Prince in his temporall power, as it is Christian, that is, to instruct him in what manner hee ought to vse his temporall power according to the grounds of Christian Religion, and to command him to vse his temporall power, and to dispose of tempo­ralls in that manner as Christ hath ordained, to the benefit of his owne soule, and of his Subiects, and also to command him that he doe com­pell his Subiects by meanes of his temporall power, or with temporall punishments to the obseruing of the lawes of Christ, and of his Church, and if the Prince refuse to obey the iust commandement of his spirituall Pastour, it belongeth also to the spirituall Pastour, to compell him thereunto by meanes of his spirituall power, or with spirituall punishments and Ecclesiasticall Censures, in that manner as the inflicting of Ecclesiasticall Censures may bee called a compulsion, yet the vsing of temporall power, the disposing of temporall things, the compelling with temporall punishments, or the inflicting of tem­porall punishments, and punishing temporally by way of constraint, are only proper, and doe belong to the temporall power, for which cause S. Bernard, as I shewed before, did affirme, that the materiall sword is, according to our Sauiours command, to be vsed for the Church, but not by the Church, with the hand of the Souldier, not of the Priest, at the booke, or direction of the Pope, but at the command of the Emperour.

8 Now to come to my Aduersarie; although he hath not, as he saith, Lessius booke, nor euer reade it, yet I haue both seene it, and reade it, and I haue alleadged truly his expresse words as they lye, and I doubt not but that my Aduersarie may easily get a sight thereof. But howsoeuer, that which hee saith, is very vntrue, that I say nothing in effect against Lessius argument, but that which may bee vrged in like manner against the Apostle Saint Paul: for that Saint Pauls argu­ment, as I shewed before in the former chapter, was not grounded vp­on this maxime, hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, whereon Lessius groundeth his argument, for this maxime is very vntrue, vnlesse the greater doeth actually, or vertually include and imply the lesse, or which I take for all one, vnlesse the greater and the lesse be of the same kind or order. But S. Pauls argument was grounded vpon this max­ime, hee that is not vnworthie to doe the greater, is not vnworthie to doe the lesse. For S. Paul intended only to prooue, as I shewed before, that Christians were not vnworthie to iudge of secular things, because they were to iudge the world, and the Angels, and therefore by the argu­ment a maiori ad minus they were not to be accounted vnworthie to de­cide secular causes. Neither hath euery man that power, whereof hee is not vnworthie, but he hath onely that power, which hee, who hath [Page 63] authoritie to giue that power, hath granted, although perchance he be not vnworthie to haue a greater power; as to be Lord Chancellour is a more great and eminent authoritie, then to be Lord Chamberlaine, and yet it is not lawfull thus to argue from that maxime, he that hath the greater authoritie hath the lesse, therefore he who is Lord Chancellour is al­so Lord Chamberlaine, albeit we might rightly thus conclude, as the Apostle did, a maiori ad minus, he that is not vnworthie to be Lord Chancellour is not vnworthy to be Lord Chamberlaine, for that he, who is not vnworthie to haue the greater authoritie, is not vnworthie to haue the lesse.

9 If therefore I had denied the Pope to haue authoritie to dispose of temporall things, because he had beene vnworthy to haue that au­thoritie, then I had indeede disprooued the Apostles argument, but see­ing that I doe onely for this cause deny the Pope to haue authoritie to dispose of temporall things, for that Christ our Sauiour hath not gran­ted this authoritie to him, but onely to temporall Princes, I doe not goe against the Apostles argument. Neither did the Apostle goe about to prooue, that the Church might ordaine and dispose of secular iudge­ments, taking secular iudgements for such, as doe proceed from pub­like authoritie, and can not be done by priuate power, but hee onely commanded the Corinthians for auoiding of scandall to appoint arbi­trarie Iudges among themselues, which they might doe by their owne priuate power, and without any derogation to the temporall Magi­strate, and in case of scandall they ought also so to doe, and he onely intended to prooue, that because they were not vnwoorthy to iudge the Angels and the world, much more were they not vnworthy to be Ar­bitrarie Iudges in secular causes. Wherefore Saint Paul did not in­tend to prooue, either by the subordination of the temporall power to the spirituall, or by any other argument, that the Church might or­daine or dispose of those secular iudgements, which belong to tempo­rall authoritie, neither can there be drawne any good argument from this subordination to prooue the same, as I haue shewed more amply in the second part.

10 Neither did I graunt, that the spirituall Pastour hath power to command corporall and temporall things, quatenus spiritualibus de­seruiunt, so farre forth as they serue spirituall things, for that corporall and temporall things are ordained to spirituall things, and to the eter­nall saluation of soules, as my Aduersary vntruely affirmeth, for then indeede I must also haue granted, that the Pope hauing power to dis­pose of spirituall things, hath consequently power to dispose of tempo­rall things, so farre soorth as they are to serue spirituall things, but my reason was, as you haue seene in the former chapter, because the power to command temporall things in order to spirituall good is a spirituall [Page 64] power, and agreeable to a spirituall Pastour and Gouernour, as he is in­stituted by Christ, but the power to dispose of temporall things, whe­ther it be in order to temporall, or to spirituall good, is a temporall power, and therefore not agreeable to a spirituall Pastour, according at our Sauiour hath in the Christian world or common wealth institu­ted, ordained, and distinguished these two supreme powers temporall and spirituall by their proper acts, functions and dignities.

11 And albeit both spirituall and temporall things are referred to one last end (which is Gods honour and glorie) as to the center, to which both of them ought to tend, yet from hence it can not be right­ly concluded, that the temporall power is subordained to the spirituall, or that temporall things, as temporall lawes, temporal actions, tempo­rall punishments and the like, are subordained to spirituall things, as to spirituall lawes, spirituall actions, spirituall punishments and the like, but that both of them are, I doe not say, subordained one to the other, but ordained to one and the selfe same end, which is the glorie and seruice of God, and the saluation of soules, which is as it were the center, to which the temporall power by temporall lawes, and by dis­posing of temporals, and the spirituall power by spirituall lawes, and by disposing, or dispencing of spiriruall things ought to tend. By which it is apparant, that although it were supposed, that the disposing of temporall things, and the vsing of temporall power, were in some cases necessarie to the honour and seruice of God, to the good of the Church, and to the saluation of soules, yet it can not be performed but by the temporall power, for that our Sauiour Christ hath giuen to spi­rituall Pastours onely spirituall power to promote and maintaine by spirituall meanes the good of the Church, and to bring soules to hea­uen, and temporall meanes, and temporall power he hath left to the disposition of temporall Princes, whom he forsaw, and preordained to be Nurses, Patrons and Protectours of his Church.

12 Wherefore although my Aduersarie did endeauour, as you haue seene in the former chapter, to prooue by the subordination of temporall things to spirituall, that the Pope, because he hath power to command, and to dispose of spirituall things (which as he said are the principall and to which temporall things are subordained) hath power also to dispose of temporals, and thereupon grounded his argument vpon that rule of the law, The accessorie followeth the principall, which argument neuerthelesse how weake and insufficient it is, I haue shewed in that place, yet Lessius doth not ground his argument vpon that rule, The accessorie followeth the principall, but vpon this maxime, He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, from whence he concludeth, that the Pope, because he can excommunicate a King, which is the greater pu­nishment, can also depose a King, which is the lesse. But this argument [Page 65] also is very insufficient, for that the aforesaid maxime is not generally true, as I prooued by foure instances, except the lesse be actually or ver­tually included in the greater, as deposition, or the power to depose a King, is neither actually nor vertually included in excommunication, or in the power to excommunicate. Therefore vnlesse it be first proo­ued, as hitherto it hath not bene, that deposition is actually or vertually included in excommunication, or the power to depose in the power to excommunicate, it is euident, that no good argument can be drawne from that maxime, He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, to proue that the Pope, because he hath power to excommunicate a King, which is the greater, hath power also to depose him, which is the lesse.

13 Now you shall see, how well Mr. Fitz. confuteth the foure instan­ces I brought against Lessius argument. This being so, saith he,Nu. 67. pag. pag. 33. let vs ex­amine a little what goodly arguments Widdring. hath made to confront with the former, to discouer the absurdity, which he supposeth therein. The first is; Potest Papa Reges excommunicare, ergo occidere, The Pope may ex­communicate Kings, and therfore he may kill them: whereto I answere, as I did in the like before, that he bewrayeth herein his malice, seeking to draw vs to a most odious question supposing, as it seemeth, and maliciously insinuating, that wee hold and teach that the Pope hauing excommunicated, and deposed a King, may murther him or cause him to be murthered and that some Popes haue practised the same (as some shamelesse Sectaries haue impudently affir­med) wherein he sheweth his good affection to Catholike Religion, and the re­uerend respect he beareth to the Sea Apostolike.

14 But if he vnderstand nothing else by the word, occidere, but to take away the life of a delinquent by lawfull meanes, I haue answered him already, that if hee make the case his owne (for with Princes liues I will not meddle) I make no doubt but the Pope hath power ouer his life: and therefore I also say further now concerning the argument whereof we treate, that the consequence thereof is good in him and such a hee: for seeing that it is a greater power to take away the life of the soule by excommunication, then of the body by tem­porall death, it followeth that the supreame Pastour hauing the greater power, hath the lesse, by reason of the subordination of the body to the soule, and his su­preame power to dispose of the body for the good of the soule, and the publike be­nefite of the Church. And thus much for this point.

15 But to this Reply I will at this time answere no otherwise then I did before, that in very deede it is a most odious question, and the doctrine is worthie to bee hated and detested by all good Catholikes, and whether such an odious & detestable doctrine can be a most plaine & necessarie cosequence of an vndoubted point of the Catholike faith, as my Aduersaries will needes haue the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, and consequently to kill them, which by an euident, and necessarie consequence followeth from the former, to be an infallible [Page 66] point of Catholike faith, I remit to the consideration of any iudicious man. Neither is it true, that I did vrge this argument of malice, God is my witnes and therefore in this my Aduersarie doth greatly wrong me, neither doe I suppose, or maliciously insinuate, that some Popes haue practised the murthering of Kings, as this vncharitable man vntruly af­firmeth, thinking thereby to perswade his Reader, that I beare no good affection to Catholike Religion, nor any reuerend respect to the Sea Apostolike; but that, which I suppose and insinuate is, that he, & the rest of his Societie, who hold that the Pope hath power to dispose of all the temporals both of Princes and subiects in order to spirituall good, in as ample a maner as temporal Princes haue power to dispose of all the tem­porals of their subiects in order to temporall good, must consequently hold, that the Pope hauing excōmunicated & deposed by his sentence an heretical King, yea also without excōmunicatiō or deposition, if the Pope shal think that neither of them wil preuaile, but cause the said King to be more watchful, may, which I speak with horror, murther him, or cause him to be murthered, that is, may kil him, or cause him to be slaine by all those meanes publike or secret, by which a temporal Prince hath power to murther, or cause to be murthered, that is, to kill, or cause to be slaine any traiterous subiect, or manifest rebel, that cānot easily be apprehēded

16 And this I did demonstrate in myNu. 43 & s. Apologie against Cardi­nall Bellarmine, to which my demonstration D. Schulckenius In Apol ad nu. 43 p. 144. an­swereth no otherwise then with a transeat, let it passe. For whither all this doth tend, saith hee, euery man seeth: neither is it hard to solue the arguments: Let them passe, as making nothing to the matter: and then hee maketh a long discourse to shew, that neuer any Pope hath beene the cause of the death of any King, which is nothing to the purpose: so that in effect he granteth my argument, and Suarez In Defens. &c. l. 9. c. 4. n. 10 See my Appen. against Sua­rez part. 1. sec. 9. hath now more ex­presly taught the same, and my Aduersarie also doth heere plainly con­firme as much: for although, forsooth, with the liues of Princes he will not intermeddle, because it is an odious question, yet he maketh no doubt, but that the Pope hath power ouer my life, and ouer the life of any Christian (marke these generall words) for that he hath power to take away the life of my soule by excommunication, and consequently the life of my body by corporall death; which his reason proueth also the same of Christian Princes, who, according to his own grounds, can be excōmunicated by the Pope: But I'meruaile where this man hath learned this new diuinity, that the Pope hath power to take away the life of the soule by excommunication. The ancient, and true Catholike doctrine is, that excommunication doth not take away the life of the soule, but supposeth, that it is before taken away, and therefore it cannot be inflicted but for a mortall sin, and it is applied as a wholsome medicine to restore the life of the soule againe, neither is it in the Popes power to take away the life of the soule from [Page 67] any Christian; concerning which life, that vulgar saying of S. Chrysost. Is most true, nemo laeditur nisi a semetipso, no man is hurt but by himselfe. S. Chrysost. tom. 5. in libro, Quod qui se­ipsum non lae­dit, nemo lae­dere possit. If I should haue vttered so grosse and palpable an errour, which no here­tike, for ought I know, euer taught, what outcries would my Aduersarie haue made against me, what nicknames would he haue giuen me?

17 To my second instance, which was this: whosoeuer hath power to doe the greater, hath power to do the lesse, therefore a man who hath power to vnderstand, hath power also to flie; Mr. Fitzherbert replyeth thusNu. 8. pag. 44.. But who seeth not the disparitie, and Widdringtons absurditie therein? for what dependance, subordinatiō, or connexion can be imagined betwixt vnder­standing, and flying? whereas he him selfe granteth a subordination of tem­porall things to spirituall, and therefore is also forced, as you haue heard, to ac­knowledge a power in the Pope to command temporall things in order to spi­rituall whereby he conuinceth him selfe of extreame folly in framing this ar­gument, which hath no affinitie with the other.

18 But who seeth not, that there is no formal disparity, nor any ab­surdity committed by me in this argument? For first, what dependance, subordination, & connexion is betwixt excommunication, & depositi­on. It is one thing, saith Becanus, In Contro­uersia Angli­cana cap. 3. q. 2. nu. 1. to excommunicate a King, and an other thing to depose him, or depriue him of his kingdome; neither is the one necessari­ly connected with the other. But marke the fraudulent dealing of this man: Widdrington granteth, saith he, a subordination of temporall things to spi­rituall, and therefore is forced to acknowledge a power in the Pope to com­mand temporall things in order to spirituall. It is true, that I doe grant an or­dination both of temporall, and of spirituall things to the honour of God, and the saluation of soules, in that manner as I haue before decla­red, but it is not true, that I do either graunt a subordination, or ordina­tion of deposition to excommunication, or that by reason of the ordi­nation of temporall things to the honor & seruice of God, & the salua­tion of soules, I doe grant a power in the Pope to command temporall things in order to spirituall, (as my Aduersarie saith I doe) but for that reason, which I haue more at large declared in the former chapter.

19 Seeing therefore that there is no dependance, subordination, or connexion betwixt excommunication, and deposition, what connexion, or affinitie can my Aduersarie require betwixt vnderstan­ding and flying, to shew a formall disparitie betwixt Lessius argument, and the instance, which I made against it? And if hee say, that, albeit excommunication and deposition, temporall things and spirituall are of a distinct kinde and order beeing considered in their owne natures, yet if they bee respected as they are referred to one last end (which is Gods seruice and glorie) they are not of diuers orders, but are connected in that respect: it may also be replied, that vnderstanding and flying, and all things whatsoeuer are referred to Gods seruice and glorie, as to the last end, [Page 68] and therefore in this respect they are not of diuers orders, but they haue herein a coherence and connexion. If therefore by reason of the or­dination and reference of excommunication and deposition to Gods seruice and glorie, it may be rightly inferred, that because the Pope for Gods seruice, and glorie, can excommunicate, which is the greater, he can also for the same end depose which is the lesse, for the same ordina­tion and reference of vnderstanding and flying to Gods seruice and glo­rie, it may also be rightly inferred, that because the Pope for Gods seruice and glory hath power to vnderstand, which is the greater, he hath also for the same end, power to flie, which is the lesse.

20 But secondly and principally, obserue, good Reader, how cunningly Mr. Fitzherbert would shun the difficulty, and change the state of the question, & the force of Lessius his argument: For the question between me & Lessius only is, whether this consequence, The Pope can excommu­nicate, therefore he can depose, be good by vertue of that maxime, he that can do the greater can do the lesse, for this is Lessius argumēt: Now my Ad­uersarie altereth this question, and would make Lessius argument to be, that the Pope can excommunicate, therefore he can depose, because temporall things are subordained to spirituall things, whereas this is not Lessius argu­ment, which I did there impugne, but it is an other framed by my Ad­uersarie and taken from an other medium, to wit, the subordination of tempotall things to spirituall, & grounded in that maxime, the accessorie followeth the principall, whereof I haue spoken enough in the former chapter. For Lessius his argument hath an other medium, to wit, that maxime, he that can do the greater can doe the lesse, which I contend to be no good argumēt, for that it would likewise follow from that maxime, that the Pope, because he can vnderstand, which is the greater, can also she which is the lesse. For as excommunication, & deposition, although they doe materially disagree, for that they are of a diuerse kinde & order, yet they do formally agree in that maxime, he that can do the greater can do the lesse, because excommunication is the greater & deposition is the lesse, so also although there be a materiall disparitie betwixt vnderstanding & flying, for that they are of a diuerse kind & order, yet they do formal­ly agree in that maxime of Lessius, because vnderstanding is the greater, and flying is the lesse. And therefore the extreame folly, wherewith my Aduersarie chargeth me, may more truly, if it were decent for me to vse such vndecent words, be returned vpon himselfe, in that hee taking vpō him to defend Lessius argument, cleane changeth the argument, & frameth an another out of his owne braine, which hath a distinct medi­um, & is grounded vpon another maxime from that which Lessius vsed.

21 To my third instance, which was this: He that can doe the grea­ter can doe the lesse, theref [...]re a priuate Priest, who can absolue from sinnes, can also absolue from debts, Mr. Fitzherbert replyethNu. 9. 10. 11. pag. 45. that Widdrington [Page 69] altereth the case in making his instance in priuate Priests, whose power is much limited, when the argument, which he impugneth speaketh of the Pope, who is the supreame spirituall Pastour, and hath plenitudinem potestatis, a ple­nitude, or fulnesse of power; and therefore albeit we teach, that the Pope may excommunicate and depose a Prince, yet no man holdeth, that a priuate Priest can doe either of them both, yea and wee see, that in the great Coun­cell of Lateran (where the deposition of Princes was ordained to be practi­sed in some cases) the sentence of their deposition was reserued to the Pope himselfe, though the Metropolitan might excommunicate him.

22 Besides that, it is to be considered concerning the absolution of sinnes, and debts, that as neither Priest, nor Pope can absolue from sinnes in all ca­ses (as when the sinner is not penitent, or will not make restitution of fame, or goods, when he may conueniently doe it) so may the Pope absolue from debts in some cases for the very same reason, and in the very same case that he may depose a Prince, to wit for the iust punishment of an offender, when the same shall be very necessarie for the benefite of the whole Church; for in such a case all priuate respects of temporall good or harme ought to yeeld to the common good of soules, and the publike weale of the Church; as in like manner all ci­uill obligations cease, when they are encountred, and ouerweighed with the consideration of some great benefite, or inconuenience to the whole common wealth, for which respect the temporall Prince might in such a case iustly ordaine, that a debter should bee discharged in law from the pay­ment of his debt, whereby the sayde debter should bee also discharged in conscience.

23 And much more may the supreame spirituall Pastour of the Church discharge a man from all obligation in conscience to pay a debt, when the same shall bee necessarie for the spirituall good, and publike be­nefite of the Church, whereto all temporall things ought to yeeld; so as the Pope may in some cases absolue from debts, as well as from sinnes; and when hee cannot, the reason is such, as doth nothing derogate from his supreame au­thoritie, and power to depose Princes; and therfore this argument of my Ad­uersarie is as impertinent as the former.

24 But it is too too apparant, that I haue not any way altered the case or question. For the case and question betweene mee and Lessius is not at this present, whether the Pope can excommunicate, or whether he can depose, or whether this consequence; The Pope can excommunicate, therfore he can depose, be good by reason of the Popes plenitude of power, but whether it be good by vertue of that maxime, He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse: and I affirme his conse­quence not to be good, because that maxime is not true in those gene­rall wordes, as it is set downe. So that the onely case and question be­tweene mee and Lessius now is, whether that maxime, He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, be true, and that therefore hee doeth from [Page 70] thence rightly inferre, that because the Pope can excommunicate, which is the greater, hee can also depose, which is the lesse. And that this generall maxime of Lessius is not true, I prooued by the two former instances, and also by this, for that if it bee true, that whosoeuer can doe the greater can doe the lesse, as Lessius affirmeth, it doeth conse­quently follow, that a priuate Priest, who can absolue from sinnes, which is the greater, can also absolue from debts, which is the lesse. If Lessius maxime had beene, euery Pope that can doe the greater can do the lesse, and I would haue impugned this maxime by priuate Priests, for that priuate Priests who can do the greater, as to absolue from sins, cannot doe the lesse, as to absolue from debts, then indeede I should haue altered the case, in transferring the question from Popes to priuate Priests, who are not contained in the subiect of that maxime, euery Pope, &c. but seeing that Lessius maxime is generall, qui potest maius, potest minus, he that can (which includeth Clerkes, and Laikes, Kings, and Subiects, Pope and Priests, and all other men whatsoeuer) doe the greater can doe the lesse, it is sufficient to prooue this maxime to bee false, without altering the case, if I can bring but one particular instāce, whether it be of Pope or Priest, King or subiect, wherein this maxime is not true.

25 And if I should haue argued in this manner, hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, therefore a priuate Priest who can build a Church can build a Chappell, would my Aduersarie, trow you haue said, that I had altered the case, for that he speaketh of the Pope, and I speake of priuate Priests? and I would wish also my Aduersarie to call to mind, what hee said a little before, that S. Paul argued from that max­ime, which Lessius did, hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, and yet I thinke hee will not say that either S. Paul, or Lessius altered the case, although Lessius spake only of the Pope in his consequent, and S. Paul of priuate men. Also I would gladly learne of my Aduersarie in what manner the maior proposition, or antecedent of any argument, and consequently the argument or consequence it selfe may, accor­ding to his skill in Logicke, bee impugned without altering the case, as whether to impugne the maior proposition of this syllogisme he that was neuer taught Logicke, cannot bee a good Logician, but F. T. was neuer taught Logicke, therefore F. T. cannot bee a good Logician, it bee not sufficient, without altering the case to bring this instance, Mr. T. F. was neuer taught Logicke, and yet hee is a good Logician, and therefore that Maior proposition, hee that was neuer taught Logicke can­not bee a good Logician, is not true, and so the consequence deduced from it cannot bee good, which Maior proposition whether it bee sufficiently impugned or no, without altering the case, albeit I trans­ferre the subiect of the minor proposition from F. T. to T. F. Mr. [Page 71] Thomas Fitzherbert knoweth full well.

26 Wherefore it is sufficient without altering the case to impugne any vniuersall proposition, which is the antecedent of any consequence, and thereby to impugne the consequence it selfe, which is grounded vpon that antecedent, by bringing any one instance, wherein that an­tecedent proposition is not found to be true, although that instance be different either in subiect, or in praedicate, or in both from the con­sequent of the former argument or consequence, so that the instance be contained in that antecedent proposition as a particular in the vniuersall. And herein Mr. Fitzherbert doth bewray his want of of Logicke, as be­fore he bewrayed his want of Diuinitie, in affirming, that the Pope by Excommunication doth take away the life of the soule. For if his skill in Logicke had beene but meane, he would quickly haue perceiued, that if one impugne the antecedent proposition of any consequence, or argu­ment, by altering the consequent, he doth not alter the case, so that the praedicate and subiect of the consequent, which is brought to impugne the antecedent, be contained in the praedicate and subiect of the antecedent, as a particular in the vniuersall.

27 And therefore I haue sufficiently without altering the case confuted that maxime, he that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, by this instance of a priuate Priest, who is contained in that subiect (hee that can) as a particular in the vniuersall, for that a priuate Priest can doe the greater, to wit, can absolue from sinnes, and yet he can not doe the lesse, to wit, absolue from debts: from whence it followeth, that the a­foresaid generall maxime is not true, and therefore neither the conse­quence of that argument concerning the Popes power to excommuni­cate, and consequently to depose, which consequence is grounded vp­on that generall maxime, can be good. By which it is apparant, that from that maxime it can not be rightly concluded, that because the Pope hath power to excommunicate, which is the greater, he hath power ei­ther to depriue Princes of their kingdomes, or to absolue subiects from their debts, which are the lesse.

28 Neither is the deposing of Princes, or the discharging of sub­iects from paying their debts necessary for the spirituall good, and pub­like benefite of the Church, or which is all one to the saluation of soules; & although they were necessary yet seeing they are temporall, and not spirituall actions, they must be performed for the same spiritu­all end by temporall and not spirituall power: And therefore that ar­gument, which my Aduersarie vseth a maiori ad minus, that because a temporall Prince may absolue his subiect from the payment of his debt, therefore much more the supreame spirituall Pastour of the Church may doe the same, is of little worth, for that the disposing of temporall things, and the inflicting of temporall punishments, as is the [Page 72] discharging of subiects from paying their debts, doe belong only to the temporall power of Secular Princes, and not to Ecclesiasticall autho­ritie, which, by the institution of Christ, is not extended to the infli­cting of temporal punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, &c. but only of Ecclesiasticall or spirituall censures, as I haue shewed more at large in the first part.

29 To my fourth and last instance, which was this, He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, therefore a priuate Priest who hath power to giue the kingdome of heauen, to wit, by vertue of the Sacraments, hath power to giue an earthly kingdome, Mr. Fitzherbert answereth as before,Nu. 12. 13. pag. 46. that Widdrington changeth the state of the question, transferring it from the Pope to a priuate Priest; for albeit this argument holdeth not in priuate Priests, yet it is good in the Pope, if we change the consideration of the force of the Sacraments (whereto my Aduersarie Widdrington ascribeth the Popes power) to the plenitude of power, by the vertue whereof the Pope hath a supreame authoritie; and therefore the argument would be good thus: Potest Papa per plenitudinem potestatis, &c: The Pope may by the plenitude of his power giue the heauenly kingdome, and therefore he may giue an earthly, for the later being a necessarie consequent of the former, is ne­cessarily comprehended in it, because the Pope by the plenitude of his power hath as much authoritie and iurisdiction, as is necessarie for the gouernment and good of the Church. Whereupon it followeth, that whensoeuer it shall be absolutely necessarie and behoouefull for the Church, that he change or trans­ferre a kingdome or Empire, he may doe it, and giue not only the Kingly or Imperiall title, but also the right to the crowne, as Leo the third, &c.

30 But Mr Fitzherbert doth also in this answere bewray his igno­rance and want of Logicke, as he did in the former: for it is cleere, that he himselfe, and not I, doth alter the case, and change the state of the question. For the question is not concerning the consequent of Lessius argument, but concerning the consequence, or that antece­dent proposition, and maxime, hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, whereon his consequence or argument is grounded: and there­fore by changing the consequent, the case or state of the question is not altered, when the consequent is included in the antecedent propo­sition as a particular in the vniuersall: as in the former part of this ar­gument, a Priest can giue the kingdome of heauen, is included in the for­mer part of that maxime, he that can doe the greater, and the second part, therefore he can giue an earthly kingdome, is included in the second part of that maxime, therefore he can doe the lesse; for that to giue the king­dome of heauen is greater then to giue an earthly kingdome. And to make the case more plaine to the vulgar sort, put the case that I should argue thus, Euery white thing is pleasant to the taste, therefore sugar is plea­sant to the taste, the consequent you see is true, yet the consequence is [Page 73] not good, for that the antecedent proposition is false: And if my Ad­uersarie should impugne my consequence, and prooue my antecedent proposition to be false by this instance, Euery white thing is pleasant to the taste, therefore chalke is pleasant to the taste, and I should reply to this instance, and say, that he altereth the case, & changeth the state of the question, in transferring it from sugar, which is sweet, to chalke, which is vnsauoury, would not my Aduersarie, trow you, according to his ac­customed manner affirme, that my reply is impertinent, absurd, foo­lish, and ridiculous, and send me backe to learne Logicke againe?

32 Now you shall see, how plainely Mr. Fitzherbert, whiles hee vntruely chargeth mee, as you haue seene, with altering the case, and changing the state of the question, he doth alter, and change it him­selfe. For albeit, saith he, this argument holdeth not in priuate Priests, yet it is good in the Pope, if wee changet he consideration of the force of the Sacraments (whereto Widdrington ascribeth the Popes power) to the plenitude of power, by the vertue whereof the Pope hath a supreme autho­ritie, &c. But first it is vntrue, and I wonder that Mr. Fitzherbert blush­eth not to say, that I ascribe the Popes power to the force of the Sacra­ments, seeing that I speake not one word in my instance of the Pope, but onely of priuate Priests. And if I had ascribed the Popes power to remit sinnes, and to giue iustifying grace, whereby we are made chil­dren of God, and heires to the kingdome of heauen, to the force and vertue of the Sacraments, had this beene, forsooth, any vnsound or bad doctrine? Will my Aduersarie ascribe the Popes power to remit sinnes, and to giue iustifying grace not to the force and vertue of the Sacra­ments, but to the plenitude of his power, as though the Pope by the plenitude of his power could without the Sacraments remit sinnes, and giue iustifying grace? If this be his meaning, all Catholikes know, what Censure this doctrine deserueth, and it is in some sort agreeable to that, which he said a little before, that the Pope by excommunica­tion doeth take away the life of the soule, which is iustifying grace.

32 Secondly, obserue, good Reader, how my Aduersarie himselfe altereth the case, and changeth the state of the question, and the reason, or principle, whereon Lessius consequence or argument which I did impugne, was grounded. For Lessius his argument was this: The Pope can excommunicate Kings, therefore he can depose them, because hee that can inflict the greater punishment can inflict the lesse, which proposition supposeth that generall maxime, he that can doe the greater, can doe the lesse, and this maxime was the reason and ground of his consequence or argument. Now my Aduersary changeth this reason and ground, and flieth to another. The Pope, saith hee, may giue the heauenly kingdome, and therefore hee may giue an earthly, but for what reason thinke you? I expected, that he would haue yeelded Lessius reason, because hee that [Page 74] can doe the greater can doe the lesse, which reason by those foure instances I did impugne, but he flyeth from this reason to another, because the Pope, saith he, hath a plenitude of power, by which hee may giue the hea­uenly, and consequently an earthly kingdome. Before he affirmed, as you haue seene, that the Pope hauing power to excommunicate Kings may de­pose them, as well because the power to excommunicate is greater then the power to depose, and this was Lessius his reason, which I impugned in this Chapter, as also because the temporall state, whereof the Pope de­priueth the Prince, is ordained to serue the spirituall, and therefore to bee disposed by the supreme spirituall Pastour, so farre soorth as shall be neces­sarie for Gods seruice, and the good of the Church, and this is the reason, which my Aduersary brought in the former Chapter, and was groun­ded in that rule of the Law, The accessory followeth the principall, which I impugned in that place: Now he yeeldeth another reason, which is taken from the plenitude of power, which the supreme spirituall Pa­stour hath.

33 So that you see how he himselfe now changeth the state of the question, and flyeth from Lessius reason, which I impugned, to wit, that hee that can doe the greater can doe the lesse, to the plenitude of the Popes power, which reason neuerthelesse is of small force, and it is rather petitio principij, or, a giuing that for a reason, which is the questi­on: For albeit I doe not deny, that the supreme spirituall Pastour hath in spirituals a plenitude of power, that is, a full spirituall power to go­uerne the Church, which is the spirituall kingdome of Christ, as like­wise all Soueraigne Princes haue in temporalls a plenitude of power, that is, a full temporall power to gouerne their temporall kingdomes, yet how farre this plenitude, or fulnesse of spirituall power is extended, whether to the disposing of temporall things, and to the giuing, or depriuing of temporall kingdomes in order to spirituall good, as my Aduersaries imagine, or onely to the disposing or dispensing of spiritu­all things, as many other learned Catholikes are of opinion, this is that, which is now in controuersie betwixt mee, and Mr. Fitzherbert, and which he taketh vpon him by all lawes humane, and diuine cleerely to conuince, and therefore to giue that for a reason, which is the que­stion, is to commit that fault, which the Logicians call petitio principij.

34 If Mr. Fitzherbert had argued in that manner, as Lessius did, to wit, that the Pope by the plenitude of his power may giue the heauenly king­dome, and therefore hee may giue an earthly, because hee that can doe the greater can do the lesse, then he had not altered the state of the questiō, or changed Lessius medium or reason, but then I would also haue denied his consequence, and haue impugned that reason of maxime, by those foure instances, and infinite other, which might be brought, which do cleerely & directly confute and ouerthrow that maxime. But seeing [Page 75] that he flyeth from that maxime, which Lessius brought for his medium or reason, to the plenitude of the Popes power, he both altereth the state of the question, and also giueth that for a reason, which is the question: For I vtterly deny, that the Pope by that plenitude of power, which Christ hath graunted to his Church, can, I doe not say command, im­pose, or enioyne temporall things, as temporall penalties, but dispose of temporall things, or inflict temporall punishments, although it bee imagined, that they are necessary, as they are not, to the good of the Church and the saluation of soules, it belonging only to the temporall power of Secular Princes, whom Christ hath appointed to be Prote­ctours of his Church, to vse the temporall sword, to inflict temporall punishments, and to dispose of temporall things.

35 Wherefore, neither the plenitude of spirituall power in the supreme spirituall Pastour to giue the heauenly kingdome doth neces­sarily inferre a power in him to giue an earthly kingdome, as a necessa­rie consequent of the former, as my Aduersarie heere affirmeth, al­though the supreme spirituall Pastour by the plenitude of his spirituall power hath as much spirituall authoritie, and iurisdiction, as is necessa­rie for the gouernment and good of the Church, as it is instituted by Christ our Sauiour, neither is the changing, transferring, or giuing of an earthly kingdome, and the disposing of all temporall things abso­lutely necessarie for the spirituall good of the Church, or, which is all one, for the sauing of soules, as also my Aduersarie here supposeth, from which necessitie, for the most part, he draweth an argument to prooue, the aforesaid power to dispose of all temporall things to be in the Pope, (although sometimes he graunteth,cap. 2. nu. 3. that the Pope hath the aforesaid power ouer temporall goods and States, yea and of the bodies of all Christi­ans, so farre forth, at least, as it shall be conuenient for the good of the soule, and of the Church, which is a too too large and exorbitant extension of the Popes plenitude of power to take away the kingdomes and liues of Christian Princes, and to dispose of all temporals) for that, as Card. Bellarmine himselfe confesseth, it is not absolutely necessarie, for the good of the Church to resist the common enemie, as is the Turke. For if the Church, sayth he,lib. 1. de. Concil. cap. 10 could conuerse conuersari. vnder the most cruell persecutions of Nero, Domitian, Decius and Diocletian, why may it not also vnder the persecutiō of the Turks? And although the disposing of temporal things, the changing, transferring, giuing and taking away of temporall king­domes were necessary for the spiritual good of soules, or of the Church, yet they being temporall actions, and proper to the temporall power, as God almightie hath distinguished in the Christian world, or com­mon-wealth, the temporall and spirituall power by their proper acti­ons, functions and dignities, they can not be performed by the spiri­tuall, but onely by the temporall and ciuill power, which Chri­stian [Page 76] Princes are by the law of Christ bound to vse in defence of the Church, and for the necessarie good of their owne soules, and of their subiects.

36 Neither doe those examples, or facts or Popes, which my Ad­uersarie here bringeth, or any such like, sufficiently prooue a power in the Pope, as he is a spirituall Pastour, to change, transferre, giue, or take away earthly kingdomes, for that it is one thing, sayth Card. Bellarmine, in Resp. ad A­polog. pag. 157. Edit. Colon. to relate the facts of Kings, (and so likewise of Popes) and an other thing to prooue their power, right and authoritie. As Leo the third Pope of that name, pag. 47. nu 13 Egmarth. in vita Caroli. Annales Fran­cof. anno 801. Paul. Diacon. lib. 23. Zona­ras tom. 3. An­nal. Cedrenus in vita Con­stant. & Irene. sayth my Aduersarie, gaue to Charles the great the Empyre of the West, which was acknowledged by the Greeke Emperours themselues to be the Popes gift, &c.

37 But to this example I did fully and clecrely answer in my Apologie, nu. 414. & seq. to wit, that the Romane Empire was not translated from the Grecians to the Germans by the onely authoritie of the Pope, but also by the common consent, suffrages, ordinance, decree, and authoritie of the Senate, and people of Rome, both Clerkes, and Laikes, with the ta­cite consent at least wise of all others, to whom it did belong, amongst whom the chiefest of all was the Bishop of Rome, who did not by his spirituall or Pontificall authoritie, which he as Pope receiued from Christ, cause that translation, but as he being the principall member, and citizen of Rome, and of the Romane Empire, did by his aduise, con­sent, solliciting, procurement, suffrage and authoritie chiefly set for­ward that translation, and as he was Pope did by his Pontificall autho­ritie approoue it to be lawfull, and no way repugnant to the law of God or nature, for which causes he is said by many writers to haue transferred that Empire, as the chiefe and principall Authour, procu­rer, and approouer thereof.

38 And this I did sufficiently prooue in that place both by the grounds of Card. Bellarmine himselfe, and also by the testimonies of those Authours, whom he alledged. For nothing can be concluded, saith he,lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 8. by arguments taken from authoritie negatiuely. For it doth not follow, Luke, Paul and Seneca doe not say, that S. Peter was at Rome, therefore S. Peter was not at Rome; For these three were not bound to say all things, and more credite is to be giuen to three witnesses affirming, then to a thousand saying nothing, so that these doe not deny, what the others doe affirme. See­ing therefore that none at all of those thirtie two Authours, whom Card. Bellarmine brought for witnesses of the translation of the Empire made by the Pope, doth deny, that the aforesaid translation was done by the authoritie of the Senate and people of Rome, and not onely three of Card. Bellarmines Authours, but also many more whom I ci­ted there, doe most plainly affirme, that both the authoritie of the Pope, and also the consent, decree, ordinance, suffrage and authoritie of the [Page 77] Senate and people of Rome did concurre to that translation, more credite is to be giuen to them, who doe affirme, that the Empire was translated by the Pope, Senate, & people of Rome, then to all the rest, al­though they were a thousand, who albeit they say that this translation was done by the Pope, yet they doe not deny, that it was also done by the Senate, and people of Rome. Thus and much more to the same purpose did I answere in my Apologie See Apologie 427. & seq..’

39 Now you shall see how cunningly and insufficiently D. Schulckenius doth shift of this my answere. For whereas he is very di­ligent for the most part to set downe my words, and text in particular, when hee imagineth, that with any colourable Reply hee can con­fute them, yet here he relateth Cardinall Bellarmines argument drawne from the translation of the Romane Empire to the French men, but hee altogether concealeth my answere thereunto, and so passeth ouer twentie pages of my Apologie, wherein both by his owne grounds, & by his owne Authours, and many others I cleerly proued, that this transla­tion was done not onely by the authoritie of the Pope, but also of the Senate, and people of Rome: and onely with a flourish of words hee endeuoureth to prooue by a Dilemma, which, as you shall see, is nei­ther to the question betwixt me, and Cardinall Bellarmine, and which I also answered in that place, That I must either approoue Card. Bellar­mines opinion, or else cleerely contradict my selfe in my answere. Where­fore although D. Schulckenius maketh this title of his foureteenth Chapter, The answere of Widdrington to the rest of the examples, which are taken from the facts of Leo the third &c. is examined, yet hee neither examineth my answere to that fact of Leo, nor setteth it downe at all, albeit he confesseth, that I haue at large disputed thereof: But this is all that he repliethSchulck. in Apol. cap. [...] pag. 597. 598..

40 And of the translation of the Empire, Cardinall Bellarmine hath exactly, soundly, and diligently written three bookes of a iust bignesse, in so much that nothing doth seeme can be added thereunto. Onely at this time I doe make this argument against my Aduersary Widdrington. Either that translation was true, or faigned: If hee say it was faigned, hee will bee ouer­whelmed with the voyces of all Historiographers, and hee will take away all humane faith out of the world. But if hee say it was truely done, I aske againe, whether it was done iustly, or vniustly? if hee say it was done vniust­ly, first he will contradict almost all Catholike Writers: for onely the Magde­burgian Heretikes doe blame it as one of the miracles of Antichrist: Be­sides that hee will wrong all the Latin Emperours, who from that time haue beene, & shall be, as though their Empire is not grounded vpon a sound foun­dation: Lastly, he will reprehend all the people of the West, yea all the world, who haue hitherto honoured the Latin Emperour, as a true and lawfull pos­sessour of the Empire. For also the Grecians themselues with their Em­perour, [Page 78] and the Persians, as wee haue related out of Bellarmine in the former Chapter, Ad nu. 390. haue acknowledged the Latin Emperours, as true and lawfull Emperours.

41 But if Widdrington say that it was done iustly, I demand whe­ther it was done by the authority of the Romane Bishop, the Citizens of Rome assenting, or also requesting it, or whether it was done by the autho­ritie of the people of Rome, the Pope assenting, and crowning, and blessing the Emperour chosen by the people, or whether it was done by the authoritie of the Pope and of the people of Rome together. If he will say that it was done by the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, the Citizens of Rome assen­ting and requesting it, he will agree both with the truth of the fact, and with Bellarmine, and with almost all Historiographers, and he will confirme the argument drawne from this example, which hee endeuoureth to weaken. For Bellarmine doth not reiect the Authors which my Aduersary citeth, who doe adioyne the people of Rome to the Pope of Rome in the worke of the translation of the Empire, so that the true power, and authoritie of transfer­ring the Empire be giuen to the Pope alone, and assent, desire, request, and acclamation be giuen to the people. But if he will say, that it was done by the authoritie onely of the people, the Pope onely assenting, and crowning the Emperour chosen by the people, or also by the authoritie of the people, and of the Pope together, he will most manifestly contradict himselfe, for that in this whole booke he hath repeated a thousand times, that the people are bound by the Law of God to obey their Prince, and that neither in the case of Heresie, nor in any other case, ciuill obedience can by the people be deuied to the Prince, whom once th [...]y haue had and therefore that the people, who by the Law of God are subiect, cannot depose their Prince. Let my Aduersary Widdring­ton choose what part he will, and hee will be compelled either to agree with us, or to contradict himselfe.

42 Thus you see, what a braue flourish D. Schulckenius hath made, especially to those who haue not read my Apologie, as though forsooth he had said something to the question which was betwixt mee, and Cardinall Bellarmine, or had brought some new argument, which was not answered by me in that place, whereas it is as cleere as the Sun, that this his Dilemma is a meere euasion, and shift, and altogether im­pertinent to the question, and that I did fully satisfie it in that very place, both by the grounds of Cardinall Bellarmine, and also by those authorities, which hee alledged without contradicting my selfe at all. For the maine question betweene mee and Cardinall Bellarmine was, whether this translation of the Empire was done by the authoritie onely of the Pope, or by the authoritie both of the Pope, and also of the people, and I proued cleerly by Cardinal Bellarmines owne grounds, and also by his owne Authors, that it was done both by the Pope, and also by the Senate and people of Rome. Now D. Schulckenius saith [Page 79] little or nothing to this question, but flyeth to another by-question, to wit, whether it was done iustly or vniustly, whereas the principall que­stion was onely of the fact, to wit, by whom the fact was done, whe­ther by the Pope alone, or also by the people, and not whether the fact was iust or vniust. So that you see heere be two questions, the first is of the fact, to wit, whether there was any such fact, and by whom, and in what manner it was done, with all other circumstances, which belong to that particular fact: the second is of the iustice or in­iustice of the fact, to wit, whether that particular fact considered with all particular circumstances belonging thereunto was iustly or vniustly done.

43 The first question, as D. Schulckenius himselfe affirmeth,Pag. 591. is to be decided by the testimonies of Historiographers, to whom it apper­taineth to write barely, simply and truely the facts of men; and the second, which doth necessarily suppose the first, by Diuines or Lawyers, to whom it appertaineth to decide what is right or wrong. Marke now how cunningly D. Schulckenius to confound his Readers vnderstanding in­uerteth the order of these questions, and putting, as it were, the Cart before the horse, demandeth that first, which he should do last, and that last, which he should first. For first he demandeth, whether that fact, to wit, the translation of the Romane Empire from the Grecians to the French, was iustly or vniustly done; and secondly he demandeth, whe­ther it was done by the authoritie of the Pope alone, or of the people alone, or of the Pope and people together; as though one should decide a case of conscience before it be knowen and agreed vpon what the case is, and what be all the praticular circumstances, which doe alter the case, belonging thereunto. For it is one case or question, to put the translation of the Empire to be done by the Pope alone, an other by the people alone, a third by the Pope and people together. Also it is one case, if it be done by the Pope and people together, when the Empire is forsaken and abandoned by the Emperour, or which is all one, with the expresse or tacite consent of the Emperour, for that he refuseth to rule or reigne ouer the people any longer, and an other case, when the Empire is not forsaken by the Emperour, or which is all one, against the Emperours will and consent, for that he will stil remaine to be their Emperour. Now if D. Schulckenius had either put downe the case or question plainly with all particular circumstances belonging thereun­to, it would easily haue beene answered, or else if it had pleased him to haue set downe my words, and the case as I did put it, and prooue it to be lawfull, the Reader would presently haue seene, that D. Schulcke­nius might well haue spared to make his aforesaid argument, or Dilem­ma, for that I did fully answere it in that place, and that neither I con­tradicted my selfe, nor that he did answere at all my argument, but that [Page 80] rather by his silence, he did sufficiently acknowledge, that he could not answere it at all.

44 For first I did affirme, that the Romane Empire was transla­ted from the Grecians to the French by the authoritie, decree, ordi­nance, consent and suffrage both of the Pope, and also of the people, and not of the Pope alone; and this I proued by Card. Bellarmines owne grounds, and also by his owne Authours and diuers others; to whom also may be addedLib. 1. hist. Guylielmus Malmesburiensis, In vita Leo­nis tertij. A [...]astasius Bibliothe­carius, lib. ad annum 781. Siffridus, In libro Au­gustali anno 801. Beneuutus de Rambaldis, Ennead. 8. lib. 8. in fine. Sabellicus In Annalibus Galliae. Nicolaus Gillius, Lib. 4. de reg­no Italiae. Carolus Sigonius, and many more. Secondly, I affirmed, that the Em­perours of Greece had the Romane Empire as forsaken and abandoned by them, and that they refused to rule, gouerne and protect them any longer, and consequently that the translation done with those circum­stances was iust, and without any wrong done to the Grecian Empe­rours; Neither in affirming this did I contradict my selfe. For albeit I did oftentimes affirme, that subiects are bound by the law of God, to obey in ciuill causes their temporall Prince, and that in no case they haue power to iudge him, or to withdraw their temporall allegiance from him, for that in no case an inferiour can iudge his Superiour, as Card. Bellarmine himselfe confesseth,lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 18. for which cause he affirmeth, that the Church in no case can iudge an vndoubted Pope, so long as he is Pope, Neuerthelesse I neuer affirmed, that when the Emperour doth abandon and forsake his Empire and people, and refuseth to be their Emperour any longer, but leaueth them to themselues, it is not in their power to choose them an other Emperour, or to change the Imperiall Monarchie into Aristocratie or Democratie, for that then the su­preme temporall power and authoritie is immediately in the people, and this also I prooued in that place out of Card. Bellarmines owne principles.

45 Wherefore when D. Schulckenius a little aboue affirmed, that I doe oftentimes graunt, that the people cannot in any case deny ciuill obe­dience to that Prince whom once they haue had, if his meaning be, that I doe graunt, that he who is once a Prince, can not of his owne accord leaue to be a Prince, and can not resigne his kingdome to the next heire, and that the people are bound to yeeld ciuill obedience to him, who was once their Prince, but now of his owne accord, hath resigned his king­dome to the next heire, he doth greatly wrong me, and abuse his Rea­der; for to affirme this were foolish and ridiculous, and contrarie to all reason and practise: but that which I affirmed was, that it is very probable, and defended by many graue and learned Catholikes, that the people, who are subiect, can in no case, nor for any cause iudge or depose their Soueraigne Prince against his will, and my reason was the same, which Card. Bellarmine oftentimes vseth, to prooue that the [Page 81] Church, or a Generall Councell can not iudge or depose the Pope, for that it is contrarie to all reason for an inferiour or subiect to iudge his Superiour, and therefore those Catholikes that holde a Generall Coun­cell may in some cases iudge the Pope, doe also holde that it is superiour, and aboue the Pope.

46 That the Grecian Emperours had the Romane Empire as for­saken and abandoned by them, I affirmed in these words: ‘Seeing there­fore that (as Lupoldus, or Ludolphus writeth, and diuers other Authors, as Nauclerus, Aeneas Siluius, and Michael Coccinius doe insinuate) the Emperours of Greece in the time of Charles the great, and also before his time, to wit, in the time of his father Pipine and of his grandfather Charles Martellus, did reigne in the West Empire only in name, neither could the Church of Rome, nor other Churches of Christ, or also any others, being by the Longobards vniustly oppressed in the same Empire haue iustice by them, or by their authoritie, and so the aforesaid Em­perours had the West-Empire in a manner forsaken, by gouerning therein only in name, as it appeareth by diuers Chronicles, the Pope, Senate, and people of Rome, at leastwise by the tacite consent of all other Westerne men, who were subiect to the Empire, had euen accor­ding to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine but now related, full right and power (which they could loose by no custome or translation of the Imperiall Seate, as being to them connaturall, and due by the law of nature) to choose themselues a new Emprour, and consequently to transfer the Empire, which the Grecians kept in the Westerne parts only in name, to Charles the great, and his Successours, the Imperiall Seate being in those parts at that time, as it were vacant, or without an Em­perour. Thus I wrote in my Apologie Nu. 438..’

47 And moreouer, that the Greeke Emperours had the Westerne Empire and people for forsaken, and abandoned, and gaue, at leastwise, their tacite consent, according to that rule of the law, qui tacet con­sentire videtur, that they might choose to themselues another Empe­perour, at leastwise in power and authoritie, it is apparant, for that they did neuer repugne, contradict, or gainesay, that Charles the great should rule ouer them, although perchance it displeased them that hee should haue the name of Emperour. Yea, and as Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe writeth, when the Empresse Irene heard, that Charles was called, and crowed Emperour by Pope Leo, shee did not onely gainesay, but also she would haue married Charles, and had done, if certaine perfidious Eu­nuches had not hindered her, as Zonaras and Cedrenus doe write in the life of the said Irene. Afterwards, Irene being dead, Nicephorus the Em­perour, who did succeede her, sent Ambassadours to Charles as to an Em­perour, as writeth Ado in this Chronicle of the yeere 803. And a little af­ter Nicephorus being dead, Michael suceeding him sent Ambassadours to [Page 82] Charles, who likewise did publikely honour him as an Emperour, as writeth Ado in his Chronicle of the yeere 810. All which doe sufficiently con­firme, that the Greeke Emperours did not gainesay this translation, nor conceiue it to be a wrong done to them, and in preiudice of their Im­periall right and Soueraigntie.

48 By all which it is manifest first, that I doe not any wrong at all to the Latin Emperours, who haue beene, and shall be from the time of that translation, as though their Empire were not grounded vpon any sound title or foundation; for that all writers, and Cardinall Bel­larmine himselfe doe agree in this, that the Pope together with the rest of the people haue power to choose them another Emperour, in case the Emperour will no longer reigne ouer them, because in that case the supreame temporall power and authoritie is onely in the people, or whole multitude, but rather Card. Bellarmine as also I obserued in that place,Nu. 462. doth call in question, and make doubtfull the right and title, which the Latin Emperours haue to the Empire, in that hee affirmeth, that they haue all their right and title from the Pope alone, seeing that there be many learned and graue Authours, who make a great doubt, whether the Pope alone hath, by the institution of Christ, any such power and authoritie to transfer Empires, but no Authour, not so much as Card. Bellarmine himselfe according to his doctrine, which I related in that place, doeth deny, that the whole multitude hath full power, and authoritie to transfer the Empire in the aforesaide case, to wit, when the Emperour doth abandon the Empire, and will no longer reigne ouer the people.

49 Secondly, it is also manifest, that I haue not any way contra­dicted my selfe in my answere, and that I haue cleerely prooued by Card. Bellarmines owne grounds, and by his owne Authours, that the aforesaide translation was done by the authoritie, decree, ordinance, and suffrages both of the Pope and of the people, and consequently that the people did more then onely request, applaude, and assent to that translation: to which D. Schulckenius maketh no answere at all: and therefore his silence herein is both an euident signe, that hee was not able to impugne my answere, and that although hee doeth so highly commend his owne booke of the translation of the Empire, as exactly, soundly, and diligently written, yet his owne conscience, for as much as concerneth this question, seeth now the contrarie, for that hee being so plainly conuinced both by his owne principles, and also by his owne Authours, and diuers others, that this translation was not done by the authoritie only of the Pope, as hee pretended to prooue in that his booke of the translation, but also of the people, hee was engaged for the sauing of his credit to haue in some sort cōfuted my answere, but to passe it ouer cunningly with a Dilemma not belonging to the principall [Page 83] question, and which was also fully satisfied by mee in that place, with­out setting downe any one word of my answere, and so omitting con­trarie to his accustomed manner aboue twenty pages of my text toge­ther, doth argue no good and sincere proceeding. And lastly it is also manifest what the Reader may thinke of my Aduersaries sinceritie, who in this place doth so barely, and nakedly repeate againe this argument, without taking any notice of the answere, which in my Apologie I gaue to the same.

50 But the Empire of the West, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Nu. 13. p. 47 was acknow­ledged by the Greeke Emperours themselues to be the Popes gift; and there­fore Emanuel CommenusBlond. dec. 2. l. 5. Platina in Alex. 3. Nau­clerus generat. 39. pag. 848. Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Fridereke the first, vnderstanding of the dissention betwixt him, and Pope Alexander the third, sent Ambassadours to the Pope, and offered him not only a great army with great summes of money, but also to reunite the Greeke Church with the Latin, if hee would restore that Empire of the West to the Emperours of Constantinople.

51 But neither Emanuel Commenus, nor any other Greeke Empe­rour (although from the particular fact of some one Emperour, espe­cially who was desirous to enlarge his Empire, no good argumēt can be drawne to proue a right) did acknowledge the Empire of the West to be the Popes gift, in any other manner, then they had read, or heard from Historiographers, to wit, that the Pope was indeede the chiefe and prin­cipall, but not the onely Authour of that translation. And therefore Blondus one of Cardinall Bellarmines owne Authours doeth well affirme it to be manifest,Blond decad. 1. l. 3. in principle. that the first translation of the Roman Empire frō the Constantinopolitans to the French Princes was done by the authoritie and consent, not only of the Pope, Clergy, & people of Rome, but also by the suf­frages of the people, and principall men of all Italie. Neither did Emanuel Commenus desire of Pope Alexander the third, that he alone without the consent, and suffrages of the Princes and people would restore the Empire of the West to the Emperours of Constantinople, but that he would be a meanes that it might be restored, or translated to them againe, as he was a chiefe meanes, and principall Authour that it was translated from the Grecians to the French.

52 In like manner, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Nu. 13. p. 47. the second translation of the West Empire from the French (that is to say from the familie of Charles the great vnto the Germans) was made especially by the autho­ritie of the Sea Apostolike,Bell. l. 2. c. 2. & 3. as Card. Bellarmine prooueth cleerely in his Treatise of the translation of the Empire. If my Aduersarie had said, only by the authority of the Sea Apostolike, he had spoken to the pur­pose, but that word [especially] cleane ouerthroweth his argument: For I will not contend with him at this present, whether it was done especially by the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike, in that manner as I granted be­fore, [Page 84] that the first translation from the Grecians to the French was done especially, chiefly, or principally by the Popes authoritie, but that either the first, or second translation was done only by the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike, and not also of the people, this I vtterly deny: neither hath Card. Bellarmine in the aforesaid Treatise by any one sufficient argu­ment prooued, or is able to prooue the same.

53 We reade also, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, that Clodoueus,Papyrius Maso in vita Henrici primi See Bozius de signis Ecclesiae lib. 10. cap. 12. the first Christian King of France, being desirous after his Baptisme, to make good, and establish his right and title to that kingdome, professed to receiue the same from the hands of the Archbishop of Rhemes by authoritie and commission of the Sea Apostolike. But truly it is strange, to see what strange argu­ments, and voide of all probabilitie my Aduersaries dare bring for proofe of so great a matter, as is the giuing, taking away, translating of Kingdomes and Empires. For what Historiographer euer wrote, that Clodoueus, the first Christian King of France, had no good right and ti­tle to his kingdome before he became Christian; or that hee receiued his title, right, and authoritie to reigne from S. Remigius by commissi­on of the Sea Apostolike, and that he himselfe professed as much, or that it belongeth to the Archbishop of Rhemes to choose the King of France, if we will speake properly of choosing, as though the Kings of France, were Kings by election, and not by hereditatie succession, or that the right and title which the Kings of France haue to their kingdome de­pended vpon the election of the Archbishop of Rhemes, or the Sea A­postolike? If my Aduersarie were in France, and would affirme thus much, I feare me, he would be glad to recant his doctrine in this point, or to interpret his words in a better sense, or else he might perchance, to vse his owne words, finde it to his cost.

54 Neither doth Papirius Maso affirme, as my Aduersarie and Bozius say, that King Clodoueus, or Lewis the first, did professe to receiue his kingdome, or his right and title thereunto from the hands of S. Remigius Archbishop of Rhemes by authoritie and commission of the Sea Apostolike, neither could he with truth professe the same, for that he was long be­fore King of France, and had true right, and lawfull title to that king­dome, before he was baptized by S. Remigius; neither doth baptisme make good rights and titles to temporall kingdomes, but as it de­priueth no man of his temporall right and dominion, so it giueth no man any temporall right or dominion, but giueth him only a spirituall right, and maketh him heire to the kingdome of heauen. But all that Papirius Maso doth affirme is, that when Philip the first of that name being but seauen yeares old was by the Archbishop of Rhemes consecrated and elected future King of France, and to succeede his Father Henry then liuing, and present at his consecration, the Archbishop, after he had de­clared the Catholike faith vnto him, and Philip had professed the same, and [Page 85] taken his oath to defend the Church, and his kingdome, taking S. Remigius staffe into his hands, did quietly and peaceably discourse, how the election and consecration of the King did belong chiefely to him, from the time, that S. Remigius did Baptize and consecrate King Lewis. Hee did also discourse, how by that staffe Pope Hormisda gaue to S. Remigius this power con­secrating, and the whole principalitie, or Primacie of France, and how Pope Victor did grant it to him, and his Church. Then his Father Henry becko­ning he chose him to be King after him.

55 This is all that Papirius Maso writeth: So that all the diffi­cultie of these words consisteth in that word [election] which cannot be vnderstood properly, and for that election, whereby one is made King, or heire apparant to the crowne, who was not King, or heire apparant before the election: For the Kings of France before that time, and euer since haue their right, and title to the crowne not by election, but by he­reditarie succession, but it is taken for the religious ceremonie of conse­cration, and a solemne declaration of the Archbishop, that the person, whom he consecrateth, is chosen, or rather acknowledged, and accepted by the whole kingdome for King, or heire apparant to the crowne. Neither doth the consecration and declaration, or if we will improper­ly call it election of the Archbishop, giue any more right, authoritie, or Soueraignitie to the King of France, then he had before, neither if hee were not consecrated, elected, or declared to be King by the Archbishop, should he want any temporall right, authoritie, or Soueraignitie, for that the Kings authoritie & Soueraignitie doth not necessarily depend on the Archbishops consecration, election, or declaration, although some of the vulgar sort of people may perchance imagine, that he is not a perfect King, before he be consecrated and annointed.

56 As likewise the Pope, after he is chosen by the Cardinals, is true Pope, and hath all Papall power, and iurisdiction, before he is consecra­ted or crowned Pope: neither doth his Papall authoritie necessarily de­pend vpon his coronation, which belongs only to a religious ceremo­nie, and a complementall, but not needfull, solemnitie. But this I vn­derstand for this present only of those Kings, who haue their right, and title by hereditarie succession, and not of those, who are Kings by ele­ction, as is the Romane Emperour, and the King of Polonia. For it is a question among the Lawyers, whether the Emperour before he bee crowned by the Pope, or by his commission is truly Emperour, and hath full Imperiall power, or no, whereof and from whence this may pro­ceede I will not now dispute, and so it may perchance be a custome a­mong the Polonians, that the King elect, is not accounted a complete and perfect King, before he be crowned, and consecrated by the Metro­politan; but this may proceede originally, and chiefely from the peo­ple or Kingdome, in whom the supreme. Regall authoritie doth reside, [Page 86] vntill they haue chosen a King, in which time of vacancie they may ex­tend, or limite his authoritie, or make him with what conditions they please, yea and if they will change the Monarchie into Aristocratie, or Democratie, which cannot be likewise said of those Kingdomes, which haue their Kings not by election, but by hereditarie succession, of whom that vulgar saying is verified, that the King doth neuer die.

57 Also when Boleslaus King of Polonia, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, had killed the holy Bishop Stanislaus, Pope Gregorie the seuenth did not only excommunicate and depose him, but also commanded the Bishops of that Realme, that they should not annoint and crowne any King of Polonia without his expresse leaue, and order, whereby he that succeeded Boleslaus had but the title of Duke, which remained also to his Successours for the space of two hundred and fiftie yeares. So as this matter is cleare not only in reason, but also in practise and so hath been for many ages, whereby it appea­reth, that the Pope may giue as well the earthly, as the heauenly kingdome for the good of the Church, by the same reason, and power, that he may de­priue Princes of their states, when they deserue it, and the good of the Church requireth it.

58 And thus thou seest, good Reader, how probably this man Wid­drington hath impugned the argument of Lessius, seeing that of foure argu­ments that he hath scoffingly framed to counterfeit the same, and to prooue a bad consequence therein, there is not any one to his purpose, and some of them being truly vnderstood, and vrged according to the true state of the questi­on (which he hath changed in them) doe make directly for vs; so that his scoffes doe fall vpon one but himselfe, and his owne ridiculous arguments; and therefore whereas he concludeth them with a gybing demand, asking, whe­ther these, and the like are not goodly arguments to perswade the Eng­lish Catholikes to cast away prodigally their goods, and to deny their fidelitie to their Prince? I may with much more reason demand of him, whether these and such other answeres and arguments of his, are not goodly ones to mooue the English Catholikes to be so prodigall of their soules as to cast them away vpon his word, by denying fidelitie, and obedience to their spiritu­all Pastour, who hath the charge of their soules.

59 But it seemeth that his minde and hand is altogether vpon his halfe penny (as the prouerbe speaketh) seeing that he hath so great care of the Catholikes goods, and so little of their soules, that he would haue them ven­ter and hazard their eternall saluation to saue their temporall goods: but I hope God will inspire them to be wiser, and alwaies to remember the golden sentence of our Sauiour, Marc. 8. Luc. 9. quid prodest homini, &c. What doth it profit a man to gaine all the world if he loose his soule? Thus Mr. Fitzherbert endeth this chapter.

60 But as for the example and practise of Pope Gregory the se­uenth, I doe freely acknowledge, that hee was the first Authour and [Page 87] Writer that did in expresse wordes teach, that the Pope hath authoritie to depose temporall Princes, & also that he was the first Pope, who con­trary to the custome of his Ancestours, as Onuphrius witnesseth,Li. 4. de varsa creat. Rom. Pont. did practise the same, but first he did practise it, and then he endeuoured to prooue, that he might lawfully doe it: since which time it hath indeede beene practised by many Popes: Neuerthelesse both the doctrine, and the practise was not knowne to the ancient Fathers, and also it hath euer beene resisted, and contradicted by Catholike Princes, and people both Diuines and Lawyers, and therefore it cannot rightly bee called the practise of the Church. And although the Pope might for sufficient cause command the Bishops of Polonia, that they should not consecrate any King without his expresse leaue, and order, it being onely a religi­ous ceremony, yet it cannot bee sufficiently prooued, either that the Pope hath authoritie to depriue by way of sentence, (for of his power to depriue by way of command I doe not now dispute) any Countrey of the title and name of a Kingdome, without the consent of the Countrey, or of him to whom the Countrey is subiect in temporalls, it being no spirituall, but a meere temporall title, and therefore belong­ing to temporall, and not to spirituall power; or that the Successours of Boleslaus had onely the title of Dukes, for that the Pope depriued them by way of a iuridicall sentence of the title of Kings; but this might proceed either from the people themselues, who by reason of that hey­nous fact of Boleslaus (in killing that holy Bishop Stanislaus with his owne hands in the Church whiles he was saying Masse, and after he had miraculously cleered himselfe, by raising a man from death in o­pen Parliament to giue testimony, whether he had iniutiously taken from that dead man certaine lands, or no, whereof he was falsly accu­sed by the King in a publike assembly of the Realme) would not giue any longer that title of Kings; or for that the Emperour, to whom that kingdome was perchanceDubranius l. 5. & Aeneas Siluius, cap. 19. Bohemiae, who relateth that in the time of Otho the first Empe­rour, the king­dome of Polo­nia was subiect to the Romane Empire. then feudarie, would not suffer them by reason of the execrable crime, to haue any longer that title of Kings, but onely of Dukes.

61 Wherefore neither by any sufficient reason, or approoued practise it can bee prooued, that the Pope as Pope hath power to giue earthly kingdomes for the good of the Church, or to depriue Princes of their states, although they should deserue it, and the good also of the Church should require it, which last supposition ne­uerthelesse is vntrue, for that to depriue Princes of their temporall States is not necessary for the good of the Church, and the saluation of soules, as I haue shewed before; and although it were necessary, yet considering that it is a temporall or ciuill, and not a spirituall action, for what end soeuer we suppose it to be done, it cannot be performed by a spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall, but by temporall, or ciuill power.

[Page 88]62 And thus thou seest, good Reader, (to conclude this Chap­ter with my Aduersary) how soundly, and without any scoffing I haue confuted Lessius argument, and that generall maxime, whereon his consequence was grounded, by those foure instances, which I haue heere examined, and cleerely prooued that they are all to the purpose, and doe not any whit alter the state of the question, but that my Ad­uersarie himselfe in impugning them doth alter the case, and change the state of the question, or medius terminus, which Lessius vsed, and flyeth from his argument to others of his owne inuenting, wherein he discouereth his great ignorance in Logicke, and that therefore all those vnseemely nickenames of absurd, impertinent, foolish, ridiculous, and malicious, agree to none so much as to himselfe. All which being duly considered, I referre to the iudgement of any indifferent man, whe­ther I had not reason, without any cogging, scoffing, gibing, or malice, (as my Aduersary is pleased to vnburden his fowle and bitter stomacke) but with a sincere compassion of the miserable state of poore English Catholikes in soule, body, goods, and credit, (into which this man seeketh to draw them headlong) and with an earnest desire, that they should, according to our Sauiours commandement, Render to God and Caesar that which is their due, to affirme by way of interrogation, that these and such like reasons are no good arguments to mooue the English Catholikes prodigally to cast away their goods, and to deny their allegiance to his Maiestie.

63 Neither is it my desire, that Catholikes should bee prodigall of their soules, or should deny their fidelitie and due obedience to their spirituall Pastour: neither is it true, that I haue greater care of their goods, then of their soules, or that I would haue them vente [...] and hazard their eternall saluation to saue their temporall goods, as Mr. Fitzherbert (little caring what he saith, so that by his saying he may any way disgrace me) very vntruely, God forgiue him, affirmeth; For I doe chiefly respect, God is my witnesse, their eternall saluation, and I would haue them to render all due obedience both to their spiri­tuall Pastour, and also to their temporall Prince, but my desire is, that they will sincerely consider, that not onely in denying spirituall obe­dience to their spirituall Pastour, but also in denying temporall allegi­ance to their temporall Prince, they doe venter and hazard their eter­nall saluation, for that they are bound by the expresse commaunde­ment of our Sauiour, and vnder paine of eternall damnation, to render both to God and Caesar that which is their due. But it seemeth that my Aduersaries minde is all vpon the Pope, and little vpon his Prince, seeing that he hath so great care to enlarge the Popes Monarchy, and so little to maintaine his Kings Soueraigntie, but I hope God will inspire English Catholikes to be wiser, and not to runne headlong on either side, but [Page 89] to examine and weigh their temporall and spirituall fidelity with an equall ballance, and to consider, that they may as well offend and ha­zard their saluation in giuing too much as too little to their spiri­tuall Pastour, as also in giuing too little, as too much to their tem­porall Prince.

64 Wherefore my humble request to English Catholikes is, that seeing this controuersie of their temporall and spirituall obedience be­tweene their temporall Prince, and spirituall Pastour doth so neerely concerne their eternall saluation, they will not venter their soules vpon any mans bare word, nor giue credit either to my sayings, or the say­ings of my Aduersaries without examining sincerely the reasons on both sides, and the substance and manner of both our writings, and di­ligently considering how farre forth they are bound to obey the com­mand of their spirituall Pastour, when it is only declaratiue and groun­ded vpon no sure definition, against the commandement of their tem­porall Prince, who is in lawfull possession of his kingdome, from which the Pope, the matter being as yet in controuersie, and not decided, pre­tendeth to haue power to exclude him. For neither ignorance, nor pretence of zeale to the Sea Apostolike, can now in my opinion excuse them from not examining what duty they owe both to their spirituall Pastour, and also to their temporal Prince, and to what things both their temporall and also spirituall obedience doth extend; for now they ha­uing so many and so sufficient causes prudently to doubt (both in re­gard of so many bookes that haue beene written, and also of the strange carriage of my Aduersaries in commanding me to purge my selfe vnder paine of Censures, and not telling of what, and forbidding my bookes, and not declaring for why, although I haue often desired to know some one particular thing whereof I should purge my selfe, or which is blame worthy in my bookes, faithfully promising to purge whatsoeuer is to be purged, and to recall whatsoeuer I haue written amisse) they are bound according to the doctrine of all Diuines to examine the truth, so farre forth as the learning and capacitie of euery man will per­mit, otherwise their ignorance will bee wilfull and damnable, and their zeale, albeit they shall thinke to doe God good seruice, will be Phari­saicall, sinfull, and inexcusable; and therefore I hope they will be wiser, and not suffer themselues to bee carried away hoodwinkt with blinde obedience, which is most dangerous, when their obedience to man may be a disobedience to God, but that they will alwaies remember that golden sentence of our Sauiour, Render to Caesar the things that are Cae­sars, and the things that are Gods, to God.

CHAP. IIII.

Wherein Widdringtons Interpretation of that clause of the oath, wherein the doctrine [that Princes who are excommunica­ted or depriued by the Pope may be deposed, or murdered by their subiects, or any other whatsoeuer] is abiured as im­pious and hereticall, is prooued to be sound and sufficient, and is cleared from all absurditie and contradiction euen by Mr. Fitz­herberts owne examples, and that it may without periurie be sworne by any Catholike.

ALl that Mr Fitzherbert obiecteth in this Chapter I haue aboue in the end of the second part of this Treatise fully, and verbatim already confuted, and therefore I thinke it superfluous to re­peate here the same againe.

CHAP. V.

Wherein Widdringtons answeres to all Mr. Fitzherberts argu­ments taken from the law of God, both in the old Testament, and also in the new are prooued to be truely probable and sincere, and no way fraudulent, or contrarie to his owne doctrine.

BEcause this Chapter will be somwhat longer then the rest, for that my Aduersarie hath scraped here together many authorities out of the law of God, especially in the old Testament to prooue, that the spirituall power not onely in the new law, but also in the old hath euer been the supreme power on earth and might chastise Princes temporally, and not onely command, impose and enioyne temporall penalties, but also dispose of temporals, and inflict temporall punishments, I thinke it not amisse to diuide it into three parts or sections. In the first I will treate especially of those authorities, which he hath brought out of the olde law before the institution of the Kings of Israel; In the second I will confute those examples, which he alledgeth out of the said olde Testament since the institution of those Kings; and in the third I will examine those texts of holy Scripture, which he hath taken out of the new Testament.

SECT. I.

Wherein all the authorities which are brought out of the olde law are confuted in generall by the doctrine of Card. Bellarmine and other learned Diuines, also the arguments taken from that place of Deuteron. 17. Si difficile & ambiguum &c. and the exam­ples of Eleazar and Iosue, and from the difference of the sacrifi­ces to be offered for Priests and Princes, together with the testi­monies of Philo, Theodoret and Procopius are answered in particular.

FIrst therefore Mr. Fitzherbert in his fift chapter pretendeth to prooue, that Widdringtons answere to his arguments deduced from the law of God is confuted by the expresse words, and text of the Sup­plement, and prooued to be not onely improbable, but also fraudulent, in that he dissembleth the whole substance, and pith of Mr. Fitzherberts dis­course, for so is the title of his fift Chapter, and then he proceedeth thus: My Aduersarie Widdrington hauing trifled, as you haue heard, in the precedent Chapters, goeth forward no lesse impertinently in these words, Quarto si quis &c. Fourthly, if a man doe attentiuely read ouer Mr. Fitzherberts discourse, he shall most clearely see, that he hath effectual­ly prooued nothing else out of the Law either of God, or of Nature, but that the temporall power in spirituall things, and in temporall (as they are reduced to spirituall) is subiect to the spirituall power, so farre forth as concerneth commandement, and a spirituall manner of correction, and not temporall. So Widdrington.

2 Wherein he seemeth to acknowledge, as you see, that I haue effe­ctually prooued by the law of God and Nature, that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall, so farre forth as concerneth the authoritie to com­mand, though not to punish temporally; meaning, that the spirituall power may command temporal and corporall things so farre forth as they are to serue the spirituall (for so you haue heard him also confesse before S [...]e before chap. 2. nu. 1. & 2.) and that it may punish spiritually (that is to say, by the way of spirituall censures) but no way temporally; wherein I wish to be obserued what he granteth, and what he denyeth, for of his grant will easily follow the confutation of his de­nyall, as I haue partly signified before Chap. 2. nu. 1.2.9. & 10., and will shew more amply Chap. 6. nu. 14 15 & seq. See Supplem. chap. 1. nu. 10., when I shall haue first examined how true it is, that I haue prooued effectually no­thing else, but that which he mentioneth. For to this purpose it is to be con­sidered what I haue debated concerning the law of God in my Supplement, where I said thus.

[Page 92]3 First, I will speake of the law of God, which if it be considered, as it is a written law, is diuided into the law of Moyses, and the law of Grace deliuered by our Sauiour Iesus Christ; and albeit the law of Moyses (for so much as concerneth the iudiciall and ceremoniall part thereof) doth not bind vs Christians, yet I will make it manifest, euen by that law, that the spiritual power was then the supreme power on earth, and commanded all temporall authoritie, yea and that it might and did chastise Princes temporally when it was necessarie for the glorie of God, and the good of the Church. This ap­peareth by the law of God set downe in Deuteronomy, &c. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

4 But whether he or I haue trifled in the precedent Chapters, you haue already seene, and how improbably he hath prooued my answere to his arguments to be improbable or fraudulent, and hath confuted it by my owne doctrine, as he vainly braggeth, you shall presently per­ceiue. And first Mr. Fitzherbert endeauoureth to confute my answere as improbable, wherein I said, that he hath prooued effectually nothing else by the law of God, but that the temporall power in spirituall things, and in temporall, as they are reduced to spirituall, is subiect to the spirituall power, so farre forth as concerneth commandement, and a spirituall manner of correction, and not temporall: to which purpose he maketh a long and tedious repetition of that discourse, which he made in his Supplement concerning the law of God, especially in the old Testament, pretēding, forsooth, to make it manifest euen by that law, that the spiritual power was then the supreme power on earth, and commanded all tempo­rall authoritie, yea and that it might and did chastise Princes tempo­rally, when it was necessarie for the glorie of God, and the good of the Church.

5 First therefore to all the arguments, which either my Aduer­sarie here hath brought, or any other can bring to conuince, demon­strate, or prooue effectually, that the spirituall power in the old law was the supreme power on earth, and might and did chastise Princes temporally in order to spirituall good, it is sufficient to answere in gene­rall, that the contrarie doctrine, to wit, that in the old law the tempo­rall power and not the spirituall was supreme, and that the spirituall power was subiect to the temporall, is maintained by many famous, and most learned Catholike Diuines,S. Bonauentu­ra lib. 2. de Ec­cles. hierarch. cap. 1. & in 4. dist. 24. in li­tera. S. Thom. lib. 1. de Regim. Prin. cap. 14. whose opinion in this point Mr. Fitzherbert dare not presume to condemne as temeratious and impro­bable, albeit my answere, which is agreeable to their doctrine, he stic­keth not to call improbable. For so teacheth S. Bonauenture, a man otherwise addicted to the Popes temporall Monarchie, In the old Te­stament, saith he, the Priesthood was subiect to the kingdome, and therefore Kings then had power to remooue the high Priests from their office, as Salo­mon remooued Abiathar. The same teacheth S. Thomas, or whosoeuer [Page 93] is the Author of that booke de regimine Principum. Whereupon Card. Bellarmine himselfe writeth thus, It is not improbable, Bell. l. i. c. 14. in Tract. de potest. Sum. Pont. con­tra Barcla. that in the olde Testament the King was absolutely greater then the high Priest, both for that so teacheth S. Thomas in his first booke de Regimine Principum cap. 14. and also for that in the old Testament the promises were temporall, and the sacrifices carnall.

6 The same also doe teach Alphonsus Tostatus Abulensis, Card. Bellar. de Script. Eccles. pag. 410. q. 28 in c. 2. l. 3. Regum & q. 48. c. 27. num. a man most renowmed, saith Card. Bellarmine for holinesse and learning, Ioannes de Turrecremata In sum. de Eccles l. 2. c. 96. ad 4 &c. obedientiam. dest. 93. q. 2. ad. 2 Franciscus Victoria; Relect. 1. de potest. Eccles. cited by Cor­duba & Sal s. Antonius Corduba, l. 4 quaest. q. 5 ar. 2 ss. ad Vlti. Ioannes Salas, q 95. de. leg. sec 21. and Burgensis In Addit lid Nic. de Lyra in 1. Pet. cap. 2. all of them most famous Diuines. You must also know, saith Abulensis, that Salomon had power to kill Abiathar, al­though he was the High Priest, for that in the old Testament the Ecclesiastical power was not distinct from the Secular power (to wit in punishments for great crimes) but Priests were directly subiects to the King as Lay men. Also there was not a distinction of punishments for Priests and Lay men, but in enormious crimes the sentence of death was common to all: and because A­biathar had committed treason, hee was to be put to death, vnlesse Salomon would pardon him. And that Priests were subiect to Lay men it appeareth Numer. 27. where God said that Eleazar, who was the high Priest, and the rest of the Israelites were subiect to Iosue, as it hath beene more declared Iosue 3. but Iosue was a secular Prince, to wit, of the tribe of E­phraim. Thus Abu [...]ensis.

7 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue, how ignorant­ly my vnlearned Aduersarie taxeth my answere of improbabi [...]itie, and impertinencie, which neuerthelesse is most conformeable to the doctrine of so many famous and learned Catholike Diuines, and which Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe holdeth for not improba­ble, and how vainely hee braggeth, that hee will make it manifest euen by the law of Moyses, that the spirituall power was then the supreame power on earth, and commanded all temporall authoritie, yea and that it might and did chastise Princes temporally, whereas so many famous, and learned Diuines, whose doctrine this ignorant man feareth not to call improbable, doe resolutely hold, that in the olde Testament the high Priests were subiect to Kings, and that the temporall power was superiour to the spirituall, and might remooue the high Priests from their office, and punish them temporally, if they should de­serue it.

8 But let vs examine in particular the manifest proofes, which this man deduceth from the Law of God in the old Testament. His first, and principall proofe is taken from that which is written in the 17. chapter of Deuteronomie. This appeareth, saith he,Pag. 70. nu 3.4.5. by the law set downe in Deuteronomie, wherein it is ordained expressely, that the highest tribunall for iudgement, not only for spirituall, but also for politicall, and temporall cau­ses, [Page 94] should be in the hands of the high Priest. The words of the law are these. Si defficile, & ambiguum apud te iudicium esse perspexeris, &c. If thou perceiue that the iudgement with thee be hard, and doubfull, betweene bloud, and bloud, cause and cause, leprosie, and not leprosie, and thou seest that the words of the Iudges within the gates doe varie, arise and goe vp to the place, which the Lord thy God shall choose, and thou shalt come vp to the Priests of the Leuitical stock, & to the Iudges that shall be at that time, and thou shalt aske of them, who shall shew thee the truth of the iudgement, and thou shalt do whatsoeuer they that are Presidents of the place which our Lord shall choose, shal say, and teach thee according to his Law; and thou shalt follow their sentence, nei­ther shalt thou decline to the right, nor to the left; but he that shall be proud refusing to obey the commandement of the Priest, which at time ministreth to our Lord thy God, that man shall die by the decree of the Iudge, and thou shalt take away the euill out of Israel, and the whole people shall feare, that none after swell with pride.

9 These are the words of the Law of God in Deuteronomie, wherein it is to be noted, that albeit there be here mention made of the Iudge to be con­sulted together with the Priests (which some of the Aduersaries take to be a temporall Iudge, though he may very well be vnderstood to bee the high Priest, who was supreme Iudge in the Councell of Priests) neuerthelesse I say, that albeit he were a temporall Iudge, yet it is euident, that the finall de­cision of the doubts, and controuersies in that Consistorie, and consequently the supreme authoritie resided in the high Priest; seeing that the said Iudge, if he were a different person, was no other then Minister, either to see the high Priests commandement executed, or to ordaine, and decree the punishment of those, who should disobey him, it being ordained in the Law, that he who should be so proud, as to disobey the commandement of the high Priest, should die by the decree of the Iudge. So that it belonged to the high Priest absolutely to command, and to the Iudge to giue sentence of death a­gainst the transgressors of his commandement; besides that, &c.

10 But first obserue, good Reader, the corrupt proceeding of this man, who to prooue his purpose doth falsely, and otherwise then they are in the vulgate Edition alledge the words of holy Scripture. For al­though the Councell of Trent hath denounced anathema Sess. 4. against all them, who shall not receiue for sacred and canonicall the entire bookes of holy Scripture with all their parts, as they are accustomed to be read in the Catho­like Church, and are extant in the ancient vulgate Latine edition, and hath ordained and declared, that this ancient and vulgate Edition, which by long custome of so many ages hath beene approoued in the Church shall be re­ceiued for Canonicall in publike lessons, disputations, sermons, and expositi­ons, and that no man shall dare, or presume to reiect it vnder any pretence: for which cause the said Councell hath moreouer ordained, that heere­after [Page 95] the holy Scripture, and especially this ancient and vulgar Edition shall bee printed very correctly; which Decree of the Councell Pope Sixtus the fifth vndertooke to execute, printing that vulgate Edition in the Vaticane, and by a speciall Bull prefixed to the beginning thereof, com­manded that all men should take that and none other for holy Scrip­ture, which Edition, because sundry errours were found therein, Pope Clement the eight printed more correctly: Neuerthelesse Mr. Fitzher­bert is not afraide to cite contrary to the said decrees this place of holy Scripture otherwise then it is found in the vulgate Edition.

11 For whereas in the vulgate Edition wee reade thus; and thou shalt come to the Priests of the Leuiticall stocke, and to the Iudge that shall be at that time, Mr. Fitzherbert translateth it, and to the Iudges in the plu­rall number. But which importeth more, whereas the wordes follow­ing a little after are thus in the vulgate Edition: But he that shall be proud refusing to obey the commandement of the Priest, which at that time mini­streth to our Lord thy God, and the decree of the Iudge, that man shall die, and thou shalt take away, &c. Mr. Fitzherbert with small respect to the aforesaid Decrees, citeth the wordes thus: But he that shall be proud, re­fusing to obey the commandement of the Priest, which at time ministreth to our Lord thy God, that man shall die by the decree of the Iudge, and thou shalt take away, &c. So that the sentence of death is in this place de­nounced by the expresse appointment of God, not onely against him, who shall not obey the commandement of the Priest, but also against him, that shall not obey the decree of the Iudge.

12 Now whether this Iudge was a temporall, or a spirituall Iudge, and if he was a temporall Iudge, whether he was subordinate to the High Priest, or no, it is a controuersie among Catholike Diuines, Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that this Iudge may very well be vnderstood to be the High Priest himselfe, who was the supreme Iudge in the Councel of Priests; and albeit he were a temporall Iudge, neuerthelesse, I say, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, it is euident that the finall decision of doubts and contro­uersies in that consistory, and consequently the supreame authoritie resided in the High Priest, seeing that the said Iudge, if hee were a different person, was no other then a Minister, &c.

13 But albeit this Iudge may be vnderstood to be an inferiour spirituall Iudge subordinate to the high Priest, as Abulensis affirmeth vpon that place, and not the high Priest himselfe, by reason of the con­iunction copulatiue [and] but he that is proud refusing to obey the com­mandement of the high Priest, and the decree of the Iudge, which con­iunction [and] saith Abulensis denoteth the Iudge to be a different person frō the high Priest, neuerthelesse this Iudge may also be very well vnder­stood to be a temporall Iudge, and in temporall causes independent on the high Priest. And truely the reason, which Mr. Fitzherbert bring­eth [Page 96] to prooue that this Iudge if he were a temporall Iudge, was one­ly a Minister of the high Priest, is of small force, for that to prooue the same, he alledgeth, as you haue seene, the words of the holy Scripture otherwise then they are in the vulgate Edition, seeing that it is onely ordained in the law, that he who should be so proud as to dis­obey the commandement of the high Priest, and the decree of the Iudge, should die, those words [by the decree of the Iudge] are neither in the He­brew, nor in the vulgate Edition declared so to be by Pope Sixtus and Cle­ment: And therefore Mr. Fitzherbert must not take it ill, if I giue no credite to his bare, I say, and that I doe preferre the exposition of the Glosse of Nicolaus de Lyra vpon that place, who affirmeth, that this tri­bunall, to which in doubtfull cases the Iewes were bound to haue re­course, did consist both of spirituall, & of temporal power, and that the one was independent on the other, before his bare I say which is onely grounded vpon a false allegation of the words of the holy Scripture.

14 The words of the Glosse vpon that place are these: Hîc agi­tur &c. Here it is treated, sayth he, of superiour Iudges, to whom there ought to be made recourse in doubtfull and difficult matters: and some things are put for example: when it is said, betweene bloud and bloud, that is, when one part of the Iudges doe say that the shedding of bloud of such a man is to be punished with death, because it is reduced to wilfull murther, an other part saith no, because it is to be reduced to chance-medley: Cause and cause, to wit, when one part of the Iudges saith, that the cause of the plaintife is iust, and an other, the cause of the defendant: Leprosie and not leprosie, to wit when one part saith, that the disease of such a man is leprosie, and an other saith it is not. Arise and goe vp &c. In these cases and such like there must be had recourse to superiour Iudges, to wit, to the high Priest, and to the Iudge of the people of Israel. And sometimes it happened, that both offices did concurre in one person, as it is manifest in Holy, who was Iudge, and high Priest of the people. 1. Reg. 4. but more commonly they were distinct persons, as also offices. Therefore this recourse may be vnderstood to both ioyntly; and this was in causes, which could not be decided by one without the other, as in the building of the temple, which could not be performed without Kingly authoritie, nor ordered without the direction of the Priest; or seue­rally to both, that in spirituall causes there should be recourse to the high Priest, and in temporalls to the Iudge. And from this grew the custome, that from inferiour Ecclesiasticall Iudges there is made appeale to the chie­fest Bishop, and from inferiour Princes, and Secular Iudges to the King, or Emperour. Thus writeth the Glosse, whose doctrine in this point Mr. Fitzherbert will neuer be able to prooue to be improbable.

15 But secondly, although I should for Disputation sake grant Mr. Fitzherbert, which he is neuer able to conuince, that this tribunall, Consistorie, or Councell, to which in doubts and difficulties of the law, [Page 97] when the Iudges within the gates doe not agree, the Iewes ought to haue recourse, did consist only of Priests, and not of temporall, but of spirituall Iudges, and that the Iudge mentioned in this place they ought obey, was either the high Priest himselfe, or rather some other inferi­our Priest subordinate to him, neuerthelesse he cannot prooue from hence, as he pretendeth, that the highest tribunall for iudgement, not only for spirituall, but also for politicall and temporall causes, was in the hands of the high Priest. For all that is ordained for the Priests, and Iudges to do in this place of Deuteronomie, is only to decide, determine, and declare the doubts and difficulties of the law, to whose comman­dement and decree euery man was bound by the expresse law of God vnder paine of death to stand; but to decide and declare what is the law of God, & to instruct the people therin, and to command the people to obey their declaration, instruction & commandement, is not a tempo­rall, but a pure spirituall cause, as well obserueth Abulensis in cap. 11. Num. q. 23. & 24. & in cap. 18. Exodi. q. 5.8. & 11.

16 And what Catholike man will deny, that the spirituall Pa­stours of the Church of Christ haue also authoritie to declare and de­termine what is the law of God, when any doubt or difficulty shall a­rise, and to command all Christians, euen temporall Princes, who are subiect to them in spirituals, to obey their decree and determination: and yet from hence it can not be rightly inferred, in that manner as my Aduersarie from those words of Deuteronomie would conclude, that the highest tribunall for iudgement in the new law, not only for spirituall, but also for politicall, and temporall causes is in the hands of the chiefe spirituall Pastour; for that to decide, and determine, what is the law of Christ, and to command Christian Princes to obey their decision and determi­nation is not a temporall, but a meere spirituall cause.

17 But if my Aduersarie had prooued, as he hath not, that the Priests of the old law had authoritie, not only to interpret the law, and to command the people to follow their interpretation, but also to pro­nounce the sentence of death, and to execute the same against those who should not obey their declaration and decree, then hee had said something to the purpose, for to inflict temporall punishments, and to pronounce the sentence of death, and to execute or inflict the same for what crime soeuer it be either temporal or spiritual, is a temporal & not a spiritual actiō: I say to inflict temporal punishmēts, &c. For, as I haue often said, to impose, or enioine temporal punishments, and to command tem­porall Iudges to do iustice according to the law, by punishing malefa­ctours with corporall death, if it be so ordained by the law, may, if it be done for a spiritual end, be a spiritualactiō, & belonging to the authority of spiritual Pastors. Neither can my Aduersarie prooue, that the Iudge, who was to giue sentence of death against those, who either did not [Page 98] obey the commandement of the Priest and the decree of the Iudge, or committed any other crime worthie of death by the law, as blasphe­mie, adulterie, Sodomie, &c. was either a Priest, or a temporall Iudge who had his authoritie deriued from the high Priest, as he was a Priest; I say, as he was a Priest, for that sometimes the chiefe temporall Iudge, as I obserued before out of the Glosse, was also a Priest, as in the time of Holy, Moyses, and the Machabees; and then he had authoritie to giue sentence of death, not as he was a Priest, but as hee was a temporall Prince, or Iudge.

18 Wherefore to little purpose is that which Mr. Fitzherbert im­mediately addeth; Besides that, saith he,Pap. 71. nu. 6. afterwards God commanded the people exactly to obey the Priests, Deut. 24. without mention of any other Iudge threate­ning to punish them him selfe, in case they should transgresse the same, saying, Obserua diligenter, &c. Obserue diligently, that thou incurre not the plague of Leprosie, but shalt doe whatsoeuer the Priests of the Leuiti­cal stocke shal teach thee, according to that which I commanded them, and doe thou fulfill it carefully. So said Almightie God. And to mooue them the rather to this exact obedience, which he commanded, he added pre­sently; Remember, what our Lord God did to Mary in the way, when you came out of Egypt, that is to say, how seuerely God punished Mary the Prophetesse, & sister to Moyses for her disobedience to him, & was stro­ken with leprosie for the same; by which example Almightie God did notably inculcate vnto the people the necessitie of their obedience to the Priest, and the danger of his indignation, and seuere punishment, which they should incurre by neglecting their dutie therein. Thus said I in my Supplement, and hauing prooued afterwards most Nu. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. amply, that God gaue also to the high Priest not only a soueraignitie of authoritie, but also an infallibilitie of doctrine & iudge­ment in causes of doubts and controuersies, euen of temporall matters, and ha­uing also shewed the great priuiledges of the Leuites and Priests, who were separated wholly, &c.

19 But what followeth from all this? No man maketh any doubt, but that the Priests of the old law were to be obeyed in those things, wherein they had authoritie to comand, as likewise neither Mr. Fitz. can make any doubt, but that the cōmandement of the temporall Prince, or Iudge was exactly to be followed in those things, wherein they had authoritie to command. True it is, that the Priests were the chiefe interpreters of the law of God in the old Testament, according to those words of the Prophet Malachie, The lippes of the Priest shall keepe knowledge, Malach. cap. 2. and the law they shall require of his mouth, because he is the Angell, or Messenger of the Lord of Hosts; and that it belonged to the Priests to declare whether one was infected with leprosie or no; But from hence it can not rightly be concluded, that it belonged to the Priests, as they were Priests, but to the temporall Iudges of the people, [Page 99] or to the children of Israel, that is, the whole multitude, from whom the temporarall Iudges had commonly their election and authoritie, to giue sentence of death, and to inflict any temporall punishment ap­pointed by the law: And therefore, although God ordained Leuit. 13. that Aaron, or any one of his sonnes should declare and iudge, who was infected with leprosie; and after his declaration and iudgement that he was a leaper, he should be separated, yet it belonged to the children of Israel not as they were ministers of the Priests, but of God, who was their King, and ordained that punishment, to separate him, and cast him out of the campe according to that of Num. 5. And the Lord spake to Moyses, saying, Command the children of Israel that they cast out of the campe euery leaper, and whosoeuer hath a flux of seede, and is polluted vpon the dead, as well man as woman, cast ye out of the campe.

20 So likewise it belongeth to the Priests of the new Law, to de­clare what is the Law of Christ, and to iudge what is heresie, vsurie, or any other crime forbidden by the law of Christ, and to command tem­porall Princes to roote out hereticks, vsurers, and such like malefactors, by the meanes of temporall punishments, for all this doth not exceede the bounds of spirituall authoritie: but it doth not belong to the Priests of the new law, as they are Priests, to giue sentence of death, or to pu­nish temporally heretikes, vsurers, or any other malefactours by in­flicting temporall punishments, but only to temporall Princes, who haue in their hands and power the sword of life and death, and who therefore, as I obseruedDisputat. Theolog. ca. 7. sec. 2. nu. 17. Bannes 2.2. q. 11. ar 4. q. 1. in fine. out of Bannes, may pardon sometimes the pu­nishment of death, and punish heretikes in some other manner.

21 And therefore to as little purpose also is that, which Mr. Fitzherbert next adioyneth, that God gaue also to the high Priest an in­fallibilitie of doctrine, and iudgement in causes of doubts, and controuersies euen of temporall matters. For I willingly grant, that the high Priests of the old Testament had an infallibilitie of doctrine, and iudgement at least wise for many yeares together in doubts, and controuersies euen of temporall matters, which could not be determined by the law, yea and a greater infallibilitie of doctrine and iudgement, then is now in the new law, in doubts and controuersies of particular facts, as whether they should ouercome in such a warre how such an inheritance of par­ticular men was to be deuided, &c. Either because, as well obserueth Abulensis, Abulensis q. 3. in 17. Deut. in fine. Abulensis q. i9 in cap. 22. lib. 1. Reg. & in De­fensor. part. [...] cap. 41. the high Priest did iudge in the presence of some Prophet to whom the truth was reuealed by God, or because they did know the secrets of things by the pla [...]es of the Priests vestement, which was called the rationale, wherein was contained doctrine, and truth, whereof we haue treated saith Abulensis Exod. 28.

22 Or thirdly, as the same Abulensis obserueth, when the high Priest consulted our Lord about any thing by entering into the Sanctuary in the day [Page 100] of Expiation, which happened but once a yeere; for on that day the Priest did speake vnto our Lord within the Sanctuary, and did heare him speake in the Propitiatory, as hath beene declared, Leuit. 16. For therefore it was commanded, that at what time the high Priest did enter into the Sanctuary, no man should be in the Tabernacle, to wit, least he should heare those things, which were spoken in the Sanctuary. Thus Abulensis; none of which wayes to finde out the truth infallibly in any doubtfull matter is ordi­narily granted to the Priests of the new Law. Neuerthelesse it can not from hence bee sufficiently concluded, that the high Priests of the old Law had a soueraigntie of temporall authoritie, or in tempo­rall things, but onely in spirituall, for that, as well obserueth the saide Abulensis, Q. 23. in cap. 11. Num. to instruct in the questions of the Law, and to consult almighty God, was a spirituall thing.

23 But that, which Mr. Fitzherbert immediately addeth, that the Leuites, and Priests were separated wholly from temporall and ciuill state in such sort, that they had no dependance thereon, is very vntrue, and Car­dinall Bellarmine himselfe acknowledgeth the contrarie to bee proba­bleSupra. nu. 6.. For, as I aboue obserued out of S. Bonauenture, S. Thomas, Abu­lensis, and many other learned Diuines, in the Olde Testament the Priest­hood was subiect to the Kingdome, and Priests were directly subiect to the King, as Laymen were, to wit, in temporalls, as it appeareth, saith Abu­lensis, Num. 17. where God said, that Eleezar, who was the high Priest, and the rest of the Israelites were subiect to Iosue, who was a Secular Prince, to wit, of the tribe of Ephraim, yea and in the time of Moses, Aaron, who was the high Priest, was in temporalls subiect to Moses, and for that cause called him his Lord, Exod. 32. although in spiritualls Aaron was greater then Moses, Q. 10. in 9. Leuit. Moses, saith Abulensis (expounding those words of Leuit. 9. and Aaron stretching forth his handes to the people hee blessed them) was in temporalls greater then Aaron, because hee iudged the whole people, as it is contained, Exod. 18. Chap. and he commanded the people those things, which they ought to doe. But in spiritualls Aaron was simply greater then Moses. For Aaron was the high Priest, but Moses one of the simple Leuites. Also because Aaron had directly a right to mini­ster, but Moyses had onely this for want of Priests, but this hee had not by any order, or ordination. And if thou say, that Moses was greater then Aaron, because hee commanded him to doe these sacrifices, and whatsoeuer he did, I answere, saith Abulensis, that it is not inferred from this, because Moyses did not therefore commaund these things, as hauing authoritie to commaund by some Prelacie, or Order, but because hee was the messenger of God, relating those things, which God had commaunded; whereupon it is not properly saide that Moyses did commaund, but that hee did declare the things to be done.

24 But if thou yet obiect, that Moyses was greater then Aaron, be­cause [Page 101] Moyses did consecrate Aaron. It is answered, saith Abulensis, that it is not deduced from this: for therefore Moyses did consecrate Aaron, be­cause there was no high Priest that could consecrate him, nor also then any inferiour Priests, for that as well the high Priest, as the inferiour Priests were consecrated: and yet neuerthelesse this consequence is not of force, this man doth consecrate that man, therefore hee is greater then hee. For the Pope is consecrated by a Cardinall Bishop of Hostia, who is inferiour to the Pope, and after his consecration the Pope doth command him that con­secrated him. So also it happened among the high Priests in the Olde Testa­ment. For except the consecration of Aaron, which was done by Moyses, who was no Priest (to wit by ordination, but onely by the speciall priui­ledge of God, as the same Abulensis declareth q. 7. in cap. 17. Exodi) and except the consecration of Eleazar, which was done without any ceremo­nies, as we shewed at large, Exod. 19. all the later consecrations of the high Priests were done by inferiour Priests: therefore Moyses was not greater, for that he consecrated Aaron, but Aaron was greater; and because, as the Apostle writeth, Hebr. cap. 7. alwaies the lesser is blessed by the grea­ter, it was fit that the blessing ouer the people should bee done by Aaron. Thus Abulensis. See him also q. 2. in cap. 2. Num.

25 Now Mr. Fitzherberts next argument is as insufficient as the former. I added further, saith he,Pag. 72. nu. 7 concerning the power and authoritie of the high Priest in temporall things, that whereas both the dignities, spirituall, and temporall, were sometimes in one person, as in Moyses, Heli, and the Machabees, and sometimes disioyned in distinct, and seuerall persons, as in the time of Iosue, the Iudges, and the Kings, it is manifest, that when they were seuered, the spirituall was alwaies superiour, as it may appeare by the commandement of almighty God to Moyses, when he bad h m take Iosue,Num. 17. and lay his hands vpon him before Eleazar the Priest, and all the multitude, and giue him part of his glory, and that Eleazar should consult with God all the affaires of Iosue, concluding Ad verbum illius egredietur, &c. accor­ding to his word (that is to say, the word of Eleazar) Iosue shall goe out, and shall goe in, and all the children of Israel with him, and the rest of the multitude. Wherein Theodoret obserueth, Theoderet. q 48. in Num. that God commaunded Moyses to distribute his honour, or dignitie betwixt Eleazar, and Iosue, yet so, that Iosue should alwaies learne of Eleazar, what he was to doe; where­by it appeareth, that Iosue was to bee directed by Eleazar in all affaires tou­ching the ciuill gouernment, which is sufficiently expressed by those words, Ad verbum illius egredietur, & ingredietur, Iosue shall goe out, and in at the word of Eleazar.

26 But truely I am ashamed to see the extreame boldnesse of this my vnlearned Aduersary, when I call to minde what silly arguments he hath scraped together to make it, forsooth, manifest by the Law of God in the Olde Testament, that the spirituall power was then the supreme [Page 102] power on earth, and might and did chastise Princes temporally. For this ve­ry text of holy Scripture, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth to prooue, that Eleazar was Superiour to Iosue, learned Abulensis doth interprete cleane contrary,Abulensis q. [...]6. in c. 3. Iosue. and bringeth it not once or twise, but many times to proue, that in the old Testament the Priests were subiect to the tempo­rall Princes, for that Eleazar was inferior & subiect to Iosue; Iosue saith Abulensis, expounding those words, and do thou command the Priests, &c. was not onely the Captaine of the people, but also of the Priests, although hee was neither a Priest, nor a Leuite, but of the Tribe of Ephraim, as it ap­peareth, Num. cap. 13. and he did command not onely the inferiour Priests, of whom it is spoken in this place, but also the high Priest, as it appeareth, Num. 27. where it is said, for him if any thing be to be done, Eleazar the Priest shall consult the Lord: At his word (to wit at the word of Io­sue) shall he (to wit Eleazar) and all the children of Israel goe out, and shall goe in. And the cause hereof is this, for that in the Olde Testament the Secular and Ecclesiasticall, or the Priestly, and Regall Iurisdictions were not distinct, as they are now, although the offices of the Priests and Leuites were altogether distinct from the actions Aboperibus. of the Lay men: whereupon the Priests, when they offended, might be put to death by the King, as the Lay men might, &c.

27 But some will say (saith the same Abulensis)Q. 2. in cap. 14. Iosue. that the state of Eleazar was more honourable, because he was the high Priest, and Iosue was the Prince of the people, but the state of Priests was greater then the state of Lay men, as the Pope is more excellent then the Emperour, or Kings. But it is to be answered, that this is false. For the state of Priests in the Olde Testament was not more excellent, then the state of Kings, but the Priests were iudged by Kings, and not onely concerning Kings, but also Iosue, who was no King, was greater then the high Priest, as it appeareth, Num. cap. 27. where it is said, that Eleazar the high Priest, and euerie one shal at the commandement of Iosue goe in and goe out, that is shall doe whatsoeuer they ought to doe: Therefore Iosue was Superiour, because to command is an act of a Superiour.

28 And againe the said Abulensis Q. 48. in cap. 27. Num. writeth thus, At his word he shall goe in, and shall goe out, that is, Eleazer the Priest shall serue at the commandement of Iosue, by doing whatsoeuer he shall command. For to goe out, Num. 27. vers. 17. and goe in, is by the manner of speech taken for euery worke. So it was taken aboue, that God would put in authority ouer the Israelites a man, who should goe out and goe in before them, that is, should doe whatsoeuer ought to be done before his people, and in all things to be before them commanding and instructing. But some may take to goe in, and to goe out, for to goe into the Sanctuary to consult the Lord for Iosue; because it was saide aboue, that whatsoeuer was to be done, Eleazar should consult the Lord for Iosue. And in this place it is added, that at his commandement he ought to [Page 103] doe this, to wit, that whensoeuer Eleazar should be commanded to consult the Lord for Iosue, he must be subiect to doe it. But this sense cannot stand, because Eleazar did not goe into the Sanctuarie to consult the Lord within the Sanctuarie putting on his Priestly vestements, but by the rationale, and Ephod he did consult the Lord, as it hath beene declared. Also it can not stand, because it is not spoken onely of Eleazar, that he shall goe in and goe out at the commandement of Iosue, but also of all the children of Israel; but they did not goe in to consult the Lord for Iosue, therefore the first sense must stand. Yet it is to be considered that Iosue, because he was the Secu­lar Prince, is preferred here directly before the high Priest, so that Eleazar was bound to obey Iosue in all things, which he should command, as likewise all the rest of the people; and so it was in the time of Moyses, who was not a Priest, (to wit, by ordination and Prelacie) yet Aaron, who was the high Priest, did obey him, who was the Prince of the people. And so it was in all the old Testament, that the high Priests were subiect to the Kings &c. Thus Abulensis.

29 And thus you see, that this learned man vnderstandeth those words of holy Scripture, Ad verbum eius &c. At his word he shall goe out and shall goe in, in the cleane contrarie sense, then wherein Mr. Fitzher­bert doth expound them, and yet forsooth it is manifest out of this place, saith he, that when the dignities spirituall and temporall were disioyned in distinct and seuerall persons, as in the time of Iosue, the spirituall was alwaies supe­riour. But secondly I will goe farther with Mr. Fitzherbert, and graunt him onely for Disputations sake, that those words are so to be vnder­stood, that at the word of Eleazar, Iosue shall go out, and go in, and not, that Eleazar at the word of Iosue shall goe out, and goe in, yet from thence it can not rightly be concluded, that Iosue was subiect to Eleazar in tem­porals, but onely in spirituals: for that to consult the Lord, and declare to Iosue and the people the commandement of God, when any difficul­tie should arise, yea and to command Iosue, and the people to obey his declaration, and to follow that, which God had reuealed, which Theo­doret doth onely affirme, was not a temporall, but a meere spirituall thing as before I declared out of Abulensis. Abulens. q. 11. in cap. 33. Exodi. Neither can my Aduersa­rie denie, but that Iosue did succeed Moyses in the temporall gouern­ment, and therefore vnlesse he will denie, as I thinke he dare not, that Aaron the high Priest was subiect to Moyses in temporals, and might be punished by him temporally, if he should transgresse the law of God, he can not with any probabilitie deny, but that Eleazar the high Priest was also in temporals subiect to Iosue, who succeeded Moyses in the temporall gouernment, and that he might be punished by him tempo­rally, if he should offend against the law of God.

30 The next argument of Mr. Fitzherbert is also as weake as the former. Also the holy Scripture, sayth he,Nu. 8. pag. 7 [...] Iosue 19. declaring how the Land of Pro­mise [Page 104] was diuided, setteth it downe in this manner: Hae sunt possessiones &c. These are the possessions, which Eleazar the Priest, and Iosue the sonne of Nun, and the Princes of the families and of the tribes of the children of Israel diuided by lot in Silo &c. Thus sayth the Scripture gi­uing the preheminence in the diuision of the land to the high Priest before the temporall Prince.

31 But this argument prooueth at the most, that the spirituall Priesthood is in worth, dignitie and nobilitie more excellent, then the temporall Soueraigntie, but it doth not prooue, that Priests are in tem­porall Soueraigntie greater then temporall Princes. As likewise Car­dinall Bishops haue the precedence and preheminence before Cardinall Priests, and Cardinall Priests before Cardinall Deacons, and a Cardinall who is first created hath the precedence and preheminence before an other Cardinall, who is afterwards created, yet from hence it cannot be concluded, that one Cardinall is greater in authoritie then another, or that one Cardinall hath power to command and punish another.

32 Also learned Abulensis expounding those words of holy Scrip­ture,Iosue 14. This is it which the children of Israel possessed in the land of Canaan, which Eleazar the Priest, and Iosue the sonne of Nun, and the princes of the families by the tribes of Israel gaue to them &c. answereth this argu­ment at large. Here, saith he, are related the persons diuiding the land of the nine tribes, Abulens. q. 1. & 2. in cap. 14. Iosue. and a halfe, to wit, Eleazar, Iosue, and the ancients or elders of Israel. Wherein it is to be considered that Moyses alone before the passage of Iordan, diuided the land of two tribes and a halfe, although Eleazar the Priest, and the multitude of the Israelites, to wit, the Princes of the multi­tude, did assist him, as it appeareth Num. 32. and if he had liued, none other had diuided the land. But when he was dead, there did succeed other diuiders: and it was not giuen to Iosue, as the onely diuider, because God would not giue to any one after the death of Moyses all this power, as he had giuen to Moyses, for that he would not appoint any one equall to him. Therefore before the death of Moyses he caused, that there should be assigned diuiders of the land of Canaan, whereof the principall power he gaue to Iosue, as it appeareth Deuter. cap. 3. & 31. to wit, that Iosue should take the land from the hands of the enemies, and he should diuide it by lots. But there were giuen other coadiutors of euery tribe, and Eleazar was giuen. For Eleazar the high Priest is put as a helper of Iosue in all things, as it appeareth Num. 27. And Eleazar is put here in the first place, not for that he was the more worthie either for state, or holinesse. Iosue did sufficiently excell, seeing that he was greatly beloued of God, and God did speake vnto him very often, which is not apparant of Eleazar.

33 Neither was the state of Priests in the old Testament more excel­lent, then the state of Kings, but Priests were iudged by Kings, and this not onely concerning Kings, but also Iosue, who was not a King, was greater then [Page 105] the high Priest, as it appeareth Num. cap. 27. where it is said, that Eleazar the high Priest, and euery one shall at the commandement of Iosue goe in, and goe out, that is, shall doe whatsoeuer they ought to doe. Therefore Iosue was the greater, because to command is an act of the greater. Yet Eleazar is here put before, because Samuel the writer of this booke would obserue the order of the writing of Moyses, But when Moyses described the diuiders of the land of Canaan, he put Eleazar before Iosue, and all the Israelites, as it appeareth Num. 34. and therefore he did here keepe the same order. Thus Abulensis. And the cause why Moyses did preferre Eleazar before Iosue may be easily gathered out of the same Abulensis q. 1. in cap. 27. Num. & q. 42., for that Eleazar was then the high Priest, and in that respect most honoured among the people next to Moyses. Whereupon both Moyses and Eleazar did sit to iudge great causes, both of them also did number the people, Cap. 26. Num. as it appeareth in the former chapter, and this honour did appertaine to all the high Priests &c. But Io­sue was then a minister and seruant of Moyses, and was not the chiefe temporall Prince of the people, but after Moyses death, although Moy­ses in his life time did by Gods commandement appoint him to be his successour in the temporall gouernment of the people.

34 The next argument of Mr. Fitzherbert is all one with the for­mer. And when the daughters of Salphaad, saith he,Iosue 17. demanded their in­heritance, venerunt, sayth the Scripture in conspectu &c. they came into the presence of Eleazar, and of Iosue the sonne of Nun, and of the Prin­ces, wherein you see also that as Iosue, who was the chiefe temporall Prince, is preferred before the other Princes, so is also the chiefe Priest preferred before Iosue. Thus farre in my Supplement &c. But why Eleazar the high Priest was named in the first place before Iosue the temporall Prince, I haue shewed before out of Abulensis, and from hence it doth onely fol­low that the state or office of the high Priest, which was to consult the Lord in doubtfull matters, and to be the chiefe minister in the sa­crifices and worship of God, was in worth, dignitie or nobilitie more excellent then the temporall state, or Princedome, albeit Abulensis, as you haue seene, doth deny, that the state of the Priesthood, in the olde law, was more honourable and excellent then of the temporall Prince­dome, about which I will not contend with Abulensis, for that I thinke he differeth from me onely in words, yet from hence it can not be con­cluded, that the temporall Prince in the olde law was in temporall af­faires inferiour or subiect to the high Priest, but onely in spirituall causes, which is not at this time the question betwixt Mr. Fitzherbert and me.

35 The last argument also, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth out of the old law before the institution of the Kings of Israel, is as silly as any of the former,nu. 9. pag. 73. and the most that it prooueth also is that the autho­ritie and office of the high Priest is more noble, then the authoritie [Page 106] and office of the temporall Prince. Thus farre, sayth he, in my Supple­ment; where hauing also Nu. 23. Leu. 4. Philo. l. de victimis Theod. in Leu. Procop. in Leu. Magdeb. cent. 1 l. 1. c. 7. col. 257. Calu Instit. l. 4. c. 6 ss. 12. prooued the preheminence of the Priest aboue the Prince by the difference of their Sacrifices (according to the opinion of Philo the Iew. Theodoret and Procopius Gazaeus, and confirmed it by the testi­monie and confession euen of the Magdeburgenses, and Caluin himselfe, I proceeded to the consideration of the Kings in the old Testament, and whe­ther there was any change, or diminution of the authoritie of the high Priest by their institution, to which purpose I said thus. This being so by the ordi­nance of almightie God himselfe, and this law being continued in full force without any alteration or change, during the gouernment of Moyses, Iosue and the Iudges, it is to be considered, whether the same was changed, or any way altered afterwards, at the institution of the Kings; I meane, whether the Kings were any way exempted from this law, and had Superioritie ouer the high Priest and Clergie, as our Aduersaries doe absurdly affirme, that they had &c.

36 But first what is this to the purpose? The spirituall Pastour hath preheminence in dignitie and nobilitie ouer the temporall Prince, will he therefore from hence inferre, that the spirituall Pastour hath power and authoritie ouer the temporall Prince euen in temporall af­faires? as though because the Goldsmith hath in nobilitie and excellen­cie preheminence aboue the Cobler, therefore we may conclude, that the Goldsmith hath power and authoritie ouer the Cobler. Second­ly, neither from the difference of the Sacrifices can there sufficiently be gathered any preheminence, especially in authoritie aboue the tempo­rall Prince in temporall affaires. For although it be ordained Leuit. 4. that a calfe should be offered for the Priest, and a goat for the Prince, who should offend through ignorance, yet this difference of sacrifices may be appointed, not for that the Priest hath any preheminence ei­ther in dignitie, or authoritie in temporall affaires aboue the temporall Prince, but for that, as well obserueth Mr. Iohn Barclay, Cap. 15. § 4. the offence of the Priest sinning through ignorance, is either greater then of the Prince, and therefore to be purged by a more worthie Sacrifice, or that the Priest in Ec­clesiasticall affaires hath preheminence aboue the Prince, which no man deny­eth. And what man of learning would now conclude, that the Priests the new law haue any temporall power ouer Kings, for that a greater pen [...] is enioyned to them, if they offend through ignorance, then to temporal Kings, or that in Churches and Ecclesiasticall rites they are the first, and doe first communicate?

37 Wherefore Abulensis vpon this place doeth referre the diffe­rence of these sacrifices not to any preheminence of the high Priest a­boue the temporall Prince; but to the greatnesse of the offence com­mitted by them both.Abul. q. 12. in cap. 4. Leuit. You must know, saith hee, that these sacrifices are appointed greater, according as the sinnes for which they were offered were [Page 107] greater: but the sinne of the high Priest, taking it in the same kind of sinne is alwayes greater then the sinne of the Prince of the people, or then the sinne of all the people; therefore the sinne of the high Priest did require the grea­test Sacrifice, excelling all other Sacrifices for sinnes, or at leastwise equall to the greatest Sacrifices. Now in what manner and for what causes the sinne of the high Priest was greater both in extension and intension then the sinne of the temporall Prince, or of all the people, Abulensis doth declare at large in that place.

38 Thirdly, if Mr. Fitzherbert had examined that place of holy Scripture himselfe, and not barely taken that argument from Card. Bellarmine, hee might easily haue seene, that the same sacrifice of a calfe with the same ceremonies was appointed to bee offered also for the sinne of all the people; So that if this argument taken from the difference of the Sacrifices were good to prooue a preheminence of the high Priest aboue the Prince, because for the high Priest, if hee should offend through ignorance, a calfe was to bee offered, and for the Prince only a goate, it would also prooue, that the people were equall in preheminence to the high Priest, and that they had prehemi­nence aboue their King, or Prince, for that for the offence also of the people was to bee offered the same sacrifice of a calfe, and for the offence of the Prince only a goate.

39 Fourthly, heere is no mention made in this place of Kings, but only of Princes: If a Prince, saith the Scripture, doth sinne, and by ignorance doe of many things one, that by the law of our Lord is forbidden, and afterwards vnderstandeth his sinne hee shall offer an hoste to our Lord a bucke of the goates without spotte. Now at this time the Israelites had no King, but 400. yeeres after. For the better vnderstanding whereof, you must obserue, as well declareth Abulensis, q. 8. in c. 21. Leuit. that Moyses was the first Prince of the people, vnder whom all the people of Israel did depart out of Aegypt, yet Moyses was not a King, but a Captaine or a Leader of the people. Yea he was not Dominus, a Lord, or ruler saith Abulensis, q. 19. in cap. 8. Iudic. but onely, as making lawes to the Iewes on the behalfe of GOD, and hee commanded nothing to the Israelites, as from his owne will, but as from GOD: whereupon hee was not called a Lord, but a Doctour of the Israelites. And it is apparant, that if hee had beene a Lord of the Israelites, or as it were a King, it had belonged to him to bestow dignities, by instituting and deposing, and none of the people could resist him, or accuse him of this, at leastwise, de iure, by right, and if hee were accused de facto, hee was not bound to answere, but he might represse those who op­posed against him by answering nothing: and yet Core with a hundred and fiftie men did oppose against him: And also the three Princes of the tribe of Reuben, to wit, Dathan, Abiron, and Hon for the high Priesthood, saying that hee gaue it vniustly to Aaron, to wit, in giuing all things to his [Page 108] kinred; and he purged himselfe, saying, in this you shall know, that our Lord hath sent mee to doe all things that you see,Num. 16. and that I haue not forged them of my owne mind, if they shall die the accustomed death of men, our Lord hath not sent me: Also before in the same Chapter Core said to Moyses and Aaron, Let it suffice you, that all the multitude consisteth of holy ones, and our Lord is among them, why lift you vp your selues aboue the people of our Lord? But if Moyses had beene a Lord, or a King, no man could haue said this vnto him, for that hee who was a Lord, might haue lifted himselfe vp; yea there is no greater lifting vp, then to be a Lord. Thus Abulensis.

40 And although Moyses alone did iudge the people without the helpe of any other Iudges who were subordained to him, vntill Iethro father in law to Moyses came vnto him into the desert of Sin neere to the mount Sinai (which happened either in the ende of the first yeere, or in the beginning of the second since their departure out of Aegypt, after that the law was giuen to Moyses in the mount Sinai) yet afterwards by the aduise of Iethro, who perceiuing that Moyses could not long sustaine so great a burden as to iudge himselfe alone the whole people of Israel, sitting in iudgement from mor­ning vntill night, he was perswaded to impart the burden thereof to others, and so choosing substantiall men out of all Israel he appoin­ted them Princes of the people, Tribunes, and Centurians, and Quin­quagenarians and Deanes, who iudged the people at all times, and what­soeuer was of greater difficultie, they referred to Moyses, they them­selues iudging only the easier causes.

41 But because these Iudges, who were all subordinate to Moy­ses, iudged onely of smaller causes, and all matters of difficultie were referred to Moyses, hee was neuerthelesse ouermuch troubled, and therefore not long after at the sepulcher of Concupiscence, Num. 11. almightie God at the request of Moyses appointed seuentie men of the ancients of Is­rael, whom Moyses had chosen, to assist him, to whom hee gaue also the spirit of prophecie, and to them were committed those things, which did peculiarly belong to Moyses, to wit, that they should iudge of great matters as Moyses did (for the iurisdiction of the 70. Iudges appointed by the aduise of Iethro, who iudged the smaller matters, did still remaine) and also that they should consult our Lord, and giue answeres concerning the questions of the law, as Moyses did,Abul. q. 24. in c. 11. nu. and so that Iurisdiction, which before by the aduise of Iethro did onely be­long to Moyses, was now by the commandement of God giuen to seuentie ancients, or Elders, who also were not Priests or Leuites, but Lay-men chosen out of the ancients of Israel,Abul q. 61. and yet they had Iu­risdiction both in spirituall and temporall causes:Abul. q. 24. And after these seuentie men were appointed to helpe Moyses hee neuer complained in [Page 109] all the fortie yeeres that the Israelites were in the wildernesse, that hee was burdened with the multitude of so many causes of the people.Abul. q. 23. Num. 27.

42 Now to succeede Moyses, and to bee the Captaine, and Prince of all the people God appointed Iosue the sonne of Nun, Moyses yet liuing. And he was truly a Prince of the people, for at his comman­dement, not only the people, but also Eleazar the high Priest were mo­ued: yet he was not a King, but a Prince, or Captaine; neither also had he authoritie to iudge, saith Abulensis, but Iudges were appointed otherwise. Neither is this against that, which God commanded Numer. 27.Abulensis q. 19. in cap. 8. Iudic. that as well Eleazar, as all Israel, were mooued at the commandement of Iosue, because this is to be vnderstood concerning those things, which appertained to warre, and because all, or the chiefe time of Iosue was in making warre by subduing the people of Chanaan, therefore the power of Iosue was great, Yet he was neuer called Lord, or King.

43 After the death of Iosue, God raised other Princes of the people, who were called Iudges, or Sauiours, Iudic. 2. and 3. neither were they Kings, but their Princedome, or principalitie was lesser, nei­ther were they called Lords, as it appeareth Iudic. 8. when all the men of Israel said to Gedeon, haue thou dominion ouer vs, and thy sonne, and thy sonnes sonne, because thou hast deliuered vs from the hand of Madian. To whom hee said, I will not domineere, or haue dominion ouer you, nei­ther shall my sonne haue dominion ouer you, but the Lord shall haue dominion ouer you: and yet Gedeon was a Captaine in the warres, and a Iudge of the people of Israel: and this principalitie, or go­uernment of the Iudges did continue for a long time together, to wit, for aboue 340. yeeres, to the time of Samuel, who was the last of the Iudges, in whose time the Israelites desired a King, as other nations had.

44 After the Iudges the Kingly gouernment, or principalitie did succeede. For the people desired of Samuel a King, and God com­manded, that hee should appoint Saul to bee a King ouer them: and this principalitie or Kingly gouernment, did endure a long time, to wit, to the captiuitie of Babylon, when Sedechias was King. 4. Reg. 45. After the returne of the Iewes from Babylon they had no King, but the high Priests, as Abulensis saith, were the Princes of the people: and this principalitie continued vntill the birth of Christ. Abulensis q. 91 in cap. [...]. Math. Neuerthe­lesse for a certaine time before the Natiuitie of Christ the high Priests, who were Princes of the people did take the Kingly name, and diademe, and they did continue so vntill the time of Herod the stranger, who killed his father in law Hircanus, who was the high Priest, and King, and by the power of the Romanes was made himselfe the King of the Iewes, and at this time Christ our Sauiour was borne: and how the [Page 110] authoritie of Kings was greater then of the Iudges, See beneath. nu. 52. & seq.

46 Lastly, the Iewes not onely in the time of their Kings, but also of Moyses, Iosue, and the Iudges had other Princes, who had great authority and priuiledges among the people of Israel, Q 5, in cap. 5. 1. Paralip. See Abulensis q. 6. & 7. in c. 5. 2. Paralip. of which their rights, and priuiledges Abulensis treateth at large. For all the peo­ple of Israel were diuided into tribes, families, and houses, all which are names of companies, or congregations, and they differ in this, that one company is greater, an other lesse, and one doth containe, or is contained in the other. And first all the company or congregation of the Israelites is diuided into twelue parts, which are called twelue tribes, for that all the company of the Israelites doth descend from the twelue sonnes of Iacob or Israel: and in euery one of these twelue tribes there was alwaies one Prince; So that in all Israel there were alwaies twelue men, who were greater and more noble then the rest, who were called the twelue Princes of the tribes. Neither were these made Princes by election, or lot, but by birth, for alwaies the eldest sonne, that de­scended from the head or first Prince of the tribe by the right line of the eldest sonnes, was called the Prince of all that tribe; So that if he who was Prince or head of any tribe, as Iudas, or Zabulon, had many sonnes, the first borne, or eldest sonne of them was the Prince of all that tribe: and so it alwaies continued afterwards, that alwaies the eldest sonne of the Prince of any tribe, was Prince of that tribe after his Fa­thers death.

47 Now in euery tribe there were diuers families: for as euery one of the twelue sonnes of Iacob or Israel with all their progeny made a tribe so euery sonne of his twelue sonnes with all their progeny made a family. So that among all the Israelites there were as many fa­milies, as euery one of the sonnes of Iacob had sonnes. As for exam­ple, because Ruben the eldest sonne of Iacob had foure sonnes, there were foure families in the tribe of Ruben, and because Simeon the second sonne of Iacob had sixe sonnes, there were sixe families in the tribe of Simeon, and so proportionally of the rest: and euery one of these fami­lies had a Prince, who was alwaies the eldest sonne of Iacob his second sonnes, for he alwayes descended from the first heads or Princes of the families by the direct line of the eldest sonnes, and he was subiect to the Prince or head of the tribe, whereof he was: so that as the families were vnder the tribes, so also the Princes of the families were vnder the Prin­ces of the tribes, and as many families as were in euery tribe, so many Princes of families the Prince of the tribe had vnder him.

Abulensis q. 51 in c. 2. Iosue.48 Thirdly, a house was taken for a peculiar congregation of companie of many kinsmen vnder the same familie, and it comprehen­deth all the persons that descend from the same father yet liuing, to [Page 111] wit, the sonnes, daughters and grandchildren, although they haue di­uers oeconomies, or dwell in houses a part from their parents: and yet sometimes a house is taken for the congregation of all the tribes of Is­rael, and sometimes for one onely tribe or familie, as Psal. 113.Psal. 113. verse 1. & 13. Arist. 1. Poli [...]. cap. 2. he blessed the house of Israel, he blessed the house of Aaron: but most strictly it is taken for a peculiar oeconomie consisting of husband, wife, children, seruants. And of these Princes of the tribes and families of Israel the holy Scripture maketh mention very often, especially in the bookes of Numbers and of Iosue, 3. Reg. 8.1. Paralip. 5.7.15.26.27. and 2. Para­lip. 1. and 5.: and their dignitie and priuiledges Abulensis declareth q. 5. in cap. 5.1. Paral. and in cap. 5.2. Paralip. q 6. and 7. And of these Princes also, who neuerthelesse were subiect not only to the Kings of Israel, but also to Moyses, Iosue, and the Iudges, may this place of holy Scripture be vnderstood, to wit, that a hee goate should be offered for euery such Prince offending through ignorance.

49 Lastly, concerning those three Authours, which Mr. Fitzher­bert hath taken from Card. Bellarmine, lib. 2 de Rom Pont. cap. 29. & in tract. con­tra Guiliel. Barcl. cap. 15. he might haue seene their te­stimonies long before he wrote against me, fully answered by Mr. Iohn Barclay Aduersus Card. Bell. cap. 15. §. 4.. For Philo in that place doth not speake of Kings, but of a Prince, and, which is more, he affirmeth, that this honour of offering a greater sacrifice, to wit, a calfe, was giuen to the high Priest not in regard of himselfe, but because he was a minister of the people, doing publike sacri­fices in the name of all the people. Besides, this authoritie of Philo only prooueth, that the Priestly dignitie was more noble, and excellent, then the Princely dignitie, whereof I doe not now dispute. Neither doth Theodoret speake of Kings, nor of the power of the high Priest, but only of his dignitie and excellencie. God commanded, saith he, that the Priest who shall transgresse the law shall sacrifice a calfe without spot, but if all the people shall commit the like crime, he appointeth the like sacrifice to be offered, teaching how great the dignitie of the Priest is, whom he hath made like, or equall to all the people: but he commandeth a Prince that shall transgresse the law, to offer not a calfe, but a hee goate; so farre inferiour to Priestly dignitie is he to whom corporall command is committed: But this is nothing else, but that, which S. Gregorie Nazianzen, S. Chrysostome, S. Ambrose, and other Fathers doe often say, that the spirituall power is more noble, excellent, and worthy, then the temporall, which no man now calleth in question. But the authoritie of Procopius Gazae­us is of farre lesser force, both for that this Procopius, as Card. Bellarmine, lib. 1. de Christo. cap 6. and Antonius Posseuine In verbo Pr [...] ­copius. doe affirme, was a better Rhetorician, then a Diuine, and also for that he speaketh not of Kings, but of a Prince, nor of authority, but of honour, dignitie, or reuerence, which is due to Priests, but especially, although we should grant him to speake of au­thoritie and also of Kings, for that he preferreth the people before the [Page 112] Prince, and also yeeldeth a reason thereof, which is now flat hereticall. For he doth not say, that a Prince offending shall offer a lesser sacrifice then a Priest, for that a Prince is inferiour to a Priest, in honour, dig­nitie, or authoritie, although from hence he gathereth that the Priest and also the people are more honourable then the Prince, but, for that a Prince, as soone as he shall pollute himselfe with sinne doth desist to be a Prince, and falleth from his dignity, which assertion is now condemned in the Councell of Constance among the articles of Iohn Wicleffe, whereof the 15. article is this:Sess. 45. Hee is no ciuill Lord, Hee is no Prelate, Hee is no Bishop, whilest hee is in mortall sinne. The words of Procopius are these: It is to be noted, that the Priest and the people doe offer the same sacrifice, if they shall burthen themselues with sinne, but a Prince doth purge his sinne with a distinct sacrifice, because a Prince as soone as hee shall pollute him­selfe with sinne, doeth desist to bee a Prince, and falleth from his digni­tie. Therefore from hence wee may gather, that the Priest is more honourable then the Prince, also that the people doe excell in dignitie the Prince.

50 But as touching his second inference, for of the first I haue spoken before, it is very vntrue, that the people are superiour to their absolute Prince in dignitie or authoritie: but contrariwise it is manifest, that a King is superiour and aboue the people, and the people inferiour to their King: This shall be the right of the King that shall reigne ouer you saith the holy Scripture 1. Reg. 8. and in the same place the people said, there shall bee a King ouer vs, and we will bee as all nations; and blessed bee the Lord my God, said King Dauid,Psal. 143. who subdueth my people vnder mee: wherefore there is no doubt to bee made, but that the Iewes were bound to obey the high Priest in spirituall matters, but that all men were bound to obey the high Priest in temporall affaires, or that the spiritual power was in the old law the supreme power not only in excel­lencie, nobilitie, or dignitie, but also in authoritie, and chastised Princes temporally, which Mr. Fitzherbert pretendeth heere to make manifest, this hee neither hath, nor euer will bee able with any manifest proofe to conuince. And thus you haue seene, how insufficient are all the arguments, which Mr. Fitzherbert hath brought out of the old law before the institution of the Kings of Israel, now you shall see how weake the rest of his arguments are, which he bringeth out of the old law, since that the Israelites demaunded of Samuel to haue a King ouer them, as other nations had.

51 But first of all Mr. Fitzherbert laboureth in vaine to prooue, that which no man calleth in question, to wit, that the authoritie of the high Priest in the old Testament was neither changed, nor diminished by the institution of Kings, but that as the Law of God deliuered to the Iewes by Moyses did continue in full force without any alteration, or change [Page 113] during the time of Moyses, of Iosue, and the Iudges, so the same was not altered or changed afterwards by the institution of Kings, and that God did not change the forme and course of the Law in fauour of Kings, or turned the same vpside downe contrary to the course of nature, as Mr. Fitzherbert auoucheth some of his Aduersaries absurdly to affirme. For it is a meere fiction, that by the institution of Kings, the Law of Moyses was alte­red, or the authoritie of the high Priest changed, or diminished, or that the same superiority, which the high Priest, as he was high Priest, had aboue the temporall state, to wit, in spirituall affaires, before the insti­tution of Kings, did not continue in the high Priest, after that the Kings of Israel were instituted. And therefore Mr. Fitzherbert faig­neth absurd opinions to haue occasion to impugne them. For the institution of Kings did not alter, or diminish at all the spirituall autho­ritie of the high Priests, but it did only change the maner of the tem­porall gouernment, and it caused, that the supreme temporall autho­ritie, or dominion, was onely in one man, and the temporall gouern­ment to be simply Regall, or Monarchicall, whereas before the institu­tion of Kings it was not alwaies so.

52 For albeit Moyses and Iosue were appointed by God to bee Iudges, and Leaders, or Captaines of the people of Israel, and they had greater authoritie, then the other Iudges had, yet they were not pro­perly Kings, neither had they, speaking properly, true Regall domini­on, and authoritie, as Abulensis Q. 19. in ca. 8. Iudic. doth well obserue. And as for the other Iudges of Israel, their authoritie was farre inferiour to Regall authoritie, or dominion. For as the same Abulensis Q. 5. in prolog. D. Hic­ron. in librum Iosue & q. 7. & 12. in Prolog. lib. Iudic. doth also well ob­serue, there was a great difference betwixt Kings, and Iudges both in power and iurisdiction. For the power of Kings was most ample: But the Iudges had ouer the people no authoritie to command as due to them by iurisdicti­on, but they were onely industrious men for warres, and for giuing counsell, and by their aduice the people were directed in all things, yet they had ouer the people no other authoritie then the people would giue them, and the people did obey them, as it were freely, when they did see, that they commanded, or counsailed nothing but that which was iust: whereupon they were not called Lords, or did they rule, raigne, or had proper dominion ouer the people, but they did onely gouerne or iudge: because Lords, or they that reigne, and haue proper dominion, or Seigniorie, are those, who doe whatsoeuer they vvill if it be not against law, or reason, and the subiects are bound to obey them in all things, such are Kings: but the power of the Iudges did extend to no other thing, then to that vvhich vvas vvritten in the law, in so much that Kings might doe vvhatsoeuer the law doth not forbid; but Iudges might onely doe that, vvhich the law commanded: So that the power of those Iudges vvas but little.

53 First, because it vvas giuen them freely by the people, neither had [Page 114] they more authority then the people gaue them, and they vvere chiefly chosen to make vvarre against the enemies, for vvhich cause they vvere called Sa­uiours. And although after they had ouercome their enemies, the people had no great neede of them, yet by the consent of the people they remained afterwards as long as they liued in their authoritie to iudge. And if any one obiect, that the power of the Iudges vvas not giuen them by man but by God, for as is vvritten Iudic. 3. God raised them a Sauiour called Aod: I answere, saith Abulensis, that the Iudges vvere made by the election of the people, and from the people they receiued a limited power, but they vvere not chosen by the people alwaies after one manner. For some vvere made Iudges, because God commanded them, that they should fight for the people; so vvas Barac: For the prophetesse Debbora tolde him on the behalfe of God, that he should fight against Sisera Iudic. 4. and yet after he had wonne the battell, he vvas not yet a Iudge, or Prince of the Israelites, but because the people saw, that God vvould deliuer them by the meanes of Barac, they chose him for their Iudge. So also it happened concerning Gedeon. For the Angel of our Lord did appeare vnto him, and commanded him, that he should goe to deliuer Israel from the hand of Madian Iudic. 6. And vvhen he victoriously finished the warre, the Israelites tooke him for their Iudge; neither vvould they onely haue made him their Iudge, but also their Lord and King, as it appeareth, Iudic. 8.

54 Others vvere taken for Iudges not by the commandement, but by the instigation of God, to wit, because when the Israelites were oppressed vvith these calamities, and vvanted a Sauiour, God gaue his spirit to cer­taine men, by vvhich they vvere couragious, vvise, and most fit for vvarres, vvhom the Israelites seeing did take for their Iudges, and then God vvas said to haue raised to them Sauiours: So it is to be vnderstood of Hotho­niel, and Aod Iudic. 3. Other Iudges vvere made onely by the vvill of the people, to wit, because when they were in distresse, they inquired who was a fit man among them to be Captaine in their warres; And sometimes they tooke not those that were vertuous, but onely who were exercised in warre. So Iephte was chosen Iudic. 11. vvho vvas a Prince of theeues, vvhom the Israelites, because they saw him fit for warre, desired to be their Captaine and Iudge. And sometimes the Iudges were made onely by fauour, and as it were by violence of the people, as vvas Abimelech the sonne of Gedeon, Iudic. 9. to whom also by the sedition of the Sichimites was giuen the title of a King. And vvhen it is obiected, that God raised a Sauiour, I an­swere saith Abulensis, that it is not to be vnderstood, that God commanded any one to be Iudge, by creating him, and giuing him a certaine manner of authoritie, but that God did incite the Israelites by some one of the wayes aforesaid to make some their Iudges, and yet afterwards it depended vpon the will of the people to receiue them, or reiect them, and to giue them so much authoritie, as they pleased.

[Page 115]55 Secondly, the authoritie of the Iudges was not deriued by suc­cession to their posteritie, but it remained in the power of the people, one Iudge being dead, to choose another, or to choose none at all: But to the greatnesse of authoritie it appertaineth to haue power to deriue it to their posterity; as those things are properly ours, concerning which wee may ap­point others to inherite, for in other things we are rather Administrators, or Procuratours, then Lords, or hauing dominion, and Seigniorie. And the difference of this power to be a Iudge from that, which by succession is transferred to posteritie, is manifest by the example of Gedeon; for when Gedeon was a Iudge in Israel, the Israelites being desirous to exalt him to greater honour, for the great victory he had against the Madianites, saids vnto him, haue thou dominion, or Seignorie ouer vs, and thy sonne, and thy sonnes sonne, that is, all of thy posteritie, but he being contented with the principalitie, or preheminence of a Iudge, would not ac­cept thereof, saying, I will not haue dominion, or Seigniory ouer you, to wit, by exercising the power of a Lord, or King, neither shall my sonne haue dominion, or Seigniory ouer you, but the Lord shall haue domini­on, or Seigniory ouer you, and neuerthelesse he kept the principalitie of a Iudge, so long as he liued. Thirdly, the Iudges could not impose tributes, or other taxations vpon the people, but they liued vpon their owne proper reue­nues, as other priuate persons, except those things which by right appertained to them in warre: because it was a custome among all nations, that in vvarre a certaine peculiar part of the spoyle should belong to the Prince, or chiefe Captaine, as it appeareth by the decrees, dis. 1. cap. ius mi­litare, &c.

56 Fourthly, the Iudges were not Lords, neither had they any power, dominion or Seigniorie ouer the people, but they were only Captaines or Lea­ders, for as much as concerned those things, which belonged to their office, whereof I will speake beneath. And in this there was a difference betwixt Kings and Iudges: for Kings were Lords of the people of Israel, and they had power to doe whatsoeuer they would, which was not against the law; therefore they called the Israelites their seruants, as Saul called Dauid his seruant, 1. Reg. 22. and Dauid called the Israelites his seruants, 2. Reg. 20. but the Iudges were not called Lords, as it appeareth by those former words of Gedeon, refusing to haue that degree of principallitie, according to which Princes are called Lords, and said to haue dominion or Seigniorie ouer the people. Neither were these called Iudges of iudging,Abulens. q. 11. in Praefat. lib. Iudic. but as a Iudge is taken for a name of a certaine little principalitie. For there is this difference betwixt a Lord and a Iudge; for a Lord signifieth one, who hath simply power, dominion or Seigniorie, and he hath power to doe what he will, although it be not ordained by the law: But a Iudge is he, who hath not a li­bertie to command, but he can onely command that, which the lawes command, and he hath a power giuen him to define according to the law, and therefore [Page 116] he who is subiect to a Iudge, is not subiect to the man, but to the law, but he that is subiect to a Lord, is subiect to the man. And because the principali­tie of these Iudges or Sauiours, was such, that they could doe nothing ac­cording to their owne wils, as Kings and Lords could doe, but that onely, which reason, and the law did dictate, they were called Iudges, because Iudges haue the like principalitie.

57 Fiftly & lastly the office to which the Iudges were assumed, was to fight for the people against their enemies, as it is manifest by the institution of the Iudges. For Iudic. 2. it is said, that whensoeuer the Israelites were in the hands of their enemies, God raised vp Iudges, that should deliuer them. And the same also is euident by the peculiar institutions of the Iudges: for it is said of Hothoniel, who was the first Iudge, that when the Israelites were oppressed by the King of Mesopotamia, God raised them vp a Sa­uiour called Hothoniel Iudic. 3. and the like is said of Aod in the same chapter; and of Barac chap. 4. and of Gedeon chap. 6. and of Iephte chap. 11. and so of the rest: and concerning the warres these Iudges had full power, for all things whatsoeuer belonged to warfare were at their dispose, and in this all the Israelites did obey them, as in all warres the chiefe Captaines haue this full power concerning militarie discipline. But the warres being ended, these men remained as it were priuate persons, to wit, that they had not any Dominion or authoritie: but yet they were alwaies very much ho­noured by the people, and sometimes the gouernment of Cities was commit­ted to their charge, that they might dispose of them as Princes. So Iair had thirtie sonnet, who were Princes of thirtie Cities Iudic. 10. But to iudge of causes was not directly the office of these, albeit sometimes it was committed to them, especially when they were Prophets, and prudent men. So was Sa­muel, who was the last Iudge of Israel, and euery yeere he went about all Is­rael, and iudged the people in three places, to wit, in Bethel, Galgatha and Masphath. Thus writeth Abulensis, who also affirmeth, that although Moyses and Iosue were greater then these Iudges, for that they were chosen and appointed by God, not onely to bc Captaines of the Israe­lites in the time of warre, but also to be their Iudges and Gouernours, yet he denyeth, that Moyses himselfe was properly a Lord or King of the Israelites, but rather that he was chosen to be their Law-maker and Prince, not by manner of reigning, or hauing properly dominion, but ratherAbulensis q. 8. in cap. 6.2. Paralip. per modum iudicantis, by manner of iudging.

58 And by this you may plainly see, in what manner the tempo­rall gouernment of the Iewes, and not the spirituall, was altered by the institution of Kings: for that the supreme temporall power or domi­nion, which before their institution did reside in the whole multitude, or people of Israel, was after their institution wholly translated to the King: But that the course of the law was changed, and turned vpside downe in fauour of Kings, or that the spirituall gouernment of the [Page 117] high Priests was altered by the institution of Kings, is a meere fiction. For the same spirituall authoritie and superioritie that the Priests had before the institution of Kings, they kept also after their institution, and as all the people of Israel, in whom the supreme spirituall power did before reside, were neuerthelesse subiect in spirituals to the high Priests; so also were Kings afterwards subiect also in spirituals to the same high Priests, although in temporals they were supreme, and the high Priests subiect and inferiour to them.

59 And therefore to auoide tediousnesse I will omit to relate Mr. Fitzherberts text, which he setteth down, in the three next pages to prooue, that the law of God was not altered and turned vpside downe by the institution of Kings, and that the institution of Regall authori­tie did not worke any alteration of the diuine law touching the autho­rity of the high Priest, and matters belonging to Religion, nor brought any preiudice to the Ecclesiasticall dignitie, nor did derogate from the obedience due to the high Priest in matters meere spirituall, nor from the Soueraigntie of the spirituall power and function in things spiri­tuall: for of this there is no controuersie for ought I know, albeit Mr. Fitzherbert saith, that his Aduersaries, but who they are I know not, neither doth he expresse who they be, doe make question about the same. And therefore supposing that the high Priest retained the same spirituall power, authoritie and dignitie after the institution of Kings, which he had before their institution, I will proceede to the examining of Mr. Fitzherberts arguments, which he bringeth to proue, that in the old law the high Priests were superiour not onely in digni­tie and nobilitie, but also in power and authoritie to the Kings, as well in temporall as spirituall causes, and that the Kings might be chastised temporally by the high Priest.

SECT. II.

Wherein all Mr. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the old law since the institution of Kings are at large examined; and first his argument taken from the authoritie of Priests and Prophets to create, annoint, chastise and depose Kings is disprooued; second­ly, Widdringtons answeres to the examples of Queene Atha­lia deposed by Ioiada the high Priest, and of King Ozias depo­sed by Azarias the high Priest, are confirmed, and whatsoeuer D. Schulckenius obiecteth against the said answeres is related and answered, and thirdly, it is shewed, that the authoritie of S. Chrysostome brought by my Aduersarie, to confirme the example of King Ozias maketh nothing for him, but against [Page 118] him, and that in vrging this authoritie he dealeth fraudulenty, peruerteth S. Chrysostomes meaning, and also contradicteth Card. Bellarmine.

THe first argument, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth out of the old law since the institution of the Kings of Israel, is taken from their institution creation, and vnction. For almightie God, sayth Mr. Fitzherbert, nu. 14.15. pag 76. ordained that the Kings should re­ceiue their very institution, creation and vnction from the high Priests and Prophets. Whereupon it followeth from the vndoubted maxime of the A­postle,Hebr. 7. that the said Priests and Prophets were superiour to Kings: for si­ne vlla contradictione, sayth the Apostle, quod minus est a meliore be­nedicitur; without any contradiction the lesse is blessed by the better: which argument S. Chrysostome vseth in like manner saying, Chrysost. de verbis Isa. hom. Deus ipsum Regale caput &c. God hath subiected the very head of the King to the hands of the Priest, teaching vs, that this Prince (to wit, the Priest) is greater then the other, for that which is lesse receiueth benediction from that which is more worthie. So he, who vrgeth also to the same end, that the Kings in the old Testament were annointed by Priests, and inferreth thereupon, that maior hic principatus, the principalitie of the Priest is greater then the Kings. Ibid. hom. 4. Whereby he also acknowledgeth, that the Priests of the old Testament were superiour to Kings. And what meruaile, seeing that the said Kings were not onely created and annointed, but also chastised, yea deposed sometimes by Prophets and Priests?1. Reg. 9. Ibid. cap. 16. 4. Reg. 9. 3. Reg. 19. 4. Reg. 11. Samuel first created and anoynted Saul, King of the Iewes, and after deposed him for his offences, and anointed Dauid to reigne in his place. In like manner the kingdome of Israel was translated from the children of Achab to Iehu by the Prophet Elizaeus; and the kingdome of Syria from Benhadab to a subiect and seruant of his called Hazael, by the Prophet Elias. Also in the kingdome of Iuda the wic­ked Queene Athalia &c.

2 But this argument only prooueth that, which is not in con­trouersie betwixt me, and my Aduersaries, to wit, that the Priests, and Prophets were superiour to Kings in spirituall affaires, and also that the spirituall power is more noble, excellent, and worthie then the temporall, as spirituall things doe in worth, dignitie, and nobilitie excell temporall things, For to annoint, create, institute, and de­pose Kings, in that manner as Kings in the old law were annointed, created, and deposed by Priests, or Prophets were spirituall, and not temporall actions.Qu. 38. in c. 1. lib. 3. Reg. For the annointing of Kings was a religious ce­remonie and appertained to the office of a Priest, especially when it was done with solemnitie, and as well obserueth Abulensis, it did direct­ly belong to Priests, seeing that it was a sacred thing, and sacred oile was powred vpon them, the making and handling whereof did belong onely to [Page 119] Priests; yet sometimes it was done by Prophets for want of Priests; to wit, when by no meanes it could be done by Priests, as when it was secret, and vnknowne whom God would haue to be annointed for King, for if it were manifest, who was to bee annointed, hee was annointed by Priests; so was Salomon, and afterwards Ioas, and so it is to be thought of all others, who were annointed, for that the kingdome did belong to them by hereditarie succession: but sometimes it was vnknowne, who was to bee annointed, to wit, when one was annointed, to whom it did not appertaine by right of succession, and this was done by the commandement of God, for seeing that the will of God was not made manifest but to the Prophets, it could only be knowne by them who ought to bee annointed, and that it might bee done more secret­ly, it was done by them: and so it was in all the aforesaid examples: for Saul was annointed not by succession, seeing that hee was the first King of Israel: Dauid also was not annointed by succession, for the children of Saul ought to succeede; Iehu also who was not of the race of the Kings of Israel, and he was annointed to ouerthrow the house of Achab:4. Reg. cap. 9. 3. Reg. cap. 19. and Asael was not of the issue of the Kings of Damascus, and he was annointed by Elias to persecute the Israelites. Thus Abulensis.

3 So likewise the creation, institution, and deposition of Kings in that manner as the aforesaid Kings were created, instituted and de­posed, were spirituall, not temporall actions. For the Prophets did not create, institute, or depose Kings by their owne proper authoritie, or by any ordinarie power of theirs, but only by an extraordinarie power, as they were meere messengers, and sent by God with a peculiar and extraordinarie message, or ambassage, to create, institute, or depose the aforesaid Kings, whereupon they did not speake in their owne names, but in the person of almightie God, saying, this saith the Lord I haue annointed thee to bee King, or the Lord hath sent me to annoint thee to bee King, or, the Lord hath reiected thee that thou shalt not bee King, and hath deliuered it to thy neighbour better then thy selfe: So that the aforesaide creations, institutions, and depositions were onely declarations of the will of God, which without all doubt are spirituall actions. Neither from hence can it bee rightly concluded, that therefore the Priests of the old law had authoritie to create, depose, or chastise Kings tempo­rally, or that Kings were subiect to Priests in temporalls, because some­times Prophets were sent by God, as his messengers, to declare his will and to tell them, that God would create, depose, or chastise them with temporall punishments.

4 And who would not blush to heare a man, who taketh vpon him to bee learned, and to be a teacher of others in such difficult and dangerous points of Diuinitie, vrge such pitifull arguments to prooue matters of so great moment, as is the dethroning of Kings, and abso­lute Princes, and the subiecting of them to Priests in temporall af­faires. [Page 120]A Priest hath power to blesse the King and all the people, as it is vsuall at the ende of Masse, therefore the King, and all the peo­ple are subiect to the Priest in temporall things, for without any con­tradiction, saith the Apostle, the lesse is blessed by the better. The father hath authoritie to blesse his sonne, who is a King, and consequently supreame in temporalls, therefore without doubt hee is greater then his sonne in temporalls. One of the Kings priuie chamber is sent by the Kings expresse order to declare to one, that it is his Maiesties plea­sure to make him Lord Chancelour, therefore without doubt one of the Kings priuie chamber hath authoritie to make one Lord Chance­lour. If God almightie had giuen to the Priests, and Prophets of the old testament, authoritie to denounce to the King or people concer­ning temporall affaires, as is the creation, or deposition of King, and Princes, not only what God himselfe had reuealed vnto them, and commanded them to denounce, but also what according to their owne will and iudgement they thought fit, and conuenient, then there might bee drawne from thence a good argument, to prooue, that Kings were subiect to the Prophets in temporall affaires, but seeing that it was not lawfull for the Prophets of the old law in such cases to commaund, or denounce to the King, or people, but that which by some cleare and assured reuelation God had commanded them to declare and signi­fie concerning such temporall affaires, it is manifest that no coloura­ble argument can be drawne from thence to prooue, that the Priests or, Prophets of the old law had authoritie to create, institute, depose, or punish Kings temporally.

5 Neither doth S. Chrysostome cited by my Aduersarie teach any other thing, then that Kings are subiect to Priests in spiritualls, and that the office of a Priests is in worth, dignitie, and nobilitie greater, and more excellent then the office of a King, for that a King hath power only ouer earthly things, but a Priest ouer heauenly, to the Priest are committed soules, to the King bodies, the King taketh away the spots of the bodie, the Priest the spots of sinnes, &c. But St. Chrysostome neuer meant, that Kings▪ were subiect to Priessts and Prophets in tem­poralls, or were to be punished by them temporally, but hee affirmeth the cleane contrarie, to wit, that Priests and Prophets are subiect to tem­porall Princes: Omnis anima, &c. Let euery soule, saith he,Hom. 23. in c. 13. ad Rom. bee sub­iect to higher powers, albeit thou be an Apostle, albeit an Euangelist, al­beit a Prophet, or lastly whosoeuer thou be; for this subiection doth not o­uerthrow pietie, and hee doeth not say simply, let him obey, but let him be subiect. And againe S. Chrysostome affirmeth,In that place aboue cited by my Aduersarie, & l. 2. de Sacer. [...]nto med. that a Priest hath not so great power granted him to punish delinquents, and to compell a man to change his euill manners, as a temporall Iudge hath, to wit, by for­cing him with temporall punishments, but only, by reproouing, and gi­uing [Page 121] a free admonition, not by raising armes, by vsing targets, by shaking a lance by shooting arrowes, by casting darts, but onely saith hee againe, by reproouing and giuing a free admonition.

6 Neither also can Mr. Fitzherbert sufficiently conuince, that when Dauid was first annointed by Samuel, Saul was forthwith depri­ued of his Regall authoritie, or right to reigne, but onely that Dauid was instituted the future King and heire apparant to the Crowne, and to succeede him after his death; as likewise when Salomon was annoin­ted King, Dauid was not thereby depriued of his Regall authoritie, but only Salomon was declared to be the future King, and to succeede Dauid in the kingdome. But howsoeuer it be, it is little to the present controuersie, whether Saul, after Dauid was annointed by Samuel, was true King de facto, & de iure, or Dauid King de iure, & Salomon de facto, for that Samuel in that businesse was only a messenger of GOD, and did nothing by his owne proper authoritie, but onely what GOD by a peculiar reuelation did commaund him to doe. And so if almightie GOD should now in the new Testament by any vndoub­ted reuelation command a Priest to deliuer this message to such a King, that for the sinnes hee had committed, hee would depriue him of his kingdome, and giue it to another mor vertuous then hee, no man will deny, but that this Priest hat good and full power and authoritie to doe that message, but from hence to ar­gue an ordinarie power to bee in Priest, to giue and take away kingdomes were ridiculous, and vnbeseeming a man but meanely learned.

7 The second argument, which M. Fitzherbert maketh, is taken from the example of Queene Athalia. Also in the kingdome of Iuda, saith he,P. 77. nu. 15. 4 Reg. 11. the wicked Queene Athalia ws deposed by Ioiada the high Priest, and Ioas set vp in her place. But now our Aduersaries to answere this ex­ample fo Athalia doe say &c. But before I come to examine, what M. Fitz­herbert obiecteth and answereth concerning this example, I thinke it not amisse to set downe, what I answered to the said example in my A­pologie Apol. nu. 364 & seq. and Theologicall Disputation, Disp. Theol [...] in Admon. nu. 6. and what Doctor Schulckenius, of whom M. Fitzherbert hath beene bould to borrow his answeres with­out acknowledging so much, hath replyed to the same. Thus therefore Card. Bellarmine argued from this exampleL. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 8..

8 The second example, saith he, is 2. Paralip. 23. Where when Athalia had tyrannically vsurped the kingdome, and did maintaine the worship of Ba­al, Ioiada the high Priest called the Centurions and souldiers, and commanded them to kill Athalia, which also they did, and for her he created Ioas King. For that the high Priest did not counsaile, but command, it is apparant by those word 4. Reg. 11. And the Centurions did according to all things that Ioaida the Priest had commanded them. Also by those words 2. Pa­ralip. [Page 122] 23. And Ioiada the high Priest going forth to the Centurions, and captaines of the armie, said to them, Bring her (Queene Athalia) forth without the precinct of the temple, and let her be killed with the sword without. And that the cause of this deposition and killing of Athalia was not only her tyrannie, but also for that she did maintaine the worship of Baal, it is manifest by those words, which are set downe immediately after her killing, Therefore all the people, saith the Scripture, entred into the house of Baal, and destroyed it, and they brake his altars, and his ima­ges,Simulachra. Mathan also the Priest of Baal they slew before the Altars.

9 To this example I answered first, that if this argument of Card. Bellarmine were of any force, as in very deede it is not, it would also de­monstrate, that the Pope hath power to depriue Soueraigne Princes both for heresie, Idolatrie, and also tyrannie, not only of their dominions, but also of their liues, which, although I haue beforeNum 43. & seq. & num. 329.euidently dedu­ced to follow manifestly from his doctrine, yet he now bringing this example of Athalia (who by the commandement of Ioiada the high Priest was deposed and also slaine) for proofe of his opinion, doth cleerely insinuate the same. That this is clearely deduced from his doctrine, I proued principally by this argument: for that, according to Card. Bellarmines doctrine, the Pope is the supreme Prince of all Christians, yea and of Soueraigne Princes, not only in spiritualls, but also in temporalls in order to spirituall good, and that in order to the same spirituall good he hath a most ample power in temporalls, and so great, that greater there cannot be, and consequent­ly he hath as great, and ample authoritie ouer temporall Princes in tem­poralls in order to the same spirituall good, as temporall Princes haue in temporalls ouer their subiects in order to temporall good, but tem­porall Princes haue in order to the common temporall good, not only authoritie to depriue them of their liues, but also, if the crime be pub­like, and notorious, or if the knowne, and manifest perturbers of the common temporall good be so potent, that they cannot without dan­ger of rebellion, and great manslaughter be apprehended, the Prince may without citation, defence, or processe, condemne them in their absence, and without their priuitie, (as there I proued out of Nauarre,Nauar. in Manual. cap. 25. num 10.and Sayrus)Sayrus lib. 7. Thesauri cap. [...]1. num. 11.and also he may giue leaue to priuate men to kill such notorious malefactors by poyson, or in any other publike, or se­cret manner, therefore the Pope may in order to spirituall good proceed in the same manner with temporall Princes, who in order to spirituall good are according to Card. Bellarmines doctrine subiect to the Pope in all temporalls.

10 Which doctrine of Card. Bellarmine, and others of his Societie, whose bookes haue beene therefore condemned, and some of them burned by a publike decree of the Parliament of Paris, how dangerous, [Page 123] and preiudiciall it is, not only to the supreme authoritie of absolute Princes, who in temporalls are supreme, and subiect to none but God alone, by whom only with temporall punishments they can be punish­ed, as I haue proued in other places by the common consent of all the holy Fathers, and ancient Diuines, but also to their persons and liues, I haue insinuated else where, and leaue it to the consideration of any iudicious man, especially considering that Popes are also now temporall Princes, and subiect to humane infirmities as other men are, who with the passions of ire, enuie, couetousnesse, and desire to augment and en­large their temporall States and Dominions, may not only be moued, but vnder pretence also of aduancing, or defending the common spiri­tuall good, may be sometimes ouercome; and moreouer, that, accor­ding to the doctrine of Card. Bellarmine, it belongeth to the Pope to iudge what hindereth, hurteth, or aduanceth the spirituall good, nei­ther must his iudgement, or sentence be contradicted by any man, as it is declared in can. Patet, and can. Aliorum 9. q. 3.

11 Now you shall see,D. Schulcke. in Apolog. ad num. 363. pag. 556. in what a shuffling manner D. Schulckenius would shift of this argument. And first heere he remitteth himselfe to the numbers 43. and 329. before cited, where he saith that he hath cleere­ly answered the argument; but how cleerely, or rather obscurely he hath answered the same, you shall presently perceiue. For as touching the principall argument, which I did set downe at large in the 43. number and seq. and haue briefely signified the same aboue, first he concealeth the whole proofe of my consequence for sixe entire numbers together, and he only answereth thus: I answere, saith he,Pag. 144. that so prolixe a dis­course is needlesse: for there is none but seeth to what all this doth tend; nei­ther is it a hard matter to solue the arguments; let them passe as not making to the purpose. For I haue aboue not once only commended that not able sen­tence of Pope Leo the great, and receiued by the Church in vse, and practise, Ecclesiastica lenitas refugit cruentas vltiones; Ecclesiasticall Lenitie doth shunne bloody reuengings, or punishments: And afterwards he maketh a long discourse, that no Pope hath ouer commanded the killing of Princes, or caused them to be slaine by priuie murtherers: and that Princes neede not to feare, that any Pope will plot the death of any Prince. Wherefore let Wid­drington cease by vaine words to put Secular Princes in feare, and to make the Pontificall power to be odious. The Pontificall power is instituted by the Sauiour of mankind for the saluation, and not for the destruction of Prin­ces. These arguments doe tend to no other end, then to prouoke the hatred of Princes against the Pope; for otherwise Widdrington was not ignorant, that Ecclesiasticall, especially Pontificall lenitie doth shunne bloody pu­nishments.

12 But first whether D. Schulckenius by this his answered doth in­tend to acknowledge, that the Pope in order to spirituall good hath au­thoritie [Page 124] to take away the liues of wicked Princes, by all those waies publike, or priuate, by which temporall Princes haue authoritie in or­der to temporall good to take away the liues of their wicked and re­bellious subiects, which I intended by that argument to conuince, in this place he speaketh doubtfully, and in expresse words doth neither say I, nor no, yet afterwards he doth plainly enough affirme the same, saying,Cap 9. ad nu. 229. pag. 413. that Ecclesiasticall lenitie, for as much as concerneth the punish­ment of death, doth shunne bloody punishments, not for that it doth by the law of God want power to doe the same, but because it doth not beseeme the Ministers of Christ: and againe, It doth not belong, saith he,Cap. 10. ad num. 318. pag. 490. to the Eccle­siasticall Court to giue sentence of death, not because the Church cannot abso­lutely giue this sentence, but because it is not decent. And the Pope him­selfe might, if he should iudge it expedient, both giue this sentence, and also grant by a dispensation, that other Priests might doe the same. For we haue nothing, whereby it is forbidden, but the positiue Ecclesiasticall law, wherein the Pope by the consent of all men may dispence.

13 Secondly, this Doctor doth egregiously, and against Christian charitie, and iustice abuse my innocencie, in misconstruing my good intentions, which, God is my witnesse, are most pure and sincere. For it was neuer my meaning, to make the Sea Apostolike odious, or dread­full to Christian Kings, and Princes, but only to find out the Catholike truth plainly and sincerely in a matter of such great importance, which doth so neerely concerne the supreme authoritie of all temporall Prin­ces, and the due obedience, which all subiects, of what religion soeuer they be, doe by the law of Christ owe to them in temporall matters▪ It is rather this Doctor, and such as embrace his desperate principles, who by this their false, seditious, scandalous, and new broached damnable doctrine, and vnknowne to the ancient Fathers, and the primitiue Church doe seeke, as much as lyeth in them, to make the Sea Apostolike odious and dreadfull to all Christian Princes, and subiects. And if it be so easie a matter to answere my aforesaid arguments, as this Doctor af­firmeth, why then doth he not answere them, but shifteth them ouer, with a let them passe as not pertaining to the purpose? Is it not to the pur­pose, that Card. Bellarmine, and his followers should force vpon the Christian world the doctrine touching the Popes spirituall power to de­pose temporall Princes, as a point of Catholike beliefe, from which such absurd, dangerous, desperate, scandalous, seditious consequents, and not heard of before these miserable times, doe euidently follow?

14 But such strang nouelties must with shufflings, and shiftings be cunningly couered, and must not be cleerely knowne to Soueraigne Princes, and their subiects, least forsooth they make the Sea Apostolike o­dious and dreadfull to Christian Princes. As thought it were likely that Christ our Sauiour would giue to S. Peter, and his Successours any spi­rituall power, which should be a sufficient cause to make the Sea A­postolike [Page 125] odious to Christian Princes, or that the knowledge of true Ca­tholike faith either concerning the Popes spirituall power to take away the crownes or liues of Christian Princes, or concerning any other thing could be a sufficient cause to make the Sea Apostolike odious to Christian Princes, more then the knowledge of true Catholike faith concerning the power of temporall Princes to take away the tempo­rall goods, and liues of their subiects can be a sufficient cause to make temporall authoritie odious to Christian subiects. Hostis Herodis impie Christum venire quid times, said Sedulius, who flourished about the yeere 430. Non eripit mortalia, qui regna dat caelestia, which is English­ed thus. That Christ is come why doest thou dread, O Herode, thou vngod­ly foe, He doth not earthly Kingdomes reaue, that heauenly King­domes doth bestow: But Herode might iustly haue replyed, if this new broacht doctrine were true, yes I haue great cause to feare, for that not only Christ, but S. Peter also, and his Successours haue by their ordina­rie commission authoritie to bereaue mee not onely of my kingdome, but also of my life.

15 And the same answere, which is also conforme to the doctrine of all the ancient Fathers, would Sedulius haue made to any Christian King, who should haue feared, that the Pope by his spirituall power might depriue him of his kingdome and life: to wit, that he neede not to feare the Popes power in that respect, for that Christ our Sauiour hath giuen to the Apostles and their Successours the keyes of the king­dome of heauen and not of earthly kingdomes, to absolue from sinnes, not from debts, to binde the soule with the bond of anathema and not with chaines of Iron.

16 But although the Pope should haue power ouer the liues of Princes in order to spirituall good, yet Princes, sayth this Doctour, need not to feare, that the Pope will plot the death of any Prince, for that no Pope hath euer commanded the killing of Princes, or caused them to be slaine by priuie murtherers, and it is well knowen, that Ecclesiasticall lenitie shunneth bloodie punishments. But first, if the Pope haue such a power, it is euident, that it is in his free choise and curtesie, to take away the life of any wicked Prince in order to spirituall good, as it is in the curte­sie of a temporall Prince to take away the life of any wicked subiect in order to temporall good. Secondly, that the Pope is also bound, as I prooued against Suarez, to proceed against a Christian Prince, See Apendix to Suarez part. 1. sec. 9. nu. 6. & seq. who is a knowne heretike, or persecutor of the Church, or publike enemie to spirituall good, in that manner, and by all those waies, publike or se­cret, by which a temporall Prince is bound to proceed against a pub­like traitour, a notorious robber and murtherer by the high way side, and a knowne enemie to the common temporall good.

17 Thirdly, if no Pope hath euer plotted the death of any Chri­stian [Page 126] Prince the reason heereof I thinke to be, for that there was neuer any Pope that held this newly inuented, and neuer before heard of bloody doctrine, that the Pope as Pope, or by vertue of his spirituall power, which by the law of Christ shunneth bloodie punishments, might in order to spirituall good depriue any man of corporall life, or concurre to the effusion of blood: And therefore if those Popes, who haue been so vehement to maintaine their pretended power to depriue Princes of their kingdomes, had duely considered, what odious, de­testable and bloodie conclusions doe euidently follow from that do­ctrine and position, I make no doubt, but that they would likewise from their heart haue detested, abhorred and vtterly forsaken, and cau­sed to haue beene hissed out of Christian schooles the doctrine and premisses, from whence such horrible, hatefull and abhominable con­clusion is are so cleerely and certainly deduced. Fourthly therefore, although it be most true, that Ecclesiasticall lenitie doth shunne bloo­bie punishments, yet it is not for that the law of Christ doth forbid Ec­clesiasticall persons to concurre in any case to the effusion of blood, nor onely for that Ecclesiasticall persons are by the Popes lawes, which by force of the lawes doe not bind the Popes themselues, commanded not to inflict in any case bloodie punishments, or not to vse the mate­riall sword, but also for that it is not lawfull, according to the law of Christ, for Ecclesiasticall men, as they are Ecclesiasticall men, or for Popes, as they are Popes, or by vertue of their Ecclesiasticall power, to inflict temporall punishments, or which is all one, as I obserued beforePart. 2. ca. 9. out of S. Bernard, to vse the materiall sword.

18 Now you shall see how fraudulently, and insufficiently D. Sculckenius answereth this my argument at the number 335. where briefly I did onely touch the same, for at the number 43 & seq. where at large I prooued the same, he cunningly, as you haue seene, passeth it ouer, onely with, It is not a hard matter to solue the argument, let it passe as not belonging to the matter. That which Widdrington doth adioyne in the end, sayth hepag. 510., that from the doctrine of deposing Princes it doth mani­festly follow, that the spirituall Pastour may giue leaue to priuate men to kill by any arte, or stratageme an hereticall Prince, as a certaine wolfe, is a most horrible slander, like vnto which I know not, that the breast of man hath at any time so despitefully vttered. Act. 8. I see plainly, that Widdrington is in the gall of bitternesse, and the obligation of iniquitie. For seeing that the opinion of Bellarmine is commonly receiued by the Catholike Church, and also con­firmed by most frequent practise, whilest my Aduersarie Widdrington doth propound and debate it as spitefully as possibly he can, he seemeth to haue no other purpose, then to bring the Vicar of Christ his Father and Pastour, whether he will or nill, into the hatred, and that most great of Princes, and to make all Catholike Diuines and Lawyers to be odious, yea and plainly, and [Page 127] of set purpose to sound the alarme, to call Princes to armes against the Church of God, but iniquitie will belye it selfe.

19 For it is one thing to depose one for a iust cause; and another thing to kill him by priuie murtherers. For it is oftentimes lawfull for one to depose, who may not lawfully kill, and oftentimes that is a cause of a iust de­posing, which would not bee a cause of a iust killing: wherefore whatso­euer it be concerning the trueth of the consequent, which is not called in question, neither doth it make to the purpose, the consequence, which my Ad­uersarie Widdrington doth inferre, is denied whilest he argueth thus: The Pope hath power to depose Princes, therefore also to kill them, &c. for from the power to depose doth not follow the power to kill. And to con­firme it by examples: A Father may for some cause depose his sonne from the right due to the first begotten sonne, yet hee may not kill him, or giue leaue to kill him. A Master may depose a seruant from his office, yet hee may not kill him. A King may depose a Magistrate from his gouernment for some offence, for which hee may not iustly kill him. A Biship may de­pose a Clerke, and yet hee may not foorthwith kill him. The Pope may sometimes depose a Bishop, and yet hee may not for the same cause iustly bereaue him of his life.

20 But▪ to omit the railing and slanderous speeches of this vncha­ritable Doctour, whereof I haue spoken somewhat aboue, and which more plainely will be discouered by laying open his manifest fraude, and fallacious dealing in answering my argument, marke, good Reader, I beseech thee, how foulely and shamefully hee seeketh to delude thee, in proouing the consequence of my argument not to bee good, but to bee false, and a most horrible slander, and whether of himselfe, or me that saying of the Prophet is verified, mentita est iniquitas sibi, Psal. 26. iniquitie hath belyed her selfe. For it is one thing, saith this Doctour, to depose one for a iust cause, and another thing to kill him by priuie murtherers. Who maketh any doubt of this? and oftentimes, saith hee, one may lawfully depose, who may not lawfully kill, and oftentimes that may bee a cause of a iust d [...]position, which is not a cause of a iust killing: And of this also speaking in generall, and abstracting from a supreame power to depose and kill, and from the crimes for which one may lawfully bee deposed or killed there can be made no question. But what of all this? how can it from hence bee concluded, that from the doctrine of the Popes power to depose hereticall or wicked Princes in order to the publike spirituall good, which was the antecedent proposition of my argument, it doth not manifestly follow, that the Pope in order to the same spirituall good hath not also power to kill hereticall and wicked Princes and knowne perturbers of the common spirituall good, by all those wayes pub­like or priuate, and by all those Artes and Stratagemes, by which temporall Princes in order to the publike temporall good may [Page 128] kill publike malefactours and perturbers of the publike tempo­rall peace.

21 Wherefore, whatsoeuer it be, saith he, concerning the truth of the con­sequent, which is not called in question, nor maketh to the purpose, the conse­quence, which Widdrington inferreth, whilest he concludeth thus, The Pope hath power to depose Princes, therefore also to kill them, &c. is de­nied. But first, I would gladly know, wherefore this Doctor saith, that the truth of my consequent, which is, that the Pope hath power to kill Prin­ces, is not called in question, nor maketh to the purpose. For if his meaning be, as it seemeth to be, that no Catholike affirmeth, that the Pope hath power to kill Christian Kings, for otherwise he would not so bouldly haue said, that I, by vrging this argument, did impose vpon the Vicar of Christ a most horrible slander, like vnto which the breast of man hath neuer so des­pitefully vttered, then, I say, the consequence of my argument is good, and to the purpose, and it proueth, that my Aduersaries, by teaching, that the Pope hath power to depose Christian Princes, and not I, who doe not maintaine that doctrine, doe consequently impose that most hor­rible slander vpon the Vicar of Christ, our common Father, and Pastour.

22 For wherefore, thinke you, doth this Doctour deny the con­sequence of my argument? Marke, I pray you, his fallacious reason, and how he fraudulently altereth my argument, and cunningly chan­geth both the subiect and predicate of my antecedent proposition, vpon which my consequence, and consequent doe wholly depend. For it doth not follow, saith he, from a power to depose a power to kill. I neuer saide, that from a power to depose in generall, doeth follow a power to kill, abstracting both from the persons, who are to depose and kill, and from the crimes, for which the persons that may bee deposed, may bee killed: but my argument did specifie in particular, as well the per­sons, who were to depose and kill, as the causes and crimes for which one may by them bee deposed or killed. And I affirmed, that from the doctrine, that maintaineth the Popes power to depose hereticall Princes, and publike enemies to the common spirituall good, it doeth euidently follow, that the Pope in order to the same publike spi­rituall good hath also power to kill such Princes: and that therefore this argument was good; The Pope in order to the common spirituall good hath power to depose absolute Princes, if the crime deserue depo­sition, therfore in order to the same spirituall good he hath power also to kill them, if the crime deserue corporall death.

23 And the reason, or ground of my consequence was, for that, according to the doctrine of Card. Bellarmine, and those that maintaine the Popes power to depose Soueraigne Princes, for this cause and reason they grant vnto the Pope a power to depose Princes in order to spirituall [Page 129] good, for that they graunt the Pope to haue in order to spirituall good [...]otestatem summam in temporalibus, so great a power in temporals, that none can be greater, and therefore as great a power in temporals, as [...]emporall Princes haue. Whereupon they are not afraid to affirme, [...]hat all Christian Princes, Kings, Emperours and Monarches are the Popes subiects in temporals in order to spirituall good, as other infe­ [...]iour persons are subiect to temporall Princes in temporals in order to [...]emporall good: But a temporall Prince hath in order to temporall good authoritie not onely to take away the lands and liues of their [...]ubiects, if the crime deserue that punishment, and the common tem­porall good doth require the same, but also, if the crime be publike and notorious, and the malefactours, or perturbers of the publike tempo­ral good be so potent, that without rebellion, or great temporall harme [...]hey can not be apprehended, he hath authoritie to condemne them [...]riuately, and in their absence, without any processe, citation or de­ [...]ence, and afterwards to giue licence to any priuate man to bereaue [...]hem of their liues by any arte or stratageme, and by any publike or [...]riuie way: therefore the Pope according to these desperate grounds [...]nd principles, which graunt him potestatem summam in temporalibus, [...]ath the like authoritie ouer temporall Princes in order to spirituall good, who, according to this false and scandalous doctrine, are in or­der to spirituall good subiect to the Pope in temporals. This was my [...]rgument.

24 wherefore, my consequence was onely concerning the Pope, [...]o whom is therefore graunted by my Aduersaries a power to depose Princes, for that he hath in order to spirituall good potestatem summam [...]n temporalibus, so great a power in temporals that none can be greater: for [...] supreme power in temporals doth necessarily include a power both to depose and kill, if the crime deserue the same. And therefore who would not admire, or rather pitie, that so learned a man, as is he, who [...] reputed to be the true Authour of this booke, should bring such vn­ [...]earned instances from those, who haue not a supreme power in tempo­ [...]als, or if they haue from a crime, which doth not deserue death, to im­ [...]ugne my consequence, which speaketh both of one, who is supposed [...]o haue a supreme power in temporals, and also of a crime, which is so [...]eynous, that according to the law it deserueth death, if it were com­mitted by subiects or priuate men.

25 For the consequences of those fiue examples, which this Do­ [...]tour hath brought to impugne my arugment, are all defectiue, either [...]or that the persons, who are to depose, and therefore to kill, are not [...]upposed to haue supreme power in temporals, to wit, euery Father, Ma­ [...]ter or Bishop; or else, because the crime, for which the persons there [...]pecified may be deposed, doth not deserue so great a punishment, as [Page 130] is death. But if we once suppose a Father, Master and Bishop to haue a supreme power in temporals ouer their sonnes, seruants and Clerkes, as the Pope is supposed by my Aduersaries to haue ouer all Christian Princes, and also the crime to deserue death, then, I say, it doth euident­ly follow, that if such a Father hath power to depriue his sonne of his inheritance, he hath also power to depriue him of his life, not for that a power to kill is necessarily annexed to euery power to depose, but to such a power to depose, which is a supreme power ouer all temporals, or rather for that a power to depose and to kill, to take away goods, and life are necessarily included in euery supreme power to dispose of all temporals. And therefore all the shuffling shifting and cunning of this Doctour will neuer be able to weaken the force of my conse­quence, but this consequence will euer remaine good and strong, that if the Pope hath power to depriue temporall Princes of their king­domes, for that he is their supreme Lord in temporals in order to spi­rituall good, it doth necessarily follow, that he hath power also to de­priue them of their liues, if the necessitie of the common spirituall good require the same. And therefore, although the opinion of Card, Bellarmine be receaued, not by the Catholike Church, as this Doctour vn­truely affirmeth, but by many Catholike Doctours, and confirmed by the often practise of many later Popes, yet alwaies contradicted by Ca­tholike Kings and subiects, neuerthelesse, if these Catholike Doctours and Popes had duely considered, what odious and detestable conse­quences doe follow from that opinion, they would forthwith in my iudgement haue detested the premisses from which such hatefull con­clusions, (and which this Doctour seemeth here so greatly to abhorre, that he feareth not therefore to accuse me of imposing a most horri­ble slander vpon Christs Vicar) are most cleerly and certainly deduced.

26 Wherefore to conclude this point, that which this Doctour answereth secondly, concerning Athalia, who was slaine by the com­mandement of Ioiada the high Priest, is nothing to the purpose. To this argument, sayth he,Pag. 556. I answere now, that examples are to be taken ac­cording to the conuenience of the matter and persons. In the old Testament Priests did make warre, and fight with the rest of the Israelites against their enemies, but in the new Testament Priests doe abstaine from the shed­ding of blood, and if they find any to be worthy of death, they deliuer them ouer to the Secular power to be punished. But this, I say, is nothing at all to the purpose: For my argument was not concerning inferiour Priests, but onely concerning the Pope, neither also what Popes in practise, and de facto doe, but what according to the institution of Christ they haue authoritie to doe. Now it is euident and approoued by the com­mon consent of Catholike Diuines, that the shedding of blood is not by the institution of Christ forbidden either the Pope, or inferiour Bi­shops [Page 131] and Priests, who therefore with the Popes licence make warre, and concurre directly to the effusion of blood, as oftentimes they haue done, yea now at Rome all effusion of blood by a iuridicall sentence, and condemning malefactours to death, and all making of warres by the Popes subiects are deriued from the Popes authoritie, not as he is Pope, but as he is a temporall Prince; for that which I contend is, that Priests neither in the old law, nor in the new, as they are Priests, or by their Priestly power, haue authoritie to condemne any man to death, or to inflict any temporall punishment, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, or the like.

27 Secondly and principally to this example of Athalia I answered,Apolog. nu. 366. & seq.that it is vntrue, that Ioiada the high Priest, did, as Card. Bellarmine af. firmeth in this place, create Ioas King, that is, did giue him a right, or true title to reigne, which before he had not, seeing that the true domi­nion and right to the kingdome, did by hereditarie right belong to Ioas, presently after the death of his brethren, whom wicked Athalia had treacherously slaine, although Athalia did tyrannically vsurpe the possession thereof: For it is not vnusuall for one to possesse sometimes either with a good, or bad conscience, that thing whereof another man is the true lord or owner; And therefore betwixt right and posses­sion a great difference is commonly made by all Diuines and Lawyers. Wherefore Ioiada in killing Athalia did no other thing, then what euery faithfull subiect ought to doe in such a case. For seeing that for his innocent life, opinion of sanctitie, and the dignitie of his office, he was in great veneration among the people and Peeres of the kingdome, his authoritie, or fauour did preuaile so much with them, that all men with vniforme consent would very easily be drawen, especially by his perswasion to kill the treacherous vsurpresse, and to seate the lawfull King, who was vniustly detained from the possession of his kingdome, in the possession thereof. But this did onely argue the strength and power of Ioiada, and his great fauour with the people and Peeres, and not any authoritie in him to create a King, who by right was not a law­full King before.

28 Wherefore from this example of Athalia nothing at all can by any true, or probable consequence bee concluded in fauour of Car­dinall Bellarmine: because from the holy Scripture it cannot sufficiently be gathered, either that Athalia was by the commandement of Ioiada slaine for Idolatrie, but onely for manifest tyrannie, for that shee had cruelly murthered the Royall issue, and had vniustly vsurped the king­dome, the true heire being aliue, and therefore shee could not bee the lawfull Queene, or that Ioiada the high Priest did command her to be slaine by his owne proper authoritie, but by the consent of the King, Peeres, and people. And therefore this example doeth nothing auaile [Page 132] to proue, that true Kings, and Princes (albeit heretikes, and Idolaters) who are in lawfull possession of their kingdomes, may bee depriued of their kingdomes, or liues by the Popes authoritie.

29 This second, to wit, that Ioiada the high Priest did onely by his aide and counsell sollicite, and not by his owne proper authoritie, but with the consent of the States command in the Kings name Atha­lia to bee slaine,2. Paral. 23.is manifest by those words; And in the seuenth yeere Ioiada taking courage tooke the Centurions, &c. and made a couenant with them (to wit, to kill Athalia, and to seate Ioas the Kings sonne, and lawfull King in the possession of his kingdome, which shee had vniust­ly vsurped) who going about Iuda, saith the Scripture, gathered together the Leuites out of all the cities of Iuda, and the Princes of the families of Israel, and they came into Hierusalem. Therefore all the multitude made a couenant with the King in the house of GOD: And Ioiada said to them, Behold the Kings sonne shall reigne, as the Lord hath spoken, vpon the sonnes of Dauid: which words the Glosse expounding, 4. Reg. 11. writeth thus. Heere is described the institution of the true heire, (whom also hee calleth the due King) through the carefulnesse of Ioiada the high Priest, seeking thereunto the assent, and aide of the Princes, and Nobles of the kingdome, when it is saide, And hee made a couenant with them. Wherefore that commandement, which Ioiada gaue to the Centuri­ons to kill Athalia, did proceede from that former couenant, which before hee had made with them, and the King. And therefore as eue­ry priuate subiect may, and ought to command any man in the Kings name to aide him for the apprehending of a traitour to his Prince, and Countrey without hauing any authoritie proper, or peculiar to him to doe the same, so it is not necessarie, that any peculiar authoritie to command bee giuen to Ioiada, onely for that hee with the consent of the King, and the comon wealth commaunded Athalia vniustly vsur­ping the kingdome to bee slaine: although wee should vnderstand that commandement of Ioiada, of a commandement being taken strictly, and not largely, or commonly, in which sense to command doth little differ from to counsell, or perswade.

30 But the first, which is affirmed by Cardinall Bellarmine, to wit, that Athalia was slaine not onely for tyrannie, but also for idolatrie (albeit if this were true, it nothing auaileth to prooue, that a true, and law­full Prince although an Idolater may lawfully be slaine, seeing that it is manifest, that Athalia was not a true and lawfull Queene, but an vsurper of the kingdome, the true heire being aliue) hee very insuffi­ciently concludeth from they holy Scripture, seeing that he relateth not truely those words, which doe immediately follow the killing of A­thalia. For those words, Therefore all the people entred into the house of Baal, and destroyed it, and they brake his Altars and his Images, doe not [Page 133] immediately follow either 4. Reg. 11. or 2. Paralip. 23. the killing of A­thalia, as Cardinall Bellarmine vntruely affirmeth (intending to proue from thence that shee was slaine for idolatrie) but these wordes doe immediately follow her killing: And Ioiada made a couenant betweene himselfe and all the people, and the King, that they would bee the people of the Lord: and after them doe immediately follow those words rela­ted by Cardinall Bellarmine; Therefore all the people entered into the house of Baal, and destroyed it, &c. Wherefore these last words, which he bringeth for his onely ground, are not so much to bee referred to the killing of Athalia, as to the couenant made after Athalia was slaine betwixt Ioiada, the people, and the King, that they would bee the peo­ple of God; through which couenant made with God, that they would bee his people, they were mooued to destroy the house of Baal, and his Images. Therefore Cardinall Bellarmine doeth not well conclude from this place, that Queene Athalia was slaine either by the proper authoritie of the high Priest, (as hee was high Priest) or for Idolatrie in doing worship to Baal. And although wee should also graunt him both, yet how vicious it is to draw an argument from the kil­ling of an vnlawfull Queene and vniustly vsurping the kingdome to prooue that a true King, who is an Idolater, may lawfully bee slaine, any man that is not voide of naturall reason may presently perceiue. Thus I answered to this example of Athalia in my Apologie.

31 Now you shall see what a weake, fallacious, and slanderous Reply D. Schulckenius hath made to this my answere. I answere, saith hee,Pag. 558. that Athalia without doubt did tyrannically inuade the kingdome, but seeing that shee ruled peaceably for sixe yeeres, it is credible, that by little and little by the consent of the people shee did get a lawfull right to the king­dome. For so many Kings, who are Tyrants in the beginning, are after­wards by the consent of the people made lawfull Princes. Surely Octaui­an Augustus himselfe, who is numbred among the best Princes did oppresse the common wealth by force, and armes, and spoiled her of her libertie, yet afterwards by the consent of the people hee began to bee accounted a law­full Prince, and did lawfully transfer the Empire to his posteritie. Otho killed Galba, Vitellius killed Otho, Vespasian killed Vitellius, Philip killed Gordian, and yet they were all saluted Emperours by the Senate, and people of Rome. How did the Ostrogoths inuade and possesse Italie, the Visigothe Spaine, the Francks France, the English Britanie? and yet afterwards by the consent of the people they were accounted lawfull Kings of those Dominions.

32 But any man though of meane vnderstanding may easily perceiue the weakenesse of this his first Reply. For first the maine controuersie betwixt mee, and Cardinall Bellarmine, as I haue often [Page 134] signified in other places, at this present onely is, whether it be certaine, and a point of faith, and by demonstratiue arguments it can be con­uinced, that the Pope hath power to depose temporall Princes, and hee pretendeth to demonstrate the same, and therefore hee calleth the contrarie opinion, not so much an opinion, as an heresie, and his doctrine to bee the doctrine and voyce of the Catholike Church which euery Christian is bound to heare and follow, otherwise hee is to bee accounted as a Heathen, and a Publicane, and now this Doctour for proofe of this his new Catholike faith bringeth a bare cre­dibile est, it is credible, or which in sense is all one, it is not incre­dible, that although Athalia was without doubt an vsurpresse in the beginning, yet afterwards by the consent of the people shee was lawfull Queene, or did get a lawfull right to the kingdome, as though a bare credibile est, and sleight coniectures of his owne inuention are suf­ficient proofes to demonstrate a matter of so great moment, as is the Popes authoritie to take away the kingdomes, and liues of Soue­raigne Princes, who in temporalls are subiect to none, but to GOD alone.

33 Obserue now, good Reader, the reason, for which this Doctour affirmeth, that it is credible, that Athalia did by little and little by the con­sent of the people get a lawfull right to the kingdome: Because, forsooth, shee reigned peaceably sixe yeeres together: as though either sixe yeeres pre­scription, or peaceable possession is sufficient to giue to a most cruell Tyrant and Vsurper, a true and lawfull right to the kingdome, which he hath tyrannically vsurped, especially the true and lawfull heire be­ing aliue, or thar sixe yeeres peaceable possession can be a credible pre­sumption, that the whole common-wealth hath giuen their free, hear­tie and altogether willing consent, that the said vsurper should be their true, and rightfull King: or thirdly, that the common wealth can de­priue the true heire, and rightfull King of his right to the kingdome without any fault, or negligence committed by him, and giue it to an­other, who hath no right thereunto. For it is the common doctrine of the Lawyers,Molina de Inst. trac. 2. disp. 69. & 74. as Molina well obserueth, that ten yeeres, at the least, are required, that a priuate man may against another priuate man get by prescription a lawfull right to any immoueable thing, as lands, hou­ses, or the like, which hee bona fide, with a good conscience possesseth: and to get a lawfull right by prescription, to those lands, or houses, which belong to the Crowne, and yet may bee prescribed by a pri­uate man, are required a hundred yeeres: for those things, which are intrinsecally due, and proper to the Prince in signe of subiection due to him by his subiects, as is the paying of tributes, and which doe be­long intrinsecally to his supreame temporall power, as to punish offen­ders, to bee subiect to the lawes, to appeale to him from inferiour [Page 135] Iudges, cannot by any subiect, by continuall possession of neuer so long a time be prescribed: besides that, it is a common and approued rule of the law,Regula pos­sessor de Reg. iuris in 60. and all Diuines that write de Iust. & Iure. as So­tus, Salon. Aragona &c. that whosoeuer possesseth any thing with a bad conscience can neuer prescribe, or get a lawfull right to the thing which he posses­seth. See Molina tract. 2. de Iustitia disput. 72. 73. 74. and Lessius disp. 2. cap. 6. dub. 8. & 12.

34 And therefore can any man be so senselesse as to imagine, that only sixe yeeres possession are sufficient for a notorious tyrant, and manifest vsurper, who therefore can not with any probable presumpti­on be thought to possesse with a good conscience the kingdome, to get by prescription a lawfull right to a whole Realme, against the true and rightfull heire, who is liuing? There is this deceipt, Gregor. Tho­los. lib. 26. de Repub. cap. 7. num. 4. saith Gregorius Tho­losanus, of Tyrants, or Vsurpers, that after they haue inuaded the king­dome, they would be partakers of the titles, or rights of the true Princes, whom they haue dethroned, by vsing the generall Assemblies of the people, or by forcing the authoritie of some Superiour: which neuerthelesse doth not make them not to be true Tyrants, and not to be contained in the lawes of Tyrants; vnlesse, as some are of opinion, after they haue vsurped the kingdome, they wholy resigne that authoritie, and submit their forces with their person to the iudgement of those, who may lawfully giue the kingdome; or vnlesse after they haue by tyrannie obtained the kingdome, they with their progenie doe by prescription get a lawfull right to the Soueraigntie by possessing it a hundred yeeres or more.

35 Secondly, there is no likelihood, that if Athalia had demanded the consent of the people, or common wealth, whereof neuerthelesse there is no mention made in the holy Scripture, they would haue giuen their free, hearty, and willing consent thereunto. And first, as noteth Abulensis, Q. 4 i cap. 11. lib. 4. reg. for that she was a woman, and it was a disgrace to them to haue a woman, who especially had no title to the kingdome, to rule o­uer them by their owne free and voluntarie consent. Secondly, for that she was greatly hated by the people, both because she had most barba­rously murthered her owne sonnes children, and all of the blood Roy­all, and also for that she was daughter to Achab, whom the people of Iuda did grieuously hate, because by the meanes of his issue many mis­chiefes happened to them, to wit, for that the house of Achab had in­structed the Kings of Iuda in euill; and for this the people of Iuda suffe­red many euills for the sinnes of their Kings, as it fell out in the time of Ioram, who was a most wicked man by reason of the alliance hee had made with the house of Achab, for this Ioram married this wicked Athalia, who was daughter to Achab: and for this God sent enemies into the land of Iuda who destroyed a great part thereof, and they spoi­led all the substance that was found in the Kings house, as it may be seene 2. Paralip. 21.

[Page 136]36 Moreouer seeing that there had beene so long strife, and con­tention betwixt the tribe of Iuda and the people of Israel about the So­ueraignitie (for there was neuer true and constant amitie betwixt them, and the tenne Tribes from the time of King Ieroboam to Achab the fa­ther of Athalia) it is not credible, that the people of Iuda would now yeeld vp the bucklars, and freely without feare and compulsion giue there consent, that Athalia, a woman, and not of their tribe, an Idola­ter, an Vsurper, and who barbarously massacred all the Royall issue of the lineage of King Dauid, should now reigne ouer them, and sit in the throne of King Dauid, to whom they knew God had promised, that his seede should reigne ouer the people of Israel for euer.

37 Besides, that the people did not giue their consent heartily, willingly and freely, that Athalia should reigne ouer them, or at the most that can be imagined, only vpon supposition that there was none of the blood Royall left aliue, it is manifest by the great ioy, which all the people tooke at her death,4. Reg. 11. & 2. Paral. 23. and at the crowning of King Ioas, Laeta­tusque est omnis populus terrae, saith the Scripture, & ciuitas conquieu [...]t, And all the people of the land reioiced, and the Cittie was quiet: for that they saw their King, saith Abulensis,In fine cap. 11. sit peaceably in his throne, and because whilest Athalia liued the people were greatly troubled, but now she being slaine all were quiet. I said heartily, willingly and freely, because the consent of the common wealth in the approbation of such a King ought to be most free; for if it be enforced from them by any feare or violence it is not be accounted a suffiicient consent, but a constraint or compulsi­on, as may easily be gathered from the doctrine of Gregorius Tholosa­nus before related: and also because the contract betwixt the King, and the Common wealth is a certaine kind of marriage, wherein as in carnall, and also in religious matrimonie by making a solemne vow to GOD in an approued Religion, if the consent be not most free, it can not be called a sufficient consent, but a constraint, and the contract is not of force before GOD, as all Diuines, and Lawiers doe affirme; but the people of Iuda had iust cause to feare the crueltie of so barbarous a wo­man, who feared not to murther her owne grandchildren, and all the blood Royall, and therefore by all likelihood would not spare any other, that should resist her tyrannie.

38 Lastly, it is not credible, that the people, and Princes of Iuda would freely, and willingly consent to such a new, and exorbitant action, as to make an Idolatresse their rightfull Queene, without the consent of the Priests, and Leuites, and that the Priests, and Leuites would giue their free consent, without the priuitie and approbation of the high Priest, whose office was to instruct, and direct the people in all difficult matters concerning the law of GOD: But it is euident, that the high Priest neither did, nor would his free consent, if it had [Page 137] beene demaunded, to such a wicked action, both for that he should haue beene a traitour to his lawfull King, whom he kept secret in the house of GOD for feare of Athalia, and also for that he should haue transgressed the law of GOD, in honouring an Idolatresse with the true title of a lawfull Queene, who was to be put to death according to the law; which is not to be presumed of so holy a man, as Ioiada was, whose aduise so long as King Ioas followed, he did not fall from GOD, according to that of 4. Reg. 12. And Ioas did right before our Lord, so long as Ioiada the high Priest taught him. And therefore this consent of the people, which this Doctour faigneth, is altogether incredible, and is neither grounded in the holy Scripture, nor in any other probable rea­son. Neuerthelesse I will not deny, but that Athalia being the Kings mother, and hauing in his absence the custodie of his Pallace, treasure, and forces, and also hauing cruelly slaine all her grand children, (as she, and the people also thought) might haue many fauourers, either for feare, or gaine, but that the people, Princes, and Priests, did either in any publike assembly, which representeth the body of the common wealth, or also in their hearts without any such assembly, giue their free consent to make that wicked Athalia their rightfull Queene, it is altogether improbable, and hath no colour at all of credibilitie.

39 But be it so for Disputation sake, that the people, imagining vpon a false ground, that none of the blood Royall, and who by inheri­tance had a lawfull right to the Kingdome of Iuda, were aliue, were content, that Athalia should be their rightfull Queene, yet that this consent of the people did giue her a true lawfull right to the King­dome, the true King, and rightfull heire being aliue, as this Doctor affir­meth, is a very false, and seditious doctrine, and iniurious to the true rights of all Soueraigne Princes, who haue right to their Kingdomes by inheritance, but especially of those of the Kingdome of Iuda, which by a peculiar, and speciall promise of GOD, was giuen to King Dauid, and his seede for euer, from whom Queene Athalia did not descend. And therefore Fa. Becanus, who in the former edition of his Controuersia Anglicana taught this pestiferous doctrine, fearing belike least it would haue beene censured by the Vniuersitie of Paris, as in very deede it had beene,As it may appeare by the Acts of the Facultie of Pa­ris held in their ordinarie Congregation the first day of February in the yeere 1613. if some had not cunningly preuented the same, by procuring it to be first condemned at Rome By apeculiar decree against his booke dated at Rome the third day of Ianuarie 1613. by a speciall command of his Holinesse (as containing in it somethings, which are false, temerarious, scandalous, and seditious respectiuely) vntill it should be corrected, was carefull, that in the later Edition of his booke, which was forthwith published, this dan­gerous position should be quite blotted out: And yet this Doctour fol­lowing therein Card. Bellarmine in his booke against D. Barclay, is not afraid most desperately, and seditiously to renew the same. But with what strang paradoxes, and seditious doctrines these vehement mani­tainers [Page 138] of the Popes authoritie to depose Princes, and to dispose of all temporalls, being so famous for their learning, so reuerent for their Or­der, so great in authoritie, so potent by friends, and so violent in main­taining their nouelties, wil in the end infect a great part of the Church of Christ, whereof these men are accounted to be the chiefe pillars, vnlesse God by his infinite mercy preuent their exorbitant courses, I tremble to consider, and how little beholding are Soueraigne Princes to such ex­trauagant Writers, who will also haue their people, who are subiect to them, to haue authoritie ouer them in temporalls, and to take away their lawfull right, which they haue to their Crownes, and to giue it to another, who by inheritance hath no true right thereunto, and that without any fault, or negligence committed by them, any prudent man may easily perceiue.

40 To conclude therefore this point, that which this Doctor ad­deth concerning those Emperours and Kings, who although in the be­ginning were Tyrants, and Vsurpers, yet afterwards by the consent of the people, and of those, who had true right to those kingdomes, were made lawfull Princes, are nothing like to this example of Queene Atha­lia: and all those examples are particularly answered by Mr. Iohn Bar­clay Cap. 38. paragraph 2. against Cardinall Bellarmine, who also in the very like words vr­ged the same: Neither can they be rightly applied to the kingdome of Iuda, which by the expresse promise, and appointment of almightie God was due to the posterity of King Dauid: neither was it in the power of the high Priests, Princes, and people without violating the ordinance of almightie God to transferre the kingdome of Iuda from the race of King Dauid to another tribe, and especially to an Idolatresse, as was wic­ked Athalia, who by the Law of God, as being a subiect, was comman­ded to be put to death.

41 Wherefore this, which this Doctor in the end adioyneth [to wit, that the Scripture doth manifestly teach, that Ioiada together with the people did make Ioas King, and they made him King, 4. Reg. 11. & 2. Paralip. 23. & cap. 24. Ioas was seuen yeeres old when hee beganne to raigne, where the beginning of his kingdome is put from the death of Atha­lia, and his institution to be King: and although before his coronation the Scripture called him King, 2. Paralip. 23. this was onely by anticipation as a designed King, and therefore hee was first called King, and afterwardes it is said, he shall raigne, because he was a King not present but future] this I say is either a manifest equiuocation, or a plaine vntruth; for if he meane, that they did make him King, that is, did put him in possession of his kingdome, which was wrongfully, and tyrannically kept from him by Athalia, or which is all one, they did make him King, de facto, or to raigne, de facto, this is most true, and the Scripture doth plainely shew the same; but if he meane, that they did make him King, de iure, [Page 139] and giue him his right to the kingdome, as though before their ma­king him King he had not right to the kingdome, and was not King, de iure, it is most false, and also implieth a very seditious doctrine, to wit, either that those, who are Kings by hereditarie succession, doe not, as other heires, albeit they be in minoritie, succeede in all their Fathers rights presently after he is departed the world, or else that the people may depriue them of their lawfull right to the kingdome, without any fault, or negligence committed by them.

42 And to this I plainely answered before, as you haue seene, in my Apologie, by declaring the sense of those equiuocall words, they created, or made Ioas King: sort I said in expresse words, [that it is vn­true, that Ioiada the high Priest, did create Ioas King, as Cardinall Bellar­mine affirmeth, that is, did giue him a right to reigne, which he had not before, seeing that presently after the death of his brethren, whom wicked Athalia had treacherously murthered, the true dominion, and right to the kingdome did by inheritance belong to Ioas, although Athalia did tyrannically keepe the possession.] For as soone as a King is dead, the next heire apparant to the Crowne is foorthwith the lawfull King, neither doth his annointing, crowning, or acceptance of the people giue, but onely confirme his former Kingly right. And this is so cleere, that neither Cardinall Bellarmine, nor this Doctour, if they be not the same person, dare deny the same: but such false and seditious positions cannot but by equiuocations with any shew of credibilitie be maintained. If this Doctour had declared the ambiguitie of those words [they did make him King] as I did, the Reader would quickly haue perceiued, that out of those wordes of holy Scripture it cannot be prooued, that Ioiada with the people did make Ioas King, that is, did giue him a lawfull right to the kingdome, which before he had not, but onely, that they did make him King de facto, and put him in pos­session of his kingdome, whereof before he was King de iure, although the possession was tyrannically kept from him by Athalia. And thus much concerning the incredibilitie of this Doctours credibile est.

43 Now you shal see, how weake, fallacious, and slanderous are the other Replies of this Doctor to the rest of my answere. For whereas I af­firmed, as you haue seene, that Ioiada in killing Athalia did no other thing, then which euery faithfull subiect ought to doe in such a case, this Doctor very falsly, and slanderously affirmeth, that Widdrington doth heere in plaine words giue occasion to subiects to rebell against their Kings, and to kill them, and if they thinke, that any man hath by an ill title vsurped the kingdome, they may, and not onely may, but also are a bound to kill such a King, &c. But marke his words, I answere, saith he,Pag. 560. that my Aduersary Widdrington hath sometimes falsly and slanderously obiected to Bellar­mine, that he should giue occasion to subiects to rise vp against their Kings [Page 140] and to kill them: and nor he in plaine words doth teach the same. For Atha­lia a Kings wife, a Kings mother, and now her selfe a Queene reigned peace­ably the seuenth yeere, she was accused by no man, condemned by no Iudge, and yet Widdrington doth contend, that it was lawfull for the high Priest (who according to his opinion, and words was a subiect) to exhort the people to rebellion, and with the Peeres and people to conspire against the Queene, and to kill her.

44 But, saith Widdrington, she had vsurped the kingdome tyrannically, I answere, Be it so; but now the people assenting, shee reigned the seuenth yeere. Who gaue to subiects authority ouer their Prince peaceably reigning? Who iudged at that time Athalia to be a Tyrant, not a Queene, if she did not acknowledge a Superiour to her? Let my Aduersary Widdrington di­ligently consider, whether it be not by farre more dangerous to the life of Kings and Princes, and to the safetie of Kingdomes and Common-wealths, to giue power to the people, and to subiects, to rebell and conspire, and at the last to kill Kings, whom they (rashly oftentimes and falsly) account Tyrants, then to say, that in the Pope, as head of the vniuersall Church, and Christs Vicar, is a iudiciall power to iudge Kings, and if the deserue it to depose them Why doth he not adde also to kill them, as Ioiada did Athalia.: For who maketh any doubt, that Kings are safer, if they be subiect to the Popes equity, and grauity, to which Christ hath subiected them, then if they be subiect to the rash leuity the people, to which my Ad­uersary Widdrington doth subiect them?

45 Euery faithfull subiect, saith Widdrington, ought to doe in the like case, that Ioiada did by killing Athalia. Ʋ Ʋhat did Ioiada? Athalia a Kings wife, a Kings mother, hauing killed all the Royall issue (as it was thought) had vsurped the kingdome of Iuda, possessed the same peace­ably now the seuenth yeere: Ioiada the seuenth yeere commanded her to be slaine, she suspecting no such thing: and declared Ioas to be King. The same saith my Aduersary Widdrington, euery faithfull subiect in the like case ought to doe: that is, euery faithfull subiect, if he thinke, that one hath by an ill title vsurped the kingdom, may and not onely may, but also altogether ought to kill such a Prince, notwithstāding that he hath possessed the kingdom peaceably now many yeeres, that all the people haue obeyed him many yeeres, that this Prince acknowledgeth no Superiour, that he is not rightly, or as it should bee, accused, heard, condemned to haue vsurped the kingdome by an ill title.

46 I declare it by an example. Let vs suppose, that Elizabeth did by an ill title vsurpe the kingdome of England, and that the same by all right was fallen to the most excellent, and most holy Mary Queene of Scotland, and after her to her sonne now the most excellent, and most potent King of great Brittaine. In the meane time Elizabeth possessed the kingdome peace­ably for many yeeres; and did gouerne all things belonging to Kingly functi­on no man contradicting, that shee was condemned by no man, what doe I say [Page 141] condemned? that shee was accused by no man to vsurpe the kingdome tyran­nically; what ought the subiects here to doe? Euery faithfull Subiect, sayth my Aduersarie Widdrington, ought in the like case to doe that Ioiada did by killing Athalia, that is, he ought to kill Queene Elizabeth, and to trans­ferre the kingdome to Mary and her sonne.

47 Behold O Kings and Princes, you haue one, who is carefull of your securitie. So obseruant of your Royall Maiestie are they, who doe violate and calumniate the Pontificall authoritie. Euery subiect, saith Widdring­ton, not onely may, but also ought to doe in the like case that Ioiada did. O miserable state of Princes, whose kingdome and life is subiect to the iudgement of euery priuate man? If Card. Bellarmine had written the like thing, what tumults would not my Aduersarie Widdrington make? what clamours would he not raise? Thus writeth this Doctour.

48 But how false, fraudulent and vnconscionable is this Doctours Reply, I haue most cleerely conuinced heretofore.Disp. Theo­log. in Admo­nit. nu. 6. For I neuer affir­med, as this Doctour most slanderously and shamefully imposeth vpon me, that euery faithfull subiect, if he thinke any one to haue by an ill title vsur­ped the kingdome, not onely may, but also ought to kill such a King. I onely said, that Ioiada in killing Athalia did no other thing then that eue­ry faithfull subiect ought to doe in the like case. Nowe this Do­ctour cleane altereth the case, and turneth it from the case of Ioiada in killing Athalia, which was this: Athalia daughter to Achab king of Israel, and wife to Ioram King of Iuda, and mother to Ochozias King Iorams sonne, who then reigned, hearing that her sonne King Ochozias was slaine by Iehu, did cruelly murther all the Kings stocke of the house was Ioram, as she thought, thereby to vsurpe the kingdome her selfe. But Iosabeth King Iorams daughter, the sister of Ochozias, and the wife of Ioiada the high Priest, taking Ioas the sonne of Ochozias, stole him out of the middest of the Kings children, that were slaine, and his nurce out of the bed-chamber, and hid them in the temple, where they liued with Ioiada, and Iosabeth sixe yeeres, in the which Athalia reig­ned ouer the land. But in the seuenth yeere Ioiada taking courage (for all the time before both Ioas was very yong, and now began to haue some vnderstanding, and hee also feared the power of Arthalia, and by little and little procured the fauour of the people and souldiers to take his part in so iust a cause) sent for the Centurions, and commu­nicating the whole matter with them, made with them a couenant ad­iuring them in the house of our Lord, to wit, that they would con­stantly take his part in putting downe Athalia, and setting vp Ioas the lawfull heire and rightful King, from whom Athalia had now six yeeres tyrannically kept the kingdome, who going about Iuda gathered toge­ther the Leuites out of all Iuda, and the Princes of the families of Israel, and they came into Ierusalem.

[Page 142]49 And then Ioida brought them into the temple, and shew­ed them the Kings sonne, saying to them, Behold the Kings sonne shall reign, as our Lord hath spoken vpon the sonnes of Dauid: and all the mul­titude made a couenant with the King in the house of God. Then Ioiada gaue order and commandement to the Centurions, in what man­ner they should stand in the temple with their souldiers to guarde the Kings person, which the Centurions performed according to all things that Ioiada had commanded them: and after he had giuen them the speares and weapons of King Dauid, which were in the temple, with commandement, that if any person should enter into the temple to disturbe them, he should be slaine, he brought foorth the Kings sonne, and put the crowne vpon him, and the testimonie, and they made him King, and anointed him, and clapping with their hands said, God saue the King. Which noise when Athalia being in the Kings Palace neere to the temple heard, shee went into the temple, and seeing the King stan­ding vpon the tribunall seate according to the manner, and the Princes and the companies about him, and the singers, and trumpets neere him, and all the people reioycing, and sounding the trumpets, shee rent her garments, and cryed, A Conspiracie, a Conspiracie; Treason, Treason. But Ioiada the high Priest commanded the Centurions that were ouer the armie not to kill her in the Temple, but that shee should bee slaine with the sword without, and that whosoeuer should follow her should bee stroken with the sword: And they laid hands vpon her, and when shee was entred within the gate of the horses of the Kings house they killed her there. Thus it its written 4. Reg. 11. 2. Para­lip. 23.

50 This therefore, as you see, was the case of Ioiada in com­manding Athalia to bee slaine. Ioiada, not onely being the high Priest, and therefore next in authoritie to the King (for that next to the King there was none greater among the people then the high Priest)Abul. q. 15. in c. 11. l. 4. Reg. but also being the Kings vncle by his wife, and the Kings Protectour and Guardian, did put in possession of the kingdome of Iuda, Ioas the Kings sonne being but seuen yeeres old, to whom the kingdome by the right of inheritance did appertaine, whom hee kept secretly in the tem­ple for sixe yeeres together, and therefore did not onely by probable coniectures thinke, but hee did certainely know, that hee was the lawfull King: and neuerthelesse before hee would accomplish the same, hee communicated the matter with the Centurions, and Princes of the people, and made a couenant with them: and hee also caused Athalia to bee slaine, not onely for that shee had most tyrannically and barba­rously vsurped the kingdome, by killing all, as shee thought, of the Kings issue, but also for that shee sought to make an open rebellion a­gainst the annointed King, crying out in the Temple in the presence [Page 143] of the new crowned King, of the high Priest, being the King Vncle and Protectour, of all the Peeres and people, a Conspiracie, a Conspiracie, Trea­son, Treason. And this, I say, Ioiada, and euery faithfull subiect in such a case, that is, hauing the protection of the true, and whom for certaintie he knew to be the rightfull King, not only might, but also, if it were in his power, was bound to doe: neither dare this Doctour vnlesse he will rashly and seditiously teach a most false and pernicious doctrine, deny the same.

51 But marke, I pray you, how learned Abulensis answereth to this question, whether Ioiada was bound to make Ioas King, that is, put him in possession of the Kingdome, to which he had right by here­ditarie succession. It was, saith he,Q. 15. in cap. 11. lib. 4. Reg. a manifest sinne, that Athalia should vsurpe to her selfe the kingdome, Ioas being aliue, to whom it did by lawfull right appertaine, therefore Ioiada was bound to doe as much as lyed in his power, that Ioas should not by Athalia be depriued of his right to the king­dome, therefore he was bound, when it did lye in his power to make Ioas King. Secondly, this is manifest, because Ioiada was in a certain manner by his office to make Ioas King, because after the King there was none greater among the people, then was the high Priest, and then there was no King, therefore it belonged to Ioiada, as to the high Priest, to redresse the agreeuances, which happened among the people: and this was the greatest agreeuance, that the King should be depriued of his right, and therefore Ioiada was in this bound, as much of lied in his power, to procure a remedy by annointing Ioas King, to whom the kingdome did of right belong. Thirdly, this is manifest, because euery man is bound to execute the knowne will of God, forasmuch as it doth preiudice charity, or some commandement of God, but God had said, that of the seede of Dauid there should bee Kings for euer, and it was not against charitie, or any other commandement of God, alwaies to an­noint Kings of that tribe: therefore Ioiada was bound as much as lied in his power, to accomplish that will of God, to wit, that hee should annoint Ioas King: And this was that, whereon Ioiada grounded himselfe, when he an­nointed Ioas King, saying to the people, Beholde the Kings sonne shall raigne, as our Lord hath spoken, ouer the sonnes of Dauid: 2. Paralip. 23 [...]. as though hee should say, because God commanded, that the sonnes of Dauid should alwaies reigne, therefore we ought to annoint this for King, who was of the stocke of Dauid.

52 And as concerning the killing of Athalia, the said Abulensis Ibidem [...] ▪ 20. writeth thus: I answere, that it was lawfull for Ioiada to command Atha­lia to be slaine. For the cause was iust, to wit, for that she intended to kill the King, seeing that she had vsurped the Kingdome; and also she was guiltie of death for many other causes; or she had slaine all the Kings sonnes, and she was a disturber of the people, and a corrupter of the worship of GOD, seeing that she brought in the worship of Baal into Ierusalem, and had made there a [Page 144] temple, and had Priests; Therefore any one of these things were sufficient, that she might be slaine. Also it was lawfull for Ioiada in regard of the power. For that now (that is, the King being in his minoritie) he was the Prince of the people as being the high Priest, who was alwaies the greatest Iudge in Israel, from whose sentence it was not lawfull for any man to appeale vnder paine of death, or to contemne in any wise his commandement. Deut. 17. (Neuerthe­lesse the high Priest was subiect to the King in temporalls, and might be iudged by him, as the said Abulensis before affirmed, where he assig­ned the difference betwixt a Iudge, and a King.) Also, it was lawfull for Ioiada in regard he now represented the Kings person. For he made a coue­nant in the place, or person of the King with all the people, and with GOD, and he represented the Kings person in all things, for that he had hitherto kept him hidden, and now he annointed him King, but it was lawfull for the King to command Athalia to be slaine, who had vsurped the kingdome, therefore it was lawfull also for Ioiada, who represented the Kings person in all things.

53 Now I remit to the iudgement of any vnderstanding man, al­though he be neuer so partiall, whether euery faithfull subiect, hauing great power, and fauour with the people, and being the Kings Pro­tectour, and Guardian, and presenting the Kings person in all things, ought not to defend the true and knowne King, against a manifestly surper, and to command that vsurper to be slaine, who in a manifest rebellion seeketh the crowne and life of the true, and annointed King, which was the case of Ioiada in commanding Athalia to be slaine. How vnconscionably therefore, and shamefully doth this Doctour both a­buse me, and also delude his Reader in misinterpreting so grosly those words of mine, Therefore Ioiada in killing Athalia did no other thing, then which euery faithfull subiect ought to doe in the like case: that is, saith this Doctour, euery faithfull subiect, if he thinke one to haue by an ill title vsur­ped the kingdome, not onely may, but also ought to kill such a King, &c. As though this were the case of Ioiada, whereas it is manifest, that Ioiada did not onely thinke, but also certainely know that Athalia was an v­surper, and that Ioas was the rightfull King: Besides, he was the Kings Vncle, his Protectour and Guardian, and represented the Kings person in all things; and also he proceeded orderly by procuring first the con­sent of the Princes and people, in putting Ioas in the possession of his kingdome, and afterwards commanding Athalia to be slaine, for ma­king a manifest rebellion in presence of the King, sitting in his Royall throne, & of all the Princes and people, crying a Conspiracie, a Conspira­cie; Treason, Treason; for proofe whereof there needed no accuser, or witnesse, the fact being so publike and notorious, but it was sufficient to vse martiall Law in this case, especially seeing that there might haue beene danger in delay.

54. Neither doth this giue occcasion to subiect to rebell against [Page 145] their lawfull Kings, or to kill them, but rather to defend the right of their true Kind, and who is euidently knowen so to be, and too put down a knowen and manifest Vsurper. Neither doe I contend, as this Doct­our without shame offirmeth mee to doe, that it was lawfull for the high Priest (whom indeede I granted with S. Thomas. S. Bonauenture, Abulensis, and other Catholike Diuines beforeSec. 1. nu. 5. 6. cited, to bee subiect to the King in temporalls) to exhort the people to rebellion, and to con­spire with the Peeres and people against the lawfull Queene, and to kill her, but I onely contend, that it was lawfull for Ioiada the high Priest, and for euery faithfull subiect to defend the rightfull title of the true and knowen King against a manifest Ʋsurper, especially if such a sub­iect bee the Kings Vncle, Protectour, and Guardian, and hath the true, and knowen King in his protection, and custodie, and representeth the Kings person in all things, as Ioiada was.

55 Neither is that example of Queen Elizabeth, which this Doctour vrgeth to disgrace mee with our Countreymen, to the present purpose; Seeing that it was not manifest, that Queene Elizabeth was an Vsurper, as was Athalia, but rather it is manifest, that shee was the lawfull Queene, considering that the Kingdome was left vnto her by the last Will, and Testament of her Father King Henry, and also that shee was accepted for lawfull Queene by a publike decree of the Par­liament without any contradiction, or claime of Queene Mary our now Soueraignes mother, or of any other, who might pretend a right to the kingdome. And although her title to the Crowne had beene doubtfull, yet I thinke my Aduersary will hardly deny, that in case of doubtfull titles, it chiefly belongeth to the Common-wealth, or kingdome, which the Parliament doeth represent, to declare, and de­termine whose title is the best. As in the time of Schisme, when two pretend to be the true Pope, this Doctour will not deny, that it be­longeth to the Church, whom hee maketh inferiour, and subiect to the true, and vndoubted Pope, to declare and determine whe­ther of their titles to the Popedome is the best, neither doeth this expose the Crownes of Popes or Kings to the rash leuitie of pri­uate men.

56 But rather this Doctour seemeth heere to insinuate diuers ve­ry false and seditious positions: As first, that the people may depriue a lawfull King, and who by a speciall promise, and appointment of God hath right to the kingdome, of his Princely right, and lawfull inhe­ritance without any fault committed by him, and giue it to a manifest Vsurper, and who also, as being a subiect, is by the expresse law of God for many crimes to be put to death.

Secondly, that if a manifest Vsurper possesse the kingdome peace­ably for sixe yeeres together, the true, and rightfull King then li­uing, [Page 146] so that the people fearing his crueltie doe not rise vp in armes against him, the true heire is thereby depriued of his Royall right, and the Vsurper hath now gotten a lawfull right to the kingdome.

Thirdly, that an Vsurper making an open rebellion against the true, and annointed King in presence of the King himselfe sitting in his throne, of the Peeres, people, and all his armie, the Kings Protectour, and who representeth the Kings person in all things, may not by the law of armes, or martiall law (the King being in his minoritie) commaund such a manifest traitour presently to bee slaine, the fact being so publike and notorious, that it needeth no accuser, witnesse, or other proofe, and especially when by delay there may bee danger of Conspiracie, and tumults among the people. All these doe euidently follow, as you haue seene, from Doctors Reply against my answere to this example of Athalia. And therefore to re­tort his bitter inuectiue against mee to Kings, and Princes backe vp­on himselfe:

57 Behold, O Kings, and Princes, you haue heere one, who is carefull of the securitie of your Royall issue, or rather of those, who shall tyrannically vsurpe their kingdomes. So obseruant are they of your Princely Maiestie, and of your Royall posteritie who so immo­derately aduance the Popes temporall authoritie. Euery faithfull subiect, say they, ought not to doe in the like case, that which Ioiada did in killing Athalia; that is, if a manifest Vsurper shall cruelly murther your innocent children, and so tyrannically inuade the kingdome, euery faithfull subiect, who hath preserued one of your Royall issue from cruell death, and who is the chiefe Peere of the Realme, his Vncle, Protectour, and Guardian, and representeth his Royall per­son in all things, and hath great power and fauour among the people, ought not to put your sonne in the possession of his Crowne, and commaund the Vsurper to bee slaine by the law of armes, if he seeke to make a publike and manifest rebellion in presence of the annointed King, Princes and people, for this was the case of Ioiada in comman­manding Athalia to bee slaine. O miserable state of Princes children, whose kingdome and life, is by the desperate writings of these men ex­posed to eminent danger? If Widdrington had written such a thing, what tumults would not this Doctour make? what clamours would he not raise?

58 Another slander not much vnlike to the former doeth this Doctour vnconscionably impose vpon mee in his wordes immediately following. Neere also, or adioyning to his, saith this Doctour,pag. 563. is that, which Widdrington teacheth in the number 460. that the Pope in his opinion then subiect to the Emperour, and as subiect, might and [Page 147] really did with the tacite er expresse consent of the people of Rome lawfully and with validitie take away the Empire of the West from the Empe­rour of Constantinople, and transfer it to Charles the great. For how little a part of the Empire was then the people of Rome? or what power had they in the election of the Emperour? From this therefore it doeth euidently and necessarily follow, that euery subiect with the tacite or expresse consent of one Citie, that also, which hath no voyce, or suffrage in the election of the King, may depriue his true, lawfull, and naturall Prince either of all his dominion, or of part, whereby tru­ly is opened a most broad way to seditions, conspiracies, rebellions, and reuoltings.

59 But truly I cannot but greatly meruaile how this my Aduer­sarie, by his Degree a Doctour, and by his function a Priest, is not ashamed to teach, contrarie to his profession, such palpable vntrueths, and so fowly, grosly, and shamefully to corrupt my wordes and mea­ning: And therefore, whereas in most places hee is very carefull to set downe my expresse words, or in some sort the sense of them, heere, least the Reader should presently perceiue his corrupt dealing, hee cleane omitteth to set them downe for almost 40. pages together, to wit, from the number 413. to 463. wherein I amply declared, in what manner the Pope, and people of Rome translated the Romane Empire to Charles the great, with other obseruations concerning the facts of Popes in deposing Emperours, and Princes, and why there are so many Authours, whose bookes are extant, that fauour the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, all which this Doctour passeth ouer with silence. For as I haue shewed aboue,Cap. 3. nu. 37. & seq. I prooued there most cleerely by the testimonies of many learned Authours, first that the translation of the Romane Empire from the Grecians to Charles the great was done not onely by the authoritie of the Pope, but also of the Senate, and people of Rome, with the expresse or tacite consent of all the people of the West, and that none of the Authours brought by Cardinall Bellarmine doe contradict the same: And secondly, that the Pope and people of Rome, and of the Westerne Empire, were not at that time subiect to the Grecian Emperour, for that hee had then the Romane Empire as forsaken, and abandoned, and that therefore the Ro­mane, and Westerne Prouinces, being left to themselues, might choose what Emperour they pleased according to Card. Bellarmines expresse doctrine, which I there related.

60 Consider therefore, good Reader, with what conscience this Doctour affirmeth me to say, that the Pope in my opinion then subiect to the Emperour, and as subiect, with the consent of the people of Rome might law­fully depriue the Grecian Emperour of the Westerne Empire, and transferre it to Charles the great, from whence it euidently folleweth, saith he, that eue­ry [Page 148] subiect with the consent of one Citty, yea and of that Citty, which hath no suffrage in the choosing of the King, may depriue their true, lawfull and natu­rall Prince either of his whole dominion, or of part thereof. For I neuer af­firmed, either that he Pope, or people of Rome were then really, and in ve­ry deed subiect to the Emperour of Greece, who had the Romane Empire for abandoned and forsaken: or that the whole common wealth being subiect, and as subiect, much lesse one Citty, or Prouince had authoritie ouer their Prince to iudge him, depose him, or to change the manner of gouernment. That which I affirmed is, that the common wealth it selfe, in case it hath no Prince, and consequently is then supreme it selfe, and not subiect to any Prince, and not that people subiect, as this Doc­tour faigneth, haue power, I doe not say, to iudge, or depose their King, as hee also shamefully affirmeth mee to say, for that the Common wealth in that case hath no King, but to choose to them a King, or to change the manner or gouernment from a Monarchie, to Democratic, Aristocratic, or mixt. And this I affirmed Cardinall Bellarmine to auouch, when he teacheth, that the supreame temporall power is by the law of nature in the whole multitude or common wealth, when they haue no King, or Superiour ouer them, and that by the same law of nature they man transferre it from the whole multitude to one only, or to more, and that there­fore they may change the Monarchie into Aristosratic, or Democratic, and contrariwise, as we see it was done at Rome.

61 Neither can it with any probabilitie be denied, that the Citty of Rome, which was the chiefe Imperiall Citty, and Metropolis of the Romane Empire, that is, the Pope, Senate, and people of Rome, had by right a great sway in the election of their owne Emperour, albeit the ar­mie did de facto commonly choose him, to which election the Senate and people of Rome did either willingly, or for feare giue their consent: and that therefore the Pope, Senate, and people of Rome with the consent either expresse, or tacite of the rest of the Westerne Prouinces had fell power and authoritie to choose to them an Emperour, supposing they were left to themselues, and forsaken and abandoned by the Emperour of Greece: and this is agreeable to Card. Bellarmines doctrine: But that one only Subiect, or one Citty, which is a small part of the kingdome, yea or that the whole kingdome it selfe may lawfully and rightly depriue of the whole kingdome, or of any part thereof their lawfull King being neither condemned, nor heard, nor accused, yea may lawfully con­demne him, although he be heard, or accused, I neuer affirmed, neither doth it follow from my doctrine; neuerthelesse, that euery faithfull sub­iect is bound to doe in the like case that which Ioiada did, either in deposing or killing Athalia, this I doe constantly affirme, neither can any Catho­like deny the same without note of teaching a most false, a most scan­dalous, and a most seditious doctrine.

[Page 149]62 And therefore I remit to the iudgement of Christian Kings, [...]nd subiects, what censure those last words of this Doctour doe deserue: Also that euery faithfull subiect is bound to doe that which Ioiada did in kil­ [...]ing Athalia, Bellarmlne neuer taught, it doth not follow from Bellarmines doctrine, all Catholikes doe abhorre, and detest it, and among them without doubt Bellarmine. I omit to examine at this present, what title Charles [...]he great had, either by hereditarie succession, or by the right of con­ [...]uest to the Westerne Empire, before this translation; and what reall [...]ower, authoritie and dominion this translation gaue to Charles the great: for that he, and his Father Pipin had before conquered all Italie, [...]and before this translation his sonne Pipin was created King of Italie,Sigebert ad ann. 774. and others. [...]nd he himselfe Patritius Romanorum, which,Otho Fris­ingens. lib. 5. cap. 28. Sige­bert. ad ann. 781. and others. as Card. Bellarmine him­ [...]elfe confesseth,Lib. 1. de Translat. Imper. cap. 9. Lupold. Ba­beng. lib. de Iuribus Regn & Imperij Rom. cap. 12. is the next dignitie to the Emperour. Neither will I now [...]ispute, what reall difference there is betwixt the Emperour, and an ab­ [...]olute King concerning their supreme power, and authoritie ouer their [...]ubiects. This only is sufficient for me at this present, that supposing with Card. Bellarmine this translation to haue not only a titular, but also [...] reall effect, whereof Lupoldus of Bamberbeg doth particularly treate, if Card. Bellarmine will needes haue this translation to haue all it force [...]nd validitie from the Popes authoritie alone, and not also of the Romane [...]eople or common wealth, he calleth in question the right and title, which the Latin Emperours haue to the Romane Empire, in making it [...]o be grounded vpon no so sound title or foundation, as I signified be­ [...]ore cap. 3. num. 48. See also that Chapter num. 37. & seq. where I trea­ [...]ed more amply of this translation.

63 But now to returne to that fact of Ioiada, from whence with [...]his Doctour I haue made this digression, Ioiada, saith this Doctour, Pag. 565. to [...]aue done that which he did through the opinion only of his sanctitie, and without any true and lawfull power, Widdrington affirmeth, we deny: Hee [...]peaketh of his owne head, we follow the words of the Scripture: Ioiada, saith [...]he Scripture 4. Reg. 11. commanded them, the Centurions and souldiers, [...]aying, This is the thing, which you must doe &c. And a little beneath, And if any man shall enter the precinct of the temple, let him be slaine: And forthwith, And the Centurions did according to all things that Ioiada the Priest had commanded them. And againe, Ioiada comman­ded the Centurions that were ouer the armie, and said to them, Lead [...]er [Athalia] forth without the precinct of the temple, and whosoeuer shall follow her, let him be striken with the sword. See also 2. Paralip. cap. 23.

64 But still this Doctour persisteth in corrupting my words, and meaning. For I neuer said, or meant, that Ioiada did that which he did, without any true, or lawfull power; this is a meere fiction of his owne braine. That which I said was, that all that Ioiada did either concerning [Page 150] the putting the true heire, and rightfull King into the possession of his inheritance and kingdome, or concerning the putting Athalia to death, did not argue in Ioiada, either any true authoritie to create a king de­nouo, that is to giue him a right to the kingdome, which right he had not before, or any proper authoritie due only to the high Priest, and which might not also be common to euery faithfull subiect in the like case: but that which Ioiada did concerning the killing of Athalia, he did by the authority and consent of the King, Princes and people; and what hee did concerning her deposing, he was bound to doe by the law of God, of nature, and nations. For Ioiada was the Kings vncle, the Kings Protectour, his tutour, and keeper, and represented his person in all things, and was the chiefe Captaine, and Authour of all this couenant, which he made with the Centurions, Princes, and peo­ple, to put king Ioas in possession, and to defend him from Athalia, and therefore no maruaile, that he, as representing the Kings person, gaue commandement to the centurions, and souldiers, how they should car­ry themselues either towards Athalia, or any other in the kings defence.

65 True it is, that Ioiada might by his owne proper authoritie, as he was high Priest, command the Souldiers, that Athalia should not be slaine in the temple, least the temple, whereof the high Priest had the chiefe charge, should not be polluted by her blood, but absolutely to command her to be slaine, none could doe by his owne proper au­thoritie, but he only, vpon whom the weale publike, common iustice, and the temporall sword doth principally depend, who only is the King in a kingdome, from whom, as from the head of ciuill power, all tem­porall authoritie and command in his kingdome is deriued: Where­fore I neuer meant, that Ioiada did that which he did without any true, lawfull, and proper authoritie, as proper is opposed to improper, or meta­phoricall, but he did that which he did not by any proper authoritie of his owne, which was peculiar to him, as he was high Priest, in which sense proper is distinguished from common, but he did that which he did concerning Ioas, and Athalia, by that true, and lawfull authoritie, which might also be common to other subiects in the like case, to wit, to such subiects, as are the chiefe Peeres of the Realme, the Kings Pro­tectors, and Guardians, and who represent the Kings person in all things.

66 For two principall things Ioiada did: the one was, that he pre­serued the true, and rightfull King, and whom he knew certainely so to bee, from being murthered by wicked Athalia, and to that ende hee kept him secretly in the Temple for sixe yeeres together, and in the seuenth yeere by the aide of the Princes, and people hee did put him in possession of his kingdom, which Aathalia had tirannically kept from him. And this euery faithfull subiect in the like case is bound to doe, and by the Law of nature and nations hath authoritie so to doe: and [Page 151] the consent of all kingdomes, and the authoritie of the rightfull King doth giue sufficient warrant to the same. So that this authoritie was not proper to the function of the high Priest, as he was high Priest, but is common to euery faithfull subiect, who is the Kings Protectour, and Guardian, and representeth the Kings person in all things. The second was, that Ioiada commanded Athalia to be slaine, who endeuoured to make a publike rebellion, against the true, lawfull, and now crowned, and anointed King, crying out in the presence of the King himselfe, the Princes and the people, A conspiracy, A conspiracy, Treason, Trea­son: And the authoritie also to commaund this was not proper to the function of the high Priest, as hee was high Priest, but is common also to euery faithfull subiect, who is the Kings Protectour, and Guardian, and representeth the Kings person in all things. And to teach the con­trary to any of these two things, is to teach a most false, scandalous, and seditious doctrine.

67 This second, to wit, that the commandement of Ioiada to kill Athalia was done in the Kings name, and by his authority, this Doctor affirmethPag. 567. not to be incredible, because it happened after the creation of the new King, neither would this, saith he, hurt Bellarmines opinion. For Bel­larmine doth not contend, that hereticall Kings ought to bee slaine by the Popes commandement, but onely to be deposed. But this is very vntrue: For although Card. Bellarmine doth not in expresse wordes, yet by a cleere, and necessary consequence he doth contend, that the Pope hath power to depriue hereticall Kings not onely of their kingdomes, but also of their liues, seeing that he contendeth, that the Pope hath authoritie in oder to spirituall good to dispose of all temporalls, and I hope, that the liues of Princes are not to bee excluded from temporall things. See aboue nu. 9 & seq. And although Ioas was made King de facto, by the procurement of Ioiada, yet it cannot with any credibilitie be denied, but that all the time that Athalia raigned de facto, and vniustly vsurped the kingdome, Ioas was King, de iure, and that the kingdome, and all Kingly authoritie did by right belong to him.

68 But Widdrington doth not vvell prooue, saith this Doctour, that all those things were done onely by the counsell, and not by the authoritie of Ioiada. For as the Scripture testifieth both 4. Reg. 11. & 2. Paralip. 23. Ioiada called the Centurions together; Ioiada armed the Souldiers; Ioiada commanded that if any one should enter within the precinct of the Temple he should be slaine, if any one should follow the Queene he should likewise bee slaine; Ioiada, as saith the Glosse cited by Widdrington, did institute the King; Ioiada crowned the King; Ioiada commaunded the Queene to be slaine; Ioiada made a couenant betwixt himselfe, the King, and the people, that they should be the people of our Lord; Ioiada commanded the Temple of Baal to bee ouerthrowne; the Altars of the Idols to be destroyed; the [Page 152] Priest of Baal to be slaine; Ioiada set the watch in the house of our Lord, &c. All these things Ioiada the high Priest did: but because he alone could not accomplish the whole matter, he adiured the Centurions, that they would helpe valiantly, and faithfully, and therefore he made a couenant with them for the execution: Wherefore nothing is giuen to the Centurions but obey­ing, and executing at the commandement of Ioiada; The Centurions, saith the Scripture, did according to all things that Ioiada the high Priest had commanded them.

69 But why doth this Doctour still corrupt my wordes, and mea­ning? why doth he omit that word propria authoritate, by his owne pro­per authoritie, which of set purpose, to expresse plainely my meaning, I did set downe. I neuer affirmed, that all those things here mentioned by this Doctour, were done by Ioiada without true, and lawfull authori­tie, but I alwaies added, that they were not done propria authoritate, by his owne proper authority, to wit, which was proper and peculiar to him, as hee was high Priest, but by the authority and consent of the King, Princes, and people, and which things euery faithfull subiect might doe, and was bound to doe in the like case, that is, if he were the Kings Pro­tectour, and Guardian, and represented in all things the Kings person, and such a King, whom he did not onely probably imagine, but also certain­ly knew to bee the rightfull, and vndoubted King, and heire of the kingdome.

70 Neuerthelesse I doe willingly grant, as I haue said before, and oftentimes in all my bookes I haue freely confessed, that Ioiada by his owne proper authoritie, that is, by his Priestly power had authoritie to de­clare to the people the Law of God, and to command them to obserue the same, but not to constraine them by temporall punishment to the obseruation thereof: and that therefore he might commaund them in generall to put Ioas in possession of his kingdome, knowing that it did by the Law of God, and by the right of his inheritance belong to him, as being descended by a direct line from the stocke of King Da­uid, according as God almighty had promised to Dauid, and Salomon. But concerning the particular manner how Athalia was to be depo­sed, and Ioas was to be put in possession of his kingdome, which was not contained in the Law of God, this, I said, Ioiada could onely doe by his aduice and counsell, if we respect him onely as he was high Priest, but if we respect him, as he was the Kings Protectour, Keeper, and Guar­dian, and represented the Kings person in all things, this I said, hee did by authoritie, but not by his owne proper authoritie, as he was high Priest, and which could not be common also to all other subiects in the like case, but by the authority of the King, and commonwealth, and as he, being the Kings Protectour, and Guardian, represented the Kings person in all things. And therefore I doe not deny, that Ioiada did all those [Page 153] things mentioned by this Doctour by authoritie, but not by his owne proper authority, which this Doctor hath not as yet any way impugned, nor will be euer able to impugne.

71 That Ioiada did not those things, by his owne proper authoritie, but in the name, and by the authoritie of the King with the consent of the Princes, and people, I prooued by the words of the holy Scripture, and of the Glosse vpon that place, Therefore all the multitude, saith the Scripture, made a couenant with the King in the house of God, and Ioiada said to them, Behold the Kings sone shall raigne, as our Lord hath spoken vpon the sonnes of Dauid. The words of the Glosse are these: Heere is described the institution of the true heire, the due heire, and which ought to be the due King, and which ought to be (for all these names, veri haeredis, haeredis debiti, Regis debiti the Glosse vseth) by the procurement of Ioiada the high Priest, seeking thereunto the assent of the Princes, and Nobles of the Realme, when it is said, And he made a couenant with them.

72 Marke now how cunningly this Doctor would shift of these testimonies. That which is added, saith hee,Pag. 568. concerning the couenant with the King, is vnderstood of the future King, to wit, with him, who a little after was to be instituted King, as it is manifest by the same place; for presently it is added, And Ioiada said to them, Behold, the Kings sonne shall reigne. And the Glosse is against Widdrington; for if heere be de­scribed the institution of the true King, and to this is required the assent of the Princes, assuredly Ioas was not King before, albeit he was the Kings sonne: For he that is King by succession ought not to be instituted, but declared, nei­ther doth he neede the assent of the Princes. Therefore Ioiada did constitute the King, and depose the Queene, but the Princes ayding and assisting him, without whom he could not haue accomplished the matter.

73 But if this Doctor had beene pleased to declare plainely the true state of the present question betwixt me, and Cardinal Bellarmine, as I did, and not delude his Reader with ambiguous and equiuocall words, the plaine trueth of this controuersie would presently haue ap­peared. For this word, King, is equiuocal and may be taken either for a King de iure, and who hath true, and lawfull right to the kingdome, al­beit he be not in possession thereof; or for a King de facto, and who doth actually reigne, abstracting from that he doth reigne de iure by right and lawfully, or by vsurpation. Now I granted, that Athalia was Queene de facto, and in possession of the kingdome for sixe yeeres to­gether, but I denyed, that shee was Queene de iure, and that the king­dome did belong to her by right, but to Ioas the rightfull heire, as being the onely sonne then liuing of Ochozias, King of Iuda; and that there­fore Ioiada did not create or institute Ioas King, that is, giue him a true right to reigne, which he had not before, for that the true dominion, and right to the kingdome did reside in Ioas by right of inheritance [Page 154] and succession instantly vpon the death of his eldest brethren, and this much the aforesaid words of the holy Scripture, and of the Glosse doe euidently conuince.

Wherefore that, which this Doctour sayth concerning the couenant of the people with the King, is vnderstood of the future King, which a little after was to be instituted, is also equiuocall: for if he vnderstand, that Ioas was not then King de facto, but a little after by the procurement of Ioiada was made and instituted King de facto, that is, was put in possession of the kingdome, and did actually reigne, this was not the controuersie betwixt me, and Card. Bellarmine; for I ne­uer denyed, but did alwaies in expresse words grant, that Ioiada with the assent of the Princes and people did put Ioas in possession of his kingdome, which Athalia had vniusty kept from him, and in this sense Ioas, who before was King de iure, was afterwards by Ioiada created and instituted King de facto. But if he meane, that Ioas was not then King de iure, and that the kingdome did not by right of inheritance, and by the ordinance of almightie God belong to him, this, I say, is plainely a­gainst the words of the holy Scripture, and of the Glosse. Ecce filius Regis &c. Behold the Kings sonne shall reigne, as our Lord hath spoken ouer the sonnes of Dauid: that is, behold the Kings sonne, to whom therefore the right to the kingdome by inheritance doth belong, although hee doth not actually reigne, for that Athalia contrarie to the commande­ment of God, who gaue the kingdome to the sonnes of Dauid, hath tyrannically kept it from him, shall reigne, that is, shall be King de facto, and actually reigne, according as our Lord hath spoken vpon the sonnes of Dauid.

75 But the words of the Glosse are more plaine: for he calleth Ioas not onely the true, due or rightfull King, but also the true, due or rightfull heire: Neither can this Doctour deny, that Ioas was presently after the death of all his brethren the onely sonne of King Ochozias, and consequently the true and onely heire to the kingdome of Iuda, and therefore the true King de iure or by right: For he can not be so ignorant, as not to know, that the heire to a kingdome, hath presently after the death of his father all the right, which his father deceased had to the kingdome: It is manifest, saith the rule of the law,ff. de regulis iuris regula. 59 approoued by all lawyers, that an heire hath the same power and right, which the de­ceased had; and againe,Ibidem regu­la 62. Inheritance is no other thing, then a succeeding to all the right which the deceased had. Wherefore the words and sense of the Glosse are plaine: for the words are not, Here is described the institu­tion of the true King, but of the true heire, whom he called before the due or rightfull heire: Now it is manifest, that Ioiada did not make or institute Ioas the true and rightfull heire to the kingdome of Iuda, but he was made and instituted the rightfull heire by succession, and by the [Page 155] ordinance of almightie God, for that he was the onely sonne and heire suruiuing of the deceased King Ochozias. And therefore those words of this Doctour, Assuredly Ioas was not King before, although he was the Kings sonne, if he meane that he was not King de iure before, are very vn­true; but rather contrariwise, I inferre, that assuredly Ioas was King de iure before, because he was the Kings sonne, to whom by succession and inheritance the kingdome of Iuda did by right, and by the ordinance of almightie God belong, and those words of holy Scripture, Behold the Kings sonne &c. doe conuince as much.

76 But he that is King by succession, sayth this Doctour, ought not to be instituted or made, but to be declared, neither doth he need the assent of the Princes. It is true that he who is King de iure, and by succession, ought not to be instituted or made King de iure, neither needeth he the consent of the Princes to make him King de iure. But he that is King onely de iure and by succession, but not King de facto and by possession, ought to be instituted or made King de facto, and to this is necessarie the assent and aide of the Princes and people. Wherefore as this word [to depose] is equiuocall, and may be taken either for to depriue one of his right, or to put him out of possession of the thing he holdeth, so also to insti­tute, create or make a King or heire is equiuocall, and may be taken ei­ther for to giue one a right to a kingdome or inheritance, which right he had not before, or to put him in possession of the kingdome or in­heritance, whether he hath right thereunto or no. And therefore, as well obserueth Gregorius Tholosanus, In Syntagin. Iu [...]is lib. 17. cap. 16. nu. 4. because the instituting or giuing of a benefice (and the like may be said of a Dukedome, Princedome, King­dome or inheritance) is sometimes effected by giuing the possession, or as it is commonly said by installing or inuesting, therefore to institute is sometimes taken for to install or inuest as by deliuering some corporall thing, as a ring, a crowne, a scepter &c. by which the real and actuall possession is giuen, appre­hended or induced. cap. ad haec de officio Archidiaconi, & §. 1o. de consuetu­dine recti feudi lib. 2. de feudis tit. 33. And in this sense the Glosse did vn­derstand the word, institution, to wit, for inuesting, installing or putting Ioas into possession of his kingdome, or, which is all one, making him King de facto. For it is too too manifest, that he was before the rightfull heire, and King by succession, and not then made or instituted the rightfull heire by the election of Ioiada, and of Princes.

77 Wherefore the last inference, which this Doctour maketh in these words, Therefore Ioiada did institute the King, and deposed the Queene &c. is very true if he meane that he did constitute the King de facto, or put him in possession of his kingdome, and deposed the Queene de facto, that is, thrust her out of the possession of the kingdome; For Ioiada in this sense did make or constitute the King, and deposed the Queene by the aide and assistance of the Princes, without whom he could not haue [Page 156] accomplished the matter: but to make or constitute him King de iure, or the rightfull heire to the kingdome, onely succession without the aide and assent of Ioiada, or the Princes was sufficient. Neither dare this Doctour absolutely auerre, as you haue seene, that Ioas was not before this, King de iure, but Athalia, but he affirmeth it with a credibile est, which neuerthelesse I haue prooued to be incredible, and to containe a very false, scandalous and seditious doctrine.

78 Lastly, although that question betwixt me and Card. Bellar­mine, to wit, whether Athalia was slaine onely for treason, or also for ido­latrie, be not much materiall to the present controuersie betweene vs, which is, by what authoritie it was done: seeing that, whether she was slaine only for treason, or also for idolatrie it was done by the authoritie of the King, who then was crowned and confirmed by the Princes and people, as this Doctour heere is not also vnwilling to grant: Neuerthe­lesse I still affirme, that it can not be prooued from the holy Scripture, that she was slaine for idolatrie: albeit I doe not deny, that she deserued death therefore. Whereupon the Scripture onely mentioneth, that vp­on her endeauouring to make a rebellion against the true, and now anointed King, crying out in the presence of the King, Princes and peo­ple, A conspiracie, A conspiracie, Treason, Treason, she was commanded to be slaine. Neither can this Doctour sufficiently conclude from those words of holy Scripture, Therefore all the people entered into the house of Baal, and destroyed it &c. as Card. Bellarmine pretended to prooue, or from those words immediatly going before, And Ioiada made a co­uenant betweene himselfe, and all the people, and the King, that they would be the people of the Lord, that Athalia was actually slaine for idolatrie, al­though I doe willingly grant, that she was an Idolatresse, and therefore deserued death according to the law.

79 Neither did I, as this Doctour vntruely saithpag. 570. either slaunder Card. Bellarmine, or else knew not what I said my selfe, when I affirmed, that Card. Bellarmine did not sincerely relate the words of holy Scripture, to wit, Therefore all the people entered into the house of Baal, and destroyed it &c. which words, as he saith, doe immediately follow the killing of Athalia. For after the killing of Athalia these words, And Ioiada made a couenant betweene himselfe, and all the people and the King, &c. which as the Glosse affirmeth, were a confirmation of the King newly annointed, and crowned, doe immediately follow, and after them doe follow those words, Therefore all the people entred into the house of Baal, and destroyed it, &c. And whereas this Doctour affirmeth, that Bellarmine did not meane, that those words precisely; Therefore all the people entered into the house of Baal, &c. doe immediately follow after the words, wherein the killing of Athalia was commanded, but his meaning was, that the ouerthrow­ing of the temple of Baal was done immediately after the killing of the [Page 157] Queene, and therefore hee did not properly speake of wordes, but of things done; This is plainely both against the text of holy Scripture, for that betwixt the killing of Athalia, and the destruction of the temple of Baal, was the confirmation of King Ioas newly crowned, and annoin­ted, and of the couenant, which Ioiada made betweene himselfe, and all the people, and the King, that they would bee the people of our Lord, and it is also against Cardinall Bellarmines owne wordes: Those wordes, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, Therefore all the people en­tered into the house of Baal, and destroyed it, &c. doe immediately fol­low the killing of Athalia: And yet this Doctour, forsooth, will haue Cardinall Bellarmine not to speake properly of wordes, but of things done, contrary to Card. Bellarmines expresse words. But truth, and plaine dealing cannot colourably be impugned, but by such pitifull shifts, and fraudulent euasions.

71 And thus thou seest, good Reader, how insufficiently this Doctour hath confuted my answer to Cardinall Bellarmines argument taken from the example of Athalia, who was not deposed by Ioiada, that is, depriued of her right to reigne, seeing that shee was neuer a lawfull Queene, nor euer had any true right to reigne, but shee was by the procurement of Ioiada, and by the aide, and assistance of the Princes, and people, thrust out of the possession of the kingdome, which she tyrannically had for sixe yeeres vsurped, and wrongfully detained from Ioas the true and rightfull King by hereditarie succession, as be­ing the onely sonne and heire suruiuing to King Ochozias; and that Ioiada that which he did both in putting Ioas in possession, and in kil­ling Athalia, not by his owne proper authoritie, and which was peculiar to him, as hee was high Priest, but by that authoritie, which might be common to euery faithfull subiect in the like case. Now you shall see, how bouldly, and barely Mr. Fitzherbert repateth againe this example of Athalia, without taking any notice of the answere, which I made thereunto before in my Apologie, and Theologicall Dis­putation.

72 But now our Aduersaries, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Nu. 16. p 77. to answere this exemple of Athalia, doe say, that shee was no lawfull Queene, but a Tyrant, and vsurped the state in preiudice of Ioas the right heire, whom Ioiada set vp, and that therefore the example of her deposition cannot be of consequence to prooue, that the high Priest in the old law had au­thoritie to depose a lawfull Prince: But they are to vnderstand, that it little importeth for the matter in hand, whether shee were a true Queene, or a Tyrant; for though shee had beene a lawfull Queene, yet hee should haue beene her lawfull Superiour, it being euident, that otherwise hee could not haue beene her Iudge to determine of her right, and depose her as vnlawfull, especially after shee had beene receiued for Queene, and obeyed by the State [Page 158] for sixe yeeres: to which purpose it is to be considered, that no man can law­fully condemne an offender, ouer whom he should not also haue power in case he were innocent; for as well, and iustly doth the Iudge absolue a man when he is innocent, as condemne him when he is nocent, hauing equall authoritie, and the same iudiciall power ouer him in both cases.

73 Yes, good Syr, it much importeth to the matter in hand, whe­ther she was a true Queene, or a Tyrant: for if she had beene a lawfull Queene, then he should not haue beene her lawfull Superiour in tempo­ralls, neither could he haue beene her lawfull Iudge to determine of her temporal right, for that, as I shewed before out of many learned Ca­tholikes, and which also Card. Bellarmine himselfe holdeth to be proba­ble, in the old law the high Priest was subiect to the king in temporalls, and might by him be iudged, and punished with temporall punish­ments. But if she were no lawfull Queene, but an Vsurper, as in deede she was, then it is euident, that Ioas was the true, and rightfull King, and that all ciuill authoritie did reside in him, and was deriued from him, as from the head of all ciuil power, whereof the King is head, as D. Schulcke­nius himselfe confesseth;Pag. 339. ad num. 169. and that therefore Ioiada, who was the Kings Protectour, and Guardian now in his minoritie, and represented the Kings person in all things, might be her Iudge both to depose her, and also to kill her, as a manifest traitour, and vsurper.

74 But those words, which Mr. Fitzherbert addeth, especially after she had beene receiued for Queene, and obeyed by the whole state for sixe yeeres, doe sauour of that false, scandalous, and seditious doctrine, which D. Schulckenius taught before, as though either sixe yeeres pre­scription were sufficient to depriue a lawfull King of his Princely right, and giue it to a wicked vsurper, or that the kingdome of Iuda either did depriue, or had authoritie to depriue the true, rightfull, and certainly knowne King of his lawfull inheritance, and Princely right, and that without any offence at all committed by him.

75 Neither is that to the purpose which Mr. Fitzherbert would haue his Reader beleeue, to wit, that no man can lawfully condemne an of­fender, ouer whom hee should not also haue power in case he were innocent, for as well and iustly doth a Iudge absolue a man, when hee is innocent, as con­demne him when he is nocent, hauing equall authoritie, and the same iudici­all, power in both cases: For I doe not deny, that Ioiada being the Kings Pro­tectour, and Guardian, and therefore representing the Kings person in all things, was the lawfull Superiour, and Iudge of Athalia, and of euery other subiect in the kingdome; but that, which I contend is, that al­though Ioiada was in spiritualls her Superiour, and Iudge, as he was high Priest, yet in temporalls he was neither her Superiour or Iudge, nor of any other subiect in the kingdome, as hee was high Priest, or by his Priestly authority, but as hauing his authority deriued from the true [Page 159] and lawfull King, in whom onely all supreme ciuill authority, as in the head of all ciuill power doth reside. And therefore this his conside­ration is not to the purpose, as also it is not generally true. For all Ca­tholikes, yea Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe,Lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 19 doe grant, that in time of Schisme, when two contend to be the lawfull Pope, the Church is the lawfull Superiour, and Iudge of both Popes, and that it belongeth to her to determine of their right: & neither yet Cardinall Bellarmine, nor my Aduersary will affirme, that the Church hath the same authoritie, and iudiciall power ouer the true, and vndoubted Pope. Likewise what will Mr. Fitzherbert say to Cardinall Caietaine, and others of his opini­on, that the Church is Superiour to an hereticall Pope, and hath autho­ritie to iudge him, and depose him; who neuerthelesse will not admit, that the Church is Superiour to a Pope, who is no hereticke. Moreouer, no learned man can deny, that when two contend to haue right, or a title to any kingdome, if they bee members of that kingdome, the whole kingdome, or Common-wealth is Superiour to them, and hath authoritie to iudge and determine of their right, and yet wee may not therefore conclude, that the whole kingdome, or Common-wealth is Superiour to a knowne, and vndoubted King.

76 No lesse idle also is that which followeth.Nu. 17. p. 78. Besides that, saith Mr. Fitherbert, our Aduersaries must needes graunt, either that Ioiada de­posed her as her lawfull Iudge, being high Priest, or else that any peculiar man many of his owne authority take vpon him to depose, and kill a Tyrant, and vsurper, which opinion was worthily condemned by the Councell of Con­stance as hereticall, and with great reason, for that no particular man can make himselfe another mans Iudge, and much lesse the Iudge of a Prince. Neither can there be any doctrine more dangerous to Common-wealths, or pernicious to Princes states, then that euery subiect may take vpon him to iudge, when his Prince is a Tyrant, and proceeds against him to his deposi­tion, or death.

77 True it is, that Ioiada deposed Athalia, that is, put her from the possession of the kingdome, which she vniustly vsurped, as her law­ful Iudge, being High-Priest, but it is not true, that he deposed her, as be­ing High-Priest, or by his Priestly authoritie, nor as a private man, or by priuate authoritie, but he both deposed her, and commanded her to be slaine, as her lawfull Iudge, being the Kings Protectour, and Guardian in his nonage, and as representing the Kings person in all things, and also with the assent of the Princes and people. Neither from hence doth it follow, that euery particular and priuate subiect may by his owne au­thoritie take vpon him to kill a manifest vsurper, although S. Thomas In 2. dist. vl­tima q. 2. ar. 2. ad. 5. Caietan 2. 2. q. 64. ar. 3. Sotus l. 5. de. Iustit q. 1. ar. 3 Solon 2 2. q. 64 ar. 3. con­trouers. 1. Ara­gon ibidem. Lessius l. 2. de Iustit. c. 9. dub. 4 and many other Diuines are of opinion, that euery particular subiect and citizen hath authoritie to kill, not a manifest Tyrant in the abuse of gouernment, but a manifest vsurper, for in this case, say they, euery pri­uate [Page 160] Citizen hath sufficient authoritie giuen him by the consent of the rightfull King, and also of the Common-wealth, against whom this manifest vsurper doth continually make a manifest vniust warre, and therefore it can not be called properly priuate, but publike authoritie. Neither, say they, is this doctrine aginst the decree of the Councell of Constance which doth not speake particularly of those, who are mani­fest Tyrants by vsurpation, but of Tyrants in generall, comprehending also those who are true and lawfull Kings, and onely Tyrants in gouern­ment. For the proposition, which is in that Councell condemned as hereticall scandalous and giuing way to fraudes, deceipts, treasons and per­iuries, is this: Euery Tyrant, (and consequently also a Tyrant onely in gouernment, although otherwise a true and rightfull King) may and ought lawfully, and meritoriously to be slaine by any his vassall or subiect euen by secret wiles and craftie deceipts, or flatteries, notwithstanding any oath, or confideracie made by them with him, not expecting the sentence or com­mandment of any Iudge whatsoeuer, which is in very trueth a most dam­nable and traiterous doctrine: But that a manifest Tyrant by vsurpa­tion may not be lawfully slaine by any priuate man, hauing authoritie thereunto from the true, rightfull and vndoubted King, or from him, who is the Kings Protectour and Guardian in his minoritie, and represen­teth the Kings person in all things; this is not condemned in the Coun­cell of Constance, but the contrarie doctrine is damnable, scandalous and seditious.

78 Marke now, what a trim consequence Mr. Fitzherbert gathe­reth from the premisses. Whereupon, sayth henu. 18. pag. 78, it followeth, that seeing Ioiada did lawfully depose Athalia (being a holy man, Matth. 23. Hieron. lib. 4. in. Num. cap. 23. and therefore called by our Sauiour Barachias, that is to say, Blessed of our Lord) he did it not as a particular and priuate man, but as a publike person. All this is true, as you haue seene. But that which he addeth, to wit, as High-Priest, to whom it belonged to iudge of her cause, is very vntrue, neither doth it fol­low from his premises. For his antecedent proposition was this, Ioiada being high Priest deposed Athalia, as her lawfull Iudge, and not as a particu­lar, and priuate man, but as a publike person, this I granted; now he infer­reth that Ioiada as high-Priest did depose her, which I euer denied, and he brought no shew of argument to proue the same: only heere in the next words following he adioineth some colour of an argument for proofe thereof: especially, saith he,pag. 79. seeing that she was not only a cruell tyrant, but also an abhominable Idolairesse, hauing drawne her husband Io­ram, her sonne Ochozias, and the people to Idolatrie, and transferred the riches of Gods temple to the temples of Idolls, which being matter of Religi­on belonged directly to the tribunall of the high Priest, and therefore I con­clude, that Ioiada deposed her, as her Superiour, and lawfull Iudge according to the supreme authoritie that God gaue to the High Priest in the old Testa­ment [Page 161] ouer the temporall State. So I in my Supplement.

79 But how insufficient this conclusion is, it will presently appeare, onely by laying open the ambiguitie of those wordes, Ido­latrie being a matter of Religion belonged directly to the tribunall of the high Priest. For it belonged indeed to the tribunall of the high Priest of the old Law, and his consistorie to iudge what was Idolatrie, as likewise now in the new Law it belongeth to the Pope, and Church to iudge, what is heresie, or idolatrie, and so to declare, and determine what is heresie or Idolatrie is a matter of Religion both in the olde Law, and in the new: but it did not belong to the tribunall of the high Priest in the olde law, but of the King, and temporall state to punish Ido­laters with corporall death, as likewise in the new law to punish here­tikes with corporall death, being not a spirituall, but a temporall matter, doeth not belong to the spirituall power of Priests, but to the temporall authoritie of temporall Princes, Sot. in 4. dist. 29 q. 1. ar. 4. Bannes secun­da secundae q. 11. ar. 4. q. 1. in fine. as I prooued also out of Sotus, and Bannes in my Theologicall Disputation C. 7. s. 2. nu 17. And therefore in the old Law the temporall power was supreame, and the spirituall was subiect to it, for as much as concerned the power to constraine with temporall punishments, and as well Priest, as Lay-men, were sub­iect to the coerciue, or punishing power of the temporall State, as I prooued beforeSec. 1 nu. 5. 6. out of St. Thomas, St. Bonauenture, Abulensis, and others, whose doctrine also Cardinall Bellarmine doth not account improbable.

80 Wherefore, although it belonged to the High-Priest to declare the law of GOD, yet to execute the law, and to punish the transgres­sours thereof, whether they were Priests, or Lay-men, with tempo­rall punishments, belonged to the supreame temporall power of the King, and not to the supreame spirituall authoritie of the High-Priest. Seeing that Ozias, saith Abulensis, because he was King,Abul. q. 4. in c. 15. l. 4. Reg. was the executor of the law of GOD against offenders, it belonged to him by his office to de­stroy all Altars, which were without the temple of our Lord, and to take a­way such a worship, and consequently all Idolatrie, vnder the penaltie of death. And therefore I conclude, that Ioiada did depose Athalia being a mani­fest Vsurper, as her Superiour and lawfull Iudge, but not according to the supreame coerciue authoritie, that GOD gaue to the High-Priest in the old Testament ouer the temporall state, which as I prooued before, was in temporalls supreame, and not subiect, but superiour to the spirituall power, but according to the supreame coerciue authoritie, that GOD gaue to the King, to whom both Priests, and Lay-men were subiect in tem­poralls, and by whom they were to bee punished with temporall pu­nishments, whose place, and person Ioiada being the Kings Protectour, and Guardian while the King was in his minoritie, did in all things re­present. Neither hath Mr. Fitzherbert either in his Supplement, or in [Page 162] this his Reply, as you haue cleerely seene, brought any probable ar­gument, much lesse conuincing, as hee pretended, to impugne the same.

81 Now let vs proceede to the example of King Ozias, which is the last Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth out of the old Testament, to which neuerthelesse I did abundantly answere in my Apologie, which my answere he passeth ouer altogether with silence. But before I set downe what hee saith heere concerning this example, I thinke it not amisse to repeate my saide answere, and what D. Schulckenius replyeth to the same; for thereby the weakenesse of Mr. Fitzherberts obiection will presently appeare, and so also hee shall not take occasion after his v­suall manner to remit his English Reader to D. Schulckenius to seeke out a Reply, to that which I answered before in my Apologie concer­ning this example of King Ozias.

Bell. lib. 5. de. Rom. Pont. c. 882 In this manner therefore Cardinall Bellarmine argued from this example. A Priest of the old law had authoritie to iudge a King, and to depriue him of his kingdome for corporall leprosie, therefore in the new law the Pope hath authoritie to depriue a King of his king­dome for spirituall leprosie, that is, for heresie, which was figured by leprosie.

The Antecedent proposition hee prooued thus, for that wee reade 2. Paralip. 26. that King Ozias, when hee would vsurpe the office of a Priest, was by the High Priest cast out of the temple, and when he was for the same sinne stricken by GOD with leprosie, hee was also enforced to depart out of the Citie, and to renounce his kingdome to his sonne. And that he was depriued of the Citie, and of the administration of the kingdome not of his owne accord, but by the sentence of the Priest, it is apparant: For wee reade Leuit. 13. whosoeuer, saith the law, shall bee defiled with leprosie, and is separated at the abitrement of the Priest, shall dwell alone without the Campe. Seeing therefore that this was a law in Israel, and withall wee reade, 2. Paralip. 26. that the King did dwell without the Citie in a solitary house, and that his sonne did in the Citie iudge the people of the land, wee are compelled to say, that hee was separated at the arbitrement of the Priest, and consequently depriued of his authoritie to reigne.

S. Aug. in q. Euan. l. 2. q. 40.The Consequence Cardinall Bellarmine prooueth out of Saint Austin, who teacheth, that heresie was figured by leprosie, and Saint Paul 1. Corinth. 10. who sayeth, that all things chanced to the Iewes in a figure.

83 Thus argued Cardinall Bellarmine from the example of King Ozias, which if, good Reader, thou duely consider, doth onely proue, that it belonged to the Priests of the old Law, to declare the Law of God, when any difficultie should arise, and that they were the su­preame Iudges in spirituall matters, as was to declare, and iudge whe­ther [Page 163] any one was infected with leprosie or no. For leprosie was not onely in the old Law a naturall disease, and a contagious vncleannesse in the body, whereupon the leper was by the law commanded to re­maine out of the campe apart, least others should bee infected by him, but it was also a legall vncleannesse,Abul. q. 2. in c. 13. Leuit. and as well obserueth Abu­lensis, it did principally debarre men from entering into the Sanctuarie, and from touching sacred things, and because to iudge whether any one was to bee debarred from entering into the Sanctuarie, and from touching sacred things, did belong principally to the Priests, who were the ministers of sacred things, God appointed them to iudge, whether any one was infected with leprosie, and gaue them rules, and di­rections whereby to know the same. So that the principall thing, which the Priest was to doe in the case of leprosie, was to iudge ac­cording to the signes, and tokens prescribed by the law of God, whe­ther any one was infected with leprosie or no: and if hee found him infected to declare him so to bee, and to condemne him of the sayde vncleannesse; after which declaration the leper was by the law it selfe foorthwith debarred both from sacred, and also ciuill conuersation: for that hee was not onely depriued of all sacred rites, but also he was to bee seuered from the rest of the people, who were not defiled with such vncleannesse, and commanded to liue apart out of the Campe, or Citie.

84 Now the execution of this law, forasmuch as concerned the spirituall penaltie, did belong principally to the High Priest, who was the chiefe minister of sacred things; but concerning the temporall or ciuill penaltie, which was to bee debarred from ciuill conuersation, the execution thereof, if the leper would not of his owne accord vn­dergoe the penaltie, did belong to the Ciuill Magistrate, who was the minister of ciuill, or temporall things: As also, when any tempo­rall punishment, as death, whipping, or such like was prescribed by the law against malefactours, although the crime was spirituall, as I­dolatrie, vsurping the office of a Priest, &c. the execution belonged to the temporall Iudge, who in temporalls had authoritie ouer them. Whereupon wee neuer reade in the holy Scripture, that any true, and lawfull King, although he had committed any crime worthy of death according to the law, as many Kings of the Israelites were Idolaters, and King Ozias heere vsurped the office of a Priest, which were crimes that deserued death according to the law, were for such crimes put to death by the ordinarie authoritie of any man whatsoeuer, for that Kings had no Superiour ouer them in temporalls, who had authoritie to execute the law, which did chiefly belong to themselues, as I a little aboueNu. 80▪ obserued out of Abulensis, or to punish them with tempo­rall punishments, in which sense King Dauid did truely say, that hee [Page 164] had sinned onely to God, saying, Tibisolipeccaui, for that God alone, to whom onely he was subiect in temporals, had power to punish him with temporall punishments, as all the ancient Fathers doe expound that place. So likewise in the new law it belongeth to spirituall Pastours to declare and determine what is heresie, and whether one befallen in­to heresie, or no; but to punish heretikes with temporall punishments doth not belong to the authoritie of spirituall Pastours, but of tempo­rall Princes, who in temporals are supreme, and to whom onely the vsing of the temporall sword doth principally belong.

85 Wherefore from this example of King Ozias nothing else can forcibly be prooued, but that in the olde law it belonged to the Priests to declare the law of God, and that onely Priests, and not Lay-men were to intermeddle in sacred things. For obserue, good Reader, what did the Priests, 2. Paralip. 26. and what was done by King Ozias. First therefore King Ozias, saith the Scripture, entering into the temple of our Lord would burne incense vpon the Altar of incense. And incontinently Azarias the Priest going in after him, and with him the Priests of our Lord, eightie, most valiant men, they resisted the King, and said, It is not thy office, Ozias, to burne incense to our Lord, but of the Priests, that is, of the children of Aaron, which are con­secrated to this kind of ministerie, goe out of the Sanctuarie, contemne not, because this thing shall not be reputed to thee for glorie by our Lord. Here is nothing done, as you see, by the Priests, which is not spirituall. And who maketh any doubt, but that the Priests also of the new law may resist Kings, if they attempt to intermeddle in sacred things, which be­long onely to Priests, and tell them, that it is not their office, but of the Priests, which are consecrated to this kind of ministerie, and command them to goe out of the Church, and not to contemne the law of God, because it will not be reputed to them for glorie by our Lord God.

86 But secondly, King Ozias being angrie and holding in his hand the Censar to burne incense threatned the Priests. And forthwith there arose a leprosie in his forehead before the Priests. And when Azarias the high Priest had beheld him, and all the rest of the Priests, they saw the leprosie in his forehead, and in haste they thrust him out; yea and himselfe being sore afraid made haste to goe out, because he felt by and by the plague of our Lord. And here also is nothing, which the Priests might not doe by their spirituall authoritie. For I doe not deny, but that it belongeth to the office of Priests to exclude excommunicated persons, as in some sorte leapers were in the old law, from the temple of God, and from partici­pation in sacred rites, as S. Ambrose excluded Theodosius the Emperour. Neuerthelesse it cannot be prooued by the words of holy Scripture, that they thrust him out of the temple by corporall violence, and by laying their hands vpon his sacred person, but onely by denouncing with vehement words Gods indignation against him, for feare of which [Page 165] he now being stricken by God miraculously with the plague of lepro­sie did of his owne accord depart in haste out of the temple, which al­so S. Chrysostome doth sufficiently confirme, saying,Chrys. hom. 4. de verbis Isae. vidi Domi­num. That they thrust him out, no man enforcing him, and the wordes of holy Scripture, yea and himselfe being sore afraid made haste to goe out, doe cleerely insinuate the same.

87 And thirdly, King Ozias, saith the Scripture, was a leper vntill the day of his death, and he dwelt in a house apart, full of the leprosie, for the which he had beene cast out of the house of our Lord. Moreouer Ioathan his sonne gouerned the Kings house, and iudged the people of the Land. Nei­ther from this can it be gathered, that the Priests of the old law did in­termeddle in any temporall action, or did depriue King Ozias of his kingdome, or the administration thereof; but the most that from hence can be concluded is, that the plague of leprosie did depriue him of the administration of his kingdome, by ordaining that a leaper should dwell apart out of the campe or Citie, and the Priest did onely declare the law of God, and denounce him according to the signes and tokens prescribed by the law to be infected with leprosie, which is no temporall, but a meere spirituall action.

88 As likewise spirituall Pastours now in the new law haue au­thoritie to declare, that the goods of the faithfull are to be exposed, if the necessitie of the Church doe require the same, but not to dispose of them, or to take them away by force from the faithfull, and also to de­clare, when Princes are to vse the materiall sword, for the good of the Church, but not to vse it themselues, as beforepart. 1. cap. 3. & part. 2. cap. 9. I declared out of Ioan­nes Parisiensis and 8. Bernard. And if we should suppose a case which is not, to wit, that heresie, idolatie or any other mortall crime, doth ipso facto depriue Princes and Prelates of their dominion and Iurisdiction, which was the doctrine of Iohn Wicleffe condemned in the Councell of Constance (and therefore those words of the Ordinary Glosse in cap. 13. lib. 1. Reg., that a wic­ked King during the time of his wickednesse is not according to trueth to be celled a King, but onely equiuocally, as a stony or painted eye, and the same much more is to be said of a wicked Prelate, are to be read warily, and ex­pounded fauourably to excuse them from errour) then, I say, that spi­rituall Pastours may be said to haue authoritie, not properly to depose an hereticall King, but to declare him to be infected with heresie, and consequently, according to this false supposition, depriued ipso facto: But all this is nothing else, but to declare authentically the law of God, which no man denyeth to be within the limites of spirituall Iurisdi­ction. And this might aboundantly suffice for an answere to this exam­ple of King Ozias: But because Mr. Fitzherbert shall not, as I said, take occasion to say, that all this hath beene confuted already by D. Schulc­kenius, I am enforced, good Reader, to intreate thy patience in laying [Page 166] downe before thine eies, what I answered in my Apologie to this obie­ction of Cardinall Bellarmine, and what D. Schulckenius hath replyed to the same.

89 First therefore I answered, that if this argument of Card. Bel­larmine taken from the example of King Ozias were of force, it would prooue more, then perchance Card. Bellarmine would willingly grant, to wit, that not only the Pope but also inferiour Bishops, yea and Priests, haue power by the law of God to depriue Princes of their kingdomes for spirituall leprosie, seeing that in the olde law not onely the high Priest, but also inferiour Priests had power to iudge of leprosie. The man, saith the lawLeuit. 13., in whose skinne and flesh shall arise a diuers colour, or a blisters, or any thing, as it were, shining, that is to say, the plague of the le­prosie, shall be brought to Aaron the Priest, or any one of his sonnes, and at his arbitrement he shall be separated. Besides, this example doth also prooue, that Prince not onely for heresie, but also for all other mor­tall sinnes whatsoeuer, may be deposed by Bishops and Priests, for that not onely the sinne of heresie, but also other sinnes were figured by le­prosie,Bellar. lib. 3. de Paenit. cap. 3.as Card. Bellarmine himselfe confesseth, who speaking of the confessing of sinnes saith, that the knowledge of sinne, which was figured by leprosie, and is most aptly named a spirituall leprosie, appertaineth to Christian Priests. This was my first answere.

90 To which D. Schulckenius replyeth thus:pag. 542. ad num. 355. I answere. It is credible, that is the old Testament according to the diuersitie of the leprosie, and the diuersitie of the persons there were also diuers iudgements, greater and lesser, and that it was not lawfull for euery Priest to iudge a King. But for this his credibile est, it is credible, he produceth neither Scripture, reason, nor any other authoritie, and therefore we are rather to beleeue the words of holy Scripture, which absolutely affirme, that either Aa­ron the High-Priest, or any one of his sonnes, might iudge of leprosie, without distinguishing either this kind, or that kind of leprosie, or this kind, or that kind of person, then the bare credibile est of this Doctour, grounded vpon his owne bare word, and not vpon any text of holy Scripture, Abul. q. 1. in cap. 13. Leuit. reason or authoritie. Other Priests, saith Abulensis, had power to iudge in the plague of leprosie, as Aaron, and therefore to whom soeuer of them that person, who had such signes, should be showed, it was sufficient. Therefore when Christ had cured the ten lepers, he did not send them special­ly to the High-Priest, but to any one of the Priests, saying, Goe, shew your selues to the Priests.

91 But howsoeuer it be, saith this Doctour, concerning the custome of that nation, assuredly in the Church of Christ greater causes are reserued to the See Apostolike, as we read cap. Maiores de Baptismo & eius effectu in the Decret all Epistles. Therefore euery Priest may indeed iudge of the le­prosie of sinne, and absolue, or bind his Subiects, but some more heynous crimes [Page 167] are reserued to Bishops, others also to the Pope, as first of all is the crime of heresie, to which the name of leprosie doth autonomasticè agree. Therefore it is no meruaile, that euery Priest cannot iudge Kings euen for the crime of heresie. Adde, that in the olde Testament it selfe we haue not an example, wherein Princes were iudged for leprosie, then by the high Priest.

92 But this Reply doth not answere my argument. For my ar­gument did onely proceede of the power of Priests standing in the law of God, and abstracting from the positiue lawes of the Church: It would follow, said I, that not onely the Pope, but also inferiour Bishops,) yea also and Priests haue power by the law of God, &c. Now who knoweth not, that cases are reserued onely by the law of the Church, and that by the law of God there is no reseruation of cases; but that euery Bishop, and Priest, to whom the charge of soules is committed, haue by the law of God sufficient authoritie, and iurisdiction to absolue from all cases. I said, to whom the charge of soules is committed, for I doe not in­tend now to dispute, whether euery Priest by his ordination receiueth authority, and iurisdiction to binde and loose. For I am not ignorant, that diuers Catholike Doctors, as Paludanus, In 4. di st. 17. q. 3. ar. 3. Abulensis, In Defensor. part. 2. c. 62. & seq., Syluester, In verbo Confessor. 1. q. 2. & learned Nauarre In Sum. c. 27. nu. 259. & 260. & in cap. Placuit de poe­nitent. dist. 6. nu. 48. doe affirme, that standing in the law of God euery Priest hath by vertue of his ordination sufficient iurisdiction to ab­solue from sinnes, which iurisdiction is not hindered but by the pro­hibition of the Church: And therefore I did not speake of all Priests, as this Doctour imposeth vpon me, but of Priests indefinitely, signify­ing thereby, that if Cardinall Bellarmines argument were good, it would also prooue, that standing in the law of God, not onely the Pope, but also some inferiour Priests should haue authoritie to iudge Kings and Princes for spirituall leprosie, considering that in the olde law not onely the high Priest, but also inferiour Priests had authoritie to iudge them for corporall leprosie.

93 Neither is it to bee marueiled, if there bee no example in the old Testament, wherein we reade, that Kings were iudged for leprosie by any other then by the High Priest: for that in the olde Testament we haue but one onely example of any King, to wit, of this Ozias, who was infected with leprosie, yet the words of the holy Scripture, where­in is giuen authoritie to Priests to iudge of leprosie, are common, as well to inferiour Priests, as to the High Priest, neither is there any ex­ception made of the persons that are to bee iudged to bee infected, or not infected with leprosie. Yea and in this very example not onely Azarias the High Priest, but also all the other eightie inferiour Priests iudged King Ozias, and resisted him, saying, It is not thy office Ozias, &c. And therfore Ozias being angry, saith the Scripture, threatned the Priests, and forthwith there arose a leprosie in his forehead before the Priests: And when Azarias the high Priest had beheld him, and all the rest of the Priests, [Page 168] they saw the leprosie in his forehead, and in hast they thrust him out. And therefore this Doctour doth not well affirme, that in the olde law wee haue not an example, wherein Princes were iudged for leprosie by any other, then by the High Priest, seeing that in this example of King Ozias the High Priest did not any thing, which the test also of the Priests did not, and which if the High Priest had not beene present at that time, the other Priests might not according to the law haue done without him.

94 Wherefore that also, which this Doctour answereth to my second consequence, which was, that if Card. Bellarmines argument were of force, it would prooue, that Bishops, and also Priests might depose Princes not onely for heresie, but also for all other mortal crimes, is no­thing to the purpose. I answere, saith hee;Pag. 543. It is true, that all sinnes are signified by leprosie, but not therefore Princes may bee iudged for all sinnes whatsoeuer by euery Priest. Because as we now haue saide, greater sinnes are reserued to greater Prelates, and some to the Pope alone, especially when we speake of persons, that are placed in the highest degree of dignitie.

95 But what is this to my argument? For first I spake of Bishops and Priests indefinitely, and also standing in the law of God, now this Doctour applieth my wordes to euery Priest, and flyeth from the law of God, by which there is no reseruation of cases, to the law of the Church and of Popes, by which law onely cases are reser­ued. But secondly, and principally hee cunningly concealeth the force and drift of my argument. For in this second consequence my principall drift was to speake not so much of the persons, who according to Car­dinall Bellarmines argument should haue authoritie to depose Princes (for of them I spake in the first consequence, as the Reader may plainly see) as of the crimes, for which Princes might according to Cardinall Bellarmines argument be deposed: And I affirmed, that if Cardinall Bel­larmines argument were of force, it would prooue, that Princes might for euery mortall sinne be deposed, at least wise by the Pope, if not by inferiour Bishops, and Priests: Now this Doctour speaketh not one word concerning the force of this consequence, for as much as con­cerneth the crime, for which Princes may according to Cardinall Bellarmines argument be deposed, whereof I chiefly treated in this se­cond consequence, but he cunningly flyeth to the persons, who may de­pose Princes, of whom I spake principally in the first consequence, and he answereth, that indeede all sinnes are signified by leprosie, but not therefore Princes may be iudged by euery Priest for all sinnes, insinuating thereby that Princes may bee deposed (for of that iudgement I onely spake) at least wise by the Pope for all sinnes, which are mortall, and may infect others, which doctrine how dangerous and pernicious it is to the So­ueraigntie, and also securitie of Princes, I leaue to the consideration of any prudent man.

[Page 169]96 But because, as the vulgar maxime saith, ducere ad inconueni­ens non est soluere argumentum, to draw one to an inconuenience is not to solue the argument, I did secondly and principally answere, that this argu­ment of Cardinall Bellarmine taken from the foresaide example of King Ozias, is also most weake, seeing, that the antecedent proposition is very vncertaine, not to say false, and the consequence no lesse doubtfull. And forasmuch as concerneth the antecedent proposition, and the proofe thereof, albeit he doth rightly gather from Leuit. 13. & 2. Paralip. 26. that the Priest of the Leuiticall stocke might iudge Kings infected with leprosie, and pronounce sentence against them, by declaring the law of God, that they ought to dwell apart out of the campe, which is the first part of the antecedent proposition, seeing that this separation was imposed by God vpon lepers, at the arbitrement, or declaratiue sentence of the Priest; yet hee doth not therefore well conclude, that the Priest of the stocke of Leui had authoritie to depriue Kings being in­fected with leprosie, of their kingdomes, euen by accident, and conse­quently, vnlesse the depriuing them of their kingdome should necessa­rily follow their dwelling in a place apart from the rest of the peo­ple, which neuerthelesse cannot bee forcibly prooued from the holy Scripture.

97 For as Fa. Suarez doth well obserue,Disp. 15. de. Excommun­nicat. sec. 6. nu. 3.the depriuation of domi­nion doth euer last, after it once bee done: but that dwelling apart of lepers, to be imposed at the arbitrement of the Priest, did onely continue for the time they were infected with leprosie, for which time neuerthe­lesse they remained true Kings, although others did administer their kingdome. For vnablenesse to gouerne the kingdome doth not de­priue Kings of their right and authoritie to reigne; as it is manifest in a King, who is vnder age, in whom there is true dominion, power, and right to reigne, although vntill hee come to yeeres of discretion, there is appointed him a Protector and Guardian, who doth in the Kings name, and by the Kings authoritie adminster all the affaires of the kingdome. And that King Ozias for all the time of his infirmitie, which continued vntill the day of his death, did remaine true King, the Glosse doth most plainely teach 2. Paralip. 26. who writeth thus. The Hebrewes are of opinion, that this (the miraculous striking of Ozias with leprosie) happened in the 25th yeere of Ozias, the rest of whose yeeres are twentie seuen, and he raigned fiftie one yeeres. And the same is gathe­red not obscurely from the Scripture it selfe in that place. Wherevpon although we reade in the 21. vers. that for the time Ozias was a leper, Ioathan his sonne gouerned the Kings house, yet wee doe not reade that Ioathan his sonne reigned for him, but after that Ozias was dead, vers. 23.

98 To this my answere D. Schulckenius replieth thus:Pag. [...]. I answere [Page 170] first, although Ozias should haue beene depriued only of the administration of the kingdome, and constrained to giue it ouer to his sinne, yet had kept the right, and authoritie to reigne, as my Aduersarie Widdrington will haue it, neuerthelesse Card. Bellarmines argument would be strong, and vnshaken. For from hence also by the grant of my Aduersarie is we doe gather, that King Ozias was by the Priest of Aaron, depriued, not only of the communion of sa­cred things, but also of the administration of his kingdome, and punished not only with a spirituall but also with a temporall punishment. But my Aduer­sarie denieth, that an hereticall King can be depriued of the administration of his Kingdome, and he saith that he can only be depriued of the receiuing of Sacraments.

99 But first it is vntrue, that I euer granted, as this Doctour saith, that the Priest of the old law depriued King Ozias of the administration of his kingdome, but, as you shall beneath,Num. I affirmed the flat contra­rie. Secondly, it is strange, how Card. Bellarmines argument can stand firme, and vnshaken, if the antecedent proposition, for as much as con­cerneth the principall part thereof, be not true, as this Doctour in this his answere doth suppose. For the antecedent proposition of Card. Bellarmines argument contained two parts; the one was, that King O­zias was for leprosie depriued of his kingdome, and authoritie to reigne and from hence he concluded, as you haue seene, If therefore the Priest of the old law had power to iudge a King, and to depriue him of his kingdome for corporall leprosie, why may not a Priest now doe the same for spirituall leprosie? and of this part, to wit, of depriuing Princes of their kingdomes, and of their right, or authoritie to reigne I did only speake in this part of my answere: And if this part, which was the principall point of Card. Bellarmines argument be supposed to be false, as this Doctour doth suppose, how can his argument, for as much, as concer­neth this point, stand strong, and vnshaken.

100 The second part of Card. Bellarmines agrument was, that King Ozias was for leprosie depriued by the High Priest of the administration of his kingdome; and of this second part I did not speake one word in this part of my answere, but only of the depriuing him of his king­dome, dominion, or right to reigne: And I affirmed, that although the Priests of the old law had authoritie to iudge a leper, and by a de­claratiue sentence, or commandement to denounce, that he was to be seuered from the rest of the people, which was only to declare the com­mandement and law of God, considering that this separation was or­dained by the expresse commandement of God after the Priest had iudged him to be infected with leprosie, yet from hence it cannot be well inferred, that the Priests of the old law had authoritie to depriue Kings, that were infected with leprosie, of their kingdomes euen per ac­cidens, and consequently, vnlesse their dwelling apart from the rest of the [Page 171] people doth necessarily inferre, as it doth not, that they were consequent­ly depriued also of their kingdomes. But their dwelling apart from the rest of the people doth necessarily inferre, saith this Doctour, that they were depriued at least of the administration of their kingdome, and therefore from hence it may be well inferred, that the Priests of the old law had autho­ritie to depriue per accidens, and consequently Princes that were infected with leprosie at least wise of the administration of their kingdome. But of this I will treate a little beneath, after I haue examined the second Reply, which this Doctour maketh to this first part of my answere to his antecedent proposition.

101 I answere secondly, saith D. Schulckenius. Pag. 546. King Ozias did in­deed retaine the name of a King for the residue of his life, but a bare and na­ked name. For his sonne did gouerne the kingdome with full power, although without the name of a King. For so the Scripture speaketh 2. Paralip. 26. King Ozias was a leper vntill the day of his death, and he dwelt in a house a part full of leprosie, for the which he had beene cast out of the house of our Lord; Moreouer Ioathan his sonne gouerned the Kings house, and iudged the people of the land. The same is said 4. Reg. 15. Therefore we haue not from the Scripture, that any part of the gouernment did any way appertaine to Ozias, which Iosephus doth more cleerely expli­cate lib. 9. Antiq. cap. 11. While he saith, that the sonne of Ozias did take vpon him the kingdome, and that Ozias▪ liued a priuate life vntill his death. But howsoeuer it be, this is manifest, that Ozias was depriued of the administration of the kingdome, and therefore punished with a temporall pu­nishment.

102 But thou wilt say, that Ozias retained the name of a King, and as it was said in the first answere perchance a right to reigne. Therefore from hence it cannot be proued, that hereticall Kings may altogether be depriued of their kingdomes by the Pope. I answere. First from hence it is proued, that the Pope may for a iust cause inflict vpon a King a temporall punishment, as is the depriuing of the administration of the kingdome. Secondly it is con­sequently gathered, that for a most weightie cause, and for a very heinous crime, and very pernicious to the Church, as for example is heresie, he may in­flict a more grieuous punishment, as is the depriuing him altogether of his kingdome. For both Innocentius the fourth did remoue Sanctius the second King of Portugall from the administration of the kingdome, because he was vnfit, and gaue him his brother Alphonsus the third for a Coadiutor, and al­so he depriued of the Empire Friderike the second in the Councell of Lyons being declared an enemie to the Church.

103 But first, that King Ozias retained only the bare name of a King without any Royall right, authoritie, or dominion, it is very false, and affirmed by this Doctour without any colourable ground at all. For the Scripture doth not only call Ozias a King, after hee was infected [Page 172] with leprosie, and recounteth the yeeres of his reigne in the same man­ner, as he recounteth the yeeres of the reigne of other Kings, who had not only the bare name, but also the true authoritie of other Kings, but it doth also affirme, that the reigned all the rest of his life, and that Ioathan beganne to reigne only after his Fathers death. Sixteene yeeres old, saith the Scripture2. Paralip. 26. & 4. Reg. 15., was Ozias, who also was called Azarias 4. Reg. 15. When he beganne to reigne, and he reigned two and fiftie yeeres in Ierusalem. And againe,2. Paralip. 26. 27. And Ozias slept with his Fathers, and they buried him in the Kings sepulchres field, because he was a leaper; and Ioathan his sonne reigned for him. Fiue and twentie yeeres old was Ioathan when he beganne to reigne (and therefore he did not reigne in his Fathers time) and he reigned six­teene yeeres in Ierusalem.

104 Ioathan, saith Abulensis, 4 Reg. 15. [...]. was not called King, neither did he sit in the Kings seate of estate, but Ozias was called King all the time he liued and vnder him is reckoned the time of the kingdome, and the power, or authoritie concerning those things, which were done in the kingdome did depend on him, although they were administred by Ioathan his sonne: and beneath, This Ioathan, saith Abulensis, was the only or at least wise the eldest sonne of Ozi­as, therefore he did succeede in the Kingdome, his Father being dead; for his Father being aliue, he did gouerne the Palace, and sustained the whole weight of the Kingly labour. Alsolib. 26▪ de Repub. cap. 5. num. [...] Gregorius Tholosanus among other reasons, which he brought to proue, that a Prince ought not to be depriued of his kingdome, for that hee is, or seemeth to be vnfit to gouerne the same, he produceth this example of King Ozias. Seeing that saith he, al­so Azarias, or Ozias (for he was called by both these names) King of Iu­da, was striken by God with leprosie for this sinne, that he did not destroy the Altars of the Idolls, after he was become a leaper, he liued indeede vntill the day of his death in a free house apart: yet he was not depriued of his kingdome, but Ioathan his sonne gouerned the Kings Palace, and did iudge the people of the Land, at his Coadiutor: And another cause of his leprosie is alledged, for that he presumed to burne incense vpon the Altar of incense, which was on­ly the office of a Priest, yet in both places it is said, that Ioathan reigned for him only after his death, but that before his death he only administred the kingdome in his Fathers name.

105 Wherefore that, which this Doctour affirmeth, that the Kings sonne administred the kingdome with full power, is equiuocall, although the Scripture maketh no mention, that he administred the kingdome with full power, but only, that he gouerned the Kings Palace, and iudged the people of the Land: for if he meane, that he administred the kingdome with a full absolute and supreme authoritie, this is very vntrue; for this authoritie did belong only to the King, in whose name, and by whose authoritie he gouerned the Kings Pallace, and iudged the peo­ple; but if his meaning be▪ that he administred the kingdome with a full [Page 173] delegate power, and which in some cases the King may communicate to a subiect, who is onely an administratour, and gouernour, but not a King, this I will easily grant. Belike this Doctour will haue the Kings Protectour, and Guardian in the time of his minoritie, or who admini­streth the kingdome, when the King is absent in some forraine coun­trey, or when hee is taken prisoner by his enemie, or when by reason of some great infirmitie, hee cannot gouerne by himselfe, to haue full, absolute, and supreame power, and consequently to be in very deede the Soueraigne King, and to haue Kingly authoritie to gouerne the kingdome which how absurd it is, any man but of meane capacitie may easi­ly perceiue.

106 Neither from Iosephus can any other thing bee gathered, then which the Scripture it selfe affirmeth, to wit, that King Ozias liued in a house a-part, and his sonne Ioathan gouerned the Kings house, and iudged the people of the Land. For the words of Iosephus, as they are related by this Doctour, are not so bee vnderstood, that Ioathan tooke vpon him the kingdome, and to reigne; for Ozias all the time of his life was King, and did reigne, as Iosephus affirmeth in the same place: but that hee tooke vpon him to administer, or gouerne the kingdome in his Fathers name, who by reason of his infirmitie, for which hee was bound by the law of God to liue in a house a part from the rest of the people, could not conueniently gouerne the same: But the words of Iosephus according to the Edition which I haue, and which also Car­dinall Bellarmine in his booke against Barclay followeth, are these. Af­ter the Priests had perceiued the leprosie in the Kings face, they tolde him, (or if the word bee iudicauerunt, and not indicauerunt) they iudged, that hee was stricken by God with the plague of leprosie; and they admonished him, that hee would depart the Citie, as one polluted▪ and vncleane. And hee with the shame of his calamitie obeyed, being so miserably punished for his pride ioyned with impietie; and when for a time hee liued priuate out of the Citie, his sonne Ioathan administring the kindome, at length being con­sumed with sorrow hee dyed the sixtie eight yeere of his age, and the fiftie second of his kingdome or reigne.

107 From which wordes this onely can bee gathered, that Ioa­than administred the kingdome, and gouerned the Kings Pallace, and iudged the people, as the Scripture saith, yet that Ozias was stil King, and reigned, although he liued priuate, that is, not depriued of his kingdome, for he still remained King, and did reigne vntill his death, as Iosephus con­fesseth, but priuately, to wit, he did not meddle with the publike affaires of the kingdome, but liued in a free house apart, as the Scripture saith, which words Abulensis expoundeth thus: [...] And hee dwelled in a free house apart, that is, hee did not dwell in the Kings Pallace, for he [Page 174] being a leper ought not to giue himselfe to businesses, neither did he dispose of the kingdome, but Ioathan his sonne; and it is called a free house, that is, sequestred from all businesse, and frequentation of people: for none did resort to him but those, who serued him; but the rest which belonged to the King­ly affaires Ioathan did; and perchance it is called a free house, because it was out of the Citie. Therefore that the Kingly estate, prouision, pompe, should not cease, Ioathan Ozias his sonne gouerned the Kings Pallace, to wit, he remained in the Kings house, and all the Nobles, and mightiest men of the Land had recourse to him as they were wont to haue recourse to Ozias, and he kept all the seruants, and all the other prouision, which his Father kept, that the Regall state should not seeme to be diminished, and yet he was not called King, neither did he sit in the Kings seate of estate, and the rest as follow before nu. 104.

108 Wherefore D. Schulckenius perceiuing this his assertion not to be grounded either in Scripture, reason, or any other authoritie flyeth backe againe to his former answere, that Ozias was at least wise depriued of the administration of the kingdome, from whence first it is proo­ued, sayth he, that the Pope may inflict vpon a King for a iust cause a tem­porall punishment, as is the depriuing of the administration of the kingdome; and secondly from thence consequently it is gathered, that for a most impor­tant cause, and a very heinous crime, as is heresie, he may inflict a greater pu­nishment, as is the depriuing him altogether of his kingdome.

109 But although I should grant to this Doctour, that the High-Priest did depriue King Ozias per accidens, and consequently not onely of the administration of the kingdome, but also of the kingdome it selfe, and right to reigne, that is, by declaring him to be a leper, which disease did by the law of God, as we now suppose, but doe not grant, depriue him ipso facto of his right to reigne, yet frō thence it cannot be proued, that the Pope hath the like authoritie to depriue an hereticall King of his Kingdome, or the administration thereof per accidens or consequently, for that no punishmēt is appointed by the law of Christ to heresie, as it was in the old law to leprosie: but to punish heretikes with this or that kind of spirituall punishment Christ hath left to the discretion of spirituall Pastours, and to punish them with temporall punishments to the dis­cretion of temporall Princes, who therefore, as well said Dominicus Ban­nes, may put heretikes to death, or punish them in some other manner. But if Christ our Sauiour had in the new law assigned particularly any tem­porall punishment, as death, banishment, priuation of goods, or the like, for those who should bee infected with heresie, as God in the olde law did ordaine, that lepers should dwell out of the Campe in a house apart, then the Pope might indeed punish heretikes temporally per ac­cidens and consequently, to wit, onely by declaring the law of Christ, and that they were infected with heresie, to which crime such punish­ments [Page 175] are according to this supposition appointed by the law of Christ; Neither should he heerein transcend his spirituall authoritie: But to execute this law by putting heretikes to death, or by inflicting vpon them temporall punishments, and punishing them actually with the same, doth exceede the limits of that spirituall authoritie, which hath beene giuen to the Priests eyther of the new law, or of the olde.

110 And albeit Pope Innocent the fourth, and also other Popes haue depriued Soueraigne Princes very few times for heresie, but often for other crimes, not onely of their administration, but also of the king­dome it selfe, yet this is no sufficient ground to prooue, that they had any true and rightfull power so to doe, as it is manifest of it selfe, and in my Apologie I haue declared more at large,Nu. 444. 445▪ for that it is one thing, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, In Respons. ad Apolog. pag. 157. Edit. Colon. to relate the facts of Kings, and so of Popes, and other persons, and another thing to prooue their authoritie, and power. And thus much concerning the first part of my answere to the antece­dent proposition of Cardinall Bellarmines argument. The second part of my answere was contained in these words.

111 Neither also doth Cardinal Bellarmine sufficiently confirme, that the Leuiticall Priests had authority to depriue Kings that were infected with leprosie onely of the administration of their Kingdomes, for that time onely that they were infected with leprosie. For albeit Ozias, after he was stricken by God with the plague of leprosie did not administer the kingdome, the cause thereof might bee, for that hee be­ing not fit to gouerne the kingdome during the time of his infirmitie, did commit the gouernment to Ioathan his sonne, and did appoint him the Administratour of the kingdome, vntill he should be restored to his former health. But that a Priest of the old law had authority to de­priue Kings being infected with leprosie either of their kingdomes, or of the administration thereof, it cannot bee sufficiently gathered from the holy Scripture. As also we cannot sufficiently collect from the holy Scripture, that a Priest of the old law had authoritie to depriue hous­holders being infected with leprosie either of their goods, or of the administration thereof, although it be very like, that seeing such house­holders ought at the iudgement of the Priest, declaring them to be lea­pers, to dwell out of the campe, they themselues did commit to o­thers the authoritie to bee administratours of their goods for the time they were infected with leprosie; And so the weakenesse of the ante­cedent proposition is manifest.

112 Now you shal see in what a shuffling manner D. Schulckenius replieth to this my answere. I answere, saith he,Pag 5 [...] These make nothing to the matter. It is enough for vs, that King Ozias did by the commandement of the High Priest dwell in a house apart from the time of his leprosie vntill [Page 176] his death; and that seeing hee could not conuerse with the people he was enfor­ced to permit the administration of the kingdome to his sonne, so that nothing at all concerning the affaires of the kingdome was referred to him. But if he had not beene subiect to the power of the High Priest, he might haue contem­ned the high Priest, and against his will dwell in the Kings Cittie, and go­uerne the kingdome either by himselfe, or by his Ministers. For leprosie doth not take away the iudgement of the mind, and wisedome necessarie to gouerne. Truly Naaman Syrus was a leeper, and because he was not subiect to the high Priest of the Hebrewes, he did n [...]t dwell in a house apart, but he was the Ge­nerall of Warfare, and he went wheresoeuer he would. See 4. Reg. 5.

And in the same manner the High Priest might depriue housholders of the administration of their goods, especially if they had any in Citties, because he did separate them from the people, or the conuersation of men, and did ex­clude them from Citties▪ and consequently depriued them of the admini­stration of those goods, which they had in Citties, albeit they might admi­nister them by others. Thus D Schulckenius.

113 But truly it is a shame to see with what face this Doctour can so boldly affirme, that the principall question, which is now betwixt Card. Bellarmine, and me, to wit whether King Ozias was depriued either of his kingdome, or of the administration thereof by the High Priest, is no­thing to the matter. Before as you haue seene, both Card. Bellarmine, and also this Doctour, if they be two different men, haue laboured to proue, that King Ozias was for corporall leprosie depriued by the high Priest not only of the administration of his kingdome, but also of the kingdome it selfe, and of his right or authoritie to reigne; from whence they inferred, that therefore the Pope might for spirituall leprosie de­priue temporall Princes not only of the administration of their king­domes, but also of their kingdomes, and all Regall authoritie, or right to reigne. And the second part of this antecedent proposition I did confute aboue, and proued cleerely, that Ozias did still remaine true King de iure vntill his death, and was not depriued of his Royall authoritie, or right to reigne, although his sonne Ioathan did de facto in his fathers name, and by his Fathers authoritie administer the kingdome. To the first part of the antecedent proposition, which this Doctour affirmed to be manifest, [but howsoeuer it be, saith he, to wit, whether Ozias remained King only in name, or also with Regall authoritie, it is manifest, that he was depriued of the administration of the kingdome and therefore punished with a temporall punishment] I did now answere, affirming that Card. Bellar­mine had not sufficiently proued the same; for that it might be, that he perceiuing himselfe to be vnfit by reason of leprosie, for which he was by the law to dwell in a house apart, to gouerne the kingdome by him­selfe, did willingly and of his owne accord commit the gouernment thereof to his sonne Ioathan, from whence it cannot bee gathered, that [Page 177] hee was depriued of the gouernment by the high Priest. And now this Doctour being pressed with this answere blusheth not to say, That this is nothing to the matter, as though to confute that which hee himselfe affirmetn to bee manifest, to wit, that King Ozias was by the high Priest depriued of his Kingly gouernment for corporall leprosie is nothing to the mat­ter. But to such shamefull windings, turnings, and shiftings are some­time brought men, otherwise learned, rather then they will plainly and sincerely confesse themselues to haue grosly erred, in coyning their false, or fallible opinions, for true and vndoubted points of Ca­tholike faith.

114 Obserue now, good Reader, in what a fraudulent maner this Doctour would seeme to prooue, that my aforesaid answere is nothing to the matter. It is enough for vs, saith he, that King Ozias did by the high Priests commandement dwell in a house apart all the time of his leprosie vntill his death, &c.

If this bee enough for this Doctour, I shall easily agree with him heerein, for that I doe willingly grant, that the high Priest might com­maund King Ozias being infected with leprosie to dwell in a house a­part; Onely this I must admonish him, that Ozias was bound to dwell in a house apart, not so much by the commandement of the high Priest, if wee will speake properly, as by the commandement of almigh­tie God, who by his law did expresly ordaine, that all lepers should dwell apart from the rest of the people; and the Priests office only was to iudge according to the signes and tokens prescribed by the law whe­ther they were infected with leprosie or no, and to declare the law of GOD, which are spirituall not temporall actions; abstracting from which law the high Priest had no authoritie to command King Ozias, or any other leper to liue in a house apart from the rest of the people. Wherefore this commandement of the high Priest was not any constitu­tiue commandement of his owne, imposing a new obligation vpon King Ozias, to which he was not tyed before, although the high Priest had not commanded him, but it was onely a declaratiue commande­ment, or a declaration of Gods law and commandement, whereby all lepers were long before commaunded to dwell in a place apart from the rest of the people: But from hence this Doctour cannot gather, that the Priests of the new law may for spirituall leprosie depriue Kings of their kingdomes, or the administration thereof, or of their right and freedome to dwell in their Cities, or Pallaces, and separate them by way of temporall constraint from all ciuill conuersation of men, vnlesse hee will grant with Iohn Wicklefe, that these punish­ments are by the law of Christ annexed to spirituall leprosie, as in the old law the dwelling in a place apart from the rest of the people was an­nexed to corporall leprosie. Neuerthelesse I doe not deny, that the [Page 178] Priests all of the new law haue authority to declare what is spirituall lepro­sie, and what crimes doe notably infect the soule, and what punish­ments are by the law of Christ annexed to such maladies, and also to separate heretikes and other spirituall lepers from the sacred, religious, or spirituall conuersation of the faithfull, for these are spirituall, not temporall actions, and punishments.

115 But Ozias, liuing in a house apart, could not, saith this Doct­our, conuerse with the people, and so he was enforced to permit absolutely to to his sonne the administration of the kingdome, that nothing at all should be referred to him, concerning the affaires of the kingdome.

But first, it is not true, that King Ozias speaking properly was co­actus, that is, enforced or compelled by corporall force, and violence; or by the coactiue force of the law, which consisteth in the inflicting of temporall punishments, to liue in a house apart from the rest of the people, but onely he was bound thereunto by the directiue, or com­manding force of the law of God, which ordained, that all lepers should bee separated from the rest of the people, and dwell alone by them­selues out of the Campe; for seeing that the King was supreame in tem­poralls, and subiect therein to none but God alone, and the High Priests were subiect to him therein, and might bee punished by him with tem­porall punishments, as I shewed before, hee could not bee subiect to the coactiue, or enforcing power of the law, which ordained the inflict­ing of any temporall punishment; And therefore wee neuer read in the holy Scripture, that the High Priest of the old law, whom my Aduersaries affirme to haue authoritie to inflict vpon a King a tempo­rall punishment, did euer attempt to put any King to death, who had committed any crime that deserued death according to the law, as you find many Kings to haue committed such crimes, as Dauid committed adulterie, which according to the law of God was to bee punished with death, and most of the Kings of Israel were Idolaters, whom God commanded to be put to death, and this crime also of King Ozias, for vsurping the office of a Priest deserued death according to the Law.

116 Secondly therefore, although he was in some sort, speaking improperly, enforced, or compelled, that is, he was bound by the law vnder paine of sinne to liue in a house apart; from the rest of the peo­ple by reason of his leprosie, yet it was the law of God, and not the high Priest, but onely as iudging him to bee a leper, and declaring the law of God, and his indignation against those who should transgresse his law, that compelled him thereunto, which declaration being a meere spirituall action, without doubt did, according to the law of God in the old law, belong to the function of the high Priest; and therefore the most that from hence can be inferred is this, that the Priests of the new law haue also authoritie to declare the law of Christ, and to iudge [Page 179] what is spirituall leprosie, and what punishments are by the law of Christ appointed against heresie, and other crimes which may infect the soule; but that spirituall Pastours haue now authoritie to inflict temporall punishments vpon heretikes, or any other spirituall lepers, it cannot from hence be gathered by any probable reason.

117 Thirdly, it is very vntrue, that because King Ozias was by the law commanded to liue in a house apart, so long as hee remained a leper, it doeth consequently follow from thence, that he was also en­forced, bound, or compelled to permit absolutely the administration of the kingdome to his sonne, so that nothing concerning the affaires of the kingdome should bee referred to him: for that a King may liue in a house apart, not onely out of the Citie, but also out of the king­dome, and yet he may gouerne his kingdome by his Ministers in such sort, that the chiefest things hee may reserue to himselfe, as diuers Kings by their Vice-Roys doe gouerne forraine kingdomes, reseruing diuers things, as the placing or displacing of the chiefest Officers, the making of warre against their neighbour Princes, or such like im­portant affaires to themselues: and therefore from the dwelling of Ozias in a house apart, either in the Citie, or out of the Citie, it cannot bee sufficiently gathered, that hee was therefore enforced to permit absolutely the administration of the kingdome to his sonne, so that nothing concerning the affaires of the kingdome should bee re­ferred to him; especially seeing that, as this Doctour sayeth, le­prosie doeth not take away the iudgement of the mind, and wisedome neces­sarie to gouerne.

118 Neither also is it true, that King Ozias could not conuerse with the people, as this Doctour so bouldly affirmeth. For although it was ordained by the law, that lepers should dwell alone out of the campe, and be separated from the rest of the people, yet the law did not for­bid any man to speake, or talke with them, or than with others: yea which is more, it was not forbidden by the law, as well obserueth Abu­lensis, In ca. 8. Mat. q. 12. & 13. to touch a leper; for although the touching of a leper d [...]d cause a legall vncleanesse, yet it was not any sinne, or imperfection to incurre a legall vncleannesse, but sometimes it was meritorious to bee legally polluted: for to touch dead bodies, and graues was a legall vncleannesse Num. 19. and yet to bury, the dead was a meritorious worke, for which Tobias is greatly com­mended; and sometimes also a man was bound to incurre a legall vncleannesse, as children were bound to bury their parents, and yet by this they were legally polluted Leuit. 10. & 21. and not only in prophane things, but also in diuine my­steries Priests were sometimes bound by the law to be legally polluted: as the Priest who offered a red cow in a burnt sacrifice was polluted, and yet this was done by the commandement of God. Num. 19. See also the like Leuit. 16. Wherefore to incurre a legall vncleannesse was not forbidden by the law, but it [Page 180] was onely forbidden to enter into the Sanctuarie, or to touch sacred things be­fore he should be cleansed. Leuit. 15. and therfore it was not a sinne accor­ding to the law to touch a leper after what maner soeuer, vnlesse he that was so polluted, would before his purification enter into the Taberna­cle, or participate in sacred things. Leuit. 15. So that it is manifest, that King Ozias was so debarred rom all ciuill conuersation, but that he might sufficiently declare to his Deputies and ministers, what he would haue done concerning any important businesse in the kingdome.

119 Wherefore it can not be prooued, that King Ozias was de­priued for his leprosie of the administration of his kingdome, and enfor­ced to permit absolutely to his sonne the gouernment thereof, that nothing at all should be referred to him concerning the affaires of the kingdome, al­though it might very well be, that he seeing himselfe for his great pride, and arrogancie stricken by God with the plague of leprosie, and that he could not so conueniently, and in such Royall maner, and remaining in his owne Pallace gouerne the kingdome, as he did before, did freely, and of his owne accord, and not vpon any constraint or absolute necessi­tie appoint his sonne the sole administratour of the kingdome, and that he being now humbled by the potent hand of God would not for the time of his infirmitie meddle at all with the gouernment, which is more to be attributed to his humilitie, then to any necessitie, for that he might, if he had beene pleased, haue reserued some affaires of greatest moment to his owne iudgement, and referred the rest to those mini­sters, whom he should appoint; and as his sonne Ioathan was made ad­ministratour of the kingdome by his appointment, and gouerned in his name, and by his authoritie, so also if Ioathan had caried himselfe partially and tyrannically in the gouernment, he might by the autho­ritie of his father, who still remained the true and rightfull King, haue beene displaced, and another put in his roume.

120 But if King Ozias had not beene subiect (saith this Doctour) to the power of the high Priest, he might haue contemned the high Priest, and against his will haue dwelled in the Regall Citie, and also haue gouerned the kingdome.

But first no man maketh any doubt, but that King Ozias was subiect to the high Priest in spirituals, as was euery sentence or iudge­ment, wherein he declared the law of God: And therefore the King was bound not to contemne in such things the commandement of the high Priest; neither could he being now declared a leper, either with the leaue, or against the leaue of the high Priest dwell in the kingly Citie among the rest of the people, for that by the law of God, and not by any constitutiue commandement of the high Priest, he was to dwell apart from the rest of the people. Wherefore that clause [and against his will he might haue dwelt in the Regall Citie] is added by this Doctour to [Page 181] no purpose, vnlesse he would signifie thereby, that the law concerning the dwelling of lepers apart from the rest of the people, was not the law of God, but onely the law and commandement of the high Priest, and that therefore King Ozias, and other lepers might with the leaue and licence of the high Priest dwell in the Citie among the rest of the people.

121 Secondly, if King Ozias had contemned the high Priest, and had against his will dwelled in the Regall Citie, although he had geat­ly offended therein by transgressing the law of God which the high Priest ought by his Office to declare to all the people, yet he could not therefore be punished by the high Priest with any temporall punish­ment, for that he himselfe was supreme in temporals, and subiect to none but God, and the high Priest was, as I shewed before, subiect to him therein, and might be punished by him with temporall punish­ments. But as for the administration of the kingdome, he should no way haue transgressed the law of God, albeit he had gouerned the same against the high Priests will, for that he was not by his leprosie depri­ued of any iote of his Regall authoritie. Neither can this Doctour well declare, how King Ozias being a man of iudgement and wisedome notwithstanding his corporall leprosie, could be depriued of the admi­nistration of his kingdome, or which is all one, of his right and authori­tie to gouerne the same for the time of his leprosie, if he once suppose, that he still remained true King, and had true Regall authoritie: seeing that to deny obedience to a Prince so long as he remaineth Prince, is plainly repugnant to the law of God, sayth Card. Bellarmine; in Tract con­tra Barcla. cap. 21. pag. 202. and, as Suarez doth well affirme,in Defens. fi­dei Cathol. &c. lib. 6. cap. 3. nu. 6. the obligation of obedience in any degree, or state doth so long endure in the subiect, as the dignitie, or power and iurisdiction doth en­dure in the Superiour, for these are correlatiues, and the one dependeth on the other.

122 And in the same manner, saith this Doctor, might the high Priest depriue housholders of the administration of their goods, especially which they had in Citie, because he did separate them from the people or conuersation of men, and did exclude them from Cities, and consequently did depriue them of the administration of those goods, which they had in Cities, although they might administer them by others.

But this also is apparantly vntrue. For although the high Priest had authoritie to declare, that house-holders being infected with le­prosie were to dwell apart out of the campe or Citie, but yet so that they might talke and speake a farre of to others that should come to visite them, as I signified before; and in this sense the high Priest may be said to haue authoritie to separate them from the rest of the people, to wit, by declaring the law of God, and not by any constitutiue com­mandement of his owne, yet from hence it doth not follow, as this Do­ctour [Page 182] affirmeth, that the high Priest did consequently depriue them of the administration of their goods, which they had in the Citie. For he that is depriued of the administration of his goods, can neither set, let, sell or giue away his goods, or make any other contract concerning them, which is valid and of force by law, as it is apparant in all those who are depriued of the administration of their goods, as are orphanes vnder age, mad-men, and many times also vnthrifts, or ouer prodigall persons are by the law depriued of the administration of their goods, and can make no bargaine, which is valid by law, and therefore they haue Ouerseers, Guardians or Administratours appointed them.

123 Now what man of learning will affirme, that he who either by sicknesse, imprisonment, confinement or banishment, is separated from the places where his goods doe remaine, is consequently depri­ued of the administration of his goods? Is an Englishman, who for some crime or cause is banished his Countrey, consequently depriued of the administration of his goods, which he hath in England? and can not he by authenticall writings, set them, sell them, or giue them away? Must he that is rightfully detained in prison, be consequently depri­ued of the administration of his goods, which he hath out of prison, can he not set, or sell his lands, or goods, which he hath in the Ci­tie, or Countrey? What an vnsound consequence is therefore this, which this Doctour maketh. The high Priest did exclude lepers out of the Citie, therefore he did consequently depriue them of the administration of those goods, which they had in the Citie? But they can not come to the Citie to set or sell their goods. Who doubteth of this, if they be bani­shed the Cities? as neither he that is detained in prison, or banished the kingdome, can goe out of prison into the Citie, or returne into the kingdome to administer his goods, and to set them, sell them, or giue them away without incurring the danger of the law. But will any man of learning from thence conclude, that therefore he is consequently depriued of the administration of his goods, which he hath in the Citie or kingdome? Or that if he should against the law aduenture to goe out of prison, or the place of his confinement to administer, or make away his goods, the contract should be vniust, and of no effect for want of right and authoritie to administer the same? And thus you see that both parts of the antecedent proposition of Card. Bellarmines argument are very vntrue.

124 But although we should graunt onely for Disputation sake, both parts of the antecedent proposition, to wit, that the Priests of the olde law had authoritie to depriue in that manner, as I declared, that is, not by any constitutiue commandement of the high Priest, but onely by the declaring the law of God, the Kings of Iuda being infected with leprosie not onely of the administration, of their kingdomes, but [Page 183] also of their kingdomes, or, which is all one, of their Regall authoritie and right to reigne, yet how weake and insufficient is also the conse­quence of his argument, and so the whole argument, and euery parte thereof altogether defectiue, I shewed in these words.

125 As concerning the consequence, albeit wee should grant the antecedent proposition, to wit, that the Priests of the olde law had au­thoritie to depriue Kings being infected with leprosie, at least wise of the administration of their kingdomes, not per se, but consequently as Card. Bellarmine deduceth, to wit, for that the had authority to sepa­rate them from the company of the rest of the people, and consequent­ly, as he saith, to depriue them of their kingdome, yet we deny his con­sequence. For that figure of the lepers doth consist in this, that as in the old law they that were infected with corporall leprosie, oughts to be se­parated at the arbitrement of the high Priest from the company of the rest of the people, so long as they were infected with leprosie, so in the Euangelical law they that are infected with spirituall leprosie may by Bi­shops be excluded from the Ecclesiasticall communion of the faith­ful, vntil they shal returne to their former health. And therefore if from this that lepers ought vpon the sentence of the Priest to remaine in a house apart out of the campe, vntill they were healed, it doth necessa­rily follow, that they had not power for that time to gouerne their temporall kingdome, no meruaile, that consequently also the were for that time depriued of the administration of the kingdome: But it is ma­nifest enough among the learneder Diuines and of better note, as wee haue seene aboue,Nu. 346. Apolog.that the depriuing either of a temporall kingdome, or of the administration thereof doth not necessarily follow Eccle­siasticall excommunication. And therefore this similitude of Card. Bellarmine doth also faile in this, and therefore his whole argument is not forcible.

126 Yea also if Card. Bellarmine in his Treatise of the Eucharist doth argue well from the figure to the thing figured, where from the figures of the old Testanment he prooueth, that Christ our Lord is true­ly and really present in the Eucharist, albeit we should grant, that the Priests of Leui had power to depriue Kings being infected with lepro­sie of their kingdomes, not only consequently, but also per se, and princi­pally, yet it would not therefore follow, that the Priests of the new law had also that power to depriue hereticall Kings of their kingdomes. For by this very same that corporall leprosie, and the punishment an­nexed to it by the law of God was a figure of heresie or spirituall leprosie, and of the punishment which is agreeable to it by the law of Christ, heresie ought not by the Euangelicall law to be punished with the losse of temporall kingdome in regard of the signification of the figure, for that this punishment was in the old law ordained for corporall le­prosie, [Page 184] but with a punishment of a higher degree, to wit, spirituall, and the losse of an euerlasting kingdome; because the figure is alwaies lesse perfect, and of an inferiour degree then is the thing figured, as the sha­dow in respect of the body, as Card. Bellarmine doth in that place af­firme. And by this reason some Diuines doe not vnaptly gather, that Christ our Lord was an eternall King, and of a higher degree, because he was figured by Melchisedech, who was a temporall King.

127. But that which Card. Bellarmine addeth in the end out of the first to the Corinthians chap. 10. that all things chaunced to the Iewes in figure to prooue from thence, that corporall leprosie in the old Testa­ment was a figure of heresie, and spirituall leprosie, he doth not well de­duce out of Saint Paul, neither doth he entirely and faithfully produce his words: For Saint Paul doth onely say in that place, All these things (to wit, those few things, before he had rehearsed) did chance to them in figure, but he maketh no mention at all in that place of this figure of leprosie. Thus I answered in my Apologie.

128 Now to this my answere D. Schulckenius Pag. 550. replieth thus. I answere. First, when Bellarmine saide, that Ozia was enforced to resigne vp the kingdome to his sonne (for my Adversary Widdrington seemeth to wrest this awry) by the kingdome he vnderstood not the name of King, but the administration at the kingdome with full power, or Regall au­thoritie. But I did not wrest awry, or misinterprete that word kingdome, for I prooued, as you haue seene, that Ozias did not resigne vp to his sonne his Kingly authority, but he still remained King, not onely in name but elso and right, and in very deede; and that his sonne had in­deede full authority to gouerne, or administer the kingdome, as an Ad­ministratour, Protectour, Guardian, or if we may say so, Vice-Roy, but no: supreme, or Regall authority.

129 Besides that, saith this Doctour, good Diuines cited aboue Nu. 346. by my Aduersary Widdringtō, as Paludanus, Richardus, S. Antoninus, Sot [...]s, Medina, Richeomus, and two (they are my Aduersary Widdringtons words) most famous Diuines of this age, and of the same Religious Order with Card. Bellarmine, Franciscus, Suarez, and Martinus Becanus, d [...]e teach that which is true, and denied by no man, to wit, that excommu­cation precisely, and per se men are not depriued of the dominion of their temporall goods, and thereby not depriued of their Kingdomes, and Seigno­ries: But that which my Aduersary Widdrington doth impose vpon them, to wit, that they are not depriued of the administration of their kingdome, this they doe not teach. For it is the common opinion of Diuines, and Can­nists, that by excommunication men are depriued of their power to iudge, and of other acts belonging to the externall Court, Forensibus actibus. wherein the administraton of ciuill Iurisdiction doth consist.

130 For Suarez doth say and prooue three things against my Ad­uersary [Page 185] Widdrington, in the place cited by my Aduersary, Tom. 5. disput. 15. sec. 6. First, that by excommunication externall iurisdiction doth cease in the person excommunicated, and all acts, which doe appertaine thereunto.

Secondly, that in subiects doth cease the obligation of fidelitie, being also sworne, after the sentence is giuen by an Ecclesiasticall Iudge, and hee prooueth it by the chap. Nos sanctorum, & cap. Iuratos 15. q. 6.

Thirdly, that dominion, and temporall goods doe not cease, vnlesse there be mention made of them, as truely it is made in the excommunication of he­retickes, who are depriued of all goods, and of all dignitie. Wherefore, seeing that our principall question is concerning the leprosie of heresie, it is plaine, that my Aduersary Widdrington hath imposed vpon Catholke Doctors a false doctrine for true.

131 But truely it is plaine, that this Doctour cannot with any colourable Reply impugne my answeres, but either by equiuocating, chopping, or changing, corrupting, or misinterpreting my words or meaning. For my words in this place, which this Doctour after his vsu­all manner doth misinterpret, are, as you haue seene, that according to learned Diuines, the depriuing either of a temporall kingdome, or of the ad­ministration of a temporall kingdome, doth not necessarily follow Ecclesiasti­call excommunication, marke that word necessarily fellow. And in the number 346, to which also I referred the Reader, I affirmed, that Ex­communication ex se, of it selfe, or of it owne nature, hath not sufficient force to depriue a Prince of his dominion, or of the vse thereof. Suarez tom. 5. desp. 8. sec. 1. And this I proo­ued by the definition of Excommunication assigned by Suarez, to wit, that it is an Ecclesiasticall Censure, whereby one is separated from the Eccle­siasticall communion of the faithfull, which definition is taken from Saint Augustine as he is cited in the Canon law11. q. 3. om­nis Christia­nus. who saith, that euery Chri­stian who is excommunicated, is remooued from Ecclesiasticall communion.

132 From whence it necessarily followeth, that Excommunica­tion ex se, of it selfe, of it owne nature, or by any intrinsecall, and neces­sarie consequence doth only exclude from Ecclesiasticall communion, and from that which by a necessary consequence doth follow the ex­cluding from Ecclesiasticall communion, and consequently it doth not ex se, and of it owne nature depriue one of any ciuill dominion, or iu­risdiction: For the excluding from Ecclesiasticall communion, or, which is all one, from communicating in Ecclesiasticall, spirituall, or sacred things, doth onely make him to be as a Heathen, or a Publicane, according to that saying of our Sauiour,Matth. 18. But if hee shall not heare the Church, let him be to thee as the Heathen, or the Publicane; But although Heathens, and Publicanes, cannot participate with the faithfull in Ec­clesiasticall, sacred, or spirituall affaires, yet they are not therefore exclu­ded from any ciuill conuersation, dominion, or iurisdiction.

[Page 186]Wherefore it is manifest, that when I said, that the depriuing a Prince of a temporall kingdome, or of the administration thereof, doth not, (according to very learned Diuines, among whom I numbred Suarez, and Becanus) necessarily follow Ecclesiasticall excommunication, and that Excommunication ex se, of it selfe, or of it owne nature, hath not sufficient force to depriue a Prince of his dominion, or of the vse thereof, my meaning was, that these effects doe not necessarily follow the nature, and definiti­on of Excommunication, and that Excommunication ex se, of it selfe, or, which is all one, of it owne nature, or according to those properties, which doe necessarily follow the nature of Excommunication, and which are founded in those words of our Sauiour, If he shall not heare the Church, let him be to thee as the Heathen, and the Publicane, that is, as Suarez expoundeth,Vbi supra. separated from the Church, doth not worke the said ciuill effects. And therefore I did not impose vpon Suarez, and Becanus a false doctrine for true.Becan. de fide haeretic seruan­da cap. 8. num. 16. For Becanus doth in expresse words affirme, that heretikes by that precisely that they are excommunicated, are not depriued of dominion, or Iurisdiction either ouer their subiects, or ouer their temporall all goods, but that this depriuation is a distinct punishment, and imposed by a distinct law. And Suarez holding, as this Doctour confesseth him to hold, that Excommunication precisely, and per se doth not depriue a man of the dominion of temper all goods, of kingdomes, and Seigniories, and teaching also, that the nature and definition of Excommunication is to separate one from the Ecclesiasticall communion of the faithful, must conse­quently according to his owne principles hold, and teach that Excom­munication doth not per se, and of it owne nature depriue one of any ciuill communion, administration, or Iurisdiction, but only of Ecclesiasticall conuersation, which is directly opposite to ciuill: neither can there be al­ledged any sufficient reason, why the Censure of Excommunication pre­cisely and per se should depriue of ciuill Iurisdiction or administration, and not of temporall dominion.

134 But Suarez, saith this Doctour, doth in the very place cited by Widdrington, teach and proue against him, that by Excommunication doth cease all externall Iurisdiction, and all acts belonging thereunto in the persons excommunicated; and in subiects the obligation of fidelitie although it be confirmed by oath; and that also the dominion of all temporall goods may cease, if there be particular mention made thereof, as it is in the excommuni­cation of heretikes, who are depriued of all goods, and of all dignity.

135 But Suarez doth not teach, or proue against me, neither can he, according to his owne grounds, affirme, as I shewed before, that any ciuill Iurisdiction, administration, act, obligation, or communion doth cease by Excommunication precisely, per se, and of it owne nature, or by any intrinsecall propertie following by any necessarie consequence the nature, and definition of Excommunication. For although Suarez, [Page 187] Becanus, and many other Diuines, and Canonists doe teach, that now de facto since the time especially of Pope Gregorie the seuenth, some Popes haue annexed to Excommunication this ciuill effect, to wit, to depriue not only inferiour Magistrates, but also Soueraigne Princes of their ci­uill dominion, and Iurisdiction, being perswaded, but without sufficient ground, as I haue shewed both in this Treatise and else where, that they had authoritie so to doe, yet they doe not teach contrarie to that, which I heere contend, to wit, that this effect doth per se, or by any nacessarie consequence follow the nature and definition of Excommunication, which according to Suarez, and the truth it selfe, is an Ecclesiasticall Cen­sure, by which one is separated from the Ecclesiasticall communion, or con­uersation of the faithfull, and consequently not depriued of any ciuill Iu­risdiction, administration, or conuersation, which is directly opposite to Ecclesiasticall, as I declared more amply in my Latin Appendix to Sua­rez, Par. 2. sec. 4 where I discoursed more at large of the effects of Excommuni­cation, which it hath per se, and of it owne nature, and which it hath per accedens, by the positiue lawes of the Church, which, for the better satis­faction of the English Reader, I think it not amisse to repeat here again.

136 And first I shewed in that place, that Excommunication per se, of it owne nature, and according to the true definition thereof set downe also by Suarez, and grounded in those words of our Sauiour, If he shall not heare the Church, let him be to thee as the Heathen and the Publicane, hath only this effect to debarre the person excommunicated from the Eccle­siasticall communion of the faithfull, and consequently from no ciuill dominion, administration, iurisdiction or conuersation, which is direct­ly opposite to Ecclesiasticall: And therefore that Maior, and Minor Ex­communication are not per se, of their owne nature, and according to their intrinsecall definition distinguished in this, that Minor Excommunication doth exclude only from Ecclesiasticall communion, and Maior both from Ecclesiasticall, and also ciuill communion: but it is therefore cal­led Minor Excommunication, or a lesser Excommunication, for that it debarreth from a lesser Ecclesiasticall communion, to wt from Sacraments only, and it is called Maior Excommunication, or a greater Excommunication, for that it debarreth from a greater Ecclesiasti­call communion, to wit, from Sacraments, Suffrages, and other Ec­clesiasticall graces, benefits, and priueledges, whereof a man is partaker by being a Christian: For seeing that both Excommunications doe parti­cipate the nature and definition of Ecclesiasticall Excommunication, they ought, according to their nature, and definition, debarre the faithfull only from this or that Ecclesiasticall communion in particular (because euery species, or particular must be contained sub genere, or vnder the ge­nerall, as it is euident to euery Logician) and not from ciuill communion, which is directly and ex diametro opposite to Ecclesiasticall.

[Page 188]137 And this is signified sufficiently by the very name of Excom­munication, as Suarez affirmeth: For a man is therefore called excommu­nicated, because he is separated, or excluded from communion. And it is grounded in the words of our Sauiour Matth. 18. But if he will not heare the Church, let him be to thee as the Heathen and the Publicane, that is separated from the Church. Thus Suarez. Vbi supra. Neither is it forbidden by the law of Christ, that the faithfull shall not ciuilly conuerse with Hea­thens, publicanes, or notorious sinners, vnlesse some spirituall danger as of scandall, or of infection, which by the law of Christ and nature they are otherwise bound to eschew, shall arise from such ciuill conuer­sation, as also Becanus doth expresly affirme.In opusc. de fide Haereticis seruanda. cap. 8. num. 3. See also Abulensis q. 50. in cap. 9. Matth.

138 Moreouer, this also is gathered from the very light of natu­rall reason: For as in the whole Christian world there be two only common wealths, kingdomes, or Societies distinguished by their proper acts, functions, and dignities, ad not depending one on the o­ther in those things, which are proper and peculiar to each one of them, to wit, the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, by which precisely and per se we receiue only spirituall graces, and benefits, and temporall common wealths, Societies, and kingdomes, by which precisely we are made partaker only of temporall goods,Greg. Tholos. in Syntagmat Iuris lib. 31. cap. 8. num. 3. and benefits: So also there be two only communions, the one in spirituall, the other in temporall, and ciuill affaires; and two only Excommunications in generall, as Gregorius Tholosanus, and I also obserued aboue;Part. 2. cap. 2. num. 7. the one Ecclesiasticall, which excludeth from Ecclesiasticall communion, as from Sacraments, Suf­frages, or other sacred things, the other ciuill, which excludeth from ciuill communion, which punishments the Ciuill Lawiers account im­prisonments, confinings, relegations, deportations, and banishments, by which the person excommunicated is debarred from the communi­on of some certaine companie, towne, City, Countrey, or kingdome: and as ciuill Excommunication precisely, and of it owne nature doth not de­barre a man from any spirituall good, grace, or communion [...], so neither spirituall Excommunication precisely, and of it owne nature doth debarre a man from any temporall good, benefit, or communion.

139 Neuerthelesse, albeit the intrinsecall, per se, and necessarie effects of Ecclesiasticall Excommunication are only to debarre one from Ecclesiasticall, or spirituall communion, yet because our Sauiour Christ hath giuen to the spirituall Pastours of the Church authoritie to im­pose, but not to inflict certaine temporall punishments vpon persons ex­communicated, all those temporall punishments, which the spirituall Pastours of the Church, haue according to different times, and occa­sions adioined by way of commandement to the Censure of Excom­munication, may be called extrinsecall, or accidentall effects of Ecclesiasti­call [Page 189] Excommunication, or rather temporall effects and punishments an­nexed by way of command to Excommunication. But this with all ought greatly to be considered, as Suarez doth well obserue,Suarez tom. 5. disp. 8. sec. 1. in fine & sec. 2. in principio. that when Ex­communication is said to exclude from Ecclesiasticall communion, it is necessarily to be vnderstood of that communion, which dependeth vpon the power, and will of the Church, and ouer which she hath right, power, or authoritie. Whereupon those temporall punishments, which spirituall Pastours may annect to Excommunication, must be such as by the insti­tution of Christ they haue authoritie to impose. And therefore if it be a controuersie among learned Catholikes, as in very deede it is, whe­ther spirituall Pastours haue authoritie to absolue subiects from the temporall allegiance, which they owe to their temporall Princes, and to depriue temporall Princes of their temporall dominion, administration, or Iurisdiction, these temporall punishments can neuer, so long as this controuersie remaineth vndecided, be truly said to be necessarie effects annexed to Excommunication by the spirituall Pastours of the Church.

140 Secondly, I shewed also in that place, that the spirituall Pas­tours of the Chuch haue authoritie in order to spirituall good to com­mand, and impose certaine temporall punishments, and so also to an­nexe them to Ecclesiasticall Excommunication as not to eate, or drinke with excommunicated persons, or notorious malefactours, not to sa­lute them, or to conuerse ciuilly with them, except in such cases, where­in they are bound by the law of God, or nature ciuilly to conuerse. And so the spirituall Pastours of the Church haue power to command vs in order to spirituall good to abstaine from certaine meates vpon certaine daies, to giue almes to the poore, not to conuerse ciuilly with excommunicated persons, or notorious sinners, if otherwise by the law of God, or nature we are not bound to conuerse ciuilly with them, and the aforesaid, and such like temporall things to annexe by way of comman­dement to Excommunication, whensoeuer they shall prudently iudge it to be necessarie to the saluation of soules. And this only is confirmed by the institution, and custome of the Church approued by perpetuall tradition, and grounded in the holy Scripture, 1. Cor. 5. With such a one not so much as to take meate, and 2. Ioh. 1. Nor say to him, God saue you.

Neither is there any difficultie among Catholikes concer­ning the power of spirituall Pastours to command, and impose tempo­rall things, when it shall be necessarie to the spirituall good of the Church, for that to command and impose a temporall thing in order to the spirituall good, is not a temporall, but a spirituall action, as I haue often said: But all the controuersie among Ca­tholikes is concerning the coerciue power of spirituall Pastours, and their authoritie to punish temporally by way of temporall constraint, [Page 190] or, which is all one, to inflict temporall punishments. For if, contra­rie to the commandement of our spirituall Pastours, we will neither fast, nor giue almes, nor abstaine from ciuill conuersation with excom­municated persons, the question is how farre then the Ecclesiasticall power can by the institution of Christ proceed against vs, by way of temporall constraint, to the inflicting of temporall punishments. For in this power to punish temporally, or to inflict temporall punishmēts, doth consist the whole controuersie betwixt me and my Aduersaries. For I contend, that the doctrine, which Almaine and very many Do­ctours, as he affirmeth, doe maintaine, is not repugnant to Catholike faith, or the approued grounds of true Diuinitie, to wit, that the spiri­tuall power of the Church can not inflict any temporall punishment, as death, exile, priuation of goods &c. nay, nor so much as to imprison, but that her power doth onely extend to the inflicting of spirituall punishments, as Excom­munication, or some such like spirituall Censure, and that all other temporall punishments, which she vseth to inflict, doe proceed from the pure positiue law, or, to vse Gersons words, from the graunt of Princes.

142 And therefore thirdly I shewed also in that place, that because Secular Princes haue granted many temporall priuiledges to the spiri­tuall Pastours of the Church, as to imprison, to confine, to impose or inflict pecuniarie mulcts and such like all those temporal punishments, which to inflict the spirituall Pastours of the Church haue receiued au­thoritie from the graunt and consent of temporall Princes, may by the Pastours of the Church be adioyned to Ecclesiasticall Excommunication, and in this sense be called accidentall effects of Excommunication, or ra­ther punishments accidentally or per accidens annexed to the Censure of Excommunication. And so the Pope, being now by the graunt and con­sent of Secular Princes, and Christian people, become also a temporall Prince, may annexe to Excommunication all temporall punishments, which he, as a temporall Prince, hath power to inflict.

143 Whereupon albeit I doe vtterly deny, that Excommunication either of it owne nature, or by any necessary consequence deduced from thence, abstracting from the graunt and consent of temporall Princes, hath sufficient force to depriue one of any ciuill dominion, Iurisdicti­on, or conuersation, yet I doe willingly graunt, that an inferior Ma­gisrate, who by the sentence of a spirituall Iudge is declared to haue incurred the Censure of Excommunication, is by the expresse ciuill lawes of some kingdomes, and in some others by the tacite consent of the Prince deprived of ciuill Iurisdiction, and their acts reputed to bee of no force in law; yea and that by the Imperiall law, In noua Con­stit. Frederici. if for a whole yeere he remaine excommunicated, he is in the nature of a proclaimed outlaw, or Bandite. But to commaund subiects not to obey their law­full and Soueraigne Prince in temporalls, and to absolute subiects from [Page 191] that ciuill and naturall allegiance, which by the law of God, and nature they owe to their rightfull Prince (seeing that according to Suarez, Aboue nu. 121 the power to command in the Prince, and the bond of obedience in the sub­iects are correlatiues, and one dependeth on the other, and that to deny obe­dience to a Prince, so long as he remaineth Prince, is plainely repugnant, saith Card. Bellarmine, to the law of God) it is not in the power of spiri­tuall Pastours, vnlesse they have authoritie to depose Princes, and to make Kings no Kings, which whether it bee in their power to doe, or no, is the very question, about which I with all my Aduersaries doe now contend, and concerning which the Schoolemen are now at variance, and as yet the controuersie is not decided by the Iudge, saith Iohn Tri­themius In Chron. Monast. Hir­sang▪ ad an. 1106..

144 To those Canons, Nos sanctorum, Iuratos, & Absolutos, which Suarez brought for his chiefe ground to prooue, that the absol­uing of Subiects from the temporall allegiance, which by the law of God▪ and nature they owe to their Soueraigne Princes, is now a punish­ment annexed to the Censure of Excommunication, I haue heereto­fore answered, and among other answeres this was one, that those Ca­nons are not to bee vnderstood of Soueraigne Princes, but onely of in­feriour persons, who indeede by the consent of their temporall Soue­raignes doe loose their temporall Iurisdiction, after the sentence is pub­likely declared, yea and in the territories of the Empire, if for a yeere they persist excommunicated, are, as I saide, in the nature of per­sons prescribed out lawes, or Bandites.

145 This in effect, and much more to the same purpose did I answere heeretofore, by all which the force of my answere to Card. Bellarmines argument, taken from the example of King Ozias, and the reason why I denyed his consequence, supposing for Disputation sake the antecedent to be true, as it is not, may euidently appeare. For in the old law the dwelling of lepers, after they were declared so to be by the Priest, in a house apart from the rest of the people, was expresly ordained by the law of God, and therefore supposing now with Card. Bellarmine, that the dwelling of a King being infected with leprosie in a house apart from the rest of the people should by any necessarie consequence inferre, that hee is consequently depriued of his king­dome, or the administration thereof, it is no meruaile, that the Priests of the old law had authoritie to depriue such Kings per accidens and consequently, that is, to declare them depriued by the law of GOD, of their kingdomes, or of the administration thereof. But in the new law neither the depriuation of a temporall kingdome, or of the admi­nistration thereof, nor the losse of any temporall Iurisdiction doth by the law of GOD, or by any other necessarie consequence follow spiri­tuall leprosie, or any intrinsecall propertie of Ecclesiasticall Excom­munication, [Page 192] neither is it in power of spirituall Pastours, as Almai­nus said, to inflict any temporall punishment, as death, banishment, pri­uation of goods, &c. nay nor so much as to imprison, as very many Doctours, saith hee, doe affirme, but onely to inflict spirituall Cen­sures, or punishments: And therefore the similitude of Cardinall Bellarmine betwixt corporall and spirituall leprosie in the old and new law, is this defectiue, and so the consequence of his argument is altoge­ther insufficient. Thus much touching my first answere to the conse­quence of his argument.

146 Marke now how sleightly this Doctour would shuffle ouer my second answere and reason, which did cleane ouerthrow Card. Bellar­mines consequence grounded vpon the nature of a figure, and the thing figured, euen according to his owne grounds. For whereas I answered, as you haue seene, that because a figure, as Card. Bellarmine saith, is alwayes lesse perfect, and of an inferiour degree then the thing which is figured, it doeth not follow, that heresie, which is figured by corpo­rall leprosie; must bee punished with a temporall punishment, because corporall leprosie was punished therewith, but with a punishment of a higher degree, to wit, with a spirituall punishment, D. Schulckenius replieth thus: I answere, saith heepag. 552., As heresie, which is a spirituall le­prosie, is farre more pernicious, then corporall leprosie, so Excommunication is a punishment of a higher degree, then the separating of lepers. For Ex­communication doth not onely depriue of the companie, and liuing together of men in one house, but also of participation of Sacraments, and Suffrages of the Church. But that Excommunication besides doeth depriue of ciuill ad­ministration, and sometimes hath annexed the depriuation of temporall goods, and also of the kingdome it selfe, doth not diminish, but increase the greatnes and excellencie of the punishment of spirituall leprosie aboue the punishment of corporall leprosie. Wherefore it is most true, that the thing figured is of an higher degree then the figure. And in this manner the Eucharist is of an higher degree then manna, or the Paschall lambe, because these doe nourish the body, that nourisheth the soule, although also those accidents of the Eucharist are profitable to the nourishment of the body.

147 But obserue the egrigious fraude of this Doctour. For that proposition of Card. Bellarmine, Figures must of necessitie be of an inferi­our order and excellencie, then the things figured, is to be vnderstood of fi­gures formally, as they are figures, for it little importeth, that those things, that are figures, be materially of an equall, or not inferiour or­der and excellency, then the things figured, so that formally as they are figures, or in that they are figures, they are lesse perfect, and excel­lent, then are the things figured. Now this Doctour doth craftily take here figures, and the things figured not formally, and according to that, wherein they are figures, but materially: for otherwise, as you shall see, [Page 193] he saith nothing to the purpose, and to the confuting of my answere. For neither Manna, nor the Paschall lambe are figures of the Eucharist, as the accidents of the Eucharist doe concurre to the nourishing of the body, but onely as they are profitable to the nourishing of the soule: Neither was corporall leprosie, or the separation of lepers from ciuill conuersation a figure of spirituall leprosie, and of Ecclesiasticall separa­tion, or Excommunication, as corporall leprosie doth infect the body, and Excommunication doth separate from ciuill conuersation, but on­ly as spirituall leprosie doeth infect the soule, and Ecclesiasticall Ex­communication doth separate from Ecclesiasticall, or Spirituall com­munion: for that a figure must in all those things, wherein it is a figure, be more noble, and excellent, then is the thing which is figured. And therefore as Cardinall Bellarmine very well obserueth,Lib. 1. de Missa cap. 7. to fulfill a fi­gure is not to doe that very thing, which the law prescribeth to bee done, but to put in place thereof some thing more excellent, which to signifie that figure did goe before, as Christ did not fulfill the figure of Circumcision, when he himselfe was circumcised, but when hee ordained Baptisme in the place thereof. Thus Card. Bellarmine.

148 From whence it euidently followeth, that the separation of corporall lepers in the old law from ciuill conuersation could not bee a figure of the separation of spirituall lepers, also from ciuill con­uersation: for that ciuill conuersation is one, and the self same thing, and not another thing more excellent, which according to Cardinall Bellarmines doctrine must succeede in place of the figure, but the ful­filling of this figure must bee the separating of spirituall lepers from spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall conuersation. And therefore although Ec­clesiasticall Excommunication hath by the lawes of the Church an­nexed vnto it, in that manner, as I haue before declared, the excluding by way of commandement from ciuill conuersation, if otherwise by the law of GOD, and nature, we are not bound ciuilly to conuerse, yea and also according to Cardinall Bellarmine the depriuing of temporall kingdomes, or at leastwise of the administration thereof, yet the separa­ting of lepers in the old law from ciuill conuersation, or the depriuing them of temporall kingdomes, or administration could not, accor­ding to Cardinall Bellarmines grounds, bee a figure of Ecclesiasti­call Excommunication in the new law, as Excommunication is pretended to worke the same effects, but onely as it worketh more excellent effects, to wit, the separating of the faithfull from spirituall conuersation, and excluding them from the kingdome of heauen.

149 Wherefore, if wee doe respect onely the nature and proper­tie of a figure, it is euident that Cardinall Bellarmine according to his owne principles hath not any way prooued, that because corporall [Page 194] leprosie and the punishments annexed thereunto in the old law, to wit, the depriuing of temporall kingdomes, Iurisdiction, or administration, as Cardinall Bellarmine contendeth, was a figure of spirituall lepro­sie, and of the punishments annexed thereunto in the new law, there­fore the same punishments, to wit, the depriuing of temporall do­minion, Iurisdiction, or administration were figured by them, and consequently may now by vertue of the figure bee ordained against spirituall lepers: for this were not according to Cardinall Bellarmines doctrine, to fulfill the figure, and to put in place thereof something more excellent, but to put that very same thing, which the law in that figure pre­scribed to be done. And therefore Cardinall Bellarmine must bring bet­ter arguments, vnlesse he will quite discredit himselfe and his cause, drawne from other heads, then from the figure of leprosie, and of se­parating lepers from ciuill conuersation, which, according to his owne principles, doth, as you haue seene, make cleere against him, to prooue that spirituall Pastours either by vertue of Excommunication, or in any other manner, haue authoritie to depriue temporall Princes of their kingdomes and dominions, or of any temporall administrati­on or Iurisdiction.

150 Lastly, whereas in the end of this my answere I affirmed, as you haue seene, that Cardinall Bellarmine did not truely, and entirely set downe the words of the Apostle 1. Cor. 10. And all these things chanced to them in figure, for that hee left out that word [these] which is a relatiue, and hath relation onely to those things whereof the A­postle spake before, among which corporall leprosie is none, and hee affirmeth him to say, And all things chanced to the Iewes in figure, this Doctour maketh much adoe, and laboureth in vaine to excuse Card. Bellarmine: And first hee answereth, pag. 553. that Cardinall Bellarmine did not produce the words, but the sense of St. Paul, but it is certaine that the Apostle did not intend to say, that those things onely which hee mentioned in that Chapter did chance to the Iewes in figure, but those, and other like to them.

151 But first this answere is not agreeable to Card. Bellarmines owne words: The Apostle saith 1. Cor. 10. (saith Cardinall Bellar­mine) that all things did chance to the Iewes in figure, and what I pray you is to say, that the Apostle saith so, then to produce the Apostles words? Secondly, although it bee certaine that the Apostle did not intend to say, that those things onely, which hee mentioned in that chapter did chance to the Iewes in figure, yet it is certaine, that the Apostle in that chapter did onely say, that all these things, and not all things absolutely, as Cardinall Bellarmine affirmeth him to say, did chance to the Iewes in figure. Thirdly, albeit S. Paul knew right well that not onely all those altogethere mentioned, but many other such like dio [...]ce to the [Page 195] Iewes in figure, yet it was sufficient for his purpose in that place onely to affirme, that all those things there mentioned, and not that all things absolutely did chance to the Iewes in figure: neither was it necessarie, that the Apostle should in that chapter say all hee knew, it was suffi­ent for him to say in that chapter, onely that which did suffice for his present purpose. Wherefore this Doctour must distinguish betwixt knowledge, which is in the vnderstanding, and meaning which is in the will, and so hee may see, that the Apostle knew right well, that not onely those things there mentioned, but those and other such like did chance to the Iewes in figure, and yet onely meant to say, in that place, that all those things there mentioned, and not all those, and other such like did chance to the Iewes in figure. Neither did St. Paul meane otherwise then the words, which he spake, did signifie, but it is mani­fest, that those words of the Apostle, And all these things chanced to them in figure, doe not signifie the same that these words doe, And all things chanced to them in figure.

152 His second answere is, that the ancient Fathers, and especially S. Chrysostome lib. 3. de Sacerdotio doe teach, that the iudgement of the Priests in the old law concerning corporall leprosie was a figure of the iudge­ment of the Priests in the new Testament concerning sinnes. But no man denyeth this; for I make no doubt, but that corporall leprosie and the iudgement thereof in the old law, was a figure of spirituall leprosie and of the iudgement belonging thereunto in the new law. That which I contend is, that Cardinall Bellarmine did not truely, entirely, and faithfully set downe those wordes of Saint Paul 1. Corinth. 10. And all these things chanced to them in figure, for that hee left out that word [these] and that the Apostle did not say in that place, that corporall le­prosie, and the iudgement thereof in the old law was a figure of spiri­tuall leprosie, and of the iudgement belonging thereunto in the new Testament: and of this there needeth no other proofe, then to peruse the words, and text of the Apostle in that Chapter.

153 Thirdly, this Doctor answereth, that S. Thomas,Prima secun­dae q. 104 ar. 1. and S. Aug. In lib viginti & vnius sen­tent. l. 16. contra Faustum cap. 28. & l. 18. c. 6. & l. 22. c. 24. in many places doe cite those words of S. Paul in that maner, as Card. Bell. doth: & therefore C. Bell, cannot bee reprehended for citing the wordes of the Apostle not entirely, and sincerely, vnlesse they also with him bee reprehended. But first, this is not to take away the aforesaid imputation from Card. Bellarmine, but to lay it vpon others. Secondly, it is not true, that St. Augustine citeth those wordes in that manner, as Cardinall Bellarmine doeth, but hee expresly setteth downe in all the later places [All these things] as it is in Saint Paul. Onely in that booke Viginti, & vnius sententiarum he citeth indeede those wordes of the Apostle as Cardinall Bellarmine doth, leauing out that word [these] yet D. Shulckenius be­ing so well acquainted with Cardinall Bellarmine, and his doctrine [Page 196] could hardly forget, that Card. Bellarmine himselfe expressely denyeth De Scripto­ribus Eccle­siast. ab anno 400. ad 500. in obseruat. ad [...]om. 4. S. Augu­stini pag. 187. that booke viginti & vnius sententiarum to be S. Augustius worke, or to haue in it any graue thing, or worthy S. Augustine.

154 Neuerthelesse I doe not deny, but that S. Austin, S. Thomas, or any other might by an other consequence gather from that saying of S. Paul, that all things for the greater part did chance to the Iewes in figure. For although S. Paul doth onely say, That all these things did chance to the Iewes in figure yet seeing that there is no more reason, why those things mentioned there, and not also many other things not mentioned in that place, as the Sabboth, Circumcision &c. which are na­med by S. Augustine, should chance to the Iewes in figure, we may from those words of S. Paul rightly inferre by an other consequence, that all things for the greatest part did chance to the Iewes in figure. But, as I said, that onely which I contend, is, that Card. Bellarmine did not truely entirely and faithfully relate those words of S. Paul, neither hath this Doctour, as you haue seene, brought any colourable argu­ment to confute the same.

155 Thus thou seest, good Reader, that Card. Bellarmines argu­ment taken from the example of King Ozias is most weake and insuf­ficient, and my answere thereunto to be sound, and irreprooueable, and D. Schulckenius Reply to be very fraudulent, and in all points to be shaken and quite ouerthrowne, and to haue wrapped in sentences with vnskilfull and ambiguous words. Now you shall see, how weakely and nakedly, my vnlearned Aduersarie Mr. Fitzherbert, notwithstan­ding he had seene my aforesaid answere to this example, vrgeth againe the same. But he bringeth nothing in confirmation thereof but what I answered before in my Apologie, except the authoritie of S. Chryso­stome, whose words and meaning neuerthelesse he doth most fowlly corrupt, and to which also in my English Theologicall Disputation, in the Ad­monition. nu. 23. & seq. which was published long before his Treatise against me came foorth, I did most cleerely answere.

156 Ozias was so farre, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Cap. 5. nu 19. pag. 79. & Suppl. pag. 19. from being supreme head ouer Priests in spirituall matters, that he was subiect to them therein, and bound to obey them no lesse then was the meanest subiect he had. This is manifest by the plaine-words of the Scripture in this place; where the high Priest hauing rebuked Ozias for his presumption, did not onely command him to depart, saying, Egredere de Sanctuario &c. Goe out of the San­ctuarie &c.2. Paralip. 26. but also thrust him out of the same, as soone as the leprosie was discouered in his forehead; Festinato, saith the Scripture, expulerunt cum, They thrust him out in all hast: besides that it is manifest in the same place, that God punished him as well for his disobedience in resisting, and threatning the Priests, as for presuming to Sacrifice; and therefore though he had the Censar in his hand to burne the incense, yet he was not stro­ken [Page 197] with leprosie vntill he had threatned the Priests; Minabatur Sicerdo­tibus, sayth the Scripture, statimque orta est lepra in fronte eius &c. He threatned the Priests, and foorthwith there arose a leprosie in his fore­head: wherein was fulfilled the menacing admonition that God gaue to the people in the 24. of Deuteronomie, as I haue declared before, when he com­manded them exactly to obey the Priests of the Leuiticall stocke, bidding them remember how Mary was punished with leprosie for murmuring a­gainst Moyses. Moreouer whereas there was a generall law giuen to the peo­ple in Leuiticus whereby all men without exception were bound in case of le­prosie, to vnder goe and obey the iudgement of the Priests, and at their arbi­trement to be separated from the company and conuersation of other men, it is manifest by this example, that the Kings were no lesse subiect to this law, and bound to obey the Priests, then euery other man; in which respect Ozias was forced by the sentence of the Priests (according to the prescript of the law) to liue in a house apart so long as he liued. And I can not omit &c. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

157 But what is all this to the purpose, or how from hence doth it follow, that the Priests of the old law had authoritie to depose tem­porall Princes, and had a Soueraigntie ouer them not onely in spiri­tuall, but also in temporall causes, as this man pretendeth. For all that Mr. Fitzherbert here hath said, is briefly this? First, that the Kings in the olde law were in spirituall matters subiect to the Priests and bound to obey them in spirituals; and that the Priests might rebuke Kings, and command them to depart out of the temple, if contrarie to the law they should presume to offer Sacrifice: and that it belonged to the Priests to declare the law of God, and to iudge according to the signes and tokens prescribed by the law, whether one were infected with le­prosie or no, and if he were infected, to declare or iudge him to be se­parated from the rest of the people according as the law of God orday­ned: All which were spirituall actions, and therefore not exceeding the limites of Priestly function.

158 But secondly hee seemeth to make some force in those words of the Scripture, And they thrust him out in all haste &c. as though he would signifie thereby, that they thrust him out by head, and shoulders, as the prouerbe is, or by laying violent hands vpon his sacred person, which can not sufficiently be prooued to be so, but onely that they thrust him out, not by violence, for he himselfe made haste to goe out, but onely by their commandement or admonition, and by denouncing Gods wrath against him, and by crying against him, and perchance with clapping of hands, as against an vncleane and polluted person, who by the law of God was forbidden to enter, or remaine in the San­ctuarie; in that manner as before they did endeauour to resist and un­der him from burning of incense, not by force of armes and violently [Page 198] taking the Censar out of his hands, but by their words and admoni­tion, commanding him to goe out of the Sanctuarie, and not to contemne the law of God.2. Paralip. 26. And they resisted the King, saith the Scripture, and sayd, It is not thy office Ozias, to burne incense to our Lord, but to the Priests; goe out of the Sanctuarie, contemne not, because this thing will not be reputed to thee for glory by our Lord. But Ozias contemned their words, and bring an­grie, and holding in his hands the Censar to burne incense, be threatned the Priests. And foorthwith there arose a leprosie in his forehead before the Priests in the house of our Lord before the altar of incense. And when Aza­rias the high Priest had beheld him, and all the rest of the Priests, they saw the leprosie in his forehead, and in haste they thrust him out, to wit, by their admonitions, outcries and exclamations, whose words and admoni­tions he himselfe, being now sore afraid, did willingly obey. Yea and himselfe being sore afraid, saith the Scripture, made haste to goe out, because he felt forthwith the plague of our Lord.

159 And that onely by their words and admonitions, and not by force and violence they thrust him out,Iosephus. lib. 9. Antiquit. cap. 11. Iosephus in the words cited a­bouenu. 106. doth plainly signifie; The Priests, sayth he, after they perceiued the leprosie in the Kings face &c. they admonished him, that as a polluted, and vncleane person he would goe out the Citie; And he with the shame of his calamitie obeyed &c. or, as the Scripture saith, he being sore afraid made haste to goe out. And what need had they to thrust him out by force and violence, when he himselfe made haste to goe out? The same al­so S. Chrysostome in the place here cited by Mr. Fitzherbert, Chrysostom. hom. 4. de ver­bis Isaia, vidi Dominum. doth most cleerly signifie in these words: Et egrossus est Rex &c. And the King went forth being made an example to all, and the temple was purged, and he was cast foorth no man thrusting him foorth, Nemine pro­pellente. and whereas he would arrogate to himselfe the Priesthood, he lost that which he had (to wit, his corporall health and libertie to come and remaine in the Temple and Citie) and he departed out of the temple.

160 And the reason why the Priests ought not to lay violent hands on the Kings person, and to compell him by force of armes, S. Chrysostome did giue a little before in those words: But King Ozias did not obey his admonisher, but puffed vp with arrogancis he opened the temple, and entered into the Sanctuarie with intention to offer incense. But what did God? After the Priest was contemned, and the Priestly dignitie troden vn­der foote (marke the words following) nec quicquam prateras potuit Sacerdos, (Nam Sacerdotis tantum est arguere &c. Neither could the Priest doe anything more, For it is the office of a Priest onely to reprooue, and to giue a free admonition, not to raise armes, not to vse targets, not to shake a lance, not to shoote arrowes, not to cast darts, but onely to reprooue and to giue a free admonition) After therefore the Priest had reprooued, and yet the King did not yeeld, but tooke weapons, shields, and s [...], and vsed his [Page 199] power, thou the Priests said to God, I haue done that which belonged to my office, I can doe no more, helpe thou the Priesthood, which is troden vnder foote, &c. Thus S. Chrysostome. And a little aboue, The King, saith he, doth compell, or force, the Priest exhort, the King by necessity, the Priest by counsell, the King hath sensible armour, the Priest spirituall, the King maketh warre against Barbarians, the Priest against Deuills. So you see that according to S. Chrysostome it belongeth not to the Priest to vse sensible weapons, and to force by corporall violence, but by counsell, admonition, or commandement.

161 Thirdly, although a leper was by the law of God bound to liue apart out of the Campe, or City from the rest of the people, yet as I obserued in my said Theologicall Disputation, In Admonit nu. 28. it cannot bee suffici­ently prooued, that is belonged to the Priests of the old law to thrust lepers by force and violence out of the Campe or City, but onely by iudging them to be lepers, and by declaring that by the law of God they were to bee separated, seeing that the Kings, and not the Priests were the executours of the law against offendours, and by force and corporall violence to punish them, who did not obserue the law, as I declared aboueNu. 80. out of Abulensis. But that the Priests after they had de­clared one to be infected with leprosie, and had charged him to depart, and commanded them who were to execute the law to performe their dutie and what the law did prescribe, had any farther authority (as they were Priests) to thrust him out by violence, it cannot be prooued out of the old law. Euen as now in the new law it belongeth to spiri­tuall Pastours, to declare whether one bee infected with spirituall le­prosie, but after they haue declared one to be infected with heresie, and haue excluded him from the Ecclesiasticall conuersation of the faith­full, leauing him now to the Secular Court, they haue no further power by the law of Christ (as they are spirituall Pastours) to vse any corporall violence against him, and if it shall please the temporall Prince to pardon his life, the spirituall Pastours, haue no authority to take it away, as out of Dominicus Bannes I shewed in that Disputation Cap. 7. sec. 2. in fine..

162 But what if I should grant to Mr. Fitzherbert, that the Priests of the old law might lawfully thrust by violence an vncleane person out of the Temple, if he will not otherwise depart, or that they might lawfully haue taken by force the Censar out of the Kings hands, or haue held his hands, that he should not haue offered incense, as also that in the new law it is lawfull for Priests to thrust an excommunica­ted person out of the Church in the time of Diuine seruice, or if in case a King would in his rage and furie runne his sword through the body of any innocent man, should graunt that his Chaplaine, or any other of his subiects attending upon his Royall person, may lawfully hold his hands, and so keepe him from committing so wilfull a mur­ther, [Page 200] could Mr. Fitzherbert, trow you, gather from hence, that either Priests or subiects had any authority or superiority ouer the Kings per­son to hold his hands, or to force him by corporall violence? No. But from hence it onely can be gathered, that euery priuate man may, and ought by the law of God and nature, and by the bond of charitie, to keepe as much as lyeth in him his neighbour from doing euill, which argueth no authority or superiority, but onely a bond of charity.

163 Now you shall see in what fraudulent manner Mr. Fitzher­bert vrgeth the authoritie of S. Chrysostome: And I cannot omit also, saith hee,Pag. 80. & seq. to touch heere by the way, what S. Chrysostome obserueth further in this example, to wit, that whereas Ozias being leprous did not onely dwell in the City (though in a house apart) but also raigne still for some yeeres vn­till he died, he ought to be cast both out of the City, and also out of the king­dome; and that almighty God was so highly offended because the same was not performed, that he withdrew the spirit of Prophecie from Esay and other Prophets, during the life and raigne of Ozias.

164 Exivit, Hom. 4. de verbis Isai. vidi Dominum. saith S. Chrysostome, cum lepra, &c. The King went out of the Temple with a leprosie, and yet they did not cast him out of the City for the respect they bare to the Kingly diademe, but hee still sate in his throne breaking againe the law of God. What then? God being angry with the Iewes interrupted the Prophecy. So he. And againe a little after, speaking in the person of God, Ego, saith he, quod mei muneris feci, &c, I haue done my part (that is to say, I haue strucken Ozias with leprosie) and you are afraide to cast him being vncleane out of the City. You beare reuerence to his Kingly dignity, violating the law of God, &c. I doe therefore speake no longer to the Prophets, nei­ther doe I giue any more the grace of the spirit, &c. Silet spiritus gratia, & non est ostensus Deus, eo quod sub impure illo non erat gratis; The grace of propheticall spirit was silent, or ceased, and God did not shew himselfe, because that vnder that vncleane man there was grace. Thus saith S. Chrysostome vpon occasion of these words of the Prophet Esay, Et factum est anno quo mortuus est Ozias Rex, vidi Do­minum, &c. For whereas all the Prophets vsed to declare the time, and yeere of the Kings reigne when they prophecied, S. Chrysostome noteth, that Esay here omitted that custome and did not speake of the life, and reigne Ioathan, in whose time he had his vision, but of the death of King Ozias, during whose reigne the spirit of prophecy had ceased for the causes before declared.

165 Well then heereby it appeareth that God was offended, not onely because Ozias was not cast out of the City, but because hee was suffered still to reigne, Consedit in throno, saith the holy Father, legem Dei rursus transgrediens; Hee sate still his throne transgressing againe the law of God, that is to say, as he had broken the law of God before in presuming [Page 201] to Sacrifice, and threatning the Priests: so also did hee againe transgresse, and violate the same, in retaining his kingdome, being leprous; and because the same was permitted, and more respect borne to his Kingly dignitie, then to the execution of Gods law, therefore saith S. Chrysostome, God puni­shed the whole state, not permitting his Prophets to prophecy, as they were want.

166 Whereupon I inferre, that seeing the expresse law of God ordai­ned, that the cause of leprosie should be iudged and determined wholly by the Priests, and that Ozias was subiect to this law, it followeth, that as hee was expelled out of the Temple by the Priests, and forced by their sentence to liue in a house apart (though within the City) so ought hee also to haue beene, by their sentence, cast out both of the City, and his Kingdome. And if wee consider, but onely that, which was done by the Priests in this case of Ozias, it cannot be denied, but that they had a iudiciall power ouer his person, seeing that they both commaunded him to goe out of the Temple before he was le­prous, and afterwards thrust him out, yea and confined him to liue in a house apart: for though the Scripture doth not expresse that this confining, and separation was ordained by them, yet it could not bee otherwise, seeing that the law had ordained expresly, Leuit. 13. Matth. 18. Marke 1. Luke 17. that euery leprous man should be brought vnto the Priest, and that Ad arbitrium eius separabitur, He shall be separa­ted by his iudgement, or arbittement, which our Sauiour himselfe ac­knowledged, vvhen hee remitted the leprous (vvhom hee cured) to the Priests.

167 Therefore I will conclude vpon the premisses, that forasmuch the law of God assigned a soueraigntie in iudgement to the high Priests, and their consistorie, as vvell in temporall, as spirituall causes, and to that end honoured them with a particular, and most excellent priuiledge of infallibility in their doctrine, and iudiciall sentences (as I haue See before nu. 10. 11. 12. 13. &c. amply prooued) and seeing that the Kings of the old Testament were not any way exempt from the law (as appeareth no lesse by diuers reasons alledged by me before, Num. 24.25. & 26. then by these two last examples of Athalia,Num. 29. & 30. and OziasNum. 31.32.33. & seq.) it followeth euidently, that they were not supreme heads of the Priests, but subiect to them, and to their tribunall; and consequently, that if an Oath had beene proposed by any of these Kings to his subiects, whereby they should haue sworne, that he was free from all subiection, and temporall chastisement of the high Priest, this oath must needes haue beene repugnant to the law of God in the old Testa­ment. Thus farre I haue thought good to lay downe the words of my Supple­ment touching the law of God in the old Testament, &c.

168 To this authority of S. Chrysostome, I did answere in my English Disputation of the oath long before Mr. Fitzherbert Reply come foorth: And all the force of his argument taken from this authoritie seemeth to consist in those wordes of S. Chrysostome, Consedit in throno legem. Dei ri [...]sus transgrediens, He sate in his throne transgressing againe [Page 202] the law of God. From whence this man inferreth, that God was offen­ded, not only because Ozias was not cast out of the City, but also be­cause he was suffered still to reigne: whereas this only can be gathered from those words, and these other, and you are afraid to cast him being vncleane out of the City, you beare reuerence to his Kingly dignitie violating the law of God &c. I doe therefore speake no longer to the Prophets &c. That God was offended and speake no longer to the Prophets, for that Ozias being a leper, and vncleane was not cast out of the City, as it was ordai­ned by the law, which also S. Chrysostome in the next homily doth more plainly declare.

169 Ego vero, saith this holy Father, si vnum quiddam adhuc ad­didero &c. But if I shall adde yet one other thing, I will make an end of my speach. And what is this? That which not long agoe from the beginning we did demaund. What is the cruse that seeing in externall things, and in pro­phecies all are went to set downe the time, wherein the Kings did liue, this Prophet Esay ommiting that, expresseth the time wherein King Ozias dyed, speaking in this manner: And it came to passe in the yeere, wherein King Ozias dyed. And yet he might haue expressed the time of the King then reigning, as all Prophets vsually did. But he did not so. For what cause did he not so? It was an ancient custome to expell a leprous out of the Citty, both to the end that those who liued in the Citty, might be in better health, and that the leprous should not giue to men, prone to vse reprochfull words, an occasi­on of scoffing and derision, but that he abyding out of the City, might haue so­litarines in steede of a vaile, or couer against reprochfull calamitie. And this ought this King to haue suffered after his leprosie, but he did not suffer it, those that were in the City reuerencing him for his Soueraignitie, but he re­mained at his house secretly. This (to wit, that he remained at his house secretly, and went not forth of the City) prouoked GOD to wrath, this hin­dered the prophecie &c. Thus saith S. Chrysostome: whereby it is mani­fest, that S. Chrysostome doth not affirme, that God was offended, be­cause Ozias was not thrust out of his kingdom, or depriued of his right to reigne, but because he liued secretly at his house in the City, and did not depart out of the City, according as the law in Leuiticus did ordaine.

170 Wherefore the meaning of those words of S. Chrysostome, He sate in his throne breaking againe the law of God, is made more plaine by these later words, which I did now relate. For as before he being no Priest trangressed the law of God by presuming to offer Sacrifice vp­on the Altar of incense contrary to the law, so now againe he being for his former offence striken by GOD with leprosie transgressed the law by presuming to remaine in the City, which the law did forbid. Allo Mr. Fitzherbert may perchance vse some cunning translating those words of S. Chrysostome, Sedebat to thr [...] &c. He sate still in his [Page 203] throne breaking againe the law of God, as though Ozias had offended a­gaine by, remaining still in his throne, or, which I take for all one, by continuing still to reigne, and by keeping still his Royall dignitie, and authoritie, or right to reigne, and not resigning it ouer wholy and fully to his sonne Ioathan. Wherefore taking those words, He sate still in his throne, in this sense, that word [still] may be equiuocall, and of purpose thrust in by Mr. Fitzherbert to signifie, that he offended for keeping still his Royall authoritie, and right to reigne, whereas the words of S. Chrysostome only are, that he sate in his throne, breaking againe the law of God, not for that he brake againe the law of God, because he sate in his throne, or, which I take for all one, kept still his Royall authoritie, and right to reigne although his sonne Ioathan did gouerne the kingdome in his name and by his authoritie, and as his Deputie, Lieutenant, or Vice-Roy, but for that he departed not our of the City, as S. Chrysostome himselfe expresly declareth. But if Mr. Fitzherbert will haue S. Chryso­stome to take that word [throne] for the materiall Royall seate, or chaire of estate, which remained in the City, for so also the Latin word may be Englished, then this sense is in effect all one with the first, which I contended to be Chrysostomes meaning, to wit, that Ozias transgressed the law againe for remaining in the City: for leprosie did not debarre him by the law from sitting in a chaire of estate out of the City, or from any iote of his Kingly right, power, or authoritie, as I shewed before.

171 But lastly it is worth the noting to obserue, how well, for­footh, Mr. Fitzherbert agreeth with Card. Bellarmine in vrging this ex­ample of King Ozias. For Card. Bellarmine contendeth, that Ozias was thrust out both of the City, and also of his kingdome; but this man laboureth to proue, that according to S. Chrysostome, hee was neither cast out of his kingdome, nor out of the City. Others with Iosephus af­firme, that he liued in deede out of the City, but withall that he still reigned, or remained King, although Ioathan in his name and authori­tie, or as his Deputie, Lieutenant, or Vice-Roy administred the king­dome. Neuerthelesse Abulensis, Abulens. q. 29 in Cap. 25. Exodi. although he greatly commendeth Io­sephus, as a most skillfull Historiographer of the Iewes, of whom also hee writeth,Q 9 in cap. 15. lib. 4. Reg. that it is likely he know all the particular facts of those Kings, yet he leaueth the opinion of Iosephus in this point: Sometimes, saith Abulen­sis, Q. 10 in cap 13. [...]euit the plague of leprosie was perpetuall, and then the leper remained vntill his. death out of the Campe separated from the rest, and this was, vnlesse per­chance he was a man of great excellencie, as the King, who if he fell into le­prosie, did not goe out of the campe, but remained therein, but he was in a cer­taine separate house, as we reade 4. Reg. 15. Of King Ozias, who there is called Azarias; for he fell into leprosie being stiken by GOD in the forehead, because he would burne incense to our Lord as Priests, where it is said, And our Lord stroke the King, and he was a leper vntill the day of his death, and he [Page 204] dwelt in a free house apart, but Ioathan the Kings sonne gouerned the Palace and iudged the people of the Land. But from hence it cannot be conuinced, that this free house a part was in the City, but rather apart out of the Ci­ty, and therefore the opinion of Iosephus seemeth to be more agreeable to the words of holy Scripture Num. 5. And our Lord spake to Moyses saying, Command the children of Israel, that they cast out of the campe eue­ry leper.

172 Therefore, I will conclude vpon the premisses, cleane con­trarie to Mr. Fitzherberts inference, that for as much as the law of GOD assigned no Soueraigntie in iudgement to the High Priests, and their consistorie in temporall causes, but only in meere spirituall, as was to declare the law of God, and to iudge one to be infected, or not infected with leprosie according to the signes and tokens prescribed by the law, and to declare them that were infected, to be separated and cast out of the campe according to the Prescript of the law, which is the plaine meaning of those words, [& ad arbitrium illius separabitur, and he shall be separated at his arbitrement, or iudgement] that is, if the Priest doe declare or iudge him a leper, he shall be separated, and cast out of the campe, and seeing that the executing of the law concerning temporall punishments, and the separating of lepers by force and temporall con­straint, did not belong to the Priests, but to the supreme temporall au­thoritie, which did reside in the Kings, and not in the Priests who were subiect to the Kings in temporalls, and might be punished by them with temporall punishments, as I haue amply proued in these two Sections, and the aforesaid words Num. 5. Command the children of Isra­el, [he doth not say, command the Priests although then the Israelites had no King, neither did the supreme temporall authoritie reside in the Priests but rather in the people] that they cast out of the Campe euery leper: it followeth euidently, that the Priests were not the supreme heads of the Kings in temporalls, nor Kings therein subiect to them, and their tribunall, nor to be punished by them with temporall punish­ments, but contrariwise; and consequently that if an Oath had beene proposed by any of these Kings to his subiects, whereby they should haue sworne, that hee was free from all subiection in temporalls, and from all temporall chasticement of the high Priest by way of temporall constraint [I say by way of temporall constraint, and putting in execu­tion the law of God wherein temporall punishment were ordained, and not by way only of declaring the law of God, which, as it haue suf­ficiently proued, was a spirituall, and not a temporall action] the said Oath must needes haue beene conforme, and not repugnant to the law of God in the old Testament. And thus much concerning the argu­ments taken from the old Testament.

SECT. III.

Wherein all M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the new Te­stament are examined: and first his comparison betweene the old law, and the new, the figure and the veritie is proued to make against himselfe: 2. Those words of our Sauiour whatsoe­uer thou shalt loose &c. And feed my sheepe are declared, and the arguments drawne from thence, and from the nature of a well instituted common-wealth are satisfied, and D. Schulcke­nius Reply proued to be fraudulent, and insufficient. 3. the au­thoritie of the Apostle 1. Cor. 10. affirming that he and the rest were ready to revenge all disobedience, is answered, Mr. Fitzher­berts fraude in alledging the authoritie of S. Austin is plainly discouered, and the conclusion of his Chapter shewed to be both false, and fraudulent.

NOw from: the old Testament Mr. Fitzherbert descendeth to the new, and vpon a false supposall as I haue already conuin­ced, to wit, that he hath effectually proued, that the Priest­hood of the old Testament had a supreme and soueraigne authority to create, punish, and depose Kings, he laboureth in vaine, from the num­ber 25 to 32. to proue, that the like authoritie must needes be acknowledged in the Priesthood of the new law, not for that he think th, that we are now bound to retaine the ceremoniall or iudiciall part thereof, but to deduce, as he saith,Num. 25. pag 83. a potent argument from thence, as from the figure to the veritie, to proue that the like authoritie must needes be acknowledged in the Priesthood, and especially in the chiefe Priest in the law of Christ. And for proofe heere­of he setteth downe two positions, as the only grounds of this his potent argument.

2 The first is, that the old law, and Testament being but a figure, Num. 26. pag 84. and a shadow of the new, was no lesse inferiour there to in authoritie, dignitie, and perfection, then Moses to Christ, the dead, and killing letter to the quick­ning spirit, or the Priesthood of Aaron to the Priesthood of Melchisedech, which was Christs Priesthood, he should rather haue said, which prefi­gured the excellencie of Christs Priesthood. See S. Thomas and the Schoolemen. 3. part. q. 22. ar 6. This position, to wit,Hebr. 10. that the old Testament was a figure and shadow, and not inferiour to the new he proueth by the authoritie of S. Augustine, In Psal. 119. who affirmeth, that vetus Testamentum promissiones habet terrenas &c. The old Testament hath earthly promises, an earthly Palestine, an earthly Hierusalem, an earthly sal­uation, to wit, conquest of enemies, aboundance of children, fertilitie of soyle, and plentie of fruites; all these things are earthly promises, and it is to be vn­derstood [Page 206] spiritually in figure, how the earthly Hierusalem was a shadow of the heauenly Hierusalem, and the earthly kingdome of the heauenly kingdome. So S. Austin.; and thereupon concludeth, that if the olde Testament was a shadow of the new, non mirum quia ibi tenebrae, it is no meruaile though there were darkenesse there, pinguior [...]s enim vmbrae sunt tenebrae, for thicker shadowes are darkenesse. Thus argueth S. Augustine proouing the imperfection of the old law in respect of the new, which the Apostle also pro­ueth amply in the Epistle to the Hebrewes,Hebr. 7. saying, that the old law was abo­lished propter infirmitatem eius, & inutilitatem, for the infirmitie, and invtilitie of it. Nihil enim ad perfectum adduxit lex, for the law brought nothing to perfection.

3 His second position is,nu. 26.28. that the defects of the old law, and Syna­gogue of the Iewes can not serue for a president to the new law, and the Church of Christ, and therefore though the Kings in the olde Testament should haue had authoritie ouer Priests, yet it would not follow, that Chri­stian Kings should haue the like, for that the defects and imperfections of the Synagogue, (which S. Austin calleth terrenum regnum, an earthly king­dome) were not to be transferred to the Church of Christ, which is called euery where in the Scripture Regnum Caelorum, the kingdome of heauen, though on the other side the consequent must needs be good, that what excel­lencie, dignitie or perfection soeuer was in the Synagogue, the same must needs be farre more eminent and excellent in the Church of Christ, as the A­postle taught expressely, 2. Cor. 3. arguing thus: Si ministratio damnationis &c. If the ministration of death with letters figured in stones was in glorie, that the children of Israel could not behold the face of Moyses for the glorie of his countenance, which is euacuated; how shall not the mi­nistration of the spirit be more in glorie? For if the ministration of damnation be in glorie, much more the ministerie of iustice aboundeth in glorie. Thus argueth S. Paul, proouing à fortiori the supereminent dig­nitie and glorie of Christs law, by the great and eminent glorie of the Mo­saicall law; Hebr. 6.7.8. & 9. whereto tendeth also his argument to the Hebrewes concerning the imperfection and infirmitie of the Leuiticall Priesthood, in regard of the most excellent and high perfection of the Priesthood of Christ.

4 Whereupon it followeth euidently, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, nu. 29. 30 31. 32. that see­ing the Priesthood of the olde Testament had such a supreme and soueraigne authoritie to create, anoynt, punish and depose Kings (as appeareth in the for­mer examples) the Priesthood in the new Testament can not haue lesse pow­er and authoritie, for it can not be with reason imagined, that God hauing ta­ken vpon him our humanitie, and honoured the same with a peculiar and mere excellent Priesthood then that of Aaron, yea ordained a visible succession of Pastours and Priests for the gouernment of his Church to continue (as the Apostle witnesseth) 1. Cor. 11. Ephes. 4. Matth. 28. Luk. 10. Matth. 18. Heb. 13. vntill the end of the world, commanding also, that they should be heard and obeyed as himselfe; it were, I say against reason to [Page 207] thinke, that he would giue lesse honour and priuiledge to these his owne substi­tute in his owne kingdome, then he gaue to the successours of Aaron in the olde law, whereby the shadow would be more worthie and perfect, then the bo­die, the figure then the veritie, the Leuiticall or Aaronicall Priesthood, then the Priesthood of Christ, and finally the Iewish Synagogue then Christs owne spouse, and mysticall body, which is his Church, of the glorie & maiesty whereof the Prophet I say foretold speaking in the person of God thus, Ponam te, saith he, in superbiam seculorum, &c.Isay 60. I will place thee as the pride of all worlds or ages, a ioy to generation and generation, and thou shalt sucke the milke of nations, and shalt bee fedde with the paps of Kings; and the children of those who haue humbled thee, shall come crouching to thee, and shall adore the footsteps of thy feete, and thy gates shall bee open continually, and they shall not bee shut day nor night, that the strength of all nations, and their Kings may bee brought vnto thee. For the Nation and the Kingdome, which shall not serue thee shall perish, &c.

5 Thus promised almighty God by his Prophet, to raise and aduance the Church of Christ aboue the power of all Nations, and kingdomes, inso­much that hee threatned ruine and destruction vnto them,Matth. 18.if they did not serue her; whereby it maye easily be iudged, what an excellent, and eminent power our Sauiour gaue to S. Peter and his Successours, when he not onely promised to build his Church vpon him, as vpon a rocke, and that the gates of hell should not preuaile against it, but also gaue him such ample authority to binde and loose, that whatsoeuer he should binde, or loose on earth, should be bound and loosed in heauen, yea and finally made him supreme Pastour of his flocke, commanding him thrice to feede his sheepe, and lambes, that is to say, to gouerne those, that should any way pertaine to his fold the Catholike Church. Thus said I in my Supplement. Whereby it may appeare, that the Popes power to chastice Princes temporally, is most conforme to the law of God, not onely in the old Testament, but also in the new, according to Saint Pauls argument a fortiori before mentioned, drawne from the figure to the veritie. And therefore now to declare how I prooued the same further by the new law, &c. Thus argeth Mr. Fitzherbert.

6 Marke now, good Reader, what a trimme disourse this man hath made agains himselfe, and what grounds he hath laid to ouerthrow his owne argument he groundeth thereon. For first I doe willingly grant his first position, to wit, that the old Testament was a figure of the new, the earthly Hierusalem a shadow of the heauenly Hierusalem, and the earthly kingdome of the Iewes a figure of the heauenly and spirituall kingdome of Christ the eminent glorie of the Mosaicall law a figure of the supereminent dignitie and glory of the law of Christ, the Priest­hood in the old law farre inferiour in authoritie, excellency, and per­fection to the Priesthood in the new law, yea and that all things for the [Page 208] most part chanced to the Iewes in figure, for that nihil as perfectum ad­duxit lex, The law brought nothing to perfection. But secondly, concerning his second position, it followeth euidently from hence, that not only the defects of the old law cannot serue for a president to the new law, and the Church of Christ, but also that all things in the olde law being compared to the law of Christ were defectiue, and imperfect, for that the law brought nothing to perfection, and that all the authoritie, excel­lency, and perfection of the old law was a figure and shadow of the au­thoritie, excellency, and perfection of the law of Christ.

7 Whereupon it followeth euidently, that although wee should suppose only for Disputation sake, because the contrarie we haue suffi­ciently prooued before, that the Priesthood of the old Testament had a supreame, and soueraigne authoritie to create, annoint, punish, or de­pose Kings yet we cannot from thence, as from the figure to prooue the veritie, conclude, that therefore the Priesthood in the new Testament must haue the same authoritie, for this were not to fulfill the figure, as Cardinall Bellarmine before affirmed, but that it must haue a farre more noble and excellent authoritie ouer Princes to create, annoint, punish, and depose Kings in another more excellent degree: to wit, that con­sidering the promises of the old law were earthly, and of the new law heauenly, the kingdome of the Iewes was temporall, and the kingdome or Church of Christ eternall and spirituall, from hence as from the figure to the veritie we may deduce a good argument to prooue, that as the Priests of the old law had authoritie to cleanse corporall vnclean­nesse, which did barre men from entering the earthly tabernacle made by the handes of men, so the Priests of the new law haue authoritie to cleanse the soule of spirituall vncleannesse, which doeth barre men from entring the Celestiall tabernacle created by God alone, and as the Priests the old law had authoritie, according to my Aduersaries false Doctrine, to create, annoint, punish, and depose earthly Kings, so the Priests of the new law haue authoritie to create, annoint, punish, and depose spirituall Kings, to create, institute, and make them heires to the kingdome of heauen by the Sacrament of Baptisme, to annoint them with the oile of grace by the sacrament of Confirmation, to pu­nish them with spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Censures, to depose, or ex­clude them in some sort from the kingdome of heauen by denying them sacramentall absolution.

8 In this manner should Mr. Fitzherbert haue argued from the figure to the veritie, by which wee can onely proue, that the Priests of the new law can create, annoint, punish, and depose Kings in a more higher,Bell. lib. 1. de Missa cap. 7. and not in the same degree; for as Cardinall Bellarmine well ob­serued, to fulfill the figure is not to doe that very thing which the law prescri­beth to be done, but to put in place thereof some thing more excellent, which [Page 209] to signifie that figure did goe before, as Christ did not fulfill the fi­gure of Circumcision, when hee was circumcised himselfe, but when hee ordained Baptisme in place thereof; and so the Priests of the new law doe not fulfill the figure of the Leuiticall Priesthood by crea­ting, annointing, punishing, and deposing earthly Kings in the same ma­teriall manner, as the Priests of Leui did, but when they create, annoint, punish, and depose spirituall Kings, to wit, Christians, who by Bap­tisme are made heires to the kingdome of heauen, with spirituall crea­tion, vnction, chastisement, and deposition, as I haue declared before. And by this the Reader may cleerely perceiue, that Mr. Fitzherbert hath not sufficiently prooued, either that the Priests of the old Testa­ment had authoritie to create, depose, or punish temporally their Kings by way of temporall constraint, (for no man maketh doubt, but that the Priests hoth of the olde, and new law haue authoritie to annoint Kings, it being only a sacred, and religious ceremonie, and to punish temporally by way of command, and by declaring the law of GOD, as to enioyne fastings, almes-deedes, and other corporall afflictions, &c. and to declare that this, or that King shall be deposed, if GOD shall so reueale, because all these are meere spirituall actions) or else, that albeit wee should grant as my Aduersaries vntruely suppose, that the Priests of the old law had the aforesaid authoritie, to create, depose and punish Kings temporally, yet therefore from thence any proba­ble, and much lesse a potent argument, as this man pretendeth, can be drawne, as from the figure to the veritie, to proue, that the Priests of the new law must have authoritie to doe the same things, but onely to do things more excellent, and of an higher degree, and order, as the body is more excellent, and more perfect then the shadow, the verity then the figure, Christ then Moyses, the new Law then the old, heauenly king­domes then earthly, and Ecclesiasticall or spirituall Censures are of an­other nature, order, and degree then temporall or ciuill punishments.

9 Now Mr. Fitzherbert goeth on to prooue also out of the new Testament, that the Priests of the new law, especially the chiefe Pastour of the Church of Christ, haue authoritie to punish Princes not onely with spirituall, but also with temporall, and corporall punishments. And therefore now to declare, saith hee,nu. 32. p. 87. how I pro­ued the same further by the new law, it is to bee vnderstood, Psal. 77. Isa. 44. Psal. 2. Matth. 2. Apoc. 19. Aug. in Ioan. Bel. l. 1. de Rom. Pont c. 12. ad 6. obiect. that I vr­ged Suppl. vbi supra nu. 59. to that end the commission giuen by our Sauiour to St. Peter not onely to binde, and loose, but also to feede his sheepe, shewing by many texts of Scripture, as also by the authoritie of S. Augustine that Pascere, to feede, is taken for Regere▪ to gouerne, whereupon I drew certaine necessa­rie consequents in those words, &c.

10 But concerning the authoritie giuen by Christ our Sauiour to S. Peter to bind and loose, or, which, euen according to Card. Bellar­mines [Page 210] doctrine, is all one in substance, with to feede his sheepe (for that by those words, I will giue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt binde, &c. was onely promised to S. Peter, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, not giuen the power to binde, and loose, and the keyes of the kingdome, which keyes hee as the principall, and ordinarie Prefect, Prelate, or Gouernour then onely receiued when he heard, Pasce oues meas, Feede my sheepe) I answere first, that not onely S. Peter, but also all the Apostles, receiued the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and power to binde, and loose, and to feede the sheepe of Christs flocke, seeing that, as Christ saide to Saint Peter whatsoeuer thou shalt bind, &c. so he said to the rest of the Apostles, what things soeuer you shall binde, &c. albeit I will not deny, that Saint Peter was the first of the Apo­stles, but in what consisteth this prioritie, principalitie, primacie, or su­perioritie of S. Peter ouer the rest of the Apostles, as likewise of the Pope ouer all other Patriarchs, Primates, Arch-bishops, and Bishops of Christs Church, there is yet a great controuersie betwixt the Diuines of Rome, and of Paris, and perchance hereafter I shall haue occasion to treate thereof more at large. But that which for this present I in­tend to affirme is this▪ that considering in those wordes of our Sauiour Tibi dabo claues, &c. I will giue thee the keyes, &c. Saint Peter represen­ted the whole Church, and not only to him, but also to the rest of the Apostles, and to the whole Church and Priesthood, which Saint Peter did represent, were promised the keyes, and power to binde and loose, as the holy Fathers, and ancient Diuines doe commonly ex­pound,As (to omit Origen tract. 1. in Matth. 16. Euseb. Emis. hom in Natali S. Petri. Theophylac. in 1. Mat. 16.) S. Ambr. in psa. 38. & lib. 1. de Paenit. c. 2. Hieron. lib. 1. contra Iouinian. Aug. tra. 50. & 124. in Ioan. & tract. 10. in Epi. Ioan. & in psal. 108. Leo serm. 3. in Anniu. assumpt. Fulgentius de fide ad Petr. & l. 1. de remis. pec. c. 24. Beda, & Ansel. in Mat. 16. Euthym. c. 33. in Matth. Haymo hom. in fest. Petri, & Pauli. Hugo de S. vic. l. 1. de Sacram. c. 26. & alibi. Durand. in 4. dist. 18. q. 2. [...]yra in Mat. 16 Walden. tom. 2. doct. fid. c. 138. Cusanus. l. 2. de Concord. Cat. c. 13. & 34. and commonly all the ancient Doctors of Paris. if from the power to bind and loose promised to Saint Pe­ter it doth necessarily follow, that S. Peter, and his Successours haue au­thoritie to create, depose, and punish Princes temporally, it doth like­wise follow, that the rest of the Apostles, and their Successours haue the same authoritie ouer Kings and Princes, who are subiect to them spiritually.

11 Secondly, those wordes of our Sauiour, whatsoeuer thou shalt bind, &c. are to be vnderstood, as I answered in my Apologie nu. 36. of spirituall, not temporall bindings, and loosings, to absolue from sinnes, not from debts, to vnloose the bonds of the soule, not of the body, to open, or shut the gates of the kingdome of heauen, not of earthly kingdomes, to giue, or take away spirituall goods, graces, and bene­fits, not temporall goods, lands, kingdomes, or liues. When it was said to S. Peter, saith S. Augustine, I will giue thee the keyes, and whatso­euer thou shalt bind, &c. he signified the vniuersall Church. The rocke is not from Peter, but Peter from the rocke: vpon this rocke, which thou hast con­fessed, Aug. trac. 124. in Ioan. I will build my Church. The Church therefore, which is founded on Christ, receiueth from Christ the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, that is power to binde, and loose sinnes. And againe beneath saith S. Augustine, [Page 211] Peter the first of the Apostles receiued the keyes of the kingdome of heauen to bind, and loose sinnes. So also S. Ambrose, S. Chrysostome, S. Fulgentius, Ambr. lib. 1. de paenit. c. 2. Chrysost. & Theoph. in Mat. 16. Fulgent. & Eus. Emiss. vbi supra. Bernard. l. 2. c. 6 de considerat. Hug. Vict. tom. 2. serm. 64. Iust. Monast. Laurent. Iust. de casto connub. verbi, & ani­mae. c. 10. Eusebius Emissen. Theophylact, S. Bernard, Hugo de S. Victore, Laurentius Iustinanus, and infinite others vnderstand those words of our Sauiour of binding, and loosing soules, and sinnes. Neither is there any one of the ancient Fathers, or Doctours before Pope Gregorie the seuenth, that wrested them to the giuing, or taking away from any man whatsoeuer accor­ding to their deserts, Empires, Kingdomes, Princedomes, Dukedomes, Earle­domes, and the possessions of all men; Quia si potestis, saith hee,In the Ex­communication of Henry the 4. in the eight Ro­man Councel held by him in the yeere 1080. Iansenius c. 148. Concord. Theophy. in c. 21. Ioan. Basil. in l. de vi­ta solitar. c. 23. in caelo ligare, & soluere, potestis in terra, Imperia, Regna, Principatus, Ducatus, Marchias, Comitatus, & omnium hominum possessiones pro meritis tollere vnicuique, & concedere.

12 I grant likewise▪ that Pascere, to feede is taken also for Regere, to gouerne, but not as a King gouerneth his kingdome, but as a Sheep­heard gouerneth his flocke, as well obserueth Iansenius vpon this place of S. Iohn. Christ, saith Theophylact, doeth not make Peter a Lord, nor a King, nor a Prince, but commandeth him to be a Sheepheard. Where­fore, as those words, whatsoeuer thou shalt bind, &c. are to be vn­derstood of spirituall, not temporall bindings, and loosings, and were spoken not only to Saint Peter, but also to the rest of the Apostles, so also these wordes, Feede my sheepe, are to be vnderstood of spirituall feeding, or gouernment, and doe belong not onely to S. Peter, but also to the rest of the Apostles, whom S. Peter did represent. Atque hoc ab ipso Christo docemur, &c. saith S. Basill, And this wee are taught by Christ himselfe, who appointed Peter the Pastour of his Church after him. For Pe­ter, saith he, doest thou loue me more then these? Feede my sheepe: and conse­quently hee giueth to all Pastours, and Doctours the same power, whereof this is a signe, that all doe equally bind, and loose, after that manner as he. Feede my sheepe, saith S. Ambrose, which sheepe, and which flocke, Amb. de dignit. sacerd. c. 2. not only blessed Peter did then take to his charge, but hee did take charge of them with vs, and all we tooke charge of them with him. For not without cause, Aug. de agone Christiano c. 30. saith S. Augustine, among all the Apostles Peter sustained the person of this Catho­like Church; for to this Church the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were gi­uen, when they were giuen to Peter, amd when it is said to him, it is said to all, Doest thou loue, Feede my sheepe. Let Bishops, and Preachers of the word heare, saith Theophylact, what is commended to them, Theoph. in c. 21. Ioan. Bell. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 12. in fine. Edit. Ingolstad. anno 1580. Feede saith Christ, my sheepe, &c. Certaine things, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, are said to Peter in regard of the Pastorall office, which therefore are vnderstood to bee said to all Pastours, as Feede my sheepe, and confirme thy brethren, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind, &c. But of this my second answere more be­neath,nu. 21. & seq. where you shall see in what fraudulent manner D. Schulckenius replyeth to the same.

13 Now you shall see, what necessarie consequents Mr. Fitzherbert [Page 212] hath drawen from those words of our Sauiour, spoken to S. Peter, Whatsoeuer thou shalt bind &c. and Feede my sheepe. For as much, saith he,nu. 33. p 87 Suppl. nu. 61. at there can be no good gouernment of men without chastisement (when iust occasion requireth) it followeth that Christ giuing the gouernment of his Church to S. Peter (and so consequently to his Successours) gaue them also power to chastise, and punish such as should deserue it; Whereupon it fol­loweth, that seeing all Christian Princes are sheepe of Christs fould, and to be gouerned and guided by their supreme Pastour, they cannot exempt them­selues from his iust chastisement, when their owne demerites, and the publike good of the Church shall require it. And this, I say, not onely of spirituall, but also of temporall and corporall correction.

14 But first, I willingly grant, that Christ giuing the gouernment of his Church to S. Peter, and also to the rest of his Apostles (and also consequently to their Successours) gaue them also power to chastise and punish all those that are sheepe of Christs fould, and consequently also all Christian Princes, when their demerites, and the publike good of the Church shall require it. But I vtterly denie, that this chastise­ment is to be vnderstood, as Mr. Fitzherbert saith, not onely of spiri­tuall, but also of temporall and corporall correction. For as Christ our Sauiour hath instituted his Church a spirituall, and not a temporall Commmon-wealth, and consequently granted her power to giue on­ly spirituall goods, graces and benefites, not temporall goods, lands or kingdomes, so also the spirituall Pastours or Gouernours thereof haue authoritie by the institution of Christ to chastise and punish spiritual­ly, not temporally, or, which is all one to inflict spirituall, not tempo­rall punishments, and to depriue their spirituall sheepe, and subiects of those spirituall goods, which they haue receiued from the Church, and by being Christians, and not of those temporall goods, which they had before they became Christians, and which they receiue not from the Church, but from the temporall kingdome, or Common-wealth. And therefore small credite is to be giuen to Mr. Fitzherberts bare, I say, vnlesse he could more sufficiently prooue and make good what he sayth.

15 Marke now secondly, how well he confirmeth this his, I say; For if bad Princes, sayth he, could not be temporally chastised by their Pastour, when they contemne the spirituall rod of Ecclesiasticall Censures (as wicked Princes commonly doe) Christ had not sufficiently prouided for the gouern­ment of the Church. But this consequence, which is so barely, and with­out any proofe at all affirmed by him, I vtterly denie. For to the good gouernment of a spirituall kingdome or Common-wealth, as is the Church of Christ, tis sufficient for the Pastours and Gouernours thereof to haue authoritie to punish spiritually, not temporally, or to inflict spirituall, no [...] temporall punishments; as also to the good gouernment [Page 213] of temporall kingdomes or Common-wealths it is sufficient, that their Kings, Princes and other Gouernours haue authoritie to punish tempo­rally, or to inflict temporall, not spirituall punishments. But of this consequence more beneath,nu. 21. & seq. for in effect it is all one with Card. Bel­larmines second reason, which D. Schulckenius, as you shall see, laboureth in vaine to make good, against the answere, which in my Apologie I brought thereunto.

16 But this may yet be more euident, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, if we consi­der, that the greatest inconuenience and harme that can happen to the Church of God, groweth commonly by the negligence, opposition, rebellion or apostasie of Christian Princes; who so long as they remaine obedient and dutifull to the Church, are (as the Prophet calleth them) her Nutritij, that is to say, Isay. 59. her Foster-fathers, or, as it were, her Armes, not onely to defend her against all forraine enemies, but also to retaine all her subiects in their due obedience, executing her lawes and decrees, and confirming the same with her owne con­stitutions; and therefore we see that in a Christian Countrey, where the Prince is Catholike, if any subiect doe contemne or resist an Excommunica­tion, or other Censure of the Church, he is euen by the temporall and publike lawes, and by the authoritie of the Prince forced presently to doe his dutie, or else is seuerely punished; so that while the Prince remaineth obedient to the Church there is no doubt or danger of disobedience in his subiects, or of any other great inconuenience to ensue on their parts. But if he become disobe­dient himselfe, and fall into heresie, Schisme or Apostasie, what remedie hath the Church against him by a bare Ecclesiasticall Censure? doth he not con­temne it? and by his authoritie and example, draw his subiects for the most part to a generall reuolt from the Church? shall we then say, that Christ left not to his Church sufficient authoritie to remedie this?

‘17 If a Christian Prince become disobedient to the Pastours of the Church, and shall contemne all Ecclesiasticall Censures, fearing not to be declared, as a Heathen and Publican, and to be deliuered ouer to Sathan by Excommunication, which is a greater punishment, saith S. Augustine, then to be stricken with the sword, to be consumed by fire, Augustin. lib. 1 contra Aduer­sar. leg. & pro­phet. cap. 17. or to be exposed to the deuouring of wild beasts, the Church hath no other pu­nishment to inflict vpon him; and therefore in this case she, hauing performed her office, and inflicted her last punishment, hath no other remedie, then to leaue him to the iudgement and punishment of al­mightie God, who will euer protect his Church, and to flie to prayer, fasting, almes-deeds, patience and such kind of spirituall armour or weapons, which are proper, saith the Glosse, ad Ephes. 4. to the souldiers of Christ; neither must she therefore vsurpe temporall and ciuill weapons, or ar­mour (as are the depriuing of temporall and corporall goods) which doe not belong to spirituall Pastours, but to temporall Princes, King­domes and Common-wealth▪’ Thus I answered in my Apologie: nu. 184. and [Page 214] the reason hereof I gaue a little before; for that Excommunication, or such like spirituall Censure, is the last and onely punishment which the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power, by the institution of Christ, can inflict,Ioan. Paris. de potest. Reg. & Pap. cap. 14. Almain. in lib. de dominio nat. ciu. & Eccles. conclus. 2. Bell. lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 19. ad secundum. as Ioannes Parisiensis, Iacobus Almaine, and very many Doctours, sayth Almaine, doe affirme.

18 And what if a wicked Pope shall afflict the Church, and seeke to ouerthrow the spirituall good thereof, and to draw soules into per­dition, what authoritie, thinke you, hath Christ our Sauiour, the spouse, Protectour and King of the Church, according to Card. Bellarmines do­ctrine, left to his Church to remedie this? I answere, saith he, that it is no meruaile that the Church in this case remaineth without any effectuall hu­mane remedie seeing that her safetie doth not chiefly relie vpon the industrie of m [...]n, but vpon the protection of God, who is her King. Therefore although the Church hath not power to depose the Pope, yet she may and ought to pray humbly to God, that he will bring some remedie. And it is certaine, that God will haue a care of her safetie, who will either conuert such a Pope, or else take him out of the way, before he destroy the Church. And yet against this answere, which may in like manner be applyed to wicked Princes persecuting the Church, and contemning Ecclesiasticall Censures, Mr. Fitzherbert dare not conclude, that therefore Christ our Sauiour hath not sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church.

19 But what thinke you, doth D. Schulckenius reply to that which I answered, that if wicked Princes shall contemne all Ecclesiasticall cen­sures, the Church, hauing vsed her last punishment, cannot proceed against them by inflicting temporall punishments? Euen as he vsual­ly doth throughout his whole booke, by cunningly shifting of the dif­ficultie, and flying from one argument to an other, and in the ende to his accustomed rayling,Schulcken. pag. 359. ad nu. 184. and slanderous speeches. I answere, saith he; The temeritie of this man, who will haue himselfe to be accounted a Catho­like, is wonderfull. A generall Councell of the Christian world saith, that Princes favouring heretikes, and contemning Excommunication, are to be depriued of their dominions by the Sea Apostolike: and one man doth free­ly contradict and affirme, that the Church hath no other thing to doe, but hath performed her office, after she hath throwen the dart of Excommunica­tion. To whom ought Catholike men giue credite, whether to the vniuer­sall Church giuing testimonie of her authoritie receiued from God, unto one, I know not whom, who lying hid vnder another mans name lasheth out words?

20 But first to returne him backe his bitter inuectiue, truely I cannot but admire the fraudulent, and vncharitable dealing of this Doctour, who would haue himselfe to be accounted so good, sincere, and zealous a Catholike, and yet lyeth lurking, and schulking vnder another mans name, of purpose as it seemeth, to lash out more freely [Page 215] contumelious words, which in his owne name he would blush to vt­ter: for otherwise he needed not to disguise himselfe for feare of incur­ring the displeasure of Princes, for the doctrine he teacheth so preiudi­ciall to their temporall Soueraigntie, which also he will needes haue, to be, forsooth, an vndoubted point of Catholike faith; both for that he being a man of so high a ranke, and place, and liuing out of their do­minions, and subiection, can by their indignation taken against him receiue but little harme, and also for that he teacheth heere little or nothing in preiudice of their Soueraigne authority, which he did not long before in his owne shape, and name, without putting on any maske, or vizard in very plaine words maintaine: But in what an ex­orbitant manner the Court of Rome doth proceede against those Ca­tholikes, who, for desire to know the truth in matters of greatest mo­ment, speake, or write any thing (be it with neuer so great submission) which seemeth in their opinion to derogate from that authoritie, which some Popes of late yeres haue claimed as due to them, although it is, and euer hath beene contradicted by learned Catholikes, it is too too manifest, and their proceedings against mee, and my bookes, in commanding mee vnder paine of Censures to purge my selfe foorth­with, and yet giuing mee no notice of any crime, which I haue com­mitted, or any bad doctrine, which I haue taught, albeit I haue often­times with great instance desired to know the same, protesting to purge, and recall whatsoeuer I ought to purge, and recall, doth suffici­ently confirme the same. But now secondly to the matter, from whence the virulent speeches of this Doctor hath caused mee to make this digression.

21 Card. Bellarmine in his Controuersies laboured to prooue from the nature of euery perfect, and well instituted Common-wealth, Bell. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 7. which ought to haue all sufficient, and necessary authoritie to the attaining of her end, that the Church of Christ must haue authoritie to vse, and dispose of temporalls, and consequently to inflict temporall punishmēts, and to depose temporall Prin­ces, for that this authoritie is necessary to her spirituall end, which is the sal­uation of soules, because otherwise wicked Princes might without punish­ment nourish heretickes, and ouerthrow Religion.

To this argument I answered in my Apologie,Apolog. 176. & seq.graunting to Card. Bellarmine, that euery perfect, and well instituted Common-wealth ought to haue alwaies sufficient authority, for as much as concerneth the authoritie it selfe, to the attaining of her ende, although she hath not alwaies sufficient power▪ force, meanes, or abilitie actually to ob­taine the same, and to remooue all impediments, which may hinder the same. And so the Church of Christ, being a perfect, and well institu­ted spirituall Common-wealth, hath all sufficient spirituall authority, forasmuch as concerneth the authority it selfe, to the attaining of her [Page 216] spirituall and, which is the sauing of soules albeit she hath not alwaies sufficient power, meanes, or ability actually to bring all men to salua­tion, & to take away all the lets, that may hinder the obtaining there­of. But withall I denied, that the authoritie to vse, and dispose of tem­porall things, or to inflict temporall punishments is necessary in spiri­tuall Pastours to the sauing of soules, but that the authority to vse, and dispose of spirituall things, and to inflict spirituall Censures, or punish­ments is sufficient in spirituall Pastours to bring soules to saluation, for­asmuch as concerneth the authority, and punishment themselues.

22 Neither doth it therefore follow, as Card. Bellarmine preten­ded to conclude, that if the Church hath not authority to vse and dis­pose of temporalls, and consequently to depose temporall Princes, wicked Princes might without punishment nourish heretickes, and ouerthrow religion. For the Church by her spirituall authority may punish them grieuously with Ecclesiasticall Censures, which punish­ments are so great and dreadfull, that of themselues they are able to terrifie any Christian Prince, and to withdraw him from euill. But if some Christian Prince, for want of due consideration bee not terrified with Ecclesiasticall Censures, the spirituall authority of the Church cannot inflict vpon him any temporall, or ciuill punishment, for that the onely and last punishment, which the Church, or, which is all one, the spirituall Pastours thereof by the institution of Christ can inflict, is Excommunication, or some such like spirituall Censure or punish­ment. Thus I answered in my Apologie.

23 Now D. Schulckenius to confute this my answere, flyeth from Card. Bellarmines reason grounded vpon the nature of euery perfect, and well instituted Common-wealth, which reason I tooke vpon mee in that place to confute, to the Decree of the Councell of Lateran, which is his common skar crow. For when he cannot confute the answere, which I giue to any reason, or authority brought by Card. Bellarmine, to prooue the Popes power to depose Princes, then his custome is to flye from that reason, or authority to the Decree of the Councell of La­teran, as though that onely Decree of the Councell of Lateran, of which Card. Bellarmine in his Controuersies made no account at all, were now a sufficient proofe to make good all his other reasons and authori­ties: which Decree neuerthelesse he expoundeth according to his pri­uate spirit, contrary to the words and true meaning of the same Coun­cell: and in stead of the Lateran Councell, which I doe not impugne, he would thrust vpon Catholikes his owne opinion, which he violent­ly wresteth from the words of the Councell.

24 For as I haue often told him, I am a true and sincere Catho­like, yea and a farre truer, then he himselfe is, if he build his Catholike faith vpon such weake, and fallible grounds, which some Catho­like [...] [Page 217] vnderstand in one sense, and some in another: it being well knowne to all learned Catholikes, that the Catholike faith, which is infallible, cannot be built vpon vncertaine, and fallible grounds, and which are in controuersie among Catholikes, but vpon vndoubted grounds, and so acknowledged by all true and learned Catholikes. So likewise I haue often told him, that I doe giue all dutifull honour and respect to all the Decrees of any approoued Councell either touching faith, or manners, and I doe reuerence euery one of them in their due place and order, but euery exposition, which either Card. Bellarmine, or any other priuate Doctour, who may both deceiue, and be deceiued, maketh of any Decree of the Councell of Lateran, or of any other Coun­cell, especially when other Doctours expound that Decree otherwise. I doe not account to bee any good ground, or rule of a true Catholike faith. And therefore it is not true, that I doe freely contradict the De­cree of the Councell of Lateran, but I doe freely contradict his priuate ex­position of the Decree of that Councell, it being contrary to the true sense and meaning of the wordes thereof, and no sufficient proofe to confirme his new inuented Catholike faith touching the Popes power to depose Princes, as I will at large make plaine beneathChap. 9. & seq.

25 Secondly, it is also vntrue, that I onely am the man, who de­nieth the spirituall Pastours of the Church, to haue authoritie by the institution of Christ to inflict temporall punishments, and conse­quently to proceed to no other temporall chastisement, after they haue cast the dart of Excommunication. Many other learned Catholikes, as I haue shewed abouePart. 2. per totum. doe also deny the same, and Almaine affir­meth, that it is the doctrine of most Doctours, that the Ecclesiasticall power cannot by the institution of Christ inflict any temporall or ciuill punish­ment, as death, exile, priuation of goods, &c. Yea nor so much as to impri­son. With what face therefore dare this Doctour, to terrifie simple Ca­tholikes, cry out so often, Onely Widdrington, or ely Widdrington, as Card. Bellarmine did onely Barclay, onely Barclay, doe oppose themselues against all Catholikes. But God be praised, that my Aduersaries themselues haue liued to see, what little credit is giuen by Catholikes to their vaunting words, and with what disgrace their bookes haue beene handled by the State of France. For Card. Bellarmines booke against D. Barclay was condemned and forbidden by the Parliament of Paris vnder paine of treason, this Doctours booke against me was disgacefully burnt by the hangman before the great staires of the Pallace, and the same fire, but by a more publike sentence and in a more solemne manner, Fa. Suarez booke also hat passed.

26 Thirdly, this Doctour very learnedly, forsooth, carpeth at me for abusing words in calling deposition, and killing, temporall armour, or weapons. My Aduersarie Widdrington, saith he,Cap. 8. pag. 375. abuseth words, when [Page 218] he affirmeth deposition and killing to be temporall armour, or weapons. F. who euer heard, that deposition or killing are armour, or weapons? They are effects of armour or weapons, but they themselues are not armour, or weapons. But first this Doctour hath so vigilant on eye ouer my words and writings to carpe at them, that he quite forgetteth what words he himselfe doth vse. For he himselfe heere confesseth, that Ecclesiasticall Censures are spirituall armour, or weapons, whereupon in this very Chap­ter he calletCap. 8. pag. 360. Excommunication a dart; and Card. Bellarmine in his booke against Barclay Cap. 19. pag. 185. calleth Ecclesiasticall Censures the spirituall sword: and yet Excommunication, and other Ecclesiasticall Censures are accor­ding to his owne doctrine effects of spirituall armour, or weapons, to wit, of the Ecclesiasticall power, which he callethPag. 386. 387. & in tract contra Barclai. cap. 19. pag. [...]88. the spirituall sword. And if spirituall Censures, or punishments may be called spirituall armour, or weapons, although they be an effect of the spirituall power or sword, why may not, I pray you, temporall censures or punishments, as are deposition, and killing, be called temporall weapons, or armour although they be effects of the temporall power, or sword? If there­fore I abuse words in calling temporall Censures, or punishments, temporall armour, or weapons, how can he excuse himselfe from ab­using words in calling spirituall Censures, or punishments, spirituall armour, or weapons?

27 Secondly, it is vsuall among Philosophers to nominate, and de­scribe a thing by the name of the cause, whereupon they deuide a de­finition into a formall, and causall definition, or description: as the E­clipse of the Moone is commonly described to be, an interposition of the earth betwixt the body of they Sunne, and of the Moone, not for that the Eclipse of the Moone is formally that interposition, for it is formally no­thing else, then a want of light in the Moone, but for that it is caused by that interposition: and Thunder, according to the opinion of Empe­docles and Anaxagoras, is defined to be a quenching of fire inclosed in a cloude,See Aristotle lib. 2. Meoteor. sum. 3. cap. 1. & 2. but according to the doctrine of Aristotle a violent breaking out of a fiery exhalation inclosed in a cloud, not for that Thunder is formally the aforesaid quenching, or breaking forth, for it is formally a sound, or noice, but for that this sound is caused from thence: so like­wise spirituall and temporall Censures may be called spirituall and temporall armour or weapons, not for that formally they are so, but for that they are effects caused from thence. But lastly what man is so ig­norant, who knoweth not, that the same thing may be both an effect, and also a cause being considered diuers waies: and so the same spiritu­all or temporall Censure and punishment, as it proceedeth from the spirituall, or temporall power, which is rightly called the spirituall, or temporall sword is an effect, and not to be called a sword, weapon, or armour, yet as it is a cause to bring great griefe to the person so punish­ed, [Page 219] or to redresse great euill, it may well be called armour offensiue, or defensiue: yea and griefe it selfe may without abusing of words be cal­led a sword, according to that of the holy Scripture Luc. 2. And thy owne soule a sword shall pearce. And thus you see how weakely, and frau­dulently this Doctour hath impugned my answere.

28 Now to returne to Mr. Fitzherbert: He, forsooth, bringeth an other reason but as insufficient as his former, to proue that the Pastors of the Church haue authoritie to inflict temporall, or corporall punish­ments, vpon hereticall, or schismaticall Princes, if they shall contemne Ecclesiasticall Censures. For otherwise, how is that, saith he,Num. 35. pag. 89. 2. Cor. 10. fulfilled, which the Apostle said of the most ample power, that he, and other Apostles had to destroy Munitions & Counsells, and all Altitude, or Lostinesse, ex­tolling it selfe against the knowledge of God; yea and to reuenge, (or punish) omnem inobedientiam, all disobedience; Which words S. Augustine,August. ad Bo­nifac. Com. epist. 50. vnderstandeth of the authoritie left by our Sauiour to his Church, to compell her rebellious, and disobedient children to performe their duties: and the same is also acknowledged by some of our principall Aduersaries, namely Caluin,Caluin vpon this place. who not only expoundeth this place of the coercitiue, and coactiue power that is in the Church, but also groundeth the same vpon the words of our Sauiour to his Apostles. Quicquid ligaueritis super terram,Matth. 18. erit ligatum & in cae­lis &c. Whatsoeuer you shall bind on earth shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer you shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heauen.

29 Whereupon I inferre, that if the Ecclesiasticall authoritie d [...]d not extend it selfe to the chasticement of disobedient Princes in their temporall states, the Church should not haue the power whereof S. Paul speaketh, that is, to reuenge all disobedience, seeing that the disobedience of absolute Princes to Ecclesiasticall Censures should be incorrigible, and remedilesse. Whereupon it would also follow, that the authoritie, and power of the Church should be no better in effect then a cobweb, which holdeth only the little flies, and serueth to no purpose against the great ones, sufficing to correct all inferi­our persons, and to preuent, and remedy all the inconueniences that may grow from them, but not to redresse the most dangerous, and pernicious disobedi­ence, that may be; to wit, the rebellion of Princes against the Church from whence the greatest danger, and damage to soules may, and commonly doth a­rise; if this then should be without remedie, it must needes follow (as I haue said) that Christ hath not sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church, yea much worse then temporall Kings are wont to prouide for the ad­ministration of the Prouinces, or States subiect to them; who when they ap­point Lieutenants, or Deputies any where, doe giue them authoritie ouer all sorts of subiects, and so much power as may suffice for the remedy of all inconue­niences (and specially of the greatest) which may occurre in the States where they gouerne.

30 Therefore it must needes be granted, that our Sauiour Christ, or­daining [Page 220] a gouernment in his Church, gaue to the Gouernours thereof suffici­ent power and iurisdiction to redresse all kind of inconueniences in all sorts of subiects, as well the highest, as the lowest, and when spirituall correction will not suffice, then to chastice them also in their temporalities, so farre forth, as shall be necessarie for the publike good of the Church, and for the due execu­tion of their office, and charge. For as the Lawler saith, Cui iurisdictio da­ta est,Iauolen. leg 2. [...]. de Iurisdict. ei quoque concessa esse videntur, sine quibus iurisdictio explica [...]i non potuit; To whomsoeuer iurisdiction is giuē, those things do seeme to be granted withall, without the which the iurisdiction could not be explicated: and this is also conforme to the axiome of the Philosophers, qui dat esse, dat consequentia ad esse, he which giueth being, giueth also those things, that are consequents thereof, or necessarily required thereto.

31 But first I would demaund of Mr. Fitzherbert, what remedie the Church hath against a most potent Christian Prince, who shall con­temne, not only an Ecclesiasticall Censure, but also euery sentence of depriuation, or of any of other temporall or corporall chasticement de­nounced against him by the Pope? doth he not contemne this Cen­sure, and sentence? and by his authoritie, and example draw his sub­iects, for the most part, to a generall reuolt from the Church? shall we then say that Christ left not to his Church sufficient authoritie to reme­die this? How then is that fulfilled, which the Apostle said of the most ample power of the Church to reuenge, or punish all disobedience, see­ing that the disobedience of absolute Princes to this sentence of depri­uation should be incorrigible, and remedilesse? Whereupon it would also follow, that the authoritie and power of the Church should be in effect no better then a cobweb &c. Let Mr. Fitzherbert satisfie this de­maund, and he will forthwith see, that in the like manner his owne ar­gument may be answered.

32 Secondly, as euery well instituted temporall common wealth, and the chiefe gouernours thereof haue alwaies sufficient temporall power, taking temporall power for authoritie to punish with temporall punishments all treasons, rebellions, and contempts whatsoeuer, al­though they haue not alwaies sufficient power, taking power, for might, force, or effectuall meanes to redresse actually all disorders that shall arise in the common wealth, for that if the perturbers of the common wealth be more potent, and strong then the rulers, and gouernours thereof, they will little regard any sentence or declaration either of ex­ile, losse of goods, and libertie, or also of life that the Gouernours of the common wealth shall denounce against them, and yet no man will deny, that the chiefe Gouernours of the common wealth haue suffici­ent authoritie, forasmuch as concerneth [...]he authoritie it selfe, to pu­nish with temporall punishments euery particular contempt of these seditious, and wicked subiects, and to redresse all inconueniences that [Page 221] possibly may arise: So likewise the chiefe Pastours, or Gouernours of the Church, or spirituall kingdome of Christ, haue alwaies sufficient spiritual power, taking spirituall power for authoritie, to punish with spiri­tuall punishments all heresies, schismes, and other crimes whatsoeuer, although they haue not alwaies sufficient spirituall power, taking power for force, might, or effectuall meanes to redresse actually by spirituall punishments all inconueniences, and disorders that shall arise in the Church of Christ: For if the disturbers of the Church be peruerse, ob­stinate, and wilfull they will little regard and Censure sentence, or de­claration that the Pastours of the Church can possibly denounce a­gainst them; and yet no man will deny, that the chiefe Pastours or Gouernours of the Church of Christ, haue sufficient authoritie, for as much as concerneth the authoritie it selfe, to punish with spirituall Cen­sures euery particular contempt of these disobedient persons, and that these spirituall Censures, are of themselues sufficient to terrifie any Christian whatsoeuer, and to withdraw him from sinne, seeing that they are farre more grieuous and dreadfull as S. Augustine affirmeth, then any temporall punishment whatsoeuer.

33 Thirdly, I answere, that S. Paul had indeede through the gift of miracles, which Christ our Sauiour gaue to him, and to the rest of the Apostles, not only a most ample and extraordinarie authoritie, but also power, might, force, and effectuall meanes, to punish or re­uenge all disobedience, euen with temporall and corporall punish­ments. Whereupon, as S. Chrysostome obserueth vpon this place,Chrysost. in 2. Cor 10. Act. 14. Act. 2 [...]. Act. 13. Auselni. in 2. Cor. 10. hee did one time cure a lame man, an other time hee raised one from death to life; and an other time he punished Elymas the Magician with depriuing him of his sight. And S. Anselme numbreth among this spirituall ar­mour, whereof the Apostle heere speaketh, the doing of miracles. For we, saith S. Anselme speaking in the person of S. Paul, doe not warre, or fight according to the flesh. For the weapons of our warfare are not carnall but spirituall and mighty to God our King, for whom we warre, or fight. For we doe not beare a materiall lance, or sword, but we doe more mightily ouer­throw our enemies with the word, then others doe with carnall weapons. For our weapons are the word of preaching, wisdome, miracles, charitie, and other vertues &c.

34 Wherefore S. Paul speaketh not only of authoritie to fight, or punish, but also of might, force, or effectuall meanes to ouercome his ene­mies. Our weapons, saith he, are mighty to God to destroy munitions, that is, saith S. Anselme, secular doctrines, arguments, and subtilities, by which peruerse men doe strengthen their hearts, that the word of truth may not be a­ble to touch them, because the art of Apostolicall preaching doth mightily pearce, and ouerthrow through the vertue of spirituall grace these kind of mu­nitions. And we haue also in readinesse, that is in manifest, and speedy effect, [Page 222] to reuenge all disobedience, that is, to punish the offences of them, who would not obey vs, that they might correct themselues: Which we will doe, when your obedience shall be fulfilled, that is, when all the rest of you shall by loue be obedient in all things. Thus S. Anselme. Now what learned man will thus conclude, that because S. Paul and the Apostles had a most ample, extraordinarie and miraculous authoritie, power, might, and effectuall meanes to conuert men to the faith of Christ, and to reuenge or punish all that were disobedient with temporall punish­ments euen by death, as S. Peter did Ananias and Saphyra, or by de­priuing them of their sight, as S. Paul did Elimas the Magician, or by deliuering them to Sathan to be visibly tormented by him, as S. Paul did the incestuous Corinthian, that therefore the ordinarie Pastours of the Church haue now either an extraordinarie, or ordinary authoritie, power, might and effectuall meanes to doe the like.

35 I omit that S. Ambrose or whosoeuer is the Authour of those Commentaries, expoūdeth those words, to reuenge all disobedience, when your obedience shall be fulfilled, of the Corinthians themselues, who being perfectly conuerted shall punish in themselues their former disobedi­ence. It is manifest, saith S. Ambrose, that he reuengeth disobedience, when he condemneth it by obedience, then destroying it, when he bringeth to the faith those, who doe resist, or disobey, that infidelitie may be condemned by them, by whom it was defended. The same also doth S. Anselme insinuate, as you haue seene aboue.

36 But S. Augustine, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, vnderstandeth those words of the Apostle [hauing in a readinesse to reuenge all disobedience] of the authoritie left by our Sauiour to his Church to compell her rebellious and disobedient children to performe their duties. True it is, that S. Augu­stine applyeth those words of the Apostle to the authoritie of the Church to compell heretikes by temporall punishments to returne to the faith of Christ, taking the Church, as it containeth all the faithfull, and consisteth both of temporall and spirituall power, but it is not true, that he vnderstandeth them of the authoritie of the Church, as the Church is taken for Church-men, or the spiritual Pastours of the Church. Wherefore Mr. Fitzherbert doth herein egregiously abuse his Reader. For S. Augustines maine drift both in that 50. epistle, & in the former 48. epistle is only to proue against the Donatists, that heretiks may lawfully be compelled with temporall punishments by the lawes of Christian Emperours to returne to the Catholike faith, and that the Pastours of the Church did well in requesting Christian Emperours to make such lawes. Wherefore the argument of the 48. epistle to Vincentius is, that S. Austin was once of opinion, that we must not deale with heretikes by violence, but on­ly with the word of God, but afterwards being ouercome with the doctrine and example of others he changed his opinion, and taught that it is lawfull to im­plore [Page 223] the lawes of Princes against the enemies of the faith, so that it be done with an intention to correct, and not with a desire to reuenge: And the argu­ment of this 50. Epistle is, that S. Augustine sheweth with what moderation heritickes may through feare of Emperiall lawes be reduced to the commu­nion of the Church. And in his second booke of Retractations, Cap. 48. mentio­ning this Epistle to Bonifacius he writeth thus: At the same time I wrote also a booke (meaning this 50. Epistle) concerning the correction of the Donatists by reason of those, who would not haue them to be corrected by the Emperiall lawes. This booke beginneth thus: Laudo, & gratulor, & admi­ror fili dilectissime Bonifaci.

37 Iudge now, good Reader, what a shamefull fraud is this of Mr. Fitzherbert to make ignorant Catholikes beleeue, that S. Augu­stine bringeth those words of the Apostle to prooue the authority left by our Sauiour to his Church, that is, to Churchmen, or to the spirituall Pa­stours of the Church (for so hee vnderstandeth the word Church in all this his Discourse) to compell her rebellious, & disobedient children by force of temporall punishments to performe their duties, whereas S. Augustines in­tent onely is to prooue the lawfulnesse of the Emperiall lawes compel­ling heretickes by temporall punishments to returne backe to the faith, and that Church-men, or the spirituall Pastours of the Church may law­fully implore the Emperiall lawes, and desire Christian Princes to com­pell heretickes to forsake their heresie by force of temporall punish­ments, so that they desire it with intent to correct them, and not with a desire of reuenge.

38 But if the Ecclesiasticall authority, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 90., did not ex­tend it selfe to the chastisement of disobediēt Princes in their temporal states, it must needs follow that Christ had not sufficiently prouided for the gouern­ment of his Church, yea much worse then temporall Kings are went to prouide for the administration of the Prouinces, or states subiect to them, who when they appoint lieutenants, or deputies any where, do giue them authority ouer all sorts of subiects, & so much power as may suffice for the remedy of all inconueniences (and specially of the greatest) which may occurre in the States where they go­uerne, &c. But this consequence I haue euer denied. For, as I haue often said, to the good gouernment of the Church of Christ, which is a spiritu­all, & not a temporall kingdome, or common-wealth, it is onely requi­red, that the Pastours, or Gouernours thereof haue authoritie to in­flict spirituall, and not temporall punishments, and this authoritie, forasmuch as concerneth the authoritie, and punishments themselues, is sufficient to redresse all inconueniences, neither is it necessarie either in a spirituall, or a temporall kingdome, that the chiefe Gouernours thereof should haue that power, might, or effectuall meanes whereby all inconueniences must actually at all times be redressed.

39 And therefore, as temporall Kings doe giue to their Lieute­tenants, [Page 224] Deputies, or Vice-Royes sufficient temporall authoritie ouer all sorts of subiects in the Prouinces, or States where they gouerne, but not alwayes so much power, (taking power not for authoritie or iurisdiction, but for might, force, or effectuall meanes) as may suffice for the remedie of all inconueniences, for this power the Kings them­selues doe often times want in those Dominions, where they themselues doe personally gouerne; so Christ our Sauiour ordaining in his Church a spirituall, and not a temporall Gouernment, gaue to the spirituall Gouernours thereof sufficient spirituall authoritie and iurisdiction, to redresse all kind of inconueniences in all sorts of subiects, as well the highest, as the lowest, but not sufficient power, might, or effectuall meanes actually to redresse the same: And as the Lieutenants, Deputies, or Vice-Royes of temporall Kings, if they offend, cannot be punished with temporall punishments by any subiect in the States where they gouerne, but by the King alone, to whom onely they are subiect in temporalls: So likewise if temporall Kings themselues doe offend, they cannot bee punished with temporall punishments but by God a­lone, to whom onely they are subiect in temporalls. Now to giue to temporall Common-wealths the vse of the spirituall power, sword, weapons, or armour, and authoritie to inflict spirituall Censures or punishments, or to the Church of Christ, as it is a spirituall common-wealth, the vse of the temporall power, sword, weapons, or armour, and authoritie to inflict temporall Censures, or punishments, it were both to confound the acts, functions, authoritie, sword, weapons, and armour of the spirituall and temporall common-wealths, which Christ our Sauiour hath distinguished, and it is also repugnant to the expresse wordes of the holy Scripture,2. Cor. 10. nam arma militiae nostrae non carnalia sunt, for the weapons or armour of our warfare are not carnall, &c. to the doct­rine of the ancient Fathers, who affirme, that Emperours and Kings are in temporalls next to God in authoritie, and consequently to be tem­porally punished by God alone, and to the generall practise of the pri­mitiue Church.

40 Wherefore that comparison, which Mr. Fitzherbert brin­geth heere of the cobweb, which holdeth onely the little flyes, and serueth to no purpose against the great ones, &c. is idle, and to no purpose. For Ecclesiasticall Censures, which are the punishments belonging to the Church of Christ, are common both to Princes, and Subiects, and of themselues they are so dreadfull, that they are able, and sufficient of their owne nature to hold and keepe in awe all Christians whatsoeuer, and to correct, amend, and bring all sinners, as they did the Emperour Theodosius, to true repentance. But if some persons doe not feare these Censures, and be not amended by them, this is not to bee attributed to the weakenesse, defect, or imperfection of the Censure, which of it selfe [Page 225] is most dreadfull, yea and more horrible, saith S. Augustine, then any cor­porall death, but to the indisposition of the offender, who doth not du­ly consider the greatnesse, and dreadfulnesse of that Ecclesiasticall Cen­sure. As likewise temporall punishments, as is the sentence of death, exile, imprisonment, whipping, confiscation of goods, &c. are of them­selues able, and sufficient to withdraw any man from sinfull life, yet they doe not actually correct, and amend all malefactours, but this is not to be attributed to the weakenesse, or insufficiencie of the tempo­rall sword, but the rashnesse, passion, malice, or inconsideration of such malefactours, who for want of due consideration, are not afraid of that temporall punishment, which of it selfe is able to terrifie any prudent man, and to redresse all kind of inconueniences in all sorts of subiects, as well the highest, as the lowest.

41 Neither is it necessarie for the publike good of the Church, as this man supposeth, or for the due execution of the office, and charge of spirituall Pastours, that they should haue authoritie to cha­stise temporally, or, which is all one, to inflict temporall punish­ments, and to vse the temporall sword, which is onely proper to tem­porall Princes, or common-wealths, and by the law of Christ for­bidden spirituall Pastours, as they are spirituall Pastours, who haue only spirituall, and not temporall authoritie, as I proued aboue by the authoritie of S. Bernard. Wherefore that axiome of the Lawyer, Cui iurisdictio data est, &c. To whom iurisdiction is giuen those things also doe seeme to bee granted without which the iurisdiction could not be ex­plicated; and that other of the Philosophers, Qui dat esse, &c. Hee that giueth being, giueth also those things that are consequent to being, or necessarily required thereunto, are vnaptly applied to this purpose: For spirituall iurisdiction can very well bee exercised without vsing temporall weapons, or inflicting temporall punishments; and to vse temporall weapons, or to inflict temporall punishments, is not a con­sequent, or necessarily required to the spirituall authoritie or iurisdicti­on of spirituall Pastours, as Mr. Fitzherbert vntruely supposeth.

42 Now you shall see in what manner hee concludeth this Chap­ter. Thus then, saith hee,pag. 91. nu. 38.39. thou seest, good Reader, how I prooued in my Supplement by the law of GOD, that the Pope hath power to chastise Princes in their temporall states, and dignities, when the necessitie of the Church shall require it; which I also prosecuted further there, inferring the Popes power ouer the bodies, and temporall goods of Christians by the power he hath ouer the soule, according to the two axiomes, Qui potest maius, potest minus, He which may doe the more, may doe the lesse, and Ac­cessorium sequitur principalis naturam, The accessorie followeth the nature of the principall, which I haue amply d [...]bated before with my Ad­uersarie Widdrington, in the second, and third chapters, hauing also laide [Page 226] downe there the words of my Supplement touching the same, and therefore I thinke it needelesse to repeate them heere.

43 Now then I remit it, good Reader, to thy iudgement, whether my Aduersarie Widdrington hath not notably abused me in two things, the one in affirming (as you haue heard before in the first Chapter) that I groun­ded all my discourse against the Oath in my Supplement,See Chapter 1. nu. 3. 7. & 9. vpon a bare suppo­sition, that the Popes spirituall authoritie is abiured therein; and the other that I haue effectually prooued nothing else by the law of GOD, but that the temporal power in spirituall things, & in temporal (as they are reduced to spiritual) is subiect to the spirituall power, so far forth as concerneth the authoritie to command & a spiritual maner of correction, not tem­porall (for so you haue heard him say in the beginning of this chap.) though it be euident by the premisses, Supra nu. 1. that I haue grounded my arguments against the oath (not vpon any such supposition, as he mentioneth) but vpon the very sub­stance of the law of God in the old, and new Testament, and that I haue de­duced from thence by most pregnant reasons, and necessarie consequents, that the Pope hath power to proceede to the temporall correction of Princes, when the spirituall will not suffice and the necessitie of the Church doth require it.

44 Whereupon it followeth euidently, that the new Oath, which im­pugneth this power of the Pope, is repugnant to the law of GOD. So that, you see, how probable my Aduersarie Widdringtons answeres are, or ra­ther how fraudulent seeing that he dissembleth all the substance, and pith of my arguments, abusing therein his Reader, no lesse then mee, seeking to breede in him a false conceit of the substance, and effect of my discourse, and then fra­ming his answere, according to his owne forgerie. So as, in fine, he answereth nothing of mine, but his owne vaine conceits, as it will also further appeare by that, which resteth to be debated betwixt vs, concerning the Lawes of Na­ture, and Nations.

45 But contrariwise thou seest, good Reader, that Mr. Fitzherbert in his Supplement neither hath sufficiently proued by the law of GOD, as hee here vntruely affirmeth, either that the Pope hath power to cha­stise Princes in their temporall States, and dignities except by way on­ly of direction, or commandement, or that the necessitie of the Church doth require, that spirituall Pastours should by their spirituall autho­ritie haue power to vse the temporall sword, and to inflict temporall punishments; nor hath rightly concluded the Popes power ouer the bodies, and temporall goods of Christians from the power hee hath ouer their soules, by those two axiomes, Hee that may doe the greater, may doe the lesse, and The accessorie followeth the nature of the principall, the true sense and meaning wherof I haue amply declared before in the second, and third Chapters, and haue laid open Mr. Fitzherberts fraude, and ignorance in vrging those axiomes.

46 Wherefore to conclude with him this Chapter, I remit it good [Page 227] Reader, to thy iudgement, whether I haue any way abused Mr. Fitzher­bert in two things, as hee saith I haue done, the one in affirming (as thou hast heard before in the first Chapter) that hee in his Supplement doth first of all suppose, that the Popes power to excommunicate Prin­ces is abiured in this Oath; and the other, that hee hath effectually pro­ued nothing else by the law of God, but that the temporall power is in spirituall things, and in temporall, as they are reduced to spirituall, subiect to the spirituall power, so farre foorth as concerneth the autho­ritie to command, and a spirituall manner of punishing by way of co­ercion, and not temporall. For, as I haue most amply shewed in this Chapter, he hath not brought any one pregnant reason, or necessarie con­sequent, grounded vpon the law of GOD either in the olde Testa­ment, or in the new, to proue, that the Pope hath power to proceede by way of temporall coercion, or which is all one, by inflicting temporall punishments, to the temporall correction or punish­ment of any Prince. Neither also hath hee brought any one preg­nant reason, or argument to prooue, either that spirituall punish­ments are not of themselues sufficient, (although by reason of the in­disposition of the person so punished not alwayes effectuall) to redresse all inconueniences, and to correct, or amend all the disobedient chil­dren of the Church; or, that the necessitie of the Church, as it is insti­tuted by Christ to be a spirituall, and not a temporall common-wealth, doth at any time require, that the spirituall Pastours, or Gouernours thereof must haue authoritie to vse temporall weapons, or, which is all one, to inflict temporall punishments: whereupon it euidently follow­eth, that this new Oath, which denyeth this authoritie of the Pope is not repugnant to the law of God.

47 Thus then thou seest, that I haue soundly answered all Mr. Fitzherberts arguments without dissembling the substance, or pith of any one of them, and haue most cleerely shewed, that I haue neither abused him, nor the Reader in those two things, which heere he men­tioneth, but that hee hath notably abused mee, and bewrayed his manifest fraude and dissimulation, in falsly relating the supposition, where­on he groundeth his whole Discourse, as I haue at large declared in the first Chapter, and therefore I thinke it needelesse to repeate heere the same againe.

CHAP. VI.

Wherein Mr. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the Law of Na­ture are confuted: and first it is shewed, in what manner tempo­rall things are by the Law of Nature subordinate to spirituall, and the temporall Common-wealth to the Church of Christ. Se­condly, that Religious Priests by the Law of Nature cannot punish temporall Princes temporally, and that in the Law of Nature the ciuill Societie was supreme and disposed of all things as well concerning Religion as State, and that therefore the new Oath, denying the Popes power to depose Princes, is not repug­nant to the Law of Nature. Thirdly, the difference betwixt the directiue and coerciue power, and how temporall things be­come spirituall is declared, and from thence prooued, that the Church may command, but not inflict temporall punishments, and diuers replies of Mr. Fitzherbert and D. Schulckenius are confuted.

MY Aduersarie, T. F. a man, as most of our Coun­treymen know, vnskilfull in Philosophie, and Schoole-Diuinitie, as being sciences, which he hath little studied, hath in this sixt Chapter taken a hard taske vpon him, and which few men, ex­cept such as are like to himselfe, would aduenture; but, as our English prouerbe saith, who is so bold, as is blind Bayard. For he will, forsooth, shew in this Chapter, that he hath effectually prooued in his Supplement by the law of Nature, that the Pope hath power to chastise Princes temporally, and consequently that the new Oath of Allegiance, which denyeth the Popes power to depose Princes, is repugnant to the law of Nature. But how vnsoundly he hath prooued this, and that by the law of Nature it may rather be conuin­ced, that Religious Priests were subiect to temporall Princes, and might be deposed by them, and that all things both concerning State and Re­ligion, and the publike seruice of God did in the law of Nature depend vpon the authoritie of the temporall common-wealth, you shall anon most cleerely perceiue.

2 First therefore Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 94. nu. 2 setteth downe the words, which he wrote in his Supplement in this manner. It is euident by the light of na­turall reason, that in all things, wherein there is any naturall composition or combination, there is a due subordination and subiection of that which is lesse [Page 229] perfect to the more perfect, and of the inferiour to the Superiour, as of the meanes to the end, which is euident in the Hierarchies of Angels, in the Orbes or Spheres, in the Elements, in the Powers of the soule, in the Sciences; and (to omit other examples in all naturall Societies of Families, Common-wealths and Kingdomes, in which there is a superioritie, and subiection, the lesse per­fect being inferiour and subordinate to the more perfect, whereby nature gi­ueth to euery thing the perfection, which is conuenient for it, according to the kind, degree and qualitie thereof, wherein we see, nature tendeth still to grea­ter perfection, passing, and, as it were, mouing by degrees from the lowest, and and most imperfect creature to man, from man to Angels, and from them to Almightie God, who, as he is the Creatour of all, so also he is the end, con­summation and perfection of all, yea perfection it selfe, by whom and in whom all naturall things are consummated and perfected.

3 Here, you see, this man hath brought diuers examples; where­in one thing is subiect and subordinate to another, but to what pur­pose he hath brought them, and how from any one of them he can well deduce, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes by the law of Nature, which is the principall subiect of this Chapter, I cannot any way conceiue. If he had declared in particular, after what manner, and with what kind of subiection these things are subordained one to the other, euery man of meane vnderstanding would presently haue perceiued the non sequitur of all the consequences which can be gathered from those examples. Meanes are subiect, and ordained to the end, for that the ende cannot be obtained without them; will he therefore in­ferre from hence, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes? The nine Orders of Angels haue a subiection, and subordination of the in­feriour to the superiour, for that one is more noble, more potent and more perfect then another, by reason whereof the superiour can illu­minate, and moue locally the inferiour, but will he therefore from hence conclude, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes?

4 The celestiall Orbes are inferiour one to another in place mag­nitude and perfection, as the Sphere of the Moone is the least and lowest of all: and the Planet of the Sunne, although it be placed in the middle Orbe, is the chiefe, and, as it were, the King of all the seuen Pla­nets, and exceedeth them all in magnitude, splendour and actiuitie. The foure Elements also are inferiour one to an other in place, magni­tude and perfection. Also the powers of the soule haue a kind of sub­iection one to another, the vnderstanding doth guide and direct, as a teacher or instructour, but the will, as the Mistresse doth command. Likewise all sciences haue some subordination among themselues, and Metaphisicke is in some sort the Mistresse of them all: but wil my Ad­uersarie inferre from any of these, that therefore the Pope hath power to depose Princes? Families also are subiect to Incorporations, Incor­porations [Page 230] to Cities, Cities to Kingdomes, for that one is included in the other, as a part in the whole; and therefore he that is Superiour or chiefe Gouernour of the whole, and can dispose thereof, is also Supe­riour and Gouernour of euery part thereof: But the temporall king­dome, speaking formally and in abstracto, is not a part of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, nor included therein as a part in the whole, wherefore from hence it cannot be gathered, that spirituall Pa­stours, who are the Superiours and Gouernours of this spirituall king­dome, haue authoritie to depose absolute Princes who are the Superi­ours and Gouernours of temporall kingdomes, and in temporalls are subiect to none but God. Lastly, man, Angels and all other creatures are subiect to Almightie God, who, as he is the Creatour and Conserua­tour of all, so he is the end, consummation & perfection of all, but how from hence Mr. Fitzherbert can gather, that therefore the Pope hath power to depose Princes, truly it passeth my vnderstanding to cōceiue.

5 Wherefore all that from this Rhetoricall Discourse of my Ad­uersarie can be rightly concluded is this, at the most, that in this world there is nothing to be found, which is not subiect and subordinate to some other thing: and that euery thing, which is subiect to another, must be subiect onely in that degree of subiection, wherein the other is Superiour: and therefore that temporall kingdomes, whether they be Heathen or Christian, are in dignitie inferiour & subiect to the spi­rituall kingdome or Church of Christ, for that spirituall things are in dignitie superiour to temporall: and that Christian Princes being parts and members of the Church of Christ, are subiect to the spirituall Pa­stours and Gouernours thereof in spirituals, but not in temporals, for in temporals, Christian Princes themselues are the supreme Gouer­nours, and subiect to God alone.

6 But let vs goe on with Mr. Fitzherberts discourse: This being so, sayth he,pag. 94. n. 3. it is to be considered, that seeing in all common-wealths (I speake of such as are Christian) there is a composition and combination of di­uers Societies, all tending to the perfection of mans nature, as of husband and wife, maister and seruant, Prince and subiect (of all which resulteth the ciuill Societie:) and againe, seeing that in this ciuill Societie or Common-wealth there is an Ecclesiasticall Societie euident and distinct in it selfe, by different Magistrates and lawes, whereby the ciuill Societie is vnited with the Celestiall and heauenly Hierarchies, and the members thereof made ciues Sanctorum, & domestici Dei, the citizens of Saints, and the houshold seruants of God;Ephes. 2. yea vnited with God himselfe, and consequently made as perfect and happie as man can be in this life, it must needs follow that as the Societie of the husband and the wife, and of the maister and the seruant are ordained for the familie, and againe the family for the towne and citie, and the citie for the whole common-wealth, euery one of them tending to a supe­riour [Page 231] and more perfect Societie; so in like manner the common-wealth it selfe with all her inferiour Societies are naturally ordained for the religious, and Ecclesiasticall Societie, that is to say, the Church, tending thereto as to the supreme, and most perfect Societie that is on earth, whereby it, and all other Societies are perfected, and humane nature finally aduanced to that supernaturall end, and felicitie, whereto God hath ordained it. And this I suppose is so euident in reason, that no man will deny it; Whereupon it is also further to be inferred, &c.

7 But faire and softly, Good Syr, be not too hasty to make more in­ferences, before you can make good what you haue said already. For your comparison betwixt particular Ciuill Societies, as families, or Oeconomies, Cities, and temporall common-wealths, or king­domes, and betweene temporall common-wealths or kingdomes, and the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, and also that your consequence and similitude (which you make in these wordes, It must neede follow, that as the Society of the husband, and the wife, and of the master, and the seruant are ordained for the family, and againe the family for the Towne, and Citie; and the Citie for the whole Common-wealth: So in like manner the Common-wealth it selfe with all her inferiour Societies, are naturally ordained for the Religious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie, that is to say, the Church) are so far from reason, that no man with reason can approue the said comparison, similitude, and consequence. For the reason, why the Societie of the husband and wife, and of the master, and seruant are ordained for the family, and againe the family for the Towne, and Citie, and the Citie for the whole Common-wealth, is, for that the Societie of man and wife, of master and seruant, are parts and mem­bers of the Family, and the Family is a part and member of the Towne and Citie, and the Citie is a part, and member of the whole Common-wealth, or Kingdome, and therefore it must needes follow, that all these particular Ciuill Societies are naturally ordained for the whole Ciuill Common-wealth, or Kingdome, which they compose, as all parts and members are naturally ordained for the whole bodie, which is compounded of them. But no man with reason can affirme, that in like manner the whole Ciuill Common-wealth it selfe, with all the inferiour Societies, or parts thereof, are parts and members of the reli­gious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie, which is the spirituall Kingdome, or Church of Christ, and therefore naturally ordained thereunto. For it is euident that Christ our Sauiour, by instituting his spirituall King­dome, or Church, hath not changed the nature of temporal kingdomes, or ciuill common-wealths, from whence it cleerely followeth that all temporall kingdomes or common-wealths, whether they consist of Christians, or Pagans, haue the same nature, and are naturally ordained to one and the selfe same and, which is a peaceable liuing in humane Societie.

[Page 232]8 True it is, that the same Christian man, as well Prince, as sub­iect, is a part and member of the true ciuill common-wealth, and also of the true spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall kingdome, or Church of Christ; as also the same Paynim is a part and member of the true ciuill com­mon-wealth, and of a false Religious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie: and the reason heereof I declared more at large aboue in the second part, because either temporal authoritie, & spiritual authoritie, or temporal authoritie, and spiritual subiection, or temporal subiection, & spiritual subiection (to omit spirituall authoritie, and temporall subiection) are vnited & conioyned in one, & the selfe same Christian man; by reason of which vnion and coniunction, the same Christian man is either a temporall Prince, and also a spirituall Prince, or a temporal Prince, and a spirituall subiect, or a temporall subiect, and also a spirituall subiect (to omit now whether the same man may be a spirituall Prince, and a tem­porall subiect, for this dependeth vpon that question, whether, and in what manner our Sauiour Christ hath exempted Clergy men, and espe­cially the supreme spirituall Pastour from subiection to temporall Prin­ces:) As likewise the same man may be of diuers trades, as a Musition, and a Physition, the same man may bee Citizen of diuers cities, as of London, and Yorke, the same man may be a King of diuers kingdomes, as of England and Scotland. But from hence it doth not follow, that the temporall kingdome, or common-wealth it selfe, although the lesse noble, and perfect, must be subiect, or naturally ordained to the spi­rituall Kingdome or Church of Christ, which is the more noble, and perfect Societie. As likewise it doth not follow, that because a man hath two trades, the one more woorthy, the other lesse woorthy, or a citizen of two cities, the one more noble, the other lesse noble, or a King of two Kingdomes, the one more excellent, the other lesse excel­lent, that therefore the lesse worthy, noble, and excellent trade, citie, or kingdome it selfe, must be subiect, and subordained to the more wor­thy, noble, and excellent trade, citie, or kingdome.

9 But this onely doth follow from the light of true reason, that as the same man, who hath two trades or artes, to wit, of Musicke and Physicke, or a citizen of two cities, as of London and Yorke, or a King of two kingdomes, as of England and Scotland, must preferre, cateris pa­ribus, the more noble and excellent, before the lesse noble, and excel­lent trade, citie, or kingdome; and that as he is a Musition, he is to bee guided and directed by the rules of Musicke, and not of Physicke, and as he is a citizen of London to be subiect to, and gouerned by the lawes, and customes of London, and not of Yorke, and as hee is King of Eng­land to rule and gouerne according to the lawes, and customes of Eng­land, and not of Scotland, but that therefore Musicke must bee subiect to Physicke, Yorke to London, or Scotland to England, except in worth, [Page 233] dignitie, or nobilitie, or contrariwise, it doth not follow from the light of true reason: So in like manner it doth follow from the light of true reason, that the same man, who is a citizen of the temporall king­dome or common-wealth, by his naturall birth, or ciuill conuersation, and also of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, by Baptisme, or spirituall regeneration, must in temporalls bee subiect onely to the temporall Prince, and be directed and gouerned by temporall autho­ritie, which doth onely reside in the temporall Prince; and in spiritualls must be subiect onely to spirituall Pastours, and be directed, and gouer­ned by spirituall authoritie, which doth onely reside in the spirituall Pastours or Gouernours of the Church. But that the temporall king­dome it selfe, or, which is all one, the temporall Prince, as hee hath tem­porall authoritie, or as hee is a temporall Prince, must bee subiect to the spirituall kingdome, or, which is all one, to spirituall Pastours, as they haue spirituall authoritie, but onely, as the temporall Prince hath spiri­tuall subiection, this cannot be inferred from the light of true reason. But Mr. Fitzherbert, forsooth, supposeth this to bee so euident in reason, that no man will deny it, to wit, that the temporall common-wealth it selfe is subiect and subordained to the Ecclesiasticall Society, and na­turally ordained to her, whereas in the Second part of this Treatise I haue at large against Card. Bellarmine, and D. Schulckenius confuted the same, and out of their owne grounds cleerely prooued, that there is no such vnion, subiection, or naturall ordination of temporall common-wealths to the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, as they pre­tend, but that temporall kingdomes, and the spirituall kingdome of Christ doe make two totall bodies or common-wealths, supreme, and independent one vpon the other in those things which are proper to either of them, to wit, that temporall kingdomes are supreme in temporalls, and consequently not subiect therein to the Church of Christ, or the Pastours thereof, and the Church supreme in spiritualls, and not subiect to temporall kingdomes, or the supreme Gouer­nours thereof.

10 Now let vs see, what Mr. Fitzherbert inferreth from the pre­misses. Whereupon, saith he,Pag. 75. nu. 4 it is also further to be inferred, that as all Common-wealths are subordinate, and subiect to the Church: so also the heads of them all (I meane the temporall Princes that gouerne them) are subordinate, and subiect to the head of the Church. For, although they be absolute heads of the States which they gouerne in things pertaining only to their temporall States, yet they are but members of the mysticall body of Christ, which is the Church, and therefore no lesse subiect to the visible head thereof, in matters belonging thereto, then their owne proper Ʋassalls are sub­iect to them: and therefore as the King, or Ciuill Magistrate iustly correc­teth the head of any familie, when he passeth the limits, and bounds of true [Page 234] Oeconomie, to the h [...]rt of the Common-wealth (though neuerthelesse a familie is a distinct Societie from a Common-wealth, hauing a peculiar end, with dif­ferent lawes, and manner of gouernment) so the head of the Church may correct any King, or Ciuill Magistrate, when he doth any thing to the preiu­dice of the Church.

pag. 96. num. 5.11 For although the spirituall Prince, or Magistrate haue no dominion ouer temporall States, and the Gouernours thereof in matters appertaining only, and meerely to State (no more then the temporall Prince hath to doe with priuate families in matters that belong only thereto) yet as the tempo­rall Prince may giue lawes to a familie, or to the head thereof, when the ne­cessitie of the Common-wealth shall require it; so also the Ecclesiasticall Prince, or head of the Church, may giue lawes to temporall Common-wealths, and the Gouernour thereof, according to the vrgent necessitie of the Church; the publike good whereof is to be preferred before the particular good of any temporall Prince, or Common-wealth, by the same reason, and law of Nature, that the good of the soule is to be preferred before the good of the bo­dy, spirituall good before temporall, heauen before earth, and the seruice of GOD before the seruice of any man, or of all the men in the world.

12 But first although it be true, that Christian Princes, who are the absolute heads of the temporall States, or kingdomes, which they gouerne, being also parts, and members of the mysticall body, or spiri­tuall kingdome of Christ, which is the Church, are consequently sub­iect in things belonging to the Church, to wit in spirituall matters to the visible Pastours, Gouernours, or heads thereof, yet it is not true, that temporall kingdomes, or common-wealths themselues, being ta­ken properly, formally, and in abstracto, are either parts, and members of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, or subiect, and subordai­ned to the Church, or the visible heads thereof; for then it must needes follow, that temporall Princes, not only as they are Christians, & in spi­rituall matters, but also as they are temporall Princes, and in temporall things are subiect to the visible heads, or Gouernours of the Church, which is cleerely repugnant to Mr. Fitzherberts owne words in that place,pag. 95. num. 4. who affirmeth, that temporall Princes are absolute heads of the States which they gouerne in things pertaining only to their temporall States, and consequently in them they cannot be subordinate and subiect to the visible heads of the Church.

13 Wherefore that comparison, which he maketh heere, and is the chiefe ground of his Discourse, betwixt families, cities, and king­domes, or ciuill common-wealths, and betwixt ciuill common-wealths, or kingdomes, and the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, is no fit comparison, and therefore neither can the Discourse, which is grounded thereon, be sound and sufficient: For families, and cities, be­ing taken properly, formally, and in abstracto, are parts, and members of [Page 235] the whole kingdome, or common-wealth, and consequently subordi­nate, and subiect to the kingdome, and absolute heads thereof, seeing that they are particular ciuill Societies, and consequently subiect to the whole ciuill Societie, or common-wealth, as euery part is to the whole body, and to the chiefe head thereof: but temporall kingdomes or common-wealths, being taken formally, and in abstracto, are not parts and members of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, vnlesse we will hold with the Canonists, that the Church of Christ is com­pounded both of spirituall, and ciuill power, and that the Pope is both a temporall, and spirituall Monarch of the whole Christian world. And therefore although it be true, that spirituall Pastours haue nothing to doe in matters meerely temporall, and which belong to ciuill gouern­ment, yet it is not true, that temporall Princes haue not to doe with pri­uate families, and cities in matters that belong to the ciuill gouernment of them; for that priuate families, and cities are true parts, and mem­bers of the whole ciuill common-wealth, or kingdome, and I hope that the Prince, who hath to doe with the whole kingdome, and gouernment thereof, hath also to doe with the gouernment of euery part thereof.

14 Secondly, no man maketh any doubt, but that the spirituall Pastours, and Gouernours of the Church may correct any King, or ci­uill Magistrate, when hee doth any thing to the preiudice of the Church: and that they may giue lawes to the Gouernours of temporall common-wealths according to the vrgent necessitie of the Church; and also that, the publike good of the Church is to be preferred before the particular good of any temporall Prince, or common-wealth; But all the difficultie consisteth in these points: first, whether authoritie to correct malefactours by the inflicting of temporall punishments, as death, exile, imprisonment, priuation of goods &c. hath by the insti­tution of Christ beene communicated to the spirituall Pastours of the Church, or was leaft only to temporall Princes, and the supreme Gouer­nours of temporall common-wealths: Secondly, whether spirituall Pa­stours may giue lawes to temporall Princes, I doe not say, as they are Christians, and haue spirituall subiection, and are parts and members of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, for of this no Catholike maketh doubt, but to temporall kingdomes, or common-wealths, being taken formally, and in abstracto, or, which is all one, to temporall Princes, not as they are Christians, and haue spirituall subiection, but as they are temporall Princes, and haue supreme temporall power, which doth only reside in them, and not in spirituall Pastours.

15 Thirdly, whether the particular, or publike good of temporall Princes, or common-wealths, is to be preferred before the particular, or publike good of the Church, for that the temporall, and spirituall [Page 236] power doe make one totall body, or common-wealth, which is the Church, as Card. Bellarmine contendeth, in which totall body, the tem­porall common-wealth is per se, and naturally subordained, and subiect to the Church, or spirituall kingdome of Christ; or whether the spiri­tuall good is to be preferred before the temporall by all Christians both Princes, and subiects, for that euery man, who is a part, and mem­ber of two cities, or common-wealths, the one more noble, and excel­lent then the other, is by the order of charitie bound to preferre caeteris paribus the more noble, and excellent citie, or common-wealth, and the good thereof, before the lesse noble and excellent city, or common-wealth, and the good of it. These be the chiefe heads of this contro­uersie concerning the vnion and subordination of temporall king­domes, or common-wealths among Christians, and the spirituall king­dome or Church of Christ, whereof I haue at large debated in the second part, where the Reader may see all these points distinctly handled a­gainst Card. Bellarmine, and D. Schulckenius, and also touching all that which Mr. Fitzherbert doth confusedly discourse in this Chapter con­cerning the vnion, and subordination of temporall kingdomes, and the Church of Christ. And therefore remitting the Reader to my former Treatise, where he may cleerely see, in what manner the temporall, and spirituall power, or the temporall and spirituall common-wealth are vnited, and subordained, let vs see, what Mr. Fitzherbert would at length conclude:

16 Whereupon I conclude, saith he,Pag. 96. nu. 6 that seeing this Oath now in question is (as I haue proued by the law of God) preiudiciall to the power, and iurisdiction of the head of the Church, to whom all Christian Princes are subiect (euen by the law of Nature) it followeth, that the said Oath is no lesse vnlawfull, vniust, and repugnant to nature, then if a husband should exact the like Oath of his wife, or a Maister of his seruant, or the father of his children (I meane an Oath which should derogate from the power, and authoritie of their temporall Prince.) As for example, if a head of a family should bind his wife and children to defend him from the correction of his lawfull Prince, when occasion should require, I thinke no man will be so absurd to say, that it is a lawfull Oath, and correspondent to nature, though the same should be colou­red, and shadowed neuer so much with pretence of Oeconomicall, and filiall dis­cipline, and dutie. And no more can the other Oath be lawfull, and agree­able to Nature, though it be neuer so much coloured with respect of temporall allegiance.

17 But first obserue, I pray you, the egregious shufling of this man. For he pretended to prooue in this Chapter, by the law of Na­ture, that the Pope hath power to inflict temporall punishments, and to punish temporall Princes temporally, and that therefore the new Oath, which denieth this power to be in the Pope, is repugnant to the law of [Page 237] nature: And therefore I expected, that he would haue brought some ef­fectual argument taken from the law of nature, abstracting frō the po­sitiue law of God, to confirme this power of the Pope, to inflict tempo­rall punishments, and to punish temporall Princes temporally; and consequently that this Oath is by the law of Nature preiudiciall to the coerciue authoritie of spirituall Pastours. But now he flyeth from the law of Nature to the law of God to prooue, that the Oath is preiudi­ciall to the power and iurisdiction of the head of the Church: and supposing, that he hath proued this by the law of GOD, then it followeth, saith he, that the said Oath is no lesse vnlawfull, vniust, and repugnant to Nature, then if a husband should exact of his wife, a maiester of his seruant, a father of his children an Oath, which should derogate from the power, and authoritie of their temporall Prince. So that Mr. Fitzherbert doth only conclude heere, that the Oath is vnlawfull, vniust, and repugnant to Nature, supposing that it is by the law of God preiudiciall to the power, and iurisdiction of the head of the Church.

18 Secondly therefore, although we should suppose heere with Mr. Fitzherbert, that this new Oath is repugnant to the law of God, as in very deede it is not, yet he cannot therefore rightly conclude; that it is also repugnant to the law of Nature, which he in this Chapter preten­deth to proue, for that euery transgression of the positiue law, or insti­tution of almighty God is vnlawfull, and yet not repugnant to the law of Nature: whereupon the Diuines doe deuide the law of God into the diuine naturall and the diuine positiue law: and he that should deny, that the spirituall Pastours of the Church of Christ haue authoritie to re­mit sinnes, should contradict the law of God in the new Testament, and so this deniall of Priestly authoritie to forgiue sinnes is repugnant to the law of God, and preiudiciall to the power, and iurisdiction of spiri­tuall Pastours, and yet it doth not from thence follow, that it is repug­nant to the law of Nature, which is naturally grafted in the hearts of eue­ry man, whether hee be Iew, or Gentile, infidell, or Christian, as the law of Nature, is by my Aduersaries taken heere? Wherefore Mr. Fitz­herbert concluding heere, that the Oath is repugnant to the law of Nature, for that it is preiudiciall to the power, and iuridiction giuen by the law of Christ to the head of the Church, seemeth not to vnderstand himselfe, what is the law of Nature, and how the law of Nature is distinguished from the positiue law of God. But of this law of Nature more beneath,Num. 90. [...]. seq. and in the next chap. where also you shall see the reason, wherefore the obedience in gene­rall, which a wife oweth to her husband, a seruant to his Maister, and children to their parents is not properly naturall, but ciuill, and yet the obedience in generall, which subiects owe to their temporall Prince, is not only called ciuill, but also naturall allegiance.

19 But thirdly it is not true, that this Oath now in question is [Page 238] repugnant to the law of God, and preiudiciall to the power and iuris­diction of the head of the Church, for that it denyeth the Popes power to depose Soueraine Princes, and to inflict temporall punishments: neither hath Mr. Fitzherbert prooued by the law of God, that the Pope hath any such power, as you haue seene at large in the former Chap­ter: and to say, that this Oath is repugnant to the law of nature (taking the law of nature, as it is distinguished from the positiue law of God, or man, and is nothing else, then the dictamen or prescript of true reason concerning things to be done, which either supposeth diuine reuela­tion, and the supernaturall light of faith, and is proper onely to true be­leeuers, and it is called by the Diuines the supernaturall law of nature, supernaturall, I say, to man, but connaturall to grace and faith which it supposeth; or else supposeth onely naturall knowledge, and is common to all men indued with naturall reason, and is called properly, and ab­solutely the naturall law, for that it is connaturall to euery reasonable man) is very vntrue, as partly I haue shewed in the former Chapter, where I haue answered all my Aduersaries arguments grounded vpon diuine reuelation; and partly in this, and the two next ensuing Chap­ters I will more cleerely conuince. Now let vs goe on with the rest of his Discourse.

20 For as no reason, sayth he,Pag. 97. nu. 7. 8. of Oeconomie, or filiall, or coniugall duetie, holdeth, when it is encountred with the respect of the weale publike, or of due obedience to a lawfull Soueraigne; So neither can any reason of com­mon-wealth, or allegiance to temporall Princes ouerweigh, when the same is ballanced with the publike good of the Church of Christ, whereto all tempo­rall Princes doe owe more respect, duety and subiection (euen by the law of Nature) then their Vassals and subiects owe to them, because the Religion, or Ecclesiasticall Societie, which is the Church, is (as I haue said) the supreme and most worthie Societie of all other on earth. In which respect also all So­cieties inferiour to the Common-wealth, yea euery member thereof, haue more obligation, & owe more dutie to the Church, which is the highest Societie, then to the Common-wealth, or any other, whereto they are immediately subordinate, as it may also be obserued in humane actions, which tend final­ly to Religion, as to their last ende; for euery humane action ought to be more specially directed to Religion, that is to say, to the worship and seruice of God, then to any other inferiour action, whereto it may haue a more im­mediate relation.

21 In which respect the Philosophers themselues, being guided by the law of Nature, and light of reason, placed the end, not onely of mens actions, but also of euery man, and of the Common-wealth it selfe in Religion; be­cause (as Plato,Plato in Timaeo & in Epinomi­de. and all the Platonists reach) man being made to the Image of God, and capeable of the knowledge of him, was principally ordained to worship and serue him; and therefore for as much, as neither one man alone [Page 239] can sufficiently performe the woorship of God (which is due to him from all mankinde) neither yet many men together, if they should liue without Lawes, See Marsil. Ficin in argun. Dial. 1. Plat. de Rep. and Magistrates (for multitude without order would breed confusion) there­fore Nature hath inclined men to ciuill Societie, that is to say, to liue in com­mon-wealths, to the end that many men liuing together in communitie, may the better discharge their duty to God, in yeelding him the due worship and seruice that all mankinde oweth him. Whereby the Philosophers euidently saw, that the common-wealth was not onely necessary to the perfection of Reli­gion, but also naturally ordained, and referred thereto, as to the end there­of (I meane not the next, and immediate end of the common-wealth which is temporall tranquillitie, commoditie and sufficiency, but the last end whereto all temporall commodities are referred. Whereupon two consequents follow directly, &c.)

22 But what is all this, I pray you, to the purpose? Who ma­keth any doubt, that the publike spirituall good of the Church is to bee preferred before the publike temporall good of any temporall com­mon-wealth; and that the Church of Christ is the highest Societie in worth, dignitie, and excellencie of all other on earth; and that euery Christian man oweth more dutie to the Church of Christ, as being the highest and most excellent Societie, to which hee is immediately sub­iect in spiritualls, then vnto any other ciuill common-wealth to which he is immediately subiect in temporalls? and that euery humane action ought to be more specially directed, and referred to the worship and seruice of God, then to any other inferiour action, whereto it may haue a more immediate relation: and finally, that the Philosophers themselues, as Plato, and the Platonists, guided by the law of Nature, or light of naturall reason, thought that man was principally ordained to wor­ship and serue God, and therefore placed the ende not onely of mens actions, but also of euery man, and of the common-wealth it selfe, in Religion or the seruice and worship of God: and that Nature hath inclined men to liue in ciuill Societie to the end that many men liuing together orderly, and guided by Lawes, and Magistrates, may the bet­ter discharge their dutie to God, in yeelding him due worship and ser­uice, that all mankinde oweth him? All this is conforme to the doc­trine which I maintaine, and prooueth, that the Religious Societie is more noble, excellent, and woorthy, then the ciuill or temporall So­cietie, and that in spiritualls, it hath supreme authoritie, but it doth not prooue, that the Religious Societie is superiour in temporall au­thoritie to the temporall common-wealth, or that it hath authori­tie to depose temporall Princes, or to inflict temporall, but onely spi­rituall punishments.

23 Neuerthelesse I would desire the Reader to obserue some things concerning this Discourse of my Aduersary, The first is concer­ning [Page 240] filiall dutie, and the same may be proportionally applied to con­iugall. For, as I obserued else where,In Append. contra Suar. part. 1. sec. 8. num. 12. there be two bonds or obligati­ons, wherein children stand bound to their parents; the one is natural, and proceedeth from the law of Nature, whereby children are bound to honour, and reuerence their parents: and this bond no humane power can take away, or release, neither can this dutifull respect which children by the law of Nature owe to their parents at any time encoun­ter with any obedience, which is due to temporall Princes: The other Ciuill, which dependeth vpon the positiue lawes of temporall Princes, whereby Parents are made Tutors guardians, and gouernours of their children: and this power, which Parents haue ouer their children, is greater, or lesser according to the lawes and customes of euery king­dome: and as it dependeth wholly vpon the ciuill power, so it may bee increased, diminished, or quite taken away by the supreme ciuill power: and this ciuill duty, or obedience, which children owe to their Parents, doth not hold, when it encountreth with the respect, dutie, or obedi­ence, which they owe to their supreme temporall Prince.

24 The second is, that temporall allegiance, or obedience, which is due to temporall Princes, if wee will speake properly, can neuer en­counter with that spirituall obedience, which is due to spirituall Pa­stours. For if a temporall Prince doth commaund any thing, which is against the seruice, or worship due to God, and consequently against Religion, to obey him in this case is not temporall allegiance, for that the Prince hath not authoritie to command any such thing; and where there is no authority to command, there is no obedience due, because, according to the doctrine of all Diuines, obligation to obey, and au­thoritie to command are correlatiues, and doe depend one vpon the o­ther: and therefore true temporall allegiance can neuer encounter with true spirituall obedience, and bee preiudiciall thereto, nor con­trariwise.

25 The third is, that although some Heathen Philosophers by the light of naturall reason did euidently see, that the worship, and seruice of God, as hee is the Authour, and end of Nature, and of all naturall things, is to be preferred before any temporall tranquillitie, of commo­ditie, and that therefore euery man both Prince, and subiect by the light of naturall reason ought to referre all their actions to the honour, and seruice of God, and to that happines, which according to naturall rea­son doth follow the worship, and seruice of God, and is the last end of man, although not the last end of all humane actions, yet no Heathen Philosopher by the light of naturall reason did or could see, that the temporall common-wealth it selfe, formally and in abstracto, as it con­sisteth of temporall power, is per se intrinsecally, or naturally ordained, or referred, but only per accidens, and by the intention of man, to that hap­pinesse, [Page 241] which is the end of Religion, and followeth the worship and seruice of God, although man himselfe, in whom temporall power doth reside, ought by the light of nature ordaine, and referre the vse of his temporall power, and all his other actions to that blisse, happi­nesse, and felicitie, which is the last end of man, and the immediate end of the worship, and seruice of God. But of this I haue treated more at large aboue in the Second part, where I haue answered all the arguments, which Cardinall Bellarmine, and D. Schulckenius haue brought to prooue, that the temporall power it selfe among Christians is per se, and intrinsecally, and not only by the intention of man ordai­ned, and referred to euerlasting happinesse.

26 Now you shall see, what Mr. Fitzherbert concludeth from his former Discourse: Whereupon saith he,pag. 99. nu. 9. & seq. two consequents follow di­rectly, according to Philosophie, the one, that Religion is farre more noble, and worthie, then the Common-wealth (because the end doth farre excell the meanes that tend thereto) and the other, that the Ecclesiasticall Socie­tie, (which of all Societies doth next approach to GOD, and vnite them with him) is the most excellent, and worthie of all: Arist. l. 1. Meta. and therefore as Aristotle worthily called Metaphysicke the Mistresse, and Goddesse (because it immediately considereth the sciences of all things, which is God) so may we call the Religious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie, the Mistresse, Lady, Empresse, and Goddesse of all Common-wealths, and all other Societies, because it is properly, and immediately dedicated to the seruice of GOD, as also because Common-wealths, and other Societies cannot performe their dutie to GOD, nor arriue to perfect felicitie, but by the meanes of the Ecclesiasticall Societie.

27 And this is so certaine, and euident, that no Philosopher, or lear­ned Paynim would deny it as it may appeare by the institution, and customes of the best Common-wealths among the Paynims; in the which the Religious Societie had the preheminence aboue the Common-wealth, in all things that any way appertained to Religion, as I will make it manifest heereafter when I shall speake of the law of Nations: and now only for the present I wish to be obserued, that in the Roman Common-wealth, the chiefe Bishop, who was called Pontifex Maximus, had supreame authoritie in matters pertaining not only to Religion, but also to State, when the same was mixed with Religion, in which case he commanded the Consuls themselues, who were the Soueraigne temporall Magistrates. Valeri. l. 1. c. 1. This appeareth in Valerius Maxi­mus, who testifieth, that Posthumus the Consull being a Priest of the God Mars, and intending to goe to Africke with his army, was forced by Me­tellus the chiefe Bishop to stay his iourney, to attend to his Priestly function: and therefore Cicero saith, that it was most notably, Cicero pro domo sua. and diuinely ordained by the ancient Romans, that the Bishops should haue the chiefe com­mand in matters that pertained as well to the Common-wealth, as to [Page 242] the Religion of the Gods. And no meruaile, seeing that the Augures, who were inferiour to the Bishops, had such absolute authoritie, that they might hinder the election of Officers, depriue the Magistrates of their Offices, and forbid the Senate to treate with the people; Cicero de le­gib. lib. 1. 2. in so much that nothing law­fully done by any Magistrate at home, or abroad, if he were contradicted by them; Cicero de Di­uiuat. lib. 2. and which is more the two Consuls, P. Claudius, and Lucius Iunius were condemned to death for disobeying them.

28 Whereby it appeareth, that although the Augures, and Pontifices Maximi had no authoritie ouer the temporall Magistrates in matters meerely temporall, yet when consideration of Religion entered together with temporall affaires, the temporall Magistrate was corrected, and commanded by the spirituall, as occasion required. And this I say, was the custome of the Ro­mans, because, no doubt, they held it to be most conforme to the law of Na­ture: in which respect I may boldly say, that if an Oath had beene propoun­ded amongst them, to haue exempted their Consulls, and other temporall Magistrates from the command, and correction of the chiefe Bishop (not­withstanding any occasion of religion, which might occurre) they would not haue admitted it as lawfull. And this is our very case. Thus I said in my Supplement, and then I concluded concerning the pretended Oath of allegi­ance, speaking to M. Barlow in these words. And thus you see M. Barlow, that the Law of Nature is so farre from enioyning, and iustifying the Oath (as you say it doeth) that it vtterly reiecteth, and condemneth it, except you can turne the world vpside downe, and peruert the whole course of nature, and prooue, that things lesse perfect are to be preferred before the more perfect the body before the soule, sense before reason, temporall things before spirituall, pollicie before religion, earth before heauen, and the world before God, where­to in very truth your doctrine in this point directly tendeth.

29 But these two consequents, which Mr. Fitzherbert deduceth from his last Discourse, are neither against my doctrine, nor doe they any way prooue the new Oath of Allegiance to bee repugnant to the Law of Nature. For, as I saide before, I doe willingly grant, that Religion, and the seruice of GOD, and perfect felicitie, which is the immediate end thereof, is farre more noble, and more worthie, then the temporall good, or immediate end of any temporall Com­mon-wealth, which is his first consequent; and also, which is his se­cond, that the Religious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie, is the most excel­lent, and worthie of all, and may in some sort be called the Mistresse, Lady, Empresse, and Goddesse of all Common-wealths, and Societies, because it is properly, and immediately dedicated to the seruice of GOD, as also because temporall Common-wealths, and other Societies cannot performe their dutie to GOD, nor arriue to perfect felicitie, but by the meanes of the Ecclesiasticall Societie: But shee is not called the Mistresse, Lady, Empresse, and Goddesse of temporall Common-wealths, [Page 243] for that shee can doe all the actions, functions, and offices of them, and inflict the same temporall punishments, that temporall Common-wealths can inflict, but only for that shee can doe more noble, and more worthie actions, functions, and offices, and inflict more grieuous, and more dreadfull punishments, to wit, spiritual, agree­able to the nature, and conditions of a spirituall Common-wealth, and a Religious, or Ecclesiasticall Societie.

30 Secondly, I doe also willingly graunt, that amongst the Paynims, and ancient Romanes, not onely the chiefe Bishop, who was called Pontifex Maximus, and had the supreame authoritie in matters belonging to Religion or to the seruice of their Gods, but also the Augures, or Soothsayers, who were Priests inferiour to the chiefe Bishop had great authoritie, and command in matters belonging to temporall affaires, in so much, that the yong chickens of certaine birds, called pulli Melici, and Chalcidici, were held in such honour, and estimation among them, that they would keepe no assemblies, they would promote none to any office, or dignitie, they would neither make warre, nor truce, and finally neither at home, nor abroad would they vndertake any enterprise, vnlesse they were foretolde by those yong birds, whose prediction they did regard as an oracle, and mes­sage sent from Iupiter, whose messengers, and interpreters they accoun­ted those birds to be. The particular manner whereof you may see in Alexander ab Alexandro lib. 1. cap. 29. But from hence it doeth not follow, that those chiefe Bishops, as they were religious Priests, had authoritie giuen them by the law of Nature, but onely by the free grant of the temporall Common-wealth, to punish temporally any man that should transgresse their commaund, or otherwise violate the religion of their Gods.

31 Thirdly therefore although it be true, that the ancient Romans, and other Paynims did preferre Religion, and the worship of their Gods before any other temporall thing, and in regard thereof, when any thing was to be handled in the Senate, that which corcerned Re­ligion was first of all dispatched, whereupon also they gaue great tem­porall authoritie, honour, priuiledges, and exemptions especially to their chiefe Priest, or Bishop, to whom all other inferiour Priests, as the Flamines, the Salij, the Augures, the Epulones, the Aruales, the Vestales, yea and he, that was called Rex sacrorum, the King of sacred things, were subiect; in so much that the dignitie of the chiefe Bishop was accounted the second in the Common-wealth, and the next to Kingly dignitie; and many times the same man was both a Religious Priest, and also a tem­porall Magistrate, as Q. Fabius Maximus was an Augure, and a Con­sull M. Aemilius Lepidus was Proconsull, and chiefe Bishop: Neuerthelesse it is not true, that the chiefe Bishop had any temporall authoritie euen [Page 244] ouer the inferiour Priests, as necessarily due to him by the law of na­ture, but onely from the free grant of the temporall Common-wealth, or the supreme Gouernours thereof. And therefore at sometimes the chiefe Bishops had greater temporall authoritie, as in the beginning when the Romanes were gouerned by Kings, in whom both Regall and Pontificall authoritie were conioyned, and by whom as being both Kings and chiefe Bishops, all matters as well concerning State, as Reli­gion were determined and executed: at some times they had lesse, as afterwards,Alexand. lib. 3. genial. dier. cap. 3. & Sa­bellicus lib. 2. Ennead. 4. Alexand. ibi­dem & lib. 1. cap. 27. Alexand. lib. 3. cap. 27. when they had put downe their Kings, for that they be­ganne to tyrannize ouer them, and were gouerned by the Senate, and two Consuls, who at the first were chosen out of the Nobilitie, but afterwards at the instance of the people, the Senate was forced to graunt, that they might be chosen also out of the commmunaltie; which Consuls least they should challenge to themselues Kingly authoritie could put no Citizen to death without the consent of the people.

32 For to the ende that the Kingly name, which was by the Romanes fortunately begunne, and for many yeeres happily conti­nued, should still remaine, and also that the Priestly authoritie, which the Kings had, should not be abolished, they did create a King, whom they called Rex sacrorum, a King of sacred things, who had onely the name of a King without Regall authoritie, and should performe the sa­cred rites and ceremonies belonging to Religion, which the former Kings did performe. Which King of sacred things by reason of the odi­ous and suspected name and authorititie of a King, could haue no au­thoritie or command ouer the armie and legions, nor beare any office, or haue any temporall gouernment ouer the people: but his power and authoritie was limited to Religion, and contained onely within the temples of the Gods. And this King of sacred things was subiect to the chiefe Bishop, as all other Priests were, who as they were Priests, had onely to intermeddle in sacred things, but afterwards they had also great temporall authoritie granted them by the Senate and people. For the chiefe Priests or Bishops had not onely power giuen them to punish with pecuniarie mulcts the inferiour Priests, who should disobey their command, but also they were made Consuls, Captaines and chiefe Ma­gistrates in the Common-wealth. But all this temporall authoritie of the religious Priests did proceed from the free grant of the temporall Common-wealth, and not as necessarily due to them by the law of Nature, which those words of Cicero cited by my Aduersarie doe onely confirme, to wit, that it was notably and diuinely ordained, that the Bishops should haue a chiefe command in matters that appertained as well to the Com­mon-wealth, as to the religion of the Gods.

33 But that the temporall Magistrate, sayth Mr. Fitzherbert, was [Page 245] commanded and corrected, he meaneth with temporall punishments, as occasion required, by the spirituall, was the custome of the Romans, because, no doubt, they held it to be most conforme to the law of Nature. But first, those words [to be most conforme to the law of Nature] are equiuocall, and may haue a double signification. For as euery law, for as much as concerneth the directiue power or force thereof (for the coerciue power or force of euery law consisteth meerly in punishing) hath one of these three effects, to command, to forbid, to permit or graunt some thing, so the law of Nature, as it is directiue, may be taken, either as it commandeth, or as it forbiddeth, or as it permitteth or granteth some thing. If therefore my Aduersaries meaning be to signifie by those words, that the law of Nature commandeth the spirituall Magistrate, or giueth him authoritie, as he is a spirituall person, to punish the tempo­rall Magistrate transgressing his commandement with temporall pu­nishments, & that in this sense the custome of the Romans was conforme to the law of Nature, this, I say, is very vntrue, neither can he bring any co­lour of a probable proofe to confirme the same. Nay which is more, he can not prooue, as you shall see beneath, that the law of Nature gaue to Religious Priests, as they were such, authoritie to command in spi­rituals, or to punish with spirituall punishments the supreme temporall Magistrate, for that standing in the law of nature, there is no publike spirituall authoritie, which is not subiect and subordinate to the tem­porall Common-wealth, and the supreme Gouernours thereof.

34 But if he meane, that the law of nature, or the light and dicta­men of naturall reason doth not forbid, but doth permit that temporall Princes or Common-wealths may giue authoritie to those Religious Priests, whom they shall appoint to be in their steed publike Ministers of sacred rites, to punish with temporall punishments those that shall contemne their iust command, and that in this sense the custome of the Romanes giuing authoritie to their Religious Priests to inflict tempo­rall punishments was conforme, that is, was not repugnant to the law of nature, but agreeable thereunto as a laudable and decent custome, but not as necessarily enioyned by the law of nature, this is very true, but not to the purpose; for that, which my Aduersarie pretendeth to prooue, is that Religious Priests haue by the law of nature, and not one­ly by the free graunt of temporall Princes or Common-wealths au­thoritie to inflict temporall punishments, which neuerthelesse he will neuer be able to prooue by any probable argument, or any probable shew thereof.

35 Thirdly therfore for the better cleering of the whole matter, the Reader may obserue out of learned Abulensis,Abulens. in cap. 13. Gen. q. 8. 9 & seq.that there is a great diffe­rence betwixt the Priests of the old law, & of the new, & the Priests, that were in the law of nature. For in the law of nature, before the law of God [Page 246] was published by Moyses, we may cōsider euery man either by himselfe, or as he was a part of some communitie: If he be considered by him­selfe, and as dwelling alone in no Societie, it was lawfull for euery man to offer sacrifice to God of whatsoeuer was his owne, in what maner he would, and in what place he would because it was not by any law for­bidden any man to doe these things: For to offer sacrifice in the honour of God was of it selfe a good and commendable act, and it was forbid­den no man, and therefore it was lawfull for euery man. So that in the law of nature euery man being considered by himselfe was a Priest in this sense, that he might lawfully offer sacrifice in the honour of God, of what thing, in what manner, and in what place he would. But if man be considered, as he was a part of some communitie, and as li­uing in ciuill Societie it was farre otherwise. For euery ciuill Com­munitie had certaine rites and ceremonies for the worshipping either of the true, or of false Gods; and in the name, and by the authoritie of the whole communitie there were done religious rites and ceremo­nies in honour of that God, which that communitie professed to be God. And because one particular act could not be done by the whole communitie, the communitie appointed certaine Ministers, who in the name and place of the whole communitie should doe that acte. And these Ministers, for as much as concerned the doing of holy rites, were commonly called Priests: and so some certaine men onely were ap­pointed Priests, and all men were not Priests; and to these Priests one­ly it belonged to doe those Sacrifices in the name, and by the authori­tie of the whole communitie. And this custome was among all Na­tions, both Iewes and Gentiles before the law of God was giuen to Moyses, and so among all Nations there were some persons special­ly appointed Priests by the communitie, and all men were not Priests.

36 But after the law was written, and deliuered by Moyses to the Israelites, both the place where sacrifices were to be offered, and the Ministers which were to offer, and also the sacrifices which were to be offered, and the manner of offering them were limitted, and deter­mined by God himselfe. Concerning the place there were two limi­tations. The first was, that Sacrifices should not bee offered in many places; the second, that they should not be offered in many Altars. Of the first we may see in Deuteron. Chap. 12. & 16. where it is said, that the Israelites should not offer sacrifice in euery place, but onely in that place, which God should choose to put his name there. And this was onely one City, although it was not alwaies the same. For the Israelites had a Sanctuary, which by Gods commandement Moyses made in the desert, and this was placed in one Citie, and this Citie was that which God did choose to place there his Sanctuary, as it was first in Sile, then in [Page 247] Nobe, afterwards in Gabaon, and lastly in Hierusalem: and onely in that Citie it was lawfull for the Iewes to offer sacrifices, and not in other places, nor in the fields, because then they should be accounted Idolaters, Leuit. Chap. 17.

37 The second limitation was, that they should not doe sacri­fices in many Altars. For albeit there was but one onely City, where Sacrifices could be offered, yet it might bee thought, that there were many Altars vpon which they might be offered, especially for that all Israel came sometimes to that place to offer sacrifices; and yet it was not so. For there was one onely Altar, vpon which all things were burned, and blood was offered. And this Altar was not made by any of them that did offer sacrifice, but it was that Altar, which Moy­ses made in the desert after the manner and forme that God himselfe did describe vnto him, Exod. 27. and it was called the Altar of Holocaust, Exod. 38. Besides, it was not lawfull to offer sacrifice in euery part of the City, but only within the Sanctuary, which remained firme in one part of the City; and moreouer within the Sanctuary Sacrifice was not offered in euery place, but onely vpon the Altar of Holocaust, which was placed without the doore of the Tabernacle, and to offer Sacrifice in another place it was vnlawfull, Leuit. 17. and Iosue 22. Ne­uerthelesse in the same Sanctuary there were two Altars, The one was called of Holocausts, which had fiue cubites in length, and as many in breadth, and three in height, The other of Incense, which was onely one Cubite in length, and another in breadth, and two Cubites in height, vpon the first all Sacrifices were offered, Exod. 27. & Leuit. 17. vpon the second Sacrifice was neuer offered, but onely Incense was burned euery day twice, morning, and euening Exod. 30. But after that Salomon had built the Temple, the Tabernacle of Moyses, and that Altar ceased, and then was made a greater Altar of Holocausts, which was of brasse, and it had twentie cubites in length, and as many in breadth, 2. Paralip. 4. which according to the rules of Arithmeticke containeth foure hundred cubites square, and was able to comprehend many sacrifices together: but how great was the Altar of Incense made by Solomon the Scripture doth not mention. The Altar of In­cense was within the Temple, but the Altar of Holocausts was without in the Court of the Temple, which was called the Court of the Priests.

38 Concerning the persons, who were to offer sacrifice, it is to be considered, that almighty God to take away occasion of Idolatrie, as he limited the places, wherein sacrifices were to be offered, so also hee would haue the Ministers therof to be limited: for if euery man had bin permitted to offer sacrifice, either Idolatrie it selfe, or the rites and ce­remonies of Idolaters might the more easily haue crept in; and there­fore he ordained, that only Aaron, and his sonnes, and they that should [Page 248] descend from them, should be consecrated Priests in Israel, to whom he gaue authority to doe all rites and ceremonies, as well of Sacrifices, as of other things, which ought to be done within the Sanctuary, Num. 3.17.18. And hee appointed the rest of the Tribe of Leui, whom, as by a proper name we call Leuites, to serue Aaron, and his sonnes, Num. 3. For these could doe nothing concerning those foure things, which did peculiarly belong to the Priests, to wit, to offer Sacrifice, to burne In­cense, to put vpon the Table holy breads, which were called loaues of proposition, Exod. 25. whereof the Priests onely could eate, and to put the seuen lampes vpon the golden candlesticke, and to haue care of them, that they should giue light: for these foure offices, or ministeries did belong onely to the Priests: but the office, and ministerie of the Leuites was to serue the Priests in their office, and to doe those things which are ordained, Num. Chap. 1.3. & 8. as to haue a care and custody of the Tabernacle and all the furniture thereof, of the Arke, Table, Candlesticke, Altars, vessels of the Sanctuary, veile, &c. and to take downe, and carry the Tabernacle, when the campe was to goe for­ward, and to set it vp, when the people were to campe againe, &c.

39 Concerning the ceremonies, which were to be vsed, and the sacrifices which were to be offered, albeit in the law of Nature, when there was no law of God, which did restraine, or limit any man to any kinde of ceremony or Sacrifice, it was lawfull for euery man to doe what hee would, vnlesse it were euill of it selfe, and therefore euery man, as being considered by himselfe, might offer what sacrifice, or vse what kinde of ceremony he pleased, but as he was a part and mem­ber of some Communitie, he could vse no other sacrifice or ceremony, then that which the Communitie, or the supreme Gouernours there­of, whose Minister he was, did appoint; yet in the law written it was o­therwise. For as God himselfe did limite and determine the places, and ministers to doe sacrifice, so also he determined all the rites, and cere­monies belonging to the worshipping of him, whereof the whole booke of Leuiticus doth treate. But concerning the Sacrifices, God ap­pointed in generall three kindes, to wit, Holocausts, a sacrifice for sinne, and a Pacificke hoste Num. 6. and vnder these three were comprehended all other particular kindes of sacrifices, of all which, and of the cere­monies belonging to them it is treated from the first Chapter of Leui­ticus to the eight. What other authority the Priests of the olde Testa­ment had in expounding and interpreting the law of God, when any doubt or difficulty should arise, I declared aboue in the former Chap­ter, when I examined that place of Deuteron. 17. Si difficile, & am­biguum, &c. If thou perceiue, that the iudgement with thee be hard, and doubtfull, &c.

40 Now lastly concerning the law of Christ, wherein all the ce­remoniall, [Page 249] and iudiciall lawes of the old Testament doe cease, insomuch that no Christian now is bound to obserue any one of those lawes, by vertue and force of the law, it is to be considered, that our Sauiour Christ hath now instituted a new Priesthood, and a new Sacrifice. And albeit he hath determined, and limited the persons, who are to offer Sa­crifice, and the Sacrifice, which is to be offered; for the persons, or Priests to offer Sacrifice he hath appointed onely his twelue Apostles, and those, who are duely consecrated and ordained by them, or their Successours, and the Sacrifice, which they ought to offer, is one onely, to wit, the vnbloody offering of his immaculate body and blood vnder the visi­ble formes of bread and wine, by vsing those words, which he him­selfe in his last Supper did vse and institute, yet he did neither limit the place, where this Sacrifice should be offered, nor the ceremonies, which were to be vsed in the offering thereof, but he left these to the disposi­tion of the Church, and to the supreme Pastours or Gouernours there­of, to determine them as they should thinke conuenient. Besides this authoritie, which Christ gaue to the Priests of the new law ouer his true body, he gaue them also authority, and Iurisdiction ouer his my­sticall body, which are the faithfull, which authority and Iurisdiction is signified by the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, which our Saui­our promised to S. Peter, and in his person to the rest of the Apostles, whom he did represent, of which authority I haue spoken somewhat in the former chapter, and also in my Apologie, Theologicall Disputation, and Appendix thereunto.

41 And from hence the Reader may easily gather two things; the one is, the difference betwixt the Priests in the law of Nature, and in the law written: for that both in the law of Moyses, and of Christ, the Priests had not their authoritie from men, but from GOD, neither was it in the power of the temporall common-wealth to extend, or diminish their Priestly authoritie: but in the law of Nature the Priests had their authoritie from the ciuill Communitie, or common-wealth, whereof they were parts, and members, and in whose name, and by whose au­thoritie they were made Priests, and had power to offer sacrifice; and it was in the power of the common-wealth to extend, or diminish, or to take quite away their Priestly authority, and to appoint and ordaine, in what manner, and with what ceremonies, and what things they should Sacrifice to God, and to determine of all things concerning Religion; yea and the common-wealth did also determine what Gods they were to woorship; and therefore it was decreed by the Senate of Rome, that no Emperour should be canonized or made God, Alexand. l [...]6. cap. 4. but by the decree of the Senate.

42 The second, which followeth from the former, is, that consi­dering in the law of nature the Priesthood was wholly subiect and de­pendent [Page 250] vpon the ciuill Common-wealth, in so much that the Priests in the law of nature were subiect and subordinate, not onely in tempo­rals, but also in spirituals, and in all things, which concerned Religion, and the publike seruice of God to the supreme Gouernours of the tem­porall Common-wealth, from whom they receiued all their Priestly authoritie, Mr. Fitzherbert very vnlearnedly concludeth, that according to the law of nature the temporall State and power is subiect and subordinate to the spirituall, and that the supreme temporall Magistrate was commanded and corrected with temporall punishments, as occasion required by the spiri­tuall seeing that the quite contrarie I haue most cleerly conuinced out of Abulensis, and the same may very plainely be gathered from the doc­trine of Sotus, Valentia, Suarez, Vasquer, and other Diuines treating either of Sacrifices in generall, or of the Sacrifice of the Masse, or of the Priesthood of Christ. And therefore I may bouldly say, that if in the law of nature an Oath had beene propounded by the ciuill Com­mon-wealth, wherin the Religious Priests should haue acknowledged, that they might not only for temporall crimes, but also for spirituall, and which meerely concerned Religion be punished by the supreme temporall Gouernour with temporall punishments, and also be depri­ued of their Priestly function, and authoritie, the Priests would haue admitted it as lawfull; And if an Oath had beene propounded by the Priests to haue themselues exempted from the authoritie of the su­preme temporall Gouernour euen in spirituall or religious affaires, much lesse in temporall, the Ciuill Common-wealth, or supreme Go­uernours thereof would not haue admitted it as lawfull, but would haue punished the Priests for presuming to vsurpe such an authoritie.

43 Wherefore those last words of my Aduersarie to Mr. Barlow are a most vaine, friuolous, and idle florish: For albeit the ancient Phi­losophers, and learned Paynims being guided by the law of Nature, and light of naturall reason, whose doctrine also in this point our moderne Diuines doe follow, did cleerely see, that in the law of Nature, when no positiue law of God was published, the Ciuill common-wealth, or su­preme gouernours thereof had the chiefe command, and authoritie in all matters as well concerning Religion, as State, to whom the Religi­ous Priests were wholy subiect as well in spirituall, or religious, as in temporall affaires, yet they did not turne the word vpside downe, or peruerted the course of Nature, but knew right well, that things lesse perfect are not to be preferred before the more perfect, the body be­fore the soule, sense before reason, temporall things before spirituall, policie before Religion, earth before heauen, and the world before God. And therefore there is none, but such ignorant men as my Ad­uersarie is, that can, or will affirme the new Oath of allegiance to be repugnant to the law of Nature, or to the light of nature reason, for that [Page 251] it denyeth the authoritie of spirituall Pastours to punish temporally ab­lute Princes, or to depriue them of their kingdomes, or dominions.

44 And by this the insufficiencie of the rest of Mr. Fitzherberts Discourse will easily appeare. This was some part, saith he,Pag. 101. num. 12. of my Dis­course in my Supplement concerning the law of Nature, whereby thou seest, good Reader, that I haue sufficiently shewed two things: the one that accor­ding to the law of Nature the temporall state, and power is subordinate, and subiect to the spirituall, when they are conioined in one body, no lesse then the familie is subordinate and subiect to the Common-wealth in like case, because the end of the temporall power is subordinate to the end of the spirituall power, which ouerthroweth my Aduersaries false principle, to wit that the Ecclesi­asticall, and ciuill Societie are so distinct in nature, and office, that though they be ioined together, yet they haue no dependance the one of the other, vp­on which false ground, and vaine supposition often affirmed by Barclay, and him, and neuer proued by either of them, they found all their false doctrine.

45 But how vntrue this is I haue already shewed. For in the law of Nature the temporall state, and power was not subiect and subordi­nate to the spirituall, or Religious, except only in excellencie, and no­bilitie, whereof there is no question, but contrariwise the Priests of the law of Nature were subiect in spirituall and religious affaires to the su­preme ciuill Gouernour, when they were distinct persons, neither did they make two distinct Common-wealths, as they doe in the law written, but the ciuill Common-wealth had authoritie to dispose of all matters as well concerning Religion as state, and not only to make Priests, and to giue them Priestly power, but also to increase, diminish, alter, or to take away from them their Priestly authoritie, and to deter­mine of all things both temporall and spirituall, which is not so in the law written, wherein Priests haue their authoritie from the positiue in­stitution and law of God himselfe.

46 True it is, that the Heathen Common-wealths gaue great authoritie, priueledges, and exemptions to those persons, whom they chose and appointed to be their Priests, especially to the chiefe Priest, or Bishop (whereof reade Alexander lib. 2. cap. 8. and lib. 3. cap. 27.) to whom the Romanes gaue such great honour, that they did esteeme him next to the King, or supreme temporall Prince, and gaue him authori­tie to command, and also to punish the King of sacred rites, and all the o­ther inferiour Priests. Yea euen to Vestall Virgins, who were Priests of the Goddesse Vesta such honour was giuen by the Romanes, that if by chance they should meete any malefactour, that was led to death, hee should not for that time be put to death,Plutarch. in Numa Alex. lib. 5. cap. 12. vpon condition that the Vir­gin must sweare, that her meeting of him was casuall, and not of pur­pose. But from hence it cannot be gathered, that the religious Priests had by the law of Nature such authoritie, priueledges, and preroga­tiues, [Page 252] but only that the Common-wealth in honour of Religion did grant them such temporall honour, and authoritie, and would haue them to be obeyed in some matters of great moment vnder paine of death.

47 Now in the new law in what manner the temporall Com­mon-wealth, or rather those persons, who are parts, and members ther­of, are subiect to spirituall Pastours I haue at large declared aboue in the second part, where I haue sufficiently proued out of Card. Bellar­mines owne grounds, that the coniunction of temporall power, and of spirituall subiection in the same Christian man is not sufficient to make the temporall, and spirituall Common-wealth among Christians one totall body, or Common-wealth, whereof the Pope is the supreme visi­ble head for then the Pope must be both a temporall, and spirituall Mo­narch of all Christendome, and Christians; and that although they should make one totall body, or Common-wealth, whereof Christ only is the head in that manner, as I there declared, yet from thence it could not be concluded, that the temporall power, or Common-wealth is per se, and naturally subiect, and subordinate to the spirituall power, or Common-wealth, but only that Christian Princes, not as they haue temporall power, but as being members of the Church of Christ they haue spirituall subiection, and consequently in spiritualls, and not in temporalls are subiect to the spirituall power, or common-wealth, and the spirituall Pastours thereof: And there also I answered all the arguments, which D. Schulckenius brought to proue the contra­rie. Let Mr. Fitzherbert impugne that Treatise, and then he may haue some cause to brag, that this doctrine of mine, and Barclaies is a false, and vaine supposition of our owne; In the meane time the Reader may cleerely see, how vainely, and friuolously he hath proued by the law of Nature, that the temporall power is subiect, and subordinate to the spi­rituall, and that in the law of Nature Religious Priests, as they were such, might command, and correct temporally the temporall Com­mon-wealth, or supreme temporall Prince, whereas the quite contrary is manifest by the law of nature.

48 The other thing, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, that I haue shewed, is, that by reason of this naturall subordination, and subiection of the lawes, and lesse perfect Societies to the higher, and more perfect, it is most conforme to na­ture, that the head of the Church, who is the supreme spirituall Magistrate, may command, and correct all inferiour Magistrates, as well temporall as spiri­tuall, when the necessitie either of the whole body, or of the Church only (which is the most perfect, and supreme Societie) doth require it, as in like case the supreme ciuill Magistrate (who is Prince, and head of the Common-wealth) iustly commandeth, and punisheth the heads of Families, or Cities, notwithstanding that the said Families, and Cities are distinct Societies, and [Page 253] bodies, and haue their lawes, and Magistrates apart, no lesse then the Com­mon-wealth, and Church haue theirs.

49 But first it is vntrue, that there is any naturall subordination, and subiection of the temporall power, or Common-wealth to the spirituall, except in dignitie and perfection, which is nothing to the purpose, and whereof no man maketh doubt; neither doth the dignity and perfection of the more noble, and excellent Societie inferre a su­perioritie in command, and authoritie ouer the lesse worthy, and lesse noble Societie, vnlesse we will haue the companie of Goldsmiths to haue authoritie and command ouer the Pewterers: and I haue shewed a little before most euidently, that in the law of Nature the Ciuill common-wealth had the whole charge, and command of all things, as well be­longing to Religion, as to State, and that the Priests, or publike Mini­sters of religious rites, were instituted, ordained, changed, depriued, commanded, and punished by the ciuill Common-wealth, vpon whom euen in all matters belonging to Religion, and the publike wor­ship of God they wholy depended: and therefore no maruaile, that from this vaine, and friuolous supposition of the naturall subordinati­on, and subiection of the temporall Common-wealth to the spirituall often affirmed by Mr. Fitzherbert, but neuer proued by him by any one probable argument, none but vaine, and friuolous collections can be gathered.

50 Secondly, I haue also sufficiently shewed, that there is not the like case betwixt the supreme ciuill Magistrate and the heads of Fami­lies, and Cities, and betwixt the head of the Church, and the supreme Magistrate of the ciuill Common-wealth, as my Aduersarie heere vn­truly affirmeth, for that not only those persons, who are the heads of Families, and Cities, but also the Families, and Cities themselues are parts, and members of the whole ciuill Common-wealth, and there­fore in all ciuill matters to be directed, commanded, and temporally corrected by the supreme ciuill Magistrate: but the temporall Com­mon-wealth it selfe, or the temporal Prince, as he hath temporal power, or in meere temporall matters, is not a part, & member of the Church, or spirituall kingdome of Christ, but onely as hee hath spirituall sub­iection, and therefore onely in spiritualls, and in such which are redu­ced to the nature of spiritualls, hee is to be directed, and commanded, and to be spiritually, not temporally corrected by the supreme spiri­tuall Pastour. And so indeed it is conforme to the law of nature, that is, it is not repugnant to naturall reason, but it is fit, decent, and con­uenient, although not necessary, that the chiefe Religious Priest should haue authoritie graunted him, either by the ciuill common-wealth, as it was in the law of nature, or by the positiue institution and law of God, as it was in the law written, to punish the transgressours [Page 254] of religious rites with some kinde of punishments, but that the law of nature did giue no authoritie at all to those who were appointed to be publike Ministers of religious rites, to commaund or punish at all, the ciuill common-wealth, or Soueraigne Prince thereof, vpon whom both in spiritual and ciuill matters they wholly depended, is altogether repugnant to naturall reason.

51 But Widdrington himselfe, saith Mr. FitzherbertPag. 102. nu. 14. doth not deny, but that I haue prooued thus much effectually, so farre foorth, as concerneth a power to command, and a spirituall manner of punishment, seeing that hee saith (as you haue heard in the beginning of the last Chapter) that I haue effectually prooued nothing else by the diuine, or naturall law, but that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall in spirituall things, and in temporall, as they are reduced to spirituall, so farre forth as con­cerneth commandement, and a spirituall, not a temporall manner of punishment. So he.

52 But although I doe willingly grant, that he hath sufficiently prooued by the law of God, that the Church of Christ, and the spritu­all Pastours thereof haue authoritie granted them by the positiue insti­tution and law of God to command in spirituall things, and in tempo­rall, as they are reduced to spirituall, all Christians both Princes, and subiects being parts and members of the Church, and to punish them with spirituall punishments, if they shall contemne his iust command; yet my meaning was neuer to affirme, that he hath effectually proued, either that there is any naturall subiection, and subordination of the temporall common-wealth to the head of the Church of Christ, ex­cept onely in dignitie and perfection, or that the law of nature, ab­stracting from the positiue institution and law of Christ, hath granted to spirituall Pastours authority to punish, or commaund absolute Princes; for that all the authority, which spirituall Pastours now haue, doth either proceed from the positiue institution and law of Christ, or from the graunt of Christian Princes, and not from the law of nature. Wherefore from these wordes of mine, which hee hath related, this onely can be concluded, that he hath effectually prooued by the law of God, or nature, that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall in spirituall things, and spirituall punishments; and that he hath proued nothing else. For by what rules of Logicke can my Aduersary inferre, that because I grant, that he hath effectually proued by the law of God, or nature, that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall, &c. Therefore I must grant that hee hath effectually proued by the law of God and nature, that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall, &c. sith that euery Logician knoweth, that to make an absolute disiunctiue proposition to bee true, it sufficeth that one part of the disiunction bee true, and therefore to make that proposition of mine to bee true, that [Page 255] he hath effectually proued by the law of God, or nature, that the tem­porall power is subiect to the spirituall, &c. it is sufficient that hee hath prooued by the law of God, that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall in spirituall things, and in temporall, as they are reduced to spirituall, so farre foorth as concerneth commandement, and a spi­rituall, not temporall manner of punishment: for by the law of na­ture he hath prooued no such thing, nor brought any one probable argument to prooue the same.

53 But let vs goe on with his Discourse: Whereby it appeareth, saith he,Pag. 102. nu. 15. that the onely question now betwixt vs is, whether the supreme spi­rituall Superiour may punish temporally according to the law of nature, whereof truely there can be no doubt, if we consider the ground and substance of my former Discourse, proouing a subordination of all Societies, and com­munities to the Church, for thereupon it followeth, that the head thereof may by way either of commaundement, or punishment, dispose of whatsoeuer belongeth to all the inferiour Societies, when it shall be absolutely necessarie for the conseruation of the Church, by the same reason, that the Superiour, Magistrate, or Prince of the ciuill Societie, or common wealth, may dispose in like case, and to like purpose of whatsoeuer belongeth to all the Societies, which are inferiour to the common-wealth, or as the soule commandeth, Chap 2. per totum. or punisheth the body in whatsoeuer is dependent thereon, or accessorie thereto, as I haue prooued before in the second Chapter.

54 But this, as you see, is only a repetition of his former idle Dis­course; and therefore it needeth no other answere, then that which I gaue before, where first I haue shewed, that the supreame spirituall superiour of the Church of Christ cannot punish temporally accor­ding to the law of Nature, and that there is no naturall subordination of any Ciuill Societie to the Church of Christ, except only in dignitie, and perfection, which is nothing to the purpose; and that in the law of Nature it belonged to the Ciuill Common-wealth it selfe to dis­pose and order all things as well concerning Religion, as Ciuill mat­ters, as to ordaine Priests, to appoint with what kind of Sacrifices, and in what maner, and place God should be publikely worshipped, to giue, or take away, to extend, or diminish the authoritie, dignitie, and priui­ledges of Religious Priests, as the Common-wealth, whose Ministers they were, and to whom they were subiect not onely in temporalls, but also in spiritualls, should thinke expedient; and therefore to make a naturall subordination & subiection not only in dignitie, and perfecti­on, but also in power, and authority of the ciuil common-wealth to the Church of Christ is cleerly repugnant to nature, & to all natural reason.

55 Secondly, I also shewed the manifest difference betwixt fa­milies, cities, and all such like inferiour Ciuill Societies being com­pared to the whole Ciuill Common-wealth, and betwixt the whole [Page 256] Ciuill Common-wealth being compared to the Church, or spiri­tuall kingdome of Christ, for that not only the persons of all inferiour ciuill Societies, but also the Societies themselues, which are only com­pounded of ciuill power, are true parts, & members of the whole ciuill Societie, or common-wealth; and that therefore the supreame ciuill Magistrate, or Prince, who hath power to dispose of the whole ciuill body, or common-wealth, hath power also to dispose of euery part, and member thereof: But the temporall Common-wealth it selfe, which is compounded only of ciuill power, is not a part and member of the Church of Christ, which is compounded onely of spirituall, and not ciuill, or temporall authoritie, as Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe con­fesseth:Contra Barc. c. 12. p. 137 & in Schulck. pag. 203. And therefore it doeth not follow by the same reason, as my Aduersarie heere affirmeth, that the supreame head of the Church of Christ may dispose of whatsoeuer belongeth to the ciuill common-wealth because the supreame Prince of the ciuill common-wealth may dispose of whatsoeuer belongeth to all other inferiour ciuill Societies, And whereas hee supposeth, that to dispose of whatsoeuer belongeth to the ciuill common-wealth may bee absolutely necessarie for the con­seruation of the Church is a meere fiction, and idle supposition of his owne braine: and although it were so necessarie, yet it should not be­long to spirituall Pastours, who haue no ciuill power, but to Christian Princes to dispose thereof, as I haue shewed aboue. And as for the comparison of the soule and body, which all my Aduersaries doe so often inculcate, I haue also shewed beforePart. 2. c. 8. most cleerely, that it is no fit similitude to proue their purpose, but maketh flat against them; both because the temporall, and spirituall common-wealth doe not make one totall body, or compound, in that manner as the body and soule doe make one man, and also because albeit the soule may com­mand the body to punish it selfe, yet shee her selfe cannot punish the body without the helpe, and concurrance of the body it selfe; and therefore neither can the Church of Christ inflict temporall punish­ments without the helpe, and concurrance of the temporall com­mon-wealth.

56 But now Mr. Fitzherbert will make, forsooth, all the matter more cleare. And all this, saith he,p. 103. nu. 16 will bee yet more cleare if wee con­sider the weake reason that Widdrington giueth of his conceipt to prooue, that the supreame spirituall power cannot punish temporally. Wid. in Admon. ad Lect. nu. 17. For thus hee saith; Atque ita recta ratio dictat, vt superior quicunque, &c. ‘And so right, or true reason teacheth, that euery Superior may punish his infe­riour with some penaltie that is proportionate to his authority, but that any other besides him, that is supreame Gouernor of the ciuill cōmon-wealth may punish his inferiour with the paine or punishment of death or maiming, or of the depriuatiō of all his goods, this cannot be [Page 257] deduced from the rule, or prescript of true reason.’ Thus saith hee: But to omit to speake of bloodie punishments by death, or maiming, (which are neuer vsed by the Church, and therefore are idly mentioned heere by my Ad­uersarie) it is to bee noted, that in the rest hee contradicteth not onely the ancient, and common practise of the Church, yea the holy Scriptures, as I shall shew Iufra nu. 18.19.20. Item cap. 7.9.10.11. & 12. per totum. after a while, but also his owne grant, and concession.

57 If the prudent Reader had not sufficiently seene before the ex­treame vanitie, palpable ignorance, and irreligious conscience of this my Aduersarie, hee might easily conceiue me to bee a very bad, igno­rant, and inconsiderate man for contradicting, as hee saith, not onely the ancient, and common practise of the Church, yea and the holy Scriptures, but also my owne graunt, and concession: but such brag­ging, and slanderous words are, as you haue often seene, frequent in this mans mouth. First therefore those words of mine, Atque ita recta ratio dictat, &c. And so true reason teacheth, &c. were not brought by me as a reason, but as a conclusion of that I saide before concerning the authoritie of Superiours to punish their subiects, or inferiours with some kinde of punishments proportionate to their Coerciue power.

58 Secondly, it is vntrue, that bloodie punishments by death, or maiming are idly mentioned heere by mee: seeing that hee himselfe in the former paragraph did affirme, that the head of the Church may by way not only of commandement, but also of punishment, dispose of whatsoeuer belongeth to the Ciuill Common-wealth, and consequently both of goods, and bodies, whereof no doubt the ciuill common-wealth may dispose: and in the second Chapter also hee expresly taught, that the Pope hauing power ouer my soule, and being withall the supreame Gouernour of the whole Church hath also power ouer my life, albeit with the liues of Princes, it being an odious question, hee will not meddle, and a little after hee affirmeth, that the Pope hath power ouer the temporall goods, states, and bodies of all Christians, and consequently, according to his doctrine, also of all Christian Kings, and Princes. Why then doth he now say, that bloodie punishments by death, or maiming are idly mentioned heere by mee, when I affirme, that none but the supreame ciuill Superiour hath power to punish his subiect, or inferiour with the punishment of death, maiming, or depriuation of goods? But marke I pray you, his goodly reason; because, forsooth, bloodie punish­ments by death, or maiming are neuer vsed by the Church: whereas the question betwixt vs was not, whether the Church doeth actually vse bloodie punishments, for of this I spake not one word in this place, albeit Pope Adrian did ordaine in the Canon law,In cap. De­latori 5. q. 6. that the tongues of some malefactours should bee pulled out, and the heads of others stroken off: but the question was, whether the Pope hath power and authoritie to [Page 258] vse bloodie punishments, and hee himselfe, as you haue seene, expresly teacheth, that the Pope hath such a power, and yet now, forsooth, I in denying it, doe mention idly bloodie punishments by death, or maiming.

59 Thirdly, that hee may not take occasion heereafter to cauell at my words, when I affirmed that true reason teacheth, that euery Su­periour hath power to punish his inferiour with some punishment pro­portionate to his authoritie, my meaning was, as also my words doe sufficiently signifie, to speake onely of supreame Superiours, who haue both directiue, and coerciue authoritie, that is power both to command, and punish: for a delegate Superiour hath no other authoritie then is granted him by his supreame Superiour: And therefore it is not against the law of Nature, or the prescript of true naturall reason, that such a delegate Superiour may haue power giuen him only to command, and not to punish, or to punish one man, and not another, or to inflict one punishment and not another, according as his supreame Superiour shall thinke it fit, and conuenient.

60 Now you shall see in what manner Mr. Fitzherbert prooueth, that I contradict my owne grant, the holy Scriptures, and the ancient, and common practise of the Church. You haue heard Widdrington graunt, Supra c. 5. nu 1. Wid. in Ad­mon. ad Lect. nu. 17. saith hee,Pag. 104. nu. 17. that the spirituall Superiour may commaund corporall, and temporall things, as they serue the spirituall, and are reduced there­to. Why then may hee not punish his subiect in his body, or tempo­rall goods for the same respect? But first what contradiction, I pray you, is it, to affirme that the spirituall Superiour may for a spiritu­all end command, or enioyne temporall penalties, and to deny, that he may not for a spirituall end inflict temporall penalties? Contradicti­on, as all Philosophers know, is an affirming, and denying of the selfe same thing, and in the selfe same manner, but to affirme one thing, and to de­ny another is no contradiction at all. Wherefore to proue, that I con­tradict my owne grant, Mr. Fitzherbert must proue, which he can ne­uer doe, that I affirme, and deny the selfe same thing, as to affirme, and deny, that the spirituall Superiour hath power to commaund tempo­rall penalties, to affirme, and also to deny that hee hath power to in­flict temporall penalties, for otherwise to accuse mee of contra­diction for affirming one thing, to wit, that the spirituall Superi­our hath power to commaund temporall penalties, and for denying another thing, to wit, that hee hath not power to inflict tempo­rall penalties, is to accuse himselfe of most grosse, and palpable ignorance.

61 Secondly, I answere his demaund with other like demaunds. Cardinal Bellarmine, as you haue seene aboue,Part. 2. cap. 8. affirmeth, that the soule may command bodily actions, when they are necessary for the good [Page 259] of the soule, and I also added, which he cunningly concealed, when they are necessary for the good also of the body; why then may not the soule her selfe also exercise bodily actions for the same respect, without the helpe or actiue concurrance of the body it selfe? Also the soule may command one corporall member to punish another, if it be necessary for the good either of the soule, or of the body, as the hands to whip the shoulders, or to cut off some contagious member, as the fingers, the toes, the feete, or legges if they be poysoned, why then hath not the soule herselfe for the same respect power to doe the same? Moreouer a ghostly father may enioine his penitent for satisfaction of his sinnes, and to auoide the danger of falling backe into sinne, to giue Almes, to build Hospitalls, to afflict his body with fasting, watching, disciplining, haire cloth, and such like to shunne this, or that company, &c. Why then, if the Penitent refuse to doe these things, may not his ghostly father for the same respect take away his money from him, and giue Almes, and build Hospitalls therewith, and afflict his peni­tents body whether hee will, or no &c? Why did S. Bernard affirme, that the materiall sword is by Christs commandement to be drawne forth for the Church, but not by the Church, with the hands of the Souldier, but at the becke, or declaratiue commaundement of the Priest?

62 But the true, and proper reason why spirituall Pastours haue authoritie to command temporall punishments, and not to inflict temporall punishments, or to punish temporally, must bee taken not from any naturall subordination, or which is all one, from any ne­cessarie subiection, which according to the law of Nature the ciuill common-wealth, or temporall Princes haue to the Religious Societie, or to the Ministers of sacred rites, for that in the law of Nature it belonged to the ciuill common-wealth to dispose of all matters as well concer­ning Religion, as state, as I haue shewed before; but it must bee taken from the positiue institution of Christ our Sauiour, and from the na­ture, and conditions of the lawes, weapons, armour, and punishments, which according to the institution of Christ are due to the Church, as he hath distinguished them from the nature and conditions of the lawes, weapons, armour, and punishments, which are proper to the temporall Common-wealth. For there is no doubt to be made, but that our Sa­uiour if it had pleased him, might haue ordained, that the chiefe visible head of the Church should bee both a temporall, and spirituall Monarch, as the Canonists will haue him to be, and might haue giuen him autho­ritie to inflict not only spirituall but also temporall punishments, and not only to command, but also to vse the materiall, temporall, or ci­uill sword, as also if it had pleased him, hee might haue giuen him no power to command at all, but only to preach the word of God, and to [Page 260] declare his law, and to minister Sacraments to them that should vo­luntarily, and of their owne accord demaund them; wherefore what power the Pope and other spirituall Pastours haue, wee cannot gather from the law of Nature, or the necessary prescript of naturall reason, but onely from the positiue institution and law of Christ.

63 But this difference betwixt the power to command, and to inflict temporall punishments will be made more plaine and perspicu­ous, by examining his next Discourse, and by declaring morefully the true sense and meaning of those former words of mine. [The spirituall Superiour may command corporall and temporall things, as they serue spiritu­all, and are reduced thereto:] Which my Aduersarie either doth not, or would seeme not to vnderstand. For seeing that, saith hePag. 104. nu­mer. 17., the spirituall power to command temporall things in that case, resulteth (as Widdrington seemeth to grant) vpon their reduction to the spirituall (that is to say, be­cause they are vsed and applied to the seruice of the spirituall whereby they are reduced to a kind of spirituall nature or qualitie) why shall not the same reason hold for the spirituall Superiours power to punish in temporall things, which are no lesse vsed and applyed to the seruice of the spirituall, in punishment, then in commandement? as when delinquents are enioyned for the punishment of their sinnes to giue Almes, to build Hospitals, or Monasteries, to goe in Pilgrimage, and to afflict their bodies by fasting, watching, discipline, haire­cloth, and such like, it is cleare, that as well the corporall labours, as the tem­porall expences are referred to a spirituall end, (to wit, to Gods glory, and the benefite of the Soule) no lesse then if the same were imployed otherwayes for Gods seruice, by the direction or commandement of the spirituall Superiour. Also, when heretikes are depriued of their honour, fame, goods, or liues for the iust punishment of their heresie, See Siluester verb. Haeres. nu. 12. 13. & 14. according to the custome and Canons of the Church, who knoweth not that the same to done for the glory of God, and the great benefit of the Church? So as there is no lesse relation or reduction of corporall and temporall goods to the spirituall in punishing, then in comman­ding, and therefore Widdrington cannot with any probability admit the one, and reiect the other.

64 The reason why the spirituall Pastours of the Church may command temporall punishments, and yet may not inflict them, or punish temporally; or, which is all one, why the directiue power of spirituall Pastours is extended to temporall punishments for a spirituall end, and yet their coerciue power is not for the same respect extended also to temporall punishments, but restrained and limited to spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall Censures, I fully declared in my Appendyx to Fa. Suarez, which Mr. Fitzherbert might well haue seene, seeing that it was publi­shed the yeere before this his Reply came forth.See Appendix part. 1. sec. 4. For Fa. Suarez argued in this manner: The Ecclesiasticall power of the Church, as it is directiue, or commanding is not by those words of our Sauiour, Quodcunque ligaue­ris [Page 261] &c. Whatsoeuer thou shalt binde &c. determined to this or that manner of directing or commanding, but doth without limitation comprehend all conuenient directing or commanding, therefore the same is to be vnder­stood of the coerciue, or punishing power. For we doe now suppose as a thing manifest, and knowne to euery man of meane learning, that in euery law there is contained the commandement, which the Diuines call, vis dirigens, the directiue or commanding force or power, and the punishment, for feare of which we are in some sort compelled and con­strained to performe the thing commanded, which therefore the Di­uines call vis cogens, or coercens, the compelling, enforcing or punishing force, or power of the law.

65 This therefore was a part of my answere to the aforesaid ar­gument of Fa. Suarez, which my Aduersaries concealing thereof vr­geth me to repeat heere againe, that the Reader may in some sort there­by perceiue, that he still vrgeth the same arguments, which haue before beenefully satisfied. Secondly, if that assertion or argument of Suarez be so vnderstood, that as the Ecclesiasticall power to command is not limited to any certaine manner of commanding, so that it be conue­nient, and beseeming the nature and condition of an Ecclesiasticall or spirituall body, or Societie (as it is by the institution of Christ distin­guished from the ciuill body or Common-wealth) so the Ecclesiasti­call power to punish is not limitted to any certaine manner of punish­ing, so that it be conuenient, and beseeming the nature and condition of an Ecclesiasticall or spirituall body, and society (as it is instituted by Christ and distinguished from the ciuill Common-wealth then wee grant also his comparison, or the consequence of his argument. But then we affirme, that as onely temporall correction or punishing is conue­nient and proper to the temporall body, or Common-wealth; so also onely spirituall censures or punishments are by the institution of Christ conuenient and beseeming the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, as out of many Catholike Authours wee haue shewed a little before.

66 Wherefore there is a great difference to be obserued betwixt the power to command, and to punnish. For the Ecclesiasticall power to command is as it were vnlimited, and may be extended to all things both spirituall and also temporall, not as they are temporall, but as in regard of the vertue or sinne therein contained, they become spirituall; be­cause the obiect of the Ecclesiasticall directiue or commanding power is vertue, or vice, which may be found in all things whatsoeuer, aswell temporall, as spirituall: And so the Ecclesiasticall power forbidding a temporall thing as it is a sinne, or hurtfull to spirituall good, doth no­thing which is vnbeseeming the nature and condition of a spirituall body, or Society, but the depriuing one of temporall lands, goods, li­bertie, [Page 262] or life, are alwaies temporall punishments for what crime soeuer either spirituall or temporall they be inflicted, and therefore are not conuenient or beseeming the nature or condition of a spirituall Com­mon-wealth, as I haue shewed before.

67 And this distinction or difference betwixt the commanding and chastising power doth euidently appeare in the ciuill Common-wealth, which hauing for the obiect of her directiue or commanding power, pub­like peace, or publike disquietnesse, as the Ecclesiasticall hath vertue or vice, may forbid all things euen Ecclesiasticall matters, as they are truely manifest wrongs to the ciuill society, and vniust hindrances to the publike peace; for that these vniust oppressions, although princi­pally, and of themselues are spirituall, yet secondarily and by accident they are temporall wrongs, and in that regard may be punished by the ciuill Magistrate, not with spirituall but with temporall punishments, as be­fore in this DisputationCap. 7. sec. 2 nu. 17.I haue shewed out of those two famous and learned Dominikes, Sotus, and Bannes.Whereby we may perceiue that this manner of arguing, which Suarez vseth in comparing the comman­ding or directiue power, with the punishing or coerciue, is not allowable; for otherwise wee might in like manner conclude, that as the Ciuill power to command is not so limitted, but that it may sometimes be ex­tended to Ecclesiasticall or spirituall matters; so also the Ciuill power to punish is not so limited, but that it may sometimes be extended to punish with Ecclesiasticall or spirituall punishment. Thus I answered in that place.

68 By which the Reader may cleerely see, that the difference be­twixt the directiue or commanding, and the coerciue, compelling, or punish­ing power must bee taken (as the natures and differences of all powers ought to be taken) from their proper acts, and obiects; for the acts and obiects of the Ecclesiasticall power, as it is directiue, or commaunding, are the commaunding of vertuous, and the forbidding of vicious acts, whereby the spirituall health of soules, and euerlasting happinesse, which is the last end of the spirituall power, is obtained: So that what thing soeuer, be it temporall or spirituall, that may be vertue or vice, that may be necessary or hurtfull to the spirituall good of soules, may also be commaunded, or forbidden by the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power, as it is directiue. And this is the reason why the spirituall power as it is directiue, may be extended to temporall punishments, that is, may command or forbid temporall penalties or afflictions, for that vertue and vice, which are the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is directiue, may be found in them.

69 So likewise the obiect of the ciuill power, as it is directiue, is the obtaining and conseruing of temporall peace and quietnesse in the temporall common-wealth, and her acts are the commanding or for­bidding [Page 263] of those things which are necessary, or hurtfull to the publike peace, which is the last end of the temporall power it selfe, although it be not the last end of the temporall Christian Prince, as I shewed a­boue in the second part; So that what thing soeuer, be it spirituall or temporall, that doth iniuriously disturbe the publike peace, may be for­bidden by the temporall power, as it is directiue. And this is the reason why the temporall power, as it is directiue, may be extended sometimes to spirituall actions, not as they are spirituall, but as they are reduced to temporall actions, for that the iniurious disturbance of the publike temporall peace, which is the obiect of the temporall power, as it is d [...]rectiue, may sometimes be found in them. As the baptizing of one with poysoned water, or the ministring of the B. Sacrament, which is also poysoned, as they are spirituall actions, to wit the ministring of Sa­craments, which worke a spirituall effect, are not subiect to the directiue power of the temporall Prince, but as they worke a temporall effect, which is iniurious to the temporal peace, they are subiect to the temporall power, as it is directiue. And so a temporall Prince may forbid a spirituall Pa­stour, who is subiect to him in temporalls, to minister hic, & nunc the Sacrament of Baptisme, whereby the party baptized shall be poysoned. So also vniust Excommunications, if they cause tumults, and pertur­bations in the common-wealth, or vnfit conuenticles by night, with armour and weapons, whereby probable danger of seditions, or of o­ther temporall wrongs may arise, although these assemblies be made to preach the Gospell, or instruct the people in the faith of Christ, may be forbidden by the temporall power, not as they are temporall actions, but as they are temporall wrongs, and truely iniurious to the publike temporall peace.

70 And this doctrine is of it selfe so manifest and perspicuous, that no man of any learning can deny it: and to affirme, that it is a doctrine altogether intollerable and which cannot be vttered, but by one who is giuen to a reprobate sense, for that it maketh the temporall Prince to bee Iudge of spirituall things, and thereby maketh him truely the head of the Church, as D. Schulckenius most rashly affirmethPag. 7. & 208., is an intollerable slaunder, and which could not be vttered by any learned man, vnlesse with some vehement passion of ire hee had beene altogether transpor­ted, and his vnderstanding therewith had beene wholly blinded, as I haue shewed more amply in the Discouery of his slaundersIn Appen­dice ad Sup­plicatio­nem § 11. calumnia 11.. For this doctrine doth not make the temporall Prince to be iudge of spirituall matters, but of temporall, nor to be the head of the Church, that is of the mysticall body of Christ, and his spirituall kingdome, or of Eccle­siasticall and spirituall causes, but onely of the politicke body, and tem­porall common-wealth, and of ciuill matters, or which, by reason of some true temporall wrong, are reduced to ciuill matters.

[Page 264]71 But the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power, as it is coerciue, compelling or punishing, doth not consist in commaunding, but in pu­nishing, and her proper act and obiect is the inflicting of spirituall Cen­sures or punishments. For as Christ our Sauiour hath instituted his Church a spirituall and not a temporall kingdome, so he hath giuen her correspondent weapons, armour, and punishments which she is to vse, to wit Ecclesiasticall Censures, as Excommunication, Suspensi­on, Interdict, and not ciuill punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, &c. as I haue shewed beforePart. 1. per totum. out of Almaine and many others, both ancient Fathers and moderne Catholike Diuines, and Lawyers: which also is sufficiently grounded in the holy Scriptures, And if hee will not heare the Church, let him bee to thee as a Heathen, and Pub­licane Matth. 18: and I will giue to thee the keyes of the kingdome of hea­uen Matth. 16, not of earthly kingdomes; and the weapons of our warfare are not carnall 2. Cor. 10..

72 So likewise the Ciuill power, as it is coerciue, doth not consist in commanding, but in punishing, and her proper act, and obiect is the in­flicting, or vsing of temporall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods &c. Which S. Bernard Lib. de con­siderat. ad Eugenium. called the drawing forth, or vsing, and exercising the materiall, or temporall sword: for although he affirmed the materiall, or temporall sword to belong in some sort to the Church, for that it was to be drawne forth, or vsed for the Church, but not by the Church, yet he also affirmed, that Christ our Sauiour did forbid spi­rituall Pastours, to wit, as they were such, to draw forth, or vse the ma­teriall, or temporall sword. And therefore well said Petrus Damianus, In Epist. ad Firnim. that the kingdome and Priesthood are by their proper offices, and functions so distinguished, that the King should vse Secular weapons, and the Priests be girded with the spirituall sword; which in sense is all one with that saying of Gratian, 2. q. 7. cap. Nos si. the Compiler of the Canon law, called the Decree, It be­longeth to Kings to inflict corporall, and to Priests to inflict spirituall punish­ments. Now as the end both of the directiue, and also of the coerciue power is temporall peace, so the end both of the directiue, or comman­ding, and also of the coerciue, or punishing spirituall power is the spiri­tuall health of soules, and euerlasting happinesse, which, as I haue shew­ed aboue in the second part, is also the last end of euery Christian man, to which spirituall Pastours by Ecclesiasticall lawes, and spirituall Cen­sures, and Christian Princes by ciuill lawes, and temporal punishments, are by the law of Christ bound, as much as lyeth in them, to bring their Subiects.

73 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue both the true meaning of those words of mine, The spirituall Superiour may command corporall and temporall things as they serue spirituall, and are reduced there­to, but not inflict temporall punishments; and also what Mr. Fitzherbert [Page 265] can rightly conclude from that assertion of his, All temporall things, and temporall punishments may bee referred to a spirituall ende (to wit, to Gods glory, and the benefit of soules) and this no lesse in commanding then in punishing. For corporall or temporall things to become spirituall things, or to be reduced thereto, is nothing else, then that in corpo­rall and temporall things there may bee found vertue, or vice, which are the obiect of the spirituall directiue power, and that therefore all temporall things, and also all temporall punishments, as they may be­come spirituall things, or reduced thereto, that is, as by the rela [...]ion of them to Gods gloty, and the health of soules, there may reside in them vertue, or vice, may be commanded or forbidden by the spirituall directiue or commanding power, which hath for her acts and obiects the commaunding of vertue, and the forbidding of vice: but the act and obiect of the spirituall coerciue power is the inflicting, and not the commanding of spirituall punishments; and no relation of temporall punishments to Gods glory, or to the health of soules can make them to bee spirituall punishments; for that death, exile, priuation of goods, &c. although by the reference of them to Gods glory, and the health of soules they may become spirituall actions, that is, in them may re­side vertue, or vice, yet they can neuer become spirituall punishments: and therefore although they may be commanded, or forbidden by the spirituall power, for that the obiect of the spirituall commanding power are all things wherein vertue or vice may be found, yet they cannot be inflicted by the spirituall coerciue power, which hath for her obiect the inflicting onely of spirituall, and not of temporall punishments, vnlesse the reference of temporall punishments to the glory of God, and the health of soules can make temporall punishments to become, I doe not say spirituall things, but spirituall and not temporall punishments, which is impossible. And therefore with great reason I did admit the one, to wit, that the spirituall Superiour may commaund temporall punish­ments, as they become spirituall things, or are reduced thereunto, that is, to things, wherein vertue or vice may be found, and did reiect the other, to wit, that the Spirituall Superiour may in regard of the same reference, or reduction inflict also temporall punishments; for that no re­ference, or reduction of the inflicting of temporall punishments to Gods glory, and the health of soules can make temporall punishments to be­come spirituall punishments, or the inflicting of temporall punishments to be the inflicting of spirituall punishments. And therefore you may see, I will not say, with what probabilitie, but with what palpable ig­norance Mr. Fitzherbert Suprat. 2. nu. 10. accuseth me of contradiction in this point, and calleth it before a friuolous distinction of mine.

74 And from this also which I haue said, two other things may easily bee gathered. The one is, that to know what punishments are [Page 266] the obiect of the spirituall coerciue, or punishing power, wee haue no other way a priori, then the holy Scriptures, wherein the institution and law of Christ is contained: and the reason is, because there is no naturall necessitie, that spirituall Pastours must haue authority to in­flict temporall punishments, and by the law of nature, and the auncient Romanes, and other Heathen common-wealths, who were guided by the light of naturall reason, I haue sufficiently prooued before, that this naturall subordination, and subiection (especially in coerciue, or punishing temporall authority, or authority to punish temporally) of the ciuill common-wealth to religious Priests (which my Aduersary supposeth) is a very vaine and idle fiction, or Chymaera, & faigned with­out any colour or shew of true naturall reason. Wherefore seeing that Christ our Sauiour might by his absolute power haue giuen to the spiri­tuall Pastours of his Church a greater or lesser coerciue, or punishing au­thority, then hee hath giuen them, yea and might haue giuen them no coerciue authority, or power to punish at all so much as with spirituall Censures, to know what coerciue or punishing power, he hath actually giuen them, cannot be proued by the law of Nature, or by naturall rea­son, but onely by the holy Scripture, and the ancient Fathers, who are the sincere Expositours thereof, and liued before this controuersie concerning the Popes temporall authority ouer temporall Princes a­rose, and therefore could neither fauour the one side, nor the other.

75 The second is, that there is but little difference except in words betwixt the doctrine of the Diuines, and Canonists concerning the spi­rituall coerciue, or punishing power. For although the Canonists doe suppose, that all the power as well coerciue, as directiue, which Christ hath giuen to the Pastors of his Church, is in ordine ad bonum spirituale, in order to spirituall good, or for the sauing of soules, which the Diuines call indirectly, yet because the Canonists hold, that the Pope by the insti­tution of Christ hath supreme authoritie to inflict as well temporall as spirituall punishments, and consequently to punish all Christians euen temporall Princes as well temporally, as spiritually, therefore they feare not to affirme conformably to their grounds, that the Pope is the su­preme temporall, and spirituall Monarch of the whole Christian world, and hath true temporall coerciue authoritie. But the Diuines although in effect grant as much, yet they differ in words, and that coerciue au­thoritie of spirituall Pastours, which the Canonists call temporall, for that it worketh the same temporall effect, and hath the selfe same obiect, which the temporall, or ciuill coerciue authoritie hath, wil not, forsooth, call it temporall authoritie, but spirituall authoritie in temporalls, and that not directly, but indirectly, or in order to spirituall good, whereas the Canonists doe also hold, that the Popes temporall coerciue authoritie, or his coerciue authoritie in temporalls is also in order to spirituall good. [Page 267] But this distinction of directly, and indirectly was purposely inuented by the later Diuines to make their doctrine concerning the Popes authori­tie to dispose of all temporalls, and to inflict temporall punishments to be more plausible to the vulgar sort, and to be lesse odious to Christian Princes, and their loyall subiects, who can not brooke to heare any man say, that absolute and Soueraigne Princes are not supreme, but sub­iect in temporalls to spirituall Pastours, whereas in effect, and very deed the Diuines, notwithstanding this their distinction, doe make absolute Princes, whom the ancient Fathers with vniforme consent haue euer accounted to be next vnder GOD in temporalls, and not to be tempo­rally punished but by GOD alone, to be as much subiect in temporalls to spirituall Pastors, and to be no lesse temporally punished by them, then the Canonists doe. So that the difference betwixt their opinions con­cerning the coerciue power of spirituall Pastours is rather verball, and only about words, them reall, and in very deede.

76 Seeing therefore that to haue power, and authoritie directly in temporalls is nothing else then to haue power in temporalls, as they are temporall, and to haue power indirectly in temporalls is to haue power in temporalls, not as they are temporall, but, as the Diuines say, in order to spirituall good, or, which is all one with that I said before, as by the order and reference to spirituall good, that is, to the glory of God, and the health of soules they become spirituall, that is vertuous, and vicious actions, it is manifest, that although this distinction of direct­ly, and indirectly may be applyed to the spiriturall directiue [...], or com­manding power, as I declared before, for that spirituall Pastours haue no power to command temporall actions but in order to spirituall good, and by that reference become spirituall, and capable of vertue, or vice, which is the health or hurt of soules, yet it cannot be applyed to the spirituall coerciue, or punishing power, vnlesse it be first proued, that Christ hath giuen to spirituall Pastours for the health of soules authori­tie to inflict as well temporall, as spirituall punishments, and that the obiects of the spirituall coerciue power are by the institution of Christ both temporall and spirituall punishments, which my Aduersaries will neuer be able to proue from the holy Scriptures, or the ancient Fathers, and vnpartiall expositours thereof; for to proue the coerciue authori­tie of spirituall Pastours, and Priests by the law of Nature, or naturall reason, who, as I haue shewed before, were in the law of Nature subiect to the coerciue power of the ciuill Common-wealth, is most idle, and friuolous.

77 Now you shall see, how friuolous the second reason is, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth to proue that I contradict my selfe, in granting, that the spirituall Superiour may command temporall punishments, and yet in denying, that he may inflict temporall punishments. Furthermore Widdring­ton [Page 268] granteth, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 105. num. 18. that the spirituall Superiour may pu­nish spiritually (that is to say by Censures of Excommunication, Interdict, and Suspension) but who seeth not that he granteth consequently, that the said spirituall Superiour may also punish temporally? For Excommunicati­on doth not only depriue a man of the vse of the Sacraments, but also of the communication, and conuersation of Christian men, and of many temporall commodities euen according to our Sauiours owne commandement, who or­dained a temporall penaltie of Excommunication,Matth. 18. when he commanded, that he which will not heare the Church, shall be taken for an Ethnike, and a Publican, that is to say, shall be excluded not only from the participati­on of the spirituall benefits of the Church, but also from the temporall compa­nie, 1. Cor. 4.2. Thess 3. and conuersation of the faithfull; which was also ordained by the Apostle, when he commanded the Corinthians, and Thessalonians not to eate with notorious sinners, and disobedient persons; and by S. Iohn, when he comman­ded that the Christians should not receiue heretikes into their houses, nor so much as salute them; in all which it cannot be denyed, but that the offen­ders were punished temporally.

78 But all this, and the rest also, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth in the two next Paragraphes was before obiected by Fa. Suarez, and fully answered by me in my Appendix: but this man is pleased to repeate still the same obiections, which by me, and others haue beene before often answered. Wherefore it is true, that I doe grant, that the spirituall Su­periour may punish spiritually by Ecclesiasticall Censures, but it is not true, that I must consequently grant, that he may also punish temporally, for this I euer denyed, and therfore it is a meere fiction of his owne braine, that I contradict my selfe in affirming, and denying the selfe same thing. For First Excommunication, as I shewed before,In my Ap­pendix against Suarez. part. 2. sec. 4. See also a­boue chap. 1. nu. 16. and seq. and chap. 5. sec. 2. num. 131. & seq. doth not of it owne nature, and by any institution of Christ depriue of ciuill conuersation, but only of the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall participation of the faithfull: and therfore all ciuill contracts with excommunicated persons, as buy­ing, selling, changing, lending &c. are valid, and of force, if we respect only the law of Christ. Secondly, it is also true, that by the law of the Church some temporall punishments may be annexed to Excommuni­cation by way of command, and so the Church hath power to com­mand, that we shall not ciuilly conuerse with excommunicated per­sons, except in those cases, wherein by the law of Nature, and Nations we are bound ciuilly to conuerse with them: So also spirituall Pastors, as I haue shewed before, may annexe to Excommunication the inflicting of those temporall punishments, which from the grant, and priueledges of temporall Princes they haue authoritie to inflict: But this is nothing to that, which Mr. Fitzherbert intended to proue; For I neuer denyed, that the spirituall Superiour may punish temporally by way of com­mand, or to speake more properly, may command and enioyne tem­porall [Page 269] penalties, and also inflict them by that ciuill authoritie, which he hath receiued from the grant of temporall Princes, but that which I denyed, is that the spirituall Superiour hath by the institution of Christ authoritie to inflict temporall punishments.

79 Thirdly, Mr. Fitzherbert affirming so boldly, that our Sauiour by his owne commandement ordained a temporall penaltie of Excommunica­tion, doth erre most grosly, seeing that he cannot proue, that our Saui­our ordained any penaltie at all, much lesse a temporall penaltie of Ex­communication. For if he had but sleightly runne ouer Schoole-Diui­nitie, and especially the Treatise of Ecclesiasticall Censures, he could not but haue seene, that although the power to excommunicate is de iure diuine, and instituted by the law of Christ, yet that according to the more common doctrine of Diuines neither Excommunication, or any o­ther Ecclesiasticall Censure, or penaltie is de iure diuino, and ordained by the commandement of Christ, but de iure humano, and instituted by the Church: and that to no sinne is annexed any Censure by the law, and commandement of Christ, who did neuer by himselfe immedi­ately ordaine, that the Church should vse such, or such a determinate punishment, but he left to the prudent iudgement, and arbitrement of the Church to determine in particular this or that punishment, accor­ding to the authoritie she hath receiued.Suarez. tom. 5. dis. 2. sec. 1. For thus writeth Fa. Suarez affirming it to be the more common opinion of Doctours, and with­all he answereth all the authorities, which Mr. Fitzherbert hath brought heere out of the holy Scriptures.

80 But the contrarie doctrine, saith Suarez, may seeme to haue some ground in those word; Matth. 18. If he will not heare the Church let him be to thee as a Heathen, and a Publican. For by those words our Sauiour Christ doth seeme to haue sufficiently shewed, and instituted the Censure of Excommunication, and that the Pastours of the Church are heere vertu­ally commanded to excommunicate disobedient, and obstinate Christians: be­cause by no other reason the faithfull can be bound to auoid such kind of men.

But from this place, saith Suarez, nothing can be gathered. For other­wise one might also gather from thence, that whosoeuer disobeyeth the Church, is excommunicated by the law of God. Also, for that otherwayes the Church doth excommunicate no man, but declare him to be excommuni­cated by the law of God, because he doth not obey the Church, which how absurd this is, it is manifest of it selfe, &c. First, therefore by those words is signified this generall maxime, that those who doe not heare the Church, doe grieuously sinne, and especially if they be obstinate, and that therefore they are to be accounted, and shunned as grieuous sinners, as are Heathens and Pub­licanes. Secondly, It is signified that Christ our Lord will giue to his Church power to binde and loose. And so in those words is contained the pow­er to inflict the Censure of Excommunication, but not the institution of the [Page 270] Censure it selfe, or a commandement in particular, but onely in generall of a­uoyding sinners, who are disobedient to the Church, vnder which generall law is comprehended an accomodate distribution to say so, to wit, a commande­ment to shunne euery one that is disobedient to the Church, according to the degree and manner of the prohibition and separation which is made by the Church her selfe. And this is the common exposition of Interpreters vp­on that place, and of Diuines handling this matter. Thus Suarez. Where­by it is apparant how disagreeably to Suarez doctrine Mr. Fitzherbert here affirmeth, that Christ our Sauiour by his owne commandement ordai­ned a temporall penalty of Excommunication, when he commanded, that he who will not heare the Church shall bee taken for an Ethnicke, and a Publi­cane, seeing that according to Suarez, he ordained here no penalty or Censure at all of Excommunication.

81 But because some Catholike Doctours, as Almaine, Eckius, Clicthoueus and Driedo doe affirme, whose doctrine in this poynt both Suarez, and the more common opinion of Diuines doe reiect, that at least-wise to the sinne of heresie, if it be ioyned with obstinacy, there is annexed some Censure or punishment by the law of God and their opi­nion may seeme to haue some ground in those authorities of holie Scripture, whereof some are here vrged by Mr. Fitzherbert: Suarez also answereth to these authorities, and affirmeth, that they are not for­cible. And first, that those words of S. Paul ad Tit. 3. A man that is an heretike after the first and second admonition auoyd, &c. may bee vn­derstood of the naturall obligation, by which euery man is bound to auoyd dan­ger of being infected, and consequently to auoyd the person, which is an occasi­on to him of sinning; and such is an heretike whose speech spreadeth as a Can­ker, 2. Tim. 2. So also it is said. 1. Cor. 5. But now I wrote to you not to keepe company; if he that is named a brother, be a fornicator, or a couetous person, or a seruer of Idols, or a railer, or a drunkard, or an extortioner, with such an one not so much as to take meate: and Ga­lat. 5. Know you not that a little leauen corrupteth the whole paste? Secondly, although we should grant, that the Apostle in that place ad Tit. 3. spoke of a proper Censure, it doth not follow, that this institution is diuine, but at the most an institution of the Apostle, because it is the commandement of S. Paul &c. and especially for that it may be expounded, Auoid, that is, Ex­communicate; for the Apostle spake to Titus, who was a Bishop, and had power to excommunicate.

82 And according to this sense may be vnderstood those words of S. Iohn Epist. 2. If any man come to you, and bring not this doctrine, re­ceiue him not into your house, nor say to him, God saue you, although they rather seeme to be vnderstood of a naturall commandement not to coope­rate with such men, and not to giue them any signes, whereby either wee should seeme to consent to them, or that they should be confirmed in their errour. And [Page 271] this S. Iohn did signifie in the next words. For he that saith to him, God saue you, communicateth with his wicked workes. As also S. Paul, 2. Thess. 3. said; And if any obey not our word note him by an Epistle, and doe not company with him, that he may be confounded. In which last word also the Apostle insinuateth, that not onely to auoide communicati­on in sinne, but also to rebuke our neighbour charitably, it is sometimes coun­selled, or also commanded to abstaine from his companie, that hee may be con­founded: of this sort also are those wordes, 1. Cor. 5. which words doe ad­mit almost all the aforesaid interpretations: And if they be extended to a pro­per Censure, they are to be vnderstood, at what time, and in what manner the Pastours of the Church shall iudge, that these kinde of sinners are to be auoided. And so by all these testimonies conferred together it is euident­ly gathered, that there is no ground in Scripture for vs to say, that any Cen­sure is by the law of God annexed to heresie, rather then to other sinnes: And therefore the contrary opinion is farre more probable, and it is the com­mon opinion of other Doctours. Thus Suarez. And yet, forsooth, Mr. Fitz­herbert maketh no doubt, but that Christ our Sauiour by his owne com­mandement hath ordained a temporall penaltie of Excommunication, where­as Suarez, and the common opinion of Doctors doe resolutely affirme, that no penaltie at all of Excommunication is by the commandement of Christ ordained against those that shall disobey the commandement of the Church.

83 Wherefore lastly, and principally, all that Mr. Fitzherbert, or any other can conclude from the former places of holy Scripture, or such like is, that the Church hath power in order to the spirituall good of soules to enioyne temporall punishments, and to commaund the faithfull not to conuerse ciuilly with Heathens, Publicanes, or noto­rious sinners, when otherwise by the law of nature they are not bound to conuerse ciuilly with them, whereof I neuer made any doubt. And therefore obserue, good Reader, the fraude and ignorance of this man, who pretended to prooue, that I contradicted my selfe in granting that the spirituall Superiour could command temporall punishments, but not inflict them, seeing that neither frō the reduction of temporall things to spiri­tual, nor from the nature & effects of Excommunication, nor from those places of holy Scripture, which he heere hath brought, he concludeth any other thing, then that Christians are commaunded to account him an Heathen, and a Publican, who will not heare the Church: that the Apostle commanded the Corinthians, and Thessalonians not to eate with notorious sinners and disobedient persons: that S. Iohn commanded the faithfull not to receiue heretikes into their houses nor so much as to salute them, all which I willingly granted, but of the other part of the contradiction, which was the principall thing he should haue pro­ued, that I must consequently grant, that the spirituall Superiour can also in­flict [Page 272] temporall punishments, hee speaketh not one word.

84 For if a Christian should not obserue the aforesaid comman­dements, and will not account them for Heathens and Publicanes, who shall not heare the Church, if hee will eate and drinke with notorious sinners, and receiue heretikes into his house, and salute them, what punishments then can the spirituall Superiour inflict vpon such a per­son? can hee depriue him of his temporall life) libertie, dignities, or goods? can hee by temporall force whip him, send him into banish­ment or such like, or onely exclude him from the spirituall conuersa­tion of the faithfull, depriue him of spirituall graces, dignities, and pri­uiledges, and command other Christians to account him as a Heathen, Publican, and notorious sinner? This is the maine difficultie betwixt vs, which Mr. Fitzherbert cunningly passeth ouer with silence, and yet he would make his Reader beleeue, that he hath sufficiently conuinced me of contradiction, in granting that the spirituall Superiour may command temporall punishments, but not inflict them, whereas of this second, which was the maine point, and onely question betwixt vs, hee speaketh not one word in this place. And therefore consider, I pray you, Deare Countreymen, what small reason you haue in a matter, which doeth so neerely concerne your conscience, your temporall ouerthrow, and the allegiance, which by the expresse commandement of Christ, you are bound to giue to God and Caesar, to rely vpon so ignorant, and vnsin­cere a man who so palpably, and wilfully seeketh to delude you.

85 Now you shall see the rest of his goodly Discourse, wherein he also setteth aside the law of Nature, as he did in the former paragraph, which neuerthelesse was the maine subiect, whereof hee pretended to treate in this Chapter, and flyeth to the holy Scriptures, and the practise of the Church, but as fraudulently, and ignorantly as he hath done be­fore. Moreouer it is euident, saith he,Pa. 106. nu. 19. in the holy Scripture, that our Sauiour himselfe Ioan. 2. droue the buyers and sellers out of the temple with whips, and Saint Peter inflicted the punishment of death Act. 5. vpon Ananias, and Sa­phyra (whereof I shall haue occasion to speake more amply in the next Chap­ter) Cap. 7. nu. 23 & seq. and that S. Paul stroke Elymas the Magician blinde, Act. 13. and deliuered the incestuous Corinthian1. Cor. 5. to the Deuill to bee corporally afflicted in in­teritum carnis, saith he, vt spiritus saluus fiat, for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saued: All which were corporall, and temporall punishments. 1. Cor. 7. Besides that the saide Apostle permitted the separation of man, and wife, when the same should be necessarie for the saluation of the soule of either of them; and the Church also doeth, and may in like case permit, and ordaine the same, not only for the benefite of the party innocent, but also for the iust punishment of the offender.

86 But truely it is an intollerable shame, that any Christian sub­iect to aduance so immoderately the Papall authoritie in so great preiu­dice [Page 273] of Regall Maiestie should vnder the cloake of Religion, and of zeale to the Sea Apostolike vse such friuolous, not to say, ridiculous arguments, and from the miraculous facts not only of the Apostles, but also of Christ himselfe conclude in ordinarie power in the Pope to doe the like. For the onely propounding of these arguments will suffici­ently shew to any sensible man, how friuolous, and ridiculous they are. Our Sauiour Christ, saith my Aduersarie, droue the buyers, and sellers out of the Temple with whips, Hieronom. epist. 8. ad De­metriad. Abul. q. 97. in c. 18. Mat. & q. 96. in cap. 20. and S. Peter inflicted the punishment of death vpon Ananias, and Saphyra, or rather foretold, and prophecied their death, as S. Hierome, and Abulensis doe affirme, and S. Paul stroke Elymas the Magician blind, or at least-wise foretold his blindnesse, and deliue­red the incestuous Corinthian to the Deuill to bee corporally tormented by him; therefore the Pope hath power to doe the like; as though because Christ, and the Apostles had an extraordinarie and miraculous power to inflict or foretell corporall punishments, we may rightly inferre, that the Pope hath an ordinarie power to inflict, or foretell the same.See Abul. q. 96 in cap. 20. Mat. That these facts of S. Peter and S. Paul were miraculous no man can make any doubt, and that the driuing of the buyers, and sellers out of the temple was also miraculous S. Hierome doth expresly affirme, and the reason, which hee bringeth, doeth euidently conuince the same: for marke his words.

87 Many men, saith S. Hierome are of opinion, S. Hieronyme in Matth. 21. that the greatest signes our Sauiour did, was that Lazarus was raised from death to life, that he that was blinde from his mothers wombe receiued his sight, that at Ior­dan the voice of the Father was heard, that hee being transfigured in the mountaine shewed the glory of a Triumpher. Among all the signes, which hee did this seemeth to me more wonderfull, that one onely man, and at that time contemptible, and so abiect that afterwards he was crucified, the Scribes and Pharises being in a rage against him, and seeing their commodities de­stroyed, he could with the strokes of one onely whip thrust out so great a mul­titude, and ouerthrow the tables, and breake the chaires, and doe other things, which an infinite armie had not done. For some certaine fierie, Abul. q. 79. in cap. 21. Matth. and starry thing did glister out of his eyes, and the maiestie of Deitie did shine in his face. Besides, not only his countenance, saith Abulensis, but also his voice might be terrible to them, as it was to those armed men, whom the Iewes sent to apprehend our Sauiour, who hearing only those words, Ego sum, I am he,Ioan. 18. fell backeward. Origen also attributeth this casting out of the buyers and sellers to a great miracle. Let vs consider, saith he,Origin c. 2. I [...]. least that per­chance it should seeme to bee out of square, that the sonne of GOD taking lit­tle coards doth make a whip to cast them out; yet one refuge is left, the diuine power of Iesus, that when he would hee could stop the anger of his enemies, although they were innumerable. And againe, This present historie, saith Origen, doth in nothing shew lesse power, then did those things, which were done by him more miraculously: yea it is manifest, that this doth shew a grea­ter [Page 274] power, then the miracle, wherein water was turned into wine, for that there a matter without life doeth subsist, but heere the wits of so many thousand men are made tame, or ouerruled.

88 Also no lesse impertinent is that argument, which Mr. Fitz­herbert bringeth from the separation of man, and wife: Besides that, saith he, the said Apostle permitted the separation of man, and wife, when the same should be necessarie for the saluation of the soule of either of them. And what then? I grant also, that spirituall Pastours may doe the like. For S. Paul did only permit, that if the wife, or husband being conuer­ted to the faith cannot remaine with the other consort who is not con­uerted, without offence, or iniurie to GOD, or if the partie, who is not conuerted, will needes depart from the Christian, it is lawfull also for the Christian to depart, and marrie another: and the Church also may in the like case permit, and ordaine the same; for this is only to declare the law of GOD. But that which Fitzherbert addeth, that in the like case the Church may ordaine the same, not only for the benefit of the par­tie innocent, but also for the iust punishment of the offender, is repugnant to the common doctrine of Diuines; for the offender in S. Pauls case was an infidell, and not a Christian, who only, according to the common opinion of Diuines, can be punished by the Church; for what is it to me, saith S. Paul, 1. Cor. 5. to iudge of them that are without, for them that are without GOD will iudge. But if Mr. Fitzherb. meaning be, that the Church may permit, and ordaine the same concerning the separation of man, and wife, who both are Christians, which the Apostle did permit, and or­daine concerning the separation of man and wife, whereof the one is become a Christian, and the other remaineth still an infidell, this also is most vntrue. For the Apostle did not onely permit, that the con­uerted wife might depart from the companie of her husband, who still remained an infidell, and would not conuerse with her without iniurie to the Creatour, but also that shee might dissolue the bond of matri­monie, although by carnall copulation it were consummated, and might marrie another husband, but the Church cannot dissolue the bond of matrimonie, if it be once consummated, betwixt man, and wife, who both are Christians, either for the punishment of the offender, or for the benefit of the partie innocent.

89 Neuerthelesse I doe not deny, that when both the man, and wife are Christians, and the one cannot liue with the other without danger of being drawne into heresie, or some other grieuous sinne, the Church hath authoritie to command the partie that is in danger of be­ing peruerted to leaue the companie of the other consort, and so by way of command to punish the offender, but this is nothing to that, which Mr. Fitzherbert pretended to prooue, to wit, that the Church hath power to inflict temporall punishments, and that I contradicted my selfe in granting that the spirituall Superiour might command temporall punishments, [Page 275] but not inflict them. For if the wife, or husband in this case of spiritual dan­ger will stil remaine with the other consort against the commandement of the Church, or rather against the law of GOD, and Nature, which do forbid all spirituall danger, can the Church in this case either dissolue the bond of matrimonie, or depriue them of the right, which either of them haue to performe the acts of matrimonie, or else depriue the offender of his life, libertie, or goods, or only punish him by inflicting spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall censures? This is the maine difficultie, which is not so much as mentioned in all the arguments, and authorities, which Mr. Fitzherbert heere hath brought.

90 But now in the next paragraph it may seeme, that hee com­meth somewhat neere to the point of the difficultie. And in like maner, saith hee,pag. 106. nu. 20. there is no doubt, but that the Church may punish an here­tike by discharging his children from their filiall, and naturall obligation to him, exempting them from his authoritie, when it shall bee necessarie for their spirituall good, Concil. Tolet. 4. can. 59. as it may appeare by a Canon of the fourth Councell of Toledo, which ordaineth, that the baptized children of Iewes shall bee se­parated from their parents, least they may be infected with their errour. See Molina de Instit. tract. 2. disp. 229. And the like is to bee said of the discharge of slaues, and bondmen from the power, and authoritie of their Lords, when the said slaues are Catholikes, and their Lords Heretikes: for in that case the Church may not onely prouide for the soule of the Catholike, but also iustly punish the hereticall Lord, by granting freedome to the slaue. And for the same reason the Church hath power to discharge subiects from their bond of obedience, and allegiance to an hereticall Prince, when there is euident danger of their soules, and great detriment to the Church; for the bond of allegiance to the Prince is not greater then the obligation of the Sonne to the Father, the Wife to the Husband, and the slaue to his Lord.

91 But all this I did fully answere in my Appendix Part. 1. sec. 9. to Suarez, of whom my Aduersarie hath borrowed these arguments. For albeit there be a naturall obligation, whereby children are bound to honour, and reuerence their Parents, and from which without doubt the Church hath not authoritie to discharge the children of an heretike,Sot. l. 2. de Iust. q. 3. ar. 8. Valentia tom. 2. disp. 7. q. 4. punct. 6. Vasq. in 1am se­cundae tom. 2. disp. 179 cap. 2. Suarez lib. 2. de Leg. cap. 14. Salas q. 94. s [...]. 9 vnlesse my vnlearned Aduersarie will graunt, that the Church hath power to dis­charge one from that, to which hee is otherwise bound by the law of Nature, which is a Paradox in Diuinitie, as you may see in Sotus, Va­lentia, Vasquez, Suarez, Salas, and others who treate of lawes; in so much that S. Thomas and his followers, (whose opinion Vasquez and many others doe approoue for the more probable) doe affirme, that God himselfe cannot dispence in the law of Nature, or in any naturall precept contained in the Decalogue, or ten Commandements, as is this, to honour Father and Mother. Neuerthelesse, what other naturall obligation there is besides this, by which children are by the law of nature bound to honour and reuerence their Parents, and from which the Church as [Page 276] Mr. Fitzherbert saith, hath authority to discharge the children of an here­tike, I thinke he himselfe doth not well vnderstand, but it seemeth he taketh honour, or reuerence, & obedience, which is due to Parents for all one, which neuerthelesse are very much different.

92 For all the power and authoritie, which Parents haue now de facto, to command their children (considering that both Parents and children are now de facto, euen in things belonging to the particular Family, or Oeconomie, parts and members of the Ciuill Common­wealth) is ciuill, and proceedeth from ciuill authority, and may be enlar­ged, diminished, altered, yea, and quite taken away by the temporall Common-wealth, or the supreame gouernour thereof: and all obedi­ence, which children now de facto, being parts and members of the Ci­uill Common-wealth doe owe to their Parents, is ciuill and dependeth vpon the lawes and ordinances of temporall Princes, by whom it may be enlarged, or restrained, or quite taken away: And therefore as Molina cited by my Aduersary, Molina tract. 2. de Instit. disp. 237. Glossa § ius autem Instit. de patr. potest. Glossa ibidem. Moli. disp. 228. and the Glosse vpon the Ciuill law doe well obserue, the authoritie, which Parents haue ouer their children was in­troduced by the Ciuill law of the Romanes, from the time, as the Glosse saith, of Romulus; the effects of which fatherly power, authoritie, or com­mand the Glosse doth in briefe, but Molina more at large set downe.

93 Wherefore the Reader may by the way obserue, that there is a great difference to be made betwixt the power and authority, which Pa­rents now liuing in ciuill Society haue ouer their Children, & conse­quently the obedience of Children answerable thereunto, and the power and authority which the Ciuill Common-wealth, or the supreme temporall Prince haue ouer subiects, because all the authority and command, which Parents haue ouer their children, proceedeth from the Ciuill Com­mon-wealth, and is wholy depending thereon, and not from the law of nature, and therefore the obedience which children owe to their Parents, supposing them to be Parents, cannot properly be called naturall, but ciuill obedience, but the supreme authoritie, that the temporall Com­mon-wealth hath ouer her subiects, supposing the aduniting of men in Ciuill Societie,Bellar. lib. 3. de Laicis cap. 6. is euen according to Card. Bellarmines doctrine, deri­ued from the law of nature. Yea, also it is very probable, and affirmed by diuers learned men, as I haue shewed heretofore,In Append. cōtra D. Schul­cken. calumnia 16. nu. 8. that the supreame power and authority, which temporall Princes haue ouer their subiects, doth also proceed from the law of nature, and prescript of naturall rea­son, although their title, or the designing of their persons to be Princes is not deriued from the law of nature, but from the Common-wealth it selfe: for which cause wee may truely and properly call that obedience which subiects owe to the ciuill Common-wealth, or the Soueraigne Prince thereof, not onely ciuill, but also naturall obedience, or allegiance, & consequently the bond thereof to be greater, then the obligation of the Sonne to his Father, the wife to the Husband, and the slaue to his Lord.

[Page 277]94 Now to Mr Fitzherberts argument, I answered in the said Ap­pendix to Suarez, that as the power and authority which Parents haue ouer their children, is granted to them by the ciuill Common-wealth, so also it cannot be taken away from them but by Ciuill authority. And therefore those Canons either of Popes or Councels, wherein children are exempted from the power, and authoritie, which by the Ciuill law their Parents haue ouer them, doe either confirme that which was first de­creed by the Imperiall law, or they are made with the expresse or tacite consent of temporall Princes; or they doe onely declare the law of God and nature, to wit, that children are to forsake the company of their Parents, when by conuersing with them they are in danger to offend their Creatour. As when the Father is accounted to be dead ciuilly (ei­ther by some great sinne committed by him, as heresie, and treason, or otherwise, or if he make profession in an approued Religion, whereby he is accounted dead to the world) his Children are discharged by the Ciuill law from the power which he had ouer them, as you may see in Molina, in the place whereto my Aduersary remitteth his reader. For it is a rule of the Ciuill law that naturall and ciuill death are equiualent concerning ciuill acts, as noteth the Glosse vpon Leg. si decesserit. ff. qui satisdare. So likewise, if one be ordained a Bishop, he is discharged there­by from the power and authority which his Father hath ouer him, Au­thent. de Sanct. Episcopis, cap. 3. §. Si uero contigerit. And in this particular case which Mr. Fitzherbert here vrgeth, that decree of the fourth Councell of Toledo was made by the authority and consent of King Sisennandus, as I haue shewed more at large in that Appendix a­gainst Suarez. Besides the decree of that Councell, if it be vnderstood of Children which haue discretion, is onely a declaration, as I there ob­serued, of the law of God and Nature, whereby the baptized children of Iewes are freed not from the power or right which Parents haue o­uer their Children, but onely from their company, for that the law of God and Nature forbiddeth all conuersation, whereby one may incurre probable danger of reuolting from the faith, or falling into any other sinne.

95 And the like is to be said of the discharge of slaues and bond­men from the company of their Lords, when the said slaues are Catho­likes, and their Lords heretikes. For although these slaues, if they be in danger to be peruerted, may by the law of God & Nature absent them­selus from the company of their Lords, vntil the danger be past: as like­wise a catholike wife may depart frō the company of her husband who is an heretike, if she be in danger of being peruerted by his company, & this the Church hath power to declare, and command them vnder paine of spirituall Censures to performe: Neuerthelesse the Church hath no authority to dissolue the bond of Matrimony, or to take away [Page 278] the right or fatherly power, which hereticall Parents haue ouer their Children, or to release the bond of slauery, by which Lords haue a right or dominion ouer their slaues. And therefore when the danger of being peruerted is past, the wife is bound to returne to her Husband, the Child to his Father, and the bondman to his Lord, vnlesse, by the authority of the temporall Prince, the Childe bee freed, from the right and power which his Father had ouer him, and the slaue from his bon­dage. And therefore à fortiori, and by a stronger reason the Church hath not authority to discharge subiects from the bond of obedience, and allegiance to an hereticall Prince, both for that thisis a temporall and ciuill punishment, which therefore to inflict doth not belong to spirituall power, and also for that temporall Princes being in temporals next vnder God, cannot be temporally punished but by God alone, and also because this bond of allegiance is naturall, whereas the other obli­gations, by which a wife, a childe, a slaue, are bound to obey her hus­band, his Father, his Lord, is ciuill, and deriued from the Ciuill Com­mon-wealth. Neuerthelesse, I doe not denie that the Church by a decla­ratiue precept may command the subiect to forsake the company of his Prince, yea, and perchance to depart the land, if by such staying he be in probable danger to be peruerted, yet still hee remaineth subiect to his Prince, and when this danger is past, he is bound by vertue of his allegi­ance to returne againe at the commandement of his Prince.

96 And by this it is manifest how grossely Mr. Fitzherbert is de­ceiued in affirming so boldly, That the bond of allegiance to the Prince is not greater then the obligation of the Sonne to the Father, the Wife to the Hus­band, and the Slaue to his Lord, Seeing that all the obedience which a Childe oweth to his Father, a Wife to her Husband, and a Slaue to his Lord, they now liuing in ciuill Societie, and being parts and members of the ciuill Common-wealth, is ciuill, and dependeth vpon the autho­rity of the temporall Prince, who may therefore extend, diminish, or quite dissolue the bond of obedience, although not of honour, and reue­rence, which the Childe oweth to his Father, and likewise the bond of obedience, although not of matrimony, by which the Wife is bound to her Husband, and finally, the bond both of obedience, and of seruitude, by which a slaue is bound to his Lord: But the bond of allegiance, whereby subiects are bound to obey the ciuill common-wealth, as Car­dinall Bellarmine himselfe doth not deny, is naturall, and is due by the law of nature, as the power and authority of the ciuill common-wealth ouer euery part and member thereof, is in his opinion de lege natura, due by the law of nature: And therefore I doe not well vnder­stand, how Cardinall Bellarmine can according to his owne grounds affirme, that the power, and authority of the ciuill common-wealth ouer euery particular member thereof, is de l [...]ge natura, due by the law [Page 279] of nature, and consequently the obedience and allegiance of the subiect answerable thereunto, must also bee de lege natura, commanded by the law of nature, and withall maintaine, that the Church can depriue an hereticall common-wealth of her ciuill power and authoritie and ab­solue the subiects from their naturall allegiance, vnlesse hee will grant, that the Church may absolue from the law of nature.

97 Now by this which hath beene said, you may easily perceiue the insufficiency of all the rest, which Mr. Fitzherbert addeth in this Chapter. Now then, saith heePag. 107. nu. 11., in all these examples it is euident, that the Church disposeth of that, which is temporall to spirituall ends, and therefore my Aduersary Widdrington hath no probabilitie in the world to deny, that a spirituall Superiour may punish temporally, especially granting as hee doth, that he may command corporall, and temporall things, so farre foorth as they serue the spirituall.

But contrariwise, as you haue seene, it is euident, that by none of all those examples he hath prooued that the Church, I doe not say, com­maundeth, but disposeth of that which is temporall to spirituall endes, o [...] hath authority to inflict any temporall punishment, or to depriue any man of any temporall right, power, or authority for what end soeuer: And therefore Mr. Fitzherbert doth euidently discouer his igno­rance in affirming, that I haue no probabilitie in the world to deny that a spirituall Superiour may inflict temporall punishments, or which is all one, may punish temporally, and to graunt, as I doe, that he may command corpo­rall, and temporall things so farre foorth, as they serue the spirituall. For this distinction, which I haue sufficiently declared before, betwixt the directiue or commanding, and the coerciue, or punishing power both of the spirituall and also of the temporall common-wealth, and the rea­son thereof a priori, which is taken from their proper acts and obiects (from which, according to the knowne principles of Philosophy, the essence, vnitie, and distinction of euery power is to bee taken) doth make plaine the whole difficultie, and quite ouerthroweth the comparison which Mr. Fitzherbert maketh betwixt the spiritual directiue, and the coerciue power, or which is all one, betwixt the power of spi­rituall Pastours to command temporall punishments for spirituall ends, and to inflict them: and which in naturall reason is so cleere and perspi­cuous, that it cannot with any shew of probabilitie be impugned, but the more it is sifted and impugned, the more it appeareth plaine and manifest, as all true doctrine doth, as contrariwise falshood, the more it is examined, the more absurd it doth still appeare.

98 Besides that, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 107. nu. 21., Widdrington himselfe teacheth also in his ApologieNu, 153.154. & 15 [...]., that spirituall things may come to haue the nature of temporall things, and temporall things of spirituall, by accident, that is to say (as he himselfe doth explicate) Ratione peccati annexi. By [Page 280] reason of some sinne annexed, whereof hee also giueth this example, when Ecclesiasticall persons doe apply their spirituall power to the hurt of the tempo­rall state, or temporall men abuse their power to the preiudice of the spiri­tuall; in these cases he saith, the temporall power and state becommeth subiect to the spirituall, and the spirituall to the temporall by reason of the iniury done, and offence committed, because temporall things doe thereby come to haue the qualitie of spirituall things, and the spirituall also of temporall. Thus teacheth he in his Apologie, and affirmeth the same in effect in his Theolo­gicall Disputation.Cap. 3. sec. 1. nu. 19.

99 That doctrine, which I taught in my Apologie, is very true, and cannot with any probabilitie in the world be denied; neither hath D. Schulckenius brought any one probable proofe to impugne the same, but with railing speeches, slaunderous imputations, and fraudu­lent cauills seeketh to ouerbeare it, as I haue most cleerely shewedCalumnia 10.11.12. in the Discouery of his Calumnies. For whereas I affirmed, that as the spi­rituall power is not subiect to the temporall per se but onely per acci­dens, by reason of vertue, or vice, which are the obiects of the spirituall directiue power, and are oftentimes found in temporall actions, so the temporall power is not subiect per se to the spirituall, but onely per accidens by reason of the conseruing, or disturbing of temporall peace, which are the acts and obiects of the temporall directiue power, and are sometimes found in spirituall actions, as in vniust Excommunica­tions, and Interdicts, when by them great tumults and perturbations doe in the common-wealth arise, and in the euill administration of Sacraments, whereby death, or great corporall harme doth ensue: And as the spirituall Superiour may for the euill administration of temporall things, as they redound to the hurt of soules, punish all his subiects that shall offend therein, with spirituall punishments, which onely are the obiect of the spirituall coerciue power, so the tem­porall Superiour (abstracting from the priuiledges of Princes, and the Canons of the Church, which doe exempt Cleargie men from the coer­ciue power of Secular Magistrates) may for the euill administration of spirituall things, as they redound to the perturbation of tempo­rall peace, punish all his Subiects that shall offend therein, with temporall punishments, which onely are the obiect of the temporall coerciue power.

100 Now D. Schulckenius first affirmethPag. 208. & 292., that this doctrine is al­together intollerable, and cannot be affirmed but by one who is giuen to a re­probate sense; But how false and intollerable a slaunder this is, vncon­scionable, void of all learning, and which could not be vttered but by one, who was wholly transported with some vehement passion, I haue sufficiently shewed heeretoforeIn Append. calumnia 11..

Secondly, he cauilleth at the similitude; for that, saith he, as there is [Page 281] not the same reason of the flesh and spirit, of the body and soule, of sense and reason, of earth and heauen, of Beasts and Angels, of the sheepe and the Pastour, especially in the comparing of the subiection and dominion, so truely there is not the same reason of the temporall and spirituall power.

101 But who seeth not what a friuolous cauill this is? Who knoweth not, that the body, and the soule, sense and reason, earth and heauen, Beasts and Angels, Kings, and Popes doe agree, and are like in somethings, and that in those things wherein they agree, they may be compared together? What man of iudgement would disprooue him, that should say, that as the body is an imperfect substance, and is refer­red to the soule, so the soule is an imperfect substance, and is referred to the body: as sense is sometimes subiect to reason, so reason is some­times subiect, and captiuated by sense; as the Pope is head of the Church, and of spirituall power, so the King is head of the ciuill common-wealth, and of ciuill power: and to omit that saying of the auncient Glosse Patricius est Pater Papae in temporalibus sicut Papa est Pater Patricij in spirituali­bus. which Cardinall Bellarmine with small reuerence to antiquity affirmethBell. contra Barcla. c. 13. 16. to be razed out of the Canon law for doting olde age, who can iustly mislike the like assertion of the Glosse vpon the twelfth Chapter of S. Marke, As the King of France is subiect to the Bishop of Paris in spiritualls, and his Lord in temporalls, so Christ is the sonne of Dauid accor­ding to the flesh, and his Lord according to his Dietie? What man of lear­ning can deny, that although there be not the same reason of Christ, and Dauid, of the Bishop of Paris and the King of Fraunce, of the tempo­rall common-wealth, and the spirituall concerning the particular manner of subiection and dominion, yet in generall they may agree in this, that the one is superiour and subiect to the other, in a diuerse kind of superioritie and subiection; and that although the King of France be a sheepe, and the Bishop of Paris a spirituall Pastour, and Dauid bee a man, and Christ be God, and the spirituall common-wealth be more ex­cellent then the temporall, yet they may bee compared one with the other in diuers kindes of superioritie and subiection. But in such childish arguments, and which are not worth the answering, for want of better D. Schulckenius maketh great force.

102 Secondly, how vntrue it is which this Doctour so boldly affir­meth, and which is one of the chiefe pillars, whereon his doctrine con­cerning the Popes power to depose Princes is supported, that the tem­porall power is per so subiect to the spirituall, and that the spirituall power, or spirituall Pastours are not per accident, and by reason of vniust perturbing the publike peace subiect to the temporall power, I haue shewed at large in the second part, where I haue conuinced, that this naturall subiection and subordination of the temporall power to the spirituall, except only in perfection, and excellencie, is a meere fiction, and that to affirme, as this Doctour doth,Pag. 201. that Bishops are exempted omni iure from the ciuill [Page 282] power is a most false, and intollerable doctrine, and generally repugnant both to the doctrine of the ancient Fathers expounding that place of the Apostle, Omnis anima &c. Let euery soule be subiect to higher powers, and to the common opinion of the Diuines, and also the Iesuites, who affirme, that Cleargie men are not de facto exempted from the directiue power of temporall Princes, and that they are bound to obserue their lawes, not only by force of reason, but also by force, and vertue of the law.

103 Now Mr. Fitzherbert in like manner being not able to proue, as you haue seene, this his fained naturall subordination of the temporall common-wealth to the spirituall, except only in perfection, worth, and excellencie, as spirituall things are more excellent then temporall, which is nothing to the purpose, and denyed by no man, and hauing brought not so much as one proofe, that the temporall power, and spi­rituall doe make one body, but barely, and briefly supposeth the same, whereas aboue in the second part I haue euidently conuinced the contra­rie, euen according to Card. Bellarmines owne grounds, yet he feareth not to impeach of absurditie and impietie this doctrine, which denyeth the aforesaid subordination and vnion, thinking belike, silly man, that his bare, I say, is sufficient to satisfie the vnderstanding of the iudicious Reader. But I let passe, saith he,Pag. 108. nu. 22. Widdringtons absurd, and impious doc­trine, destroying the naturall subordination of temporall things to spirituall, when they are ioyned in one body, (which I haue amply Supra. num. 2. 3. & seq. proued euen by the law of Nature) and I only wish to be obserued, that albeit we should grant it to be true (as it is most false) that spirituall, and temporall things may take the nature, the one of the other equally, by reason of some sinne annexed, yet it would follow thereon, that the spirituall Superiour may punish euen in tem­porall things, because according to this doctrine, temporall things doe become spirituall, when the consideration of sinne entereth, whereby also they are made proper to the spirituall communitie, and consequently may be vsed, and applyed by the spirituall Superiour to the punishment of his subiects.

104 But first, to let passe, that Mr. Fitzherbert throughout this whole Treatise hath shewed himselfe to be a very vaine, absurd, igno­rant, and fowlemouthed man, and that heere he hath proued nothing else by the law of Nature, then that spirituall things are to be preferred before temporall things, as the more perfect before the lesse perfect, the soule before the body, religion before policie, heauen before earth, and God before the world, and consequently that the temporall com­mon-wealth is in perfection, worth, and excellencie, but not in autho­ritie subiect to the spirituall, which no man calleth in question, why doth he adde out of his owne braine that word [equally] except only to cauill, and to perswade his Reader, that I affirmed that spirituall and temporall things may be compared together not only in generall, but also in euery point in particular, and that betwixt them there is no dis­paritie [Page 283] at all: seeing that I did not vse that word [equally] but the doc­trine which I taught was this, that not only temporall things by reason of some sinne annexed may oftentimes take the nature of spirituall things, and therefore may be forbidden by the spirituall power of the Church, which hath for the obiect of her directiue power, vertue and vice in what actions so euer either temporall, or spirituall they are to be found, and consequently may be punished also by the Church with Ec­clesiasticall Censures, which only are the obiect of her coerciue, or pu­nishing power: but also spirituall things, by reason of some vnlawfull disturbance of the publike temporall peace annexed vnto them, may sometimes take the nature of temporall things, and therefore may be forbidden by the temporall power of the Ciuill common-wealth, which hath for the obiect of her directiue power the procuring, and maintaining of publike peace, and the shunning of all vnlawfull dis­turbance of this temporall peace, in what actions soeuer either tempo­rall or spirituall they are to be found; and consequently may be also punished (if we abstract from the priueledges of Princes, and Ecclesi­asticall Canons) with temporall punishments, which only are the ob­iect of the temporall coerciue power. For what sensible man can deny, that temporall Princes haue authoritie, if we regard the nature and ob­iects of temporall power, to forbid all men whatsoeuer, that are sub­iect to their directiue power, as also, according to the common doc­trine of Diuines, are Cleargie men, not to disturbe wrongfully the pub­like temporall peace by any actions whatsoeuer, and to punish all them, that shall transgresse their iust command, and are subiect to their coerciue power, with temporall punishments: and that when the tem­porall Prince forbiddeth all vnlawfull poysonings, the vnlawfull poy­soning of men by spirituall actions, as by baptizing with poisoned wa­ter is not contained vnder this command?

105 Secondly, it is not true, that granting once as I often doe, that temporall things may take the nature of spirituall things by reason of sinne annexed, it must follow thereon, as Mr. Fitzherbert conclu­deth, that the spirituall Superiour may punish in temporall things, or, which he taketh for all one, may inflict temporall punishments: and the perspicu­ous reason heereof I alledged before: for although temporall punishments doe become spirituall things, when the consideration of sinne entereth, for which they may be subiect to the directiue power of the Church, which hath for her obiect vertue, or vice, and consequently they may be commanded, or forbidden by the spirituall power of the Church, as it is directiue, yet still they remaine temporall punishments which are only subiect to the coerciue, or punishing power of temporall Princes; and therefore cannot be vsed, or inflicted by the coerciue, or punishing power of the Church, which hath for her obiect spirituall, or Ecclesi­asticall [Page 284] Censures, and not temporall punishments. Wherefore vnlesse the consideration of sinne can make, which is impossible, temporall pu­nishments to be, I doe not say, spirituall things, but spirituall punishments, it can neuer make temporall punishments to be the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is coerciue, although it maketh them to be the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is directiue. But my Aduersarie by not disting­uishing these two powers, and their proper acts, and obiects would blind the vnderstanding of his vnlearned Reader with a confused redu­ction of temporall things to spirituall, which this distinction of the di­rectiue, and coerciue power, and the proper acts, and obiects of either of them doth make most plaine, and manifest.

106 Also if temporall things, saith Mr. FitzherbertPag. 1. 8. nu 23. 24. may be come spi­rituall by reason of sinne annexed, why shall they not also haue a spirituall nature, and qualitie by the connexion of some vertue, and specially when they are applied, as I haue said before, to a spirituall end as to the seruice and glory of God, which is the end of all things spirituall, and temporall: to which pur­pose it may be obserued, Rom. 12. that S. Paul exhorted the Romaines to exhibite their bodies, hostiam viuentem, sanctam, Deo placentem, &c. a liuing sacrifice, holy, and pleasing God; giuing to vnderstand, that our bodies, goods, and what temporall thing soeuer is subiect to our soule (being dedica­ted and applyed to Gods seruice, and the good of the soule) is sanctified ther­by, and becommeth spirituall: Whereupon it followeth that whensoeuer a spi­rituall Superiour punisheth his temporall subiects in their bodies, or goods for satisfaction of their sinnes, and for the seruice of God, and the Church, and the good of soules, their corporall and temporall punishments becommeth spiri­tuall by reason of the end, and the vertue annexed, and consequently is most lawfull and iust euen according to my Aduersarie Widdringtons owne doctrine.

107 Whereto I also adde, that whereas Widdrington saith, that eue­rie Superiour may punish his subiects with penalties proportionate to his authoritie, he must needes grant the same in this case: for albeit tempo­rall goods haue no naturall proportion with spirituall things, yet they haue a morall proportion therewith, because they are not able instruments of good workes, [...]. Pet. 2. in which respect S. Peter calleth Almes, and other good workes spi­rituales Hostias, spirituall Sacrifices, albeit they consist in the vse and im­ployment of temporall things; and therefore when temporall things are neces­sarie to a spirituall end, they may be disposed of by the Church, as proportio­nate to the end whereto they are necessarie.

108 No man maketh any doubt, but that temporall things may become spirituall not only by reason of sinne, but also of vertue annex­ed, especially when they are applyed to a spirituall end, as to the seruice and glory of God, who is the end of all things spirituall, and temporall: and therefore when one doth punish his body by fasting, discipline, [Page 285] hairecloath, or such like for the satisfaction of his sinnes, and for the seruice of God, although they be corporall punishments, yet they are ver­tuous actions, and in that regard spirituall things, and consequently sub­iect to the spirituall power of the Church as it is directiue: But from hence it doth not follow, that these temporall punishments by reason of vertue annexed doe become spirituall punishments, but only vertuous actions, and in that regard spirituall things; for still they remaine tempo­rall punishments, and therefore not subiect to the spirituall power of the Church as it is coerciue, which hath for her obiect only the vsing and inflicting of Ecclesiasticall, or spirituall, not temporall, or Ciuill pu­nishments. Wherefore a spirituall Superiour hath no authoritie by the institution of Christ to punish in body or goods, for any end whatso­euer by way of constraint, his spirituall subiects, whether they be Clearkes, or Lay-men (whom Mr. Fitzherbert improperly calleth his temporall Subiects, for although they be temporall men, yet com­paring them to spirituall Superiours, they are spirituall, not temporall Subiects) for that the obiect of the spirituall coerciue power are not temporall, or corporall, but only spirituall Censures, or punishments: although he may, as I said, command such corporall punishments, when they are necessarie for the good of the soule, in which case they become spirituall things, to wit, vertuous actions, which are the ob­iect of the spirituall directiue power. But the cause of Mr. Fitzherberts errour is, for that he doth not distinguish betwixt spirituall or temporall things, and spirituall or temporall punishments, and betwixt the acts, and obiects of the spirituall directiue, and of the spirituall coerciue power: for although temporall punishments by reason of vertue annexed doe be­come spirituall things, that is, vertuous actions, and therefore subiect to the spirituall directiue power, yet they doe not become spirituall Cen­sures, and therefore not subiect to the spirituall power, as it is coerciue, but they still remaine temporall punishments, which are the obiect only of the temporall coerciue power.

109 Wherefore that also, which he addeth, that euery Superiour may, according to my doctrine, punish his Subiect with penalties proportionate to his authoritie, is very true; but he must still distinguish betwixt the directiue, and coerciue power, or authoritie, and in what manner tempo­rall punishments are proportionate to either of them. For because as well temporall as spirituall punishments may be vertuous, or vicious actions, therefore they are proportionate to the spirituall directiue power, whose proper acts, and obiects are the commanding of vertue, and the forbidding of vice, but because not the commanding either of temporall or spirituall punishments, but only the actuall punishing with Ecclesiasticall censures, or the inflicting of spirituall punishments, is the proper act, and obiect of the spirituall coerciue power, therefore [Page 286] the inflicting onely of spirituall punishments, and not of temporall is proportionate to the spirituall coerciue power. From whence it eui­dently followeth, that the Church for a spirituall end may command temporall things, but not dispose of temporall things: may command one to giue Almes for the satisfaction of his sinnes, but may not take away his purse from him to giue Almes for that end, may commaund one to punish and macerate his body, when it rebelleth against the soule, but not inflict vpon him corporall punishments for the same end.

110 And by this also all the rest, which Mr. Fitzherbert addeth in this Chapter is clearely answered, and the manifest absurditie, which hee would put vpon mee, doth manifestly fall vpon himselfe. But now (saith he)Pag. 109. nu. 25.26.27. if together with all this we consider the naturall subordination of temporall things to spirituall (whereof I haue sufficiently treated before Supra num. 2 3.4. & seq.) Widdringtons absurdity will be most manifest, as well in denying, that the spirituall Superiour may punish his subiect in his person, or temporall goods for a spirituall end, as in affirming that the spirituall power may become subiect to the temporall, no lesse then the temporall to the spirituall, as though there were no subordination or subiection of the one to the other; wherein he peruer­teth the whole course of Nature, no lesse then if he should say that in some ca­ses the soule may be subiect to the body, heauen to earth, religion to policie, Angels to men, and God to the world; whereby you may still see what pro­bable arguments, and answers he affordeth his Reader, for the assurance and security of their consciences, See Preface num. 9. See also the answere ther­to, nu. 9. & seq. and that he had great reason to protest (as you may remember I haue signified in the Preface) that his meaning is not to lay downe any demonstrations or infallible arguments for the proofe or defence of his opinion.

111 For truely all that he saith, doth demonstrate nothing else, but the weakenesse of his cause, and his owne wilfulnesse, if not of malice, in defen­ding such an improbable and extrauagant Paradoxe as this is, which hee holdeth and defendeth contrary to the vniuersall and continuall custome of the Church, grounded vpon the holy Scriptures, the practise of the Apo­stles, and the decrees of Popes, and Councels, and finally contrary to the whole course of the Canon law; as it will euidently appeare in the ensuing Chapters: and as Cardinall Bellarmine against Barclay, and Doctour Schulckenius in his late Apologie for the Cardinall, and diuers others haue sufficiently shewed: and amongst our learned Countrimen Mr. Doctor Weston hath clerely & soundly proued it in his booke intituled Iuris Ponti­ficij Sanctuarium, wherein he battereth all the foundations of my Aduer­sarie Widdringtons doctrine, and fully confuteth him, as well in all other points, as in this, touching the Popes power to punish temporally, which hee Quest. 17.18.19.20.21. & 22. doth learnedly and amply demonstrate, as well by the holy Scriptures, as by many examples of the Churches practise, to wit, by diuers kinde of diuorces, [Page 287] by the relaxation of debts, exemption of children frō the power of their parents, the abrogation of temporall and Ciuill lawes, the dissolution of contracts, and bargaines, and finally, by the imposition of temporall penalties, almost v­suall, and ordinarie in the practise of the Church, as hee sheweth very particularly by the Ecclesiasticall Canons. I forbeare for breuities sake to prosecute these points in particular; only I shall haue iust occasion to treate now and then of the infliction of temporall penalties, in answer of my Aduersaries pertinent obiections out of the Canons, and Canonists, which I hope may suf­fice, for as much as I haue vndertaken to performe in this briefe Reply.

112 But all that my Aduersary heere obiecteth I haue alreadie sufficiently confuted. And first I haue cleerely conuinced, that there is no naturall subordination of the temporall power to the spiritual, ex­cept in nobilitie, and therefore that neither the spirituall power, spea­king properly, and in abstracto, is subiect to the temporall, nor the tem­porall to the spirituall, except, as I said, in worth, excellency and nobi­litie, wherein the spirituall doth excell, but not in authoritie, wherein they are both supreme, vnlesse my Aduersaries will grant, that tempo­rall Princes are not supreme, and absolute in temporall matters, and spirituall Pastours are not supreme and absolute in spirituall causes, which is a Paradox in true Diuinity. Secondly, I haue proued also most plainly, that not onely temporall Princes, being parts and members of the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, are subiect to spirituall Pastours in spirituall things, but also spirituall Pastours, being parts and members of the temporall common-wealth, are subiect to temporall Princes in all temporall things, except wherein the law of God, or man hath exempted them: and to affirme the contrary were to peruert the whole course of Nature, no lesse then if one should say, that members are not subiect to the whole body, and to the head thereof, the bodie and soule to man, heauen and earth to the whole world, religion, pollicy, men, Angels, and the whole world to God. Whereby you still see what improbable arguments & answeres my Aduersary affoordeth his Readers for the assurance and securitie of their consciences in a matter belonging to their obedience due to God, and Caesar, and which, forsooth, he will needes haue to be a point of faith, to the proofe where­of it is not sufficient to bring probable arguments, but conuincing de­monstrations, as contrariwise it sufficeth to bring probable arguments, and probable answeres to prooue any doctrine not to be certaine, and of faith, as I haue shewed more amply in the answere to his Preface, where­to heere he remitteth his Reader.

113 For truely all the effectuall proofes, and cleere demonstra­tions, which hitherto he hath brought, are only to demonstrate both the weakenesse of his cause, and also his fraud and ignorance, in dis­sembling the true state of the question in almost euery particular diffi­cultie, [Page 288] and confounding his Readers vnderstanding with ambiguous words, and sentences, which being once explained, and the ambigui­tie of them laid open, doe foorthwith discouer either his want of lear­ning, or sinceritie, as you may see almost in euery Chapter. Neither is this his new coined Catholike faith concerning the Popes power to depose Princes, agreeable to the vniuersall, and continuall custome of the Catholike Church; both for that this custome, I doe not say, of the Church, but of some Popes to depose Princes, began first by Pope Gregorie the seuenth,Onuphr. lib. 4. de varia creat. Rom. Pont. who was the first Pope, saith Onuphrius, that contrarie to the custome of his Ancestours deposed the Emperour: A thing vnheard of before that age: and also for that it hath beene euer euen vnto this day contradicted by learned Catholikes; and therefore neither in regard of time, or persons can it bee called vniuersall: neither can it be conuinced either by the holy Scriptures, the practise of the Apostles, the decrees of Popes, or Councells, or any one constitution of the Canon law. What Cardinall Bellarmine hath proued against D. Barclay, hath beene answe­red by Mr. Iohn Barclay, to whose booke neither Card. Bellarmine, not any other for him can in my iudgment make a sufficient Reply; and what D. Schulckenius hath prooued against me, you haue seene partly in this Treatise, and partly in the Discouerie of his calumnies, wherein I haue cleerely shewed, all the arguments he bringeth to accuse me, and my doctrine of heresie, to be slanderous, and himselfe to bee void of all Christian sinceritie, modestie, iustice, and charitie.

114 And as for D. Weston, because his zeale is so furious, his rai­ling so intemperate, and his arguments of so little force, and for that very few of our Countrymen, for ought I can learne, are greatly moued, but most men much scandalized with his vncharitable, vnlearned, and immodest Reply, howsoeuer Mr. Fitzherbert expecting be like the same from him doth so exceedingly extoll it, I thinke it neither needefull, nor expedient, (vnlesse I should answere him in his railing humour, ac­cording to the aduice of the wise man, respondea [...] stulto iuxto stultitiam suam, which some vncharitable spirits, who seeke all meanes to disgrace me, would quickly reprehend in me) to make him any formall answere, especially seeing that all the arguments hee hath scraped together, (the chiefe heads whereof are heere in generall mentioned by my Aduersa­rie, to wit, the holy Scriptures, and many examples of the Churches practise, as diuers kinde of diuorces, relaxation of debts, exemption of children from the power of their Parents, the abrogation of tem­porall, and Ciuill lawes, the dissolution of contracts, and bargaines the imposition of temporall penalties, and the right which spirituall Pastours haue, to haue corporall maintenance, and to take water to bap­tize children) haue beene by me alreadie either in particular, or in ge­nerall sufficiently answered.

[Page 289]115 For first his arguments taken from the authoritie of the ho­ly Scriptures I haue answered in particular: and secondly all his other proofes, and examples, which are grounded vpon the practise of the Church, and the Canons of Popes, or Councells, are to be vnderstood ei­ther of the disposing of spirituall things (as of the conditions, and impediments of Matrimonie, which is not a meere ciuill contract, but also a Sacrament, and spirituall contract representing the vnion and coniunction of Christ our Sauiour with the mysticall body of his Church: and therefore because it is both a Sacrament, and also a ciuill contract, it is now the more common opinion of Diuines, See Zanche. lib. 7. de matrim. disp. 3. that Secular Princes, if wee regard the nature of ciuill power, haue also authoritie to ordaine the conditions, and impediments of Matri­monie as it is a ciuill contract: And although the Popes haue now re­serued to themselues all causes belonging to Matrimonie, in so much that Christian Princes cannot now lawfully dispose of the conditions, and impediments of Matrimonie, yet Petrus a Soto is of opinion,Petr. Sot. lec. 4 de matrim ver­sus finem. that the Pope cannot depriue Princes of this their ciuill authoritie, but that they of their owne accord, and mooued by pietie haue yeelded to this reseruation of the Pope, in regard that marriage is not onely a Ciuill contract, but also a Sacrament of the Church) or else they are so to bee vnderstood, that they did confirme the Imperiall, and Ciuill lawes, or that they were made by the authoritie and expresse, or tacite consent of temporall Princes, or that they did declare the law of GOD, and nature, by which wee are commanded to auoide all probable dan­ger of sinne; or that they did only command, and enioyne, not inflict temporall penalties; or finally, that they did only argue a priuate right to some temporall thing, but not by way of authoritie, or superiori­tie to dispose of the same, as not onely Priests, but also priuate lay men may lawfully take another mans water to baptize a childe in ex­treame necessitie, and spirituall Pastours haue a right to bee corpo­rally releeued by them, to whom they minister spirituall things, as Saint Paul prooueth, 1. Corinth. 9. and in the ende concludeth, So also our Lord ordained for them that preach the Gospel to liue of the Gospell.

116 And can any iudicious man perswade himselfe, that if Mr. Fitzherbert had thought in very deede these arguments of D. Weston, to bee such conuincing proofes, and demonstrations, as in wordes hee boasteth, he would for breuities sake haue forborne to vrge some of them in particular, seeing that hee did not forbeare for breuities sake to take the greatest part of sixe or seuen chapters of this his Re­ply, which containeth only seuenteene Chapters in all, out of Fa Lessius, masked vnder D. Singletons name, concerning the Canon of the Coun­cell of Lateran; and by that decree touching the exemption of Chil­dren, [Page 290] which he hath singled out of the rest (for that, as I imagine, it was also greatly vrged by Fa. Suarez) to which aboue I haue fully answered, you may easily coniecture, what kinde of demonstrations are contained in the rest. Wherefore to conclude this Chapter, if the Rea­der will but briefly reduce to some syllogisticall forme, or methode, all the Rhetoricall flourish, which Mr. Fitzherbert hath heere made con­cerning the law of Nature, it will presently appeare, that hee hath prooued nothing else by the law of Nature, then that spirituall things are more perfect, excellent, and worthie then temporall, and that the temporall common-wealth is in perfection, worth, and nobilitie sub­iect, and subordinate to the spirituall, but that Religious Priests haue authoritie to punish the Ciuill Common-wealth or supreame gouernours thereof, especially with temporall punishments, he hath no way proued by the law of Nature, but the flat contrarie I haue most cleerely con­uinced, for that in the law of Nature the Ciuill Common-wealth it selfe had the supreame authoritie to dispose of all things, not only con­cerning State, but also Religion.

CHAP. VII.

VVherein certaine places of the old and New Testament are explai­ned: D. Schulckenius Reply to the answere I made to those wordes, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose, &c. and Cardinall Bellarmines second reason, and Fa. Parsons answere to the Earle of Salisbury grounded thereon, and other arguments brought by M. Fitzherbert from the examples of Ananias and Saphyra, and of others, and from the practise of the Church, and from the person of man, are cleerely confuted.

1. THE seuenth Chapter Mr. Fitzherbert begin­neth in this manner. Now let vs see, saith he,Pag. 112. how my Aduersarie Widdrington proceedeth, who hauing giuen his reason (though so weake as you haue heard) why hee thinketh it to bee against reason, that a spirituall Superiour should punish tem­porally, vndertaketh to answere one place onely al­leadged by me out of the old law, and foure out of the new, omitting to say any thing else in particular to all the other places, and arguments, which I vrged out of the law of God, and Nature.

2 But first it is not true, as Mr. Fitzherbert saith, that I gaue any reason at all, why I thought it to bee against reason, that a spirituall Su­periour [Page 291] should punish temporally, for I neuer thought this to bee against naturall reason. That which I affirmed onely was, that true reason doeth teach, that euery Superiour hath power to punish his sub­iect with some punishment proportionate to his authoritie, to wit, by depriuing him of those goods, which are proper to that Communi­tie, whereof hee is Superiour; but that any other Superiour besides the supreame Gouernour of the ciuill common-wealth hath power to pu­nish his subiects with death, mayming, or depriuation of temporall goods, it cannot bee deduced from the necessarie rule, or prescript of true reason; This was that I said: Now what man of learning that knoweth the difference betwixt contra naturam, secundū naturam, praeter and supra naturam, that is, against nature, according to nature, besides and aboue nature, would affirme, that because I thinke, it cannot bee de­duced from the law of Nature, or the prescript of true naturall reason, as Mr. Fitzherbert pretended to prooue, that a spirituall Superiour may punish temporally, therefore I must thinke, that it is against Nature that a spirituall Superiour may punish temporally; as though this proposi­tion, It cannot bee prooued by the law of Nature, that a spirituall Superiour may punish temporally, doth according to his logicke necessarily inferre, that therefore it is against the law of Nature that a spirituall Superiour may punish temporally. For I make no doubt, but that Christ our Saui­our might if it had pleased him, haue giuen authoritie, as I am fully per­swaded hee hath not, to spirituall Pastours to punish temporally, and so in this case hee had granted nothing against the law of Nature, or against the prescript of true naturall reason, but only aboue Nature, and the light of naturall reason, yet in this case it could not bee prooued by the law of Nature, but only by the positiue institution, and law of Christ, that spirituall Pastours haue authoritie to punish temporally. Where­fore the law of Nature hath neither commanded, nor forbidden, hath neither giuen, nor denyed to spirituall Pastours authoritie to punish temporally, but if they haue any such authoritie, it must be giuen them by the positiue grant of GOD, or man, and consequently it is neither a­gainst, nor according, but aboue, or besides the law of Nature, that spiritual Pastors should haue any such authoritie to punish temporally.

3 Secondly, the reason why I omitted to say something in particu­lar to euery part of his idle Discourse in this Reply of his, but answe­red onely some certaine arguments drawne from those sixe generall heads, to wit, from the old law, and the new, the law of Nature, and nations, the Canon, and the Ciuill law, was not for that I could not an­swere particularly euery one of them, as the Reader may see by this Treatise, wherein I haue answered his whole Reply, and euery part thereof; but the reason was, for that neither the breuitie of such a short Admonition, nor the Printer, who had then finished the whole Dis­putation, [Page 292] would hardly permit me to make so long a Discourse, as there I made, and therfore I chose out of purpose certaine arguments drawne from each one of those sixe seuerall heads, which I thought to bee the strongest, and which being answered, the iudicious Reader might easily perceiue how all the rest might in the like maner be fully satisfied.

4 Now you shall see what he obiecteth against that which I there did answere. And first he setteth downe my words, which are these: Fiftly, he that will diligently consider the vnder written sentences of S. Augustine, and Cardinall Bellarmine will presently perceiue what a for­cible proofe can bee deduced from that of Deuteronomie the 17. and such like places of the Old Testament, which is a figure of the new. Ex­communication, Bellar. lib. 2. de Ecclesia cap. 6. S. August. q. 39. in Deut. saith Cardinall Bellarmine, hath that place in the Church which the punishment of death had in the Old Testament, and which the Common-wealth hath in temporals. And Saint Augustine saith, that Excommunication doth this now in the Church, which killing or death did then in the Old Testament. In which place hee compareth that which was said in the 24. of Deuteronomy, He shall be slaine, and thou shalt take away the euill from amidst thee, with that which the Apostle saith 1 Co­rinth. 5. Auferte malum ex vobis ipsis, Take away euill from among your selues. S. August. lib. 2. de fide, & operibus cap. 2. And Saint Augustine teacheth in another place, That the ma­teriall sword which Moyses and Phinees vsed in the Old Testament, was a figure of the degradations and excommunications which are to be vsed in the new law, seeing that in the discipline of the Church, saith S. Augustine, the visible sword shall cease.

5 To this my answere Mr. Fitzherbert replyethPag. 113. nu. 2., in this manner. Thus saith my Aduersary Widdrington, wherein he rather fortifieth and strengtheneth our cause, then weakeneth or hurteth it any way. For if you note well what Widdrington saith, and inferreth, he prooueth nothing else, but that the penalty of temporall or corporall death is not now inflicted in the new Testament, as it was in the old, and that the same is now turned to the spiri­tuall death of the soule by Excommunication, which we denie not. But will he inferre hereupon, that therefore the Church cannot now inflict other tem­porall penalties? So should he make a very absurd inference, especially seeing that the penalty of Excommunication, which, as he himselfe granted, sup­plyeth the place of corporall death, includeth a temporall punishment by the se­paration of the delinquent from the conuersation of men, and from diuers other temporall commodities, as I haue shewed in the last Chapter Num. 18..

6 But truely I cannot but smile to see the vanitie of this man, who though he see himselfe altogether vanquished, yet he boasteth that hee is victorious, and although he clearely perceiueth, yea, and almost expressely confesseth, that his argument taken from the words of Deuteronomie the 17. Chapter to be quite ouerthrowne, yet hee brag­geth that his cause is not thereby weakened or hurt any way, but rather [Page 293] fortified, and strengthened. For if you note well what he granteth, to wit, That the penalty of corporall death is not now inflicted in the new Testa­ment as it was in the olde, and that the same is now turned to the spirituall death of the soule by excommunication, you cannot but clearely see that his argument taken from Deuteronomy the 17. Chapter, which onely text in particular I vndertooke to answere, and which speaketh onely of corporall death, is quite ouerthrowne: and yet, forsooth, I doe hereby rather fortifie and strengthen, then weaken or hurt any way his cause: By which you may plainely perceiue what credit is to be giuen to the rest of his vaine-glorious brags, seeing that in this so manifest an ouer­throw of his argument, taken from the words of Deuteronomie the 17. he is not ashamed to boast that I haue rather fortified and strengthened then weakened or hurt any way his cause. But will Widdrington, saith he, inferre hereupon, that therefore the Church cannot now inflict other tem­porall penalties? So should he make a very absurd inference, especially, seeing that the penalty of Excommunication includeth a temporall punishment, &c. The inference that Widdrington maketh is, that from the wordes of Deuteronomy the 17. which speake onely of corporall death, Mr. Fitz­herbert hath brought no good argument; for that according to the doctrine of Saint Augustine, and Cardinall Bellarmine, which hee himselfe also will not denie, The penalty of corporall death is now in the new law turned to the death of the soule by Excommunication. Neither is it true, that Excommunication, being of it own nature a separation frō the Ecclesi­asticall conuersation of the faithfull, doth of it owne nature include any tem­porall punishment at all, as also I haue shewed in the last Chapter, albe­it I doe not denie that the Church hath now by way of command, an­nexed to Excommunication some temporall penalties, but not by way of inflicting them, as I declared in that place, for I euer granted that the Church hath power to command, enioyne, or impose temporall punish­ments, but not to inflict them: yet these to command, and to inflict, to impose, and to dispose, my Aduersary doth commonly confound.

7 Besides that, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 114. nu­mer. 4.5. it is euident, that in the olde Testament euen the temporall Princes themselues were punished by depriuati­on of their right to their temporall states, and dominions as 1 Reg. 16. Saul by Samuel, Athalia4 Reg. 11. by Ioiada, Ioram4 Reg. 9. by one of the children of the Prophets, who be­ing sent by Elizeus annointed Iehu King of Israel, to the end he might destroy Iesabel, & all the house of Achab. Also Ozias was not only corporally expelled out of the temple by the Priests, & confined by their sentence to liue priuately is his own house but (according to the opinion & doctrine of S. Chrysostome) he ought also to haue beene wholy depriued of the gouernment, as I haue signi­fied before Cap. 5. nu. 21. & 22. at large. And therefore seeing he telleth vs how the penalty of corporall death (which was ordained in the olde Testament) is now fulfilled spiritually in the new; let him also tell vs, to what spirituall punishment the [Page 294] depriuation of Princes right to their states, and other temporall penalties then vsuall, are now conuerted, to the end that wee may see the correspondence of the figure to the veritie in matters of punishment and in the meane time let him acknowledge, according to his owne doctrine, and instance here produced, that the Church may punish temporally, seeing it may excommunicate and conse­quently depriue men of many temporall commodities.

8 But this also is very vntrue, that the Priests of the olde Testament had authoritie to punish temporall Princes, by depriuing them of their right to their temporall states, and dominions, as I amply prooued a­boue in the 5. Chapter. Neither doe these examples, brought here by Mr. Fitzherbert, prooue any such thing. For to the examples of King Ozias and Athalia, I haue answered aboue at large. And as for the o­ther two, besides that Samuel, Elias, and Elizeus, were not Priests, it is manifest, that what they did concerning the annointing, or deposing of any King, they did it not by their owne authority, but onely as Pro­phets, and speciall messengers sent by God to that purpose. How long (saith God to Samuel)1 Reg. 16. dost thou mourne Saul, whom I haue reiected, that hee rule not ouer Israel? Fill thy horne with oyle, and come, that I may send thee to Isai the Bethleemite, for I haue prouided me a King among his Sons. And again, Goe, (saith God to3 Reg. 19. Elias) and returne into thy way by the de­sert of Damascus, and when thou art come thither, thou shalt annoint Haza­el King ouer Syria, and Iehu the Sonne of Namsi thou shalt annoint King o­uer Israel, and Elizeus the Sonne of Saphat, thou shalt annoynt Prophet for thee. And therefore he that was sent by Elizeus to annoint Iehu, was commanded to speake in the person of God, & not of Elizeus; And hol­ding (saith4 Reg. 9. Elizeus to him that was sent) the little boxe of oyle, thou shalt power vpon his head, and shalt say, Thus saith our Lord, I haue annointed thee King ouer Israel. Now, what man of iudgement would make this inference, that because in the olde lawe some Prophets, who were no Priests, did by the expresse commandement of God, make, annoint, or depose Kings, therefore the Priests in the new law haue ordinary power and authority to doe the same. Belike Mr. Fitzherbert, will approoue also this argument, that because Elias was commanded by God to an­noint not onely Iehu King ouer Israel, but also Hazael King ouer Sy­ria, therefore the Pope hath authority to make, and depose, not onely Christian, but also Pagan Kings.

9 Wherefore that demand, which is heere made by my Aduer­sary, to what spirituall punishment the depriuation of Princes right to their States, and other temporall penalties then vsuall, are now conuerted, to the end wee may see the correspondence of the figure to the veritie in matters of punishment, is friuolous; both for that the Priests of the old law had no authority to depriue Kings of their temporall States, and Dominions, or to inflict temporall punishments; and also albeit they had such an [Page 295] authority, neuerthelesse it could not bee prooued from thence, by de­ducing an argument from the figure to the veritie, that therefore the Priests of the new law must haue authoritie to doe the like, but things farre more noble, and excellent, for that the veritie must be of a more high and excellent order, then the figure, as in the fifth Chapter I pro­ued more at large. And therefore as in the olde law all the figures, promises, and punishments were temporall, so in the new law the veri­tie, promises, and punishments, which correspond thereunto, must be spirituall, not temporall, for otherwise the figure should bee the same with the veritie, and not of an higher nature, and order then the verity: So that temporall life, must correspond to spirituall life, temporall kingdomes to spirituall kingdomes, temporall goods to spirituall goods, temporall promises, and rewards to spirituall promises, and re­wards, and temporall punishments to spirituall punishments; all which spirituall punishments are contained in Excommunication Maior, and Minor, and in other Ecclesiasticall Censures and punishments. And to that, which he addeth in the end, that I must acknowledge according to my owne doctrine, that the Church may punish temporally, seeing that shee may excommunicate, I haue already fullyCap. answered, and denyed his consequence, for that the Church of Christ neither by Excōmunication, nor by any other way, hath by the institution of Christ authoritie to inflict temporall punishments, but only to punish temporally by way of command, which no man denyeth. And thus much concerning the olde law.

10 Now to the authorities, which Mr. Fitzherbert brought out of the new Testament, I answered thus: Sixtly, those places of the new Testament, Quodcunque solueris super terram, &c.Matth. 16. Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon earth, &c. and Pasce oues meas, Ioan. 21. Feede my sheepe, as also the reason which Fa. Parsons bringeth, to wit, that otherwise the Eccle­siasticall common-wealth should bee imperfect, and not sufficient for it selfe, are explicated by mee elsewhere. And that corporall killing of Ana­nias, and Saphira, and the visible deliuering of the fornicatour to Sa­than, are to be referred to the grace of miracles. Neither will this Au­thour say, as I imagine, that the Pope hath power to kill wicked men, and malefactours with the word of his mouth.

11 To this my answere Mr. Fitzherbert replieth in the same or­der: And first to my answere to those two places, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose, &c. and Feede my sheepe, which I made in my Apologie Apolog. nu. 35. & seq. & nu. 203. & seq., where­vnto I remitted the Reader, he replieth thus:Pag. 115. nu. 6.7.8. That which Widdring­ton saith in his Apologie concerning these two texts all [...]dged out of the Gospell, is no other but to prooue, that Christ gaue thereby to S. Peter a spi­rituall authoritie onely, which we willingly grant, as D. Adolphus Schulc­keniusAdolph. Schulck. in A­polog. c. 4. § Res­pondeo p. 136 in his answere for Cardinall Bellarmine hath declared sufficiently, [Page 296] and tolde my Aduersary Widdrington withall, how vainely he hath labou­red with a long discourse, and many idle words to prooue that, which neither the Cardinall, nor any other Catholike will deny.

12 For wee willingly grant, saith Schulckenius, that the Popes power is formally spirituall, though virtually it is also temporall, extending it selfe to temporall things so farre forth, as they are subordinate to the spiri­tuall, and the necessitie of the Church shall require. So hee. Ibidem. and afterwards he also explicateth the same in these words; Nam & animus noster spiritus est, &c. For our soule, saith he, is a spirit, and hath a spirituall power, and yet it doth not onely thereby gouerne the body which is subiect vnto it, but doth also chastise it with corporall punishments, as watching, hairecloth, fa­sting, and whipping. And therefore if Bellarmine did say, that the Pope doth iudge the faults of Princes, and vpon their desert depriue them some­times of their gouernment by a temporall power, his Aduersary Widdring­ton should say somewhat to the purpose; but now seeing that Bellarmine saith, that the Pope vseth a spirituall power, when hee depriueth Princes of their States, for spirituall and Ecclesiasticall crimes (such as heresies and Schismes are) his Aduersary Widdrington doth idlely beate the ayre, &c. for he should haue prooued, that a supreme spirituall power cannot extend it selfe to dispose of temporall things, as they are referred to spirituall things. Thus saith Schulckenius.

13 And thereof my Aduersary Widdrington might haue taken no­tice, if it had pleased him, when he referred me, and his Readers to his Apo­logie for answere to those places. For albeit he may perhaps pretend that hee had not seene Schulckenius his Apologie for the Cardinall, before hee had ended his Theologicall Disputation; yet it is euident, that he had seene, and read it before he wrote his Admonition to the Reader, wherein he wri­teth against me. For he not onely maketh mention therein of the Apologie of Schulckenius, but also carpeth at him for some things that hee handleth; and therefore if he had meant sincerely, he would not haue remitted vs to his owne Apologie for this point, without some confutation of Schulckenius his Answere thereto; I meane of so much as concerneth this matter. For otherwise he may multiply bookes, and write of this controuersie as long as he liueth, and all to no purpose, if he will still stand vpon his first grounds, and dissemble the answeres that are made thereto: and therefore as hee remitteth me to his Apologie, so I remit him also to the answere of Schulckenius, which I haue partly laide downe heere, and may be seene more at large in him. And this shall suffice for this point.

14 But truely it is intollerable, that these men should so shame­fully both abuse me, and delude their Reader, I doe not say, onely in dissembling the answere I made to their argument, but in plainly cor­rupting the words, and manifest sense thereof, in which manner they may multiply bookes, and make Replies with ease, but with shame [Page 297] enough. For it is too too apparantly vntrue, that I labored in that place to prooue nothing else, as those men falsly affirme, but that which nei­ther Cardinall Bellarmine, nor any other Catholike will deny, to wit, that Christ gaue to S. Peter a spirituall authoritie onely; (although it be well knowne, that the common opinion of the Canonists doth deny the same, who contend that Christ gaue thereby to S. Peter not onely spiri­tuall, but also temporall authoritie, and made him thereby not onely a spirituall, but also a temporall Monarch, and therefore Mr. Fitzherbert is grosly mistaken, in saying so boldly, that neither Cardinall Bellar­mine, nor any other Catholike will deny that Christ gaue thereby to S. Peter a spirituall authoritie onely.) For I did not contend in that place about the authority which was giuen to Saint Peter, to binde and loose (which Cardinall Bellarmine taketh to bee all one, with to feede his sheepe) whether it was temporall, or spirituall, or both, as the Canonists wil haue it, but about the acts and effects of that power and authority, and I affirme that the effects of that power which was giuen to S. Peter to binde, and loose, to wit, the bindings, and loosings themselues, were spiri­tuall, and not temporall bindings and loosings. For this was my answere in that placeApolog. [...] 35.36..

15And although it be generally said by Christ our Sauiour, whatsoe­uer thou shalt binde, &c. yet without doubt neither is that word [whatsoe­uer] to bee taken in it whole latitude or generality, or, as the Logicians say, with a complete distribution, but with some limitatiō, or accommodate distribution, neither did Christ our Sauiour speake of euery binding, but only of a certaine, & determinate binding. And by the words that go be­fore, to wit [the keyes of the kingdome of heauen] and by those that follow [& in caelis, also in heauen] it is plaine enough, that this bond, which the Ecclesiasticall power may by the institution of Christ, binde and loose, is not a temporall [...]nd, but that it appertaineth to a heauenly and spirituall binding. Whereupon the Interlineall Glosse, expounding those wordes Matth. 18. What things soeuer you shall binde, with the bond, saith hee, of Anathema. Which also Franciscus Suarez, a most famous Diuine, of the Societie of Iesus doth expresly affirme: But that, which is added, saith he,Tom. [...]. disp. 1. sec. 2. nu. 5.Erit ligatum & in caelo, Shall bee bound also in heauen, doth sufficiently declare, this power not to be naturall, but supernaturall, and that bond (marke this word, bond) to be spirituall, and of a superiour, or higher order. And Ioannes Parisiensis, To that, saith hee,In Tract. de potest. Re­gia, & Pa­pa [...] c. 15.which is secondly ob­iected. Whatsoeuer you shall loose, &c. I answere according to Chryso­stome, and Rabanus, that by this no other power is vnderstood to bee giuen, but spirituall, to wit, (obserue that which followeth) to absolue from the bond of sinnes. For it were foolish to vnderstand, that by this is giuen autho­ritie to absolue from the bond of debts. Thus I answered in my Apologie.

16 Consider now. Good Reader, with what face, or conscience [Page 298] these men can affirme, that I haue laboured houre euen with sweate, and vainly spent many words only to proue by those two authorities of holy Scrip­ture, that the Pontificall power is spiritually which neither Card. Bellarmine, nor they doe deny, but willingly grant: whereas I doe not contend that the power to bind, and loose, which was giuen to S. Peter, and to the rest of the Apostles, is spirituall and not temporall, but that the bond, which the Ecclesiasticall power is to bind, and loose, is a spirituall, and not a temporall bond: which if my Aduersarie hence will grant, it must needs follow, that corporall, and temporall punishments,as watching, haire-cloath; fasting, whipping, imprisonment, depriuing of corporall life, or temporall goods, all which are corporall and temporall bonds, and punishments, cannot be inflicted by that Ecclesiasticall power, which Christ gaue to S. Peter, and the other Apostles. And therefore with what safetie our English Catholikes can aduenture their soules, and whole estates vpon these men,1. Tim. 4. who haue, according to the Apostles saying, such wounded, seared, or canteriate consciences, and in their publike wri­tings doe so grosly, and shamefully corrupt the words, and meaning of their Aduersarie in a matter of such importance, as is their obedi­ence due to God, and Caesar, I remit to the consideration of any pru­dent man.

17 The soule is a spirit, saith D. Schulckenius related heere by my Aduersarie, and hath a spirituall power, yet it doth also chastice the body (but in that manner as I declared in the second part) with corporall punish­ments, as watching, hairecloath, fasting, and whipping. And what then? will they therefore inferre, that because watching, wearing of hairecloath, fasting, and whipping are commanded by the spirituall power of the foule, therefore they are spirituall, and not corporall actions and pu­nishments? No man maketh any doubt, but that the power, whereby God created the world, the Angell moued the water,Ioan. 5. Ananias, and Sa­phira were striken dead,Acts 5. was a spirituall power, yet no man can deny, that the creation of the world, and the mouing of the water were cor­porall actions, and the sudden putting to death of Ananias, and Saphira were also corporall actions, and punishments. So likewise it cannot be denyed, that the binding of men with fetters, be it done by God, An­gells, or men, that is, by a spirituall, or temporall power is a corporall binding, and the depriuing of any man of his temporall goods, libertie, or life, let it be done by a spirituall, or temporall power, is still a tempo­rall, and not a spirituall punishment.

18 If therefore these men, as they make a shew in words, will in very deede and sincerely grant what I affirmed, and proued in that place, they must needes confesse, that the Pope, by vertue of that com­mission, which Christ gaue to Saint Peter, and the other Apostles to binde and loose, hath no authoritie to imprison men, to bind them with [Page 299] corporall chaines, to absolue, or loose them from their temporall bonds, debts, or allegiance, for that these are temporall, and not spi­rituall bindings, and loosings, for what end, or by what power soeuer they be done. Neither did I contend in that place, that the power and authority of the Apostles to binde and loose was not temporall, but spiri­tuall, but onely that the bindings, and loosings, which were the effects of that power, were onely spirituall, and not temporall bindings, and loosings. See aboueCap. 5 sec. 3. nu. 10. & sec. more of these bonds, to which the Ecclesiasticall power to binde, and loose, is by the ancient Fathers limited and restrained. And heereby the Reader may easily perceiue, that I had no great reason to confute in that briefe Admonition D. Schulckenius his Reply, for as much as concerneth this point, but it was sufficient to remit the Reader to my aforesaid answere, seeing that D. Schulckenius saide nothing at all a­gainst it, but cunningly flyed from the effects of the Apostles power to binde, and loose, which I there prooued to be onely spirituall, and not temporall bonds, to the power it selfe to binde and loose, whereof I did not intend to dispute in that place, knowing well, that although the effects of that power had beene, as they were not, temporall bindings, and loo­sings, yet the power it selfe to binde, and loose might for diuers reasons be called, as Diuines doe call it, a spirituall, and not formally, a temporall, or ciuil power, although, as I said aboue,Cap. nu. 7 [...]. See also beneath cap. 12. nu. 61. & seq. I thinke this question betwixt the Diuines and Canonists, whether it be a spirituall, or a temporall power, to be more verball and of wordes, then reall, and of the thing it selfe. And this may suffice for this point.

19 Now before wee come to examine Fa. Parsons reason, it will not be amisse to set downe the substance of that I answered to Cardi­nall Bellarmines second argument, which is the same in effect with that of Fa. Parsons, and also to examine what D. Schulckenius replieth to the same. To prooue therefore, that the Church hath power to dispose of temporall things, and to inflict temporall punishments, Cardinall Bellarmine bringeth this argument.Bel. l. 5. de Rom. Pont. c. 7. The Ecclesiasticall common-wealth ought to be perfect, and sufficient for it selfe in order to her end, for such are all well established Common-wealths, therefore shee ought to haue all power necessary to the attaining of her end, but power to vse, and to dispose of tem­poralls is necessary to the spirituall end, because otherwise wicked Princes might without punishment fauour heretickes, and ouerthrow religion, there­fore she hath also this power.

20 To this argument I answered in my Apologie,Nu. 176. 177. & seq.first by, distin­guishing that equiuocall proposition, The Ecclesiastical Common-wealth ought to be perfect, and to haue all power sufficient and necessary to the attai­ning of her end, which is the eternall saluation of soules. For first the sense of that proposition may bee, that the Church hath such a suffi­cient power to obtaine her end, which is the saluation of soules, that [Page 300] she can actually bring all soules to Paradise, and can take away all the obstacles, and lets, which can any wise hinder the saluation of soules, which sense those wordes of Cardinall BellarmineIn Resp. ad Tract. Gersonii de valid. Excom. in consid. 11.may haue, which affirme, that the Pope can effect all that, which is necessary to bring soules to Paradise, and that he can remoue all the impedements, which the world, or the Deuill withall their forces and sleights can oppose: And this sense is plainly false, and very well impugned by Paulus Venetus in his Italian Apologie,Fol. 57. co­l [...]n. 2.both for that the Pope hath no sufficient meanes to saue an infant in the mothers wombe, whom she cannot bring foorth aliue (be­cause it is not lawfull to cut the mothers wombe, that the childe may be baptized) or to saue him, who being in mortall sinne, is fallen mad, vntill he returne to his wits againe, which neuerthelesse is not in the Popes power: Also the Pope hath no power ouer the internall motions of the minde, which are very necessary to saluation: Also for that there should neither bee Turkes, nor Infidels, nor Heretickes, nor so much as euill Christians without the Popes great fault, if hee could ef­fect all that, which is necessarie to bring soules to Paradise, and could remooue all those things, which doe hinder the obtaining of eternal saluation.

21 Now concerning this first part of the distinction, D. Schulcke­nius doth not deny, that the aforesaid proposition, The Ecclesiasticall common-wealth ought to bee perfect, &c. is in this sense false, but hee de­nieth, that Cardinall Bellarmine vnderstood it in this sense, and he only reprehendeth me for omitting to set downe what Cardinall Bellarmine answered to the obiections of Paulus Venetus. I answere, saith he,Cap. 8. ad nu. 177. p. 350. My Aduersarie Widdrington had done well, if when hee related Paulus Ve­netus his arguments and vnnecessarie subtilties, hee had also adioy­ned Cardinall Bellarmines answere: For so both hee had done the Rea­der a pleasure, and also had eased vs of the paines to answere. But it is well, that Paulus Venetus his arguments are not such, that we must labour much to answere them. For that which Bellarmine said, that the Pope can effect all that, which is necessarie to bring soules to Paradise, and can remoue all the impediments, &c. is to be vnderstood in this sense, that the Popes power is not limited, or restrained, as it is in men of inferiour Orders, but it is most ample, and most great, and therefore the whole and full Ecclesiasticall power to giue Sacraments, Indulgences, Benefices, to make lawes, Decrees, Canons, to dispense in Oathes, lawes, vowes, to examine, iudge, punish, and that in euery Diocesse, Prouince, Kingdome: It is to be added that these things are to be vnderstood, for as much as concerneth the Popes part, and in a matter fit to receiue his action. And therefore no maruaile if the Pope can­not bring to saluation soules obstinate in heresie, or in sinnes especially internall. For it is their owne fault, not the Popes, seeing that he doth apply remedies of themselues effectual, if they themselues would admit them. So also it is no [Page 301] meruaile if the Pope cannot apply a remedy to an infant being in danger in the mothers wombe, because such an infant is not capable of the Popes helpe. And the same reason is of a man, who when he hath committed a mortall sinne falleth madde, &c.

22 But first, although when I published my Apologie, I had seene Cardinall Bellarmines Reply to Paulus Venetus, as I did not, and there­fore could not set downe what the Cardinal answered to his obiection, yet I must then also haue affirmed, as also I doe now, that whatsoeuer Cardinall Bellarmines meaning was, yet his words are so generall and without any limitation, or declaration, that they may very well be vn­derstood in the aforesaide sense. The Pope, saith hee, can effect all that, which is necessary to bring soules to Paradise, and can remooue all the impe­diments, which the world, and the Deuill with all their forces and sleights can oppose. Seeing therefore that the Diuell can by his power cast a man being in mortall sinne into phrencie, by which he is hindered from at­taining to eternall saluation, and can hinder an infant from being bap­tized by causing the mother not to deliuer it aliue, and also can cause sundry inward motions in the soule of man: and because Cardinall Bellarmines words are so generall, and without any limitation, or de­claration, The Pope, saith he, can remooue all the impediments to salua­tion which the Deuill with all his force and sleight can oppose, it is plaine, that they may very well bee so vnderstood, that the Pope can also re­mooue the aforesaid impediments, for that those impediments are inclu­ded in all impediments, as a particular in a vniuersall, and therefore to take away all occasion of errour it was not vnnecessary to declare in what sense those wordes being so generall might bee true, or false.

23 Besides, although the Popes power bee not so limitted and re­strained, as it is in men of inferiour Orders, but it is most ample, most great, and full in a certaine measure and degree, yet this Doctour cannot be ignorant, that, there is a great controuersie among learned Ca­tholikes concerning the amplitude, greatnesse, and fulnesse of the Popes power as well in spirituals, as in temporals. For the Canonists doe hold, that he hath formally, properly and directly both temporall and spi­rituall power, and that he is not onely a supreme spirituall Pastour, but also a temporall Monarch: but this Doctour with some other Diuines doe maintaine, that he hath formally, properly, and directly no temporall power, but onely spirituall, yet by this spirituall power of his, they say he can dispose of all things, and inflict all kinde of punishments, as well temporall as spirituall, as if hee had formally, and directly temporall power, and therefore they will not call this power of the Pope to dis­pose of all temporalls formally and directly, but vertually and indirectly temporall power, or a supreme power to dispose of all temporalls in [Page 302] order to spirituall good. Other Diuines, and Lawyers, whom I cited aboue in the first part, doe contend, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath neither formally, nor virtually, neither directly, nor indi­rectly any temporal power, or authority to dispose of temporall things, or to inflict temporall punishments, but onely spirituall power, by which he may dispose, or dispence in spirituall things, and inflict spiri­tuall punishments, and also command, enioyne, or impose temporall things, as in them may be found vertue or vice, which are the obiect of the spirituall directiue power, but no way dispose of temporall things, or inflict temporall or ciuill punishments, for that these are the acts and obiects onely of ciuill power.

24 Neither also can this Doctour be ignorant, that there is a great controuersie betwixt the Diuines of Rome, and of Paris, about the am­plitude, greatnesse, and fulnesse of the Popes spirituall power: inso­much that Iacobus Almainus, a famous Doctour of Paris doth affirme,Almain de author. Eccles. cap. 3. that there is so great a controuersie among Doctours concerning the pleni­tude, or fulnesse of Ecclesiasticall power, and to what things it is extended, that in this matter there are few things secure, or without doubt: so that, as, William Occam saith, it would bee very necessarie in these times, that wise men being compelled by Oaths, and horrible threatnings to speake the trueth should declare, what things doe belong to the plenitude of Ecclesiasticall power, and much more of Papall authoritie, which Almaine with the other Diuines of Paris doe make inferiour to the power of the Church, or of a Generall Councell, Gerson de po­test Eccles. consid. 12. which doth represent the Church: for as Iohn Gerson, and the said Almaine doe affirme, deceitfull flatterie hath now ouermuch extended and amplified the greatnesse, and fulnesse of Pa­pall authoritie.

25 Moreouer, although I will not denie that the Pope hath autho­ritie to make lawes and Canons, yet it is not certaine that hee hath au­thority to make lawes, and Canons to binde a generall Councell, for that the Doctours of Paris doe affirme, that a generall Councell hath authori­ty to make laws & Canons to binde the Pope according to the expresse definitions of the Councels of Constance and Basill. Conc. Const. sess. 5. The Councell doth or­daine, define, decree, and determine, saith the Councell of Constance, as fol­loweth. And first it doth declare that the said Councell being gathered in the holy Ghost, making a generall Councell, and representing the Catholike Church, hath immediately from Christ authority, which euery man of what state or dignity soeuer, although it be papall, is bound to obey in those things which belong to faith, and to the rooting out of the said Schisme, and to the reforming of the said Church in the head and members. Also it doth declare that euery man of whatsoeuer condition, state or dignity hee bee, although it be Papall, that shall obstinately contemne to obey the commaundes, sta­tutes, decrees, or precepts of this sacred Synode, being lawfully gathered con­cerning [Page 303] the aforesaid, or appertaining to any of them, made, or to be made, vnlesse he shall repent, let him be subiect to condigne pennance, and be deser­uedly punished, by hauing also recourse (if it shal be needfull) to other helps of law: Which decrees of the Councell of Constance, the Councell also of Basill, which was lawfully called by Pope Eugenius the 4. and which at that time when these decrees were made,Concil. Basil. sess. 2. was not accounted a Schis­maticall, but a lawfull and Oecumenicall Councell, doth in the same ex­presse words confirme.

26 Also, although I will not deny that the Pope hath authority to dispence in vowes, and oathes, yet it is not certaine that hee hath au­thority to dispense in all vowes, and in all oathes: for that many Di­uines do with S. Thomas maintaine that he hath not power to dispence in the solemne vowe of religious chastity, or in those oathes which are made to confirme any thing, which wee are otherwise bound to per­forme by the law of God, or nature: because the opinion of the Tho­mists is, that the Pope doth dispence in oathes onely by declaring that the thing wch is confirmed by oath, is not now a sufficient matter of an oath, as I haue declared more at large elsewhere.Disputat. Theolog. c. 6. sec. 6. nu. 8. & in Resp Apol. nu. 148. 149. Lastly, although I doe willingly graunt that the Pope hath authority to punish, yet it is not certaine that he hath authority to punish with all kinde of punish­ments, for that many learned Catholikes doe holde, as you may see more at large aboue in the first part, that Ecclesiasticall power is by the institution of Christ restrained onely to Ecclesiasticall Censures, and cannot inflict temporall or ciuill punishments, as death, banishment, imprisonment, depriuing of temporall goods, &c. And thus much concerning the first part of the aforesaid distinction; now touching the second part.

27 Secondly therefore, the meaning of Cardinall Bellarmines afore­said proposition [The Ecclesiasticall common-wealth ought to bee perfect, and to haue all power sufficient and necessarie, &c.] may bee, that the Church hath all power sufficient, and necessarie in order to her ende, which is the saluation of soules, in respect of the power it selfe and not in respect also of all those things which are in any wise necessarie, that the power may actually worke her effect. As the power, for example of the Sunne to giue light, may bee vnderstood sufficient, either in re­spect of the power it selfe to giue light, or in respect also of those things, which doe any way concurre to the actuall giuing of light and which things, if they bee wanting, will hinder the giuing of light, of which sort are a proportionate distance, a capable, and well disposed subiect. And although the Sunne hath not sufficient, power to remoue all those impediments, which may hinder her actu­all giuing of light, for so it should draw the body that is to bee en­lightened within a sufficient distance, and make it also diaphanum, [Page 304] cleare, or perspicuous, which to doe is not is the power of the Sunne neuerthelesse what man can therefore deny, that the Sunne hath a per­fect power, and of it selfe sufficient to enlighten?

28 And in this sense the aforesaid antecedent proposition is true; For the Christian common-wealth, or the Church of Christ hath a per­fect, and sufficient power for it selfe to bring soules to the kingdome of heauen, for as much as belongeth to the power it selfe, which ne­uerthelesse doeth suppose the subiect to bee otherwise apt, and well dis­posed. For she hath power granted her by Christ to giue grace, where­by we may come to the kingdome of heauen, to Infants by the Sa­crament of Baptisme, and to men of discretion also by other Sacra­ments, but especially of Penance, by which the Priest, as a Minister of Christ by vertue of the keyes, which he hath receiued from Christ absolueth from sinnes, and giueth grace, neuerthelesse this power to worke actually her effect, supposeth certaine necessarie dispositions on the behalfe of the persons who are to receiue the Sacraments, as well in Infants, as in men of discretion, which dispositions the Church hath not alwayes power to procure. Also, besides this power, which the Diuines call of Order, the Church hath also power of Iurisdiction; for shee hath authoritie to preach the word of GOD, to correct sinners, to make lawes, and to punish the transgressours with Ecclesiasticall, or spirituall punishments: For as the Church, and the Ecclesiasticall power is spirituall, so also she ought to haue meanes proportionate to such an end. Wee graunt therefore the antecedent proposition in this sense, which we haue now declared, but we deny, &c.

29 Now this Doctour although hee granteth all this, which I haue said to bee true, yet he cannot forbeare to take certaine idle ex­ceptions against the same. I answere, saith he,Pag. 353. ad nu. 179. & seq. although all this doe make little or nothing to the soluing of Cardinall Bellarmines argument, but to the enlarging of the volume of his booke they make much, yet I would relate what hee hath said, for that I saw certaine things to bee noted therein. But whether they make little or nothing to solue Cardinall Bellar­mines argument, you shall see anon; this is a vsuall tricke of this Do­ctour, especially when my answere, or argument is of greatest force, that hee knoweth not well what to reply thereunto, then with some idle, or despitefull words to shift it of, as that it is spoken either to dis­grace Cardinall Bellarmine, or to make the Sea Apostolike odious, and dreadfull to Christian Princes, or that it is nothing to the purpose, but to enlarge my booke, and to make it seeme to bee of a competent vo­lume, and such like trifling toies, which doe argue rather want of mat­ter, and a spirit of contradiction, then a true desire to examine sin­cerely this important, and difficult controuersie; and which with as great facilitie, and farre greater reason may bee retorted backe vpon [Page 305] himselfe, for his often repeating of the same sentences, and which are nothing to the purpose, as that of S. Leo, Ecclesiastica lenitas refugit cruentas vltiones, Ecclesiasticall lenitie doeth shunne cruell punishments, which is nothing to the soluing of my argument, and spending many wordes to prooue that the Pope hath power to command, and enioyne temporall penalties, whereof I made no question, and consuming twentie eight whole pages to prooue, that S. Peter, and his Successours are the heads of the Church, which no Catholike doth deny, and which make little, or nothing to the impugning of my doctrine, but to the enlarging the volume of his booke they make much.

30 Now you shall see what goodly obseruations this Doctour hath found out in this part of my answere. First, saith he,Pag. 353. it is to bee ob­serued, that my Aduersarie Widdrington, I know not with what cunning hath transferred the question from the Ecclesiasticall common-wealth, as it is distinguished from the Common-wealth of Christian Laikes, to the Christian Common-wealth, or the Church of Christ, as it is distinguished from the companie of Pagans, and infidels. For in Bellarmines argument the Eccle­siasticall Common-wealth is taken in the first, and not in the later sense: But Widdrington answereth of the Christian common-wealth, as it comprehen­deth Church-men, and Lay-men. Let he himselfe see with what simplicitie hee did it, who otherwise doeth seeme so scrupulously to shunne equi­uocations.

31 But first it is to bee obserued, with what cunning, or igno­rance this Doctour affirmeth, that I haue transferred the question from the Ecclesiasticall common-wealth, as it is distinguished from the Common-wealth of Christian Laikes, to the Christian common-wealth, or Church of Christ, as it is distinguished from the companie of Pagans, and infidels:See Apolog. nu. 176. 180. & seq. seeing that I expresly spake of the Ecclesiasti­call Common-wealth, as it is a spirituall common-wealth, and as it hath spirituall power; Now with what colour of probabilitie can this Doctour inferre from any one word of mine, that I euer saide, that Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power doeth reside in Lay-men? or that when I treate of the spirituall power of the Church, or of the Eccle­siasticall common-wealth, I take the Church, as it comprehendeth Church-men, and Lay-men? True it is, that the Ecclesiasticall, or spi­rituall Common-wealth, kingdome, or Church of Christ, when wee speake properly, and generally, is taken both by Cardinall Bellarmine, and my selfe, as it comprehendeth Cleargie-men, and Lay-men, that is, as it containeth both spirituall power, and spirituall subiection, spiri­tuall Pastours, and spirituall subiects; and therefore Cardinall Bellar­mine before in his first reason affirmed, that Kings, and Bishops, Clear­gie-men, and Lay-men doe not make two common-wealths, but one onely, that is, one Church. As likewise a temporall common-wealth, or king­dome, [Page 306] when we speake properly, and generally, is taken as it compre­hendeth both temporall Kings, and temporall subiects, that is, as it containeth both ciuill power, and ciuill subiection; For what man of iudgement, speaking generally of a temporall kingdome, by the name of the kingdome vnderstandeth onely the King himselfe, but when he speaketh of the temporall power of a kingdome, as I expresly spake heere of the spirituall power of the Ecclesiasticall Common-wealth, no iudicious man can vnderstand, that he speaketh of subiects, where­in no temporall power doeth reside. Let this Doctour therefore see himselfe with what simplicitie he said, that I comprehended heere in this answere vnder the name of the Ecclesiasticall common-wealth Clear­gie-men, and Lay-men, when I treated of the Ecclesiasticall, or spiri­tuall power of the Church.

32 Secondly, it is to bee obserued, saith this Doctour, Pag. 354. that which Widdrington heere disputeth of an apt, and well disposed subiect, that the Ecclesiasticall power may therein worke her effect, to be true, and that Cardi­nall Bellarmine hath the same in his answere to the obiections of Paulus Venetus: and yet that Widdrington after his accustomed vprightnesse commended the argument of Paulus Venetus, and dissembled Card. Bellar­mines answere.

Heere you see, that this Doctour granteth the distinction which I made to bee true, and that Card. Bellarmine approoueth the same: but that which he addeth, that I dissembled Cardinall Bellarmines answere is very vntrue; for I neuer saw his answere; and although I had seene it, and so might haue commended his meaning, and his declaration, yet truely I should not haue commended his words being spoken so gene­rally, and without any limitation, or declaration, seeing that they may imply, that the Pope can remooue all impediments whatsoeuer, which either the world, or the Deuill with all their forces, and sleights can oppose, which proposition may at the first sight bee taken, as I haue knowne diuers learned men vnderstand it, in that first sense, which be­fore I shewed to bee false, and therefore what great fault, trow you, could it bee for me to declare the meaning of those words more plaine­ly? seeing that a proposition may without doubt sometimes be false, yea, and as learned Diuines are of opinion, may bee also hereticall, accor­ding to that vulgar maxime,S. Tho. secunda secundae q. 11. ar. 2. Magister in 4. dist. 13. which Saint Thomas, and the Maister of the sentences attribute to Saint Hierome, ex verbis inordinate prola­tis incurritur haeresis, haeresie is incurred by wordes inordinately vtte­red, although hee, by whom they were spoken, had no badde meaning.

33 Thirdly, saith this Doctour, Ibid. it is to bee obserued, that Widdring­ton, whiles hee declareth what punishments the Church can inflict vpon her subiects that shall offend, maketh mention onely of spirituall punishments, as [Page 307] though the Church cannot inflict also temporall punishments, whereof see what wee haue said aboue cap. 4. vpon the 40.41. and 42. numbers.

True it is, that the maine scope of my Apologie was no other, then to prooue it to bee probable, that the spirituall power of the Church, or Ecclesiasticall Common-wealth doeth not extend to the inflicting of temporall, or ciuill punishments, but onely of Ecclesiasticall, or spirituall Censures. Neither hath this Doctour in those places, to which hee remitteth his Reader, prooued any other thing, then that the Church by vertue of her spirituall power may command, enioyne, and impose temporall punishments, and by the temporall authoritie giuen her by the grant, and consent of temporall Princes may also inflict them vpon inferiour persons, which I neuer denyed. And so in this king­dome wee see by experience, that albeit Bishops haue euer had authori­tie to excommunicate disobedient persons, and to enioyne temporall penalties, as a thing proper to their spirituall power, yet to imprison them they procure a Writ out of the temporall Court de excommunicato capiendo, for apprehending an excommunicated person.

34 Lastly, saith this Doctour, Ibid. pag. 354 it is to bee obserued, that whiles Widdrington declareth the power of Iurisdiction, not without mysterie, hee hath said nothing of the power to absolue from oaths, and vowes, and other things of that kind.

True it is, that although I did not in that place expresly affirme, as also I did not deny, that the Ecclesiasticall power doth not extend to the absoluing from oathes, and vowes, yet of set purpose, and for some mysterie I did then omit to make mention of them: and the mysterie was this, for that there is a great controuersie among learned Diuines, especially betwixt the Thomists, and their opposites; (wherewith I thought it neither necessarie, nor expedient at that time to intermeddle) not only in what maner the spiritual power of the Church may absolue frō oaths, & vowes, but also whether the Church hath any authoritie at all to absolue from all Oaths, and all vowes, seeing that, as afterwardsPraefat. ad Resp. Apolog. nu. 58. & in Resp. nu. 148. I declared, S. Thomas, and his followers doe contend, that the Pope hath no authoritie to absolue from the solemne vow of religious chasti­tie, and also that hee cannot absolue from any vow, or oath by releasing the bond, and obligation to performe that, which is once sworne or vowed, for this were to absolue from the law of Nature, which commandeth vs to performe that which we haue once lawfully sworne, or vowed, but onely by declaring and interpreting, that the matter, which was sworne or vowed, is not now in this particular case a suffici­ent matter to bee sworne, or vowed: From which doctrine it cleerely followeth, that the Pope hath no authoritie to absolue from the oath of true temporall allegiance, vnlesse hee also haue authoritie, as hee hath not, to declare that true temporall allegiance is not in that parti­cular [Page 308] case lawfull, or necessary, and consequently, not a sufficient mat­ter to bee sworne, whereas true temporall allegiance is alwayes not onely lawfull, but also necessary, and commaunded by the law of God and nature. And thus much concerning this Doctours obser­uations.

35 Now you shall see how well he confuteth the answere, which I gaue to Cardinall Bellarmines argument, supposing the aforesaid di­stinction. ‘Thus therefore I began to answere it: Wherefore we grant the antecedent proposition in the sense, which wee haue now declared. But we deny that the power to vse & to dispose of the temporals of all Christians is necessary to the spirituall end: for such a power is not proportionate to that end, & therfore there is no likelyhood, that for the spirituall end such a temporall power, or, which is all one, such a power to dispose of temporals, was by Christ our Sauiour giuen to his Church, which is a spirituall and not temporall common-wealth.’

I answere, saith this Doctor Num. 355., whether the power to vse and to dispose of the temporals of all Christians be necessary to the Church for her end, is the principall question, which is in controuersie, Cardinall Bellarmine affirmeth, Widdrington denyeth. But whiles he denyeth, he is so destitute of Patrons and Doctours, that also Ioannes Parisiensis, whom in his booke he more of­ten citeth for his opinion, then any other, is flat against him, &c.

36 But first, it is not true, that the principall question which is in con­trouersie, is whether the power to dispose of the temporals of all christi­ans be necessary to the Church for her end, wch is the saluatiō of soules; but the principall question & controuersie is whether Christ our Sauior gaue authority to his Church, as it is a spirituall Kingdome, & consisteth onely of spirituall power to dispose of all temporals: And Cardinall Bellarmine to proue that Christ gaue vnto his Church this power, brin­geth this for a reason, because this power to dispose of all temporals is necessarie to her spirituall end, to wit, the saluation of soules, which reason, I say, is not true, and from thence it would cleerely follow, that our Sauiour was of necessity tied to giue to spiritual Pastours authority to depose temporall Princes, and to dispose of all temporals, which no man, I thinke that hath his wits about him, will affirme. And how did the Church of Christ, thinke you, dispose of temporals by way of authority, when she was persecuted by the Pagan, and Arrian Empe­rours? for then, if at any time, a power to dispose of temporals, should haue beene necessary to the saluation of soules. Whereupon Cardinal Bellarmine himselfe affirmeth, That it is not absolutely necessary to resist the common enemie, Bel. l. 1. de Con­ [...]l. ca. 10. as is the Turke. For if the Church could be conuersant vnder the most cruell persecutions of Nero, Domitian, Decius, Diocletian, why can she not also vnder the persecution of the Turkes?

37 Secondly, neither is it true, that I am destitute of Patrons and [Page 309] Doctours, who maintaine that the Pope by his spirituall power cannot dispose of temporals, or inflict temporall punishments, as I haue shew­ed aboue in the first part: where also I prooued that Ioannes Parisiensis doth no way fauour, but flatly contradict Card. Bellarmines doctrine: and also the very ashes of this Doctours booke, if they could speake, would giue sufficient testimony against him, that this my doctrine is not altogether destitute of Patrons and Doctours. But whereas this Do­ctour should haue prooued that the power to dispose of all temporals is necessary to the saluation of soules, which Cardinall Bellarmine affir­med, and I denied, he flyeth from this reason to the authority of Do­ctours, who affirme that the Pope hath power to dispose of temporals, which is to runne vp and downe in a circle from intrinsecall grounds to extrinsecall, from reason to authority, and contrariwise, and neuer to per­sist in any one medium, or argument. Wherefore, whensoeuer any Au­thor, or my selfe do seeme to affirme, or suppose, that temporall things, & the disposing of them, are in some cases necessary to the general good of the Church, and to the saluation of soules; it is not to be vnderstood of any absolute necessity, but onely of some great conuenience, or vtili­ty, for which in common speech wee oftentimes take necessity, as it is well knowen to euery Logician, who hath but read the beginning of Porphyries Introduction, Cùm necessarium sit Chysaori, &c. Whereas it is necessarie o Chysaori, &c. In which case of necessity, or great vtility, temporall things are by the institution of Christ, to be disposed of to a spirituall end by the temporall and ciuill power of Christian Princes, and not by the spirituall power, as he hath distinguished the acts, offi­ces and functions thereof from ciuill authority.

38 But thou wilt say, saith this Doctour,Pag. 355. that this power to dispose of temporals, is not proportionate to the end of the Ecclesisticall power, which is spirituall. I answere first, saith he, that this power to dispose of temporals in the Pope is not formally temporall, but formally spirituall, and eminent­ly temporall; and therefore it is very well proportionate to a spirituall end.

But this is to declare the selfe same thing by it selfe; for to haue ver­tually or eminently a temporal power, is nothing else then to haue a pow­er to dispose of temporall things, or to doe all that which the temporall power can do, which is the maine poynt which I vtterly deny, and con­sequently affirme, that (according to the institution of Christ, who hath left distinguished, the acts, functions, and properties of the tem­porall power or Common-weath, from them of the spirituall power or Church of Christ) to dispose of temporall things, and to inflict tempo­rall punishments, which are temporall and ciuill acts and punishments, are not by the institution of Christ proportionate to the spiritual power, and to the end thereof, as it is by him distinguished from the ciuil pow­er, and the end, obiects, and acts thereof. For, as Christ our Sauiour hath [Page 310] instituted his Church a spirituall Kingdome, or Common-wealth, and distinguished her directiue and coerciue power, and the acts, and obiects thereof, from the acts and obiects of the ciuill power, or Common-wealth; so also hath he assigned spirituall punishments, as meanes pro­portionate to her coerciue or punishing power, as temporal punishments are proportionate to the temporall coerciue power.

39 Wherefore this Doctor, knowing right well, that I haue alwayes denied the Church of Christ, to haue either formally or eminently tempo­rall power giueth a second answere. I answere secondly, saith he,Pag. 356. that temporall goods, and the power it selfe ouer temporall goods, haue indeede no naturall proportion with spirituall, but they haue a very great morall proporti­on, which for the present is sufficient. For temporall goods are spirituall instru­ments of good workes, in which respect S. Peter calleth Almes, & other good works, 1 Pet. 2. although corporall, spirituales hostias, spirituall sacrifices. Wherfore as the spirit in man disposeth of corporall actions, as Almes, fastings, chasti­sing of the flesh, and such like as they are necessary to the health of the soule, (hee might adde also to the health of the body) so the Prince of the Church may in order to a spirituall end (and if his similitude were good, may likewise in order to a temporall end) dispose of temporall goods, which for the same reason that they are necessary to the obtaining of that end, for the same reason they are said to be proportionate to the same end.

40 But this answere I haue confuted aboue partly in the second part,Par. 2. cap. 8. where I haue shewed that this similitude of the soule and body doth manifestly impugne their doctrine, and that the soule doth not dispose of any temporall action▪ as Almes, fasting, whipping, and such like, but onely by way of command, and also not without the actiue concurrance of some corporall organ, and besides that if the similitude were good, the Pope should haue power, not only for spirituall good, but also for temporall, to depose temporall Princes, to dispose of tem­porals, and to inflict temporall punishments; and partly aboue in the former Chapter,Num. 108. where Mr. Fitzherbert hath taken this answere ver­batim from this Doctour. For temporall goods to haue a morall pro­portion with spirituall, and to be spirituall instruments of good or bad workes, is nothing else then that they may concurre to vertuous or vi­cious actions, and be the obiect of vertue, or vice, which therefore may be commanded or forbidden by the spirituall power as it is dire­ctiue, which hath for her obiect vertue and vice: But no morrall pro­portion, reference, or relation can alter the nature of temporall goods, or puishments, or make temporall goods to become spirituall goods, and temporall punishments to become spirituall punishments: and therefore no such morall proportion is sufficient to cause temporall goods to be disposed, or temporall punishments to be inflicted by the spirituall power as it is coerciue, whose acts and obiects are onely the [Page 311] disposing of spirituall goods, and the inflicting of spirituall punish­ments for a spirituall end.

41 Lastly, to the consequence of Cardinal Bellarmines argument, whereby he laboured to prooue, that the power to vse, and dispose of temporals is necessary to the spirituall end, I answered thusApolog. nu. 183. by deny­ing his consequence. Neither doth it follow from thence, as Cardinall Bellarmine doth ill, and contrary to himselfe inferre, that otherwise wic­ked Princes may without punishment nourish heretickes, and ouerthrow reli­gion. For the Church hath, as we said, power to punish them not indeed with ciuill or temporall, but with Ecclesiasticall or spirituall punish­ments, vnlesse perhaps Ecclesiasticall Censures are not woorthy to be reckoned among punishments, whereas they are accounted by all men to be most sharpe and dreadfull punishments. Wherefore Cardinal Bel­larmine himselfe doth in expresse words affirme,Lib. 3. de Eccles. c. 6.that there is no grea­ter punishment, which can be inflicted by the Church, then is Excommuni­tion: and againe,Lib. 3. de Laic. c. 22. Aug. l. 1. con­tra Aduer­sar. leg. & proph. c. 17.that Excommunication is a greater punishment then cor­porall death: and to this purpose hee citeth Saint Augustine, affirming, that it is more horrible to be deliuered ouer to Sathan by Excommunication, then to be strucken with the sword, to be consumed by fire, or to be deuoured by wilde beasts.

42 Now to this answere, D. Schulckenius replieth in this manner.Pag. 357. I doe not see, saith he, in what thing Cardinall Bellarmine doth according to Widdringtons iudgement contradict himselfe. That Excommunication is greater then all temporall punishments Bellarmine did write, which is most true, and no man vnlesse he be impious, or madde can deny it: but not there­fore did he ill, or contrary to himselfe write, that it is necessary for the Church to haue power to dispose of temporals, least that the Prince may without pu­nishment nourish heretickes, and ouerthrow religion. For many are more a­fraide of temporall punishments, then of Excommunication, although this be without comparison the greater; as boyes are more afraide of the rod, then of loosing their inheritance. And this is the cause why the Councell of La­teran cap. 3. did command, that Princes who nourish heretickes should first be excommunicated; and afterwards, if this remedy doth not auaile, that the subiects be absolued from their oath of allegiance, and their territories be de­liuered ouer to others to be possessed by them. What will Widdrington say here? that a Councell of the whole world was ignorant of the greatnesse of Excommunication, or that she did contradict her selfe, when she wrote those things. Truely prudent men will condemne Widdrington of temerity, and ignorance, and will not in any wise reprehend the Councell. Besides, as the Councell of Lateran, against those who are ignorant of the greatnesse of Excommunication doth command, that the fauourers of heretickes be first excommunicated, and afterwards depriued of their temporall dominions: so contrariwise the Councell of Trent. sess. 25. cap. 3. against those, who do [Page 312] know the greatnesse of Excommunication commaundeth first, that male­factours be punished with temporall punishments, with imprisonment, exile, pecuniary mulcts, and at last, if these doe not auaile, to be strucken with the dart of Excommunication. Neither doth the Councell of Trent contra­dict the Councell of Lateran, or contradicteth her selfe, or knoweth not the force of Excommunication; But my Aduersary Widdrington, who con­temneth the decrees of so great Councels, and yet professeth himselfe to be a Catholike, is by his words repugnant to his profession.

43 Obserue now, good Reader, the fraud and falshood of this man. And first hee doth not see, forsooth, how Cardinall Bellarmine contradicteth himselfe in yeelding the reason, why it is necessary, that the Church haue power to dispose of temporals, to wit, for that other­wise wicked Princes might without punishment nourish heretikes, and ouer­throw religion, as though he were so blind, that hee cannot see light at-noone dayes. For what a more manifest contradiction can there bee, then this: that Excommunication is the greatest punishment that may be, and yet that a Prince, who is excommunicated for fauouring here­tickes, doth fauour heretickes without being punished? But many men, saith this Doctour, are more afraide of lesser punishments then of greater, as of corporall punishments more then of Excommunication, as children are more afraid to be whipped, then to be disinherited. And what then? Can any man of vnderstanding inferre from hence, that therefore a Prince, who is excommunicated for fauouring heretickes, is not most grie­uously punished, or that a boy, who is disinherited for his misdemeanor, is not more grieuously punished, then if he had beene onely whipped for the same?

44 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue, how true that is, which this Doctour said aboue, that the dictinction, which I made there (concerning the sufficiency of Ecclesiasticall power, and of Ecclesiasticall Censures to bring soules to eternall saluation, in regard of the power, and of the Censures themselues, and in regard of all other things, which on the behalfe of the subiect, or otherwise are required, that the Ecclesiasticall power, and Ecclesiasticall Censures doe actually worke their effect, that is, actually withdraw wicked Christians from sinne, and so actually saue their soules) doth little or nothing make to the saluing of Cardinall Bellarmines argument. Seeing that you now there­by see most plainly, that the spirituall power is of it selfe so great, and Ecclesiasticall or spirituall punishments are of themselues so dreadfull, and terrible, that they are of themselues sufficient to withdraw any man from his wicked life: And that therefore if this spirituall coerciue power, and these spirituall Censures or punishments be of themselues sufficient for the spirituall end, no other power of the Church to inflict temporall punishments is necessary to obtaine the same end; for if [Page 313] spirituall punishments be sufficient, temporall punishments are not ne­cessary, as any man of meane vnderstanding, who knoweth the diffe­rence betwixt sufficient, and necessary may easily perceiue. And if any man be so wilfull, that he is not terrified with Ecclesiasticall Censures, it is not by reason of their insufficiency, but by reason of the malice of the person, and the indisposition of the subiect, for to vse this Doctors owne words aboue, it is their fault, and not the Popes, seeing that he ap­plieth remedies, and punishments, which are effectuall of themselues, if they thēselues will admit them. And what if the Prince, whom this Doctor saith the Pope hath power to depose, doth not regard his sentence of deposi­tion, what other remedie, trow you, wil this Doctor faigne, that the Pope hath authoritie afterwards to apply? vnlesse he will say, that hee must then haue sufficient force, and might to thrust him by head and shoul­ders, as the prouerbe saith, out of his kingdome.

45 Secondly, neither did the Councell of Lateran, nor of Trent in­flict, or impose temporall punishments, for that reason, which Cardi­nall Bellarmine heere giueth, to wit, because they thought that Chri­stians who were excommunicated for fauouring heretickes, or other crimes, were not most grieuously punished, and consequently that they might therefore by their spirituall power dispose of temporalls, and inflict temporall punishments, because otherwise they might fa­uour heretickes, and commit other crimes without being punished, as Cardinall Bellarmine did argue in his aforesaid reason, for then the said Councells must also haue granted, that Excommunication is not a most grieuous punishment, yea and no punishment at all, and so they must haue contradicted themselues, and the receiued doctrine of the Church, for that no man, vnlesse hee bee impious or mad, as this Doctour heere affirmeth, can deny, that Excommunication is more grie­uous then any temporall punishment: but the reason is, because both the Councell of Trent, and also of Lateran, or at least wise Pope Innocent in the Councell of Lateran, perceiuing, that many sensuall men are more afraide of sensible, and temporall punishments, then of spiritu­all, therefore to withdraw them more easily from sinne, they com­manded, enioyned, and imposed by their spirituall authoritie, as it is directiue, corporall and temporall punishments, which sensuall men doe most abhorre, and also they inflicted the same punishments, not by their spirituall authoritie, as it is coerciue, which is extended onely, as I haue often said, to Ecclesiastical Censures, but by the temporall authoritie, which they haue receiued from the expresse, or tacite con­sent, graunt, and priuiledges of temporall Princes, seeing that it is well knowne, as I haue related elsewhere out of Iohn Gerson, Gerson. de potest. Eccles. considerat. 4. that Prin­ces out of their deuotion haue giuen to the Cleargie great authoritie of temporall Iurisdiction.

[Page 314]46 Thirdly, obserue the goodly reason that this man bringeth, why the Councell of Lateran began first with spirituall punishments, and the Councell of Trent with temporall. For that, saith hee, the decree of the Councell of Lateran was made against those, who knew not the greatnesse of Excommunication, and the decree of the Councell of Trent was made a­gainst those that knew the greatnesse thereof: as though either Christian Princes, or people knew not the greatnesse of Excommunication at the time of the Councell of Lateran, or that either in very truth, or ac­cording to the Doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, Suarez, and other vehement maintainers of the Popes power to depose Princes, or in the iudgement of this Doctour himselfe, it be commendable, or lawfull first to depose Princes, and to thrust them out of their kingdomes, and afterwardes to excommunicate them, and to declare them to be accoun­ted as Heathens, and Publicanes. Be like this Doctour is perswaded, that all his idle conceits must goe for an vndoubted oracle. But he is decei­ued: for howsoeuer his fauourites will applaude all his sayings, estee­ming him as an other Pythagoras, yet other men will require of him a more sufficient reason, then a bare ipse dixit.

47. Lastly, it is not true, that the Councell of Lateran did first com­maund, that Princes, who fauour heretikes, should be excommunica­ted, and afterwards, if this remedie did not auaile, their subiects should be absolued from their allegiance: because in that decree there is no mention made of Princes, but onely of inferiour Officers and Magi­strates: But of this Decree we shall haue occasion to treate anon more at large: As also it is a slaunder vsuall in this mans mouth, that I con­temne the foresaid decrees of the Councell of Lateran, and of Trent, which I doe reuerence with as much respect, as he, or any other Ca­tholike ought to doe, albeit I must needes confesse, that although this Doctours interpretation of those decrees I doe not contemne, for this is a word of arrogancie, yet truely I doe not much regard, vnlesse he shall bring better reasons to confirme the same, then hitherto he hath brought. And thus you see part of the answere I made to Cardinall Bellarmines second reason, which afterwards I did prosecute more at large, and in the end I did briefly insinuate, how insufficiently Father Parsons grounding himselfe chiefly vpon this second argument of Cardinall Bellarmine did satisfie the Earle of Salisburies com­plaint.

48 For the Earle of Salisburie, saith Father Parsons, In the Pre­face to the Treatise ten­ding to Miti­gation nu. 19. hath bin a long time sorrie, that some cleere explication of the Papall authoritie hath not bin made by some publike and definitiue sentence orthodoxall, &c. That not one­ly those Princes, which acknowledge this superioritie might be secured from feares, and iealosies of continuall treasons, and bloodie Assassinates against their persons, but those Kings also which doe not approoue the same, and yet [Page 315] would faine reserue a charitable opinion of their subiects, might know how farre to repose themselues in their fidelitie in ciuill obedience, howsoeuer they see them diuided from them in point of conscience, &c. Now to this com­plaint, or desire of the Earle of Salisbury to haue the matter defined, and declared, Father Parsons answereth, that among Catholike people the mat­ter is cleare, and sufficiently defined, and declared in all points, wherein there may be made any doubt concerning this affaire. And for the clearing of the whole matter, he diuideth it into three questions.

49 The first is, whether any authority were left by Christ in his Church, and Christian Common-wealth to restraine, or represse, censure or iudge any exorbitant, and pernicious excesse of great men, States, or Princes, or that he hath left them remedilesse wholy by any ordinarie authoritie? And to this question the substance of his answere is this; that as in all other common-wealths that are not Christian, all Philosophers, and other men of soundest wisedome, prudence, and experience, either Iew, or Gentile haue from the beginning of the world concurred in this, that God and nature hath left some sufficient authoritie in euery common-wealth for the lawfull and or­derly repressing of those euils euen in the highest persons. So when Christ our Sauiour came to found his Common-wealth of Christians in farre more perfection then other states had beene established before, subiecting temporall things to spirituall, according to the degree of their natures ends, and eminen­cies, and appointing a supreme vniuersall Gouernour in the one, with a gene­rall charge to looke to all his sheepe, without exception of great, or small, people or potentates: vpon these suppositions (I say) all Catholike learned men doe ground and haue euer grounded, that in Christian Common-wealthes, not only the foresaid ordinary authoritie is left, which euery other state, and king­dome had by God, and nature to preserue, and protect themselues in the cases before laid down; but further also for more sure, & orderly proceeding therin, that the supreme care, iudgement, direction, and censure of this matter was left principally by Christ our Sauiour vnto the said supreme Gouernour, and Pastour of his Church and Common-wealth. And in this there is no dif­ference in opinion, or beliefe betweene any sort of Catholikes whatsoeuer (so they be Catholikes) though in particular cases, diuersitie of persons, time, place, cause, and other circumstances, may mooue some diuersitie of opinions. And thus much of the first question.

50 The second question may bee about the manner how this authoritie, or in what sort it was giuen by Christ to his said supreme Pastour, whether directly or indirectly, immediately, or by a certaine consequence. And to this question he answereth: that albeit the Canonists doe commonly defend the first part, and Catholike Diuines for the most part the second; yet both parts fully agree, that there is such an authoritie left by Christ in his Church, for remedie of vrgent cases, for that otherwise hee should not haue sufficiently prouided for the necessitie thereof. So as this difference in [Page 316] the manner maketh no difference at all in the thing it selfe.

51 The third question may be about the causes, for which this autho­ritie may bee vsed, as also the forme of proceeding to bee obserued therein: whereunto he answereth, that herein there are so many particularities to be considered, as are ouerlong for this place: onely it is sufficient for Catholike men to know, that this may not be done without iust cause, graue and vrgent motiues, and due forme also of proceeding, by admonition, preuention, inter­cession, and other like preambles, prescribed by Ecclesiasticall Canons to bee obserued, whereby my Lordships doubts of feares, and iealousies of continuall treasons, and bloody Assassinates may iustly bee remooued. For that this au­thoritie doth not onely not allow any such wicked or vnlawfull attempts, but doth also expresly, and publikely condemne the same, and the doctrine thereof, as may appeare not onely by the condemnation of Wickliffes wicked article in the Councell of Constance,Sess. 15. wherein he affirmed, That it was lawfull for euery priuate man to kill any Prince, whom he held to bee a Tyrant, but also by like condemnation of Caluin, Beza, &c.

52 Thus you see that Father Parsons hath not answered to the Earle of Salisburies complaint in particular, to wit, that some cleere ex­plication of the Papall authoritie (ouer the kingdomes, and liues of tem­porall Princes) hath not beene made by some publike, and definitiue sentence orthodoxall, &c. But he supposeth it as certaine, and graunted by Ca­tholikes, and in steade of some cleere and publike definition orthodoxall &c. Which the Earle of Salisburie desired, he bringeth onely certaine rea­sons, which are in some sort grounded vpon the Law of Nature, and the light of naturall reason, to wit, that Christ hath in his Church subiected temporall things to spirituall, which also is true in the Law of Nature, and that otherwise he had not so sufficiently prouided for the necessitie of his Church, as God, and Nature haue prouided for other temporall common-wealthes, which are not so perfect as is his Church: which reasons how weake and insufficient they are, the Reader may presently perceiue by that which hath beene said before concerning the Law of Nature, and against Cardinall Bellarmines second reason, and also if he will but apply them to the Church and Synagogue in the old law, in which without doubt God Almightie did both subiect temporall things to spirituall, and for the necessitie whereof he did also sufficiently prouide: and yet Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe affirmeth it to probable, that in the old Law the Priesthood was subiect to the kingdome, and that Kings were not to bee temporally by the High Priest, but contrariwise the High Priest was subiect in temporalls to the King, and to bee punished by him with temporall punishments. Wherefore after I had cleerely o­uerthrowne Cardinall Bellarmines reason, concluding thus: And so it is manifest, by that which I haue said, how weake this second reason of Cardinall Bellarmine is, euen according to his owne principles, I forth­with [Page 317] answered Father Parsons in this manner.Apolog. nu. 203.

53 By which it is also apparant, how weakely the Author of the English Treatise tending to Mitigation, who groundeth his whole discourse for the Popes power to depose Princes vpon this se­cond reason of Cardinall Bellarmine, doth satisfie the Earle of Salisbu­ries desire, whereof we made mention aboue. For although it be-true, that Christ our Sauiour left in his Church (which is a spirituall common-wealth) as in all other well established common-wealths, sufficient authoritie, and power, for as much as concerneth the power it selfe, to defend her selfe from the iniuries of all men what­soeuer, & to correct, iudge, & punish all wicked persons of what state, or condition soeuer they be, that are subiect to the supreme Prince of this spirituall common-wealth, as members of the head, sheepe to their Pastours, & children to their Father: Neuerthelesse that Christ left in his Church sufficient power, might, or force to represse at all times all excesses whatsoeuer of Christian Princes, or, that the pu­nishments, wherewith such Princes may be punished by the Church, are temporall, which doe passe the limits appointed by Christ to a spirituall common-wealth, this, besides that it seemeth to be sup­posed by this Authour as certaine without any reason at all, is also most clearely repugnant to the common doctrine of the ancient Fa­thers, who doe teach, as I related aboue,Nu. 5 & seq.that the armour, or wea­pons of the Church are spirituall, not temporall, and that Princes if they offend, are, for as much as concerneth temporall punishments, to be left to the examination, and iudgement of God alone.

54 Wherefore there remaineth in the Church sufficient remedie, and spirituall authoritie (for temporall authoritie, or which now I take for all one, authoritie to dispose of temporalls, is not agreeable to the condition of a spirituall common-wealth) to represse by spi­rituall punishments the exorbitant excesses of all her subiects what­soeuer, and of this there is no controuersie among Catholikes, as also to euery temporall common-wealth the law of God, and nature hath giuen full, and perfect temporall authoritie to punish all her subiects that shall offend with temporall punishments, but not with spiritu­all, which are not agreeable to a temporall common-wealth, and to defend her selfe with corporall weapons from the wrongs, and violence of all men though of forraine countreys how strong, and potent soeuer they be, albeit she hath not alwayes an effectuall reme­die, or sufficient force, might or power to free her selfe from the vn­iust oppressions, not onely of forraine countreys, but also of her owne subiects by reason of their excessiue power, and might.

55 And therefore it is not onely a controuersie among Catholikes, about the manner how the Pope hath authority to dispose of tem­porals, [Page 318] and to depose temporall Princes, to wit, whether directly or indirectly, immediatly, or by a certaine consequence, as this Authour without any proofe at all doth ill suppose, as certaine, and not doubted of by Catholikes, but as I haue often said out of Trithemius, It is a controuersie among the Schoolemen about the thing it selfe,Trithem. in Chron. monast. Hirsang. ad ann. 1106.whether the Pope hath any such authority in any manner at all, and as yet it is not determined by the Iudge whether hee hath any power to depose the Empe­rour, or no.

56 Lastly, if in euery well established Common-weath there is left sufficient remedy, and authority by God and nature to represse, and punish the more hainous offences of their Soueraigne Prince, whereon the Discourse of this Authour in his first question, whereup­on the other two questions doe depend, is chiefly grounded, I doe not see in what manner, and with what reason he can rid himselfe, but that consequently hee must also grant, that the Pope himselfe may for all enormous crimes be corrected, iudged, and punished by the Church;Bel. li. 2. de Con­cil. cap. 19. ad 2. nu.whereas Cardinall Bellarmine, as you haue seene aboueNu. 188. A­polog., doth teach, that the Church hath not any effectuall remedie, or which in his opinion is all one, any sufficient authority to punish a knowen and vndoubted Pope for any crime whatsoeuer, only heresie excepted. Therefore you see what a foundation this Authour hath laid to sub­iect Popes to the examination, censure, and correction of a generall Councell, which representeth the vniuersall Church, and to quite o­uerthrow Cardinall Bellarmines doctrine, touching the Popes autho­rity ouer a generall Councell, which is also receiued by all the writers of his Society. Thus I answered Father Parsons discourse in my A­pologie.

57 By which the Reader may easily perceiue, what small satisfacti­on Fa. Parsons gaue to the Earle of Salisburies complaint, both for that hee brought no cleare definition orthodoxall, which the Earle required, to prooue that the Pope hath authority to depose wicked Princes, and to dispose of all their temporals, but supposed it as graunted by all Catholikes for these silly reasons, which I before rehearsed; and also, that from the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, and to dispose of all temporalls, it necessarily followeth, as I conuinced in my Apologie, Nu. 43. & Seg. that he may also takeaway their liues, and giue leaue to others to kill them by all those wayes publike or secret, by which temporall Princes may take away the liues of their wicked subiects: and consequently his Lordships doubts of feares and iealousies of continuall treasons, and bloudy Assassinates was not remooued by Father Parsons answere: for that they who would attempt to kill such wicked and tyrannicall Prin­ces, and obstinate in their wickednesse, might easily answere the decree of the Councell of Constance, and affirme, that what they did was not [Page 319] done by priuate, but by publike, and lawfull authoritie, and that they had sufficient warrant from the virtuall, at least wise, and interpretatiue consent of the Pope, who was bound by the law of God to giue his con­sent thereunto, as in my Appendix against Suarez I did cleerely de­duce:Part. 1. sec. 9. nu. 7. 8. and so those wicked miscreants that murthered the last two Kings of France, and attempted to haue blowne vp with gun-powder our most noble King, & Queene with their Royall issue, and all the no­bility with the Knights, and Burgeses of the Parliament, did easily shift off the Decree of the Councell of Constance, pretending that what they did, was done by lawfull and publike authoritie.

58 Now albeit Mr. Fitzherbert pretendeth to defend Fa. Parsons against that which I did answere, for the respect and reuerence, which hee beareth to the memorie of so woorthy a man, and his old friend, whereof I will say nothing at this time, because as he was respected and reueren­ced by many Catholikes, so also hee was by many not reputed woorthy of such respect and reuerence, the cause whereof I will omit now to re­late, neuerthelesse hee saith little or nothing, as you shall see, against that which I vrged against him. For first the greatest part of his defence hee spendethPag. 120. nu. 16. & seq. in excusing him from that, whereof I did not accuse him, to wit, that Fa. Parsons did not say, that the Church hath not onely sufficient power to worke the effect, for which it was ordained, but also suffici­entes vires, sufficient forces alwaies to execute and performe the same, but onely that the power of the Church being considered in it selfe is sufficient to worke the effect, for which it was ordained, if it meete with a capable sub­iect, and haue no externall impediment, which may bee exemplified in the power to remit sinnes, to giue holy Orders, to excommunicate, and such like. For albeit the Church haue sufficient power to doe all this, yet the same can­not be executed either at all times, or in all places, or vpon all persons, by rea­son aswell of the in capacitie of subiects, as of other externall impediments, which may hinder the execution. So as it were extreme folly to say, that the Church hath not onely sufficient power, but also sufficient forces alwaies to execute and performe the same. And the like we say concerning the power left by our Sauiour Christ to punish absolute Princes in their temporall states, to wit, that the power being considered in it selfe is sufficient, albeit the same cannot alwaies be executed, and Fa. Parsons neuer taught, or thought otherwise: And therefore I must needes say, as I said before, that Wid­drington hath either most grosly mistaken him (which truely I cannot see how hee could doe in this place) or else most maliciously abused, and be­lyed him.

59 But truely I must needes say, that Mr. Fitzherbert, to re­turne him backe his owne wordes, hath either most grosly mistaken mee, or else most maliciously abused, and belyed me. For I neither said, nor meant to say, that Fa. Parsons supposed as certaine, and confessed by [Page 220] all Catholikes, that Christ hath left to his Church sufficient force, power, or might to represse at all times all exorbitant excesses of Christian Princes, or people: but that he supposed as certaine, and confessed by all Catholikes, that the penalties, wherewith the Church may punish her spirituall Children, may be temporall punishments; which supposition also of Fa. Parsons I declared afterwards, as you haue seene, in these wordes. And therefore it is not onely a controuersie among Catholikes about the manner how the Pope hath power in temporalls, to wit, directly, or indirectiy, as this Au. hour without any proofe at all doth ill suppose, but about the thing it selfe, whether he hath in any manner at all such an authori­tie, whereof the Schoole-men are at variance, and as yet it is not decided by the Iudge whether the Pope hath authoritie to depose the Emperour, as we haue often said out of Trithemius.

60 Neuerthelesse, this also I must needes say, that both D. Schule­kenius, and Mr. Fitzherbert, and also Fa. Parsons cannot make good Cardinall Bellarmines second reason, and sufficiently confute the answere I made thereunto, but that they will bee driuen to suppose, that the Church must haue, not onely sufficient power, and authoritie, but also sufficient force, power, might, and effectuall meanes to bring soules to paradise; as any man of learning by that which I haue saide before may easily perceiue. For the substance of Cardinall Bellarmines ar­gument was this: The Church must haue all necessarie and sufficient power, or authoritie to saue soules, for which the Ecclesiasticall power is ordained, but the power to inflict Ecclesiasticall Censures is not sufficient for this end, therfore another power, to wit, to inflict also temporal punishments is necessary.

61 To this argument I answered, that the power to inflict Eccle­siasticall Censures, being considered in it selfe, is sufficient to saue soules, and that Ecclesiasticall Censures being so dreadfull punishments, as I haue shewed, are of themselues sufficient, if they meete with a capable subiect, to withdraw men from sinne; neither is it necessarie, that the Church must haue, besides a power sufficient of it selfe, sufficient force, might, and effectuall meanes to withdraw men actually from sinne, for this were extreame folly to say as my Aduersarie himselfe confesseth; For the sufficiencie, saith hee, of the power, which Christ hath left to his Church in this point, or any other consisteth in this, that the power being con­sidered in it selfe, is sufficient to worke the effect, for which it was ordai­ned, if it meete with a capable subiect, and haue no externall impedi­ment. Wherefore it is manifest, that hee who will contend, that the Church must haue a more sufficient power to saue soules, then which of it selfe is sufficient if it meete with a capable subiect, and haue no externall impediment, must needes suppose that the Church must also haue sufficient force, might, and effectuall meanes to saue soules and a power to make the subiect capable, and to remooue all external, [Page 321] impediments, or, which is all one, must haue such a sufficient power, which is not onely sufficient in regard of the power being considered in it selfe, but also in regard of all other things, which are necessarie that the power worke the effect, for which it was ordained: for that these two are opposite parts or members of the distinction I made be­fore, and no man that hath any skill in Logike can be ignorant, that in euery diuision consisting only of two parts, or members, we may right­ly argue from the affirming of the one part to the denyall of the other, and frō the denying of the one to the affirming of the other. If therfore the power of the Church to inflict Ecclesiasticall Censures be of it selfe a sufficient coerciue power to withdraw men from sinne, which is the end of Ecclesiasticall power, and if men bee not thereby withdrawne from sinne, it is not by reason of the insufficiencie of the power, but of the indisposition of the subiect, no other coerciue power to inflict temporall punishments can be necessarie: And therefore the aforesaid distinction of Ecclesiasticall coerciue power considered in it selfe; and in respect of the impediments, which may be in regard of the subiect, did quite ouerthrow Cardinall Bellarmines second argument, and the whole dis­course of Fa. Parsons, which was grounded thereon. So that Mr. Fitzherbert might with more credit haue left vntouched the satisfacti­on which Fa. Parsons pretended to giue to the Earle of Salisburies de­sire, or complaint, for ought hee hath beene able to say in defence of the same.

62 And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert quarelleth with mee for tea­ching in this my Discourse against Fa. Parsons, that the penalties, which the Church may, I doe not say, impose, as hee vntruely imposeth vpon me, for this power of the Church to impose, command, or enioyne tem­porall penalties I neuer denyed, but to inflict, are not temporall punish­ments, and for remitting my Reader for this point to diuers authori­ties euen of the ancient Fathers related by mee in my Apologie, hee wisheth mee, Pag. 122. nu. 21. and the Reader to see the answere to those authorities in D. Schulckenius, who giueth, as he saith, sufficient satisfaction to euery one of them, and sheweth euidently, that diuers of those Authours doe wholly impugne Widdringtons opinion, and doctrine, and finally telleth him of his bad fortune in alleadging such witnesses, as either make nothing for him, or quite ouerthrow him, and the like may bee seene, saith he, in D. Westons Sanctuarie, who also answereth the said places particularlay and fully: I also in like manner wish him, and the Reader to see how their answeres haue beene confuted, partly by Mr. Iohn Barclay, and partly by my selfe aboue in this Treatise,Part. 1. per totum. where also I haue shewed the vanitie of these men, that when they see their arguments and answeres most of all to bee shaken, then they make the greatest brags, to which silly shifts they haue beene driuen by their bad fortune to vndertake the defence of so [Page 322] bad a cause, and through a vehement desire not to seeme to bee van­quished, and to haue any way erred in hauing coined a new Catho­like faith.

63 Furthermore, the Reader may see, Pag. 122. nu. 22. C. Bel. in Tract. de potest. Sum. Pont. contra Barcl. cap. 8. saith Mr. Fitzherbert ma­ny of them answered by the Cardinall himselfe in his booke against Barclay, which Widdrington could not but haue seene (no lesse then the former) be­fore he wrote against my Supplement, and therefore reason would that hee should haue shewed some insufficiencie in those answeres, before he so confident­ly remitted me, and his Readers to those places, and such like, which hee knew were alreadie answered: but perhaps he perswadeth himselfe, that all his wri­tings, and assertions, are, (as I haue said in the Preface) like to the lawes of the Medes,See Preface nu. 15. and see also the answere thereunto. Dan. 6. and Persians, which are inuiolable, and immutable. And this shall suffice touching Father Parsons, whom you see hee might with more credit haue left vntouched for ought hee hath beene able to prooue a­gainst him.

64 But as the Reader may see many of them answered by the Cardinall himselfe in his booke against Barclay, so also hee may see the Cardinalls answeres confuted by Mr. Iohn Barclay in his booke against Cardinall Bellarmine, which Mr. Fitzherbert could not but haue seene, before he wrote now his Reply against mee, and therefore reason would, that hee should haue shewed some insufficiencie in Mr. Iohn Barclayes an­sweres, before he so confidently remitted me, and his Reader to Cardinall Bel­larmines booke against Barclay, which he knew was already answered. And therefore that which hee repeateth heere againe concerning the lawes of the Medes, and Persians, may more aptly be applyed to himselfe, and other such like vehement defenders of the Popes power to depose Prin­ces, who▪ for that they haue vnaduisedly begun to make their doctrine to be an infallible point of faith, which they will neuer bee able to make good, will yet defend the same per fas, & ne fas, by right and wrong, and perceiuing that they cannot preuaile with reason, and arguments, en­deauour to ouersway their cause by force, and authoritie, clamours, and threatnings: as it is euident by the Breues, which his Holinesse by their importunitie, and sinistrous Information hath published to con­demne the new Oath, wherein chiefly that doctrine is denied, as contai­ning in it many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, which they will neuer bee able to maintaine, and by condemning some of my bookes in such generall wordes, and commanding me vnder paine of Ecclesiasti­call Censures to purge my selfe foorthwith in so strange a maner not de­claring of what crime either in particular or in generall I should purge my selfe, although I haue often by diuers Supplications to his Holinesse most humbly, and earnestly requested, to bee particularly in­formed, what one thing is contained in the Oath, which is so cleerely re­pugnant to faith▪ and saluation, or what one thing I haue written in [Page 323] those bookes, whereof I should purge my selfe, as being contrarie to faith, or good manners. For what man can be so simple, as to ima­gine, that if those most Illustrious Cardinalls of the Inquisition could plainely haue shewed any one thing, which either in the Oath, or in a­ny of my bookes is repugnant to saith, or good manners, wee should not haue heard it proclaimed by my Aduersaries with open mouth? And what else is this, I pray you, but to contend, that their assertions are like to the lawes of the Medes, and Persians which are inuiolable, and immutable?

65 And this may suffice touching Fa. Parsons discourse, which Mr. Fitzherbert might with more credite to himselfe, and with more respect, and reuerence to his old friend, haue left vntouched, seeing that hee hath brought nothing against that, which I obiected against Fa. Parsons discourse to satisfie the Earle of Salisburies desire, but cauel­leth onely about trifles, which make nothing to the defence of Fa. Par­sons, as that I did not in that briefe Admonition to the Reader confute D. Schulckenius booke written against mee, and Cardinall Bellarmines booke written against D. Barclay, and also the whole particular dis­course, which hee himselfe made in his Supplement to prooue the Oath vnlawfull, and repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine: but remit­ted the Reader to some things, which more at large I declared in my Apologie, to the end that he duely considering my answeres, and their Replyes, and also what Mr. Iohn Barclay had written in defence of his Father against Cardinall Bellarmine, might giue his iudgement accor­dingly, vntill I had time to make a more full answere to them all. And therefore seeing that now I haue in this Treatise more fully confuted both Cardinall Bellarmine, and D. Schulckenius (if he bee another man) and also Mr. Fitzherberts whole Reply, which he hath patched together by the helpes of Cardinall Bellarmine, or D. Schulckenius, Fa. Suarez, and Lessius, wee shall see what a learned Reply hee will make to this my Treatise being destitute now of those helpes, which hee had before of those mens writings, and being left only to his owne wit, and learning, and to the aide which he can get from others of his Societie, who are more expert in Schoole points then is himselfe, whom all men know to haue little skill either in Philosophie, or Schoole-Diuinitie. And for a conclusion I wish the Reader to call to mind, how hee imposeth vpon me heere two manifest falshoods, the one, that I affirme Fa. Parsons to suppose that Christ hath left to his Church not onely sufficient power, and authoritie, but also sufficient force, might, or effectuall meanes to represse at all times all excesses whatsoeuer of Christian Princes, and the other, that I quarrell with Father Parsons for teaching, that the Church may impose temporall penalties, which, as you haue seene is ve­ry vntrue.

[Page 324]66 Now let vs proceede to the examining of the rest of his Dis­course. After this, saith he,Pag. 123. nu. 23.24.25. Acts 5. 1 Cor. 5. Widdring. in admoni. nu. 19. Widdrington taketh hold of two examples in my Supplement, to wit, the punishment of Ananias and Saphira, and of the incestuous Corinthian, which I alleaged to proue the power of the Church to inflict temporall penalties. ‘Whereof he saith thus: Illa corporalis A­naniae & Saphirae interfectio, &c. That corporall killing of Ananias and Saphira, and the visible deliuery of the fornicatour to Sathan, are to be referred to the grace of miracles: neither will this Authour say, as I thinke, that the Pope hath power to kill wicked men, and malefactours with the word of his mouth.’ So he. Whereto I answere, that he trifleth no lesse in this, then in his former answeres: for, albeit I will not say that the Pope hath power to kill with the word of his mouth, that is to say, to doe miracles; yet I say he hath power to doe and ordaine those things in the Church, which at their first institution were testified, and confirmed by miracles.

67 As for example, I will not say that the Pope can giue the holy Ghost in some visible forme in the Sacrament of Baptisme, and Confirmation, as the holy Ghost was giuen in the Apostles time, Acts 8. & 10. yet I make no doubt but that the Pope may minister those Sacraments with the iuisible effect and fruite thereof, which was visibly shewed and testified in the Apostles time by that miracle; neither will I say that the Pope can deliuer a man to the visible possession of the Diuell to be bodily tormented, as S. Paul did, when he excom­municated the Corinthian,1 Cor. 5. and others; neuerthelesse, I say, that if Wid­drington doe not reforme and retract his pernicious doctrine, the Pope both can, See cap. 17. nu. 23. & seq. Item Decretum Sa­crae Cong. and see them also there answe­red. Chrys. hom. 15 in cap. 5. epist. 1. ad Corinth. Acts 5. Acts 12. 1 Cor. 5. Greg. hom. 10. in Euang. and will, ere it be long, excommunicate him, and deliuer him ouer to the inuisible power of the Diuell; which effect was at the first ordinarily testified by the visible torments of the bodies of excommunicated persons, vt castigare­tur caro saith S. Chrysostome, that their flesh might be chastised: So as Widdrington may if it please him, distinguish betwixt the miracles, and that which was in the primatiue Church signified, expressed, and testified thereby.

68 And therefore I say, that for as much as it pleased God to testifie by the miraculous punishment of Ananias, and Saphira, and of Elymas the Magycian, (whom S. Paul stroke blinde) and of the excommunicated Co­rinthian, and others, that the Church hath power as well ouer the body, as ouer the soule, it cannot with reason be denied, but [...]hat the power remaineth, although the miraculous manner in the execution of it ceased, when the Chri­stian faith was once propagated, and generally receiued, because, as S. Grego­rie saith, Signa data sunt fidelibus, &c. Signes, or miracles are giuen (or ordained) for infidels, and not for the faithfull.

69 But it is Mr. Fitzherbert himselfe that trifleth no lesse in this then in his former answeres. For the question here betwixt vs is not now, whether the Pope hath an ordinary power granted him by Christ [Page 325] to inflict corporall and temporall punishments, and to depriue the faithfull of their liues and dominions, but whether from this miracu­lous fact of killing of Ananias and S [...]phira at the word of S. Peter, or from the miraculous deliuering of the incestuous Corinthian to Sathan, to be coporally tormented by him, that his soule might be saued▪ or frō any other miraculous and extraordinary power, which the Apostles had to inflict coporall punishments, it can bee rightly concluded that the Pope hath an ordinary power to inflict also corporall punishments. And whatsoeuer Mr. Fitzherbert saith, I doe confidently auerro, that it is a most vicious kinde of arguing from miraculous facts, and from an extraordinary power, which was graunted to the Apostles as they were Apostles at the first instituting of the new law, and abrogating of the olde, to inflict corporall punishments, to inferre that the Pope and o­ther inferiour Bishops, who succeeded the Apostles not as they were A­postles, but as they were Bishops, had an ordinary power to doe the like facts, and to inflict the like corporall punishments: But other argu­ments must be brought to prooue that the Prelates of the Church may now by their ordinary power doe those things, which the Apostles at the first institution of the Church did by a miraculous and extraordinary power.

70 For two powers were granted to the Apostles, the one ordinary; which should also descend to all their Successours▪ who in that power are equall to the Apostles; the other extraordinary, wherein they did ex­cell all the Prophets of the olde Testament. For the Apostles were also Prophets, as S. Peter prooueth by the authority of the Prophet Ioel; against the Iewes, who said, that the Apostles were drunke, Acts 2. And as well obserueth Abulensis, they did excell the Prophets in many things; Abulens. q. 6. in Praefat. Mat. first, in the manner of their Prophesie; because God was ready to speake by the Apostles whensoeuer they would, insomuch that they ought not to thinke what they should speake, but the holy Ghost did immediately speake by them, Math. 10. Luke 21. But it was not so in any Prophet of the Old Testament. Secondly, they did excell the Prophets in regard of the things which were reuealed, because more high things were reuealed to the Apostles, then were reuealed to the Prophets. Thirdly, they did also excell in regard of the mi­racles: for they did wonderfull miracles, not onely as great as Christ him­selfe did, but also greater, as he said to Philip, Iohn 14. Et maiora horum fa­ciet, The workes that I doe, he also shall doe, and greater then these shall he doe. For it is read of S. Peter, Acts 5. that when he passed through the streetes in Ierusalem, they broughtforth the sicke into the streetes, and laid them in beds, and couches that when Peter came his shadow at the least might ouershadow any of them, and they all might be deliuered from their infirmi­ties, which neuerthelesse wee doe not reade was euer done by Christ, &c. Fourthly, the Apostles also did excell the Prophets, for that they spake with [Page 326] all languages, Acts 2. And this extraordinary power of the Apostles did not descend to all their Successours; And therefore it is no good argu­ment from an extraordinary and miraculous power, which was granted to the Apostles to inflict corporall punishments, to inferre an ordinary power in their Successours to inflict the same.

71 Neither doe those examples which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth of the miraculous manner of giuing the holy Ghost, as it was giuen in the Apostles time in the Sacrament of Baptisme, and Confirmation, make any thing at all for his purpose: for that these Sacraments had in the Apostles time commonly two effects annexed to them, the one was ordi­nary, to wit, the giuing of inuisible grace, which proceeded from their ordinary power, and which therefore was to descend to their Successours, the other Miraculous and extraordinary, to wit, the visible appearing of the holy Ghost in the persons baptized, or confirmed, and this procee­ded from a miraculous and extraordinary power, and which therefore was not to descend to all their Successours: neither is it lawfull to con­clude that the Pope can worke that visible effect by his ordinary power, which the Apostles did by their miraculous and extraordinary power. So likewise Excommunication had in the Apostles time commonly two ef­fects; the one ordinary, which was, that the person excommunicated was depriued of spirituall graces and benefits, and of Ecclesiasticall com­munion, and reputed as a Heathen, and a Publican, and this effect pro­ceeded from ordinary power, and which therefore was to bee deriued to all their Successours; the other extraordinary and miraculous, which was to be corporally afflicted by Sathan, and this proceeded from the extordinary and miraculous power granted to the Apostles ouer all Di­uels, Luc. 9. which therefore was not to descend to all their Successours. Wherfore we cannot well conclude that because the Apostles did inflict corporal punishments by their miraculous power, therfore their Succes­sors may inflict corporal punishments, by an ordinary power, but other reasons must be brought to prooue the same; for it is apparant to euery Schoole-boy that the former consequence is starke naught.

72 But these visible torments, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, did testifie, that the excommunicated person was deliuered ouer to the inuisible power of the Deuil, as Widdrington, if he do not reforme his pernicious doctrine, both can, and will, ere it be long be excommunicated by the Pope, and deliuered ouer to the inuisible power of the Deuill, which effect was at the first ordinarily te­stified by the visible torments of the bodies of excommunicated persons, so as Widdrington may, if it please him distinguish betwixt the miracles, and that which was in the primitiue Church signified, expressed, and testified thereby. And Mr. Fitzherbert may, if it please him, cleerely see, that I haue distinguished betwixt these two, and haue granted, that the inui­sible effect, which was signified, expressed and testified, because it pro­ceeded [Page 327] from the ordinary power, which the Apostles had, might bee done also by the ordinary power, which was granted to the Apostles Successours, but not the visible apparitions, torments, or punishments, which did testifie the inuisible effect, for that they proceeded not from the ordinary, but from the extraordinary power of the Apostles. And if his Holinesse shall excommunicate mee, as this man threatneth, without giuing mee any notice what pernicious doctrine I haue taught, that I may reforme and retract it, the excommunication will be more hurtfull to their soules, that shall bee cause thereof, then to mine, according to that saying which Gratian 11 q. 3. Illud plane. doth attribute to Saint Augustine, Illud plane non temere dixerim, &c. This plainly will I speake without rashnesse, that if any of the faithfull shall bee excommunicated vniustly, it will rather hurt him that doth, then who suffereth this wrong: and I shall comfort my selfe with those words of our Sauiour, Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam. But truely I am fully perswaded, that his Holi­nesse hath had now so sufficient experience, to what exorbitant pro­ceedings these bad informers haue drawne him, that hee will heere­after bee more warie to proceed against mee, in that strange man­ner, as the most Illustrious Cardinals of the Inquisition haue pro­ceeded against mee, and my bookes, at which all the world doth woonder.

73 Wherefore, when Mr. Fitzherbert saith, that by the miraculous punishment of Ananias and Saphira, and of Elymas, &c. it pleased God te testifie; that the Church hath power as well ouer the body, as ouer the soule, and therefore it cannot with reason be denied, but that the power remai­neth, although the miraculous manner in the execution of it ceased, when the Christian faith was generally receiued; if he meane, that those mira­culous punishments did testifie an ordinary power to bee in the Church; that is in spirituall Pastours, to inflict punishments, as well vpon the bo­die, as vpon the soule, this he must proue by some other reason, then by his bare I say, to which in very truth knowing his insufficiency in Theo­logicall learning I giue but little, credit, & therefore with the same faci­lity I deny it, as he saith it; for it is the maine questiō betwixt vs, whether the Church hath any such ordinarie power, or no: But if hee meane, that those miraculous punishments did signifie, and testifie a miraculous and extraordinarie power to bee in the spirituall Pastours of the Church in the Apostles time, to inflict in some sort temporall punishments, as well vpon the body, as vpon the soule, then I willingly grant his, I say, but withall dcny, that either the power it selfe, it being extraordinary and miraculous, or the effects and execution thereof, which also were miraculous should afterwards remaine in the Church, when the faith was once propagated, and generally receiued, according to that saying of Saint Gregory, Signes or miracles were giuen for Infidels, not for the faith­full. [Page 328] I said, to inflict in some sort temporall punishments, for, as well obser­ueth Abulensis, Abul. q. 96. in c. 20. Matth. the punishment which Saint Peter inflicted vpon Ananias, and Saphira, was onely by the way of prediction; whereupon hee was not as a Iudge, or executioner of Christ, but as a Prophet, and the punishment in­flicted by Saint Paul was by way of prayer and intercession; whereupon it was not any vse of Iurisdiction, but of a miracle, because the Deuils are not subiect to the commaund of men, and so neither of them did exercise the vse of coerciue (temporall) power.

74 And by this also that which Mr. Fitzherbert immediately ad­deth, is easily answered. Besides that, saith he, it is to be considered for the further explication of this point, that although the punishments were miracu­lous and extraordinary for the manner of them, yet if we consider the punish­ments themselues, the Apostles exercised therein their ordinary and Aposto­licall Iurisdiction, as being the ordinary Iudges, to whom the chastisement of spirituall offences appertained, which is euident in the punishment of the in­cestuous Corinthian by the formall, and iudiciall sentence pronounced by the Apostle saying; 1. Cor. 5. Ego quidem absens, &c. I indeede absent in body, but present in spirit, haue already iudged, as present, him that hath so done, in the name of our Lord Iesus, you being gathered together, and my spirit, with the vertue of our Lord Iesus, to deliuer such a one to Sa­than, for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saued in the day of our Lord Iesus Christ. Thus did the Apostle fulminate his terri­ble sentence of Excommunication, shewing, and exercising his Apostolicall authoritie. And the same is also to bee vnderstood concerning the corporall punishment of Ananias and Saphara,S. Chrysost. in hunc locum. in wich respect Saint Chrysostome saith; That Petrus faciebat terribile iudicium, Peter executed a terrible iudgement vpon them; and Saint Hierome saith, that merûere senten­tiam Apostoli,S. Hieron. epist. 150. ad Hedibi­ani q. 2. in fine. Apud August. l. 3. c. 16. They deserued the sentence of the Apostle; and the Authour of the booke, De mirabilibus Scripturae, amonst Saint Augu­stines workes, saith, that Petrus ligauit, &c. Peter did bind Ananias, and his wife with the bond of death, vt authoritas Apostolica quanta esset ostenderetur, that it might appeare how great was the Apostolicall autho­ritie. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

75 But I neuer denyed, that the Apostles were ordinary Iudges to whom the chastisement of spirituall offences appertained, but that which I deny is, that by these miraculous punishments of Ananias and Saphira, and the incestuous Corinthian, or such like it can bee prooued, that the Apostles were ordinary Iudges to inflict temporall punish­ments for spirituall offences, or that they exercised therein, I doe not say their Apostolicall, Bell. l. 1. de. Rom. Pont. c. 9. but their ordinary power and Iurisdiction (for the Apostles had two powers, one ordinary, and which should descend to their Successours, the other extrordinary, or delegate, which therefore should not descend, neither is it lawfull from the punishments, which [Page 329] they inflicted by their extraordinarie power, to inferre that they did, or might inflict the like punishments by their ordinary power) this I say cannot be prooued by any miraculous fact or punishment, which the Apostles inflicted by their extraordinary and delegate power. And there­fore, although the Apostle in pronouncing his terrible sentence of Ex­communication against the incestuous Corinthian shewed, and exercised his ordinary Apostolicall power, forasmuch as concerned the deliuering him ouer to the inuisible power of Sathan, yet forasmuch as concerned the deliuering him ouer to the visible power of Sathan, that is, to bee vi­sibly tormented by him, the Apostle did not vse his ordinary Apostolicall, but his extraordinary Apostolicall power. And the same is also to be vn­derstood touching the corporall punishment of Ananias and Saphira, to wit, that Saint Peter vsed therein his extraordinary Apostolicall power, as I obserued aboue out of Abulensis.

76 Neither doe S. Chrysostome, S. Hierome, or S. Augustine say any thing contrary to this. For all that can be gathered from their wordes is onely this, that the iudgement of S. Peter was terrible, and that they deserued the sentence of the Apostle, and that the binding of Ananias and Saphira with the bond of death, did proceed from Apostolicall au­thority: but that this their sentence & iudgement, and the binding of them with the bond of death, did proceed from ordinary Apostolicall au­thority, this cannot any way be gathered from the words of those holy Fathers, but rather the flat contrary.Chrys. hom. 12 in Act. For S. Chrysostome doth attribute their punishment to a great miracle, both in regard Saint Peter knew their thoughts, and what they had done priuily, and also for that hee killed them by the commandement of his word. And Saint Hierome, Hieron. epist. 8 ad Demetriad. although he deny, that Saint Peter commanded or desired their death, yet he attributeth that sentence of the Apostle to a miracle, and to the spirit of Prophecie. The Apostle Saint Peter, saith he, doth not wish their death, as foolish Porphyrie doth calumniate, but with a propheticall spirit he foretold the iudgement of God, that the punishment of two might bee a doctrine to many. So likewise the Author de mirabilibus S. Scripturae, doth attribute their punishment to a miracle, and to the Apostolicall virtue of Christ, and to the same power whereby hee raised Tabitha from death, which words Mr. Fitzherbert was willing to conceale.August. serm. 204. de tempo­re, qu [...]est sermo 3. in Dom. 4. post. Trinit. 4. Reg. 2. And Saint Augustine himselfe compareth this fact of Saint Peter, to that of Heli­zaeus, at whose prayer or curse two beares came forth of the forrest, and tore fourtie two boyes that mocked him, saying, Come vp balde head, come vp balde head. Wherefore Mr. Fitzherbert may distinguish, if it please him, betwixt the ordinary, and extraordinary power of the Apo­stles, and cleerely see, that from the facts and punishments, which the Apostles exercised by their extraordinary, delegate, & miraculous power, which therefore doth not descend to their Successours, it is not lawfull [Page 330] to argue, that the Apostles by their ordinary power might do the same, or that their successors haue therfore power to inflict the like punishments.

77 But heere, saith Mr. Fitzherbert,Pag. 125. nu. 28. perhaps Widdrinton will say, that if Saint Peter exercied his Apostolicall power, and iurisdiction therein it followeth that the Pope, or other Ecclesiasticall Iudges, may also giue sentence of death, yea execute vpon such as deserue it, which is contrary to the custome, and Canons of the Church. Whereto I answere, that for as much as that time there were no Christian Princes, or Magistrates to do iustice in that kind, and that it was necessary in the beginning to inflict such an exemplar pu­nishment vpon those two hypocrites for the terrour of other, Saint Peter thought good to performe it himselfe, although afterwards when Christian Religion was further propagated, and Christian Princes held it for an honour to them to serue God, and his Church with their temporall lawes and power, the Church thought it needlesse to inflict bloodie penalties, not be­cause it might not doe it, if it would, but because it seemed more decent, and conuenient for lenitie of a pious Mother to abstaine from the same, and to vse more milde, and lesse rigorous punishments; in which respect the Church hath alwayes retained the vse of some temporall, and corporall chastisements, although she haue restrained her Ministers by Canons, and constitutions from the effusion of blood, remitting the iudgement, and execution thereof, wholy to the secular Magistrates, who haue by their lawes sufficiently prouided for the execution of iustice in that kind.

78 But first, without perhaps I doe say, and haue euidently con­uinced, not from those miraculous facts of the Apostles, but from the doctrine, and grounds of Cardinall Bellarmine, and others, who maine­taine the Popes power to depose Princes, and to dispose of all their tem­poralls, that the Pope by the institution of Christ, hath authoritie also to kill wicked Princes by all those wayes publike, or priuate, by which temporall Princes haue authoritie to depriue their subiects of their liues, as I haue insinuated aboue in this Treatise,Cha. 3: nu. 15 and 16. and chap. 5. sec. 2 nu. 9 & seq. and prooued at large in my Apologie, Apolog nu. [...]3. & seq. to which D. Schulkenius answereth onely with a transcat, let it passe as not belonging to the matter: and Mr. Fitzherbert both in other places of this his Reply, and also heere by these words, [not because it might not doe it, if it would] doth expressely acknowledge as much, although forsooth he will not meddle with the liues of Princes to auoid enuy, and yet he feareth not to say,Chap 2. nu. 15.16. That the Pope can take a­way my life, and the liues of all Christians: Now what a scandalous do­ctrine this is, and what feares, and iealousies of continuall treasons, in­humaine gun-powder plots, and bloodie Assassinates against their Royall persons, those Christian Princes especially, who dissent from the Catholike Romane Religion, may iustly conceiue thereby, I haue sufficiently prooued in my Appendix against Fa. Suarez, Part. 1. sec. 9 nu. 5. & seq. where also I haue cleerely conuinced, that this pretence of Ecclesiasticall lenitie, and [Page 331] the clemencie of a Pious mother, which onely for mildnesse sake, as they pretend, and not by any obligation doth not vse such rigorous punish­ments, is a meere shift, and cloake to dazell the eyes of the simple, and vnlearned Catholikes. For as it is no clemencie, but a plaine crueltie for a mother not to cut off one member of her beloued child, when it is in danger to infect, and kill the whole body, so also the Pope should bee cruell to the Church of God, not to cut off an hereticall Prince that is in danger to infect the other members of the Church, if we once suppose this scandalous, & damnable doctrin, that the Pope hath power in order to spirituall good to dispose of all the temporals, both of Christian Prin­ces, & subiects, as temporall Princes haue in order to temporal good, au­thority to dispose of al the temporal, & corporal goods of their subiects.

79 Secondly, it is not true, that the Church hath alwayes retained the vse of some temporall and corporall chastisements, except onely by way of commaund, whereof I neuer made doubt: As also that reason, which my Aduersary heere bringeth, why the Church now, since Christi­an Religion hath beene further propagated, and Christian Princes haue held it for an honour to them to serue God, and his Church with their temporall lawes, thought it needlesse to inflict bloody punishments, especially vpon wic­ked, and disobedient Princes for that by their lawes they haue sufficiently pro­uided for the execution of iustice in that kind, is very weake, and insuffici­ent, because although Christian Princes haue sufficiently prouiued for the execution of iustice with bloodie punishments against their sub­iects, yet they haue no way prouided for the execution of iustice in this kind against themselues; and therefore if Christian Princes themselues become heretikes, and seeke to draw their subiects to their heresie, nei­ther Ecclesiasticall lenitie, nor the reason that my Aduersarie heere hath brought, why the Church now thought it needlesse to inflict bloodie penalties, can be any hinderance, why the Pope may not proceed against them with bloody punishments, if we once suppose, that he hath power and authoritie so to do. But the true, & ancient doctrine is, that a Priest, as he is a Priest, is forbidden by the law of Christ to vse,See aboue part 2. cap. 9. and not onely is counselled for decencie sake not to vse, the material, or temporal sword.

80 But now Mr. Fitzherbert, for the vpshot and conclusion of this Chapter, will cleerely prooue by an argument, which no man forsooth of iudgement can denie, that the supreme spirituall Pastour hath pow­er to punish his sheepe, or subiects, not onely in their soules, but also in their bodies, and goods. And truely I cannot but wonder, saith hee,Pag. 126. nu. 29.30. that any man of iudgement can thinke it vnlawfull for the supreme spirituall Pastour, to punish his sheepe, or subiects in their bodies, or goods, seeing that it cannot be denied, but that he is their Pastour, and superiour in regard not onely of their soules, but also of their bodies, that is to say, of their whole per­sons wherein their bodie is necessarily included; and therefore for as much as [Page 332] euery man is bound to serue God no lesse with his body, then with his soule, and that the body concurreth with the soule to the execution of all externall workes, good and bad, and shall be either glorified, or tormented eternally toge­ther with it, no man can with reason denie, but that he who hath the direction, and gouernement of the whole person for the eternall good thereof, may punish the same as well in the one part, as in the other (as also in what else soeuer is ac­cessorie to the said person) when the same shall be requisite for the eternall good, and saluation thereof. So as reason it selfe may teach vs, that the Apostoli­call power and authoritie extended it selfe to the punishment, not onely of the soule, but also of the body, and goods, when occasion required. And this I hope, may suffice for the confutation of Widdringtons answeres concerning the law of God, and Nature; and therefore I will now briefly examine, what he saith concerning the law of Nations, and the Ciuill, or Imperiall law, which shall be the subiect of the next Chapter.

81 But truely I cannot but wonder, that Mr. Fitzherbert, who is taken, and commended by many for a man, although not of any great Schoole-learning▪ yet of a deepe, and rare naturall iudgement, should so palpably bewray both his want of learning, and also his weakenesse of iudgement. For by his owne argument any man of iudgement may conclude, that a temporall Prince may punish his subiects not onely in their bodies and goods, but also in their soules: seeing that it cannot be denied, but that he is their Superiour in regard not onely of their bo­dies, but also of their soules, that is to say, of their whole persons, where­in their soule is necessarily included; and therefore for as much as eue­ry Christian man is bound to serue his temporall Prince, and obey his iust lawes, no lesse with his soule and for conscience sake, then with his bo­dy, and that the soule concurreth with the body to the execution of all externall workes, good and bad▪ and shall be either glorified, or tor­mented eternally together with it, no man can with reason denie; but that hee who hath the direction and gouernement of the whole person for the temporall good thereof, and the publike good of the whole common-wealth, may punish the same as well in the one part, as the other (as also in what else soeuer is accessorie to the said person) when the same shall be requisite for the temporall good of the said person▪ and the publike good of the whole common-weath. So as reason it selfe may teach vs, that temporall authoritie extendeth it selfe to the punish­ment not onely of the body, but also of the soule, when occasion re­quireth.

82 Now what will Mr. Fitzherbert in his iudgement say to this argument? Can he denie, that a temporall Prince is not Superiour to euery person, that is subiect to the lawes of his kingdome? Or can hee deny, that when a temporall Prince commaundeth his subiects to doe any thing, that part which is principally commaunded, is the soule, [Page 333] which is capable of reason, and therefore chiefly subiect to command, and not the bodie, which is not endued with reason? for which cause neither the soule, if it want the vse of reason, is subiect to command, as it appeareth in infants, and mad men, who although they should kill a man, doe no more transgresse the law made against murther, then if a wild beast should doe the same: And therefore it cannot be denied, but that as well a temporall Prince in order to temporall good, as a spi­rituall Pastour in order to spirituall good is superiour to the whole per­son of man, although the soule, which is capable of reason, and vnder­standing, and not the body, is chiefly subiect to the commandement as well of temporall Princes in order to temporall good, as of spirituall Pastours in order to the spirituall, and eternall good of their soules. Moreouer a Christian Prince is to direct, and gouerne by temporall lawes the persons committed to his charge, not onely for their tempo­rall good, but also for their spirituall, and eternall: for that the end of a Christian Prince is, also according to Card, Bellarmines doctrine,In Schulke­nio pag. 334. not onely temporall good, and externall peace in the common-wealth, but also euerlasting happinesse, for which man was principally created, and to which euery Christian Prince ought, as much as lyeth in him, to bring the soules of his subiects; and therefore he may according to my Aduersaries argument punish them as well in their soules as in their bodies, when it shall be requsite to the eternall good, and saluation of the whole person. Whereby you may see, what little reason any man of iudgement can haue to repose his soule, and conscience vpon the lear­ning and iudgement of this man, who here in a matter of such impor­tance, hath so grosly discouered his great want of learning & iudgmēt.

83 Secondly therefore [...], the weakenesse of this argument will cleerely appeare, and the confused, and cloudie mist of the Popes Su­perioritie ouer the whole person of euery Christian man, which Mr. Fitzherbert for want either of learning, and iudgement, or of sinceri­tie hath cast before the eyes of the vnlearned Readers, will be easily dis­persed, and their vnderstandings cleered, if they distinguish betwixt the directiue, or commanding, and the coerciue, or punishing power both of temporall Princes, and also of spirituall Pastours. For to omit now Metaphisicall questions (as in what consisteth essentially the per­son of man, and how the person of man is distinguished from his huma­nitie, or which is all one, from the body and soule of man being vnited in one essentiall compound, and whether the subsistence, or personali­tie of man be a simple, or compound entitie, a spirituall, or corporall, or mixt of both, for if it be a simple entitie, we cannot properly say the whole person of man, as though the personality of man were compoun­ded of parts, which difficulties the vulgar sort cannot well compre­hend) and to take the whole person of man in the common vulgar sense, [Page 334] as it is a particular, or indiuiduall substance, including both body and soule, it is euident, that the soule of man is, if not onely, yet principally subiect to the directiue or commanding power, not onely of spirituall Pastours, but also of temporall Princes, for that lawes are not made but for reasonable creatures, and who haue free will to obserue or trans­gresse the law. And therefore although a temporall Prince hath power to force or punish the bodies of his subiects, yet he cannot command their bodies, because they are not capable of reason or vnderstanding.

84 But we must not argue in the like manner concerning the co­erciue, or punishing power. For, considering that not onely the soule, but also the body are subiect to punishments, according to their na­ture, to wit, the soule to spirituall, and the body to temporall punish­ments, therefore as well the body as the soule are subiect to the coer­ciue, or punishing power in generall, according as it may inflict corpo­rall or spirituall punishments. Wherefore, neither from the superiori­ty, or authority, which spirituall Pastours haue to direct or commaund the persons of their spirituall subiects, nor from the authority which temporall Princes haue to direct or command the persons of their tem­porall subiects, can we rightly conclude, what authority either spiritu­all Pastours, or temporall Princes haue to punish the soule, or the body, or, which is all one, to inflict spirituall or temporall punishments: for that the soule, and not the body is principally subiect to the directiue or commanding power. So that by this manner of arguing from the di­rectiue power to the coerciue, it may rather be concluded, that tempo­rall Princes may punish the soule, for that they haue power to com­mand the soule, rather then that spirituall Pastours may punish the bo­dy, for that they haue not power to commaund the body, which being an vnreasonable creature, is not subiect to any externall commaunde­ment. But what coerciue authority either spirituall Pastours, or tempo­rall Princes haue to punish the body or soule, wee must gather from the institution of Christ, to wit, whether Christ our Sauiour hath giuen au­thority to spirituall Pastours to inflict onely spirituall punishments, and consequently to punish onely the soule, and to temporall Princes to in­flict onely corporall and temporall punishments, and consequently to punish onely the body, and not the soule, but onely by consequence as being grieued when the body either in it selfe, or in some temporall things annexed therunto, is punished. So that the maine question, not­withstanding Mr. Fitzherberts argument, still remaineth a foote to wit, whether Christ our Sauiour hath giuen to spirituall Pastours authority to inflict onely spirituall, or also temporall punishments; neither can this question bee decided by any argument grounded vpon naturall reason, but only vpon the holy Scriptures, wherein the institution and law of Christ is contained.

[Page 335]85 And although the holy Scriptures doe expressely testifie, that the Apostles did in some sort punish, to wit, as Abulensis beforeNu. 73. declared, by way of prediction, or deprecation not onely Christians, but also infidels in their bodies, as S. Paul foretold the blindnes of Elymas the Magician, & S. Peter the death of Ananias and Saphira; yet because this was done by them miraculously, and by that extraordinary power which they had giuen them by Christ, which therefore was not of necessity to descend to their Successours, we cannot deduce a good argument from thence, that therefore spirituall Pastours haue now an ordinary power to inflict the same punishments, but onely that they may inflict them in that manner, and by that power wherewith the Apostles did, to wit, by miracle, in which case I will not deny, but that if perhaps any holy Pope or Bishop haue the grace of miracles, he may by prophecie foretell, or by prayer obtaine that such a wicked Prince, whether he be Christian or Heathen, shall by God, the Angels, or the Deuill bee depriued of his life and kingdome. Neither doth reason teach vs, that because Saint Peter and the Apostles, had so ample and extraordinary Apostolicall power to inflict corporall punishments, therefore the Pope and the Apostles Successours should haue an ordinary power to inflict the same. For as Christ gaue to the Apostles such an extraordinary, and transcen­dent power, so he gaue them an extraordinary grace and vnderstanding, that they should not either bee puft vp with pride by reason of so great a power, or at any time abuse the same in preiudice of themselues or others: which extraordinary grace & vnderstanding Christ gaue not to all future Popes and Bishops: Wherefore seeing that this plenitude of Ec­clesiasticall power to depose Kings, and to dispose of all temporalls, supposing the humane fragilitie of Popes, who therein are like to other men, might be occasion, to vse Almaines words,Almain de potest. [...]cces. & L [...]ca q. 1. c. 9. for the Popes to be puf­fed vp with exceeding great pride, and might also be very hurtfull to subiects, there is no likelihood that Christ gaue him such a power.

86 Neither doe I make any doubt, that either Christian Princes or people would bee any way grieued, but rather very glad, that the Pope should haue so ample a power and authoritie ouer their bodies and goods, if they were assured that he were so confirmed in grace, and en­lightned with supernaturall knowledge as the Apostles were, that hee should alwayes in very deed vse it to the good of their soules, and ne­uer abuse it to the great preiudice of them and their subiects. But see­ing that Popes are, as other men, subiect to all humane infirmities, and may not onely be tempted, but also ouercome with ire, enuy, hatred, flattery, and a vehement desire to encrease their temporall States and Dominions, no maruaile that Soueraigne Princes, who euer haue beene accounted supreme in temporals, and therein inferiour onely to God, cannot take it well, to bee made now subiect to the Pope in temporals, [Page 336] vnlesse sufficient reason bee brought to prooue the same.

And this I hope may suffice for the confutation of all that Mr. Fitzherbert hath replied concerning the law of GOD, and Nature; and therefore I will now briefly examine, what hee saith concerning the law of Nations, and the Ciuill, or Imperiall law, which shall be the subiect of the next Chapter.

CHAP. VIII.

VVherein M. Fitzherberts arguments taken from the Law of Nations and the Ciuill Law are answered: and first the dif­ference betwixt the Priests of the olde and New Testament, and the Priests of other Nations, and also betwixt the Law of Nations, and of Nature is declared, and from thence pro­ued that among all Nations the Ciuill Common-wealth was su­preame, and disposed of all things both spirituall, and tem­porall, and punished all persons both Priestes and others with temporall punishments: and consequently that the new Oath cannot bee impugned by the Law of Nations: and lastly what Maister Fitzherbert obiecteth from the Ciuill Law is confuted.

1. IT is a vsuall tricke of Mr. Fitzherbert, as you haue seene in the former Chapters, and also shall see in this, and the rest, then most of all to bragge, when hee hath least cause, and when any answere of mine is most sound, and sufficient, then to crie out that it is improbable, impertinent absurd, friuolous, foolish, idle, or ridiculous. Hee pretended to prooue in his Supplement by the law of Nations, that the new Oath is vnlawfull in regard it denyeth the Popes power to ex­communicate, and depose temporall Princes, not for that hee thought it other­wise needefull, hauing, as hee saith, prooued already (but how insuffici­ently you haue seene) that the Oath is contrarie to the law of God, and Nature, but to satisfie the importunitie of his Aduersarie, and to giue his Reader an aboundant satisfaction, because as the Lawyers say, abundans cautela non nocet, a prouiso too much neuer hurteth. And to all the ar­guments he brought from the law of Nations, and the Ciuill law, I gaue this briefe answere as heere hee setteth it downe.

[Page 337]2 Septimò, ex iure Gentium nihil aliud probat hic Author, &c. Seuenthly, this Authour prooueth nothing else by the law of Nati­ons, but that all people euer held Religion in the highest price, or esteeme, and preferred it before policie; but that the Priests of the Gentiles had power, as they were Priests, to punish any man with death, or the depriuation of all his goods, it did not proceede from the law of Nature, granting them such an authoritie but from the municipall lawes of the Gentiles,Pro domo sua. the which Cicero (whom this Authour citeth) doth most manifestly confirme, saying, that it was di­uinely inuented, and ordained by the ancient Romans, that their Bishops should haue the chiefe command both in matters belonging to the Common-wealth, and to the religion of the immortall Gods. And as for the Ciuill law, this Authour onely confirmeth by it that the Bishop of Rome is the supreame Gouernour of the Church in spirituall things. Thus I an­swered in that briefe Admonition.

3 Now Mr. Fitzherbert to this my Answere maketh as you shall see, no other Reply, then that, which I did fully satisfie aboue in the sixt Chapter, when I treated of the law of Nature: and therefore it were needelesse to set downe heere his wordes verbatim, but that other­wise hee would take occasion to bragge after his accustomed manner, that I haue concealed, and dissembled his strongest arguments. Ob­serue therefore well what hee saith. But if thou hast, saith hee,ip. 129. nu. 2.3 well noted, good Reader, what was the effect, and substance of my discourse con­cerning the law of Nature thou wilt easily discouer the weakenesse of this an­swere. For whereas hee would prooue by Cicero his wordes alleadged by me, that the authoritie of the Pagan Priests to punish the supreame Secular Magistrates with death, or depriuation of goods, proceeded not from the law of Nature, but from the municipall lawes of the Gentiles, I must desire him to call to minde what was my inference vpon the wordes of Cicero, and the examples by mee alleadged; to wit, that this law, and custome amongst the Romans had no other ground in their opinion, but the Law of Nature, be­cause they hauing no other light to guide them, but the light of reason, held it to bee most conforme to Nature, that religion should bee preferred before poli­cie, and temporall things subordinate to spirituall, by the same reason that things lesse perfect are inferiour to the more perfect, the body to the soule, earthly things to heauenly, men to Angels, and the like.

4 So albeit I doe not deny but that their custome proceeded from their municipall law, yet it doeth not follow thereon, that it did not also proceede from the Law of Nature, but rather the contrarie, because their municipall law in that point had no other ground, but the Law of Nature, which moued them to make that Law. For although the Law of Nature could not teach them the mysteries of Christian Religion. nor in what manner GOD was to be worshipped, and serued, in which respect they both might, and did erre in [Page 338] those things, which pertained to particular points of religion, (as also other Nations did which had not the light of grace) yet not onely they, but also all other Nations, being enlightned by nature, agreed in certaine generall prin­ciples touching religion, as concerning the necessitie, and dignitie thereof, and that all humane actions ought to bee leuelled, and referred thereto, as to their end; whereupon necessarily followed the subordination, and subiection of temporall things to spirituall, and of the Ciuill, or politicall Societie to the Religious in matters that touch religion: and all this I explicated further in my Supplement, when I treated of the law of Nations in particular, in these words. Thus Mr. Fitzherbert.

5 Whereby first of all you may easily see, that all the proofes hee bringeth from the law of Nations, he reduceth to the law of nature, and that therefore what I said in the sixt Chapter concerning the law of na­ture doth fully satisfie all that hee saith heere concerning the law of nations. And secondly you may see, what a prettie circle hee maketh, and how cunningly he would prooue the same by the same. For in his sixt Chapter hee pretended to prooue, that the authoritie of Pagan Priests to punish temporally the supreame Ciuill Magistrate did proceede from the law of nature, for that it proceeded from the custome and law of all Nations; and now heere hee prooueth, that this their authori­tie did proceede from the custome, and law of all Nations, for that it proceeded from the law of nature, by which kinde of arguing hee prooueth in very deede idem per seipsum, the same thing by the ve­ry same.

6 Seeing therefore that all hee saith heere is a meere repetition of that hee said in his sixt Chapter, I will also reduce into a briefe compen­dium what I answered there, that the Reader may thereby cleerely see, that hee hath no way satisfied, albeit hee pretend to haue giuen an aboundant satisfaction to that which I answered in my briefe Admonition, as well concerning the law of Nations, as Nature. And to take away all equiuocation and ambiguitie of wordes, although the law of na­ture doth properly signifie the light of naturall reason teaching or pre­scribing some thing of necessitie to bee done, or omitted, or, which is all one, commanding some thing to bee done, or not to bee done, for that euery law being taken properly doth intrinsecally include some precept, or commandement, neuerthelesse wee doe not now take the law of nature in this proper, and strict sense, but more generally, for the light of naturall reason, not onely as it commandeth, or forbiddeth, but also as it giueth, granteth, teacheth or prescribeth any thing, abstract­ing from all positiue lawes, grants, and ordinances of God, or man. So that euery right, power, or authoritie, which the light of naturall rea­son, abstracting from the positiue ordinances of God, or man, teach­eth to bee due, or belong to any man, is said to belong to him by the [Page 339] law of Nature, as the right which euery man hath to defend himselfe and his goods, although it bee with the death of the inuader, is giuen him by the law of nature; Likewise the power, and authoritie, which the Ciuill common-wealth hath ouer euery member thereof, suppo­sing the vnion of men in one Ciuill Societie, is granted by the law of nature, for that the light of naturall reason, abstracting from all positiue lawes, or graunts of GOD, or man, doeth teach, and or­daine the same.

7 Now to the point, and to the inference, which Mr. Fitzherbert made vpon the wordes of Cicero, and the examples by him alleadged; first, I did willingly grant, that the light of naturall reason doeth teach vs, that Religion is to bee preferred before pollicie, and temporall things are in perfection subordinate to spirituall, by the same reason that things lesse perfect are inferiour to the more perfect, the body to the soule, earthly things to heauenly, men to Angels and the like; and that therefore when there are two things concurring, and com­manded to bee done, whereof the one concerneth religion, the o­the pollicie, the one spirituall things, the other temporall, the one concerneth the soule, the other the body, wee must preferre, cae­teris paribus, that which concerneth religion before that which concerneth pollicie, and that which concerneth spirituall things be­fore that which concerneth temporall, and that which concerneth the soule before that, which concerneth the body: and this the light of true naturall reason doeth teach vs.

8 But what of all this? will hee conclude from hence, that be­cause Religious Priests are in perfection, and nobilitie superiour to tem­porall Princes by the same reason that policie is in perfection inferiour to Religion, therefore the light of naturall reason doeth teach vs, that Religious Priests may punish temporally temporall Princes, and are supe­riour to them in temporall authoritie? This is a very vicious conse­quence, and by the like argument wee may conclude, that because An­gels are superiour to men in perfection, and excellencie of substance, knowledge, and naturall strength, therefore they are also superiour to men in authoritie, and commaund, and that men are bound by force of obedience to doe what the Angells shall prescribe, which no Diuine will grant, vnlesse they bee sent by GOD as his messengers, and mi­nisters. And likewise wee may conclude, that hee who hath one of the liberall sciences, is by the law of nature superiour in authoritie to euery trades man, by the same reason that things lesse perfect are infe­riour to the more perfect, and euery seruile trade is subiect, and inferi­our in perfection to euery one of the liberall arts: and yet whosoeuer should argue from the law of nature in this manner, would bee e­steemed to bee in this point no lesse then a very naturall: for that [Page 340] from the law of nature, & the light of naturall reason we can only con­clude, that in what degree of superiority one thing is superiour to ano­ther, in the like degree of subiection this is subiect, and subordinate to that, and that therefore temporall things are subiect to spirituall in dig­nity and perfection, because these are superiour to them herein; but to transcend from one kind of superiority to another, and from supe­riority in perfection & dignity, to argue a superiority in command, and authority, or from a superiority in spirituals, to argue a superiority in meere temporall things, is contrary to the light and prescript of true naturall reason.

9 Secondly, I did also graunt that all Nations being enlightened by Nature, did agree in certaine generall principles touching Religion, as concerning the necessity and dignity thereof, and that all humane acti­ons ought to be leuelled and directed by the square, and rule of Reli­gion, and referred thereto, as to the end of man, although not to the intrinsecall end of the actions themselues, as I declared aboue in the se­cond part; whereupon doth necessarily follow a subordination and sub­iection of temporall things, to spirituall, & also of the ciuill Society to the religious in dignity and perfection: But it doth not follow from the law of nature, or the light of naturall reason, that the religious Society, as it is distinguished from the ciuill, should haue power and authority to command and much lesse to punish, especially with temporall pu­nishments, the ciuill Societie. And the reason hereof I alleaged in that place out of the doctrine of Abulensis. Cap. 6. nu. 35.

10 Because euery man liuing according to the law of nature; and the light of naturall reason may be considered, either as liuing by him­selfe alone, or else as liuing with other men in ciuill Society. If hee bee considered as liuing by himselfe alone, what power soeuer hee hath ei­ther concerning temporals or spirituals, concerning his body or soule, is in himselfe alone, so that he hath neither power to command or pu­nish but himselfe alone; and in this manner euery man is a Priest, and by the law of nature hath authority to worship God, and to sacrifice to him in all places, and at all times, and with all kinde of Sacrifices, which the prescript of true reason doth not teach to be vnlawfull, for that the law of nature, or the light of naturall reason doth not limit, or determine to a man as liuing by himselfe alone any certaine time, place, or maner of worshipping God, and doing sacrifice to him. But if a man be considered, as hee is a part and member of some ciuill Societie, or Common-wealth, then no priuate man, but the Common-wealth it selfe, or the supreame Gouernour thereof, hath by the law of nature, and prescript of naturall reason all authority to command, dispose, or­daine, and punish as well concerning religious as ciuill affaires: So that in this manner the Common-wealth it selfe, or the supreame Gouer­nour [Page 341] thereof is the publike Priest, and none hath authority to offer Sa­crifice to God, or to worship him in any publike manner, and as a pub­like person, but the Common-wealth it selfe, or those, whom in her place she shall appoint; neither can any priuate or particular man haue any publike authority to command, ordaine, or punish, for matters be­longing to the worshipping of God, but that which the ciuill Com­mon-wealth is pleased to grant him.

11 Wherefore there is a great difference, as I noted in that place, betwixt the Priests and the Religious Society in the law of nature, before any positiue law of God was published, and the Priests and religious Society in the olde and new Testament. For in the law of nature there were not two distinct and independent Societies, the one Religious, the other Ciuill, but the ciuill Society had all power and authority to com­mand and dispose, as well concerning the publike seruice of God, as concerning ciuill gouernment; neither did the law of nature determine, or appoint any certaine men who should be Priests, and should haue full authority to commaund and dispose of those things which belon­ged to the publike seruice of God, but this authority was in the Com­mon-wealth it selfe, which appointed certaine men to be the publike mi­nisters, as well concerning the publike worshipping of God, with reli­gious rites and ceremonies, as concerning the ciuill gouernment of the Common-wealth; neither had these publike ministers any more autho­rity or command, then the Common-wealth did giue them; so that it was in the power of the Common-wealth to extend, diminish, or quite take away the power, authority, command and priuiledges, which by her authority were granted vnto them. But since the positiue law of God was written, the religious and ciuill Societie are two totall and indepen­dent Common-wealths, neither hath the ciuill Common-wealth, or the su­preame Gouernours thereof any authority to determine matters con­cerning religion, and the publike seruice of Almighty God, for that hee himselfe hath appointed those that shall be publike Ministers in matters belonging to Religion, to wit, in the olde Testament the sonnes of Aa­ron, and who by naturall propagation should descend from him, and in the new Testament his Apostles, and who by lawfull ordination shall descend from them, and what spirituall authority these Ministers haue they doe not receiue from the ciuill Common-wealth, but from God himselfe.

12 Whereupon it is euident, that we cannot gather what authori­ty and priuiledges the Priests either of the olde Testament had, or of the new Testament haue, from the law of nature, for that all the authoritie and priuiledges which the Priests in the law of nature had, did wholly depend vpon the ciuill Common-wealth, by whose authority those Priests and Ministers of religious rites and ceremonies were made, but [Page 342] what authority either to cōmand or to punish either Lay-men, or Cler­gie-men the Priests of the olde Testament had, and of the new Testament haue, we can onely gather from the positiue institution, and graunt of God, who hath giuen and determined their authority, and not from the law of nature, wherein the Priests were subiect to the ciuill Com­mon-wealth, and had all their authority from the Common-wealth it selfe. And by this which I haue now said here, and more at large de­clared in the sixt Chapter, is fully satisfied all that Mr. Fitzherbert hath said aboue, and repeateth heere out of his Supplement concerning the law of nature, in these words:

13 First then, saith hee;Pag. 130. nu. 5. it is to be considered, that humane law is commonly diuided into Ius Gentium, Ius Ciuile, and Ius Ecclesiasticum vel Canonicum, the law of Nations, the Ciuill law, and the Canon or Ecclesiasticall law. And as for the law of Nations (which is a humane law, so easily and directly deduced from the very principles of Nature, that all Nations doe receiue and admit it) it is manifest; &c. But before wee goe any farther, it will not be amisse to obserue the difference, which the learnedst Diuines of this age doe make betwixt the law of Nations and Nature, for vnlesse wee know and agree what the law of Nations is, we shall dispute thereof to little purpose. First therefore Mr. Fitzherbert by those words [which is a humane law so easily and directly deduced from the very principles of Nature, that all Nations doe receiue and admit it] doth seeme to signifie, that onely the knowne morall principles or ge­nerall maximes of Nature, or naturall reason doe belong to the law of Nature, and the conclusions, which are easily and directly deduced from them, doe belong to the law of Nations: which doctrine neuerthelesse all the Diuines of this age, euen of his owne Societie doe commonly re­iect;Vasq. 1a. 2ae. disp. 154. cap. 3 Salas Disp. 5. de Leg. sec. 5. Suarez l. 2. de Leg. c. 7. as you may see in Vasquez, Salas, & Suarez, who doe therefore af­firme, that the law of Nature doth comprehend not onely all morall principles but also all conclusions, which are easily and directly, or by an euident and necessary consequence deduced from those principles of Nature.

14 For all morall things, which are knowne by naturall reason, are either the first generall principles of manners, as virtue is to be embra­ced, vice to be shunned, Doe not that to another, which thou wilt not haue done to thy selfe; and these without all doubt doe belong to the law of Nature; or else they are principles not so generall, but yet euidently knowne of themselues, as Iustice is to be kept, God is to be worshipped; Pa­rents are to be honoured, and such like, and these also without all question doe appertaine to the law of Nature: or thirdly they are conclusions, which are euidently deduced from the morall principles of nature, and cannot be knowne but by discourse, among which some are knowne more easily, as adultery, murther, periury, and such like to bee euill, some [Page 343] are not so easily knowne, but to know them there is required a greater discourse, as simple fornication to be of it owne nature euill, vsury to bee vn­iust, an officious lye not to be lawfull for any cause whatsoeuer, and such like. And all these, and other morall conclusions of what degree soeuer, so that they bee deduced as conclusions from the morall principles of na­ture by a certaine and euident consequence, doe also according to the common doctrine of Diuines, belong to the law of Nature. I said by a certaine and euident consequence, for, as well obserueth Salas, Salas tract. 14. disp. 5. sec. 5. as con­clusions, which are euidently deduced from morall principles, and doe binde without any positiue law, doe euidently containe the law of na­ture, so those conclusions which are probably deduced, doe containe it porbably, and are lawes of nature not certaine, but probable, in which if in very deede falshood bee affirmed, they are not the lawes of nature truely, and in very deed, but apparantly, for that an erroneous conscience is not truely a law.

15 The reason, why not onely morall principles, but also the con­clusions, which are deduced from them, doe belong to the law of na­ture, and not of nations, as the law of nations is a positiue, and humane law, is both for that all actions, which by the light of naturall reason, abstracting from all positiue precepts of God or man, are knowne to be euill, and for that cause are forbidden by the law of God, or man, be­cause they are euill of themselues, although they had neuer beene for­bidden by any such positiue law, doe belong to the law of nature; and al­so for that otherwise the morall precepts of the Decalogue, and others contained in them, as the precept forbidding simple fornication, vsurie and to be reuenged of ones enemy by his owne priuate authority, and such like, should not belong to the law of nature, because none of those precepts are generall principles, but conclusions deduced by discourse from them, nay nor to honour, and woorship God should belong to the law of nature, for that it is not knowne but by discourse that there is a God.

16 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue, that Mr. Fitz­herbert in defining the law of nations to be a humane law, which is so easily and directly deduced from the very principles of Nature, that all Nati­tions doe receiue and admit it, doth not onely dissent from all the lear­ned Diuines, euen of his owne Societie, but hee must also, vnlesse hee will maintaine strange paradoxes, plainly contradict himselfe. For first, if the law of nations bee so easily and directly deduced from the ve­ry principles of nature, that all nations doe receiue and admit it, it can­not be a humane law, which hath it force and obligation to binde onely from the constitution of men, but it must haue it force and obligation to binde from the very principles of nature, and consequently it must be reduced to the law of nature, and not of nations. Besides, euery hu­mane [Page 344] law is therefore a positiue and humane law, not onely for that it is receiued and admitted by men, but also for that it is made by men, and hath it force to binde onely by the positiue constitution of men; neither are those lawes, which are onely declared by all nations to be easily and directly deduced from the knowne principles of nature, to be numbred among humane lawes, but among the lawes of nature. And if the law of nations is to be accounted a humane lawe, for that it is so easily & di­rectly deduced from the principles of nature, that all nations doe receiue and admit it, why may not many lawes of nature bee accounted hu­mane lawes, seeing that they are so easily and directly deduced from the very principles of nature, that all nations doe receiue and admit them? Moreouer, Mr. Fitzherbert will not, as I thinke, deny but that many things are forbidden by the law of nature, which neuerthelesse are not so easily and directly deduced from the very principles of nature, that all nations doe receiue and admit them, as simple fornication, vsury, drunkennesse, perpetuity of marriage, and plurality of wiues, which accor­ding to the doctrine of all Diuines are repugnant to the law of nature, and yet some nations haue not thought these to be vnlawfull. Where­vpon Vasquez boldly affirmeth,Vasq. 1a. 2ae. disp. 122. c. 2. tom. 1. that one may haue inuincible ignorance for his whole life time, of those conclusions of the law of Nature, which are more obscure, and more remote from the generall principles of Nature, then are the morall precepts of the Decalogue. Wherefore, although Mr. Fitz­herbert doth make heere a long discourse about the law of nations, and nature, yet it seemeth, that he doth not hitherto vnderstand, what is the law of nations, and how it is distinguished from the law of nature.

17 Wherefore to omit now the diuers opinions of Doctours concerning the difference of the law of nature, and nations, it will be suf­ficient for this present to declare, how Vasquez differeth from the o­ther Iesui [...]es and Diuines in this point.Vasq. 1a. 2ae. disp. 157. c. 3. tom. 2. For Vasquez is of opinion, that the law of nations is comprehended vnder the law of nature, as a part and member thereof, and that it differeth from the law of nature onely in this, that the law of nature is that, which is deduced by a very good discourse from the principles of nature, not onely as permitting, but also as commanding some thing to be done, or not to bee done, insomuch that it is a rule of virtue and vice, and this, whether wee consider nature by it selfe, or, which is all one, as men liue alone by themselues, or else as liuing in common and ciuill Societie. But the law of nations is onely a law of permission, vtilitie, or conueniencie. For some things are in this manner conuenient and profitable to men, as liuing in Ciuill Society, which are not conuenient for a man liuing by himselfe alone: therefore this permission of a thing conuenient to the whole nature of man, as liuing in Ciuill Societie, is called by Vasquez the law of nations [Page 345] that is, a licence or power of nations. Of this sort is the diuision of lands, for without it, Cities could very hardly be well gouerned; and also a right, or power to make warre, and by the right of warre to reuenge iniu­ries, for without this, Cities would be exposed to a thousand iniuries: but a power to marry is not to bee called the law of nations, but of na­ture; for that it was not introduced by naturall reason, for this consi­deration, that men began to liue in Cities, whereupon they were cal­led Nations, but because it is conuenient by permission to the nature of man, being absolutely considered by it selfe. So that according to Vasquez no law of nations is a rule of virtue, and vice, to wit, commanding something as necessarie, or forbidding some thing as euill, but onely granting, or permitting some thing as conuenient and profitable, and also as honest, but not necessarie: but the law of nature both commandeth, for­biddeth, and permitteth. Wherefore the law of nature as it doth permit onely, and not command, or forbid is by Ʋasquez called the law of na­tions. For all morall precepts doe, according to him, belong either to the law of nature, or to the Ciuill law: for if any thing be commanded, or for­bidden by force of naturall reason, it belongeth to the law of nature; but if it bee commaunded, or forbidden by the will of man hauing autho­ritie thereunto, it belongeth to the Ciuill law. And of this opinion hee thinketh Aristotle, and all the ancient Philosophers to haue beene, for that all Philosophers before the Ciuill lawyers, did deuide euery law in ge­nerall into the law of nature, and the Ciuill law.

18 But this opinion of Vasquez doth not please Suarez, Salas,Suarez lib. 2. cap. 18. 19. Salas disp. 2. sec. 2. 3. & seq. D. sec. 3.and many other Diuines, albeit Salas thinketh this question concerning the difference of the law of nature, and nations, is for the greatest part rather a verball question, and of words, then reall and of any great moment. For if it be once knowne, that any thing belongeth to the law of nature; it little importeth to say, that it belongeth also to the law of nations, for that all nations doe commonly keepe, or vse that law. But it greatly importeth to know, whether any thing bee commaunded by the law of nature, or onely by the positiue law of man, & if it be commanded by positiue law, whether that law be com­mon to all nations, or no, and whether it be common to all nations, as it were per se, by it selfe, for that all nations, as being one totall commu­nitie of mankind haue decreed it, or, as it were per accidens, by acci­dent, for that euery Nation decreeing it by it selfe, we may gather by Induction that all nations haue decreed it, and so that it is a decree common to all nations.

19. For the better vnderstanding whereof Suarez,Suarez lib. 2. de Leg. pap. 19. Salas Tract. 14. q. 91. disp. 2. sec. 3.and Salas doe obserue, that a law may be said to be common to all, or many nations, either for that all, or many nations being taken seuerally by them­selues, doe agree in that law, or else for that it is obserued by the vse [Page 346] and custome of all, or many nations, as they haue among themselues a certaine societie, and ciuill communication. For although euery Citie, common-wealth, or Kingdome be in it selfe a perfect com­munitie, and composed of her parts, and members, yet euery one of them is in some sort a member of this vniuersall world, as it apper­taineth to mankind; neither are those communities so sufficient seue­rally for themselues, but that they want some helpe, societie, and communication of others, sometime for greater vtilitie, or conue­niencie, and sometime for morall necessitie, and want, and in regard of this they want some law, whereby to be directed in this kind of communication, and societie. And although for the most part this be done by naturall reason, yet it cannot be done sufficiently, and immediatly for all things, and therefore some speciall lawes might be introduced by the custome of the said nations. For as in one Citie, or prouince a custome doth bring in a law, so also in the vniuersitie of mankind the law of nations might by custome be introduced; and es­pecially for that those things, which belong to this law, are both few, and also very neere to the law of nature, and haue from it a very easie inference, and are so profitable, and conuenient to nature it selfe, that although it be not an euident inference, as of a thing altogether ne­cessary to morall honesty, or vertue, yet it is very conuenient to na­ture, and of it selfe acceptable to all men.

20 Wherefore the opinion of these Authours doth consist in these points. The first is, that the law of nations doth not onely per­mit, or graunt somethings, but also command, and forbid by bin­ding vnder sinne: for that otherwise the law of nations would not properly be a law, neither should a law in generall, being taken pro­perly, and as it is a rule of reason, or of vertue, and vice, which intrin­secally includeth some precept, be well diuided into the law of nature, of nations,Vasque disp. 157. cap. 4. in fine Thom. prim. secun. q. 95. ar. 4.and the Ciuill Law: and yet Vasquez himselfe doth affirme, that the law of nations was by S. Thomas rightly numbred among hu­mane lawes. Besides, the law of naure, and the Ciuill law, doe permit and grant many things, and so the law of nature doth grant or per­mit, but not command a man to marry a wife, and to keepe, and conserue his proper libertie, and therefore it is not proper to the law of nations to permit, or grant, neither ought it by this to be distin­guished from other lawes. Moreouer, if a permissiue or concessiue law in respect of all mankind, as liuing in ciuill societie, is called the law of nations, why may not also a preceptiue or commanding law although it suppose ciuill societie, in the same respect be called a law of nations? Neither can there be made any doubt, but that from ci­uill society, and from the positiue law of nations, yea and from the ciuill law, may arise a naturall obligation; as for subiects to obey the [Page 347] positiue lawes of their princes, for children to honour their parents, for married persons to obserue coniugall duetie, for seruants in gene­rall to serue their masters,But see a­boue cha. 6. nu. 23. & nu. 93. & seq.not to take away by priuate authoritie the goods of another man, which hath beene giuen him by the posi­tiue lawes, or grants of temporall Princes, and many such like, all which doe suppose some ciuill society.

21 The second is, that the Ciuill Lawes, and the Diuines doe not speake commonly of the law of nations after the same manner. For the Diuines doe commonly call the law of nations that law; which is, ordained, and made by nations, and the law of nature they call that which nature it selfe, or the prescript of naturall reason without the will, and decree of man doth make, and ordained. But the Ciuill Lawyers doe oftentimes call the law of nature, that law or right which is common also to brute beasts: & the law of nation, that law, which all men, and onely men doe vse, although-otherwise it be grounded vpon naturall reason: as you may see in ff. de iust. & iure, where the law of nature is described to be that, which Nature hath taught all sensi­ble creatures, and is not onely proper to men, but common also to beastes; fishes and birds, as carnall copulation, getting of children, and bringing of them vp: and the law of nations is described to be that, which all Nati­ons doe vse, and which is common onely to men among themselues, as Re­ligion towards God, to obey our Parents, and Countrey, to defend our selues from wrong, and iniurie. And therefore as very well obserueth Paradulphus. Prateius cited by Salas,Salas Disp. 2. seq. 4.vnlesse one diligently obserue (which hath giuen occasion to many men of errour) that the law of nations is by the Lawyers sometimes taken for the true law of nature, and some­time it is taken for that law, which is made, and receiued by the greatest part of mankind, and doe very well distinguish these two, he will neuer come to the true knowledge of the law. And therefore Bartholus; to auoide this confusion doth distinguish two lawes of nations, the one he calleth Ius primarium; the first, or principall law, and this is the very law of nature, which he defineth to bee that law, which from the very begin­ning of Nations was introduced by naturall reason, without any decree, or constitution of Nations: and the other he calleth Ius secundarium, the lesse principall law of nations, which all Nations doe vse by their owne de­cree, or constitution.

22 The third is, that the law of nations, being taken most proper­ly, and rigorously is both a positiue law, as many Doctours cited by Salas doe hold, that is, it is a law made, and enacted by the positiue constitution of men, and not by the prescript of naturall reason,Salas disp. 2. sec. 3.and al­so that the law of nature which doth containe in it both the knowne principles of nature, or naturall reason, and also the conclusions, which are clearely, easily, & directly deduced from those principles, is not [Page 348] properly the law of nations. And this also the Emperour Iustinian doth sufficiently confirme,Institut. de Iure nat. Gent. & ciuile.who maketh this distinction betwixt the ciuill law, & the law of nations; that whatsoeuer euery particular peo­ple, or nation, doth enact, or ordaine, that is called the ciuill law, as being a law proper to that citie: But the law of nations is common to all mankind, for that custome, and humane necessities so requiring, the nations of men haue made to themselues certaine lawes: and truely if those lawes were naturall, they could not be well said to bee made by men, but by na­ture it selfe, or by God the Authour of nature; Seeing therefore that the law of nature is not made by men, it cannot properly be called the law of nations. Whereupon it followeth, that it is not for this cause onely called the law of nations, for that all nations doe vse it, obserue it, receiue, or admit it, as being easily and directly deduced from the very principles of nature, but for that they doe vse, obserue, receiue, and admit it, as being the Authors, and enacters thereof.

23 So that, as the ciuill law, and the law of nature doe take their name or denomination from the Authors, or makers thereof, so also the law of nations. Wherefore the law of nations is that, which nations made for themselues, and therefore it is a positiue law. For all nati­ons, as they make one Communitie of mankind, haue power to bind euery particular man to those things, which are conuenient to all mankind, as euery city hath power to bind euery member thereof to those things, which are conuenient for that Citie, and euery king­dome to those things which are conuenient for the whole king­dome. And that all nations had intention to binde men to some things, it is manifest by tradition, & they might sufficiently declare their intention by words, customes, or other signes, especially in the beginning of the world, when in regard of the few number of men, and of their mutuall loue, and concord it was an easie matter, for all, or the greater part of men to agree in the same will, or inten­tion, and in some manner to publish, and declare the same: And this law is not the law of nature, for that it is grounded in humane will, and not in any necessary prescript of naturall reason; neither is it the Ciuill law, for that it is not proper, and peculiar to one Citie, or Kingdome, therefore it is to be called the law of nations, not onely for that nations doe vse, receiue, and admit it, and are bound to ob­serue it, as Mr. Fitzherbert doth heere insinuate, for that they are bound also to receiue, admit, and obserue the law of nature, but be­cause it hath it force and obligation to bind themselues, as from the Authors, makers, and enacters thereof.

24 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue, that the law of nations properly so called, is not, according to these Diuines compre­hended in the law of nature, as a part in the whole, but is distinct from it [Page 349] essentially, albeit they doe agree in many things,Suarez lib. 2. cap. 19. 20. as Suarez doth declare at large. For first they agree, that both of them are in some sort common to all men, in which respect both of them may be called the law of nations, or of men, if we onely regard the word or name. Secondly, they agree, that as the matter of the law of nations hath re­gularly place onely among men, so also the matter of the law of na­ture is proper to men, either altogether, or for the most part, for sometimes also the law of nations may dispose in a matter common to brute beasts, as in permitting fornication, or the carnall company with sundry persons, which is common also to beasts. And there­fore many examples, which by the Ciuill Lawyers are contained vn­der the law of nations onely in regard of this condition, as Religion towards God, honour to Parents, piety towards our Countrey, and such like, doe onely in name belong to the law of nations properly so called, for in very truth they appertaine to the law of nature. Thirdly, they agree, that in both of them are contained pre­cepts and prohibitions, and also graunts, concessions, and per­missions.

25 But they differ first and principally; for the affirmatiue pre­cepts of the law of nations doe not inferre any necessitie of the thing commaunded onely of it owne nature by some euident deduction from the principles of nature, for whatsoeuer is of this kind is natu­rall; and therefore this necessitie must onely proceede from the con­sent, and positiue constitution of men. And in like manner the ne­gatiue precepts of the law of nations doe not forbid any thing because it is euill of it selfe, for this also is meerely naturall. Wherefore in regard of humane reason the law of nations doth not onely declare the act to be euill, but doth also make it euill, neither doth it forbid euill, for that it is euill, as the law of nature doth, but by forbidding the act it maketh it euill. Secondly, they differ in vniuersalitie, and communitie to all Nations: for the law of nature is common to all, and only through error & ignorance it is not kept by some, but the law of nations is not alwaies, but regularly common to all, or almost all nations, as S. Isidore writeth;Isidor. lib. 5. Etymolog. ca. 5.whereupon without any errour that law may in some places not be obserued, which by others is thought to belong to the law of nations.

26 Thirdly, they differ in mutability. For the law of nations cannot bee so immutable as the law of Nature, because immutability doth proceede from necessity, and therefore where there is not the like necessity, there cannot bee the like immutability. Whereupon wee may easily gather, that the precepts of the law of Nations are muta­ble, for as much as they depend vpon the consent of men. And the reason is [...], for that those things which are forbidden by the law of [Page 350] Nations, are not simply, absolutely, and intrinsecally euill of them­selues, because these precepts are not deduced from the principles of nature, by any necessary or euident deduction, but doe onely binde by vertue of humane consent, which hath been introduced at least­wise by a generall custome, and therefore in regard of the matter there is no repugnance, that in the law of Nations there may be made some alteration, so that it be done by sufficient authority.

27 Wherein it is to be obserued, that this mutation doth hap­pen otherwise in the law of Nations, which is onely common, for that all, or many Nations doe agree in such, or such a law, and other­wise in that law, which is common by the vse and custome of Nati­ons, as among themselues they haue a certaine Society, and commu­nication. For the first law may bee changed by a particular King­dome, or Common-wealth, for as much as concerneth that king­dome, or Common-wealth, because that law as it is in that King­dome, or Common-wealth, is intrinsecally a Ciuill law, to speake so, and it is onely called the law of Nations, either for that other Nati­ons haue the same law, or else for that it is so neere to the law of Na­ture that from thence the vniuersality of such a law doth arise: But this law, as it is per se, and of it owne nature in euery Common-wealth, doth depend vpon their peculiar determination and autho­rity, or custome of that Common-wealth in it selfe, and without respect to other Common-wealths, therefore it may be changed by that Common-wealth, for as much as concerneth that Common-wealth, although others doe not consent thereunto, because euery Common-wealth is not bound to conforme her selfe to others. As for example, any Common-wealth may ordaine, that within her selfe common harlots shall not be permitted, or that all vniust buy­ings and sellings in euery excesse whatsoeuer shall be repealed, and made voide, or that they shall not vse money, but other kinds of ex­changings; for although these things be not done de facto, because there is no cause or profit to doe the same, yet in respect of morall honesty, and sufficient authority they doe not repugne to be done.

28 But in the other law of Nations it is farre more hard to make any alteration because it doth respect the common good of all na­tions, and it seemeth to be made by the authority of all, and there­fore without the consent of all it cannot be abolished. Neuerthe­lesse in regard of the matter there is no repugnance, but that it may be altered, if all Nations should consent, or if the contrary custome should by little and little be brought in. But although this may be conceiued as not repugnant, yet morally it is not possible, for that this law being so neere to the law of nature, and so conuenient accor­ding to naturall reason, it is scarse possible that all Nations, or the [Page 351] greatest part should agree to the abrogation thereof. Neuerthelesse in another manner any one Communitie may command, that a­mong themselues onely such, or such a law of nations be not kept, and this manner is possible and morall. And so the law of nations concerning the bondage of captiues taken in a iust warre, is changed among Christians by an ancient custome of Chrstians, which is as it were a speciall law of Christian nations, and also by an expresse Im­periall law of Iustinian the Emperour, Cod. de Episcopis & Clericis, leg. Deo auxilium.

29 Lastly, Suarez distinguisheth the law of nations from the Ci­uill law, first in this, that the law of nations is not written, but is in­troduced by vse and custome, wherein it differeth from the law of nature, which although it be not written, yet it is grounded in nature, and not onely in custome; but the Ciuill law is both written, and not written. Secondly, that the law of nations is introduced by the vse and custome of all nations or almost all; for it is sufficient to the law of nations, according to Saint Isidore, cited before,Nu. 25.that all nations, or almost all nations well gouerned doe vse the same: but the Ciuill law, although it may also be introduced by custome, yet it is introduced by the custome of one, or few nations, and bindeth onely them. Thirdly, that the Ciuill law may be altered wholly, but the law of nations, cannot, speaking morally be altered wholly, but onely in part; which is not to be vnderstood of the whole collection of all the precepts of both lawes, for so neither of them can morally be wholly changed, because it is morally impossi­ble to alter all the ciuill precepts in any one kingdome, but it is to be vnderstood of euery singular precept, which may easily be chan­ged and abrogated throughout the whole kingdome, but no one precept of the law of nations can throughout all nations bee abroga­ted, although some nation doe not obserue it. This is the opinion of Suarez concerning the difference betwixt the law of nature, of na­tions, and the Ciuill law.

30 But although as well obserueth Salas, this question is for the greatest part rather verball and of wordes then reall, and of the thing it selfe, for that all doe agree in this, that whatsoeuer is forbidden by the law of nature, is of it selfe euill, and what is forbidden by the posi­tiue law of men, whether it bee of one nation, of many, or of all, is not euill of it selfe, but made euill by that positiue law, and prohibition, Neuerthelesse concerning that distinction, which Suarez, and Salas doe make of all nations, or the greatest part, as they are taken ioyntly, and make one Societie, or Common-wealth of mankind, and of all nations, as they are taken seuerally each one by themselues, I haue one chiefe difficultie: for in my opinion this distinction of theirs is meerely [Page 352] imagined, and inuented without any good, and sufficient ground: be­cause although all Nations doe make one Societie, or common-wealth of mankind, as they are referred to GOD the inuisible King, and Go­uernour of all mankind, yet as they are referred to their visible Gouer­nours on earth, they doe not make one, but diuers totall Ciuill Socie­ties, Kingdomes, or Common-wealths; and consequently the lawes made by them are really diuers, and not one law; and so the law of na­tions is not truely, and formally one law, but diuers lawes obserued, or by expresse, or vertuall couenant agreed vpon by all, or the greatest part of nations, and it cannot bee called one law, except by aggregation, as all, or the greatest part of nations, as they are referred to their visible Gouernours on earth, cannot bee properly, and formally, but onely by aggregation, bee called one Ciuill Societie, kingdome, or Common-wealth, (as many stones laide together are by aggregation called one heape of stones,) no more then England, France, and Spaine, be called one kingdome, or parts of one totall kingdome compounded of them three, or the lawes commanding, or forbidding the same thing, made, or by couenant agreed vpon by these three kingdomes, bee called one singular law.

31 From whence it followeth first, that the law of nations, as it is a positiue humane law, is not formally one singular law, but many Ciuill lawes of diuers nations together, although it may bee called one law of nations, for that it commandeth, and forbiddeth one and the selfe same thing. Secondly, that the Christian nation, as it is referred to the visible Gouernours thereof is not properly, and formally, one Ciuill Societie, Nation, Kingdome, or Common-wealth, but many temporall Kingdomes professing the same Christian Religion, although as it is referred to the supreame spirituall Pastour thereof, it bee truely, properly, and formally one spirituall Societie, Kingdome. Church, and mysticall body of Christ. Thirdly, that the law of nations, as it is a positiue law, may bee changed, and wholly abrogated by any particu­lar Kingdome or Common-wealth for as much as it concerneth onely that kingdome, or Common-wealth because that law, as it is in that kingdome, or Common-wealth, is intrinsecally, to speake so, a Ciuill law, and hath not force by vertue of the law to bind the subiects of that kingdome, or Common-wealth, but as it was enacted, and receiued by the Gouernors, and subiects of that kingdome, or common-wealth. Neuerthelesse by vertue of some expresse, or tacite pact, couenant, or agreement (which properly is no law, for that a law requireth a supe­rioritie in the maker therof ouer the persons who are bound to obserue that law, which superioritie a couenant doth not require) made be­twixt diuers kingdomes it may binde also the subiects of other king­domes: in which respect the law of nations, for as much as it concer­neth [Page 353] diuers kingdomes, cannot be repealed and abrogated without the consent of both kingdomes, because pacts and couenants may not be broken without the consent of all parties; but if both parties doe a­gree, it is lawfull not to obserue that couenant, for as much, as it con­cerneth onely themselues. And so the custome of receiuing Ambassa­dours in time of hostilitie, vnder the law or rather couenant of immu­nitie, which is saide to bee brought in by the law of nations, may be a­brogated by the mutuall consent of two kingdomes, for as much as concerneth themselues, although other kingdomes will not for their parts agree thereunto. And for the same reason any other lawe of na­tions, as it is a pure positiue law, may bee repealed by the consent, and a­greement of those kingdomes whom it doeth concerne, although other nations will still obserue the same. And this may suffice con­cerning the difference betwixt the law of nature, of nations, and the Ciuill law. Now to Mr. Fitzherberts discourse.

32 And as for the law of Nations, saith hee,pa. 130. nu. 5. (which is a hu­mane law so easily, and directly deduced from the very principles of na­ture, that all nations doe receiue, and admit it) it is manifest, that it can­not dissent from those infallible grounds, which I haue laid alreadie, as well out of the law of Nature, as out of the law of GOD, especially seeing that there is nothing, wherein all Nations doe more vniformely agree, by the very instinct of Nature, then that all temporall things are inferiour to spirituall things, and subordinate thereto, whereupon it necessarily followeth, &c. But what grounds either infallible, or fallible Mr. Fitzherbert hath alreadie laid as well out of the law of nature, as out of the law of GOD, you haue alreadie seene. Neither doth any man make any doubt, but that this is an infallible ground, wherein all nations by the very instinct of nature doe vniformely agree, that as all spirituall things are superiour to all temporall things in dignitie, worth, and excellencie in generall, so all temporall things are inferiour, and subordinate to spirituall things in the same degree of subiection, and subordination, wherein spirituall things are superiour to them; for no man can bee so foolish as to ima­gine, that temporall things must be subiect to spirituall things in any o­ther degree, or kind of subiection, or subordination, then wherein spiri­tuall things are superiour to them.

33 Marke now what Mr. Fitzherbert would conclude from this infallible ground: Whereupon it necessarily followeth, saith he, that all the temporall states of temporall Princes, are subordinate to the Church, and to the head thereof, and to bee disposed by him, when the good of the Church shall so require, as I haue amply declared. But fye for shame, that Mr. Fitzherbert, who is accounted a man of great iudgement, though of small learning, should make so childish, and improbable a consequence, and withall to esteeme it a necessarie inference? For what man of iudge­ment [Page 354] would argue thus: All temporall things are inferiour, subiect, and subordinate to spirituall things, to wit, in worth, dignitie, and excellencie, therefore the Pope hath power to dispose of all temporall things, when the good of the Church shall so require? But my Aduersaries vsuall custome is to darken, and confound the Readers vnderstanding with a mist of cloudie, and ambiguous words, which being once dissolued, and taken away, the plaine, and perspicuous trueth will presently appeare. For as concerning his antecedent proposition, which is, that all temporall things are inferiour to spirituall things, and subordinate thereto, first, if his meaning be, that all temporall things are inferiour and subordinate to all spirituall things in euery kind of subiection, this is apparantly false, for that all spirituall things are not capeable of all kind of superiori­tie, seeing that onely spirituall persons, or substances, and not spirituall accidents are capable of spirituall authoritie, or iurisdiction, which consisteth in a power to commaund, to punish, or to dispose of some­thing.

34 Secondly, if his meaning be, that all temporall things are infe­riour, and subordinate to all spirituall things in some kind of subiection, this is very true; for as all spirituall things, in that they are spirituall, are more excellent, and of a more noble, more perfect, and of a superi­our, and higher degree or order, then is any temporall thing, so all temporall things, as they are temporall, are inferiour, and subordinate in nobilitie, perfection and excellencie to all spirituall things: But from a superioritie in perfection, worth, and nobilitie to conclude a superio­ritie of another kind, to wit, in authoritie, iurisdiction, or power to dis­pose thereon, is transcendere de genere ad genus, to transcend from one kind to another, which manner of arguing euery Schoole-boy knoweth to bee vicious: as thus, Angels both good, and bad are superiour to men in substance, knowledge, might, and other natural perfections, but to conclude from hence, that therefore Angels are superiour to men in authoritie, or Iurisdiction, and that therefore men are inferiour and subiect therein to Angels, and are bound to obey them as their lawfull Superiours, vnlesse they bee sent as messengers from God, which the Greeke word [...] doth import, and which, as Saint Gregory saith,S. Greg. hom. 34. in Euanga. is a word of office, not of nature, were a very fallacious kinde of arguing. Also all seruile trades are inferiour, subiect, and sub­ordinate to all liberall arts and sciences, to wit in woorth, perfection, and nobilitie, and this all trades-men will acknowledge, but they would smile at him that should conclude from thence, that therefore all they that are endued with any liberall art or science may command and punish all trades-men, and dispose of what they haue, when the good of the liberall arts or sciences shall so require.

35 But thirdly, if Mr. Fitzherbert in his antecedent proposition [Page 355] by spirituall things doeth not vnderstand all spirituall things, but only spirituall persons, who by their office haue charge of Religion, and of all spirituall things appertaining to Religion, and that all tempo­rall things are by the instinct of nature, and the light of naturall reason subiect, and subordinate to spirituall persons in such sort, that they may bee disposed of by them, when the good of Religion shall so require, then indeede supposing this antecedant proposition to bee true, it doeth necessarily follow, that the Pope hath power to dispose of all temporall things in order to spirituall good; But then hee supposeth that which he should prooue, and which I euer denyed: for, as I haue amply shewed before, by the law of nature the ciuill Common-wealth it selfe, and the supreame Gouernours thereof had supreame authori­tie to dispose of all things, as well concerning Religion, as State, and policie. Neither did the Religious Societie, and the ciuill Common-wealth in the law of nature make two totall, and independent bodies, Societies, or Common-wealths, as they doe now in the new Law, wherein the temporall Prince, or the Ciuill Common-wealth haue not to dispose of spirituall, and religious affaires, as they did in the law of nature, and according to the custome of all nations: and therefore it cannot bee prooued either by the law of nature, or of nations, that the Pope hath power to dispose of the bodies, States, or temporall goods of temporall Princes, but contrariwise standing in the law of nature, the Ciuill Common-wealth had supreame power, and authoritie to dispose of the bodies, and goods of Religious Priests, and of all things belon­ging to Religion, and the publike seruice of God.

36 Wherefore to little purpose are those words, which Mr. Fitz­herbert next adioyneth. And therefore Vlpian the Lawyer, saith hee, affirming that Ius Gentium, the Law of Nations, is that, which is common onely to men, putteth for example, Religio erga Deum, Re­ligion towards God, giuing to vnderstand, that all Nations, and peo­ple doe agree in nothing more, then that due honour is to bee giuen to Almightie GOD, which is not done, when any thing is preferred before his seruice, or when temporall things are not subordinate to spirituall, and due reuerence, respect, and obedience giuen to his imme­diate Ministers.

37 But what is all this to the purpose? what will hee conclude from hence? who maketh any doubt, but that all Nations and people doe vniformely agree in this, that due honour is to be giuen to almigh­ty God, and that nothing is to be preferred before his seruice, and that temporall things are subordinate to spirituall, to wit, in perfection, worth, and excellency, and that due reuerence, respect, and obedience is to be giuen to his immediate Ministers? But from hence it onely fol­loweth according to the law of nature, and Nations, that because in the [Page 356] law of nature the cheife Ministers of God in all things as well concer­ning his publike seruice, as the ciuill gouernment, was the ciuill Com­mon-wealth it selfe, which because shee could not by her selfe immedi­atly exercise the said functions, she appointed certaine Ministers to ex­ecute the same, therefore we must giue due reuerence, respect and obe­dience, first, to the Common-wealth it selfe, or the supreame Gouer­nours thereof, and secondly, to those immediate Ministers, whom the Common-wealth it selfe, or the supreame Gouernours thereof, haue appoynted, according to the honour, dignity, and authority, which is graunted them. And therefore hee that should make this argument, Due honour is to be giuen to almighty God, and nothing is to be preferred be­fore his seruice, and due reuerence, respect, and obedience, is to be giuen to his immediate Ministers, therefore the Pope hath authority by the law of Na­ture, and Nations, to depose temporall Princes, and to dispose of all their tem­porals, it is euident, that he shooteth farre wide of the marke, and ma­keth a very vaine and friuolous consequence, seeing that according to the law of nature, and Nations, the ciuill Common-weath hath full authority to dispose of all things both concerning state and Re­ligion.

38 Wherefore with these generall propositions, which all men vnderstand and approoue, he still ioyneth that ambiguous and equi­uocall proposition, that temporall things are inferiour and subordinate to spirituall things, to make the vnlearned Reader beleiue that some great mysterie lyeth hidden therein, whereas the plaine meaning of it is, that spirituall things are superiour to temporall things in worth, excellen­cy, and dignity, and therefore caeteris paribus, to bee preferred before them, so that in very deed the meaning thereof is nothing else, but that the seruice of God is to be preferred before all temporall things, which in the law of nature all ciuill Common-wealths which had supreame authority to dispose of all things both concerning State and Religion, did euer acknowledge. And therefore Mr. Fitzherbert labouring in his next Paragraph to prooue this, spendeth his time and labour in vaine, for that no man maketh doubt, but that all Nations euer preferred Reli­gion, and the seruice of their Gods before all other things.

39 But before I come to set downe his words, I thinke it not a­misse to declare briefly in what sense Religion towards God, which Vlpian the Lawyer mentioned here by my Aduersary reduceth to the law of Nations, may appertaine both to the law of Nations and Nature. And that he may the more easily perceiue his owne errour and ignorance in contending to prooue by the law of Nature and Nations, the Popes au­thority to depose temporall Princes, I will relate verbatim Suarez do­ctrine, against which hee neither can, nor will, as I suppose, in this point take any exception.

[Page 357]40 Religion, or the worshipping of God, saith Suarez, Suarez. lib. 2. Leg. cap. 19. num. 10. which example the Lawyer vsed, doth absolutely belong to the law of nature, but the speciall and particular determination thereof doth belong to the positiue law of God, and in the order of nature, (marke these words) it would belong to the ciuill or priuate Law: But the meane betwixt both seemeth in some sort to belong to the law of Nations, as the right to worship God by Sacrifices is not simply, or absolutely commanded by the law of nature, and yet all Nations d [...] seeme to haue agreed therein. as we haue said, treating of this matter, and therefore it may worthily be said to belong to the law of Nations. Likewise, that there should be in the Common-wealth a State of man appointed, specially to the ser­uice of God, doth not seeme to belong to the absolute law of nature, yet it is so conuenient and agreeable thereunto, that almost all Nations and Common-wealths haue agreed in this institution, at least wise in the generall, although in the particular manner there hath beene great variety, and therefore con­cerning this institution in generall, Religion may also be said to belong to the law of Nations. Thus Suarez.

41 Whereby Mr. Fitzherbert may clearely see, that although to worship God in generall is commanded by the law of nature, yet both to worship him in this, or that particular manner is not ordained by the law of nature, but left to the determination of euery priuate man, as he is considered to liue by himselfe alone, or of the ciuill Common-wealth, as he liueth in ciuill Society; and also that there should be in the Common-wealth a State of men appointed, specially for the pub­like seruice and worshipping of God, is not ordained by the law of na­ture, but onely by the law of nations, and this also onely in generall, for as concerning the particular manner, to wit, what honour, dignity, au­thority, and prerogatiues this State of men should haue, it is not de­termined by the law of nations, because in this there hath always among nations beene great variety, for that some nations gaue to their religious Priests greater honour, authority, and prerogatiues, and some gaue lesse, as partly you haue seene in the sixt Chapter, and partly you shall see anone by examining the rest of my Aduersaries discourse. So that you may manifestly perceiue, that no good argument can be brought from the law of nature or nations to proue, that the Pope hath authority to punish temporally the supreame ciuill Magistrate, seeing that all the authority which the religious Priests had in the law of nature, either in temporals or spirituals, did onely proceed from the grant of the ciuill Common-wealth it selfe, and not from the law of nature.

24 Now let vs go on with Mr. Fitzherberts discourse; This, saith he,Pag. 131. nu. 6 is manifest by the generall consent and practise of all Nations, who haue alwaies preferred diuine things before humane, and spirituall things before tempo­rall as in Aethiopia, &c. But this is onely a continuall repeating of that which he hath so often affirmed, and which no man calleth in questi­on; [Page 358] for no man maketh doubt, but by the law of nature wee are bound to preferre the seruice of God before any other thing, and to giue due reuerence, respect, and obedience to his immediate Ministers, but to honour or serue God in this, or that particular manner, and what par­ticular honour, respect, or obedience is due to religious Priests, this doth not proceede from the law of nature or nations, but in the order of nature from the ciuill or priuate lawes of euery nation, as Suarez before affirmed, for that, as all histories acknowledge, in this there was a great variety among all nations,Baptist. Fulg. lib. 1. as in Aethiopia saith Mr. Fitzherbert, where the Priests determined of the life and death of Kings in such sort, that when the Priests signified to them that it was Gods will they should die, they presently killed themselues.

43 But he might haue added, if it had pleased him, the next words following in Fulgosus, whom he citeth in the margent, that this custome of theirs did not alwaies continue, Diod. Sicul. lib. 3. cap. 1. for it was abolished by King Erganes, who liued about the time of Ptolomey King of Egypt, who to the end his death should not be foretold him by the Priests, hee slew them all, and was the first that tooke away that custome. Besides, neither was this custome obserued among other nations, as among the Romans, the chiefe Priest or Bishop ought to keepe his hands not onely pure from all bloud, but also he ought not to be partaker or priuie to the death of a­ny man, insomuch that if any condemned man did flye to him he was freed from death for that dayAlex. lib. 2. ge­ralium dierum cap. 8.. Neither did those Priests of Aethiopia properly put their Kings to death by authority, but as interpreters of the will of GOD they did declare, that it was GODS pleasure they should kill themselues; and so this example is little to the purpose.

44 Also in Aegypt, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, none could be a King ex­cept he vvere a Priest. True it is, that the custome of the Aegyptians was,Stobaeus se. 42. as Stobaeus also affirmeth, to create either Priests, or vvarlike men their Kings, for honour and nobility vvas giuen to vvarlike men for their fortitude, and to Priests for their vvisedome: But he that vvas chosen out of vvarlike men to be their King vvas foorthwith made a Priest, and partaker of philosophy, or the study of vvisedome. And no doubt, but that this was a laudable custome, and so much the more, for that the King of Aegypt could not iudge,Diodor. Sicul. l. 1. c. 6. but according to the lawes, and the Kings themselues were subiect to the lawes of their kingdome; yet this custome of the Aegyptians was not generall among other nations. For although in times past, Plutarch. in quaest. Rom. as Plutarch writeth, Kings did the greatest and chiefest part of Sacri­fices, and they vvith the other Priests did concurre in sacred rites, yet after they became to vvax insolent, arrogant, and cruell, the Graecians for the most part taking away from them their Empire, left them onely authority to sacrifice to their Gods.

[Page 359]45 And the like custome, saith my Aduersary, vvas also obserued among the Goths, whiles they vvere Paynimes. That the Goths had this for a continuall custome, that none should be their Kings, vnlesse they were Priests, I haue not read, and that it was among them a continuall practise I can hardly beleeue, both for that their custome vvas, that their Kings should not be learned, but among al nations, Caelius l. 8. c. 6. the Priests were vsually the most learned of all the people, & also for that the contrary is signi­fied by Ioannes Magnus in his historie of the Goths, who writeth, that their Priests wer [...] of diuers degrees, to wit, Pontifices, Archiflamines, Flamines, Salij, Augures, and that to their chiefe Priests, See Procopius & Ioan. Mag­nus, in their history of the Goths. Olaus l. 3 c. 8. & l. 8. c. 15. who were cal­led Pontifices, was granted by them equall power with their Kings, whose authoritie was so great, that whatsoeuer they should either counsell or commaund, both the King himselfe, and the people, did foorthwith wllingly execute, as an oracle from heauen. And no mar­uaile if it were so, seeing that the reuerence which the Goths did beare to Priests, althogh they were of a contrary Religion to them, was ex­ceeding great and to be admired; insomuch that when they conque­red any Citie, they did neither violate Temple, nor Priests; and in the iudgement of all men they were accounted so pious and religious that they would not hurt any one, that should flye to the Temples dedi­cated to God for succour or Sanctuary. And when Alaricus King of the Goths, otherwise a barbarous and cruell man, inuaded Italie in the time of Honorius the Emperour, and had subdued Rome, before hee would giue leaue to his souldiers to spoyle the City, he proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that the bodies and goods of those persons,Fulgos. l. 1. c. 1. who flyed for refuge to the Apostles Church should not be touched, and which is more to be admired, the souldiers themselues in the very mid­dest of the sacke and spoyle, meeting certaine sacred Virgins carrying vpon their heads plate of gold, after they were informed, that they were consecrated to the Apostles, did not extend their hands so much as to touch them. Fulosus in the same place.

46 And amongst the Gaules, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, the Druides, vvho vvere their Priests, had in their hands the chiefe mannage of publike affaires, deciding all controuersies, and iudging all ciuill, and criminall causes, Caesar l. 6. de Bello Gallico. excommunicating such as vvould not obey them, and those that vvere so ex­communicated vvere abhorred and detested of all men. But this custome of the Gaules proceeded from the priuate and ciuill law of that nation, and was not common to all nations, as you may see aboue in the Graecians, who from their Priests tooke away the temporall gouerment, and left them onely authority to sacrifice to their Gods, and the great variety, which was among nations concerning the authority of their Priests, doth euidently conuince the same.

47 I haue also signified before Cap. 6. nu. 10 saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 132. nu. 6. vvhat au­thority [Page 360] and command the chiefe Bishops, and Augures had in the Romane Common-wealth aboue the Consulls, and temporall Magistrates, vvhen consideration of Religion occurred in matters of State: Whereupon Valerius Maximus saith, Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 1. that the Romane Common-wealth alwaies preferred Religion before all things, euen in men of the highest degree, dignity, and Maiesty, and that their Empire did willingly submit it selfe, and obey in matters of Religion, esteeming that it should in time arriue to the soueraigntie of humane gouernment, if it did well and duely ob­serue the diuine power. Thus saith Valerius of the preheminence, and soueraigntie of Religion in the Romane Common-wealth. And for the time of the Romane Emperours, most of them vvere extreame Tyrants, and did condemne as vvell all diuine, as humane lawes, yet all of them seemed to acknowledge the Soueraignty of Religion, in that they tooke vpon them the title and dignity of chiefe Bishops, because no man should haue any authority ouer them, as the Bishops had ouer the Consulls in the Romane Common-wealth; Bapt. Fulgos. l. 1. c. 1. and yet neuerthelesse vve read of Alexander Seuerus, that he suffe­red an appellation from himselfe to the Bishops, and that they reuersed his sentence, vvhen it seemed to them, that equitie and iustice required it. And heereto may be added; vvhat great respect the Emperours of the Turkes, and Persians beare at this day to the chiefe Bishop, vvho hath power to abrogate any law made by them, if it seeme to him to be repugnant to the Alcoron.

48 But from these examples, or any other such like, this onely can be gathered, that all nations haue euer preferred Religion, and the worship of their Gods, before any other temporall thing, and that in respect chiefly of Religion, they gaue to their Religious Priests, (whom they appointed to bee their immediate Ministers to offer Sacrifice to their Gods, or as certaine messengers, or prophets to declare their wills, as in Rome were the Augures, and Soothsayers) certaine temporall ho­nour, authority, and preheminence greater, or lesser according to the custome of euery Nation; but it cannot be gathered from hence, that this temporall authority, which these Religious Priests had to punish any man temporally, did proceed from the law of nature, or nations, as the law of nations is accounted one law, but from the municipall lawes of euery nation, kingdome, or common-wealth, as the diuers cu­stome of euery nation touching the temporall authority of their Reli­gious Priests doth cleerely conuince.

49 But marke, what Mr. Fitzherbert would gather from these examples; So that, saith hee,Pag. 133. nu. 7. by all this it appeareth, that howsoeuer all Nations haue differed amongst themselues in particular rites and ceremo­nies of Religion, yet they haue all agreed in this generall principle of nature, that there ought to be in all Common-wealths a due subordination and sub­iection of humane things to diuine, of Policy to Religion, and of the temporall [Page 361] Magistrate to the spirituall, in matters that appertaine any way to Religion: Whereupon it followeth, that Ius Gentium, the law of Nations being groun­ded vpon the principles of nature, cannot patronize, or admit an Oath, where­by a temporall, and Secular Prince shall be exempted (in matters that con­cerne Religion) from subiection to his spirituall Pastours, and speci­all to the supreme Pastour of Christs Church. Thus said I in my Supplement concerning the law of Nations, vvhereby it appeareth, &c.

50 No man maketh any doubt, but that all Nations haue agreed in this, as a principle of nature, that there ought to be a due subordina­tion, and subiection of humane things to diuine, of Policy to Religion, and of the temporall Magistrate to the spirituall, in matters that apper­taine to Religion: but in what this due subordination and subiection, according to the principles of nature consisteth, this is the whole diffi­culty. For if Mr. Fitzherberts meaning be, that spirituall things and Religion, are more excellent, then temporall things and policy, and therefore Religion, and things belonging thereunto, are caeteris paribus to be preferred before things appertaining to ciuill gouernment, and that, according to the principles of nature, it is fit and conuenient, that the ciuill common-wealth should for reuerence to Religion, giue to Religious Priests some temporall honour, authority, and preroga­tiues; and also, that Religious Priests should bee honoured and obeyed by all men in those things, whereunto the authority, which is giuen them either by God himselfe, or by the positiue graunt of the ciuill common-wealth doth extend; this I willingly graunt to be a principle grounded in nature, and naturall reason: But if his meaning bee that the ciuill common-wealth is according to the principles of nature, and naturall reason subiect and subordinate, not onely in dignity and per­fection, but also in coerciue authority, and that the Religious Priests might in the law of nature, and according to the knowne principles of naturall reason punish temporally eyther the supreme temporall Prince, or any one of the inferiour people, this is very vntrue, as I haue conuinced beforeCap. 6. nu. 35 & seq. &. c. 8. nu. 40. out of the doctrine of Abulensis, and Suarez.

51 Wherefore, as all the particular power, and authoritie, which was graunted to Religious Priests in the order of nature before the law of God was written, as well in matters concerning Religion, as policie, did not proceede from the law of nature, or of nations, among whom there was so great varietie in this point, but from the priuate, or Ciuill law of euery particular common-wealth, to whom the chiefe mannage and disposition of all things, as well concerning Religion, as Ciuill go­uernement did belong, so all the particular subordination, and subiecti­on especially in coerciue authoritie either of the people, or of the Ciuill Magistrate to the Religious Priests, as well in matters of Religion, as [Page 362] State, did wholy proceede from the free grant of the Ciuill common-wealth, or the supreme Prince, and gouernour thereof. Wherevpon it euidently followeth, that both the law of nature, and nations would haue patronized, and admitted an Oath, which had beene made before the law of God was written, whereby the Ciuill common-wealth, or the supreme temporall Prince should haue beene exempted from the tem­porall punishment of any religious Priest, who in all matters as well concerning Religion, as policie, was subordinate and sub­iect both to the coerciue, and directiue power of the Ciuill Societie, or common-wealth; and that therefore this Oath now in question concerning the Popes authoritie to depose temporall Princes, and to dis­pose of temporall kingdomes, cannot any way be impugned, but alto­gether patronized by the law of nature and nations. And by this all that Mr. Fitzherbert hath said in his Supplement concerning the law of na­ture, and nations, and that also, which heere▪ he addeth for a conclusion, is most cleerely satisfied.

52 Thus said I in my Supplement, saith he,Pap. 133. nu. 8. concerning the law of nations, vvhereby it appeareth, that the said law (vvhich is deduced directly from the law of nature) teacheth, and confirmeth not onely the supreme dig­nitie of Religion in the Common-wealth but also the subordination, and sub­iection of the temporall state to the Religious, euen in temporall mat­ters that touch Religion; and that the custome, and municipall law of the Romanes ordaining the same in their Common-wealth, vvas most conforme to the lawe of nature, being deduced directly from the knowne principles thereof, which by the light of naturall reaso [...]n vvere manifest to the Philosophers, and vvise law-makers amongst the Paynims; and therefore vvhereas Widdrington ascribeth the preheminence of Religion in the Common wealth of the Romans to a municipall law, denying it vvithall to proceede from the law of nature, vvhich vvas the ground of that law, he spea­keth as problably, as if he should ascribe an effect vvholy to the second cause, and denie it to proceede from the first. So as it is euident, that he hath an­swered as vnprobably and imperfectly to my arguments drawne from the law of nations, as to the former grounded vpon the law of nature.

Nu. 13.53 But first, I haue cleerely shewed, as you haue seene, from the doctrine of Suarez, and the common opinion of Diuines, that the law of nations, as it is distinguished from the law of nature, is not direct­ly deduced from the principles of the law of nature, but it is a humane law, hauing force to bind onely by the positiue constitution and decree of man. Secondly, that, although according to the principles of naturall reason Religion is in dignitie, perfection, and nobilitie superiour to po­licie, and policie is therein subordinate, and subiect to it, yet according to the law of nature, and nations, all the particular authoritie, which the Religious Societie, as it was distinguished from the Ciuill, had to com­maund, [Page 363] or punish any man, dependeth wholy vpon the Ciuill common-wealth, not onely in temporall, but also in religious affaires; and the particular customes, and municipall lawes not onely of the Romanes, but also of all other nations, graunting some temporall honour, authori­tie, and prerogatiues to Religious Priests did not proceede from the law of nature, nor was directly, or indirectly deduced from the principles thereof, but was deriued meerely from the positiue constitutions, and graunts of euery particular Ciuill common-wealth, in whose power it was to create, depose, and punish their Religious Priests, and to extend, diminish change, and quite take away from them all their directiue and coerciue authoritie: and Mr. Fitzherbert affirming the contrary, spea­keth not onely improbably, and disagreeably to the doctrine of Suarez and all other learned Diuines, but also discouereth heerein his great want of iudgement, learning, and reading. Neuerthelesse I will not denie, but that in this sense the particular customes, and municipall lawes of nations graunting to their Religious Priests, who were their im­mediate ministers for things belonging to the publike seruice and wor­ship of their Gods, some temporall honour, and authoritie, were most conforme to the law of nature, and principles of naturall reason, for that the law of nature, and light of naturall reason doth approoue and allow such lawes and customes as fit, and conuenient, but not commaund, and ordaine them as necessarie: in which sense also the exemption of Cleargie men now in the new law from the coerciue authoritie of Secu­lar Magistrates ordained by humane law, may be said to be conforme to the law of nature, for that it doth approoue such exemption as conueni­ent, but not command it as necessary. And thus much concerning the law of nations, and nature.

54 Now touching the Ciuill law,Pag. 134. nu. 9. 10. Mr. Fitzherb. maketh a quicke dispatch therof in these words. And as for the Ciuill law, saith he, where­as Widdrington saith only, that I haue proued nothing else thereby, but that the Pope is the supreme superiour of the Church in spirituall matters, he is to vnderstand, that albeit I haue not directly prooued any thing else by the Ciuill law, yet I haue also thereupon inferred the extention of his power to temporall things by a necessarie consequent. For hauing concluded, that the Imperiall, or Ciuill law doth not onely establish the Popes Supremacie, but also acknowledge the subiection of temporall Princes to him in matters belonging to their soules, and the good of the Church I added this infe­rence.

55 Whereupon it followeth directly, that it acknowledgeth also, See Supple­ment cap. 1. nu. 118. pag. 67. by a necessarie consequent, that he may punish them temporally in their persons, and states, vvhen the good of soules, and the seruice and glory of God, doth require it, according to the rule of the said law, vvhich I haue touched before to wit, that the accessorie followeth the principall, and that he which hath the [Page 364] greater power, hath also the lesse. And therefore I conclude, that the Ciuill law doth no way fauour, support, or iustifie the Oath, and much lesse in­ioyne it, Ibid. nu. 64, 65. but flatly impugne, and ouerthrow it. Thus said I in my Supple­ment, remitting my Reader for the more ample proofe of this inference, to that vvhich I had before handled concerning the same, vvhen I treated of the law of God,See cap. nu. 3. & seq. vvhich I haue also repeated in the first Chapter; as also I haue exa­mined his answeres thereto, and shewed them to be very idle and friuolous, and therefore I may vvell conclude, that the arguments in my Supplement, grounded as well vpon the lawes of God, Nature, and Nations, as vpon the Cuiill, or Imperial law, doe stand sound, and good against the Oath, notwith­standing any thing, that my Aduersary Widdrington hath beene hitherto a­ble to bring to the contrary.

56 But fie, Mr. Fitzherbert, that you in whose mouth are so fre­quent absurd, ridiculous, impertinent, friuolous, foolish, idle, fradulent, im­pious, malicious, (as though all your writings were so graue, wise, sub­stantiall, and sincere) should thus in euery Chapter delude your Rea­der, and (not to vse your owne foule words) shew so great want of learning, iudgement, and sincerity. For what man of learning, or iudgement can sincerely thinke, that the Ciuill law may be said suffici­ently to patronize the Popes power to depose Princes, and to impugne the new Oath, for that it acknowledgeth the Pope to be the supreme spi­rituall Pastour; or with what sinceritie can you make your Reader be­leeue, that you had no other meaning in spending fourteene whole Pa­ges of your Supplement, to prooue by the Ciuill law, that the Pope is the supreme spirituall Pastour, and hath authoritie to Excommunicate wic­ked Princes, then onely to inferre thereupon by your necessarie, or ra­ther improbable consequent, that he may therefore punish them tem­porally in their persons, and states? For first, who would not imagine, that when you boasted to prooue the Oath, to be repugnant to the Ci­uill law, because it denieth the Popes power to depose Princes, you would haue brought some text out of the Ciuill law, where it is written, that the Pope hath such a power to depose, and not to haue made so much adoe to proue by the Ciuill law, the Pope to be head of the Church, and to haue authority to inflict spirituall Censures, which no Catholike denieth, and then forsooth in a word, or two to deduce from thence by a farre fetched consequence of your owne, and not of the Ci­uill law, that therefore the Pope may also punish them temporally in their persons, and States?

57 And truely, if it be sufficient to condemne in this manner the Oath by the Ciuill law, you might in the like manner for a greater florish haue brought the authoritie of all the auncient Fathers, yea and of all Catholikes, euen of my selfe, and of all those, who mainetaine the Oath to be lawfull, for a cleere testimony to condemne the same; for that [Page 365] all the ancient Fathers, and all Catholikes, euen my selfe, and those who maintaine the Oath to be lawfull, and denie the Popes power to depose Princes, doe acknowledge the Pope to be the supreme spirituall Pastour, and to haue authoritie to inflict spirituall Censures. And without doubt you would condemne me for a vaine-glorious Thraso, if I should take vpon me to prooue by the testimony, and grant of Cardinall Bel­larmine, Gretzer, Lessius, Becanus, Suarez, and of your selfe, who are so vehement for the Popes power to depose Princes, that the Pope hath no such power; for that you and all the rest doe grant the Pope to bee the supreame spirituall Pastour; and then by a necessarie consequence in my iudgement, though not in yours, I should inferre from thence, that because the Pope is by the institution of Christ according to the doctrine of the ancient Fathers a spirituall Pastour, and not a temporall Prince, he hath only authoritie to giue, or take away heauenly, not earthly king­domes, to absolue from the bond of sinnes, not of debts, to vse spiri­tuall, not temporall weapons, or, which is all one, to inflict Ecclesia­sticall, not Ciuill punishments: This consequence the ancient Fathers made.See aboue cha. sec. 3. nu. 11. & seq. But besides that it is not sufficient to prooue any conclusion by the authority of the Ciuill law, vnles the Ciuil law granteth both the pre­mises, or propositions from whence that conclusion is deduced, the in­sufficiencie of this consequence grounded vpon those rules, The acces­sorie followeth the principall, and he that can doe the greater, can doe the lesse, See chap. 2. & 3. per totum. I haue made manifest in the former Chapters.

58 Secondly, doe not dissemble, Mr. Fitzherb. nor seeke to delude your Reader, but deale sincerely, and be not ashamed to acknowledge your errour, seeing that not onely your selfe, but also Card. B [...]ll. Gret­zer, Lessius, Becanus, and also Suarez haue herein grosely erred. For your meaning was not by making that long discourse out of the Ciuill law, to proue the Pope to be the supreme spirituall Pastour, and to haue autho­ritie to Excommunicate wicked Princes, onely to inferre by a necessary consequent in your owne vnderstanding, that he may also punish them temporally in their persons, and states, but your meaning was to proue directly by the Ciuill law the Oath to be vnlawfull, for that in your opi­nion it denieth the Popes power to Excommunicate Princes, which the Ciuill law doth expresly acknowledge: For in the beginning of your Supplement, you tooke vpon you to proue the Oath to be repugnant to all lawes humane and diuine, namely in respect of those clauses, which do ex­empt temporall Princes from excommunication, and deposition by the Pope: and then after you had made an end of your long discourse concerning the Popes spirituall power acknowledged by the Ciuill law, you made this inference, that the Ciuill law cannot iustifie the Oath, but doth flatly impugne it, for that the Oath supposeth and implieth the Kings Maiestie to be supreme head of the English Church, and not the Pope, and thereupon de­nieth [Page 366] the Popes authoritie to excommunicate, and depose a temporall Prince. So that the Oath in your opinion contained two clauses, the one a deni­all of the Popes power to excommunicate Princes, and this was that which you intended to prooue to bee directly repugnant to the Ciuill law; the other was a deniall of the Popes power to depose Princes, and this in a word or two related before, you affirmed to be also repugnant to the ciuill law, for that in your iudgement it followeth necessarily frō the fromer, which how vaine an assertion this is, you may see by that I haue said before, for so you may make one to affirme any thing, if to make him to graunt an argument or consequent, it bee sufficient that he graunt the antecedent, although hee deny the consequence. But now it seemeth by your silence, as I signified before in the first Chapter, that you are ashamed to insist vpon the former clause concerning the Popes power to excommunicate Princes, for which you made that long dis­course to prooue by the Ciuill law the Popes supremacie in spirituals, and yet rather then you will confesse your errour, you care not to delude your Reader, in dissembling the chiefe and principall cause, for which you affirmed the Oath to bee repugnant to the Ciuill law, to wit, because it denyed the Popes power to excommunicate Princes, wherein with many others of your Society, you haue most fowlely and shamefully erred.

59 Wherefore I may now very well conclude, that the arguments which Mr. Fitzherbert hath brought in his Supplement grounded as well vpon the law of God, of nature, and nations, as vpon the ciuill or imperiall law, are very insufficient, and that the answeres which in my Admoni­tion. I did briefly make to them, doe stand sound and good, notwith­standing any thing that Mr. Fitzherbert hath beene hitherto able to bring to the contrary. Now you shall see what arguments he bringeth from the Canon law, and especially from that so often named decree of the famous Councell of Lateran.

CHAP. IX.

Wherein the difficulties which some make concerning the authority of the Lateran Councel are propounded, the decree of the Coun­cell, which is commonly vrged to prooue the Popes power to depose Princes is related, and Widdringtons first answere to the said Decree is proued to be sound and sufficient, and Mr. Fitzherberts replies against the same are confuted.

1 WE are come now at last, courteous Reader, to ex­amine what conuincing arguments can bee brought for proofe of this new pretended Ca­tholike faith, touching the Popes power to de­pose Princes out of the Canon law, and especial­ly from the decree of the great and famous Coun­cell of Lateran, whereon my principall Aduer­saries, seeing belike all their other arguments and authorities to bee cleane shaken and battered, doe now chiefly rely. Wherefore, albeit neither the more ancient of our moderne Diuines, who are vehement maintainers of the Popes power to depose Princes, as Victoria, Corduba, D. Sanders, and others, nor Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe, who hath ta­ken from these men all his chiefe arguments and authorities to con­firme his new Catholike faith in this point, did in his Controuersies make any great reckoning of the decree of this great Councell, for otherwise without doubt, he being not ignorant of this decree, and also desirous to make his doctrine vnquestionable, and therefore feareth not to brand the contrary opinion with the note of heresie, would not haue beene contented onely with the fact of Pope Innocent the third in depo­sing Otho the Emperour, and haue neglected to vrge this decree of the Councell of Lateran, which was called by the said Pope Innocent, yet now hee flyeth to the decree of the great Councell of Lateran, as the chiefe pillar to support his new Catholike faith: & therefore in regard principally of this decree he doubteth not to affirme (but how rashly, and without sufficient ground you shall see beneath) that whosoeuer denyeth the Popes power to depose Princes, contemneth the voyce of the Church in this so great and famous a Councell, and is to be accounted a Hea­then and Publican, and in no wise a Christian.

2 And Mr. Fitzherbert also maketh so great account of this decree, that whereas hee spendeth onely three Chapters concerning the law of God in the olde and new Testament, the law of Nature, of Nations, and the Ciuill law, yet in examining this decree of the Councell of Lateran, he [Page 368] consumeth seuen whole Chapters, wherein hee hath borrowed of Fa. Lessius masked vnder D. Singletons name the greatest part of a whole Treatise, which he made in the defence of this Decree, and in the end he boldly affirmeth,P. 204. 205. that I am falne into flat heresie, yea, which is more, by my owne grant, and confession, and why forsooth? for not vnderstan­ding the Decree in that sense, wherein Cardinall Bellarmine, and some later Diuines, specially Iesuites doe vnderstand it, as though the authoritie of these men is so great, that wee are bound to accept their priuate expositions concerning any text of holy Scriptures, or sacred Canons, for the voice of the Catholike Church. But how vaine are the bragges of this boasting man, and how palpable are his slanders, taxing me of ridiculous absurditie, folly, temeritie, malice, im­pietie, impudencie, and heresie, and then especially, when my answeres are most strong, and his Replyes most childish, and impertinent, you haue partly seene in the former Chapters, and in the rest also you shall more cleerely perceiue.

3 But before I come to shew what is the true sense, and meaning of this decree, it will not bee amisse first to see, of what authoritie and credit among all Catholikes this great and famous Councell of Lateran is, and ought to bee, for this is very materiall to know, whether any de­cree therein contained bee of it selfe sufficient to make any matter of faith, which all Catholikes are bound to beleeue to be of faith: as also, because some make doubt, Bel. lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 13. saith Cardinall Bellarmine, whether the last Councell of Lateran vnder Pope Leo the tenth, which most expresly defined, that the Pope is aboue a Generall Councell, was truely a Generall Councell, therefore euen to this day it remaineth a question also among Catholikes, whe­ther a Generall Councell be aboue the Pope, or no. And although I doe not intend to deny, or call in question the authoritie of this Councell, but for my owne part doe willingly admit, and approue the same, yet for satisfaction of the Reader, and that the trueth may the more easily bee found out, and followed, I thinke it necessarie to set downe the doubts, and difficulties, which some haue made against the authoritie of this so great, and famous a Councell.

4 First therefore, it is certaine, and out of controuersie, that the aforesaid Councell of Lateran was called by Pope Innocent the third, to which came all those Ambassadours, Bishops, and other inferiour Pre­lates, mentioned heere beneath by my Aduersarie, and in this all Histo­ries doe agree, in which respect it may truely be called the greatest, and most famous Councell, that euer was assembled in the Church of God, albeit, if we respect onely the number of the Bishops who were present thereat, and who only according to Card. Bellarmines doctrine haue au­thoritie to decide, determine, and define, as Iudges, matters belonging to Christian faith, and Religion, the Councell, of Chalcedon was farre grea­ter, [Page 369] whereat were present 630. Bishops; and the Councell of Lyons vnder Pope Gregorie the tenth was also farre greater, whereat were present ac­cording to Genebrard, 500. Bishops, and according to Binnius more then 700. whereas at this Councell of Lateran were onely 412. Bishops accor­ding to Matthew Paris, and Abbas Vspergensis, whom Binnius followeth, who comprehend the two Patriarchs, and 70. Archbishops in the num­ber of the 412. Bishops. But all the difficultie consisteth in this, whe­ther this decree, which is now in question, and all the other Canons, which now are published, as decrees of the Councell of Lateran, were confirmed by the generall consent of all or the greatest part of all the Fathers, or were onely propounded and rehearsed in the Councell, but not approoued by common consent. And one chiefe ground of this difficultie is taken from the testomonie of our countrey-man Matthew Paris, a Benedictiue Monke of the Monasterie of S. Alban, who both liued neere the time of this Councell, See his Historie of Henrie the 3. in the yeere. 1248. and was also reputed a man probatae vitae & religionis expertae, of an approoued life, and tried religion, as Pope Innocent the 4. doth testifie, in regard whereof he was by the same Pope Innocent sent into the kingdome of Norway to reforme the Monasterie of Holme; although in regard of his freedome of speech, and vpright dealing he is vndeseruedly taxed by the most Illustrious, and renowmed Cardinall de Peron, as a great enemie to Popes, in which respect he might also taxe him, as a great enemie to all, both Popes, and Kings, Clerkes, and Laikes, yea and to those of his owne Order, for that hee freely, and without partialitie rehearseth, and taxeth the vices of all: But the an­cient prouerbe is by dayly experience found true, Ohsequium amicos, veri­tas odium parit. Flatterie causeth friends, trueth enmitie.

5 Thus therefore hee writeth of that Councell, Mat. Paris vpon the yeere 1215. in the life of King Iohn. after hee hath set downe the time, and place where it was held, and the number of persons who were present thereat: All these being gathered together in the place aforesaid, and according to the manner of Generall Councells euery man being placed in his order, the Pope hauing made first an exhortation, 60. Chapters were rehearsed in the full Councell, which to some did seeme plea­sing, or easie, to others burdensome. At length he beginning his speech concer­ning the businesse of the Crucifix, subioyned saying, &c. And the same Matthew Paris in his lesser Chronicle writeth thus: But that Generall Councell, which after the Papall manner did pretend great things at the be­ginning, ended in scorne and mockerie, whereby the Pope cunningly deluded the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deanes, Archdeacons, and all that came to the Councell. For when they now perceiued nothing to bee done in so great a businesse, they being desirous to returne home, desired leaue one after another: which the Pope did not grant them, before they had promised him a great summe of money, which they were constrained first to borrow of Romane merchants, and pay it to the Pope before they were permitted [Page 370] to depart from Rome. The Pope now hauing receiued the money did freely dissolue this gainefull Councell, and all the Cleargie departed sorrowfull.

6 From which worde of Matthew Paris it seemeth to follow, that neither all these 60. Chapters mentioned by him were made by the or­der of the whole Councell, but rather by Pope Innocent himselfe, or by his direction before the Councell began, both for that at the very beginning of the Councell, after the Pope had made his sermon, it seemeth that they were rehearsed in the full Councell, and also because they seemed to some pleasing, and to others burdensome, nor that they were approoued by the common consent of the Fathers, because there is no likelihood that they would giue their free consent to the publishing of such decrees, which seemed to them heauie, and burdensome. And therefore the most Illustrious Cardinall of Peron was greatly mistaken, when hee affirmed Matthew Paris to say, that the Councell of Lateran made 60. Chapters, for that Matthew Paris, as you haue seene, onely saith, that 60. Chapters, which seemed pleasing to some, and burdensome to others, were rehearsed, he doth not say, made, in the full Councell.

Platina in vita Innocentij 3 [...] & Nauclerus ge­nerat. 41. ad annum. 1215.7 Another ground, why the authoritie of this Councell is by some called in question, is taken from the testimonies of Platina, and Nau­clerus, and some other circumstances annexed thereunto. For both these Authours doe expresly affirme, that nothing at all could be plainely decreed by the Councell, by reason of the suddaine departure of Pope Innocent from Rome, giuing to vnderstand thereby, that something was by the com­mon consent of the Fathers decreed, but nothing plainly. The words of Nauclerus are these: In the yeere of our Lord 1215. Pope Innocent did celebrate at Rome in the Lateran Church a Councell, or Synode, at which were present the Patriarches of Ierusalem, and Constantinople, &c. Many things were then consulted of, but nothing could bee plainely de­creed, for that that those of Pisa, and Genoa made warre one against the other by Sea, and those on this side the Alpes by land (therefore the Pope going thi­ther, saith Platina, to take away this discord, dyeth at Perugia) Neuerthe­lesse some Constitutions, saith Nauclerus, are reported to bee published, a­mong which one is, that whe [...]soeuer the Princes of the world shall offend one the other, it belongeth to the Pope to correct them. Many things in conclusi­on were treated of for the recouering of the holy Land.

8 Neither are those words, say they, of Nauclerus, [that nothing was plainely decreed in the Councell] to be vnderstood onely concerning the recouering of the holy Land, both for that his words are generall, and without limitation, and to bee referred to those many things that were consulted of, which did not only concerne the recouering of the holy Land, but also the reformation of the vniuersall Church in faith, and manners, for both which causes the Councell was called, as Pope Innocent himselfe, in his speech, which hee made to the Councell at the [Page 371] beginning thereof, and in his Bull of calling the Councell related by Abbas Vspergensis, doeth expresly affirme;Abbas Vesper. ad annu. 1212. and also those wordes of Nauclerus immediately following, yet some Constitutions are reported to bee published, among which, &c. and his putting in the last place, that many things were treated of for the recouering of the holy land, doe suffici­ently shew, that those first words of his [Many things were consulted of, yet nothing at all could bee plainely decreed] he did not vnderstand touch­ing onely the holy Land.

9 And although those very same words, that Platina hath, to wit, that many things were then consulted of, but nothing could be plainly decreed, may be wrested to the recouering only of the holy Land, if wee onely regard his wordes immediately going before, to wit, that the Pope see­ing the power of the Sarracens to increase in Asia doth celebrate a very great Councell at Lateran at which were present, &c. Many things were consul­ted of, &c. yet if wee consider, say they, many other circumstances to­gether also with that, which Matthew Paris said before, it is probable, that Platina his meaning was, that many things were consulted of, not onely concerning the increase of the Sarracens power in Asia, but also touching the reformation of the Church in faith and manners contai­ned in those 60. Chapters rehearsed in the full Councell, and that nothing at all, especially concerning those Chapters, which seemed to some easie, to others burdensome, could bee plainely, and manifest­ly decreed, for that the Pope did so suddainely depart from Rome to appease the discord betwixt the people of Pisa, and Genoa, that there was not time sufficient, duely and maturely to debate the same.

10 The first circumstance is, that although the increase of the Sar­racens power in Asia was an occasion to hasten the calling of this Coun­cell, yet it was not called onely for the recouering of the holy Land, but also for the reforming of the vniuersall Church in faith, & manners,See Abbas Vsperg. ad annu. 1212. to wit, as Pope Innocent himselfe confesseth, to roote out vices, and plant vertues, to correct excesses, & reforme manners, to expell heresies, & strengthen faith, to appease discords, and establish peace, to suppresse oppressions, and nou­rish libertie, to induce Christian Princes, and people to giue aide, and succour to the holy Land, &c. whereof Platina could not be ignorant; and that therefore, according to Platina his meaning, many things were consul­ted of, concerning the things, for which the Councell was called, but no­thing was plainly, and manifestly decreed by any authenticall and pub­like approbation of the whole Councell. And in this sense that, which writeth Godefridus, who liued at the same time, may be well vnderstood;Godefridus monarchus ad annum. 1215. The same yeere 1215. saith he, the Pope held a Councell at Rome, where Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Prelates of Churches, as well from the parts beyond the Sea, as from all the coastes of Christendome, were gathered together in the Church of Saint Iohn Baptist, which began at [Page 372] the feast of S. Martin, and was prorogued vntill the feast of Saint Andrew, wherein nothing was there done worthy to bee remembred, but that (which before was vnheard of) the East Church did submit her selfe to the West.

11 The second circumstance is, that there was as much decreed in the Councell concerning the recouery of the holy Land, and as plainely, as touching any other thing, as it is manifest by the last Chapter; Being mooued, saith the Pope, with a vehement desire to deliuer the Holy land from the hands of the wicked, by the aduice of prudent men, who fully know the circumstances of times, Sabel. ennead. 9. lib. 6. and places, the sacred Councell approouing, we de­fine, &c. Whereupon, as writeth Sabellicus, it was sufficiently agreed vpon to make warre against the wicked in Asia, but the discord betwixt those of Genoa, and Pisa hindred the preparation thereof.

12 The third circumstance is, that this so great and famous Coun­cell, which was celebrated in the yeare 1215. was not published to the view of the world, and placed among the other Councels, but 300. yeares after it was celebrated, to wit, in the yeare 1538. and that by a German, who affirmeth, that he had these decrees out of an ancient Booke, but from whence, or from whom he had this Booke, or of what cre­dit it was, he maketh no mention: and Iacobus Merlin, who printed the Councels but three yeares before; did cleane omit this Councell of La­teran. Now what prudent man, say they, can imagine, that if this Coun­cell, and all the decrees, which are now therein contained, had beene approoued by the generall consent of the Fathers, who were present thereat, either Pope Innoncent himselfe, who would haue caused the said decrees forthwith to be published, as other approoued Councels haue euer beene published, or that his Nephew, and next Successour but one, Pope Gregory the ninth, as he was carefull to publish all his Vncles de­cretall Epistles, and these decrees also, which were propounded by him in this Councell of Lateran, whereof the greatest part of the Canon law, called the decretals of the Pope Gregory the ninth, is compounded, so al­so hee would not haue neglected to publish this so great and famous Councell of Lateran, and the Canons therein decreed, if it had beene certaine, that they were approoued and confirmed by the consent of the whole Councell: or if there had beene any authenticall copie of this Councell preserued in the Vatican, as by all likelihood there would haue beene, if the Councell had beene complete, and Oecumenicall, and the decrees therein propounded, had beene approoued by the generall consent of the Fathers) some one or other Romane Antiquary would in 300. yeares space haue caused it to be published, and that we should not haue needed a Germans helpe to seeke out in Germanie after 300. yeares a copie of this Councell to publish as authenticall.

13 But it seemeth, say they, that this ancient Booke which this [Page 373] first publisher of the Councell mentioneth, was by some one or other collected out of the Booke of the Canon law, called the decretals of Pope Gregory the ninth, for that it containeth iust as many Chapters, and no fewer then are in the Decretals, to wit, 72. Chapters: and they haue the very same beginning, and ending, and also the very same notes and obseruations euen in the middle of the Chapters, which is not so in other Councels, as may be seene in the Councell of Lateran held vnder Pope Alexander the third, whereas the Chapters propounded and re­hearsed in this great Councell os Lateran, were according to Mathew Pa­ris onely 60. And this will appeare more cleare, if we consider that the 40. and 41. Chapter, and the 60. 63. and 64. in the Edition of this Councell set out by this German make 4. chapters, as they do in the Dec­retals, and not two onely, as in the Councels now published they are di­uided, that thereby they may make iust 70. Chapt. & not 72. and so it might more credibly be answered (as the most illustrious Cardinall of Peron doth answere) that it was an errour in Mathew Paris of the Wri­ter, or Printer, to put 60. for 70. whereas to put 60. for 72. and so to change both the letters, had beene an errour too egregious, and hardly to be beleeued.

14 To these circumstances may be added, that there is no menti­on made of the approbation of the Councell, but onely of some few de­crees, as of the 2. 4. 5. 18. 42. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 51. 66. 69. and the 72. or last decree concerning the holy land, whereof the third de­cree, which is now in controuersie betwixt my Aduersaries and mee, is none: As also neither Pope Gregory the ninth doth in the Decretalls intitle any one of those Chapters, or decrees, as made by the Councell of Lateran (howsoeuer the most Illustrious Cardinall of Peron doth vn­truely affirme the same) but onely by Pope Innocent in the Councell, which words doe not properly, and in rigour of speech signifie, that they were made or approoued by the Councell, but onely by Pope Inno­cent in the Councell, or, as Mat. Paris saith, rehearsed in the full Councell by the commandement of Pope Innocent to be approoued, and confir­med by the common suffrage and consent of the Fathers, which neuer­thelesse seemed to be easie and pleasing to some, but burdensome to others: And therefore the Fathers did not agree about them; neither was there time sufficient to examine them more throughly, by reason of the great hast which Pope Innocent made to depart from Rome, to appease the stirres in Italy. For the Councell began at S. Andrews tide, and the Pope dyed at Perugia the next Iuly following; neither doe any Histories that I haue read make mention, when the Pope dissolued this great and famous Councell; Onely Blondus affirmeth that he departed from Rome primo vere, at the first beginning of the spring. Blond dec. 2. lib 6. in fine. So that the Councell might continue onely for a moneth or two, for ought by any History wee [Page 374] can know to the contrary. Whereupon Platina, after he had said, that many things were consulted of, and nothing could be plainely decreed, for the reason before mentioned of the Popes suddaine departure from Rome, ascribeth the condemnation of Almaricus his errours, and of Abbot Ioachim his Booke against the Master of the sentences, not to the Coun­cell, but onely to Pope Innocent: Pope Innocent, saith he, did disprooue a certaine Booke of Abbot Ioachim, and hee condemned the errours of Al­maricus.

15 All these things being considered, it is very probable, say they, that albeit many things were consulted of in the Councell, yet nothing at all, especially concerning those decrees, which to some seemed easie, and to o­thers burdensome, could be plainely decreed, that is, concluded and agreed vpon by any publike, and knowne authenticall decree of the whole Councell, or greatest part thereof, hitherto published to the view of the world: yet it may very well be, that most of those Fathers gaue at least wise their priuate or tacite consent to the publishing of many of those 60. Chapters or decrees, although also all those 13. decrees, wherein mention is made of the approbation, and consent of the Councell might by the appointment of Pope Innocent be written in that forme of words before the Councell began, and also rehearsed in that manner in the ve­ry beginning thereof. Wherefore we haue not, say they, any true au­thenticall Copie of the Councell of Lateran yet published, taking the Councell, as it containeth onely those decrees, which were made by the common consent and approbation of the whole Councell but the Councell of Lateran, which is now extant, is onely a collection of those decrees registred in the Booke of Decretals, which Pope Innocent propounded to the Councell, and were rehearsed, as Matthew Paris saith, in the full Councell at the very beginning thereof:Paul. Emilius lib. 6. in Philip. po 2. Seuebr. lib 4. ad an­num 1215. Vignerius eo­d [...]m anno. especially seeing that the Earledome of Tholosa was by a peculiar decree of the Councell of Lateran, with the consent no doubt of the King of Fraunce, giuen to Simon Earle of Montfort, which decree is not to bee found in the Councell of Lateran now extant, for that it was not by Pope Gregorie the ninth, put among the Decretals. These be reasons, for which the authority of this great Councell is by some called in question.

16 But on the contrary side the most Illustrious Cardinal of Peron, doth bring two principall arguments, which may seeme to confirme the authority of this Councell, and that the decrees now extant were made by the generall consent and approbation of the whole Councell. The first is, for that otherwise we may impugne the article of Transub­stantiation, the article of the holy Ghost proceeding from the Father, and the Sonne, the precept of annuall confession, the condemnation of the errours of Abbot Ioachim, &c. But to this argument they answere, that it doth not therefore follow, that we may impugne the aforesaid [Page 375] Decrees, because they are now receiued by the generall consent of all Catholikes, either by vertue of the Canon law, contained in the booke of Decretals, which Pope Gregory the ninth commanded to be obserued, and practised by all men, or because they are approoued by common consent, but not by virtue of the authoritie of the Councell, where­in nothing was decreed, and agreed vpon by any knowne, and authenticall approbation of the Fathers, although doubtlesse they did by their priuate, or tacite consent approoue many of those 60. or 70. Decrees.

17 The second argument is, for that both Councells, Popes, and Sholasticall Doctours, doe cite some of the aforesaid 60. or 70. Decrees, as of the Councell of Lateran. But to this also they answere, that these Decrees are called Canons of the Councell Lateran, for that they were propounded and rehearsed in the Councell, but not confirmed or ap­prooued by the generall acceptance, and consent of the Fathers, be­cause they seemed to some to bee easie and pleasing, but to others heauy and burdensome. To these may be added a third argument, that the Councell of Constance in the 39. Session ordaining what profession the future Pope was to make, decreeth, that euery future Pope hereafter to bee cho­sen, must make this confession, and profession, before his election be published, that he doth firmely beleeue the holy Catholike faith, according to the tradi­tions of the Apostles, of generall Councells, and of other holy Fathers, but especially of the eight Sacred generall Councells, to wit, of the first Nicene, of the second Constantinopolitan, of the third Ephesine, of the fourth Chalcedon, of the fifth and sixth Constantinopolitan, of the seuenth Ni­cene, and the eight Constantinopolitan, and also of Lateran, Lyons, and Vienna also generall Councells. But to this they also answere, that by the Councell of Lateran is not vnderstood this vnder Pope Innocent the third, but the former celebrated vnder Pope Alexander the third, in the yeere 1180. and if it bee vnderstood of this Councell of Lateran, it is only, say they, forasmuch as concerneth those decrees wherein mention is made of the approbation of the Councell, as is that 46. decree which the Councell of Constance mentioneth in the Bull of the confirmation of the Emperour Frederikes constitution. As also by the Councell of Lyons it doth not vnderstand that vnder Pope Innocent the 4th. who in the pre­sence thereof excommunicated the Emperour Fredricke, and whereat only 140. Bishops were present, but that vnder Pope Gregory the tenth, in the yeere 1274. whereat S. Bonauentura, and S. Thomas of Aquina, and more then 700. Bishops were present according to Binnius, and Ebarhardus, whom Binnius citeth.

18 These be the principall difficulties both against, and for the authoritie of this Councell of Lateran, which, before I came to examine the sense & meaning of the decree which is now in question, I thought [Page 376] needfull to set downe, that the Reeder may thereby iudge, whether if one for the reasons aforesaid should deny the authority of this Councel, and affirme, that nothing was therein plainly concluded by any pub­like and authenticall decree, approoued by the common consent of the greatest part of the Fathers there present, may be excused from all note of heresie, errour, and temerity, in that manner as the Doctors of Paris may be excused from those aspersions, for still defending the autho­rity of a Generall Councell, aboue a true and vndoubted Pope, and deny­ing the authority of the Councell of Lateran vnder Pope Leo the tenth, wherein the contrary doctrine, as Cardinall Bellarmine saith, is expres­ly defined; yet for my owne part, as I said before, I doe willingly em­brace, and admit the authority of this great Councell of Lateran, and of euery Canon and Decree therein contained, and namely of this which is now in question, and doe onely contend about the true sense and meaning thereof, as is vsuall in the holy Scriptures themselues, which some expound one way, some another, not intending thereby to cal in question the authority of Gods word but onely to examine and declare what is the true sense and meaning thereof.

19 Now let vs see, what Mr. Fitzherbert saith in this Chapter against my answere, wherein I briefly declared the true sense and mea­ning of this Decree. Thus therefore he beginneth: It resteth now, saith he, that I examine the probability of Widdringtons answeres to my argu­ments grounded vpon the Canon law, and specially vpon a constitution and Canon of the great and famous Councell of Lateran. And first of all he setteth downe the answere I gaue in my Admonition, which before I relate, it will not bee amisse to put downe the decree it selfe of the Councell of Lateran, for thereby the sense and true meaning thereof will more easily appeare. First▪ therefore the Councell in the third Chap­ter doth excommunicate, and anathematize all heresie, and condemne all heretickes, by what name soeuer they be called, and doth ordaine, that they being condemned shall be left to secular potestaes, Magistrates, or their Bay­liffes to be punished according to their deserts, but so that Cleargie, men shall be first degraded from their Orders or Cleargie, and if they bee Lay-men, that there goods shall be confiscated, but if they be Cleargie men, that their goods shall be applyed to the Churches, from whence they receiued stipends: And then it decreeth thus:

20 But let Secular Potestaes, what offices soeuer they beare, bee ad­monished and induced, and if it shall be needefull, be compelled by Ecclesiasti­call Censure, that as they desire to be reputed and accounted faithfull, so for the defending of the faith, they doe take publikely an Oath, that they will sin­cerely endeuour to their power to cast out of the territories subiect to their Iurisdiction all heretickes declared by the Church: So that from hence foorth when any man shall bee chosen to a perpetuall or temporall potesta, or [Page 377] office, he be bound to confirme this Chapter by Oath. Si vero Dominus tem­poralis, &c. But if the temporall Lord, Officer, or Landlord, For Dominus temporalis, signifieth also eue­ry Officer, Ma­gistrate or Landlord. being requi­red and admonished by the Church, shall neglect to purge his territory from hereticall filth, let him be excommunicated by the Metropolitan, and other Bishops of the same Prouince. And if he shall contemne to giue satisfaction within a yeare, let it bee signified to the chiefe Bishop or Pope, that from thenceforth he may denounce his vassals absolued from his fealty, and expose his Land or territory to be taken by Catholikes, who, when the heritickes bee rooted out, may possesse the same without contradiction, and conserue it in the puritie of faith, the right of the principall Landlord, or Lord being reserued, so that he giue no obstacle to this, nor put any impediment thereto: The same neuerthelesse to be obserued concerning those, who haue no principall Land­lords. This is the decree of the Councell.

21 Now all the difficulty consisteth chiefly in this, what is to be vn­derstood by those words, dominus tēporalis, & dominus principalis, a tempo­rall, and principall Land-lord, Officer, or, if we will needs translate it so, Lord: Mr. Fitzherbert in his Supplement pretended to prooue, that those words did comprehend Kings, and absolute Princes, and that therefore the Pope hath authority to depose temporal Princes, and to absolue their subiects from their temporall allegiance. To which his argument I answered briefly in my aforesaid Admonition Nu. 21. in this manner.

22 Lastly, to that decree of the Councell of La [...]eran so often incul­cated and vrged, I gaue elsewhereWiddr. in Praefat. ad Resp. Apol. nu. 43.diuerse answeres, which this Au­thour F.T. dissembleth. He insinuateth one of them, and confuteth it mostly coldly, to wit, that by the name of him that hath not a princi­pall Land-lord, (or if wee will needes haue him called Lord) Empe­rours, and absolute Kings are not to be vnderstood, but other inferi­our Land-Lords, or Officers, who are subiect to Kings; seeing that the Emperour Fredericke fiue yeeres after this Councell was celebrated, made the same decree almost in the very same words, changing only spiritual penalties into temporal, who by the name of him that hath not a principall Landlord, or also Lord, could not vnderstand himselfe, and other absolute Princes. Whereupon I probably gathered, that those wordes, Non habens Dominum principalem, Not hauing a principall Landlord, or also Lord, could not by force of the words comprehend Kings, and absolute Princes, who, vnlesse they be namely expressed in penall lawes, are not to bee vnderstood, to wit, by the generall names of temporall and principall Landlords, or Lords. And to say, that the Emperour did not comprehend Kings in those words, and that the Pope did meane to comprehend them, is barely to say, not to demonstrate: considering that if the Synode (of Lateran) had meant to haue comprehended Soueraigne Princes in that decree, she might as easily haue named them by their proper names of Prin­ces, [Page 378] as by the generall names of principall Land-lords, Officers, or Lords, or who haue no principall Land-lords, Officers, or Lords, especi­ally seeing that the same Councell in other decrees hath vsed the pecu­liar names of Princes. Wherfore vntill some man shall clearly demon­strate, (I say not shall onely show probably) that those answeres, which I gaue to the Councell of Lateran, are altogether improbable, no ef­fectuall argument can bee brought from that Councell, whereby it may certainely, and euidently be prooued, that it is so certaine that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, that the contrarie cannot without the note of heresie, errour, or temeritie be defended by Ca­tholikes.

23 To this my answere Mr. Fitzherbert replieth thus:Chap. 9. nu. 3 & seq. pa. 137. Now then, saith he, for as much as all our question heere is concerning the Canon of the Councell of Lateran, and that some of those, who may reade this Reply, haue neuer seene that Canon, or my Supplement, I thinke good to set downe here, what I said in my Supplement concerning that Councel, & Canon: Ther­fore hauing declared, that the Councell of Lateran vvas gathered by the generall consent as vvell of the Greeke, as of the Latine Church, and of the Emperours of the East, and West Empire, I added, that there vvere present thereat, S. Antonin. tit. 19. §. 6. Paul. Aemil. lib. 6. Nauclar. gene­rat. 41. Blond. dec. 2. lib. 6. in fine. Platina in In­noc. tert. Concil. Later. sub Innoc. tert. tom. 3. conc. Matth Paris, & Westmo­nast. ad an­num. 1215. Can. 3. Supplem. cap. 6. nu. 2. the two Patriarchs of Constantinople, and Hierusalem, and the substitutes of the two other Patriarchs of Alexandria, and Antioch, 70. Archbishops, Greekes and Latines: 412. Bishops, and 800. other Prelates, that is to say, aboue 1200. Besides that there assisted also the Ambassadours not onely of the Romane, and Greeke Emperours, but also of the Kings of Hierusalem, England, France, Spaine, Hungary, and Cyprus, and of o­ther absolute Princes. So as I conclude, that it was the greatest, and most generall Councell, that euer vvas assembled in the Church of God: and then I added further as followeth.

24 This was the great Councell of Lateran held vnder Innocen­tius the third, in the yeere of our Lord 1215. wherein it was decreed thus: Si Dominus temporalis, &c. If a temporall Lord being required, and so foorth, as you may see aboue. Thus farre the Decree of this Oecumeni­call Councell assembled by the consent of all Christendome; wherein you see not only the Popes authoritie to depose Princes was auowed, and acknow­ledged, but also the practise thereof expressely ordained, and determined, when Princes shall neglect their duetie to purge their states of heresies, and contemn with all the Ecclesiasticall Censures.

25 Thus said I in my Supplement: and now to come to Widdring­tons answere, first, he chargeth me (as thou hast seene, good Reader) to haue dissembled many answeres, which he made else where concerning this Ca­non. Secondly, he saith, that I haue neuerthelesse insinuate [...]one of them, and answered it most coldly; and thirdly, he layeth downe his said answere vvith some other reason [...], vvhy he thinketh it to be probable, that absolute [Page 379] Princes are not comprehended in that Canon. Whereto I answere, that I won­der vpon what ground he could charge me with the dissimulation of his for­mer answeres, which I protest I neuer saw, vntill I chanced to haue a view of this his last Treatise (I meane his Theologicall Disputation) whereto is annexed the other which hee mentioneth; for truely if I had seene those an­sweres vvhereof he speaketh, I would not haue passed them ouer with silence, no more then I passed Mr. Dunnes and such other, as were then come to my knowledge. And as for my cold answere, I cannot see how it could be either cold or hoat, to an argument, which I had neuer seene, but how hoatly, and wisely he hath answered for his part, it may appeare partly by the argument it selfe, and partly by my discourse in my Supplement, which he will n [...]edes take for an answere thereto. His argument you see, is, that for as much as the Em­perour Fredericke, &c.

26 But first, it is to be obserued, that those words, Dominus tem­poralis, & Dominus Principalis, are not well translated into English, a temporall, or principall Lord, vnderstanding the word [Lord] as it is taken by vs for a title of honour; for those words doe signifie temporall Land-lords, Gouernours, Magistrates, or Officers, as Mayors, Iudges, Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, whether they be Lords, or no, as any man of iudge­ment may plainely see, for that all these are Domini temporales, and ma­ny of them may be Domini principales, and I will more cleerely shew the same beneath. So also when the Councell saith, that condemned here­tikes are to be left to the Secular Potestaes, or their Bailiffes to be deser­uedly punished, it did not vnderstand absolute Princes, as Kings, and Em­perours, but other inferiour Officers and Magistrates, as Mayors, Con­sulls, chiefe Iustices, Captaines, and Gouernours of Cities, to whom the execution of iustice is committed, as both the Italian, and French word, Potesta, doth signifie, and so in Italie the Gouernour of a Citie is called the Potesta, and also it may more cleerely appeare by the Breues, See Director. Inquisitor. circa finem. or A­postolicall letters of Pope Innocent the fourth, Alexander the fourth, and Clement the fourth cited here beneath by my Aduersary (for those of Honorius the third, and Vrbanus the fourth I haue not seene, neither is there any mention made of them in the Directorie of Inquisitors) who direct their letters to all Marcquesses, Earles, Barons, and Potestates, Go­uernours, Consulls, and Communities of Cities and other places, &c. as Pope Innocent doth; or onely to Potestaes, Counsells, and Communities of Cities, & other places of Italy, as Pope Alexander doth; or to Potestaes, or Gouernours, Consulls, Captaines, A [...]tians, Counsells and Communities of Cities, as Pope Clement doth; where it is plaine that by the word Potestaes are not vnderstood so much as those Dukes of Italie, who are in some sort absolute Princes, as the Duke of Sauoy, Florence, Mantua, Parma, &c. but onely inferiour Magistrates and Officers, Rectours, or Gouernours of Cities, and other places.

[Page 380]27 Secondly, the ground, and reason, for which I affirmed, that Mr. Fitzherbert dissembled diuers of my answeres to the decree of the Councell of Lateran, was, for that I supposed he had seene the Preface to my Apologeticall Answere, wherein I discoursed at large of this decree against F. Les [...]ius, and the reason why I supposed that he had seene that Answere, was, for that it was published to the view of the world a yeere before hee wrote his Supplement; and whether I might not probably suppose the same, considering what particular intelli­gence the Colledge of Rome, where then he liued, hath of all things that passe in this Kingdome, especially in things, that greatly touch the Ie­suites, as that Preface doth, I remit to the iudgement of the prudent Reader. But because he now protesteth, that he neuer saw that Preface, before my Theologicall Disputation, whereunto it is annexed, came forth, I will beleeue him therein, and take his protestation for an an­swere; and I doe willingly grant, that I was mistaken therein; as also I protest, that in any other thing, wherein I shall find my selfe to be mista­ken, I will most willingly acknowledge the same: and if he, and the rest of my Aduersaries, will as willingly acknowledge their errours in all those things, wherein they doe cleerely find themselues to be mista­ken, I make no doubt, but that this controuersie betwixt vs will quicke­ly be at an end.

28 Thirdly, obserue good Reader, how fraudulently Mr. Fitzher­bert hath concealed a principall clause, which of set purpose I put downe in this my argument taken from the Constitution of the Empe­rour Fredericke. For whereas I argued thus, as you haue seene before, that because the Emperour Fredericke enacting the selfe same law fiue yeeres after, and vsing the very same words, which the Councell did vse, to wit, a temporall, & principall Landlord, Gouernour, or also Lord, and not hauing a principall Landlord, Gouernour, or Lords & changing only spiri­tuall penalties into temporall, neither did, nor could by those words comprehend Kings, or absolute Princes, therfore from thence it may be probably collected, that those words in the Councell could not ex vi sua, by force of the words comprehend Kings, and Soueraigne Princes, who in penall lawes are not to be vnderstood vnder generall words, vnlesse they be expressed by name, Mr. Fitzherbert concealeth those words [ex vi sua, by force of the words [which neuerthelesse are very materiall to the force of my argument, as any man of iudgement may cleerely perceiue. For as you shall see beneath, for the same reason, why Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that Frederickes constitution did not by those Generall words comprehend Kings, and absolute Princes, I also affirme, that Kings, and absolute Princes are not vnder those generall words comprehended in the Decree of the Councell of Lateran.

29 Now you shall see, how well Mr. Fitzher. impugneth this my [Page 381] argument taken from the Constitution of the Emperour Fredericke. Widdringtons argument is, saith he,Nu. 6. & seq. pag. 139. & seq. that for as much as the Emperour Fri­dericke made the same Constitution fiue yeeres after the Councell of La­teran, almost in the same words, changing onely the spirituall penalties into temporall, therefore he did not meane to include therein either himselfe (who was free from the subiection of lawes, or else other absolute Princes, who were not subiect to him. Thus argueth he. But how doth it follow hereon, that the Ca­non of the Councell of Lateran did not include him, and all other Princes? For albeit they were free from all temporall lawes, yet being members of the Catholike Church, they were subiect to the lawes of that Councell, and the rather for that their Ambassadours being present there, either ratified the Decrees thereof or at least did not contradict them. But to the end that this controuersie betwixt my Aduersary Widdrington and me, concerning the Emperour Friderickes law, may be the better vnderstood, I thinke it not a­misse to lay downe, what I haue already said concerning the same in my Sup­plement, where I proued against M. Iohn Dunne, that the said law was so farre from preiudicing any way the Canon of the Councell, that it doth no­tably confirme it; to which purpose I said thus.

30 Thou shalt therefore vnderstand, good Reader, that Fredericke the second Emperour of that name, being in the beginning of his reigne an obedient child of the Church, and willing to giue publike testimonie thereof to the world, thought good to imitate the example of many of his predecessours, as well in the confirmation of the liberties, and priuiledges of the Cleargie, as also in imploying his Imperiall authoritie in the extirpation of heresie. Concil. Late­ran. sub Innoc. 3. can. 44. & 46. Com. 4. [...]oncil. See constitut. Frider. §. Ad decus, & hono­rem. And for­asmuch as this Councell of Lateran had then lately before promulgated di­uers Canons to both those ends, he published also certaine constitutions on his part, with manifest relations to the Canons of the Councell. For whereas the Councell complained of the small charity of some Secular Princes, The Coun­cell did not complaine of Secular Prin­ces but of Con­suls & Rectors of cities & such like Potestaes not Potentaes, as M. Fitzher­bert saith. Ibid. §. Nos Fridericus Imperator. and Potentates, who had made lawes, and constitutions in preiudice of the Ecclesiasticall immunities, and priuiledges (which lawes also the Councell did wholly abrogate and disannull) the Emperour in like manner, in the Preface to his lawes, lamenteth of the iniquity of such Potentates, and be­ing desirous (as hee testifieth) that the Church might enioy plena quiete, & secura libertate, full quietnesse, and secure libertie, abrogated by his first decree all such constitutions, as any Cities, Places, Consulls, or o­ther Potentates within the Empire had made against the liberties of the Church.

31 And this he ordained vnder great penalties of infamy, banishment, and confiscation of goods, Saluis nihilominus, saith he, alijs paenis contra tales in generali Concilio promulgatis; Reseruing neuerthelesse the o­ther penalties promulgated against such persons in the general Coun­cell. So hee; meaning by the generall Councell that of Lateran, which was held but a few yeeres before he made these Constitutions: and therefore [Page 382] for as much as that most famous generall Councell hauing beene held so late­ly before, was then fresh in euery mans memory, it was needlesse to name it more particularly, which had beene requisite, if hee had meant any other Councell.Concil. Constan. in fine. Besides that the Councell of Constance layeth downe the sub­stance of the 46. Canon of the said Councell of Lateran made in fauour of the liberties, and immunities of the Church, and also maketh mention of this law of Fredericke, and in relating the same setteth downe particularly the clause aboue mentioned, to wit, Saluis nihilominus alijs poenis, &c. Re­seruing neuerthelesse the other penalties promulgated against such in the generall Councell. Whereby it is euident, that those Imperiall Consti­tutions of Fredericke haue a speciall relation vnto the Canons of the Councell of Lateran, and that they were made in confirmation thereof.

32 This also appeareth by the other decrees ensuing, wherein the Em­perour either followed exactly the sense, meaning, and substance of some Ca­non of the Councell, or else vsed the very words thereof, so farre forth as they might stand with the stile and forme of an Imperiall law, as it may bee seene, not onely in the fragment alleaged by Mr. Dunne, but also in diuers o­ther parts of those Constitutions, as in that, which concerneth the receiuers, a­betters, and defenders of heretickes, being alike in the Imperiall Constitutions, and in the Canon of the Councell,Concil. Lateran. can. 3. §. Cre­dentes vero. Constit. Freder. §. Credentes praterea. to wit, Credentes praeterea, receptores, defensores, & fautores Haereticorum, &c. And the onely difference be­twixt the one, and the other is, that the Councell saith, Excommunicatio­ni decreuimus subiacere, We decree them to be subiect to Excommu­nication, and the Emperour in his Constitutions saith, Bannimus, wee doe out-law them, because it did not belong to him to excommunicate. And a­gaine, the Councell in the end of that Canon imposeth a penalty vpon Clear­gie men, which the Emperour doth not in his Constitution, because they were exempt from his Iurisdiction, and in all other things the Canon and Consti­tution do agree word for word.

Concil. Later. can. 3. Constitut. Freder.33 The like also may be obserued in the Constitution and Canon, concerning such as are onely suspected of heresie, beginning both alike, to wit, Qui autem inuenti fuerint sola suspicione notabiles, &c. and differing onely in that the Canon exposeth them to Excommunication, if they doe not cleare themselues within a yeare, whereas the Imperiall law inflicteth the penalty of infamie, and banishment. Also the same forme and stile is kept in another Constitution, touching an oath to be taken by all Magistrates, to doe their best endeauour to exterminate heretikes; And finally, to come to the Constitution whereof wee now specially treate, it seemeth that the same is no other, then, as it were a transcript, or Copie of that Canon of the Coun­cell, concerning the deposition of Princes, mutatis mutandis, I meane, ex­cept onely in such things as could not agree with the forme of an Imperial law, or exceeded the power of a Secular Prince. Concil. Later. can. 3. §. Si ve­ro Dominus.

34 Therefore whereas the Canon ordaineth, that the Metropolitan, [Page 383] and other Bishops should excommunicate such Princes, as would not purge their Countries of heresie, and afterwards also (if they remained obstinate) denounce them to the Pope, to the end hee might absolue their subiects from their allegiance, and expose their States to be taken by Catholikes, Constit. Fre­der. §. Si vero Dominus. the Em­perours Constitution maketh no mention of Excommunication, or Denun­ciation, as neither compatible with his temporall power, nor conforme to the stile of the Imperiall lawes, and therefore he saith onely insteed thereof, Post annum à tempore admonitionis elapsum, &c. After a yeere past from the time of the admonition wee doe expose his land to bee taken by Catho­likes, and in this onely consisteth the difference of the Canon and Constitu­tion, for in all other things they are all one.

35 Thus I said in my Supplement, and afterwards hauing accusion to satisfie an obiection of Mr. Dunne, touching these words in the Empe­rours law, Exponimus terras illius Catholicis occupandas, We expose his Lands to be taken by Catholikes (which words Mr. Dunne vrgeth to prooue, that the Emperour tooke the authority out of the Popes hands) vpon this occasion, I say, I showed, that fiue seuerall Popes, to wit, Ho­norius the third, Alexander the fourth, Innocentius the fourth, Vrbanus the fourth and Clement the fourth; knowing right well that the said Consti­tution of Fredricke might greatly auayle, and helpe to purge the Empire of heresie (yea and ease them of the labour, enuy and murmuration, which might be incident sometimes to the deposition of some Prince within the Em­perours Dominion) did ratifie and confirme it no lesse, then his other lawes made in fauour of the Church, which they would neuer haue done, if hee had sought thereby to take any authority from the Sea Apostolike or to preiudice the Canon of the Councell. Thus discoursed I in my Supple­ment.

36 Whereby it is cleere, that this Law of the Emperour Fredericke, was no way preiudiciall to the Canon of the Councell, but a notable con­firmation of it, ordaining the like to be practised and executed in his Domi­nions in fauour of the Church, to sh [...]w his obedience thereto, and to the Councell of Lateran; and therefore whereas my Aduersary Widdring­ton will needes perswade his Reader, that those generall words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, & non habens Dominum principa­lem (which are vsed alike in the Canon, and in the Emperours law) haue like restriction in both, he sheweth himselfe to be very absurd. For what can be more cleere, then that all lawes are limited, &c?

37 Heere you see Mr. Fitzherbert hath made a long discourse to prooue, that this law of the Emperour Frederike was no way preiu­ciall to the Canon of the Councell of Lateran, but a notable confirmation thereof, which is nothing at all against mee: For I neuer intended to de­ny, that this Constitution of Frederike was against the Canon of the saide Councell, but I expresly affirmed, that it was the same law, and con­stitution [Page 384] containing the very same wordes with that of the Councell, changing onely spirituall punishments into temporall: and that therefore those wordes Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis▪ a temporall and principall Land-Lord, Gouernour, or Lord, which are vsed alike in both Decrees, haue though not equally, yet proportionally the like restriction, and li­mitation in both. For that which I affirme is, that this great, and fa­mous Councell of Lateran, where almost all the Ambassadours of Chri­stian Kings, and Princes were present, did represent, as the Cardinall of Peron doth well obserue, the whole Christian world, or Common­wealth, as well temporall as spirituall, and was, as it were a generall Par­liament of all Christendome, consisting both of temporall, and spirituall authoritie, of temporall Princes, and spirituall Pastours; and that all the lawes and decrees, which were enacted therein concerning spirituall matters, as is the inflicting of spirituall Censures for what crime soeuer either spirituall, or temporall, did proceede meerely from the authoritie of spirituall Pastours, and that all the lawes, and decrees, which were en­acted concerning temporall matters, as is this decree, whereof now we treate, concerning the inflicting of temporall punishments, for what cause, crime, or end soeuer they bee inflicted, did proceede meerely from the authoritie of Secular Princes, who are the head, and fountaine of all temporall authoritie, and of all power to dispose of temporall mat­ters: for that, as I haue prooued more at large in the first part of this Treatise by the testimonie of many learned Catholikes, the Ecclesiasti­call, or spirituall power, doeth not by the institution of Christ extend to the inflicting of any temporall punishment, as death, exile, priuation of goods, much lesse of Kingdomes, nay nor so much as imprisonment, but that when the Church, or spirituall Pastours doe inflict such tempo­rall punishments, it proceedeth from the positiue grant, and priuiledges of temporall Princes.

38 And from this ground it euidently followeth, that not onely in this Canon of the Councell of Lateran concerning the temporall puni­shing of heretikes, & their abetters, but also in all other Canons of Popes, or Councells, when the inflicting of any tēporal punishmēt is ordained, it is as probable that all the force, which they haue to bind, doth proceede originally frō the positiue grant, consent, and authoritie of temporal Prin­ces, as it is probable, that the spirituall power of the Church doth not by the institutiō of Christ extend to the inflicting of temporal, or ciuill pu­nishments: and consequently, that temporall Princes are not by any ge­nerall wordes included in such decrees, as being themselues supreame, and next vnder GOD in temporalls, and not to be punished with tem­porall punishments, but by GOD alone. Wherefore, vnlesse my Ad­uersaries doe first prooue, (which in my iudgement they will neuer bee able to doe) by some conuincing argument, grounded vpon the authori­tie [Page 385] either of the Holy Scriptures, ancient Fathers, or some cleare de­finition of the Church, that this doctrine, which denyeth the Pope to haue by the institution of Christ authoritie to depose Princes, and to in­flict temporall punishments, is absurd, and not probable, they spend their time in vaine, and beate about the bush to little purpose, whiles they bring neuer so many decrees, and canons of Popes or Councells, where­in the inflicting of temporall punishments is ordained, for still the maine question remaineth yet a foote, by what authoritie, to wit, tempo­rall, or spirituall, those Canons, for as much as concerneth the inflict­ing of such temporall punishments, haue force to binde; and the an­swere of Almaine, and of many other Catholike Doctours will bee still readie at hand, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath onely authoritie to inflict spirituall punishments, as Excommunicati­on, Suspension, Interdict, and that the other punishments, which hee vseth, doe proceede from the pure positiue law, authoritie, grant, and priuiledges of temporall Princes, and that therefore the lawes, or Ca­nons of spirituall Pastours enacting them cannot bind, or comprehend temporall Princes themselues.

39 And by this the Reader may cleerely see both the ground, and reason, from whence I deduced probably, that absolute Princes are not included vnder any generall words whatsoeuer in penall lawes, and ca­nons of the Church, wherein temporall penalties are inflicted (for neither are they included, as you shall see beneath in the next Chap. in penall lawes, wherein spirituall punishments are inflicted, vnder gene­rall words, or names, which denote titles of inferiour degree, place, and dignitie, as are Dominus temporalis, Dominus Principalis, a temporall, or principall Land-Lord, Gouernour, or also Lord, and such like) and also how weakely, not to vse Mr. Fitzherberts foule word, absurdly, he prooueth, that I shew my selfe to bee very absurd in perswading the Rea­der, that those words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, a tempo­rall, or principall Land-lord, Gouernour, or Lord, which are vsed alike in the Canon, and in the Emperours law, haue like restriction, though not equally, yet proportionally in both. For what can be more cleare, saith he,p. 145. nu. 15 then that all Lawes are limited according to the power of the Prince, who maketh them, and that therefore the obligation of euery Princes lawes is extended only to his owne subiects? whereupon it followeth necessarily, that albeit the Canons of Generall Councells, being made in generall tearmes, do comprehend all Christian men, as well absolute Princes as others (because they are all subiect thereto) yet the Lawes of temporall Princes being made in the like, or in the same generall tearmes, can comprehend none but their owne subiects: and this being so, what an absurd argument hath. Widdring­ton made, who because the words are all one in the Canon of the Councell, and the Law of the Emperour, will restraine the sense of the Canon to the [Page 386] limits of the Emperours temporall power, which could not exceede his owne Dominion?

40 And therefore though the words, Dominus temporalis, or prin­cipalis, or non habens Dominum principalem, be generall in his Law, yet they can bee vnderstood of none, but such as being his subiects, held their Lands, or states of him, or of some other in his Dominions (in which respect Kings, and other temporall Princes, which held not of the Empire, could not be comprehended therein) though the same generall words in the Canon must needes comprehend, as well all Emperours, Kings, and absolute Prin­ces, as other inferiour Lords, because all of them being Domini tempora­les, are subiect alike to the decrees of a generall Councell.

41 True it is, that nothing is more cleere, then that all Lawes are limited according to the power of the Prince that maketh them, and that therefore the obligation of euery Princes lawes is extended onely to his owne subiects. Whereupon it followeth necessarily, that albeit the Canons of Generall Councells, being made in generall termes, may comprehend all Christian men, aswell absolute Princes, as others, for­asmuch as concerne spirituall matters, and the inflicting of spirituall punishments, because in these all Christians are subiect thereto, yet con­sidering that it is probable, that Christian Princes in temporall matters, and for as much as concerneth the inflicting of temporall punishments, are not subiect to the spirituall power of the Church, it is also probable, that the Canons of Popes, or Councells made in generall tearmes concer­ning temporall affaires, as are the inflicting of temporall punishments, cannot comprehend temporall Princes, who in these are absolute, and supreame, and not subiect to the spirituall power of the Church, which as I haue shewed before, doeth extend to the inflicting onely of spiri­tuall punishments. Which being so, the Reader may cleerely perceiue, that the argument I brought from the Emperours constitution is not absurd, but very probable, and that the absurditie, which his foule mouth so often casteth vpon mee, falleth vpon himselfe. For that, which I in bringing that argument intended to affirme, was this, that for the same reason, for which those generall words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, or non habeus Dominum principalem did not in the decree of Frederike comprehend either himselfe, who was not subiect to his owne law at leastwise as it is coerciue, or absolute Princes, for that they were not subiect to him at all, the same generall wordes in the Canon of the Councell, for as much as concerneth the inflicting of temporall punishments, doe not comprehend absolute Princes, for that they are subiect to the authoritie of the Church onely in Spirituall matters, and not in temporall, as are the inflicting of temporall pu­nishments.

42 Wherefore I doe not restraine the sense of the Canon to the [Page 387] limits of the Emperours temporall power, as Mr. Fitzherbert very grose­ly imposeth vpon mee, but I restraine the sense of the Canon thus, that if all Christian Princes had made the like law, and in the same forme of words, as Fredericke did, then I say, that all these lawes had beene a cleare confirmation of the sense and meaning of the Canon of the a­foresaid Councell, and that those generall wordes, Dominus temporalis, Do­minus principalis, and non habens Dominum principalem in all these lawes together made by all Christian Princes, had signified the selfe same persons, and no others, then now they signifie in the decree of the Councell. For that, which I contend, is, that it is probable, that this Ca­non, forasmuch as concerneth the inflicting of temporall punishments, was made by the Councell, not as it had spirituall, but onely as it had temporall authoritie, or, which is all one, not by vertue of the spiritu­all power of the Church, but by the authoritie, and consent of all tem­porall Princes, whose Ambassadours were present thereat, because it is probable, as I haue shewed aboue out of many learned Catholikes, that the spirituall power of the Church doeth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, but onely of spirituall. Whereby it is euident, that albeit Emperours, Kings, and all other absolute Princes, and inferi­our Lords are subiect alike to the decrees of Generall Councells, yea and of Prouinciall Councells held in their owne kingdomes in matters spiri­tuall, yet they are not subiect alike to the Decrees of generall Councells, wherein temporall matters, as are the inflicting of temporall punish­ments, are decreed, for that these decrees are made by the authority, and consent of absolute Princes, to whom onely all other inferiour persons are subiect in temporall affaires. And heereby all that, which Mr. Fitzherbert addeth in the rest of this Chapter is already satisfied.

43 So as you see, saith hee,p. 146. nu. 17. what probable arguments Widdring­ton giueth vs, whiles neuerthelesse nothing will satisfie him from vs, but demonstrations: and therefore whereas I signified all this in effect in my Sup­plement, hee taketh no formall notice of it, but onely as it were glanceth at it in a word, or two, saying, as you haue heard before, Dicere Imperatorem, &c. To say, that the Emperour did not include Kings in those wordes of his law, and that the Pope did meane to doe it in the Canon, is to say so, but not to demonstrate. So hee; requiring, as you see, a demonstra­tion of this point, and craftily concealing, and dissembling the reason that I gaue for my assertion, in my Supplement, as if I had giuen none at all, but onely had barely said, that Dominus temporalis in the Emperours law, is not to be vnderstood of Kings, as it is to bee taken in the Canon; whereas, you see, the reasons, which I haue giuen of the difference of the one, and the other (being grounded vpon the different power of the Generall Councell, and the Emperour) is so pregnant, and cleare, that it may serue for a demon­stration to any Catholike man of iudgement.

[Page 388]44 For I thinke it is not more cleare to any such, that two and two make foure, then that Dominus temporalis is a generall tearme, including ab­solute Princes, as well as other Lords, and that they are included in those words of the Canon, because they being members of Christs Church, are as subiect to a generall Councell, as the meanest temporall Lord in Christen­dome: As also it is no lesse cleare, that Dominus temporalis, in the Em­perours constitution can be extended no further then to such temporall Lords as were some way subiect to him, which my Aduersary himselfe acknowledg­eth, albeit he absurdly denieth, that the same words in the Canon are to be vnderstood of Kings.

45 But first, whether my arguments and answeres bee probable or no, and whether that foule aspersion of absurditie, wherewith Mr. Fitz­herbert so often chargeth me, doth fall vpon his owne arguments, and answeres, or vpon mine, I must remit to the iudgement of the learned Reader. Secondly, no learned man can denie, but that to prooue any doctrine to be certaine, and of faith, it is necessary to bring demonstra­tions, and conuincing proofes, and that to prooue any doctrine to bee probable, and the contrary not to be certaine, nor of faith, it sufficeth to bring onely probable arguments, and answeres: and therefore it is no maruaile, that I expect at my Aduersaries hands cleare demonstrations, and inuincible proofes, seeing that they take vpon them to prooue their doctrine to be certaine, and of faith, whereas it sufficeth for mee that onely take vpon me at this time to shew their doctrine not to bee certaine, and of faith, to bring probable arguments, and answers.

46 Thirdly, it is not true, that I haue craftily concealed and dis­sembled the reason, that he gaue in his Supplement, why the words Do­minus temporalis, should in the Canon of the Councell comprehend ab­solute Princes, and not in the Emperours constitution. For all that hee laboureth, as you haue seene, to prooue in his Supplement, is that the Emperours constitution is no way preiudiciall to the Canon of the Councell, but a cleare confirmation thereof, which I neuer denied, and that the Empe­rours law could extend no further then to his owne subiects, and that the Em­perour himselfe, and all Soueraigne Princes, are vnder the iurisdiction of a generall Councell, and subiect to her decrees, whereof also no man ma­keth doubt, if those decrees concerne spirituall affaires, but if they con­cerne meere temporall matters, wherin temporall Princes are supreame, and not subiect to the iurisdiction of the Church, as are the inflicting of temporall punishments, for what cause, crime, or end soeuer they be inflicted, the whole drift of my Apollogie was to prooue it to be proba­ble, that the spirituall authority and iurisdiction of the Church doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, for any cause, crime, or end whatsoeuer, and consequently that the inflicting of such tem­porall punishments, although it be for a spirituall end, is a meere tem­porall [Page 389] matter, wherein temporall Princes are supreame, and subiect to none but God. Which being so, I had no reason to take any formall notice in that briefe Admonition of all the idle discourses hee made in his Supplement, and which either were nothing at all against mee, or might easily be satisfied by that I had said before in my Apologie. But Mr. Fitzherbert doth shamefully corrupt my words, and meaning, and fowlely abuse me, and his Reader, in affirming, as you haue seene, that I doe restraine the sense of the Canon to the limits of the Emperours tem­porall power, which could not exceede his owne dominion, whereas I made no such restraint, but extended the sense of the Canon, to the Dominions of all Christian Princes, by whose consent and authority that Canon, for as much as it concerneth the inflicting of temporall pu­nishments, was made, and had force to binde.

47 Neither, as I said, doth the reason which Mr. Fitzherbert bring­eth concerning the distinction of the Canon, and of the Emperours de­cree in extension, any way impugne, but confirme the argument I brought from the Emperours law, because or the same reason which Mr. Fitzherbert alleageth, why those generall words Dominus tempora­lis, or principalis, cannot in the Emperours decree comprehend absolute Princes, for that they are not subiect to him in temporals, I also affirme, that the same generall words cannot in the Canon comprehend abso­lute Princes, for that they are not subiect to the Pope, or Church in tem­porals, as is the inflicting of temporall punishments, to which, as I haue often said, the spirituall power of the Church doth not extend. And if my Aduersary cannot bring more cleare and pregnant demonstra­tions then these to confirme his new Catholike faith, hee neede not to waste any more time and labour, in producing such cleare and pregnant demonstrations, which euery Catholicke man of iudgement may clearely see to bee apparant sophismes, and that notwithstanding all his vaine brags of his cleare and pregnant demonstrations, and of my absurd argu­ments and answeres so often repeated by him, in the end the Reader will see, that Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.

48 And although it be cleare enough that Dominus temporalis is a generall tearme including absolute Princes as well as other Lords, yea, and Masters; yet because it is cleare that Dominus temporalis is not a proper tearme or title belonging to absolute Princes, but common to all others of inferiour degree, if any man should speake of them, and giue them onely the titles of their Masterships, Worships, or Lordships, he would both be accounted a rude and vnmannerly companion, and also he should wrong those persons, in giuing them onely those titles of worship or honour, wch are common to other persons of inferior ranke; neither he that should onely vse such inferiour titles, would be thought to speake of absolute Princes, vnlesse some other circumstance should [Page 390] enforce vs to thinke the same. And although it be also cleare, that ab­solute Princes are subiect no lesse then the meanest Lord in Christen­dome, to the decrees of a generall Councell, which concerne spirituall matters, yet because in meere temporall matters they are supreame, and therin not subiect to any decree of Pope, or Councell & it is also probable, that the inflicting of temporall punishments is a meere temporall mat­ter, and not belonging to the spirituall power of the Church, it is also probable, and no way absurd, to say that Dominus temporalis in the Ca­non of the Councell, wherein the inflicting of temporall punishments is decreed, is not to be vnderstood of absolute Princes, for the same reason that in the Emperours constitution, it is not extended to them, but to such onely as were subiect to him in temporals.

49 But perhaps Widdrington will say, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 147. num. 19. that he hath added another reason to fortifie the same, which was (as you haue heard before) that Kings, and absolute Princes, are not included in penall lawes, except they be specified therein by the names of Princes for so indeed he saith, inserting the same cunningly into his inference, to make his argument (grounded on the Emperours law) to seeme the more probable; and therefore hauing said that the Emperour could not vnderstand either himselfe, or o­ther absolute Princes, by the name of one who hath no principall Lord, hee concludeth, ex quo probabiliter collegi, &c. Whereupon I gathered probably, that those words, Non habens Dominum principalem, not hauing a principall Landlord, or Lord, could not comprehend abso­lute Princes, who are not to be vnderstood as included in penall lawes, except they be namely expressed. Thus he sliding subtilly as you see, from the Emperours law, and the reason grounded thereon, to the priuiledges of Princes, which belongeth to another question, and shall be fully debated, and cleared, as I hope in the next Chapter: And in the meane time I conclude for the present, that in all this hee hath shewed himselfe very absurd, and that my cold answere, as he tearmeth it, would haue beene hote enough to dis­solue his frozen and friuolous argument, if he had not wholly dissembled the force and substance of my discourse in my Supplement concerning this point.

50 It is very true, that I haue in that briefe Admonition also ano­ther reason, why absolute Princes are not included in the Canon of the Councell vnder those generall names, Dominus temporalis, Dominus princi­palis, or such like, to wit, for that in penall lawes they are not com­prehended vnder such generall tearmes, which denote titles of inferi­our degree and dignity: and in bringing this reason I vsed no craft or cunning, but meant plainly and sincerely, neither did I intend to slide cunningly and subtily, as Mr. Fitzherbert would guilefully perswade his Reader, from the Emperours law, and reason grounded thereon, to this reason: for that the reason why in the Emperours law absolute Princes are not comprehended vnder those generall names of Dominus [Page 391] temporalis, Dominus principalis, is the chiefe and principall ground I stand vpon, why they are not also included vnder those generall words in the Canon of the Councell, as you haue seene before. Neuerthelesse there is this difference betwixt these two reasons, that this later reason, whereof we shal treat more at large in the next Chapter, only sheweth, why absolute Princes are not in penall lawes of the Church comprehe­ded vnder such generall words, which denote names, and titles of infe­riour place and dignitie, but the first reason grounded vpon the Empe­rours law, doth also prooue that absolute Princes cannot, vnder any generall tearmes whatsoeuer, bee included in any Canons of Popes or Councells, wherein the inflicting of temporall punishments is decreed: For to deny, that absolute Princes are not vnder any generall words comprehended in such Decrees, is no more absurd, then to deny, that the spirituall power of the Church doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, which doctrine for that my Aduersary will neuer be able to prooue absurd, he might well haue spared to vse such absurd tearmes, wherewith he doth so often defile his religious mouth, and which, as you haue seene, doe more fitly agree to his owne argu­ments and answeres, and to the whole discourse he hath made in his Supplement concerning this point, if he thereby intend to confute the aforesaid answere I gaue to the decree of the Councell, and the reason thereof grounded vpon the like decree of the Emperour.

CHAP. X.

Wherein Widdringtons second answere to the Decree of the La­teran Councell, affirming that absolute Princes are not compre­hended therein, because they are not mentioned by their proper names, but by inferiour titles, is prooued to bee neither improba­ble nor absurd, but conforme to the doctrine of learned Diuines and Lawyers, and Mr. Fitzherberts exceptions against the said answere are shewed to be very insufficient and fraudulent.

1 YOu haue seene, Courteous Reader, how weakely Mr. Fitzherbert hath in the former Chapter impugned the answere I gaue to the decree of the Lateran Councell, and the reason thereof grounded vpon the like Constitution of the Emperour Fredricke; now you shall see, how insufficiently also he impugneth in this Chap­ter the other reason, which I brought to prooue, that those generall [Page 392] words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, a temporall, or principall Landlord, Gouernour, or also Lord, doe not in the Canon of the Councell cōprehend absolute Princes. Thus therefore he beginneth this Chapter.

2 You haue heard in the last Chapter, how my Aduersary Widdring­ton teacheth, that the Canon of the Councell of Lateran concerning the deposition of temporall Lords, doth not comprehend Kinges, and absolute Princes, because they are not namely specified therein, Qui, saith he, nisi nominatim exprimantur in legibus paenalibus intelligendi non sunt; Who are not to be vnderstood as included in penall lawes, except they be expressed by name. So he, which he also more amply affirmeth in the Preface to his Apologetical answere (whereto he remitteth me, and his Rea­ders) for there he seemeth to ground his opinion in this point, Widdrington Apolog. Respōs. Praefat. nu. 44. vpon the rules of the lawes, saying, that Secular Princes are not signified in penall Lawes, vnder the generall names of Lords, Magistrates, and temporall Iudges, iuxta regulas Iurisprudentium, according to the rules of the Lawyers: whereto he addeth also for examples sake, that an Abbot is not cōprehended in the penall Lawes vnder the name of a Monke, nor a Bi­shop vnder the name of a Priest, nor the Pope vnder the name of a Bi­shop, because, saith he, in paenis benignior pars est eligenda, & odia re­stringi, fauoures conuenit ampliari, The more benigne or milde part is to be chosen in penalties, and it is conuenient that odious things be restrained, and fauours amplified or enlarged, So he.

3 Whereto I answere, that whereas he saith, that Princes are not com­prehended in penall Lawes except they be specified by the name of Princes, I say first, that if this were true, this absurdity would follow thereof, that ab­solute Princes should be exempted from diuers Lawes and Canons, where­in all the world hath hitherto held them to be included, as from the Canon of the Councell of Lateran, ordaining, that Omnis vtrius (que) sexus fide­lis, &c.Concil. Later. 4. can. 21. Euery Christian of both sexes shall confesse, and communi­cate at Easter, vpon paine of Excommunication, and want of Christian buriall; as also from the Bulla in caena Domini, and from the Canon, Si quis suadente,Cans. 17. q. 4. forbidding the laying of violent hands vpon Cleargie-men, and di­uers other generall constitutions, from the which they were neuer yet exemp­ted in the opinion of any man.

But if Mr. Fitzherbert had not meant to cauill, and to take euery idle occasion to carpe at my wordes without cause, hee might easily haue seene by those wordes of mine, which heere hee citeth out of my Apologeticall Preface, and to which in my Admonition I remitted the Reader, that when I affirmed, that absolute Princes are not vnderstood to be comprehended in penall lawes, vnlesse they be expressed by name, my mea­ning was, that they are not vnderstood to bee comprehended in penall lawes vnder those generall names of Dominus temporalis, Dominus princi­palis, of Lords, Magistrates, Iudges, Land-lords, and such like generall [Page 393] names, which denote some inferiour office, dignitie, or honour, but they must be expressed by the names of the honour and dignitie, which are proper to them, as an Abbot is not comprehended vnder the name of a Monke, nor a Bishop vnder the name of a Priest, nor the Pope vn­der the name of a Bishop. For to affirme that absolute Princes, as like­wise Abbots and Bishops, are not comprehended in penall lawes enacted by the Church, vnder no generall names, although they denote no pe­culiar office, honour, dignity, or function, by which some persons are distinguished from others, had beene indeede somewhat absurd. And so these Canons heere alledged by Mr. Fitzherbert. Omnis vtriusque sexus, &c. Si quis suadente diabolo, &c. and out of the Bull in caena Do­mini, or such like are nothing to the purpose, for that they are not such generall names, which denote any peculiar office, honour, dig­nitie or function, by which some men are distinguished from others, and therefore this my Aduersaries first Answere is nothing at all a­gainst my doctrine.

5 Secondly, I say, saith Mr. Fitzherbert,Pag. 150. nu. 3. that Widdrington might haue done well to haue told vs, or at least quoted in his margent (as he doth not) in what Lawyers we may finde that priuiledge or exemption of Princes whereof he speaketh; for sure I am, that they who write of Princes make no mention thereof, as may be seene in Restaurus Castaldus,Restaur. Ca­stald. q. 110. de Imper. who setteth downe aboue a hundred priuiledges of the Emperour, and yet doth not men­tion any such.

6 But first the Reader may easily perceiue, that the reason which I brought, why absolute Princes are not in penall lawes, and odious mat­ters comprehended vnder the generall names, of temporall Land-lords, Gouernours, Iudges, Lords, or such like, was not grounded vpon any peculiar priuiledge proper to absolute Princes, for the like I affirmed of a Bishop and an Abbot, but vpon the knowne rules of the law which there I cited, and vpon the authority of learned Lawyers: and there­fore Mr. Fitzherbert might haue saued his labour in seeking out of Re­staurus Castaldus, or others any such priuiledge peculiar to absolute Princes. Neither also did I affirme, that all Lawyers are of opinion, that in penall lawes, and odious matters an Abbot is not comprehended vnder the name of a Monke, nor a Bishop vnder the name of a Priest or Clearke, nor an absolute Prince vnder the name of a temporall Land-lord, Gouernour, Iudge, or Lord, but that some Lawyers are of this opi­nion: and this is enough to prooue it to be probable, that in the Canon of the Lateran Councell, Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes are not comprehended vnder those generall wordes of a temporall or principall Land-lord, Gouernour, Iudge, or Lord. Wherefore although the opini­on of Hostiensis (of whom I will speake beneath) or of any other Lawyer, or Diuine whatsoeuer be expresly against this doctrine, it is no­thing [Page 394] to the purpose, except it be also against the opinion of all Lawyers and Diuines.

7 Secondly therefore, that M. Fitzherbert may also see, that I haue not inuented this doctrine of my owne head, I will now for proofe of the same relate some Catholike Authors, whom then I omitted to re­hearse, for that I thought it so manifest, that no man of any reading would make doubt thereof. An Abbot, saith Bartholomaeus Fumus in his Armilla aurea,Armilla verbo Abbas nu. 11. in an odious matter is not comprehended by the name of Monkes, although he be in a fauourable matter, according to the Doctours in cap. Armilla verbo Clericus. nu. 2. finali de Simonia. And againe, by the name of Clearkes, saith hee, in a fauourable matter are vnderstood all that haue any Clearkely dignity, but in an odious matter vnder the name of a Clerke are not comprehended Bi­shops, no Canons, nor others placed in dignity, nor Monkes, nor Religious men that are exempted. Vide Panormit. in cap. bonae memoriae de postulat. Praelatorum.Armilla verbo. Sacerdos. nu. 1 And againe, by the name of a Priest, saith he, in a fauou­rable matter are vnderstood not onely Prasbyters, but also Deacons and Sub­deacons, but in an odious matter onely Presbyters, and not therefore Bishops are to bee vnderstood; arg. cap. si quisque de cohab. Cleric. & mulierum, where Panormitan obserueth the same. Thus writeth Armilla.

Felinus cap. vlt. de Simonia.8 The like hath Felinus cap. vlt. de Simonia §. prima conclusio. By the name of Monkes, saith he, Abbots are vnderstood in a fauourable mat­ter, but this conclusion is not true in an odious matter; and for the same hee citeth Panormitan, Pope Innocent, and others. And a little before out of diuers textes of the Canon Law he deduceth this general rule, Quoties species aliquid addit generi, nunquam appellatione generis venit species. Whensoeuer the particular doth adde something to the generall, the particular is not to be comprehended vnder the name of the generall, which is the same in sense with that rule, which he afterwards relateth out of Antonius de Butrio, that in penall things the mixt, or compound, is not comprehended vn­der the simple; which rules Felinus limiteth thus, vnlesse the punishment, or odious matter doth tend principally to fauour the soule, but how to know this for certaine, it is very heard, as you shall see beneath.

Sayrus tom. 1. lib. 3. cap. 33.9 The like teacheth our learned Countreyman, Gregorius Say­rus expounding the Canon, Vt periculosa. Ne Clerici, vel Monachi lib. 6. Wherein are excommunicated all Religious men, who goe to a­ny Schooles of learning, vnlesse they haue first license graunted them by their Prelate with the aduise of the greater part of the Conuent. An Abbot, saith he, going to Schooles without the license of his Superiour, and Conuent, doth not incurre this punishment, according to Archidiaconus, Geminianus, Angelus, Antoninus, and Nauarrus in the places aboue ci­ted, because it is a penall constitution, and therefore rather to be restrained, then extended. The same hath Nauarre vpon cap. finali de Simonia. [Page 395] From the aforesaid it is also, saith he, inferred, that the disposition, Nauar. tom. 2. Comment. in cap. finali. de Simonia nu. 5. or constitu­tion, which speaketh of a Monke, doth not comprehend an Abbot if the matter be not fauourable, as Doctors here vpon this Canon do seeme to be of opinion.

10 And Syluester treating of the Canon in Clement. Vnica de vsu­ris, wherein are excommunicated, quicunque communitatum ipsarum Po­testates, Capitanei, Rectores, &c. All Potestaes of Communities them­selues, Captaines, Rectours, or Gouernours, Consulls, Iudges, Counsellers, or any other Officiall, or Officer, who doe make, write, or dictate Con­stitutions, that vsurers are to bee paid, or being paid are not to be restored, Siluest. verbo. Excommuni­catio 19. nu. 82. §. quadra­gessima tertia. &c. affirmeth, that because this is a penall constitution, consequently it is not extended to persons, that are not expressed, or which is all one, expresly named therein; and he proueth this by that rule of the Law, in Sexto, In penalties the milder part is to be chosen. Moreouer Pope Innocent the third himselfe, vnder whom this Councell of Lateran was held,In can. Sedes Apostolica de Rescriptis. doth expresly decree, that when in his Commissions, persons of lesse worth, & more base are onely signified, persons of greater worth, and dignitie are not vnder­stood to be included in a generall clause. Now what man of iudgement can make any doubt, but that Dominus temporalis, is a person of lesse worth, honour, and dignitie, then Dominus principalis, who in the Ca­non is distinguished from Dominus temporalis, and both of them are per­sons of lesse worth, honour, and authoritie, then are Domini supremi, as are Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes. And therefore these generall words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, being names of lesse worth and dignitie, then are Domini supremi, must not according to Pope Innocent his owne rule, comprehend Emperours, Kings, and abso­lute Princes, who are the most worthy, most noble, and most princi­pall Lords, and persons vpon earth.

11 But wee will conclude this point with so plaine and manifest an authoritie, that my Aduersarie both in respect of the Authour, and also of his words being so cleere, can take against it no colourable ex­ception. Lastly therefore, Andreas Duuallius, a famous Doctour of Paris, and at this present the Kings Publike professour of Diuinitie, and also a man otherwise much fauouring the Popes temporall authoritie ouer absolute Princes, Andr. Duual. de suprema Rom Pont. in Ecclesiam potestate. part. 2. q. 4. p. 264. and his spirituall authoritie ouer a generall Coun­cell, contrary to the custome of that renowmed Vniuersitie, writeth thus: Notum est nomine Clericorum, &c. It is manifest, that in an odious matter Bishops are not comprehended vnder the name of Clerkes, nor some­times in the same matter Religious men vnder the name of Monkes, neque si­militer nomine Dominorum Reges, nor likewise Kings vnder the name of Landlords, Gouernours, or Lords, in regard of the height, and Maiestie of Kingly dignitie. I will say more, that perchance in an odious matter the King of France in regard of the singular prerogatiues, wherein he excelleth other Kings, is not comprehended vnder the name of Kings. Thus D. Duual.

[Page 396]12 And by this the iudicious Reader may cleerely perceiue both what censure my ignorant Aduersary deserueth both in branding this doctrine with the temerarious note of absurditie, and also that from hence it followeth euidently, that the answere, which I gaue to the de­cree of the Laeteran Councell is not absurd or improbable; For all this may be not onely a probable perswasion, but also a manifest demonstration to a­ny Catholike man of iudgement, that in the foresaid Canon, wherein temporall penalties are inflicted, Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes, are not included in those generall names of Dominus temporalis, and Dominus principalis, a temporall and principall Land-lord, Gouernour, or Lord, which denote titles of honour, office, or dignitie, farre inferiour to the height, and Maiestie of Kingly Soueraingtie, and that therfore no conuincing, or demonstratiue argument can be brought from this Canon, to prooue that the Pope hath authoritie to depose absolute Prin­ces, who according to the doctrine of so many learned men, and also the decree of Pope Innocent himselfe, are not in penall lawes, and odi­ous matters comprehended vnder generall words, which denote titles of inferiour worth, honour, or dignitie. Wherefore although it bee needlesse, the premises considered, to make any further answere to the rest of my Aduersaries discourse in this Chapter, yet for better satisfa­ction of the studious Reader, I will set downe, what weake obiections he continueth still to vrge.

13 Besides that, saith Mr. Fitzher. Pag. 150. nu. 3. 4. I finde the opinion of Lawyers ex­presly contrary thereto. For wheras the famous Canonist, and Card. Hosti­ensis (who wrote aboue 300. yeeres agoe) saith, that Deponitur haereticus, &c.Hostiens. in Sum. tit. de hae­reticis §. qua paena. nu. 9. an heretike is deposed from all dignity, whether he be a Clerke, or a Lay-man, Pope, Emperour, or any inferiour: he alledgeth for the same three Lawes, whereof the second, and the third doe directly proue our intent. For the second is an ancient Decree of Liberius the Pope, wherein he ordai­ned, that, 24. q. 1. Qui contra Ecclesiae pacem. Qui contra Ecclesiae pacem sunt, &c. They who are against the peace of the Church, if they haue any dignitie, or the militarie gir­dle, let them be depriued of it; if they bee priuate men, and yet nobly borne, let them forfeit all their substance, or goods, but if they bee ig­noble, or base people, let them bee not onely whipped, but also ba­nished: which I wish my Aduersary Widdrington well to note for two re­spects, the one, for albeit he seemeth to admit the authority of the Ecclesiasti­call Canons, yet he denieth often, as you haue heard, that the Church can in­flict any corporall and temporall punishment, which he may see was ordained by this ancient Decree, admitted, and set downe in the body of the Canon law, besides many other cleare Canons and Decrees to the same purpose. The o­ther, because he saith that Princes are not included in penall lawes, if they be not specified by the name of Princes, whereas neuerthelesse he may see, that this ancient Canonist Hostiensis includeth them in this Decree, though the [Page 397] tearmes thereof are very generall, without any particular mention of Princes.

14 But first, what Cardinall Hostiensis, a man wholly addicted to the aduancing of the Popes temporall Monarchy, and his authority in temporals ouer absolute Princes, not only indirectly, but also directly, or any other Canonist, Ciuill Lawyer, or Diuine affirmeth concerning this point, is little to our purpose, considering that other Diuines and Lawyers are contrary to him heerein. And therefore it is not suffici­ent for Mr. Fitzherbert to bring the testimony onely of Hostiensis, or of many other Doctours ioyned together with him, to prooue my afore­said doctrine to bee improbable, but it is necessary for him to bring con­uincing proofes, and he must also shew, that no other approoued Au­thours mooued with probable grounds, doe maintaine the same.

15 Secondly, obserue, good Reader, what kind of conuincing proofes this man bringeth out of Hostiensis, and how grosly thou art abused through the manifest fraud, or ignorance of this my vnlearned Aduersarie. For first this Decree of Pope Liberius, admitted, as hee saith, and set downe in the bodie of the Canon law, is not authenticall, but of a suspected credit, whereof also Mr. Fitzherbert could not haue bene ignorant, if he had read in the Councells set out by Binnius the whole De­cree, which is taken out of a Decretall Epistle, which is pretended to haue beene written by Pope Liberius to S. Athanasius, which Epistle Binnius himselfe calleth in question. The Consulls, saith Binnius, Binnius tom. 1 Concil. pag 470 in fine Epistolae 13. Liberij. which are added to this Epistle, to wit, Asclepius, and Deodatus, doe shew it to be of a suspected credit, for I could neuer find their names to be in oth r places subscribed to deedes, writings, or Calender bookes.

16 Secondly, if Mr. Fitzherbert had related the words immediatly going before that, which heere he citeth out of the Canon, and wisheth me to note well for two respects, the Reader would presently haue per­ceiued his fraude, or ignorance, and that from this Canon no argument at all can be brought to prooue, that the Pope hath authoritie to inflict temporall penalties, but rather that temporall Kings haue authoritie to inflict spirituall punishments. For the entire words of this Canon, as it is set downe by Binnius, are these:Binnius vbi supra. Whosoeuer shall presume to transgresse these things, first let them be subiect to the terrible iudgement of Almightie God, Deinde autem qualem cunque Regalem indignationem reuerean­tur, per quam si Episcopi, &c. and afterwards let them reuerence or feare all Regall indignation, by which if they be Bishops, or Cleargie men let them fall, or be depriued, wholy from the order of their Priesthood, or Cleargie, but if they be Monkes, let them be separated from their places; but if they be in dignitie, or haue the militarie girdle, let them be depriued thereof, but if they be priuate men, yet noble, let them forfeit all their substance, or goods; but if they be ignoble, let them not onely be whipped, but also perpetually bani­shed, [Page 398] that all men being repressed by the feare of God, and fearing de­serued punishments threatned against them, may keepe immooueable, and without perturbation the peace of the holy Churches of God. Giuen the eight Calends of Iune, Asclepius, and Deodatus most excellent men be­ing Consulls.

17 Now what will Mr. Fitzherbert say to this ancient decree of Pope Liberius, which hee wisheth mee well to note, wherein it is de­creed, that Bishops, if they perturbe the peace of the Church, shall be de­priued of their Priesthood by Regall or Kingly indignation? For that secular men being placed in dignity, may be depriued of their honour and dignity, and if they be priuate men, yet noble, may forfeit all their goods, and if they be ignoble, may be whipped, or perpetually bani­shed by Regall or Kingly power, or indignation, which this Canon also, of what credit soeuer it be, doth ordaine, is not any way repugnant to my doctrine. Thus thou seest, good Reader, how grosly thou art abu­sed through the fraud or ignorance of this vnlearned man, who neuer­theles presumeth to direct thy soule, and conscience in this so high and dangerous a point of thy allegeance due to God and man, wherein he cleerely sheweth himselfe to haue so little skill.

18 Thirdly, in what sense I affirmed that Kings and absolute Princes are not included in penall lawes vnder generall words, vnlesse they be expressed by name; for which respect also Mr. Fitzherbert wisheth me to note well this Canon of Pope Liberius, I haue declared before, to wit, that they are not in such lawes comprehended vnder generall words, which denote some inferiour office or title of honour for I ne­uer intended to denie, as this man imposeth vpon me, that they are not included in any generall words, except they be specified by the name of Princes, if such generall words denote no inferiour office, or title of honour. So that neither Hostiensis, for as much as concerneth this Canon of Liberius, contradicteth my doctrine, because those generall words, Qui contra pacem Ecclesiae, They who are against the peace of the Church, do denote no inferiour office, or title of honour, and although he were against my doctrine, it is too little to the purpose, seeing that other Lawyers and Diuines doe contradict him herein, and moreouer this Canon cited by Hostiensis, is neither authenticall, and of sufficient credit, nor any way gaine-saith that, which I affirme concerning this poynt.

Pag. 151. nu. 5.19 Now you shall see the third testimony, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth out of Hostiensis. And this, saith he, c will be much more cleare by the third testimony, cited out of the Canon law by Hostiensis, which hee taketh out of the title de haereticia,Decret. lib. 5. tit. 7. de Hare­tices. wherin there is no particular mention of absolute Princes, by the name of Princes. neither is there in any other De­cree concerning their deposition but onely this Canon of the Councell of La­teran [Page 399] now in question: so as Widdrington may see, not onely that Kings, and absolute Princes haue no such exemption from penall Lawes, as he pretendeth, but also that they are included in the generall tearmes ouen of this Canon of the Councell of Lateran, in the opinion of a famous Canonist, who wrote not past fiftie yeares after the said Councell. And if he say that they haue had this ex­emption, or priuiledge since that time, let him shew vs when, and where they had it, which I am sure he cannot doe, as it may appeare by the Canonists, who comprehend absolute Princes in other penall lawes, wherein they are not other­wise mentioned then in generall tearmes, as he may see in Simanca, in his In­stitutions, Tit. 23. and Emericus in his third part of the Directorie, Q. 31. and Penna in his Annotations vpon the Annot. 96. same.

20 But first it is vntrue, that in the whole title dehaereticis, there is not any other Canon, or decree concerning the deposition of Prin­ces, except this Decree of the Lateran Councell, if wee once suppose, as Hostiensis doth suppose, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath authoritie to depose temporall Princes, and to inflict temporall pu­nishments: for this once supposed, they may very well bee included in the last Canon of this title De haereticis, wherein Pope Gregory the ninth doth Decree and declare, that whosoeuer are bound, or obliged to mani­fest heretickes by any couenant strengthened with neuer so great securitie are absolued from the bond of all allegiance, homage, and obedience: for in those words, whosoeuer, and manifest heretickes, and such like generall tearmes, which denote no title of office, honour or dignity inferiour to Kingly maiesty, all men whatsoeuer, euen Kings and absolute Princes may be included, if it be once granted, that the Pope hath power to de­pose absolute Princes. But because it is probable, as I haue prooued at large aboue in this Treatise, that the Pope by the institution of Christ, hath no authority to depose temporall Princes, or to inflict temporall punishments, it consequently followeth, that it is also probable, that neither the aforesaid Canon Absolutos, nor any other Canon made in such generall words, wherein temporall punishments are inflicted, can comprehend absolute Princes, but that all such like Canons are made either by the Pope, as he is a temporall Prince, and consequently are of force onely in the territories of the Church, or the Popes temporall do­minions, or else that they are made by the consent of temporall Princes, and haue their force to binde from their authority, and consequently doe concerne onely inferiour persons, or subiects, and not absolute Princes themselues, who are free from the coerciue power of those lawes, which are made by their owne authority.

21 So that although I will not now contend, neither doe I much regard of what opinion Hostiensis bee concerning the sense and mea­ning of this Canon of the Lateran Councell, yet it is plaine, that Mr. Fitz­herbert hath not hitherto prooued out of Hostiensis, as hee pretended to [Page 400] prooue, that absolute Princes are comprehended in the penall lawes of the Church, vnder such generall names, which denote some office, ho­nour, dignitie, or title inferiour to Kingly Maiestie. Neither doeth Simancas, Emericus, or Pegna in the places cited by my Aduersarie teach contrarie to my doctrine in this point, to wit, that in penall lawes, and odious matters Abbots are vnderstood by the generall name of Monkes, Bishops, by the generall name of Priests, and Emperours, Kings, and ab­solute Princes by the generall name of Dominus temporalis, a temporall Land-lord, Gouernour, or Lord.

22 For Simancas in the 23. title cited by my Aduersarie nu. 10. doth cleerely distinguish betwixt Dominos temporales, and Reges, tempo­rall Lords, and Kings: and nu. 11. hee proueth, that hereticall Kings and Princes are forthwith deposed, and their subiects absolued from their allegi­ance, by the aforesaide Canon Absolutos of Gregorie the ninth, which, as I saide, is a sufficient proofe, supposing, as hee doeth, that the Pope hath authoritie to depose temporall Princes, and to absolue subiects from their temporall allegiance, but because this supposition of his is not certaine, his proofe grounded thereon cannot bee certaine. And Emericus in the 31. question cited by my Aduersarie, to prooue, that the Inquisitours haue authoritie to proceede against Kings, bringeth only the authoritie of Pope Clement the 4. and Vrbanus the 4. and those ge­nerall words contained in their Breues, of what condition, dignitie, or degree soeuer they be; and the same only confirmeth Pegna in his Commentarie vpon that question, which doth not contradict my doctrine, for I neuer denyed, that in penall lawes, absolute Princes may not be comprehended vnder such generall words, supposing, as they suppose, which I deny, that the Pope by his spirituall authoritie may inflict temporall punishments.

23 But secondly and principally, albeit these Doctours should, as in the places cited by my Aduersarie they doe not, contradict my do­ctrine in this point concerning the not comprehending of Abbots vn­der the generall name of Monkes, Bishops of Priestes, and absolute Prin­ces vnder generall names of temporall Lords, Gouernours, Potestaes, and such like, yet it were little to the purpose, seeing that other learned Lawyers, and Diuines, as I haue shewed before, doe agree with mee in this point. And therefore to prooue my doctrine in this point to bee absurd and improbable, as this man after his vaine glorious bragging fashion boasteth it to bee, it is not sufficient, (as I said, and this I wish him to note well) to bring the authoritie of one, two, twentie, yea a hun­dred Lawyers, or Diuines, if other learned Lawyers, and Diuines, al­though the farre fewer in number, doe contradict them therein.

24 Now let vs proceede to the rest of Mr. Fitzherberts discourse. And whereas, saith hee,p. 151. nu. 6. Widdrington seemeth also to ground this his deuise vpon two rules of the law, to wit, that in penall Lawes the milder, or [Page 401] more fauourable part is to bee chosen; and that odious things are to bee restrained, and fauours amplified, the same is commonly true, when the text of the Law is so obscure, or the case so doubtfull, that two, or more opi­nions may bee probably gathered thereof touching the quantitie, or qualitie of the paine, and how farre, and to whom the same is to bee extended; for in these cases of debt, or such like, the more fauourable, or lesse rigorous opinion is to be followed; but in this Canon, both the words, and sense are so cleare, that hitherto no doubt hath beene made amongst the Canonists, whether Kings, or absolute Princes are comprehended therein.

25 It is very true, that my aforesaid answere, to wit, that in penall lawes, and odious matters, an Abbot is not included in the generall name of a Monke, nor a Bishop in the generall name of a Priest or Clerke, nor a King in the generall name of a temporall Land-lord, Gouernour, or Lord, or the like; I did partly ground vpon those rules of the law, and partly vp­on the authoritie of learned Lawyers, and Diuines, who, as you haue seene, doe confirme the same; and therefore the wordes, and sense of this Canon are not so cleare, but that those Authours will consequently deny, that Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes are not in this Canon comprehended, vnder those generall words, of a temporall, or principall Land-lord, Gouernour, or Lord, as neither an Abbot is, according to them, in penall lawes, and odious matters comprehended vnder the gene­rall name of a Monke, nor a Bishop vnder the generall name of a Priest, or Clerke, nor a King vnder the generall name, of a Land-lord, Gouer­nour, or also Lord. And if the wordes, and sense of this Canon bee so cleare, as this man would make it to bee, I wonder, that neither Car­dinall Bellarmine in his Controuersies, nor Molina, nor Corduba, nor Ʋictoria, nor D. Sanders, nor Azor, vehement defenders of the Popes authoritie to depose absolute Princes, could not see the cleare sense of this Canon, whereof they could not bee ignorant, thereby to confirme their doctrine, by a manifest decree of a generall Councell, without flying to the particular facts of Popes oftentimes deposing Kings, and Emperours, which all learned men know to be no good argument to prooue, that the Pope hath true right, and authoritie so to doe.

26 Besides that, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, pag. 152. these rules haue many ex­ceptions, which are very considerable, and haue place in this case. For first, whereas all the obscuritie that can be imagined in this Canon, and case, is in the generall words, Dominus temporalis, and non habens Dominum principalem, the Lawyers teach vs, that verba generalia non dicuntur obscura, generall words are not said to be obscure.

And the Lawyers also teach, that in penall lawes, and odious mat­ters, such generall words, as denote some inferiour dignitie, order, ti­tle, office, or function, as a temporall, or principall Lord, Gouernour, Iudge; or Land-lord, a Monke; a Clerke, and a Priest, are ob­scure, [Page 402] and are not vnderstood to comprehend absolute Princes, Abbots, or Bishops.

27 Secondly, this rule of restriction, saith hee, is not to bee vnderstood quantum ad vim verborum, of the force of the words, and therefore the Lawyers also teach, that penalties are to be extended as farre, as the proprietie of the words doe permit.

And the Lawyers also teach vs, that in penall lawes, and odious mat­ters, such generall words, as denote some inferiour title, dignitie, office, order, or function, are not to bee extended as farre as the priorietie of the wordes doe permit: and that therefore an Abbot is not com­prehended vnder the generall name of a Monke, nor a Bishop vnder the generall name of a Priest, nor a King vnder the generall name of a Lord, Gouernour, or Land-lord, albeit an Abbot bee proper­ly a Monke, and a Bishop be properly a Priest, and a King be properly a Lord, Gouernour, and Land-lord. But Mr. Fitzherbert doeth not di­stinguish betwixt proper, as it is distinguished from improper, or meta­phoricall, in which sense it is true, that the words of penall lawes are to bee vnderstood in a proper sense, and not to bee restrained to an improper, or metaphoricall sense, and as proper is distinguished from common, or generall, in which sense an Abbot is not properly a Monke, nor a Bishop is properly a Priest, nor a King is properly a temporall Lord, Gouernour, or Land-lord, for that a Monke is not the proper name of an Abbot, nor a Priest the proper name of a Bishop, nor a temporall Lord the proper name of a King, but they are names, which are com­mon also to inferiour Monkes, inferiour Priests, and inferiour Lords.

28 Thirdly, the rule, saith hee, faileth, when the reason is expressed, as it is in this Canon. But Mr. Fitzherbert should haue declared, what reason expressed in the law is required to haue the aforesaid rule to faile. For in this Canon of the Lateran Councell there is no reason expressed, why Dominus temporalis, a temporall Land lord, Gouernour, or Lord must comprehend absolute Princes. For the end, and reason of making this Canon was to put in execution the holy lawes before enacted by Christi­an Princes for the rooting out of heretikes, which lawes were not put in practise by the negligence of inferiour Gouernours, Magistrates, and Officers, to whose charge the execution of iustice is immediately com­mitted, for which reason it was sufficient to comprehend in that Canon only inferiour Lords, Gouernours, Magistrates, and Land-lords, who were negligent to put in execution the godly lawes before enacted by pious Emperours, and Kings for the repressing of heretikes; but of this reason more beneath.

29 Lastly, the rule, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, holdeth not, say the Lawyers, when there is question of the publike good, or the fauour of the Church, or of the faith, or of soules; for in thes [...] [...]ases penalties are to bee extended, and [Page 403] the law interpreted in preiudice of the delinquent. So as these rules doe helpe Widdrington nothing at all, seeing that these exceptions, which are admitted by the Law, doe cleerely exclude the restriction, which hee requireth by vertue of the rules.

30 And the Lawyers also doe absolutely, and without the afore­saide exceptions affirme the aforesaide rules to bee true. Wherefore Sayrus, citing diuers Lawyers for the same, doeth by vertue of this rule, except Abbots from Excommunication, although Ex­communication bee rather medicinall, then penall, and ought not to bee inflicted but for the good of the soule. And Andreas Du­uallius did by vertue of this rule exempt the King of France from the Canon, Vnam sanctam, of Pope Boniface the eight, which neuerthelesse was made in fauour of the Church. Neither is there any law either spi­rituall, or ciuill, which ought not to concerne the publike good, nei­ther hath the Pope any authority either directiue, or coerciue graunted him, but for the good of soules. So as these rules, according to the o­pinion of learned Lawyers, and Diuines doe helpe mee greatly, and fa­uour my doctrine concerning the not including in penall lawes Abbots, Bishops, and Kings vnder the generall names of Monkes, Priests, and Lords, although they bee enacted for the publike good, the health of soules, and in fauour of the Church.

31 But the maine, and principall ground, whereon I stand, why absolute Princes are not comprehended in this Canon of the Lateran Councell, vnder those generall wordes, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, is this, as you haue seene before, for that, albeit I should grant my Aduersarie onely for disputation sake, that in penall lawes, and odious matters Abbots are included in the name of Monkes, and Bishops in the name of Priests, and Kings in the name of temporall Lords, which neuerthelesse he will neuer bee able to conuince, yet seeing that it is most cleare, as Mr. Fitzherbert also confesseth, that all lawes are li­mited according to the power of the Law-maker, and that therefore the obli­gation both of Princes, and Church lawes is extended onely to their owne sub­iects, it necessarily followeth, that temporall Princes cannot bee com­prehended vnder any generall words, in any Canon, or constitution of the Church, but onely in those things, wherein they are subiect to the spirituall power of the Church. From whence it cleerely followeth, that if it bee probable, as in very deede it is, that the spirituall Pastours of the Church haue no authoritie by the institution of Christ to inflict tempo­rall punishments, or to depose temporall Princes, it is also probable, that this Canon of the Lateran Councell, as also all other such like decrees, wherein temporall punishments are in generall words inflicted vpon temporall Lords, Gouernours, or Land-lords, was not made by spirituall, but by temporall authoritie, and therefore cannot comprehend abso­lute [Page 404] Princes, who in temporals, and for as much as concerneth the in­flicting of temporall punishments, are supreame on the earth, and not subiect to the spirituall power of the Church, but that it was either made by the authority, & consent of all temporall Princes, if wee will needes haue it to binde all Christian Kingdomes, or else that it hath force onely to binde in the Popes dominions, wherein he hath the place both of a spirituall Pastour, and also of a temporall Prince.

32 And whereas Widdrington giueth an instance, saith Mr. Fitz­herbert, Pag. 153. num. 8. without any quotation of Law or Author, that Bishops, and Ab­bots are not included in penall lawes, except they be mentioned, it is true in Bi­shops in the case onely of suspension, or interdict, from the which they are by an expresse Canon exempted, except they be named, as it appeareth in the De­cretals lib. Tit. 11. cap. 4. §. Quia periculo­sum. Glossa ibidem in verbum, sus­pensionis. 5. de sententia excommunicationis, where also the Glosse saith expressely, that they are not priuiledged from a generall penaltie of Ex­communication, because the Pope (who giueth them the aforesaid priui­ledge) would not haue them to be exmpted from the Canon, Si quis sua­dente, and such like, which inflict the penalty of Excommunication in ge­nerall tearmes: and the same is to be said of Abbots, or any other persons of dignitie, to wit, that they haue no exemption from the generall tearmes of pe­nall lawes, except they be priuiledged namely by some expresse Canon. And therefore, when my Aduersary shall shew me such a Canon, whereby Prin­ces haue the priuiledge that he pretendeth in their behalfe, I will grant that he hath reason to exempt them from the Canon of the Councell of Late­ran. In the meane time he hath no more probability in this poynt, then in the former.

33 But first I neuer said, as Mr. Fitzherbert to make some colour of a probable answere falsely layeth to my charge, that Bishops or Ab­bots are not included in penall lawes, except they be mentioned. For I make no doubt, but that they are included in penall lawes vnder such generall words, which denote no particular dignity, order, degree, or function of Christian men, and that therefore they are included in the Canon, Si quis suadente Diabolo, and in the Canon, Omnis vtriusque sexus; but that which I said was, that in penall lawes and odious matters, Bishops are not included in the generall name of Priests, nor Abbots in the generall name of Monkes. And for the proofe thereof I brought neither Canon, nor Author, for that I thought it so manifest, that no man of any reading would make doubt, but that learned Lawyers and Diuines doe affirme the same. But now finding my Aduersary for want of reading, learning, or sincerity, to make doubt thereof, I haue brought, as you haue seene, to prooue the same, both learned Lawyers, and Diuines, and also a Canon of Pope Innocent himselfe, who called, and ended this Councell of Lateran, wherein he declareth, that he doth not intend in his commissions to comprehend vnder a generall clause greater [Page 405] and worthier persons, when lesse worthie, and lesse noble persons are expressed. And therefore, seeing that I haue now shewed him both learned Au­thours, and also a Canon of Pope Innocent himselfe, to prooue that Bi­shops are not in penall lawes comprehended vnder the generall name of Priests, or Clearkes, nor Abbots, vnder the generall name of Monkes, nor Kings vnder the generall name of Lords, Gouernours, or Landlords, he must according to his owne confession grant, that I haue reason to exempt Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes, from the Canon of the Lateran Councell.

34 Neither did I ground this my doctrine vpon the Canon, Quia periculosum, wherein it is decreed, that in the case of Suspension, & Inter­dict, Bishops are not comprehended vnder any generall words whatsoe­uer, vnlesse they be expressed by the name of Bishops, but vpon the au­thorities aforesaid, & chiefly vpon that reason which Mr. Fitzher. him­selfe acknowledgeth to be most true, that all lawes are to be vnderstood according to the power of the Law-maker, and that therefore the obligation of euery Ecclesiasticall Canon is extended onely to those, who are subiect to the spirituall authority of the Church, as absolute Princes are not in meere tem­porall matters, as is the inflicting of temporall punishments, for what cause, crime, or end soeuer they be inflicted, according to the probable doctrine of many learned Catholikes, whom I haue named aboue in the first part of this Treatise, and defended them from the friuolous excep­tions, which D. Schulckenius hath made against them.

35 Finally, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, whereas Widdrington saith, that the Synode would haue specified Princes by that name, as well in this Ca­non (if it had meant to include them therein) as it did in some other Canons and Decrees concerning other matters, who seeth not the vanitie of this con­iecture? For why should they be named more particularly then they are, see­ing that they are sufficiently comprehended in the generall tearme of Domi­nus temporalis, a temporall Lord, He might as wel haue trans­lated it a tem­porall Land­lord. To wit, no temporal Land­lord aboue thē, but the King. which is also sufficiently explicated in this very Canon, wherein we see that a temporall Lord,He might as well haue said a tempprall Landlord, for Dominus temporalis sig­nifieth both. is diuided into two sorts, the one of those who haue principall LordsAnd also Landlords. aboue them; and the other of such as haue none, of which sort are all absolute Princes, that hold of none, And also o­ther principall Landlords, who haue no principall Land­lord aboue them, but the King, who is not comprehen­ded in odious matters, vnder the name of a Landlord. and therefore seeing that such are declared by the Canon to be sub­iect to the penaltie, no lesse then those, who holde of others, it was needlesse to name them in other manner: But belike my Aduersary will take vpon him not onely to interprete the Councell, but also to teach it how to speake, and what words to vse, or else it must be of no force.

36 No, Mr. Fitzherbert, God forbid, that either I, who professe my selfe to be a Catholike, should be so arrogant, as to take vpon mee to teach the Councell how to speake, or what words to vse, or that you, who professe to be a teacher, and to instruct others in this difficult contro­uersie, which you will needes make a point of faith, should bee so ig­norant, [Page 406] as not to know that the sense and meaning of the Councell, is to be gathered from the sense and propertie of the words, and that by the words we are taught what is the sense & meaning of the Councell: Now I haue sufficiently shewed before, both by the authority of learned Lawyers and Diuines, and also by conuincing reason, that absolute Prin­ces are not sufficiently comprehended in this Canon, vnder the generall name of a temporall, or principall Landlord, Gouernour, of Lord, both for that it is a penall law, wherein an Abbot is not comprehended vnder the generall name of a Monke, nor a Bishop vnder the generall name of a Priest, nor a King vnder the generall name of a Landlord, Gouernour, or Lord, and ciefely for that it is such a penall law, which is probable to bee a temporall, and not a spirituall law, for that it inflicteth temporall punish­ments, which, according to the probable doctrine of many learned Ca­tholikes, cannot be inflicted but by temporall or ciuill power, and that therefore those generall words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, a temporall, or principall Landlord, Gouernour, or Lord, cannot com­prehend absolute Princes, who in temporals are not subiect to the spiri­tuall power of the Church, for that the words of euery law are to bee limit­ted according to the power of the Prince that maketh them, and that therefore the obligation of euery Princes law, whether hee bee a temporall or spirituall Prince, is extended onely to his owne subiects.

37 And if my Aduersary flie to his ancient shift, that all Emperours, Kings, and other Christian Princes are children of the Church, & therfore subiect to the spirituall Pastors thereof; It is true in spiritualls, but not in temporalls, as is the inflicting of temporall punishments, wherein they are not subiect, but absolute and supreme. True also it is, that Dominus tem­poralis, a temporall Lord, is in this Canon diuided into two sorts of Lords, taking a Lord, as the canon here doth take him, to wit, not only for a title of honour, which Knights, Gentlemen, & many inferiour Magistrates, as Shiriffes, Bayliffes, Constables haue not; but for euery person, who hath tenants, vassals, or other persons any way subiect to him, in which sense euery Land-lord, & Magistrate is called Dominus temporalis, a temporall Lord, Gouernour or Land-lord. The one sort is of those, who haue prin­cipall and chiefe Gouernours or Land-lords aboue them, as are all inferi­our Magistrates, and those who hold any land of others: The other is of those, who although they be subiect to the King, yet they haue no other principall Land-lords or Gouernours aboue them; and of this sort are both those who let their lands to others, and yet hold their lands of none, nor perchance of the King, and also all principall Gouernours of the common-wealth, who are subiect to no other then the King, as are all the Lords, or the body of the Kings priuie Councell together, and in some sort the Lord Chancellour, the Lord chiefe Iustice, who haue no one principall Lord or Gouernour aboue them, as all other subiects [Page 407] haue, but the King alone: yet neither of these sorts doe sufficiently ex­presse a King or a supreme and absolute Prince, for that they are titles be­longing also to subiects and inferiour persons. And therefore, the pre­mises being considered, it is probable, that if the Councell had meant to haue comprehended Kings and absolute Princes in that Canon, she would haue giuen them their proper titles of honour, as she did in other Decrees, and not include them in those common titles of honour, which are gi­uen to persons of inferiour state and condition.

38 And by this which I haue said in these two Chapters, the Reader may cleerely see, that these answeres, which I haue giuen to the decree of the Lateran Councell, are very probable and sufficient, and that therefore Mr. Fitzherberts conclusion of this Chapter (to vse his owne words) is no lesse vaine, impertinent and insufficient, then of his former Chapters; for these be his wordsPag. 154 nu. 10.

Thus thou seest, good Reader, that these few exceptions (being all that Widdrington hath taken) to the Councell of Lateran in his answere to my Supplement, are no lesse vaine and impertinent, then his former argu­ments and answeres to the rest of my discourse: and this is as much as at the first I meant, and vndertooke to performe; neuerthelesse, forasmuch as he hath charged me to haue dissembled his other answeres and arguments touching the Councell of Lateran in another worke of his (which as I haue signified before I neuer saw till now of late) I will take a little more paines, and craue thy further patience, whiles I examine the validitie thereof, which I might forbeare to doe if I did write in Latin, because the same arguments and an­sweres of my Aduersary, are very learnedly and cleerely confuted in Latin, as well by M. D. WestonIuris. Pontif. Sanctuar. q. 27. per totum. in his Sanctuary (whereof I haue spoken be­fore) as also by M. D. Singleton in an excellent Treatise concerning onely the Decree of the Councell of Lateran, to which two Authours I might, and would wholly remit my Reader,Disscussio decreti &c. nu. 4. & seq. were it not that I desire to giue satisfaction in this point, as well to such as doe not vnderstand the Latin tongue, as to those that haue not the commodity and meanes to see the said Treatises; besides that, I shall now and then, vpon some speciall occasions, touch some things which seeme to me very considerable, and are not touched by them, or any other, for ought I know.

39 But on the contrary side thou seest, good Reader, that these answeres, which I haue giuen to the Councell of Lateran, are sound, suffi­cient, and very probable, and that the exceptions which Mr. Fitzher­bert hath taken against them, are no lesse vaine and impertinent, then are his arguments and answeres in the former Chapters; and that accor­ding to his owne confession, who granteth, that all lawes are limitted ac­cording to the power of the Law-maker, and therefore the obligation of Ecclesiasticall Canons is extended onely to them, who are subiect to the authoritie of the Church, if it be probable that the spirituall Pastours of [Page 08] the Church haue by the institution of Christ no authoritie to inflict tem­porall punishments, and that consequently absolute Princes are not subiect to them therein, it cleerely followeth that it is also probable, that the Councell of Lateran did not intend to include absolute Princes in that penall law vnder the generall names of Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, but that this decree inflicting temporall punishments, was made by the authority and consent of temporall Princes, and did there­fore onely include those inferiour Land-lords, Gouernours or Lords, that were subiect to them.

40 Wherefore to conclude this point, vnlesse, as I said before, my Aduersaries doe first prooue out of the holy Scriptures, ancient Fa­thers, or some cleere definition of a generall Councell, or a demonstratiue reason grounded thereon, that it is certaine, and of faith, that the Pope hath authority to depose temporall Princes, they cannot draw any con­uincing argument from this Canon of the Lateran Councell, to prooue that doctrine to be certaine, and of faith, for still the aforesaid answere will bee ready at hand, that it was made by the authority of temporall Princes, seeing all lawes are limitted according to the power of the Law-maker, and it is probable, that the spirituall power of the Church doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, as Almaine, and very many Doctours doe affirme. So that vnlesse in arguing from the Lateran Councell they will manifestly petere principium, and suppose that, which they ought to prooue, they can neuer bring any conuincing argument from the aforesaid Canon, to prooue that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, as any man of iudgement may cleerely see, but they must still suppose the same as certaine, which is a great vice in the disputer, although the answerer, who taketh not vpon to prooue, but onely to defend, may without any fault or note giue such answeres, which suppose that the Pope hath no such power, vntill by force of ar­gument he be driuen from that his supposition, and this I wish the Rea­der, and all my Aduersaries well to note, for in most of their arguments they suppose that which is in question, which is a fault in the Disputant, but not in the Respondent, who doth alwaies answere supposing his owne grounds and doctrine, but the Disputer must not onely suppose them, but also prooue them. And as for the rest of Mr. Fitzherberts Re­plies, which he confesseth to haue taken out of D. Weston, and D. Single­ton, I will also examine with him in the ensuing Chapters, as also that which he hath now and then, as he saith, vpon some speciall occasions touched, and which seeme to him very considerable, and yet are not for ought he know­eth touched by them or any other.

CHAP. XI.

Wherein Widdringtons first answere to an obiection propounded by himselfe is prooued to be sufficient, and that the consent of tem­porall Princes is necessarie to the validitie of Ecclesiasticall Con­stitutions, which inflict temporall punishments, and consequently are not made by true spirituall authoritie; Also the doctrine of the Lord Cardinall Peron in his speech to the lower house of Par­liament, against the Oath propounded by them is examined: And lastly Mr-Fitzherberts obiections grounded vpon the Decrees of Pope Callixtus, Vrbanus, the Councell of Eliberis in Spaine, and the Constitution of the Apostles are cleerely confuted.

1 NOw Mr. Fitzherbert, with the helpe of D. Weston and Fa. Lessius masked vnder D. Singletons name, taketh vpon him in the three next ensu­ing Chapters to prooue three answeres, which I gaue to an obiection made in fauour of this De­cree of the Lateran Councell, to bee absurd. And thus he beginneth.

My Aduersary Widdrinton in his Preface to his Apologeticall answere to an English Doctour, hath not onely vrged the arguments, Praefat. Ad. Resp. Apolog. nu. 46. which I haue heere alreadie confuted, but vndertaketh also to answere certaine of ours a­gainst the same arguments; and therefore he obiecteth in our behalfe, that al­though it were true, that Kings, and absolute Princes are not included per se, and principally in that Decree of the Councell, yet it seemeth to be ma­nifest, that secondarily, and consequently they are; or at least may be com­prehended therein. For if the Pope, saith he, haue power to depriue the subiects of other Princes of their temporall states for heresie, without the consent of the said Princes, it seemeth that no sufficient reason can be assigned, why he may not also for the same cause depriue Soueraigne Princes of their Dominions.

2 Thus argueth he for vs, and not much amisse, and therefore let vs see how he will answere it. He giueth to this obiection three answeres; The first is, that both Popes, and Councells doe oftentimes decree many things, which belong rather to the politicall or temporall, then to the spirituall, or Ec­clesiasticall power to decree, with the expresse, or tacite consent of Princes, who are there present by themselues, or their Ambassadours, or at leastwise presuming, or hoping, that Princes will ratifie the same. And this say some Expositours of the Canon law, saith Ioannes Parisiensis. For Hostiensis extra de haereticis cap. Ad abolendam, where the Pope commaundeth [Page 410] the goods of heretikes to be confiscated, demaundeth what the Pope hath to doe with temporalls? And he answereth with his Lord, Pope Innocent, that in very deede he hath nothing to doe therewith, but he made this Decree with the assent of the Emperor, who being then present at Padua gaue his consent.

3 This is Widdringtons first answere, wherein you see he relyeth spe­cially vpon the authoritie of Ioannes Parisiensis, who grounding his opinion vpon Hostiensis, alledgeth him to no purpose at all, partly for that no such thing is to be found in Hostiensis in the place, which he quoteth (to wit, extra de haereticis cap.Hostiens. in cap. Quod super his de voto, & volt redempt. ad Abolendam) and partly because Hostiensis not onely teacheth euidently elsewhere, that the Pope hath direct Dominion ouer all temporall States (whereupon it followeth that he may dispose thereof, and of temporall things, as he shall haue iust cause) but also affirmeth, and teacheth expresly, that absolute Princes may bee deposed by the Pope, and their states exposed to bee taken by other Catholikes, Hostiensi. lib. 5 Rub. de haereti­cis § qua poena. if they bee negligent to purge their states of heresie, and to this end he citeth this very Canon of the Councell of Lateran, whereof we now treate, to wit, cap. Excommunicamus, Si vero Dominus temporalis; yea and addeth further, that the Pope may depose a Prince for his negligence in Gouernement, alledging for the same, not onely 17. q. 4. Si quis deinceps; but also the exam­ple of Zacharias the Pope, who, saith he, deposuit Childericum Regem Franciae, deposed Childericke King of France. How then can Ioannes Parisiensis, or any man else truely say, that Hostiensis was of opinion, that the Pope hath nothing to doe with temporall things?

4 But first, where doth Mr. Fitzherbert finde Ioannes Parisiensis to say, that Hostiensis was of opinion, that the Pope hath nothing to doe with temporall things? For that which Parisiensis saith, is onely this, that Hostiensis giueth this answere, that the Pope hath nothing to doe with temporall things, and that it belongeth not to him to make generall de­crees concerning the confiscation of goods, and that this Decree was made with the assent of the Emperour, who was then present at Padua, and gaue his consent thereto, but whether Hostiensis gaue this answere according to his owne opinion; or of other Lawyers, whom he doth not condemne, Ioannes Parisiensis neither affirmeth, nor denieth, but onely saith, that Hostiensis gaue this answere, which is very true. But these be vsuall trickes of Mr. Fitzherbert, as you haue often seene aboue, to misconstrue the words, and meaning of his Aduersarie, thereby to make some colourable shew of a probable answere. Wherfore although it be most true, that Hostiensis is of opinion, that the Pope may vpon iust cause dispose of the Dominions of all Christian Princes, and of all temporall things, for that he expresly teacheth, that the Pope is not one­ly a spirituall, but also a temporall Monarch of the whole world, and hath direct dominion ouer all temporall States, yet I doe not find Hosti­ensis to be so peremptorie in his opinion, as to condemne the contrarie [Page 411] doctrine of heresie or of absurd, and temerarious improbabilitie, as all my Aduersaries not without great temeritie now vsallly doe.

5 Secondly, therefore it is also true, that Hostiensis vpon the afore­said Chapter, Ad abolendam, giueth also that answere, whereof Ioannes Parisiensis maketh mention, and doth not reiect it as improbable, in which sense Parisiensis did call it Hostiensis his answere. And this answere Mr. Fitzherbert might haue easily found in the foresaid place, if he had not relyed vpon Fa. Lessius word, who saith as much, but had read o­uer the whole Chapter himselfe. For whereas Pope Lucius the third did in that Canon, Ad abolendam, ordaine (from whom it is probable Pope Innocent the third tooke that decree of the Lateran Councell, seeing that in substance they little differ) vt Comites, Barones, Rectores, &c. that Earles, Barons, Gouernours, and Consulls of Cities, and of other places (whom the Councell of Lateran comprehendeth vnder the names of Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, & non habens Dominos principale) shall promise by making a corporall oath, according as they shall be admonished by the Bishops, that they will faithfully, and effectually, when they shall be requi­red by them, helpe the Church against heretikes, and their partakers, vnfai­nedly according to their office and power: and if they shall not obserue the same, let them be depriued of the honour, which they haue, and let them in no wise be assumed to other honours, &c. The Cardinall Hostiensis vpon these wordes, vt Comites &c. to prooue the validitie of this Canon, a­mong other answeres he giueth also this, which he doth not confute, that some Doctors doe say, that therefore this Canon was of force, because the Emperour was present, and gaue his consent secundum D. N. according to Pope Innocent the fourth, whom he called Dominum nostrum.

6 The same answere also hath Ioannes Andreas, expounding that word, Comites; Note, saith hee, that the Pope doth decree concerning lay­men, but this is in regard of sinne. Others say, that therefore these decrees were of force because the Prince gaue his consent, and was present. And also the same answere maketh Pope Innocent the fourth expounding the same word, Comites; Note, saith he, that the Pope may ordaine concerning Lay-men, but this is in regard of sinne. Others say, that these decrees are therefore of force, because the Prince was present. Wherefore it is very true, which Ioannes Parisiensis said, that Hostiensis with his Lord Pope Innocent, among other answeres concerning the validitie of this Canon gaue also this, which they did not confute, that it was therefore valued, and of force, because the Prince was present, and gaue his consent. And therefore I maruaile, how Fa. Lessius, a man otherwise very learned, and as I euer supposed, of great reading, should be so ignorant in the studie of the Canon law, as not to know, and much more so boldly to denie, that Hostiensis did write vpon the Chapter Ad abolendam, or vpon other textes; whereas there is no booke more knowne, and more commonly [Page 412] cited by the Canon Lawyers, then is the Lecture of Hostiensis vpon the Decretalls. And thus much concerning Hostiensis, and his answere al­ledged by Parisiensis to great purpose, whatsoeuer my Aduersarie, gi­uing ouermuch credit to Fa. Lessius, hath vntruly saide to the contrary.

7 Now concerning Ioannes Parisiensis Mr. Fitzherbert writeth thus:Pag. 158. nu. 4. But it is no maruaile if Ioannes Parisiensis shewed himselfe partiall towards Princes in some things concerning the Popes authority, seeing that he liued and was a Reader in Paris in the time of the troubles betwixt Pope Boniface the eight, and Philip le Bel, King of France, who being excom­municated by the said Pope, and extreamely incensed against him could not want learned men to second his humor; especially such as were his borne sub­iects, and liued within his dominions; Neuerthelesse howsoeuer Ioannes Pa­risiensis may seeme in the words alleadged by my Aduersary to affirme, that the Pope hath no power at all to dispose of temporall things; yet it is cleere that he teacheth elsewhere, that in some cases the Pope may dispose of the temporall goods, not onely of Ecclesiasticall persons, but also of all the faithfull.

8 And of this Widdrington might haue taken notice, when he wrote against me, if it had pleased him, seeing that he was admonished thereof by SchulckeniusShulck. pag. 64., who sheweth that Ioannes Parisiensis teacheth expresly, Ioan. Paris. de potest. Reg. & Papali cap. 7. that the Pope being the supreme head of Priests, and of the faithfull, may (as the generall informer of faith and manners) dispose the goods of the faith­full, and decree them to bee exposed, so farre foorth as the common and ex­treame necessitie of faith and manners shall require; and Ibid. cap. 13. further, that if the King be an hereticke, and incorrigible, the Pope may not onely excommuni­cate him, but also force the people to depose him, Excommunicando om­nes, qui ei vt Domino obedirent, Excommunicating all those, which should obey him as their Lord: and againe afterwards he saith Ibid. cap. 16., that if the Prince be an hereticke, his vassall is not bound to follow him, and that the Pope may deliuer his subiects from the obligation of their oath of allegiance.

9 By all this it appeareth, that albeit Ioannes Parisiensis doth giue lesse vnto the Pope then he ought (as Schulckenius well noteth) yet he giueth him as much as sufficeth for our purpose, seeing that it little importeth to the substance of the maine question betwixt our Aduersary and vs (which is, whether the Pope may depose a temporall Prince) I say it little importeth how, and in what manner he may doe it (whether by a Iuridicall sentence of deposition or otherwise) so as it is granted, that he hath authoritie to dis­charge the Princes subiects of their Oath of allegiance, yea and to compell them to depose him, which Ioannes Parisiensis expresly teacheth; where­vpon it may be inferred, that his meaning was in the place before obiected, that the Pope may not dispose of temporall things directly, but onely in­directly, and in some cases, which ouerthrowe the foundation of our Aduer­saries [Page 413] doctrine touching this question: and this may suffice for him and Hostiensis.

10 But first, besides that Ioannes Parisiensis was neuer taxed by any ancient Authour for writing partially in fauour of the King of France, the like words that Mr. Fitzherbert heere vseth against Ioannes Parisien­sis, may be retorted backe vpon Hostiensis, and diuers other Diuines, and Canonists, to wit, that it is no maruaile, that Cardinall Hostiensis, and diuers other Romane Diuines, and Canonists shewed themselues partiall to­wards Popes in some things concerning the Popes authoritie, seeing that they liued and were Readers in Rome, or in the Popes Dominions in the time of the troubles betwixt the Popes and Christian Princes, which Popes since the time of Pope Gregorie the seuenth tooke vpon them to dispose of all temporalls, and to depose temporall Princes, and therefore could not want learned men to second their humours, especially such as either were their borne subiects, and liued in their Dominions, or else might expect spirituall pre­ferment, and to be aduanced to Bishoprikes, or other spirituall digni­ties by the Pope, and this also the said Ioannes Parisiensis in the same booke doth well obserue. But more probably, saith he,Ioan. Paris. de potest. Reg. & Papali cap. 21. ad 41. arg. it may be said on the contrary side, that those Doctours, who so vndutifully aduance the Popes authoritie, doe speake for feare, or fauour of him, seeing that they are Clergie men, who may rather bee promoted by him: and especially seeing that they themselues doe say, though not well, that the Pope doth graciously embrace those that doe extend, or amplifie his authoritie, and represseth those that speake against the same.

11 Secondly, Ioannes Parisiensis doth not teach that the Pope hath power to dispose of temporall things, and of the temporall goods, not onely of Ecclesiasticall persons, but also of all the faithfull, except one­ly by declaring the law of God, and by compelling the faithfull by Eccle­siasticall censures to obserue the same, & haec Papae ordinatio non est nisi iuris declaratio, & this ordaining, or disposing of the Pope, is nothing else, then a declaring of the Law of God, saith Parisiensis in that very place;Cap. 7: and this I haue declared and prooued at large aboue in the first part against D. Schulckenus. And the same hee teacheth concerning the absoluing of vassalls from their oath of fealtie. To that, saith hee,Cap. 16. ad 11. which is obiected that the Pope hath sometimes absolued souldiers from their oath of fealtie. Be­sides that it is an argument De facto, which is onely introduced concerning French-men, I answere, that it was rather a declaring of the law, to wit, that the Oath did not bind in that case, then an absoluing from the oath of fealtie: Now what Catholike man maketh doubt, but that the Pope hath au­thoritie to declare the Law of God, it being a spirituall thing, and pro­ceeding from spirituall power?

12 Wherefore, as I declared at large aboue in the first part, Ioannes Parisiensis teacheth three things; The one is, that the Pope hath no au­thority [Page 414] to depose, or depriue by way of sentence an hereticall Prince of his Royall right, and authority, and this is the maine question be­twixt my Aduersaries, and mee: The second is, that the Pope hath power to declare and interprete the law of God, and to compell by Ec­clesiasticall Censures all the faithfull to obserue the same, and in this I agree with Parisiensis, sauing that there is yet a great controuersie be­twixt the Diuines of Rome, and Paris, what things are required to make the Popes definition, declaration, or interpretation to be certaine and in­fallible, as also inferiour Bishops haue authority to declare and interpret the law of God, and to compell their spirituall subiects to obserue the same, yet their declaration and interpretation of the law of God, is not alwaies certaine and infallible. The third is, that the people or Com­mon-wealth haue authority in some cases, & are bound to depose their Prince, and consequently, that the Pope may by Ecclesiastical cen­sures compell them thereunto: And with this question concerning the power of the Common-wealth, as I haue often said, I will not inter­meddle, before it be agreed vpon betwixt my Aduersaries and mee, concerning the maine and principall controuersie, whether the Pope hath authority to depriue by way of sentence an hereticall King of his right to raigne, or, which is all one, to make by his iuridicall sentence a King to be a priuate man; for this is that, at which our King and Parliament, in ma­king the new oath of allegiance, did onely aime.

13 And by this it is apparant, how fraudulently, and perniciou­sly Mr. Fitzherbert following therein D. Schulckenius, seeketh to abuse, and delude his Reader, in labouring to perswade him, that it little im­porteth to the substance of the maine question betwixt my Aduersaries and me, whether the Pope may depose a Prince by a iudiricall sentence of deposition, and depriue him of all his Regall authority and right, which before that sentence he had to raigne, or whether the Common-wealth hath authority, and also is bound in some cases to depose their King, and consequently, whether the Pope, hauing authority to de­clare the law of God, and the dutie which all Christians owe to God, may by Ecclesiasticall censures compell them thereunto, and absolue them from their oath of allegiance, by declaring that their oath in that case doth not binde, which absoluing, as Parisiensis said aboue, is rather a declaring of the law, then an absoluing from the oath of allegiance: And neuerthelesse there is nothing more cleere, then that the maine question betwixt my Aduersaries and mee, is not what authoritie the common-wealth hath ouer their Prince, which is rather a philosophicall question, and grounded vpon the principles of state and policy, then vpon the positiue law of God, but what authority the Pope hath to depriue by way of sentence hereticall Princes of their Princely right, and authority: or which is all one in substance, whether the coer­ciue, [Page 415] or punishing power of the Pope (for about his derectiue, declaratiue, and commanding power, to which his authority to declare the law of God, and what we are bound by the law of God to doe, is reduced, I doe not contend) doth by the institution of Christ extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, as all my Aduersaries most vehemently con­tend, or onely of Ecclesiasticall Censures, as Ioannes Parisiensis doth most expresly affirme. Whereby the Reader may see, to what narrow shifts these men are brought, when they seeke to flye from the true state and substance of the maine question, and controuersie to by-questions and difficulties altogether impertinent.

14 Wherefore, to retort backe my Aduersaries words, albeit Io­annes Parisiensis giueth more power to subiects, then perchance hee ought, yet concerning the Popes power, hee denieth him as much as sufficeth mee, seeing that it little importeth to the substance of the maine question betwixt my Aduersaries and me, which is, whether the Pope may inflict temporall punishments and depose temporall Princes by way of iuridiall sentence, that is by depriuing them of their right to reigne, which Ioannes Parisiensis expresly denyeth, I say, it little im­porteth, whether the Common-wealth hath authority, and sometimes is bound to depose their Prince, and consequently the Pope may indirectly, Ioan Pari [...] taketh indi­rectly in an o­ther sense, th [...] the Diuines doe take it, when they say, that the Pope may depose Princes, not di­rectly, but in­directly. or per accidens, to wit by declaring the law of God, and compelling faith­full subiects by Ecclesiasticall Censures to doe their dutie, may concurre to the same, which indeed Parisiensis expresly affirmeth: Neither doth this manner of deposing Princes indirectly, and disposing of temporall things indirectly ouerthrow the foundations of my doctrine touching the maine question of the Popes power to depose, and dispose by a iu­ridicall sentence. And all this I answered before against D. Schulcke­nius; neither could I in that briefe Admonition take particular notice of all that, which my Aduersary wrote in his Supplement, or D. Schulcke­nius in his Apologie: but seeing that I haue now taken particular no­tice of both their answeres and arguments, we will now expect, what a learned Reply Mr. Fitzherbert will make against the same. And this may suffice for Ioannes Parisiensis.

15 But before I goe any further, I thinke it not amisse vpon this occasion to admonish the Reader by the way of a briefe digression, in what a cunning manner the most Illustrious Cardinall of Peron, in his o­ration to the third estates, confoundeth these two questions, and conse­quently saith little, or nothing against my doctrine touching the Popes power to depose Princes, and the new Oath of Allegiance established heere in England. Thus therefore hee propoundeth the state of the question betwixt him, and the lower house of Parliament. Pag. 13. according to the English edition.

There remaines the third point, which is this; whether if Princes ha­uing made an Oath to GOD, and their people, either themselues, o [...] their [Page 416] Predecessours, to liue and die in the Christian and Catholike Religion, and doe afterwards violate their Oath, rebell against Christ, bidding him open warre, that is to say, fall not onely to open profession of heresie, or Apostacie from Christian Religion, but with all passe to force their subiects consciences, and goe about to plant Arrianisme, or Mahometisme, or any such like infi­delitie within their states, and thereby to destroy, and roote out Christi­anitie: whether, I say, in this case, their subiects on the other side may not bee declared absolued from their Oath of Loyaltie, and Fidelitie: And this comming to passe, to whom it appertaineth to pronounce this abso­lution.

16 This then is the point in controuersie betweene vs: For your article containeth the negatiue; that is to say, that in no case whatsoeuer the subiects may bee absolued from the Oath of Allegiance made to their Princes. As on the contrarie side all other parts of the Catholike Church, together with this of France, since the institution of Schooles of Diuinitie, vntill the comming of Caluin, held the affirmatiue proposition, which is, that when the Prince breakes the Oath he hath made to GOD, and his subiects to liue, and dye in Catholike Religion, and doeth not onely become an Arrian, or a Mahome­tan, but manifestly warres against Iesus Christ, in compelling his subiects in matters of conscience, and constraining them to embrace Arianisme, or Mahometisme, or any other detestable infidelitie: That then this Prince may bee declared falne from his right, as culpable of felonie towards him to whom hee hath made the Oath of his Realme, that is to Christ; and his sub­iects may bee absolued in conscience, both at the spirituall, and Ecclesiasticall Tribunall, from the Oath of Allegiance they haue made vnto him. And that in this case, it belongs to the authoritie of the Church, resident either in her head the Pope, or in her body a Councell, to publish this declaration. And not onely all the other parts of the Catholike Church, but likewise all the Doctours who liued in Farance from the first setting vp of Schooles of Di­uinitie amongst them, haue held the affirmatiue opinion, that in the case of hereticall, or infidell Princes, and such as persecute Christianitie, or Catholike Religion, their subiects may bee absolued from their Oath of Allegiance. By meanes whereof though the contrarie doctrine were the truest, yet notwithstanding all the other parts of the Church being against it, you cannot hold it for more them problematicall in matter of faith. I call that doctrine problematicall in matter of faith, which we are not bound to beleeue, by necessity of faith, and the contradictorie thereof doth not binde them that belieue it with Excommunication, and disunion, or separation from the communitie. Otherwise you must acknowledge that the communion which you exercise with the other parts of the Church, holding the contrary doctrine, yea euen that communion which you conserue with the memorie of your predecessours, was vnlawfull, defiled with heresie and excommunica­tion.

[Page 417]17 Thus you see, that the Cardinall of Peron doth altogether auoide the maine question, which is betwixt my Aduersaries and mee, to wit, concerning the Popes power to depriue a Prince of his Regall au­thority, wherewith before his sentence of depriuation he was endued, and ioyneth two questions together, which nothing belong to our new Oath. The first is, whether if a Prince, who either by himselfe, or by his Predecessours, hath made an oath to liue and die in the Christian Catholike Religion, and afterwards becommeth an hereticke, or infi­dell, and laboureth to draw his subiects to the same, may not bee decla­red fallen from his right, as culpable of felony towards Christ, to whom he hath made his Oath, and his subiects may not bee declared absolued from their oath of allegiance. The second question is, whether the Pope or Church haue not authority to publish this declaration. Now neither of these two questions appertaine to our new Oath, nor are as yet called in question by mee. For as concerning the later, supposing that a Prince by reason of heresie, or Apostacy either is actually depriued, and fallen from his right to raigne, which the Cardinall of Peron following therein Philopater, seemeth heere to maintaine, or else may for the same be depriued thereof by the Common-wealth, no Catholike will make any doubt, but that this being supposed, the Pope, or Church, may declare him an hereticke, or Apostata, and consequently to be fallen thereby from his Royall dignity according to Philopaters doctrine, or to bee de­priued thereof by the Common-wealth, as others contend, and to declare that his subiects are either actually discharged, or to be discharged of the naturall and ciuill bond of their temporall allegiance, and consequent­ly of their Oath, or sacred bond, which was made to confirme the same: For no Catholike can make any doubt, that to declare the law of God, and who is an hereticke, or infidell, is a spirituall action, and belongeth to the spirituall authority of the Church.

18 But with the former question, forasmuch as it may concerne, what authority the Common-wealth hath to depriue hir Soueraigne Prince of his Royall right, in case that he should forsake the Catholike faith, which he hath once professed, although, as I haue often said, I wil not intermeddle, for not giuing my Aduersaries occasion, to decline the principall question concerning the Popes authority to depriue he­reticall Kings of their Regall power, which they had before his sen­tence of depriuation, neuerthelesse this scandalous, and desperate positi­on of Philopater, against which I was somewhat vehement in my Apo­logie, and yet is quite passed ouer with silence by D. Schulcke­nius (which may bee some coniecture, that hee also fauoureth that doctrine, to wit, that a Prince, who maketh open profession of Aria­nisme, or Mahometisme or any such like infidelitie and goeth about to plant the same within his dominions, doth fall thereby ipso facto from [Page 418] his Regall authority and right to raigne, albeit either himselfe, or his predecessours, haue made an oath to liue and die in the Catholike faith, I account to be a very false, damnable, and seditious doctrine, tending to the perturbation and subuersion of all temporall States, wherein there is not a perfect vnitie of Religion, giuing occasion to hereticall and infidell Princes not to become Catholikes, fauouring that damnable doctrine, which teacheth, that among heretickes, and infidells there is no true ciuill dominion, authoritie, or Iurisdiction: and what Romane Catholike soeuer hee bee that maintaineth and teacheth the same in this kingdome, I account him, to speake plainly, a manifest Arch-traitour, for that hee must consequently maintaine, that our Soueraigne Lord KING IAMES is not our true, and rightfull King, because albeit not he himselfe, yet some of his predecessours, haue solemnly sworne to liue and die in the Catholike Romane faith.

19 For seeing that by Gods permission heresies must be, according to that of Saint Paul, 1. Cor. 11. Oportet & haereses esse, what State can be secure from continuall feares of tumults, and insurrections, when the subiects according to this doctrine must bee perswaded, that their Prince, if hee bee of a contrary Religion to that which they in their hearts professe, and thinke to bee Catholike, and seeke to draw them to his Religion, as all Princes vsually doe, is not a true, and rightfull Prince, but falne from his right to raigne, and by their Church (which they, as also all heretickes thinke to be the true Catholike Church) may be declared so to be? With what security can any King, whether he be a Catholike, or no, permit in his dominions any Religion contrary to his owne, when his subiects of the contrary Religion must be perswa­ded, that he is falne from his right to raigne, if hee seeke to draw them, as all Princes vsually do, to his owne Religion? With what security also can any hereticall, or infidell Prince, whose kingdome is wholly, or for the greatest part infected with heresie, or infidelity, become a Catho­like, and seeke to draw his subiects to Catholike Religion, when his sub­iects, who are no Catholikes, must according to the principles of this doctrine be perswaded, that he is a rebell to God, and an enemy to that Religion, which they thinke to bee true, and hath broken the oath, which he, or some of his predecessours haue made, to liue and die in their faith and religion, and consequently is fallen from his right, as culpable of felony towardes GOD, to whom hee hath made the oath of this Realme?

20 Besides, this assertion fauoureth that false, not to say, erroneous doctrine, which teacheth, that ciuill dominion is founded in grace, or faith, & that in heretickes, or infidells, especially who seeke to draw their sub­iects to their heresie, or infidelity, as all heretickes, and infidels com­monly doe, there is no ciuill authority, dominion, and iurisdiction. [Page 419] From whence it followeth, that the Iewes persecuting Christ, and Christian Religion, lost thereby, ipso facto, their ciuill dominion, and all those Romane Emperours, who either being Pagans, or Arrians, did persecute the Church of Christ, were not true and rightfull Emperours, but falne from their right, as being culpable of fellony towards Christ bid­ding him open warre, and compelling their Christian subiects to rebell against Christ, and to embrace heresie, or infidelity, and seeking thereby to destroy, and roote out Christianity. For this declaration of the Pope, or Church, which the Cardinall mentioneth, doth not depriue them of their right to reigne, but supposeth them depriued thereof, and serueth onely to make it certainly knowne, that they are not rightfull Kings, but by their heresie, or infidelity to which they seeke to draw their subiects, to be actually falne from all Royall right and authority. From whence it followeth, that this declaration is not necessary in euident and mani­fest, but onely in doubtfull cases, as also in all vowes, and oathes when it is euident, that one is not bound to obserue the vow, or oath, there needeth no dispensation (which, according to the Thomists doctrine, is onely a declaration concerning the matter of the vow, or oath) but onely when it is doubtfull, or not certaine, whether the thing which is sworne or vowed, bee now a sufficient matter of an oath, and vow, or no. Whereupon experience teacheth, that when a King either for age or infirmitie doth publikely resigne ouer to this sonne, and heire, not onely the administration, but also all his Kingly authority, and right to reigne, the subiects neede not to procure any declaration, dis­pensation, or absolution of the Pope, or Church, from the oath of their temporall allegiance, for that it is now euident, that their temporall al­legiance to their former King ceaseth, and is no sufficient matter of an oath, and consequently their oath is void, which was made to confirme the same.

21 And albeit the Cardinall in propounding the state of his que­stion maketh mention of an Oath, which Princes, either themselues, or their predecessours haue made to God, and their people to liue and die in the Christian Catholike faith, as though the breach of this pro­mise and oath were the chiefe, or onely cause, why hereticall, and Apo­stata Princes seeking to draw their subiects to their heresie or Apo­stacie, doe fall from their Royall right, yet in my opinion this oath, which the Cardinall hath put downe in the state of his question, is a meere cloake, and colour to cast ouer the eyes of the vnlearned, and to make his doctrine, and position to seeme the lesse improbable, and yet it doth not take away the improbabilitie thereof. For first, if this oath, which Christian Princes, or their predecessours haue made to God, and their people to liue and die in the Catholike faith, be the onely effectu­all cause, why Christian Princes doe fall from their Royall right, and [Page 420] their subiects absolued from the bond of their temporall allegiance, and consequently from the oath, or sacred, and spirituall bond, which was made to confirme the same, then if a Prince become an Arian or Ma­homitan, or professe any other heresie, or infidelity without drawing his subiects to the same, he doth neither fall from his Royall right, nor his subiects are thereby absolued from the bond of their naturall and ciuill allegiance.

22 Secondly all Christians do in baptisme according to the opinion of some Diuines, & also ancient Fathers See Suarez. in 3. par. q. 71. art. 1. make a certaine vow and promise to liue & die in the Christian Catholike faith; & yet I think neither the Cardinall, nor any other learned man will affirme, that if they break this vow or promise, & forsake the Catholike faith, they are fallen thereby ipso facto, from that ciuill dominion, right, power, & authority, which they did not receiue by Baptisme, or by making that vow or promise to liue & die in the Christian Catholike faith. Thirdly, no promise, vow, or oath to do any thing, doth ipso facto depriue any man of any ciuil right, authority, dominion, or iurisdiction, vnles that ciuill right or authority be giuen, or receiued with a condition, and couenant, that if hee doe not performe that oath, or promise, hee shall forthwith fall ipso facto from his right dominion or iurisdiction: but no probable shew, or co­lour of an argument can be brought to prooue, that Christian Princes, although they, or their predecessours haue made an oath to liue and die in the Christian Catholike faith, haue receiued their kingly power and authority, with this condition and couenant, that if they shall for­sake the Catholike faith, they shall forthwith fall from their Royall dig­nity, seeing that this oath, which Christian Princes, who come to their Crowne by inheritance, do make to liue & die in the Christian Catho­like faith, belongeth only to a certain ceremony vsed at the time of their coronation, wheras all their Kingly power & authority, they had before by the right of succession instantly vpon the death of their Predecessor.

23 Fourthly, abstracting from all oaths, which Christian Princes or their Predecssours haue made to liue and die in the Catholike faith, yet if they sorsake the faith, which they haue professed in Baptisme, and doe become Arians, or Mahometans, and seeke to draw their subiects to the same, they doe rebell against Christ, and bid him open warre, and doe force their subiects consciences, and goe about to destroy and roote out Christi­anitie within their states, which are the chiefest causes which the Cardinall of Peron setteth downe in propounding the state of his question, why such wicked Princes doe fall from their Royall right, or, which is all one, are ipso facto, and actually depriued thereof: And therefore that Oath, which he mentioneth, to liue, and die in the Catholike faith, is onely a shift, and colour to make some shew of a faigned contract and couenant betwixt the King and his subiects, that if he forsake the Ca­tholike [Page 421] faith, he shall forthwith fall from his Royall dignity, seeing that the chiefest reasons of the Cardinall, why hee doth fall from his Royall right, are of force, although no such oath or couenant be supposed.

24 Fiftly, albeit we should graunt, which cannot in my iudge­ment with any probable argument be prooued, that Christian Princes, or their predecessours, doe make an oath to God, and their people, with an expresse condition, pact, or couenant, that if they forsake the Catholike faith, they shall forthwith fall from their Royall dignity, and be ipso facto depriued thereof, yet supposing that in heretikes and infi­dels, although they seeke to draw others to their heresie, & infidelity, there is true ciuill power, dominion, and iurisdiction, no learned man can make any doubt, but that as it was in the power of that hereticall or pagan Kingdome, or Commonwealth, to make, or admit, confirme, & approue this pact or couenant established by oath, so it may be relea­sed by the same Kingdome or Common-wealth, and also that it may be truly presumed, that they doe release the same, if they choose, or ad­mit; confirme, and allow likewise an infidell, or hereticke to bee their King. For if the hereticall or infidell Kingdome, hath true ciuill power, dominion, and iurisdiction, why shall not likewise the hereticall or infidell Prince, whom they shall choose, or confirme, be capable of the same ciuill power, dominion, and iurisdiction? So that this pact, co­uenant, and agreement, which is pretended to be made betwixt the pre­decessours of an hereticall Prince, and his people, can bee no sufficient cause, and ground, to make an hereticall Prince, who is chosen, or con­firmed by an hereticall Kingdome, to fall from his Royall dignity, and be ipso facto depriued thereof, for the confirming and establishing of that heresie, which that Kingdome doth professe.

25 Wherefore concerning the deposition of hereticall Princes, as the state of this question is propounded by the Cardinall of Peron, ma­ny particular questions are inuolued. The first may be, whether a Prince hauing either himselfe, or his predecessours made an oath to liue, and die in the Catholicke faith, and doe afterwards fall to open profession of heresie, and seeke to force his subiects consciences to doe the same, is fallen thereby forthwith before any declaration of the Pope, or Church, from his Royall right, and dignity, and his subiects are absol­ued, or freed, ipso facto, from the ciuill and sacred bond of their tempo­rall allegiance: and the affirmatiue part, which Philopater teacheth and affirmeth to be certaine, and vndoubted, I account to be a very false, scandalous, seditious yea, and flat traiterous doctrine. The second que­stion may be, supposing this damnable doctrine to be true, touching the cause and ground why such an hereticall Prince doth fall ipso facto from his Royall dignity, to wit, whether the breaking of the oath which he, or his predecessours made to liue, and die in the Catholike faith, or [Page 422] his open profession of heresie, or forcing of his subiects to doe the same, whether, I say, all these, or some of them together may be neces­sary, or else any one of them bee sufficient that an hereticall Prince bee ipso facto depriued of his princely power and authority.

26 The third question may be, supposing still this false doctrine to be true, whether the Pope or Church haue authority to declare such a Prince to be an hereticke, a breaker of his oath, and promise, and a per­secutor or enemy to Christ, and Christian Religion, and consequently to be fallen from all his Princely right: And of this no doubt can be made, supposing the former, seeing that to declare authentically what is heresie, & who is infected therwth, is a spiritual action, & consequent­ly belonging to the authority of the Pope, or Church. The fourth que­stion may be, what effect this declaration of the Pope or Church doth worke, seeing that before this declaration the aforesaid hereticall Prince hath lost, and is depriued of all his princely authority, and whe­ther this declaration of the Pope, or Church, be necessary, when the fact is so notorious, and publike, that no Subiect in the Realme can make any doubt but that the Prince is become an hereticke, hath broken his oath to liue and die in the Catholike faith, and doth force his Subiects consciences to follow his heresie: And of this question also no great doubt in my opinion can be made, supposing the former false doctrine to be true, seeing that this declaration doth not depriue the Prince of a­ny right at all, but onely serueth to make it knowne, and publike, that he is depriued thereof, and therefore is not greatly necessary, when the fact is so publike and manifest to the view of the whole Kingdome, that no man can make any doubt thereof.

24 The fift question may be, that supposing such a Prince doth not fall ipso facto from his Royall dignity, neither by his open profession of heresie, nor by breach of his oath, nor by forcing his Subiects con­sciences to forsake their Religion, whether the whole Kingdome, or Common-wealth, which the Parliament doth represent, hath autho­rity to depriue him of the same; or, which is all one, whether the whole Kingdome or the King be the supreame and absolute temporall Iudge, and Superiour: And this question doth nothing appertaine to the Oath of England, and it is grounded rather vpon the principles of mo­rall Philosophie, and Aristotles Politikes, then of Diuinitie. The last and principall question is, whether the Pope, or Church, hath authority to depriue such a Prince for the aforesaid crimes of his right to raigne, & really, & truly to absolue his subiects from the natural bond of their temporall allegiance, which being once dissolued, the sacred or spiritu­all bond of the oath of allegiance, which is grounded vpon the former ciuill bond, and obligation, and was made onely to corroborate the same, is forthwith vnloosed, or whether the Pope, or Church, hath only [Page 423] authority to declare such a Prince to be an hereticke, and an enemy to Catholicke Religion, and a breaker of his oath and promise, and to command & compell by Ecclesiasticall censures the Common-wealth, supposing they haue such an authority to depriue him of his Regall power and authority, and consequently to discharge euery subiect from the naturall and ciuill bond of his temporall allegiance, which being ta­ken away, the sacred obligation of the oath, without any other abso­lution, dispensation, or declaration of the Pope, or Church, is forthwith dissolued.

28 All these questions the Lord Cardinall of Peron doth so cunning­ly inuolue in his question touching the oath of France, that, if wee des­cend to particulars, I cannot see either what opinion hee doth follow concerning the deposing of hereticall Princes, or how his doctrine im­pugneth our English oath, (although he would seeme to disprooue the same) which onely denyeth the Popes authority to depriue the Kings Maiestie of his Royall dignity, and to absolue his subiects from the ci­uill bond of their temporall allegiance, and doth not meddle at all with the temporall authority, which a Kingdome or Common-wealth hath to depose their Prince.

29 Wherefore these words of the Cardinall of Peron, affirming, that not onely all the other parts of the Catholicke Church,Page 15. but likewise all the Doctours that liued in France, from the first setting vp of Schooles of Diuinitie amongst them, haue held, that in the case of hereticall or infidell Princes, and such as persecute Christianity, or Catholicke Religion, their sub­iects may be absolued from their oath of allegiance. And againe,Page 63. saith he (citing Widdrington in the margent) The English writers, who haue put their hand to pen for the defence of the Oath made by the present King of England against the Pope, hauing vsed all their endeauour to finde some Doctours, and in particular, French, who had held their opinion before these last troubles, could hitherto bring forth neuer any one, neither Diuine,Page 65. nor Lawyer, who saith, that in case of heresie, or Apostacie from Christian Re­ligion, the Subiects could not bee absolued from the oath of allegiance, or from the obligation that they owe to their Princes; these his words, I say, doe neither contradict those English Catholickes, who defend our Eng­lish oath to be lawfull, nor doe shew, or signifie that Widdrington hath not brought any Diuines or Lawyers, both French-men, and of other Nations, who affirme, that the Pope hath no authority to depose Prin­ces, and to absolue subiects from the bond of their temporall allegiance. For the Cardinals words are to be vnderstood secundum subiectam materi­am, according to the matter which he treateth of, and which he would per­swade his Reader, the three estates of France, endeauoured to establish by their oath, to wit, that the subiects of the King of France could not be absol­ued from the bond of their temporall allegiance by any authority whatsoeuer, either spirituall or temporall.

[Page 424]30 Now it is euident, that I neither produced, nor intended to produce any Authors, who in these generall tearmes expresly affirme, that the Subiects of an hereticall Prince, cannot be discharged of their allegiance, neither by the spirituall authority of the Pope, nor by the temporall power of the Common-wealth, for that it was not my mea­ning, as being a thing altogether impertinent to our Oath of England, to examine what authority the ciuil Common-wealth hath ouer their Prince in the case of heresie or Apostacie. For our oath onely denieth the Popes authoritie to depose our King, and to discharge his subiects from their temporall allegiance, and with the authority of the Common-wealth, it doth not intermeddle. But that the Pope hath no authority to depose temporall Princes, and that the spirituall power of the Church doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, as death, exile, imprisonment, depriuation of goods, and such like, but onely to Ecclesiasticall censures, I haue brought many Authours both French, and others, to prooue the same, among whom are Ioannes Parisiensis, and also Iacobus Almainus cited here by the Cardinall in his Treatises,Ioan. Paris. de potest, Reg. & Pap. cap. 14. de Do­mino naturali, ciuili, & Ecclesiastico Concls. 2. & in probat. 2. conclus., and de authoritate Ecclesiae Cap. 2. Maior. in 4. dist. 24. q. 3., where he writeth according to his owne opinion, though not in his Treatise, de potestate Ecclesiastica, wch the Cardinall citeth, where he commenteth Occam, and speaketh according to Occams doctrine; albeit these Doctours doe on the other side affirme, that the Common-wealth hath authority to depose a wicked and incorrigible King and so that the Pope may accor­ding to them depose him per accidens, as Ioan. Parisiensis writeth, or to vse Ioannes Maior his words, applicando actiua passiuis, as he that applieth fire to straw, is said to burne the straw, to wit, by perswading, aduising, commanding, and also by spirituall censures compelling them, who haue authority, to wit, the people, or Common-wealth, to depose him, and after he is deposed by the people, or kingdome, by declaring his subiects absolued and discharged from the naturall, and consequently also spirituall bond of their allegiance, but this is impertinent to our oath of England, wherein only the Popes authority to depose, & depriue our King of his Dominions by way of iuridicall sentence is denied.

31 Wherefore the English Translatour of the Cardinalls oration, doth with as great boldnesse, as with little truth shamefully affirme, In his Pre­face to the Reader. that this difference is found between these two oathes, that whereas the English oath in one of the clauses seemes to exclude not only the authoritie of the Church ouer Kings, but euen of the common-wealth also (yea though it should be accōpanied with that of the Church) that of France shootes only at the abnegation of the Churches authority: For contrariwise, although the oath of France may, as you shall see, at the first sight seeme to deny both the authority of the Church, and also of the Common-wealth, to depose the King of France, yet our Oath shootes onely at the abnegati­on [Page 425] of the Popes authority to depose our King, and to absolue his Sub­iects from the bond of their temporall allegiance. For as I haue shew­ed in my Theologicall disputation, our oath doth onely affirme,Cap. 3. sec. 4 that the Pope neither of himselfe, that is, by the spirituall authority which is gran­ted him by the institution of Christ, nor by any authoritie of the Church or Sea of Rome, for that the Church, or Sea of Rome hath no such autho­rity, nor by any other meanes with any other, that is, neither as a to­tall or partiall, as a principal or instrumentall cause, hath any power or au­thority to depose the King, &c. which last words doe only at the most im­port, that whether the temporall Common-wealth hath any authority o­uer the King, for any cause or crime whatsoeuer, or no, with which que­stion the King and Parliament did not intermeddle, yet the Common-wealth hath giuen no such authority to the Pope either by himselfe, or with any other to depose the King, &c.

32 But the oath of France doth expresly affirme, that there is no power on earth, whatsoeuer either spirituall or temporall, which hath any right ouer his Maiesties kingdome to depriue the sacred persons of our Kings, nor to dispence, or absolue their subiects from that loyaltie, and obedience, which they owe to them for any cause, or pretence whatsoeuer: for these be the expresse words of the oath of France, which our English Transla­tour, as it seemes, either hath not seene, or maliciously abuseth his Rea­der, in affirming so shamefully, that the oath of France shootes onely at the abnegation of the Churches authoritie: which words of the oath of France also the Cardinall of Peron seemeth to vnderstand generally of all temporall and spirituall power whatsoeuer either out of the kingdome, or of the kingdome it selfe, as both by the propounding the state of his question, and also by the whole drift of his oration any iudicious man may gather: for which cause, as I imagine, he affir­meth,Pag. 115. that our Oath of England is more sweete and modest, or moderate, then that of France. And truely although the words may seeme to any man at the first sight to haue that sense, which the Cardinall pretendeth, seeing that they expresly deny all power on earth, both temporall, and spirituall, yet both the Translatour of his oration applieth them onely to the Popes authority, and also if those words [which hath any autho­rity ouer his Maiesties kingdome to depriue] be well obserued, they may in my iudgement haue a very true sense, to wit, that the temporall power, which there is mentioned, is not to be referred to the authority of the kingdome it selfe, seeing that no kingdome hath truely and properly right power and authority ouer itselfe, neither hath the kingdome of France any right ouer the kingdome of France to depriue, &c. Which are the expresse words of the oath of France, and therefore they must be applyed to the temporall power of some other forraine Prince, or Kingdome: and they seeme chiefely to shoot at the abnegation of that [Page 426] doctrine and position, which Iohn Tanquarell by a Decree of the Par­liament of Paris Anno 1561. in Tract. de Iu­ribus &c. p. 289 was enioyned to recall, and to aske pardon of the King for his offence in defending the same, to wit, that the Pope Christs Vicar, and a Monarch, hauing spirituall and secular power, hath authoritie to depriue Princes, who rebell against his precepts of their kingdomes, and dignities.

33 But howsoeuer it be, whether in the oath of France, the autho­rity of the temporall Common-wealth ouer the King be denied, or no, it is plaine, that neither our King and Parliament, who established our oath, did intend thereby to meddle with the authority of the Com­mon-wealth, but onely of the Pope, nor I who disputed of our oath, did meane to treat of any other authority then of the Pope, which one­ly in our oath is denied. And therefore the Lord Cardinall of Peron, to impugne the oath of France dealeth very cunningly, when he affir­meth, as you haue seene before, that Widdrington hath not found out one Authour, either Diuine or Lawyer, who hath said, that in case of here­sie or infidelity, the subiects cannot bee absolued from the oath of fidelity, and the obligation, which they owe to their Princes.

34 For albeit I haue not brought any one Authour, onely D. Barclay excepted, who affirmeth these two things together, to wit, that in the case of heresie or infidelity, Princes can neither by the authority of the Pope, nor of the Common-wealth be deposed, and their subiects released of the bond and oath of their temporall allegiance, for that those Doctours of France, who absolutely deny the Popes authority to depose Princes, and to inflict temporall punishments, doe commonly maintaine that the temporall Common-wealth may depose their Prince for heresie, or infidelity, and consequently discharge the subiects of their temporall allegiance, which being once released, the spirituall bond of the oath made to confirme the same is foorthwith dissolued; neuerthelesse I haue brought diuers Authours, both Diuines and Law­yers, who absolutely and without any exception of heresie, or infide­litie doe in expresse words affirme, though not ioyntly and together, yet seuerally and apart, that neither the Pope hath any authority to de­pose Princes, or to inflict temporall punishments, not that the king­dome, or common-wealth hath any power, or authority ouer their abso­lute Prince to depose him.

35 For among those Doctours, who affirme, that the common-wealth hath authority ouer their Prince in some cases to depose him, there are many, whom I cited in the former part of this Treatise, and also answered all the obiections that D. Schulckenius hath made against some of them, who doe absolutely, and without any exception affirme, that the Pope hath not authority to depose Princes, and that the power of the Church, doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punish­ments, [Page 427] as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, &c. which their generall assertion would be false, if the Pope had authority to de­pose Princes, and to inflict temporall punishments for any cause, crime, or end whatsoeuer. For if the Pope hath power to inflict tempo­rall punishments for heresie, then it would be true, that the power of the Church doth extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, and if the Pope can depose temporall Princes for heresie, then it follow­eth that the Pope can depose temporall Princes, which those Doctors doe absolutely deny.

36 And among those Doctours, who are vehement for the Popes authority to depose Princes, and to inflict temporall punishments, I broughtIn Apol. nu. 411. also diuers, who deny that the people, or common-wealth hath authority to depose their Prince. The Pope onely hath authority to de­priue, or depose Emperours, Kings, and Princes, saith Bartholus, Baldus, and Petrus Andreas Gambara. And Gregorius, Tholosnus, Barth. in leg. si Imperator. Cod. de Legibus nu. 4. Bald. in proaemio ff. veteris. Gambara in tract. de officio & potest. legati l. 2. tit. de va­rijs ordinar. titu­lis nu. 220. Gregor. Thol. l 26. de Rep. c. 5 nu. 14. 24. 25 albeit a French Doctour, yet denieth that the people, or common-wealth hath authority to iudge, punish, or depose their King. And therefore he doth not approoue that fact of the Peeres of France in depriuing Chil­dericke, and expresly affirmeth, that Pipin vsurped the Kingdome, and he reprehendeth also the Pope, who called, saith he, Pipin into Italy to helpe him against the Longobards, and when he came he absolued him from the oath he had made to his King Childerike, being neither heard, nor cal­led, nor defended, nor accused, as Abbas Vspergensis, and Entropius doe affirme, and afterwards he saith, that the Pope might bee deceiued in his opinion, for that hee would reward Pipin bringing an army in his defence, with the hurt of another. And this in my iudgement is one of the chiefe causes that mooued the other French Doctours to be commonly of this opinion, that the common-wealth may depose their King in some cases, to excuse that fact of the French Peeres in deposing Childerike their true and rightfull King.

37 Also Alexander Carerius a vehement defender of the Popes direct power in temporalls,Carer. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 2. 3 in fauour of the Canonists against Cardinall Bellarmine, is of the same opinion: Hee that hath no Iudge vpon earth, saith he,Cap. 3. we must confesse that many Iudges cannot Iudge. For in denying a singularitie by a collectiue and generall word, pluralls are accounted to bee denied. It is manifest therefore, as hath beene said before, that the Barons, and people for want of coactiue power, or authoritie, which Vassalls haue not ouer their Lord, cannot iudge, nor depose their Prince. And in the former Chapter answering the authoritie of Aristotle, The Philosopher, saith he, speaketh of a King, who is instituted by the election of the Communitie, for such a one is punished and deposed by the Communitie, which doth principally institute him, as the Venetians, and people of Genoa, who choose to them­selues a Duke, and if he offend against the common-wealth shee may depose [Page 428] him: But it is otherwise in a King, who naturally, and by succession, and de­scending of a certaine race doth raigne. And this assertion of Carerius, and others seemeth agreeable to the common doctrine of the ancient Fathers cited by me elsewhere,Apol. nu. 5. & seq. & in Append. ad Supplicat. calū. 17. nu. 14. who expresly affirme, that Kings and Emperours are inferiour to none, but God, to wit, in temporalls, and that they can bee punished, to wit, with temporall punishments by God alone, to whom onely they are subiect in temporalls. So that you see, how cunningly the Cardinall of Peron handleth this controuersie touching the deposition of Princes, confounding and inuoluing both questions concerning the authoritie of the Pope, and also of the com­mon-wealth to depose Princes together in one, and then in affirming, that Widdrington hath not brought any one Authour (only D. Barclay excepted) who saith, that Princes for heresie cannot be deposed, to wit, neither by the Pope nor the common-wealth, which is very true, but it is not true that he hath brought no Authours who absolutely affirme, that the Pope hath no power to depose Princes, and that the Ecclesiasti­call power of the Church doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments.

38 An other cunning the Lord Cardinall of Peron may vse in con­founding the oath, or religious bond of temporall allegiance with the ciuill, or naturall bond thereof, which perchance he did for this end, that his speech concerning the Popes authority to absolue from the oath of allegiance might seeme more plausible to his audience, for that an oath is a sacred, and spirituall thing, and therefore not exceeding the obiect of the Popes spirituall power; and all Diuines doe hold, that the Pope hath authority to absolue from oathes, either by releasing directly the spirituall bond it selfe, or consequently by declaring the thing, which is sworne not to be hic & nunc, in this particular case a fit matter of an oath, but temporall allegiance, and temporall kingdomes are tempo­rall things, and therefore that the Pope by his spirituall power should haue authoritie to dispose of temporall things, and to absolue from tem­porall allegiance, and to giue, take away, translate, and dispose of tem­porall kingdomes, would haue seemed very harsh in the yeeres of the greatest part of true French-men.

In Apol. nu. 148. 149.39 But, besides that, as I haue shewed elsewhere, the Pope can­not, according to the doctrine of S. Thomas, and his followers, absolue from the oath of temporall allegiance, but by declaring the naturall, or ciuill bond it selfe of temporall allegiance to be voyd, and of no force, and consequently to be no fit matter to be sworne, it little importeth to the maine question, which is betwixt my Aduersaries and mee touching the Popes power to depose Princes, and to absolue subiects from their temporall allegiance, whether the Pope can release, or take away the spirituall bond, and obligation of the oath of allegiance, it [Page 429] being a sacred and spirituall thing, and made onely to confirme and corrobarate the former naturall bond of temporall allegiance. For it doth not follow, as wel noteth Ioannes Parisiensis, Ioan. Paris. de potest Reg. & Pap. c. 16. ad. 11 and I also obserued in my Theologicall Disputation, Cap. 6. sec. 3. that because the Pope can release, or take away the sacred, and religious bond of temporall allegiance, he can also release and dissolue the naturall and ciuill bond, wherein all sub­iects by the law of God and nature stand bound to their temporall Prince, before they make any oath of temporall allegiance; and very few subiects in comparison of others doe vsually make any such oath of allegiance. And therefore perchance the Cardinall would for the cause aforesaid, rather discourse of the Popes power to absolue subiects from the oath, that is, the sacred and spirituall bond of temporall alle­giance, then to depose Princes, and to take away their Crownes, and Regall authority, which being taken away, both their temporall alle­giance, and also the sacred and spirituall bond thereof, is by a neces­sary consequent foorthwith dissolued.

37 And to omit diuerse other cunning shifts, which the Cardinall of Peron hath vsed in his discourse touching the deposition of hereticall Princes, and which the Kings Maiesty in his answere to the Cardinalls oration, hath in my opinion, very cleerely, and excellently discouered; two notable cunnings, or rather fraudes he hath vsed in translating into French the decree of the Councell of Lateran, whereof now wee treat. The first is in translating into French those words, Si Dominus tempora­lis, if any Prince, whereas it is manifest, that those words, Dominus tem­poralis doe signifie euery Land-lord, Maior, Iudge, Consull, Potesta, Go­uernour, Shiriffe, Bayliffe, Constable, or any other inferiour Officer, or Pettie Lord: and although the Cardinall will perchance affirme, that in those generall wordes, Dominus temporalis, all Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes are included, which neuerthelesse I haue aboue con­futed, yet to translate those words Dominus temporalis, any Prince, as though the Councell had named Princes expresly, and by the name of Princes, cannot in my opinion bee excused from an egregious fraud and falshood. The second is, in translating those words, vt ipse (Sum­mus Pontifex. Ʋasallos ab eius fidelitate denunciet abfolutos, that he (the Pope) may absolue his subiects from their oath of fidelitie, whereas the words of the Councel only are that he may denounce, or declare his Vassals absolued from their fidelity which words of the Councell doe expresly signifie, that the vassalls were before absolued from their fidelity, either by the decrees of Popes, or of temporall Princes, and that the Pope doth onely denounce, or declare them absolued; besides that the word, vassalls, he translateth subiects, which haue farre different significati­ons, and that word a fidelitate, from their fidelity, he translateth from their oath of fidelity, which in a Translator, who is to set downe not only [Page 430] the sense, but also the words, cannot bee excused from an egregious corruption.

38 Lastly, I would gladly be resolued of this question, either by the Cardinall of Peron, or any other learned Catholike, whether if the Doctours of Sorbon, who hold the doctrine of the Councells superiority aboue the Pope, to be true and conforme to the word of God, and to the definitions of the generall Councels of Constance, and Basil, and conse­quently the contrary doctrine to be false, impious, and detestable, and contrary to the word of God, should make a decree, that all of their Vniuersity should in their publike Readings, Disputations, and writings defend it as certaine, that is, should not maintaine or teach the contrary doctrine as probable or in any sort: Or if the Doctours of Mentz, who are of opinion, that the doctrine for the immaculate Conception of the B. Ʋirgin is true, conforme to the word of God, and to the decree of the Councell of Basil, and that the contrary is false, and against the word of God, and consequently impious, and detestable, should also make a Decree, as Surius affirmethVpon the yeere 1501. they haue done, imitating, saith he, the de­cree of the Councell of Basil, that it should bee altogether held, that the most blessed mother of God was conceiued without the spot of originall sinne, and did strictly ordaine, that none heereafter should in that Vniuersitie bee promoted in sacred Diuinitie, vnlesse he should before by oath make promise, that he would neither maintaine in his minde, nor any wise approoue the con­trary opinion: and the same question may be made concerning the Ie­suites doctrine de auxilijs gratiae: whether I say it must from hence bee necessarily inferred, that the aforesaid Doctours should thereby take vp­on them to determine an article of faith, to make a manifest and ineuitable schisme in the Church of God, yea and to precipitate men into a manifest heresie, and account the Pope, if he should not hold the same, not to bee the head of the Church, and Christs Vicar, but an hereticke, and Antichrist, and all the other parts of the Church, who should maintaine the contrary, not to bee true parts of the Church, but members of Antichrist? Of this question I would gladly be resolued; for the resolution thereof would giue no small light, whereby the iudicious Reader may see, of what force are the chiefest obiections and inferences, that the Cardinall of Peron vrgeth aginst the oath of France, and the decree of the Parliament of Paris made the second of Ianuary 1615.

39 And thus much concerning the Lord Cardinall of Peron, whom in truth I was very loath to mention for the great reuerence and re­spect, wherewith I honour his Grace in regard of the singular gifts of honour, and nature, wherewith he is adorned, but that the defence of truth in this important question, touching our duties to God and Cae­sar, and of my innocency, which the slanderous tongues of some haue vniustly branded with the infamous note of errour, and heresie, for [Page 431] impugning their new inuented Catholike faith, touching the Popes power to depose Princes; and also the publishing of his oration to the view of the world, wherby many vnlearned Catholikes, not being able to discerne his artificiall and cunning manner, both in propounding and handling this dangerous question touching the deposition of Prin­ces, are pittifully deluded, and seduced, haue vrged me thereunto. Now to the matter from whence vpon this occasion giuen me by my Aduer­sarie touching the doctrine of Ioannes Parisiensis, I haue made this di­gression.

40 And as for the matter it selfe, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, pag. 160. n. 7. for the which my Aduersary Widdrington produceth their testimonies, (to wit, to prooue, that many decrees of the Popes, and generall Councells touching temporall things haue beene alwaies made with the expresse, Nu. 47. or secret consent of Princes) I cannot see what he could gaine, or prooue thereby for the que­stion now in hand, if it should be granted him. For would hee inferre, that because many things haue beene decreed by Popes, and Councels touching temporall matters, therefore no such thing could be decreed in the Councell of Lateran without them? Who seeth not the weakenesse, and absurditie of this inference, seeing that nothing else can follow of those premisses directly, but that, as diuers other decrees concerning temporall matters, haue beene made with the consent of the Princes, so also it may be, that this Canon of the Councell of Lateran was made in like manner with their consent; which no man will deny; yea wee willingly grant not onely that it might bee so, but also that it was so and inferre thereupon, that forasmuch as all Christian Princes gaue their consent to this Canon in that famous generall Councell (which was, as I may say, the Parliament of all Christendome) therefore they are, and euer shall be subiect thereto, except it be repealed by some other generall Councell of like authoritie. But how doth it follow, that because this, and diuers other Canons concerning politicall matters, haue beene rati­fied by temporall Princes, therefore they could not be lawfully made without their consent? which is the point, that Widdrington must prooue, if he will argue to the purpose.

41 But if Mr. Fitzherbert had beene pleased to consider with an indifferent eye my answere, and the principall drift and scope thereof, he might easily haue seene that my answere was good and strong, and the authority which I brought from Ioannes Parisiensis, and Hostiensis, sufficient to confirme the same. For my principall answere was this, that the decree of the Councell of Lateran did not in those generall words, Dominus temporalis, Dominus principalis, & non habens Dominos principales, comprehend absolute Princes, but onely inferiour Landlords, Magistrates, or Lords, it being made by the consent and authority of absolute Princes, as ordaining the inflicting of temporall punishments, which to ordaine doth not belong to the spirituall, but onely to the [Page 432] temporall power, and that therefore not onely it did not, but also it could not in those generall words comprehend absolute Prin­ces themselues, by whose authority it was made. And to preuent an obiection, which I foresaw some might make, to wit, that the decrees and Canons of Popes and Councels, haue their force to binde from the authority of the Church, and not from the consent, approbation, rati­fication, or authority of temporall Princes, I gaue the aforesaid answere, that Popes and Councels doe oftentimes ordaine many things, which to ordaine belongeth rather to the ciuill, then to the Ecclesiasticall power, by the expresse or tacite consent of Princes, who are present by them­selues, or their Ambassadours, or else presuming, or at leastwise hoping that temporall Princes will ratifie the same: and for the confirmation hereof, I brought the authority of Hostiensis, who affirmeth that accor­ding to the opinion of some Doctors, which also Pope Innocent, & Io. Andreas doe affirme, that the Canon Ad abolendam, de haereticis, wherein it is ordained, that if Counts and Barons, Rectours and Consuls of Cities, and of other places doe refuse to take an oath to defend the Church against here­tikes, they shall be depriued of their honour, had therefore force to binde, be­cause the Emperour gaue his consent thereunto. And that therefore it is no maruaile if this decree of the Lateran Councell, for as much as concerneth the inflicting of temporall punishments, had therefore force to binde, for that temporall Princes consented thereunto.

42 And by this it is cleare, that my meaning was not onely to af­firme, that the decree of the Lateran Councell, for as much as concer­neth the inflicting of temporall punishments, was made by the consent of absolute Princes, onely in that manner as absolute Princes do giue their consent to the making of Ecclesiasticall lawes, and Canons, which doe meerely proceede from Ecclesiasticall or spirituall authority, but also that it was made by the consent and authority of absolute Princes, for that to ordaine the inflicting of temporall punishments belongeth ra­ther to the Ciuill, then to the Ecclesiasticall power, and therfore it would not haue had force to binde, vnlesse absolute Princes had consented thereunto: As likewise the Canon, Ad abolendam, wherein temporall punishments were inflicted, was therefore of force, according to the o­pinion of some Canonists, as Hostiensis relateth, for that the Emperour consented thereunto, although the ordaining or inflicting of Excommu­nication, which in that Canon Ad abolendam, was ioyned together with the depriuation of temporall honour, as it is also ioyned in the decree of the Lateran Councell, did proceed, and had force to binde, from the spiri­tuall authoritie of the Church, to whom onely it belongeth to inflict Ecclesiasticall Censures.

43 Now Mr. Fitzherbert, is it possible, that you should be so igno­rant, as not to vnderstand the force of my answere, and that I brought [Page 433] the testimonies of Ioannes Parisiensis, and Hostiensis to great purpose? Doe not you see what I gaine for the question which is in hand, if you graunt me that the decree of the Lateran Counsell, as also that Canon, Ad abolendam, according to those Doctours cited by Hostiensis, had their force to binde from the consent of temporall Princes? Can you bee so blinde as not to see, how this inference is not weake, and absurd, but strong and certaine, that because this, and other decrees of Popes and Councels, concerning the inflicting of temporall punishments were, I do not onely say, ratified by temporall Princes, but had their force to binde from the consent of temporal Princes, therfore they could not be law­fully made without their ratification, and consent, which is the point you say I must prooue if I will argue to the purpose? vnlesse your weak­nesse will admit that a law may lawfully or legally be made without that, by vertue whereof it hath force to binde, as those Canonists cited by Hosti­ensis, Pope Innocent, and Ioannes Andreas doe affirme, that the Canon, Ad abolendā, ideo valuisse quia Imperator, aut Princeps consensit, Was there­fore of force, because the Emperour or Prince gaue his consent?

44 And as for that inference you make, that if that Canon of the Lateran Councell (which was as it were a Parliament of all Christen­dome) was made by the consent, and I also adde by the authority of all Christian Princes, therefore it cannot be repealed, but by some other ge­nerall Councell of like authority, although it nothing concerneth the deposition of absolute Princes; by whose authority it was made, but onely of inferiour Landlords, Magistrates, or Lords; yet of what force this in­ference is, you may for your better instruction see aboueCh. 8. nu. 27. by the do­ctrine of Suarez, who declareth in what manner the law of Nations may in this or that Nation be repealed, for that a law of a generall Coun­cell made by the consent and authority of all Christian Princes, is, as I may say, a law of all Christian Nations.

45 But let vs goe on, and see how well you prooue that it is ab­surd to say, that the Canon of the Lateran Councell, and diuers other Ca­nons, concerning politicall matters, could not be lawfully made with­out the consent of temporall Princes. But how absurd is this, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 161. num. 8., it may appeare euen by Widdringtons former graunt, and ex­presse doctrine Chap. 2. num. 1. & 2., touching the Popes power to command corporall and temporall things, as they serue, or are reduced to spirituall: for this power being spirituall (in respect of the spirituall end whereto it reduceth all temporall things) must needes bee independent of temporall Princes, vnlesse we shall also grant them a supreame spirituall authority.

46 But how vaine this inference is I haue clearely shewed before, Chap. 6. num. 66 & seq.by declaring the difference betwixt the directiue and coerciue power, and the proper acts and obiects of them both, which my Aduersary not distinguishing doth thereby confound the vnderstanding of his vn­learned [Page 434] Reader. For the obiect of the spirituall power as it is directiue, or commanding, are all those things spirituall or temporall, which by the reference or reduction of them to a spirituall end, may become spirituall things, to wit, vertuous or vicious actions, which are the acts & obiects of the spirituall power, as it is directiue, & this spirituall power is inde­pendant of temporall Princes: but the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is coerciue or punishing, are not all spirituall things, but onely spirituall punishments; and because no reduction of temporall punishments to a spi­rituall end can make temporall punishments to become spirituall punish­ments, therefore temporall punishments, although by reducing them to a spirituall end, may become spirituall things, which are the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is directiue, yet still they remaine temporall punish­ments, and therefore cannot by any reduction become the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is coerciue, or punishing; whereupon the inflicting of such punishments, for what end soeuer they be inflicted, must needes remaine dependant vpon the consent and authority of temporall Prin­ces. Neither also can my Aduersary be so ignorant, as to affirme that temporall Princes cannot vse their supreame temporall power to a spirituall end, as to the rooting out of heresie, adultery, and all other crimes, vn­lesse we grant them a supreame spirituall authority.

47 Besides that this may be conuinced, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 161. num. 8., by the practise of all the primitiue Church in the time of the Pagan Emperours, when not only corporall, and temporall things were commanded by the Church, but temporall and comporall penalties ordained without the ratification, or con­sent of any temporall Prince.

This indeed were somewhat to the purpose, if Mr. Fitzherbert could conuince, that in the primitiue Church, before Kings, and Emperour were Christians, temporall penalties were not onely commanded, but also ordained as to ordaine is distinguished from to command, for then it must needes follow that the primitiue Church did not onely command the inflicting of temporall punishments, without the consent and au­thority of temporall Princes, and that temporall punishments were then the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is directiue, which I neuer denied, but also did inflict temporall punishments, and that tempo­rall punishments were then the obiect of the spirituall power, as it is coerciue, or punishing, which I vtterly denie. Obserue now what pitti­full arguments this silly man bringeth for conuincing proofes.

48 This may appeare, saith he, by a decree of Pope CalixtusEpist. 2. Cal­lixt. tom. 1. Con­cil., in the time of the Emperour Alexander Seuerus, whereby as well Lay-men, as Priests, and Cleargie-men were forbidden vpon paine of infamie to make con­spiracies against their Bishops.

48 The words of Pope Calixtus to the Bishops of Fraunce, are these: Wee haue heard that the crimes of conspiracies doe raigne in your [Page 435] parts; and it hath beene made manifest vnto vs, that their people doe con­spire against their Bishops. The subtilty, or malice of which offence is abho­minable, not onely among Christians, but also among Heathens, and is forbid­den by externall lawes; And therefore not onely Ecclesiasticall, but also Se­cular laws do condemne them that are guilty of this crime, and not onely those that do conspire, but those also who consent to them. And our predecessours with a great company of Bishops haue commanded all them that are placed in Priestly dignity, or are Clergy-men, to fall from the dignity, which they haue, & haue commanded, that the rest be depriued of Communion, and to be banished from the Church, and haue thought, or iudged all men together of either order to be infamous, & not onely the doers, but those also that consent to them. And a little beneath, And these are not to be admitted to the accusing of any man, nor the word of thē, or of excommunicated persons can hurt or accuse any man.

49 But this authority of Pope Calixtus, and all other such like, as of Pope Anacletus, Pope Pius, and others related by Gratian 3. q. 4. are easily answered. For as there are two sorts of Lawes, Courts, or Tri­bunals, the spirituall & the temporall; so also there are two sorts of in­famie, as infamie is taken for a penalty ordained by the lawVide Siluest. verbo infamia. Greg. Tholo. in Syntag Iuris lib. 31. cap. 29. num. 7. and o­ther Doctors, Cod. ex quibus causis infamia irrogatur, & ff. de ijs qui no­tantur infamiae., the one is called infamia iuris Canonica, infamie of the spirituall Court, by vertue whereof the person made infamous is depriued, and made incapable of spirituall dignities, and his word or testimonie is of no force to hurt any man in this spirituall Court, and for as much as concerneth spirituall dignities, punishments, or Censures; and of this infamy, the aforesaid decree of Callixtus, and all other Ecclesiasticall Canons made by spirituall authority, wherein the penalty of infamie is inflicted, are to be vnderstood. The other infamie is ordained by the Ciuill law, and is called by the Lawyers, infamia iuris Ciuilis, infamie of the Ciuill law, or Court, by vertue of which the person made infamous is depriued, or made incapable of Secular dignities, and his testimonie is not admitted to hurt any man in the Ciuill, and criminall Court, and for as much as concerneth temporal dignities, and temporal punishments. And of this ciuill infamie, the words of Pope Calixtus are not to be vnderstood. Neither can any man be so senselesse as to conceiue, that the Popes of the primitiue Church, declaring those to be infamous, and not to bee admitted to accuse or giue testimony against any man, who did forsake the Christian Religion, & became Apostataes, and made conspiracies a­gainst Bishops, and excommunicated persons, did intend to make them incapable of Secular dignities, and not to be admitted to accuse, or giue testimonie in the Secular Court, wherein the Popes themselues, and all Christians were punished, and persecuted for Christian Religion, and Apostataes and accusers of Bishops were rewarded.

50 The second conuincing proofe that the Popes of the primitiue Church, in the time of the Pagan Emperours, did not onely command, [Page 436] but also ordaine temporall punishments, Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth from the authority of Pope Vrbanus: Epist. Vrbani tom. 1. Concil. & 17. q. 4. can. Attenden­dum est. And his Successour Vrbanus, saith he,Pa. 161. nu. 9 ordained in like sort the penaltie of infamy, adding also imprisonment, and perpetuall banishment for such as should goe about to vexe and molest Churches, and to depriue them of their goods, and possessions.

But this proofe is as insufficient as the former: First, for that this Epistle of Vrbanus is not authentical, but counterfait and falsly imposed vpon Pope Vrbanus, as may euidently appeare by the subscriptions of the Consulls, to wit, of Antoninus, and Alexander, whereas it is euident, as Baronius, Adamū 224 and other Historiographers doe witnesse, that Antoninus was slaine in the fourth yeere of Pope Callixtus in the yeere of our Lord 224. two yeeres before Vrbanus was created Pope.

51 Secondly, for that it is also euident, that the whole Canon, Attendendum, wherein the penaltie of infamy, imprisonment, and of per­petuall banishment is ordained, as it is set downe, 17. q. 4. by Gratian, hath beene thrust in by some one, or other to this Epistle, for that it hath no coherence at all with the words of the Epistle, which imme­diately follow, wherein the reason of this decree is giuen, whereas if the whole Canon Attendendum be left out, the sense is perfect, and the reason there alledged very apt and sufficient. For what coherence, I pray you, is there betwixt these words of this Canon, that if any man molest Churches, he shall be condemned of perpetuall infamy, and hee impri­soned, and banished for euer, with these words, which in the Epistle imme­diately follow, because we ought, according to the Apostle, to deliuer such a man to Sathan, that the spirit may bee safe in the day of our Lord, &c. Which neuerthelesse is a very fit reason of that which immediately goeth before this whole Canon Attendendum; to wit, that Church-goods ought not to be taken away by any man, and applied to prophane vses, least they incurre the punishment, and death of Ananias, and Saphira, and which is worse bee made Anathema maranatha, and if they shall not fall dead in body, as Ananias, and Saphira did, yet there soule which is of more worth then the body doth fall dead, and be separated from the company of the faithfull, and doth slide into the deepe pit of hell, because, according to the A­postle, wee ought to deliuer such a man to Sathan, &c. which wordes, as you see, haue a perfect sense, and giue a very fit reason of the former words, if the whole Canon Attendendum be left out, and with it there is no sense, and coherence of the words at all.

52 Thirdly, what man can be so simple as to imagine, that either Pope Vrbanus, or any other Pope of the primitiue Church in the time of the Pagan Emperours, when not onely the goods of the Church were prophaned, taken away, and spoyled, but also the Christians them­selues imprisoned, banished, and put to cruell death, would make a Decree, that whosoeuer did take away, or prophane the goods of Churches [Page 437] should be committed to prison, or perpetually banished; euen as if Mr. Arch-Priest should now make a decree, that whatsoeuer Catholike shall take the oath of allegiance, or repaire to Protestant Churches shall be impri­soned, or perpetually banished: and yet these in my Aduersaries iudge­ment, are, forsooth, conuincing proofes. Neuerthelesse this punishment of infamy is to be vnderstood, as I shewed before, of spirituall infamy, to wit, forasmuch as concerneth the spirituall Court: and the penaltie of perpetuall banishment, is to bee vnderstood of spirituall banish­ment, or of banishment from the Church, as it is expresly affirmed in the decree of his Predecessour Pope Callixtus. And therefore Mr. Fitz­herbert may vse some fraud, in vrging from the decree of Pope Vrbanus the penaltie of banishment, and in concealing the said penaltie, in the decree of his Predecessour Pope Callixtus, who in expresse words made mention of banishment from the Church.

53 The third conuincing proofe, Mr. Fitzherbert taketh from the authority of a Prouinciall Councell pag. 162. nu. 9 held at Eliberis De Conse­crat. dist. 1. can. Omnis homo. in Spaine in the time of Constantius, father to Constantine the great, & Galerius, which enacted, that men should abstaine from their wiues, not only some daies before they receiued the B. Sacrament,Barchard. l. 19. c. 17. & Iuo p. 15. c. 88 vide Binium tom. 1. Concil. in notis in Concil. Eliber. & Ba­ron tom. 2. Annal. anno 305. in fine. but also in time of Lent, and Easter, as­signing for the later ayeeres penance, or to pay fiue and twentie shillings to the Church, or to the poore: and in another Canon they ordained that Bishops, and their Ministers Burchard. l. 11. c. 67. Iuo p. 14. c. 115. might whip husband-men with rods, for great crimes, to make them doe penance against their wills, least they might perish e­ternally; in which Canons, as also in the former Decrees of the Popes Callixtus, and Vrbanus, the penalties imposed were meere temporall, albeit there was not then, as I haue said, any Christian Prince to ratifie the same.

54 But this proofe also is as insufficient as the former. First, for that many learned men, as the Reader may see in Binnius, to whom Mr. Fitzherbert remitteth him, doe reiect this Councell, and account it erroneous for decreeing certaine errours: so Melchior Canus, Canus l. 5. de locis c. 4. Bellar. l. 2. de Imaginib. c. 9. and Cardi­nall Bellarmine. And although Baronius cited also by Binnius, excuseth the Fathers of that Councell, yet for that they seemed in diuers of their decrees to fauour the errours of Nouatian, which were displeasing to their Successors, his opinion is, that there is no mention made by name of this Synode by ancient writers, and so it did remaine almost aboli­shed; and yet my Aduersary will from this Councell bring, forsooth, a con­uincing proofe.

55 Secondly, for that these two decrees cited here by Mr. Fitz­herbert, are not placed with the other Canons of the Councell, but are ad­ioyned as certaine fragments belonging thereunto. Wherefore if some Authours, as Vasquez witnesseth, sticke not to affirme,Vasq. 3. part. disp. 105 cap. 2 tom. 1. that diuers de­crees, which are placed among the Canons of this Councell, were not [Page 438] made by the Councell, but by some one, or other adioyned afterwards, with farre greater reason it may be said, that these two decrees, which by Binnius are reputed onely as fragments, and not placed among the rest of the Canons, were not made by the Councell, but adioyned afterwards by some one or other, whom Burchardus, Iuo, & others following did attribute them to this Councell, in that manner as diuers books are attri­buted to S. Augustine, S. Chrysostome, and other Fathers, & are printed a­mong their works, & vnder their names, wch were neuer made by them

56 Thirdly, for that some learned men, as Garsias Loaisa, Whom Bin­nius in the place aboue cited cal­leth a most learned Inter­preter. a Collectour of all the Councells held in Spaine, are of opinion, that this Councell was not celebrated in the time of Constantius, and Gale­rius, but after the Councell of Nice in the time of Constantine the great: and therefore no conuincing proofe can bee brought from the autho­rity of this Councell, as my Aduersary pretendeth, to shew that in the time of the Pagan Emperours, temporall and corporall punishments, were not onely commanded, but also ordained by the Church, with­out the ratification and consent of any temporall Prince: seeing that, according to the opinion of learned men, this Councell was not held in the time of the Pagan Emperours, but after the Councell of Nice, in the time of Constantine the great, who, as wee may well suppose, would ratifie whatsoeuer the Pastours of the Church should thinke expedient, and necessary for the spirituall good thereof, and the eternall saluation of soules.

57 But lastly, from these two Canons heere cited by my Aduer­sary, this onely, at the most, can be forcibly deduced, that spirituall Pastours haue authority to impose, command, and enioyne temporall and corporall penances, punishments, and afflictions, as to abstaine for certaine daies from carnall copulation, and likewise to fast, to weare haire-cloth, to giue almes, and such like, which was ordained in the first Canon, or to beat themselues, or else to suffer themselues for their penance to be beaten with rods, which was ordained in the second Ca­non: and of this I neuer made doubt, but I did euer grant, that the Church hath authority by the institution of Christ to impose, enioyne, or command temporall and corporall afflictions, penalties, or punish­ments, but all the difficulty betwixt my Aduersaries and mee, is con­cerning the coerciue, compulsiue, or punishing power of the Church, that is, if they should refuse to obey the commandement of their Pa­stours, and would not abstaine from the acts of matrimony, nor beat themselues, nor suffer themselues to be beaten with rods, with what kinde of punishments could the Church, by her spirituall authority, which shee hath receiued from Christ, force and compell them there­vnto; to wit, whether by inflicting vpon them temporall and corporall punishments, as my Aduersaries contend, or only spirituall Censures, [Page 439] by depriuing them either wholly, or in part of spirituall, or Ecclesia­sticall communion, as many other Catholikes doe probably according to my doctrine affirme: this is the plaine, and maine controuersie, as I haue often said.

58 Neither can it be prooued by any of these Canons, that the coerciue, or compulsiue spirituall power of spirituall Pastours, doth ex­tend to the inflicting of corporall, or temporall punishments, but onely of Ecclesiasticall Censures, as it may sufficiently appeare by the second Canon heere cited, wherein is decreed, that Si seniores ipsorum co­lonorum, &c. If the more ancient of these husband-men (giuing thereby to vnderstand, that the husband-men, who were to be whipped by the Bishops, or their Ministers for penance, were boyes or youths) shall take it in ill part, or will therefore vse any reuenge, or shall presume to defend them, that they be not beaten, they shall be punished with the sentence of Ecclesia­sticall Excommunication. Wherefore those wordes of this Canon, that they may doe penance against their wills, are not to bee vnderstood, against their wills simply and absolutely, by corporall force and violence, which taketh away all willingnesse, for such kind of penance, or satisfaction is not acceptable before almightie God, or of any merite at all before God, but they are to be vnderstood against their wills, secundum quid, in some sort, as Merchants against their wills, for feare of being drow­ned cast their goods into the Sea, to wit, that they shall be compelled to doe penance, and suffer themselues to be beaten against their wills, for feare of being otherwise thrust out of the Church, and depriued of Ecclesiasti­call communion, which kinde of compulsion being simply voluntary, See Dispu­tat. Theol. c. 9. sec. vnit.and inuoluntarie onely secundum quid, may stand with that free will, which is the ground and roote of meritorious, and willing satisfacti­on acceptable in the sight of God. Neither doth Mr. Fitzherbert by the rest of his examples grounded vpon the authority of the Apostles, prooue any other thing, but that spirituall Pastours may by their spi­rituall authority, without the consent and authority of temporall Prin­ces impose, enioyne, or command, temporall and corporall penalties, afflictions and punishments, and in this sense ordaine, and depose of them. For thus he writeth:

59 Heereto may be added, saith hee,Pag. 162. nu. 10. 11. the Constitution of the Apo­stles themselues in their Councell held at Hierusalem, wherein they impo­sed vpon the Christians a burden (as they called it) whereof part was meerely temporall, to wit, to abstaine from blood, and that which was strangled; Act. 15. Visum est, say they, Spiritui sancto, & nobis, &c. It hath seemed good to the holy Ghost, and vs, to lay no further burthen vpon you, then these necessary things, that you abstaine from things immolated to Idolls, and blood, and that which is strangled, and fornication. Thus said they in their Canon, disposing, as you see, of a temporall thing by their [Page 440] owne Apostolicall authoritie, without any hope, or expectation of the consent, or ratification of any temporall Magistrate; as they also did the like in the institution of Lent, which, as all the Fathers doe acknowledge, is an Apo­stolicall tradition, and consisteth in a meere temporall affliction; and the like may be said, not onely of all the examples alledged by mee before, See c. 2. nu. 2 3. & 4. concerning the practise of the Apostles (partly in Act 5.6. & 13 corporall punishments, and partly in the disposition 1. Cor. 6. of temporall things) but also of the custome of the primi­tiue Church, to impose corporall penances Cypr. epist. 10 ad Clerum. Tertul. de paenit. cap. 10. consisting in fasting, watching, wea­ring of haire-cloth, and such like, which albeit they were temporall things, yet were imposed by the Church vpon her children, by her owne authority, though alwayes for a spirituall end, to wit, for the good of soules, and Gods greater glory and seruice.

60 Whereupon it followeth, that the Church may also now in like manner dispose of temporall things to the same end, by her owne authority, without demanding the consent, or ratification of any temporall Prince: for no sufficient reason can bee assigned, why the Church could doe it then, and not now; neither yet why it may for a spirituall end punish a man temporally, in his body, by some corporall affliction, and in his honour by infamy, and not in his temporall goods, and state; especially seeing that all temporall goods are inferiour to the body, and both body and goods, ordained for the seruice of the soule, and for spirituall ends; Whereupon, I say, it followeth eui­dently, that the consent of temporall Princes is altogether needlesse to the va­liditie of Ecclesiasticall Constitutions concerning temporall things, al­beit the Church hath alwaies vsed to auaile her selfe of their authoritie and power, for the execution of all her Decrees, as well spirituall, as temporall matters and to that end admitteth, and requireth the assistance of temporall Princes, or their Ambassadours in generall Councells; so as by all this it appeareth euidently, that the Councell of Lateran needed not the consent, or ratification of the Emperour, or other temporall Princes for the vali­ditie of the Canon now in question; and consequently that my Aduer­saries first answere to the obiection proposed by himselfe, is to no pur­pose.

61 Heere you see, how Mr. Fitzherbert rangeth vp and downe to no purpose, spending many words idly to prooue that which no man denieth, to wit, that the Church by her spirituall authoritie may without the consent of Princes command, enioyne, or impose temporall, and corporall penalties, which I haue alwaies granted, yet craftily confounding in his inferences ordaining with commanding, disposing with imposing, and pu­nishing temporally with enioyning temporall punishments, which I haue euer distinguished. He tooke vpon him, as you heard, to conuince by the practise of all the primitiue Church in the time of the Pagan Emperours, that corporall and temporall things were not onely commanded, but also ordai­ned by the Church without the ratification, and consent of any temporall [Page 441] Prince, because a little beforeSee nu. 45. he doth acknowledge, that I doe grant, and expresly teach, that the Pope hath power to command corporall, and tem­porall things, as they are reduced to spirituall, and yet heere hee prooueth nothing else either by the Constitutions of the Apostles, or by the practise of the primitiue Church, but that spirituall Pastours may by their ordinary power (for our question is not concerning the extraor­dinary power which the Apostles had to worke miracles) command, impose, and enioyne temporall, and corporall things, as to abstaine from blood, and that which is strangled, from the eating of flesh vpon certaine daies, as in Lent, rather to suffer wrong, and to appoint arbi­trary Iudges among themselues to compose quietly their strifes, then to haue recourse to the tribunalls of infidell Iudges, and to doe corpo­rall and temporall penances; and that the Church may now also doe the same, and that therefore the consent of temporall Princes is altoge­ther needlesse to the validitie of such Ecclesiasticall Canons, and con­stitutions, which doe onely command, impose, or enioyne corporall, and temporall penances and punishments; and of this no Catholike maketh doubt.

62 But that the primitiue Church, did by her ordinary power (for of miraculous and extraordinary power, which is not to descend necessarily to Successours, I doe not speake) not onely command, and impose, but also did inflict temporall and corporall punishments without the consent of the party who was punished, and did dispose of temporall things, as to dispose is distinguished from to impose, or com­mand, to wit, by depriuing Christians of temporall right, power, and authority, or that the consent and authority of temporall Princes is not necessary to the validity of such Ecclesiasticall Canons, and Con­stitutions, as is this decree of the Lateran Councell which is now in question, wherein temporall punishments are not onely commaunded, or imposed, but also inflicted, or that the assistance of temporall Princes, or their Ambassadours is not onely required in generall Councells for the execution, and not for the confirmation and validitie of such de­crees, wherein temporall punishments are inflicted, and temporall things not onely commanded, or imposed, but also disposed of, Mr. Fitz­herbert hath not brought heere from the practise of the Primitiue Church so much as any probable, or colourable, much lesse, as he vaun­ted, any conuincing proofe: and consequently my first answere to the ob­iection which I propounded, standeth yet firme, and solid, and what he hath obiected to the contrary is to no purpose at all.

CHAP. XII.

Wherein an other answere of Widdrington grounded vpon cer­taine Glossers, or Expositours of the Canon Law is confuted, and M. Fitzherberts exceptions against the same are prooued to be fraudulent, and insufficient, and moreouer it is shewed, that from no Canon of the Church it can be prooued, that the custome of the Church is to inflict by her spirituall power, I doe not say, to commaund or impose temporall penalties: and the true diffe­rence betweene the Diuines, and Canonists concerning the Popes power in temporalls, is declared.

1 MY second answere to the obiection before men­tioned was taken from an exposition of the Glosse vpon the Canon Adrianus dist. 63. Where the Pope commaundeth the goods of those who doe violate his Decree to be confisca­ted, and vpon the Canon, Delatori 5. q. 6. where he ordaineth the tongues of calumniatours, or false accusers, to be pulled out, or being conuicted their heads to bee stroken off. For to these Decrees the Glosse answereth thus, Hîc docere Ecclesiam quid facere debeat Iudex Secularis, The Church teacheth heere, what a Seculiar Iudge ought to doe. Which answere of the Glosse may be ac­commodated or applied to the like Decrees, wherein the sacred Ca­nons doe inflict temporall punishments. And this answere the words of Siluester doe also fauour &c. Thus I answered in the foresaid Preface.

2 Now to this my answere Mr. Fitzherbert replyeth,Pag. 166. nu. 1. 2. that it is as idle as the former. For although it were true, saith he, that this Glosse were to be vnderstood, as Widdrington would haue it, yet it would not follow thereon, that the same may be truely applied to all other Decrees of the Church, which concerne the imposition of temporall punishments (especially to the Canon of the Councell of Lateran, which ordaineth the deposition of Princes) for this Glosse doth treate onely of such, as are subiect to the iuris­diction of Iudges, and Secular Magistrates, whereas the Canon of the La­teran Councell speaketh of absolute Princes, on whom no Secular Iudge, or Magistrate can execute any penaltie, and therefore there is such disparitie in these cases, that the Glosse obiected by my Aduersarie Widdrington cannot be iustly applied to both alike.

3 But this Reply of Mr. Fitzherbert is as idle, and insufficient as his former. For first, he supposeth as certaine, that the Councell of Lateran [Page 443] ordained the deposition of Emperours, Kings, and all absolute Princes, which, as you haue seene, he hath not as yet, by all the helpes hee hath had from Fa. Lessius, sufficiently conuinced. Secondly, if we respect the force, and proprietie of the words, these two Canons, especially the former, are, according to Mr. Fitzherberts owne grounds, rather to be vnder­stood of absolute Princes then is the Decree of the Lateran Councell, for that the words of these Canons, especially of the former, are generall, and doe not denote titles of inferiour honour, or dignitie: The Pope, saith the Canon Hadrianus, did excommunicate, and commaunded, vnlesse hee should repent, his goods to be proclaimed, or confiscated, whosoeuer should in­fringe this Decree, whereas the Councell of Lateran doth not speake in such generall tearmes, but onely it mentioneth persons of inferiour state, dignitie, and title, then are Emperours, Kings, and absolute Princes, to wit, temporall and principall Land-lords, Gouernours, or Lords, or who haue not any principall Landlords, Gouernours, or Lords aboue them, but onely Emperours, Kings, or absolute Princes: But the truth is, that both the Decree of the Lateran Councell, and these Canons doe not compre­hend absolute Princes, but onely inferiour persons, and subiects.

4 Thirdly, if this exposition of the Glosse is to be approoued, my Aduersaries can bring no sufficient reason, why the same may not also be applied to all other such like Canons of the Church, wherein the infli­cting of temporall punishments is ordained, and especially to the Decree of the Lateran Councell, to wit, that all such Canons doe onely teach, or declare, what hath beene done, or is to be done by Secular Princes, or their Officers. For, besides that the reason, which here Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth, why the Decree of the Lateran Councell cannot be expounded in this sense, (because saith he, the Canon of the Lateran Councell spea­keth of absolute Princes, is a meere prtitio principij, a giuing that for a reason, which is the maine question betweene vs, and hath not as yet beene suffici­ently prooued by him) the words of the Lateran Councell, according to their proper signification doe chiefly import this sense. For the Councell doth not decree, that the Pope may absolue those vassall from their fidelitie, but the words of the Councell onely are, that the Pope may denounce, that is, may declare, or teach, that those vassalls are absolued frō their fidelitie, to wit, by the consent, and authoritie of absolute Princes.

5 And if the Glosse, and diuerse other Doctors, whom I related elsewhere; expounding the Canon Alius, 15. q. 6. wherein Pope Gregory the 7th. in his Epistle to the Bishop of Mentz, affirmeth,Xpolog. nu. 444. that an other Bi­shop of Rome called Zacharie deposed the King of France from his king­dome, and absolued all the French-men from their oath of allegiance, doe thus interprete those wordes, hee deposed the King, and absol­ued the Frenchmen, that is, he consented to them that deposed him, and de­clared him to be lawfully deposed, and the Frenchmen to be lawfully ab­solued [Page 444] from their allegiance, why may not this Canon of the Lateran Councell bee vnderstood in this sense, that from that time the Pope may denounce, that is declare, and teach, that the vassalls of that temporall Landlord, Gouernour, or Lord, who, for neglecting to purge his territo­ries from heresie, is for a whole yeere excommunicated, are absolued from their fealty, and their territories exposed to be taken by Catho­likes, especially seeing that the word, denounce, or declare is in this Ca­non expresly contained?

6 And if any one obiect, that the words of the Lateran Councell cannot be well vnderstood in this sense, that the Pope may denounce, that is, may declare, and teach, that the vassals are absolued from their fealty, to wit, by force of some temporall law, or constitution, made by the consent and authority of absolute Princes, for that before this Councell of Lateran there was no such decree or constitution of tem­porall Princes, by vertue whereof the vassals of such a temporall Land-lord, were absolued from their fealty, and therefore those words of the Councell are so to bee vnderstood, that the Pope may not one­ly declare and teach that they are absolued, but also really absolue such vassals from their fealty. To this obiection I answere, that albeit I haue not seene any such temporall law, or Constitution of any tempo­rall Prince, before it is was enacted by Frederike the second Emperour fiue yeeres after this Lateran Councell, by vertue whereof such Ʋassalls are absolued from their fealtie, yet wee finde, that Pope Gregorie the seuenth, long before in the Canon Nos Sanctorum 15. q. 6. did absolue them, who either by allegiance, or by oath were obliged to excommunicated persons, from their oath of fidelitie, to which Canon those wordes of the Lateran Councell, if they bee vnderstood in the aforesaide sense, may haue reference, but then wee must consequently to our doctrine say, that both this decree of the Lateran Councell, forasmuch as it con­cerneth the inflicting of this temporall punishment, and also the Canon, Nos sanctorum haue onely force to binde in the territories of the Church, or the Popes Dominions, wherein hee being a tem­porall Prince hath authoritie to inflict temporall punishments, or that they haue force to binde by the consent, and authoritie of temporall Princes.

7 Neither haue I vsed any fraude in alleadging and applying the words of the Glosse to my purpose, as Mr. Fitzherbert vntruely affir­meth: Besides that, saith he,pa. 166. nu. 3 my Aduersarie Widdrington hath vsed no small fraude in the allegation, and application of the Glosse to his pur­pose: for whereas he mentioneth the Glosse vpon two seuerall decretalls, hee setteth downe onely the later, as though the same might serue indifferently for both, and were so meant by the Glosser, or that the two Decrees were both of one substance, and nature, as they are not, but farre different, and [Page 445] therefore doe require a different consideration.

8 But it is not true, that in setting downe the words of the later Glosse, to wit, vpon the Canon, Delatori, I haue omitted the wordes of the former Glosse vpon the Canon Hadrianus, seeing that the words of both Glosses are in substance all one, and haue the same sense, and signi­fication. For the words of the later Glosse are these, Sed qualiter dat Papa &c. But how doeth the Pope make lawes concerning the punishment of blood, against that decree of the Councell of Toledo 23. q. 8. his a quibus? But heere the Pope teacheth what the Secular Iudge ought to doe according to the Imperiall law 27. q. 1. si quis rapuerit. And the words of the former Glosse vpon the Canon Hadrianus, where the Pope com­mandeth the goods of all those who doe violate his Decree to be con­fiscated, are these: Hîc Ecclesia publicat, &c. Heere the Church doeth confiscate the goods of Lay-men, and sometimes shee deposeth Lay-men from their dignities 3 [...]. q. 5. praeceptum in fine. Or else say, that heere the Church teacheth what ought to bee done: so 24. q. 3. de illicita, and 5. q. 6. Delatori. Wherefore it is manifest that the wordes of both the Glosses haue the selfe same sense, seeing that for the vnderstan­ding of the former Glosse, hee remitteth his Reader to the wordes of the later Glosse, vpon the Canon Delatori, which I did set downe.

9 Neither did I intend to set downe all the expositions, which were brought by the former Glosse: It was sufficient for mee to bring that exposition of the Glosse, which serued to my purpose, to wit, that as the Pope in the Canon Delatori ordaining a temporall punishment, though criminall, did according to the Glosse teach, and declare what ought to bee done by the Secular Iudge according to the Imperiall law, so also the Pope in the Canon Hadrianus ordaining a temporall punish­ment, though ciuill, to wit, the confiscation of goods, did also accor­ding to one exposition of the Glosse teach and declare what ought to be done by the Secular Prince, or Iudge: and that therefore the same words, or answere of the Glosse vpon the Canon Delatori, which I only set downe, to which hee remitteth his Reader vpon the Canon Hadria­nus, might serue indifferently for both And although ciuill, and bloodie, or criminall punishments, as criminall is opposed to Ciuill, and the decrees which ordaine, and inflict the same, are of a diffe­rent substance, and nature in particular, yet in generall they are of the same substance, and nature, for that both of them are temporall punishments, and cannot, according to the probable doctrine of many learned Catholikes, be inflicted by the spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall, but onely by the ciuill, or temporall power; and that therefore when either of them are inflicted by spirituall Pastours, this proceedeth from the ciuill authoritie, priuiledges, or consent of temporall Princes, or [Page 446] if wee will needes haue such decrees to bee made by true spirituall au­thoritie, the Church in making such decrees, as well concerning ciuill, as criminall, or bloodie punishments, doeth according to the exposi­tions of the Glosse before rehearsed, teach, and declare, what a Secular Prince, or Iudge ought to doe.

10 But to the end, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 166. num. 4. that the Reader may the better vnderstand this matter, and the true sense, and meaning of these two Glosses, it is to bee considered first, that the Glosses of the Law being com­monly very briefe (and therefore many times obscure) are to bee vnder­stood according to the drift, sense, and circumstances, not only of the parti­cular Canons glossed, but also of other Canons, and Glosses in other parts, and places of the Law.

11 True it is, that when the Glosses, or expositions of the law are obscure, as being commonly briefe (although not so briefe, and for this respect not so obscure, as the law it selfe, for to little purpose were that Glosse, or exposition, wch is more obscure then the text it selfe) we must gather the sense, & meaning of such Glosses from the drift, sense, & circumstances not only of the particular Canons glossed, but also of other Canons and Glosses of the same Expositour, or glosser, in other parts, and places of the law; but with this caueat and prouiso, that if the same Glosser or Expositour bring two diuers or contrarie Expositions of the same Canon, which are grounded vpon two contrary opinions, we must haue a regard to distinguish these two contrary opinions, and the Glosses grounded thereon, and for the vnderstanding of the Glosse, or exposi­tion, which supposeth one opinion, not to flye to that Glosse, which sup­poseth the contrary doctrine and opinion, for otherwise we shall make the sense and meaning of the Glosses to be more obscure, and intricate, then plaine, and manifest. As for example, if the same Glosser or Ex­positour giue two diuers expositions of the same Canon, whereof the one supposeth the Pope to haue either direct, or indirect dominion in tem­porals, and to haue authority either directly, or indirectly, to dispose of temporals, and to inflict temporall punishment, and the other Glosse supposeth that hee hath no such dominion or authority in temporals, for the vnderstanding of that Glosse, which supposeth the Pope to haue such a dominion or authority in temporals, wee must not flye to that other Glosse, which supposeth that hee hath no such dominion or au­thority.

Page 167. num. 5.12 Secondly, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, the penalties imposed in the two decrees here glossed, are of different nature and quality, the one concerning onely the confiscation of goods, which is expresly ordained in diuers places of the law; and the other touching onely the effusion of bloud by death, or mu­tilation, which is no where ordained, or permitted, but expresly forbidden to all Ecclesiasticall Iudges.

[Page 447]13 But first, although it be true that the penalties imposed in these two Canons are of different nature, and qualitie in particular, for that the one ordaineth a ciuill punishment, to wit, the confiscation of goods, the other a criminall penaltie, to wit, the effusion of bloud by mutila­tion, and also death, yet both of them are, as I said before, of the same nature, and quality in generall, for that both of them ordaine temporall punishments, which cannot be inflicted by spirituall Pastours, by that authority which they haue receiued from Christ, but onely by the au­thority, priuiledges, and consent of temporall Princes, who onely haue authority to inflict temporall punishments, as death, exile, confiscation of goods, imprisonment, and such like. But with all this difference is to be obserued betwixt these two punishments, that although some Ec­clesiasticall persons, as diuers Bishops of Germany, being temporall Princes, haue authority to inflict both kinde of punishments, and to hang and draw, as our English prouerbe saith, within their temporall Dominions, yet Ecclesiasticall leuitie, as Saint Leo saith, doth shun these bloudy punish­ments, and the Canons of the Church doe forbid Cleargie-men to vse the same and to pronounce the sentence of death against any malefa­ctour whatsoeuer, immediately by themselues, but onely by their Offi­cers. Neuerthelesse, seeing that these Ecclesiasticall persons haue by the grant of temporall Princes authority, as we say, to hang and draw, and what their Officers, or Ministers doe in this case, they doe it by their authority, the aforesaid prohibition of the Church doth not take away, or depriue them of their authority and iurisdiction, but doth onely for­bid them to execute the same by themselues immediately, but onely by their Ministers. So that if a Cleargie-man, who is a temporall Prince, as are the Bishops of Collen, and Ments should, notwithstanding the pro­hibition of the Church, pronounce the sentence of death against any malefactour, who deserueth the same, although hee should offend a­gainst the prohibition of the Church, yet he should not offend against iustice, vsurping the power which he hath not, & by doing that which for want of temporall iurisdiction he hath no authority to doe, in that manner as an other man, who hauing no temporall iurisdiction, and condemning one to death, should offend.

14 Secondly therefore, although I doe not deny, that the confisca­tion of goods is expresly ordained in diuers places of the Canon law, as also the effusion of bloud by mutilation, and death is expresly ordained in this Canon, howsoeuer my Aduersary very boldly saith, that the effu­sion of bloud by mutilation, or death is no way ordained therein, yet if wee distinguish ordaining from commanding or imposing (because I haue euer granted, that spirituall Pastours haue authority to command, impose, and enioyne, but not to inflict temporall punishments) all such Canons wherein temporall punishments are inflicted, are either an approbation [Page 448] of the Imperiall law, or a teaching and declaring what ought to be done by the Secular Prince, or Iudge, as the Glosse expoundeth both this Ca­non, Delatori, wherein the effusion of bloud by death and mutilation is decreed, and also the Canon Hadrianus, wherein onely the confiscation of goods is ordained, or they were made and had force to binde by the consent of temporall Princes, as other Doctours, according to Hostiensis, Ioannes Andreas, and Pope Innocent interprete that so often vrged Canon, Ad abolendam, wherein Earles, Barons, Gouernours, and Con­suls of Cities, and other places, if they neglect to helpe the Church against he­retikes, are depriued of their honour.

15 Neuerthelesse these Canons, wherein temporall punishments are ordained, for that they are made by sacred, spirituall, or Ecclesiasti­call persons, though not by sacred, spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall, but by temporall and ciuill authority, granted them by the priuiledges, gift, or consent of temporall Princes, may be called sacred, Ecclesiasticall, and Apostolicall Canons, Gerson de po­test. Eccles. consi­der. 4. according to that which I. Gerson writeth that there are some of opinion that Excommunication is the last punishment which the Ecclesiasticall power of Iurisdiction by the first institution of Christ can in­flict, so that it is not extended to imprisonment, nor that any man be adiudged to death, or corporall whipping, but when the Ecclesiasticall Iudge doth this, he doth it by the grant of Princes, as the Cleargie by the deuotion of Princes, hath receiued great authority of temporall Iurisdiction, which iurisdiction, or censure is neuerthelesse called spirituall, as also the temporall goods of Ecclesi­asticall persons are called spirituall, because they are dedicated and applyed to them who serue the Church, as also the breads of proposition the first fruites, the tithes, also the vessels of the Temple, the Vestments and such like, were in the old law called sacred, or holy, so also the new law doth obserue the same. Thus Gerson.

16 Thirdly, the Glosse it selfe doth teach, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 167. num. 6. Glossa in verb. publicat., that by the former decree the Church doth ordaine the confiscation of goods, and deposition from dignities saying; Hìc Ecclesia publicat bona Laico­rum, & quandoque deponit à dignitatibus: Here the Church doth confiscate the goods of Lay-men, and sometimes deposeth from dig­nities. Thus saith the Glosse here, which Widdrington wholly dissembleth, because it maketh flatly against him, and he taketh hold, as it seemeth of the words immediately following, though he doe not alleage them; the words are, Vel dic, &c. Or say, that the Church teacheth here what ought to be done. Wherein it cannot be with reason imagined, that the Glosse contra­dicteth the former interpretation, seeing that it teacheth also in many other places that the Church may, and doth vse to impose temporall penalties by confiscation of goods, imprisonment, infamie, and banishment, as it may bee seene in the Glosses,Lib. Detret. cap. Licet. tit. de Paenis. vpon 17. q. 4. Attendendum est, 16. q. 1. Statui­mus, 27. q. 4. Quisquis, and vpon the Decree, Licet. tit. de poenis, where [Page 449] the Glosse affirmeth expresly, that if the Law doe ordaine only a spirituall punishment, or a corporall, the Iudge cannot change it into another, except hee can dispence in the crime committed; and that when the Law determineth nothing concerning the penaltie of the crime, it is left to the will of the Iudge, whether he will impose a pecuniarie penaltie or any other; and lastly, when the Iudge can dispence touching the crime, he may inflict a penaltie of, or some other. Thus saith the Glosse.

17 But first, it is not true, as you haue seene aboue, that I either omitted to alleadge the second answere of the Glosse vpon the Canon Hadrianus, seeing that it is all one with that, which I did alleadge vp­on the Canon Delatori, to which the Glosse remitteth himselfe for his second answere, or that I dissembled the first answere of the Glosse, which teacheth, that the Church doeth ordaine the confiscation of goods, seeing that I onely intended to bring there, those answeres of the Glosse which made for my doctrine, and not those which made against it, as if a man intend only to set downe Authours, who fauour any one opi­nion, may without any dissimulation omit to relate those Authours, who are against it.

18 Secondly, is it possible, that Mr. Fitzherbert can be so ignorant, as to conceiue, that the Glosse doeth then contradict it selfe, when it bringeth two diuerse expositions of one text or Canon, which suppose two contrarie opinions of Doctours, and whereof the one contradicteth the other? Will hee say,Bell. l. 2. de Rom. [...]ont. cap. 29. that Cardinall Bellarmine contradicteth him­selfe when to that text of holy Scripture Iohn 19. Thou shouldest not haue any power against me, vnlesse it were giuen thee from aboue, bringeth two answeres, or expositions, whereof the one contradicteth the other; the first of Saint Cyrill, and Saint Chrysostome, that our Sauiour did not speake in that place of true power of Iurisdiction, but onely of diuine permission, and the other of S. Augustine, and S. Bernard, that Christ spake there of true power of Iurisdiction: and likewise, when to that text, I appeale to Caesar Act. 25. hee answereth first, that Saint Paul did appeale to Caesar de facto, but not de iure; and secondly that hee did appeale to him both de facto, and de iure: or when in the same place to another obiection hee giueth two answeres, whereof the one contra­dicteth the other, the first is, that in the old law the kingdome was aboue the Priesthood, and the second, that the Priesthood was aboue the kingdome.

19 For this is a most vsuall thing, for the same Authour to bring to the same Canon, text, or obiection two contrarie answeres, when they are grounded vpon two contrarie opinions, whereof both are taught, and maintained by learned men. Wherefore Ioannes Teutonicus the Glosser of this Canon, Hadrianus, may without any contradiction bring two contrarie expositions of this Canon, when they are grounded vpon [Page 450] the doctrine of learned men, whose opinions in that point are one con­trarie to the other: As the first glosse of this Canon, Hadrianus, seemeth to follow the doctrine of those, who hold, that the Ecclesiasticall power can by the institution of Christ inflict temporall punishments; and the second of those, who holde the contrarie, to wit, that it can onely command, impose, or enioyne temporall penalties, and teach, or de­clare what a temporall Prince, or Iudge ought to doe, and compell them also to doe their duties, but not by inflicting temporall punish­ments but onely spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall Censures: and in like ma­ner Hostiensis, Ioannes Andreas, and Pope Innocent before cited brought two contrarie expositions of the same Canon, Ad abolendam, which were grounded vpon these two contrarie opinions touching the Popes power to depriue Lay-men of their temporall honour.

20 But the reason of Mr. Fitzherberts errour is, for that hee, silly man, seemeth to bee ignorant, how according to the rules of Logike modall propositions are contradictorie one to the other: for to make them contradictorie, the contradiction must bee in the mo­dus, and not in the dictum: as these two propositions are not con­tradictorie, for that both them may be together true, It is the opinion of learned men, that our Sauiours words to Pilate, Thou shouldest not, &c. are to bee vnderstood of true power of iurisdiction, for so tea­cheth Saint Augustine, and Saint Bernard: and, It is the opinion of learned men, that they are not to bee vnderstood of true power of Iu­risdiction, but only of diuine permission, for so Saint Cyrill, and Saint Chrysostome doe affirme: but to make them contradictorie, the contradi­ction must bee in the modus, as thus; It is the opinion of learned men, that those words of our Sauiour are to bee vnderstood of true power of Iurisdiction, and, It is not the opinion of learned men, that they are to bee vnderstood of true power of Iurisdiction, for these two pro­positions cannot bee both true, but if the one bee true, the other must of necessitie bee false, and contrariwise. Seeing therefore that the Glosse heere vpon the Canon Hadrianus did not intend to bring on­ly those expositions of this Canon, which were certaine and out of con­trouersie, but which were agreeable to the doctrine, and opinions of learned men, although the first Glosse were contradictorie to the se­cond in the dictum, yet because they are not contradictorie in the modus, for that both of them are approoued by learned men, the Glosser cannot be truly said to contradict himselfe in bringing these two contrarie Glos­ses of the same words, both which learned Authours doe maintaine.

21 But thirdly, neither can Mr. Fitzherbert sufficiently prooue, that the former Glosse maketh flat against me, and contradicteth the se­cond so much as in the dictum. For albeit the expresse wordes of the former Glosse are these, Heere the Church doeth confiscate the goods of [Page 451] Lay-men, and sometimes deposeth them from dignities: Yet these words, confiscate, and depose, may very well bee vnderstood as the same Glosse expoundeth the word depose, vpon the Canon, Alius 15. q. 6. where it is written, that Pope Zacharie did depose the King of France; for af­ter the Glosse had brought arguments pro, and contra, for, and against the Popes power to depose the Emperour, at the last hee answereth thus, Hee is saide to haue deposed the King, who consented to them that deposed him, or, which in sense is all one, as others expound, who taught, or declared, that hee might bee deposed: And according to this exposition the later Glosse doth not contradict the former, but is rather an expli­cation thereof. For it is all one in sense, to say, that the Church doeth confiscate the goods of Lay-men, and sometimes deposeth them from dignities, to wit, by consenting to them who doe depose, and con­fiscate, or, which is all one, by teaching and declaring, that they ought to bee deposed, and their goods confiscated, which is the former Glosse, and to say, that the Church doeth teach, or declare, what ought to bee done by the Secular Prince, or Iudge concer­ning the deposing of Lay-men, and confiscating their goods, which is the later Glosse, and, as you haue seene, all one in sense with the former.

22 Besides, the former of these two glosses heere doth only teach, that the Church doeth confiscate the goods of Lay-men, and some­times deposeth them from dignities, which I neuer denyed, but that the Church doeth confiscate the goods of Lay men, and deposeth them from dignities, by that spirituall power which she hath receiued from Christ, and not onely from that temporall authoritie, wherewith shee is endued by the graunt, and consent of temporall Princes, this the former Glosse, which my Aduersarie vntruely saith to bee flat against me, doeth not teach in this place, but rather the flat contrarie: seeing that for proofe of the aforesaid assertion the Glosse alledgeth the Canon, Praeceptum. 32. q. 5. which Canon is a decree of the 12. Councell of Tole­do in Spaine, which was gathered by the command of King Eringius, who confirmed that Decree, and whereat not onely the Bishops of Spaine, but also the King, and the Officers of the Kings Pallace were present; and the King himselfe in his speech to the Councell did coniure not only the Bishops, but also the Officers of his Pallace to examine, and ap­prooue the things, which were there propounded; whereupon not only the Bishops, but also 15. Noblemen of the Kings Pallace doe subscribe their names to the decrees of that Councell. See Binnius tom. [...] Concil. in Conc. Tolet. 12 And the Glosse it selfe ex­pounding those words of this Canon, Praeceptum, ipsi sesuis meritis & a Palatinae dignitatis officio separabunt It is an argument, saith the Glosse, that if any man contemne Excommunication, the Secular Iudge, or his Land-Lord hath power to depriue him of his feude, or farme.

[Page 452]23 Neither from any decree of the Canon law, or from any glosse, or exposition of Ioannes Teutonicus, who glossed these decrees collected by Gratian, can it be certainely gathered, that the Church by her spiri­tuall power which she receiued from Christ, but onely by the grant and authority of temporall Princes, may inflict temporall punishments, for of her power to inflict spirituall censures, and also to command, im­pose, or enioyne temporall penalties, there is no controuersie betweene my Aduersaries and me. Neither also from any of those foure glosses here cited by Mr. Fitzherbert, to wit, either vpon the Canon Atteden­dum, which Canon as I shewed aboue, is falsly attributed to Pope Vrba­nus the second, and by all probability the whole Canon Attendendū, is forged, and by some one or other inserted into that decretall Epistle, which goeth vnder the name of Pope Vrbanus, or vpon the Canon, Statuimus, or Quisquis, or Licet, de poenis, (which last Canon, Licet, is not glossed by Ioannes Teutonicus, whose authority I brought vpon the Canon, Hadrianus, who expounded only the Decrees collected by Gra­tian, and not the Decretals) can it bee forcibly concluded, that the Church, that is, the spirituall Pastours of the Church may, without the authority and consent of temporall Princes, inflict temporall punish­ments: yea, the first Glosse vpon the Canon Licet, de poenis, here cited by my Aduersary, doth clearely fauour my doctrine. For demanding why Archdeacons doe exact of Lay-men, a pecuniary penalty, as it is menti­oned in that Canon, he answereth, because perhaps they were vnder their temporall Iurisdiction, or they haue this by custome.

24 Neither from the practise of the Church which Mr. Fitzher­bert doth so inculcate can any thing be conuinced against this my do­ctrine; And hereof, saith heePage 168. num 7., the practise is, and hath alwaies beene most manifest in the Church, and acknowledged by the Canonists, to bee grounded on the Canons, (as partly hath appeared already, and shall appeare further Infra nu. 12. 13. 14. 15. & seq. after a while) and therefore I say that those Glosses obiected by Widdrington must either bee so vnderstood, that they may agree the one with the other, and with the Glosses of other Canons, yea with the generall opinion and doctrine of the Canonists, and with the whole course and practise of the Canon Law, or else they are to be reiected as absurd, erroneous, and false.

25 But although it bee true, that for many hundreds of yeares since that Christian Princes haue indewed the Church with great power of ciuill Iurisdiction, the practise of the Church hath beene to inflict pecuniarie mulcts, yet it is not true that it was the practise of the primi­tiue Church to inflict, but onely to command, impose, or enioyne tem­porall penalties, and this onely can be prooued by any authenticall Ca­non, as I haue shewed aboue by answering all the Canons which my Aduersary hath alleadged. And although also since the time of Pope [Page 453] Gregory the 7. who was the first Pope that began to challenge to him­selfe authority as due to him by the institution of Christ, to inflict tem­porall punishments, to dispose of all temporals, and to depose temporall Princes, diuers Popes, and other learned men haue with might, and maine by fauours and threatnings laboured to maintaine, and aduance this doctrine, and practise, for which cause it is no maruaile, as I haue elsewhere obserued,Apol. nu. 449. that their opinion hath beene the more common, and generall in Schooles, yet for that it hath beene euer contradicted by Christian Princes, and learned Catholikes, for which cause Ioannes Azorius a learned Iesuite expresly saith,Azor. tom. 2. lib. 12. ca. 5. q. 8. that it hath euer beene a great controuersie betwixt Emperours, and Kings on the one side, and the Bishops of Rome on the other, whether the Pope in certaine cases hath right and au­thority to depriue Kings of their Kingdomes, and about this the Schoole-men are at variance, and as yet the controuersie, saith TrithemiusIn Chro. mo­nast. Hirsang. an. 1106., is not decided by the Iudge, and very many Doctours, as Almaine affirmeth, doe denie that the Ecclesiasticall power can by the institution of Christ inflict any temporall punishment, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, De Dominio natur. ciuit. & Eccles. conclus. 2 & in probatio­ne illius. but only spirituall censures: It canot, I say, be truly called the general doctrine and practise of the Church, neither are those Glosses and expositions of those Canonists, who fauour this doctrine, sufficient to decide the con­trouersie, neither can the other Glosses, and expositions, which are grounded vpon the contrary doctrine, and contradict the former glosses, without grosse temeritie bee reiected as erroneous, absurd, and false.

26 And truely in my opinion it is greatly to be maruailed, and worthy also the obseruation, that albeit for so many hundreds of yeeres both Popes, and other Cleargie men haue so earnestly laboured to maintaine and aduance this doctrine and practise of Pope Gregory the seuenth, touching the Popes authoritie to depose Princes, and to dispose of temporalls, which neuerthelesse Sigebert did not feare to call a nouelty, Sigebert. ad annum 1088. not to say, an heresie, yet considering the great opposition, which this doctrine and practise hath euer had, by reason whereof it was behoo­uing to haue the matter made cleere, and out of controuersie, yet, I say, there cannot be found any one Canon, constitution, or definition ei­ther of Pope, or Councell, generall, or Prouinciall, wherein it is plain­ly decreed, that the Pope, or Church, hath by the institution of Christ, authoritie to depose temporall Princes, to dispose of temporalls, or to in­flict temporall punishments; but the certaintie of this doctrine must chiefly bee grounded vpon the facts of Popes, which how weake a ground it is to prooue a true right, and authoritie, any man of iudge­ment may plainly see, and I haue also shewed elsewhereApol. nu. 444 & seq..

27 Now then, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Page 168. num. 8., seeing that the Glosser ac­knowledgeth in his former glosse, that the Church doth by the Canon, or­daine [Page 454] the confiscation of Lay-mens goods, and depriuation of their dignities (which is also confirmed by diuers other Canons and glosses, and the practise of the Church) it cannot, as I haue said, bee imagined, that hee meant to contradict it, by that, which followeth either in the same glosse, or in the o­ther vpon the Canon, Delatori.

28 But this hath beene at large already answered, and first, that albeit the former glosse doth acknowledge, that the Church doth by this Canon ordaine the confiscation of Lay-mens goods, and depriuation of their dignities, which is also confirmed by the practise of the Church, yet the former glosse doth not acknowledge, that the Church doth ordaine this by that authoritie, which shee hath receiued from Christ, and not from the grant, and priuiledges of Christian Princes, whereof onely wee now dispute. Secondly, that those words of the former glosse, confiscate, and depose, may well bee vnderstood in that sense, wherein the same Glosser expoundeth the word depose, in the Ca­non, Alius 15. q. 6. and so, as I shewed before, the later glosse doth not contradict the former, but it is rather an explication thereof: and third­ly, that albeit we should grant, that the later glosse, or exposition is re­pugnant to the former, yet it is no absurdity for the same Glosser, or Ex­positour to bring two contrarie glosses, or expositions, when they are grounded vpon the contrary opinions of learned Authours, which may without any errour, or absurditie be followed, as I declared aboue by diuers examples.

29 And therefore wee must distinguish, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 169. nu. 8. be­twixt the Canon, and the execution thereof, and say, that when he affirmeth in the former Glosse, that the Church teacheth there what ought to bee done, and againe in the later, that the Church teacheth what the Secular Iudge ought to doe, he speaketh onely (as the very words import) of the exe­cution of these two Canons, giuing also to vnderstand, that the execution of penall lawes doth belong sometimes to the Secular Iudge, and not to the Eccle­siasticall, especially in cases touching life and death, or effusion of blood; albeit in many other cases the Ecclesiasticall Iudge may not onely ordaine, but also execute pecuniary and other temporall penalties, in which respect the Coun­cell of Trent (which my Aduersarie Widdrington, if he bee a Catholike, as he pretendeth to bee, must needes admit for a lawfull Councell) decreeth, that Ecclesiasticall Iudges shall abstaine from Censures, when they may by their owne authority proceed against the delinquents by reall or personall exe­cution. So as I will conclude, that these glosses, which Widdrington al­ledgeth, either doe make nothing against vs, or if they doe, they doe mani­festly contradict as well themselues, as other Glosses, and many expresse Ca­nons, and the doctrine of all learned Canonists, yea the whole course and con­tinuall practise of the Canon law.

30 But first, as no man maketh doubt, but that wee must distin­guish [Page 455] betwixt Canons, or lawes, and the execution thereof, so also no doubt can be made, but that the Prince, or Law-maker either spirituall or temporall, who hath authority to make the Canon, or law, hath al­so authority to execute the same, for that the executioner of the law is a meere Minister, and Officer of the Prince, who enacted the law: and what he doth, he doth not by his owne authoritie, but by the autho­rity committed to him by the Prince: and therefore whatsoeuer a Prince either spirituall, or temporall hath authority to execute by his Minister, or Officer, hee hath also authority to execute by himselfe. Wherefore seeing that the Glosser doth expound these Canons alike, as it may appeare by this, that in the second Glosse vpon the Canon, Hadria­nus he remitteth the Reader to the Canon, Delatori, signifying there­by, that both the Canon, Hadrianus, which ordaineth the confiscation of goods, and also the Canon, Delatori, wherein the effusion of blood by mutilation and death is ordained, are to bee vnderstood in the same sense, if the meaning of the Glosse vpon the Canon, Delatori, was one­ly to teach, that an Ecclesiasticall Iudge could not execute that Decree, which ordaineth the effusion of blood, but it must bee executed by a Secular Iudge, his meaning also was in the Canon, Hadrianus to teach, that an Ecclesiasticall Iudge cannot also execute that decree, which ordaineth the confiscation of goods, which no man of learning can affirme, for that Ecclesiasticall persons are not by the Ca­nons of the Church forbidden to execute decrees, which ordaine the confiscation of goods, but onely those decrees, which ordaine the effusion of blood, albeit by the graunt, and priuiledges of tem­porall Princes they may haue authority to execute the one, and the other.

31 Whereby secondly it is apparant, that the Glosse affirming, that the Church in both those Canons doth teach what a Secular Iudge ought to doe, did not intend to speake onely of the execution of those Canons, for that also a Secular Iudge, whose office is to giue sentence, and to declare the meaning of the law in this particular case, or crime, is not properly an Executioner of the law, because after his sentence, the law may still remaine not executed, but also of the Decrees and Canons themselues, and of the authority, which the Church hath to make such Canons, and to teach, that the Church by her proper spirituall power, which shee hath receiued from Christ, hath not authority to make Decrees, which ordaine the inflicting of temporall punishments whatsoeuer, whether they bee criminall, or onely ciuill, for that the making of such Decrees belong onely to the Ciuill, and not to the Ec­clesiasticall power, which according to the doctrine of very many Doc­tours, whom the Glosser in the aforesaid Glosses doth follow, is not ex­tended to the inflicting of temporall punishments, but onely of Ec­clesiasticall [Page 456] Censures, albeit by that ciuill power and iurisdiction, which spirituall Pastours haue receiued by the grant of Secular Princes (which their ciuill power and iurisdiction may bee also called sacred, Ecclesiasticall, and their owne power) they haue authoritie to inflict as well criminall, as ciuill punishments, notwithstanding the Church hath forbid them to meddle with the effusion of blood. And this temporall and ciuill authoritie and iurisdiction of spirituall Pastours, which the prohibition of the Church, as I said before, doth not take away, the Councell of Trent calleth their owne authoritie, although they haue receiued it not from the institution of Christ, but from the grant of Secular Princes, in that manner as the temporall goods of Church-men are called sacred, Ecclesiasticall, and their owne proper goods, as I declared a little aboue out of Gerson.

32 So as I will conclude, that these two Glosses, which I haue heere alledged doe greatly fauour my doctrine, concerning the vncer­taintie of the Popes power, to inflict by the institution of Christ tem­porall punishments, and doe no way contradict the course and practise of the Church, or any Canon thereof, and that albeit they were repug­nant to themselues, as also according to a probable exposition of the same Glosser, I haue shewed they are not, yet this were nothing to the purpose, seeing that they are grounded vpon two contrary opinions taught, and maintained by learned Catholikes: although I will not deny, that they are repugnant to many other Glosses, and to the more common opinion of the Canonists, who make the Pope a temporall Monarch of the whole Christian world, and to haue dominion and authoritie in temporalls not onely directly, but also indirectly: And therefore the common doctrine of the Canonists (who, as Pope Pius the fifthSee Nauar. in c. Nō liceat 12. q. 2. §. tertio nu. 6 did freely acknowledge, doe attribute more authority to the Pope then is fit) in points concerning the Popes authoritie, especially when they are therein contradicted by other learned Catholikes, is but a very weake ground to build any infallible doctrine, or point of faith thereon.

33 Besides that it is to be considered, Pag. 169. nu. 9. 10 saith Mr. Fitzherbert, that it little importeth for our question, whether the Church can execute temporall penalties, seeing it hath the power and authoritie not onely to inflict them, but also to force the Secular Magistrate to execute them, which shall ap­peare further Infra nu 11 & 15. after a while, and is not contradicted by the Glosse obiected by Widdrington, except onely concerning the imposition of bloody penalties, which indeed the said Glosse doth exclude by an expresse Canon, as wee also doe in this question, affirming onely, as I haue said before, that the Church may in some cases both ordaine and execute certaine corporall, and temporall penalties, without the effusion of blood by mutilation or death. And this is so manifest in the Canon law, that truely a man may wonder [Page 457] with what face Widdrington can seeke by some peece of an obscure Glosse to ouerthrow the cleere, and manifest sense of the law it selfe, and the euident and ancient practise of the Church, which hee knoweth in his consci­ence to bee grounded vpon the Ecclesiasticall Canons; but heereby wee may see, that his intent is no other, but to patch vp his pretended proba­bility with shifts and shewes of whatsoeuer hee can wring, and wrest to his purpose.

34 But truely I cannot but maruaile, with what face this man dare so boldly affirme, that it little importeth for our question, whether the Church can execute temporall penalties, or no, yet granting, as you see he doth, that the Church hath power and authority to inflict them (for of the power of the Church to compell or force by Ecclesiasticall Cen­sures the Secular Magistrate wee doe not now dispute) seeing that au­thority to inflict temporall penalties, and to execute them, are either all one, or, if we will distinguish them by taking authority to inflict them, for authority to make lawes to inflict them, the former doth necessari­ly inferre the later. For what man euen of meane learning, or vnder­standing can bee so ignorant, as to imagine, that euery Prince either spirituall, or temporall, who hath supreme authoritie to inflict any pe­nalties, hath not authoritie also to execute the same. Neither can it bee denied, but that the Pope, and also other Bishops of Germany, who are both spirituall Pastours, and also temporall Princes, haue authoritie to ordaine, inflict, and execute, not onely certaine corporall, and temporall penalties, without the effusion of blood, as is the confiscation of goods, but all corporall and temporall penalties, euen with effusion of blood by mutilation, and death. For although they are forbidden by expresse Canons of the Church, not to concurre to the effusion of blood, yet this prohibition doth not depriue them of any iote of their temporall authoritie, which they did not receiue from the Church, but from the grant of temporall Princes; insomuch that if contrary to the Canons of the Church they should pronounce the sentence of death, yea & execute the same vpon any malefactour that deserueth death accor­ding to the law, they should not offend against iustice, for vsurping that ciuill authoritie, which they haue not, in that manner as another pri­uate man, who hath no temporall authority should offend, but against Religion, for not obeying the iust commandement of their supreme spi­rituall Superiour.

35 And this is so manifest in the knowne principles of Morall Phi­losophie, of Schoole Diuinitie, of the Canon, and Ciuill law, and in the practise of the whole Christian world, that no man of any learning can with any face denie the same. But this is the vsuall tricke of my Aduersarie to blind his Readers vnderstanding with the obscuritie of generall words, not distinguishing the true state of the question, and [Page 458] then crying out against me, that I denie the Decrees of Generall Coun­cells, the Ecclesiastiall Canuos, and the practise of the Church, which is a meere fiction of his owne braine: For all the Canons of the holy Church I doe embrace with all dutifull respect, but I doe not vnder­stand them alwayes in that sense, as he, and others of his opinion doe expound them; and I doe willingly grant, that the practise of the Church, since she hath beene endewed by Christian Princes with many temporall priuiledges of Ciuill Iurisdiction, hath beene to inflict, and execute certaine temporall penalties without effusion of blood by death, or mutilation, but that which I contend is, that it cannot be suf­ficiently prooued by any Canon, or practise of the Church, that spiri­tuall Pastours doe ordaine, inflict, or execute such temporall penalties by their spirituall authoritie, which they haue receiued from Christ, but onely by their ciuill and temporall power, which hath beene graunted them by the free gift, and liberalitie of temporall Princes. And thus much concerning these two Glosses of Ioannes Teutonicus, vpon the Ca­non, Hadrianus, & Delatori, which without any wringing or wresting of their words, or meaning, I haue shewed to make cleere for my pur­pose.

36 The second principall exception, which M. Fitzherbert taketh against me in this my second answere to the obiection, which I pro­pounded, is for adding immediately certaine words out of Siluester, as fauouring my aforesaid answere. Also Siluesters words, said I, ‘doe fauour this answere, who writeth thus: Ioannes Andreas following Hostiensis, is of opinion, that a Bishop cannot impose a pecuniarie penaltie vpon a Lay-man, that is not temporally subiect vnto him but that he ought to make it to be inflicted by the Secular Iudge.

37 Against this Mr. Fitzherbert obiecteth,Pag. 170. nu. 12. & seq. that Widdrington hath dissembled that, which immediately followeth in Siluester, to the end that his Reader may suppose, that not onely Hostiensis, and Ioannes An­dreas, but also Siluester was of that opinion; whereas Siluester hauing said, that which Widdrington obiecteth, addeth presently, sed hoc non placet Panormitano, but this doctrine doth not please Panormitan, because when the case is such, that the Iudge doth challenge iurisdiction ouer a Lay-man, there appeareth no reason, why he cannot in the foresaid cases impose vpon him a pecuniarie penaltie, as it may be seene in cap. Statuimus 16. q. 1. and 27. q. 4. cap. Quisquis. Thus saith Siluester alled­ging Pànormitans words, and the Canons, by the which hee prooueth, that a Bishop may impose a pecuniarie penaltie vpon a Lay-man, that is not tempo­rally subiect vnto him; which Canons are indeede very cleare for that point, especially cap. Quisquis 27. q. 4. Where it is ordained, that a sacrilegious person shall pay thirtie pounds of siluer to the Bishop, or Abbot, or any Eccle­siasticall Iudge, to whom the knowledge of the cause shall appertaine, as it may [Page 459] appeare both by the Canon, and the Glosse. Besides that, Panormitan,Panorm. vbi supra. (whom Siluester citeth) teacheth expresly, that when the Bishop proceedeth iuridically and no certaine penaltie is ordained by the Law, he may impose a penaltie of money, though he cannot doe it, when the Law ordaineth expresly an other, except it be for a crime, wherein he hath power to dispence for then he may inflict a pecuniarie penaltie, though some other be assigned by the Law, as I haue also shewed before Supra. nu. 6. out of the Glosse in cap. Licet, tit. de poenis.

38 This being then Panomitans doctrine approoued by Siluester (who followeth him altogether in this question) it appeareth that Widdrington might haue easily seene, if it had pleased him, that Siluester doth not any way fauour his opinion, nor impugne our doctrine concerning the Popes power to dispose of temporall things in order to spirituall, which is the principall questi­on controuersed betwixt vs. You haue heard before, Chap. 11. nu. 3. that Hostiensis ex­presly teacheth, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, and Siluester doth the like, being also both of them of the number of the Canonists, who teach, Hostiens. in cap. Quod su­per his de voto, & voti re­dempt. Siluest. in Sum. verbo Papa nu. 1. 11. & 12. that the Pope hath a direct Dominion ouer temporall things, no lesse then ouer spirituall, and therefore it is euident, that they cannot any way make for my Aduersarie Widdrington.

39 But it is vntrue, that I either dissembled, or omitted that which immediately followeth in Siluester, to the end that the Reader may suppose, that not onely Hostiensis, and Ioannes Andreas, but also Siluester was of that opinion; but the reason why I omitted that, which immediately followeth in Siluester, to wit, Sed hoc non placet Panormitano, but this pleaseth not Panormitan, was, for that it did nothing import our question to know of what opinion either Panormitan, or also Siluester himselfe were concerning that point; for that which I intended to proue out of Siluesters words was this, that it is no vndoubted point of faith, but onely an opinion, according to Siluester, that Bishops can inflict a pecuniarie penaltie vpon a Lay-man, that is not temporally subiect vnto them, and the words of Siluester doe sufficiently shew, that it is onely an opinion among the Canonists: and therefore that either Panormitan, or Siluester, or any other Canonist be of the contrarie opi­nion, it is nothing to the purpose. Neither doth the Canon, Statuimus, or Quisquis cited by Panormitan, and Siluester make against my do­ctrine, foc they doe onely shew that a spirituall Iudge may inflict a pe­cuniarie mulct, but that he may inflict it by his spirituall authoritie, and consequently vpon Lay-men that are not temporally subiect vnto him without the consent of their temporall Prince, they doe not shew: and the Canon, Quisquis, which Mr. Fitzherbert thinketh to be so cleere in this point, is taken out of an Epistle of Pope Iohn the eight, wherein he commaunded, that the decrees of a Councell called Trecense which was approoued by authoritie of Lewis the Emperour, should be obserued: and the first Glosse vpon the Canon Licet, tit. de poenis, doth expresly [Page 460] fauour my doctrine, as I haue signified before.

40 And albeit both Hostiensis, and Siluester be themselues of o­pinion, that the Pope is by the institution of Christ a temporall Mo­narch of the whole Christian world, and hath direct dominion, not one­ly in spiritualls, but also in temporalls, and consequently that hee may inflict temporall punishments, dispose of all temporalls, and depose tem­porall Princes, for that all Christians both Princes, and subiects are ac­cording to their opinion, subiect to him directly in temporalls, and so in this point they make nothing for my doctrine, yet they make great­ly for my doctrine in this, that by their answeres it may be plainely ga­thered, that they hold it onely for an opinion, as at this present I contend it onely to be, and that other Authors doe not agree with them there­in, as to the answere of Hostiensis to the Canon, Ad abolendam, I haue shewed before, and also by this answere of Siluester you may see more cleerely beneath, in this, I say, it is euident, that they greatly make for my doctrine.

41 Besides that, it little importeth, saith Mr. Fitzher. Pag. 172. nu. 15. 16. 17. whether the Bishop may according to the Canons impose a temporall penaltie vpon such Lay-men, as are not his temporall subiects, seeing he may by the opinion of those three, whom my Aduersarie Widdrington alledgeth make it to be in­flicted by the Secular Iudge, or Magistrate, in which case it is done by the Bi­shops authoritie, and the Secular Magistrate is but his instrument, and Mi­nister to execute his will. Furthermore, put the case, that the Bishop could not impose a pecuniarie penaltie vpon a Lay-man, that is not his temporall sub­iect, will Widdrington conclude thereupon, that therefore the Pope may not doe it? Will he be so absurd to restraine the supreme iurisdiction of the Pope to the inferiour power of a Bishop? as well might he say, that a King can doe no more in like case, then an inferiour temporall Magistrate; and that because the Iudge cannot pardon a person condemned, therefore the King can­not doe it; who knoweth not that the Church hath prescribed to her Magi­strates certaine limits for the exercise of their authoritie, and iurisdiction, al­lowing to some more, and to some lesse, which they cannot exceede? Therefore it were absurd to say, that a Bishop cannot excommunicate, because a Parish-Priest cannot doe it; But much more absurd, and ridiculous it is to say, that the Pope (who hath plenitudinem potestatis) cannot dispose of temporall things in some cases, because a Bishop cannot impose a pecuniarie penaltie vp- a Lay man, that is not his temporall subiect, as Widdrinton seemeth to argue, for otherwise his obiection concerning the Bishops power is to no purpose. So as you see vpon what probabilities he grounded his doctrine, being found to be either fraudulent, or impertinent in euery thing that hee vndertaketh to answere or obiect as you shall also further see by that, which yet followeth for the confirmation of his pretended answere.

42 But Mr. Fitzherbert seeketh still to blind his Readers vnder­standing [Page 461] with a confuse ambiguitie of equiuocall words. For although it litle importeth, whether a Bishop may inflict a pecuniarie penaltie vp­on a Lay-man that is not his temporall subiect, or make it to be infli­cted by the Secular Iudge by forcing the Iudge thereunto, not onely by spirituall, but also by temporall compulsion, or coercion, seeing that in this case it is done by the Bishops authoritie, and the Seculiar Iudge is but his instrument, and Minister to execute his will, yet that a Bishop may on­ly make a pecuniarie penaltie to be inflicted by a Seculiar Iudge by for­cing him thereunto by Ecclesiasticall Censures, and not by temporall compulsion, this doth very much import, and altogether fauour my doctrine. For I doe not now contend about the Ecclesiasticall power, as by the institution of Christ it is directiue, or, which is all one, com­maunding, imposing, or inioyning, for I doe not denie, as I haue often said, that spirituall Pastours may by their spirituall authoritie com­maund, impose, and inioyne temporall Princes to make temporall lawes, as Saint Ambrose did the Emperour Theodosius, and to inflict temporall punishments in order to spirituall good, in which case those lawes are not made, nor those temporall penalties are inflicted by the authoritie of spirituall Pastours, as though temporall Princes were on­ly their instruments, and Ministers to execute their wills, as inferiour Magistrates are onely instruments and Ministers to execute the will of the Prince, but I doe now onely contend about the Ecclesiasticall power, as it is coerciue, or punishing, and I vtterly denie, that it is a cer­taine, and vndoubted point of faith, that the spirituall coerciue power of the Church doth extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, but onely of Ecclesiasticall Censures.

43 Secondly that fraude and impertinencie, which Mr. Fitzher­bert doth vntruely attribute to my answeres and obiections, I haue clearely shewed to bee found in euery one of his Replies. And as tou­ching that absurditie which he now obiecteth against my answere, it is cleere, that the maine question betwixt my Aduersaries and me, is not concerning the power, which either the Pope, or inferiour Bishops haue by the grant, consent and authoritie of temporall Princes, I doe not say, to commaund, impose, or inioyne, but to inflict temporall penalties vpon Lay-men, who are not their temporall subiects, but whether any spirituall Pastour, whether he be an inferiour Bishop, or also the Pope himselfe hath by the institution of Christ authoritie to inflict such tem­porall penalties. And indeed my purpose is to conclude, that because it is probable that an inferiour Bishop hath no such authoritie by the in­stitution of Christ & iure diuino, therefore it is also probable, that the Pope iure diuino, and by the institution of Christ hath no such authority: and vpon what probabilitie this my consequence is grounded, and how absurdly Mr. Fitzherbert condemneth it of ridiculous absurditie, you shall forthwith perceiue.

[Page 462] Bell. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. ca. 344 And first, according to Cardinall Bellarmines grounds, that which the Pope is in the vniuersall Church, is euery Bishop in the particular, which assertion he brought to prooue, that if the Pope be a direct Lord in temporals of the vniuersall Church, then euery Bishop is also a direct Lord in temporals of his owne particular Church, or Diocesse, which con­sequent he affirmeth to be manifestly false, and therefore hee denyeth also that the Pope is a direct Lord in temporals of the vniuersall Church. Now from the same assertion I may as well conclude, that if the Pope be an indirect Lord in temporals of the vniuersall Church, and may inflict temporall punishments vpon all Christians in order to spirituall good, then euery Bishop is also an indirect Lord in temporals in his owne par­ticular Diocesse, and may in order to spirituall good inflict temporall punishments vpon the Christians of his Diocesse, because euery Bishop in his particular Diocesse is that which the Pope is in the vniuersall Church: And therefore to argue according to the rules of Logicke, à destructione consequentis ad destructionem antecedentis, from the ouerthrowing or denying of the consequent to the denying of the antecedent, If a Bishop in his owne Diocesse, cannot according to the institution of Christ inflict a pecuniarie mulct, or temporall penalty of money vpon those Lay-men that are not his temporall subiects, neither can the Pope in the v­niuersall Church doe the same.

Victoria in re­lect. 2. de potest. Eccles. Castro lib. 2. de iusta Haeres. punit. cap. 24. Vasques. 1. 2. disp. 152. cap. 3. num. 28.45 Secondly, according to the doctrine of the Diuines of Paris, which others also as Victoria, Castro, Ʋasquez, (although otherwise vehement maintainers of the Popes power indirectly in temporals) doe in this point follow, it is euident, that Bishops doe not receiue their au­thority and Iurisdiction from the Pope, but immediatly from Christ, by vertue of those words, which were spoken to all the Apostles, What­soeuer you shall binde, &c. Matth. 18. And, Whose sinnes you shall forgiue, &c. Iohn 19. And, Feede my sheepe, Iohn 20. Which words, accor­ding to the Exposition of the ancient Fathers, See aboue cap. 5. num. 10. Bell. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 12. in fine Edit. Ingolstad. 1586. which also Cardinall Bellar. did once approoue, are vnderstood to be spoken also to all the Apostles. Seeing therefore that S. Peter, and the rest of the Apostles, and consequently the Pope, and other Bishops, who succeede the Apo­stles, as they were ordinary Pastours, and had ordinary spirituall power to gouerne the Church, receiued their power and iurisdiction in the selfe-same forme of words, without any limitation or restriction, from hence it clearely followeth, that what Ecclesiastical power & iurisdicti­on soeuer the Pope receiueth ouer the whole Church, the same power and iurisdiction, if we regard meerely the law of God, and the institu­tion of Christ, other Bishops receiue ouer those who are subiect to their Bishopricke A Bishop (saith Ledes­ma 1. 4. ar. 11.) standing in the law of God hath as great power in his Prouince, as the Pope in the whole world.. So that standing in the law of God, and abstracting from the Canons of the Church, euery Bishop may in his owne Bishoprick ab­solue from all cases, inflict all censures, dispense in oathes, and vowes, [Page 463] make lawes and Canons, no lesse then the Pope may in the Vniuersall Church. And therefore it is no absurd argument to conclude, that be­cause a Bishop cannot by vertue of that spirituall power, which hee hath receiued from Christ, inflict a pecuniarie penaltie vpon those, that in spiritualls are subiect to his Diocesse, therefore neither can the Pope doe the same in the Vniuersall Church.

46 Whereby it is apparant, that the comparison, which M. Fitz­herbert heere maketh betwixt a King, and an inferiour Magistrate, or Iudge, a Bishop, and a Parish Priest, and betwixt the Pope, and other Bi­shops is idle, and impertinent; for that no man can make any doubt, but that an inferiour Magistrate, or Iudge hath all his authoritie, and iurisdiction from the King, but Bishops, according to the doctrine of many learned men, haue not their authority and iurisdiction from the Pope, but immediately from Christ, as the Pope himselfe hath: and all Catholikes confesse, that Bishops are Peeres, and Princes of the Church, and principall Iudges in the externall spirituall Court, whereas none will acknowledge, that Parish Priests are such, and few will grant, that they haue iurisdiction in the externall spirituall Court, but onely in the Court of conscience. Therefore although it were absurd to say, that be­cause euery Bishop can excommunicate in his owne Diocesse, therefore euery Parish Priest can also excommunicate in his Parish, yet as it is not absurd to say, that because the Pope can excommunicate in the vni­uersall Church, therefore a Bishop, standing in the law of Christ, can also excommunicate in his owne Diocesse, so it is not absurd, and much lesse ridiculous, to say, that if the Pope can inflict a temporall penaltie vpon all Christians, euery Bishop also, standing in the law of Christ, can in­flict a temporall penaltie vpon those that are subiect to his Bishopricke, no more then it is absurd, or ridiculous for Cardinall Bellarmine to say, that if the Pope hath direct dominion in temporalls, in the vniuersall Church, euery Bishop hath also direct dominion in temporalls in his owne particular Bishopricke, for that, according to his doctrine, that which the Pope is in the vniuersall Church, is euerie Bishop in his particular Diocesse.

47 And as concerning that plenitude, or fulnesse of the Popes Ec­clesiasticall power, which Mr. Fitzherbert with full mouth doth so of­ten inculcate, little vnderstanding, poore man, in what this fulnesse doth consist, there is a great controuersie among Catholikes, to what things this fulnesse of Ecclesiasticall power doth extend.Almainus de authore. Eccles. cap. 3. For there is so great a controuersie, saith Almaine, concerning the fulnesse of Ec­clesiasticall power, and to what things it doth extend, that there are few things in this matter secure, or certaine, insomuch that it were very necessary in these times (as William Occam in the end of the first part of his Dia­logue obserueth) that wise men being inforced by oathes, or horrible threat­nings [Page 464] to speake the truth, should declare those things, which belong to the ful­nesse of Ecclesiasticall power. And how farre some Authours, perchance for flattery to get priuiledges, and benefices, saith Almaine, doe straine it to the preiudice of Princes, so that they doe quite ouerthrow the Soueraigntie of Princes, you may see in that his Treatise, where hee expoundeth only the doctrine of Occam, and how he notwithstandeth the fulnesse thereof, in other his bookes, where he speaketh according to his owne opinion, will not haue it to extend to the inflicting of temporall punish­ments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, or imprisonment; and this, saith he,In lib. de do­minio natu. Ciu. & Eccl. concl. 12. is the opinion of most Doctours.

48 And also the Doctours of Paris doe make the power, and Iu­risdiction of Bishops, standing meerely in the law of Christ, to be as full in intension, as is the Popes power, that is, abstracting from his Prima­cie, and the fulnesse of his power in extension, for that the Popes power is extended to the whole Church; and the power of Bishops is limited and restrained to their owne Bishoprikes, albeit the Canons of the Church haue limited, and restrained the fulnesse of Bishops power also in inten­sion, Bell. l. 5 de Rom. Pont. cap. 3. reseruing many cases, and Censures to Papall authoritie: But stan­ding in the law of Christ, Card. Bellarmine doeth very well affirme, that euery Bishop is that in his owne Diocesse, which the Pope is in the vni­uersall Church, which Mr. Fitzherbert must first proue to bee imperti­nent, absurd, and ridiculous, and then let him put those imputations vpon my answere, and the argument which he draweth from thence.

49 A third principall exception Mr. Fitzherbert taketh against that, which in confirmation of my aforesaid second answere I added in these words. ‘Adde hereunto, that whensoeuer the Pope by a generall constitution decreeth any temporall thing (but it pleased my Ad­uersarie to leaue out that word temporall) which is preiudiciall to the right of another man, who is not subiect to him in temporalls, the same decree, as some not improbably doe thinke doeth only ex­tend, vnlesse the contrarie bee expressed (which last clause also Mr. Fitzherbert leaueth out) to the territories of the Roman Church or the patrimonie of S. Peter, wherein, as Pope Innocent saithCap. per vene­rabil. the Pope doth exercise the authoritie of a chiefe Bishop, and doth execute the power of a Soueraigne Prince.

50 Against this answere Mr. Fitzherbert obiecteth in this man­ner.pag. 173. nu. 18. 19. Thus Widdrington telleth vs, but who these some men are of whom he speaketh or where they affirme this, hee listeth not to tell vs, neither in his text nor in his margent lest by the cases, which they propound, and the cir­cumstances of their doctrine, we might discouer his abuse of their testimo­nie: but whosoeuer they bee, (if there be any such) that giue so generall a rule as hee mentioneth, it must bee considered, whether they speake of con­stitutions touching matters meerely temporall, or else of penall lawes made a­gainst [Page 465] heresie, or other enormious crimes for the benefit of the whole Church. For no Catholike man, I am sure, hath euer said, or will say, that any generall Constitution of the Pope made for the reformation of faith, or man­ners, and punishment of delinquents in spirituall matters, is to bee vnderstood to bee restrained to the Popes owne temporall patrimonie: for seeing that hee hath no lesse spirituall authoritie throughout all Christendome, then within his owne temporall dominions, it were absurd, and hereticall to say, that his generall Decrees touching spirituall matters, such as is the extirpation, and punishment of heresie, cannot extend to the whole Church, if they inflict a temporall penaltie to the preiudice of some mans temporall state; for so could not heretikes bee temporally punished, out of the Popes temporall dominions by vertue of the Popes decrees, which neuerthelesse are generally executed, Cap. vergentis. Tit. 7. de haer [...]. in preiudice not only of the delinquents, but also of their children, and next heires. And this, I say, is so vniuersally practised by the Church, that hee cannot be counted a Canonist, nor yet a Catholike that will deny it to be law­fully done.

51 But, to omit the egregious fraude, and falshood of this man, in affirming mee to say, that whensoeuer the Pope decreeth any thing, &c. and leauing out the word [temporall] and also that other clause [vn­lesse the contrarie be expressed] which were the chiefe points, whereon I did ground that my answere, there is no man of any iudgement, who may not cleerely perceiue, that all those Catholike Doctours allead­ged by mee heretofore,Apol. nu. 4. & seq and in the first part of this Treatise. and among the rest, those plerique Doctores, ve­ry many, or most Doctours, whom Almaine citeth, and followeth, who affirme, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath not authoritie to in­flict temporall punishments, but onely Ecclesiasticall censures, must conse­quently holde, that when the Pope by a generall constitution decree­eth any temporall thing, as is the inflicting of temporall punishments, for what ende soeuer they bee inflicted, the sayde Decree can bind onely those of necessitie, that belong to the Popes temporall Do­minions.

52 For seeing that as Suarez, Suarez l. 3. de Leg. c. 6. & cap. 8. nu. 3. and all other Diuines affirme, all lawes enacted by the Pope, as they are meerely ciuill, and temporall, doe bind onely in the Popes territories, and as Mr. Fitzherbert himselfe be­foreCap. 9. nu. 15. acknowledged, there can bee nothing more cleare, then that all lawes are limited according to the power of the Prince that maketh them, and that therefore the obligation of euery Princes lawes is extended onely to his owne subiects, and whatsoeuer is decreed onely by the Popes tempo­rall authoritie, and as hee is a temporall Prince, is a meere temporall thing, and cannot extend beyond the Popes temporall dominions; from hence it cleerely followeth, that what Doctour soeuer affirmeth, that the Pope hath no authoritie by the institution of Christ to inflict temporall pe­nalties, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, and consequent­ly [Page 466] that the inflicting of them is a meere temporall thing, and that the de­crees, which doe inflict them, cannot be made by the Popes spirituall, but onely by his temporall authoritie, and that therefore they cannot of necessitie binde but onely those who are subiect to his temporall autho­ritie, or as hee is a temporall Prince, must also affirme, that whenso­euer the Pope by any generall Constitution decreeth the inflicting of any such temporall penaltie, the saide Decree doeth extend onely to the Popes temporall Dominions, and comprehendeth onely those, who are subiect to him, as hee is a temporall Prince, and endued with tempo­rall authoritie.

53 Wherefore it is neither hereticall, nor absurd to say, as this foule-mouthed ignorant man affirmeth, that the Popes generall De­crees touching the extirpation, and punishment of heresie cannot ex­tend to the whole Church, if they inflict a temporall penaltie, and that no heretike can bee temporally punished out of the Popes temporall dominions by vertue of the Popes Decrees without the consent and au­thoritie of temporall Princes, for that, according to the doctrine of very many Doctours, as I said before, the Popes spirituall authoritie doth not by the institution of Christ extend to the inflicting of temporall pu­nishments, but onely of Eccclesiasticall Censures: and that therefore it belongeth only to temporall Princes to roote out heresies, and punish heretikes with temporall punishments, and to the Pope, as hee is a spi­rituall Pastour, to roote out heresies, and punish heretikes with Eccle­siasticall, or spirituall Censures. And this I will boldly say, and yet re­maine as good a Catholike, yea and a farre better, then Mr. Fitz­herbert is, notwithstanding all his bigge, and bitter words, if hee build his Catholike faith vpon such weake, doubtfull, and vncertaine principles.

54 Whereupon it followeth, that euery Decree, Canon, or Con­stitution of the Pope, which ordaineth the inflicting of temporall penal­ties for any crime whatsouer, if my Aduersarie will needes haue it to be of force out of the Popes territories, is either an approbation of some former Imperiall law, or is of force by vertue of the consent, and authoritie of temporall Princes, or is onely a declaring, teaching, or commanding, what the temporall Prince, or Iudge ought to doe. Neither doth the Canon, Ʋergentis, of Pope Innocent the third, which Mr. Fitz­herbert citeth heere in the margent, any way contradict, what I haue said, but it doth rather confirme the same; for the words of the Canon are these, Wee ordaine, that in the territories subiect to our temporall Iurisdi­ction the goods of heretikes be confiscated, and in other territories wee com­mand the same to bee done by Secular Potestaes, and Princes, which if perchance they shall bee negligent to performe, wee will, and command, that they be compelled thereunto by Ecclesiasticall Censures. So that this Canon [Page 467] doth rather fauour, then contradict what I said, seeing that it distingui­sheth the Popes territories from other kingdomes, and signifieth that the Pope in his owne Dominions hath authoritie by his Decrees to confiscate the goods of heretikes, but in other kingdomes he hath no such autho­ritie, but only to command Secular Princes to make such Decrees for the extirpation of heresie, and also, if they bee negligent therein, to compell them by Ecclesiasticall Censures thereunto. Neither can Mr. Fitz­herbert prooue by any one Canon of Pope, or Councell, or by any gene­rall, or particular practise of the Church, that out of the Popes temporall dominions any heretike is temporally punished by vertue of the Popes de­crees without the consent, and authoritie of temporall Princes: where­by the Reader may plainly see, what an ignorant, vncharitable, and rash headed man is this my Aduersarie, to taxe so easily, and vpon such vncertaine grounds learned Catholikes of heresie, which among all Christians is accounted so heinous, and execrable a crime.

53 But his fraude, and ignorance will the more cleerely bee dis­couered, if wee obserue the difference betwixt the directiue, and coerciue power, and the acts and obiects of them both. For the same spirituall action, as heresie, blasphemie, sacriledge, may be forbidden, both by the spirituall, and temporall power, yea also for the same spirituall ende, seeing that Christian Princes are bound by the law of Christ to referre all their actions, & the vse of their tēporall authoritie to Gods honour, and glorie, and to the good of their own soules, & of their subiects, and by their temporall lawes to maintaine and aduance Christian Religion, and to roote out heresie, blasphemie, and such like spirituall crimes out of their kingdomes, so that the directiue, or commanding temporall power, as I haue signified heeretofore,Cap. 6. nu. 66. & seq. may agree with the spirituall in the same acts, obiects, and end: but the principall distinction betwixt the spirituall and temporall power is to be taken from both the powers, as they are coerciue, or punishing, which alwayes haue distinct acts, and obiects: for the acts, and obiect of the temporall power as it is coer­ciue, or punishing, are alwayes the inflicting of temporall punishments, and of the spirituall, the inflicting of spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall Cen­sures; so that the forbidding of heresie vnder paine of incurring Eccle­siasticall Censures, for what ende soeuer temporall or spirituall it bee done, can proceede onely from Ecclesiasticall authoritie, and the forbidding of the same heresie vnder paine of incurring temporall pu­nishments, as death, losse of goods, or of any other temporall thing for what end soeuer it bee inflicted, can proceede onely from temporall, and ciuill authoritie, because according to Almaine, and those other many Doctours mentioned by him, who were as good Catholikes, as M. Fitzherbert is, and farre more learned then hee is euer like to be, the Ecclesiasticall power doeth not by the institution of Christ extend to the in­flicting [Page 468] of ciuill or temporall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, but onely of Ecclesiasticall Censures, and the other punishments, which she vseth, doe proceede from the pure positiue law, or, to vse Gersons words, from the grant of Princes.

56 Lastly, Mr. Fitzherbert excepteth against that which I brought from the words of the Glosse, vpon the Canon Per venerabilem, to con­firme the doctrine of those, who affirme, that the Pope hath not au­thority to make ciuill or temporall lawes, or, which is all one, to or­daine meere temporall things, out of his owne temporall dominions. And these Authours the Glosse, said I, vpon the same Canon, Per ve­nerabilem, doth seeme to fauour: where it affirmeth, that the Pope cannot legitimate any man who is not subiect to his temporall Iurisdiction, to make him succeede in an inheritance as a lawfull heire, for this were to put his sickle into another mans haruest, and to vsurpe another mans Iu­risdiction, and to depriue some man of his right to succeede, which hee ought not to doe; and therefore he cannot legitimate any man for the Se­cular Court, vnlesse the Prince shall permit, or giue him leaue. But if the Pope cannot legitimate one, who is not legitimate, nor depriue one of his right to succeede, I see not by what authority he can make a lawfull and legitimate heire, or Prince to be vnlawfull, and not le­gitimate, or depriue one of his inheritance, which hee lawfully pos­sesseth.

57 But to this Glosse, whose words, as you see, are most plaine, and cleare, Mr. Fitzherbert replyethPage 174. num. 20. to the end., that this my instance or example taken from the Glosse, is no lesse impertinent then the former, seeing that it concerneth onely a temporall matter without relation to any spirituall end. And is it possible, saith he, that Widdrington cannot see the difference be­twixt these two cases? seeing that the legitimation of bastards to a temporall end (that is, to make them capable of a temporall inheritance) is a meere tem­porall thing, and therefore requireth the temporall power, and direct dominion of a temporall Prince, whereas the deposition of Princes in this our case hauing a spirituall end (to wit, the extirpation of heresie, and punishment of sinne, to the exceeding great good of soules, and the publike benefite of the Church) is not meerely temporall in respect of the spirituall end, and therefore may pro­ceede from the spiritvall power of him, that hath the supreame charge of soules, and the gouernment of the whole Church, in whom it may suffice for that purpose to haue an indirect dominion ouer temporall things, to bee vsed and exercised in some cases, when the necessity of the Church shall require it.

58 Whereupon it also followeth, that if it were absolutely necessary for the good of the Church, that the Pope should legitimate a bastard to make him capable of succession to a temporall inheritance (as for example, if a king­dome should otherways fall into the hands or possession of Gods enemies) in such a case, I say, he might doe it by his spirituall power, and the indirect dominion [Page 469] he hath ouer temporall things, as both LawyersSee Couerra. in 4 Decret. 2. par. §. 8. nu. 16 and Diuines teach, and the Glosse alleaged by Widdrington, doth not denie it, affirming onely, that the Pope hath no power to legitimate a bastard out of his owne temporall Domini­ons to a meere temporall end, which, as I haue said, is a farre different case from ours, and not denyed by vs: So as you see still how improbably Wid­drington argueth, and how absurdly he hath answered to his owne obiection. And this I hope may suffice for the confutation of his second answere. Let vs now heare the third.

59 But in this also Mr. Fitzherbert sheweth as much fraude and ignorance, as hee hath in the former. For first it is euident, that this assertion of the Glosse, denying the Pope to haue authoritie out of his owne temporall dominions, to make one capable of a temporall inhe­ritance, vnlesse the Prince giue him leaue, is generall, and without any relation at all either to a temporall, or spirituall end, and the onely ex­ception, limitation, or restriction, which the Glosse maketh, is, vnlesse the Prince permit, or giue him leaue so to doe: which words being so ge­nerall doe plainly signifie, that the Pope cannot out of his owne tempo­rall dominions make one capable, or incapable of a temporall inheri­tance, for any cause, crime, or end whatsoeuer, vnlesse the Prince permit or giue him leaue. And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that the Pope may for a spirituall end, to wit, for that the spirituall good of the Church, and the saluation of soules make one capable, or incapable of a tem­porall inheritance, this explication corrupteth the text, and is contrarie to the plaine words of the Glosse; for if the Pope, out of his owne tem­porall Dominions may for a spirituall end make one capable of a tem­porall inheritance, or depriue one of his right to succeed, without the Princes leaue, or permission, then it cleerely followeth, that the Pope may make one capable of a temporall inheritance, and legitimate him for the Se­cular Court, and depriue one of his right to succeed without the Princes leaue, or permission, which the Glosse in expresse words denieth.

60 But secondly, is it possible, that this man cannot see, how plainly he contradicteth himselfe, in granting first, that the legitimati­on of bastards to a temporall end, is to make him capable of a tempo­rall inheritance, and that so it is a meere temporall thing, and therefore re­quireth the temporall power and direct dominion of a temporall Prince, and afterwards in acknowledging that the legitimation of a bastard to make him capable of succession to a temporall inheritance, if it were absolutely necessary for the good of the Church, may bee done by the Popes spirituall power, and indirect dominion, which he hath ouer temporalls, which is plainly repugnant to his former assertion? seeing that no reference, or relation of the making bastards capable of a temporall inheritance, to the necessary good of the Church, can make, but that according to his former grant, it still remaineth a meere temporall thing, and is to a tempo­rall [Page 470] end, that is, saith hee, to make him capable of a temporall inheritance, and therefore requireth the temporall power, and direct dominion of a tempo­rall Prince, & consequently it cannot be done by the spirituall power, and indirect dominion, which the Pope hath ouer temporall things.

61 Wherefore this indirect temporall power, authoritie, domini­on, or iurisdiction, is in my opinion a meere fiction, purposely inuented without sufficient ground by the later Diuines, to put a more colou­rable cloake vpon this pretended temporall authoritie of the Pope, be­cause they saw the Canonists doctrine, making the Pope a temporall Monarch of the whole world, to be very false, absurd, scandalous, and odious both to Princes and subiects; and yet in effect or substance they differ little, or nothing at all: For whatsoeuer the Canonists grant, that the Pope may doe in temporalls directly, the Diuines grant he may doe indirectly, which doth in effect as much as the former derogate from the Soueraigntie of absolute Princes: for it little importeth to the sub­stance of the matter, whether the Pope may depose hereticall, or wic­ked Princes by a power, or dominion ouer temporals, which must bee called temporall, or by a power, which must bee called spirituall, so that he may depose them; or whether the Pope bee superiour to absolute Princes in temporals, directly, or indirectly, so that they must acknow­ledge themselues not to be absolute, but subiect to the Pope in tempo­rals. But as I haue signified heeretofore, all the difficultie, and ambi­guitie of these words, directly, and indirectly will presently appeare, and the whole mist, which the Diuines by this distinction doe cast ouer the eyes of the vnlearned, wil foorthwith vanish away, if we will but duly consider the difference betwixt the directiue, and coerciue power, and the proper acts, and obiects of either of them.

62 For as in all arts, sciences, faculties, and powers, whatsoeuer is directly contained vnder the formall obiect of that art, science, facul­tie, or power, is directly subiect to that art, science, facultie or power, so what thing soeuer, whether it be temporall, or spirituall, is directly con­tained vnder the formall obiect of the directiue or coerciue power, is di­rectly subiect to that power. Seeing therefore that the proper acts, and formall obiects (by which all powers are distinguished) of the spirituall directiue, or commanding power, are the commanding of vertue, and the forbidding of vice, from hence it followeth, that all actions what­soeuer, whether they be spirituall, or temporall, as they are vertuous, or vicious actions, and necessary, or hurtfull to the spirituall, and eter­nall good of soules, are directly subiect to the spirituall directiue power. So that the reference, or relation of temporall actions, to the spirituall good of soules, doth nothing hinder, but rather is a cause, that, as they are vertuous, or vicious actions, they are directly subiect to the spirituall directiue power.

[Page 471]63 But if these Diuines will further say, that the spirituall direc­tiue power, dominion, or iurisdiction ouer temporall things, is there­fore said to be indirect, for that it doth not command, or forbid tempo­rall things, as they are temporall, but as in order to spirituall good they become spirituall, that is vertuous, or vicious actions, no man maketh doubt of the matter, or of the thing it selfe, it being too too manifest to euery man of iudgement, that temporall things are not subiect to the spirituall directiue power, as they are temporall things, but as in order to spirituall good they become spirituall, that is, vertu­ous, or vicious actions, but the speech is not so proper, and giueth oc­casion to the vnlearned to be confounded, and deluded with a super­fluous ambiguitie, and multiplicitie of words. For what Diuine, or Phylosopher can deny, that all those things whatsoeuer, which doe truly participate the definition, or nature of the formall obiect of any art, science, facultie, or power, by what meanes, or consideration soeuer they doe participate the same, are directly subiect to that art, science, facultie, or power? And in the same proportionate manner, as these men say, that the Pope hath an indirect temporall directiue power, or authoritie ouer temporall things, it may bee said, that temporall Prin­ces haue an indirect spirituall directiue power ouer spirituall things: for that as the Pope doth forbid temporall things, not as they are tempo­rall, but as they are spirituall, and hurtfull to the good of soules; so temporall Princes may forbid spirituall things, as Heresie, Schisme, periurie, ministring of Sacraments with a poysoned matter, whereby danger of death doth ensue, not as they are spirituall, but as they are temporall wrongs, and hurtfull to the publike peace in the Common-wealth, which is the formall obiect of the temporall directiue power. So that this distinction of directly, and indirectly, cannot bee well applied to the spiritual directiue power, but that in the like proportionate man­ner, it may be also applied to the temporall directiue power, dominion, and Iurisdiction.

64 And as concerning the Ecclesiasticall coerciue power, we must discourse in the same manner: and likewise consider, what are the pro­per acts, and formall obiects of this power, as it is coerciue, or punish­ing: for whatsoeuer doth participate the nature and definition of the acts, and obiects of this power is directly subiect thereunto. Now concerning this point, there are two principall opinions among Catholikes; The first opinion, and which now adaies is the more common, for the causes by mee heeretoforeApol. nu. 449 alledged, is that the in­flicting of all punishments whatsoeuer, being referred to spirituall good, are the acts and obiects of the Ecclesiasticall power, as it is co­erciue or punishing. But the Authours of this opinion, albeit they all agree in this, that whatsoeuer authoritie the Church hath by the insti­tution [Page 472] of Christ, call it spirituall, or temporall, is in order to spirituall good, and is giuen her by Christ for the eternall saluation of soules, for which end Christ also himselfe descended from heauen, and tooke our flesh vpon him, yet in this they differ: that the Canonists, that com­monly follow this opinion, measuring the nature of the powers by their acts and obiects, and graunting, as they doe, that Christ hath gi­uen to his Church authoritie to inflict both temporall, and spirituall punishments, doe also affirme, that the Church hath by the institution of Christ truely, properly, directly, and formally, both temporall, and spirituall power. But the Diuines commonly perceiuing the absurdity of this doctrine, and that it confoundeth the acts and obiects of the temporall, and spirituall power, and subiecteth the temporall Soue­raigntie of absolute Princes, who by the common doctrine of the an­cient Fathers, are accounted to bee supreme in temporalls, and therein subiect to none but to God alone, to the Popes temporall authoritie, to giue the more probable colour, as they thinke, to this pretended au­thoritie of the Church to dispose of all temporals, and to inflict tempo­rall punishments in order to spirituall good, and to make it seeme lesse odious to Christian Princes, and subiects, doe differ from the Canonists at lest wise in words, and therefore they affirme, that the Church by the institution of Christ, hath no true, proper, direct, and formall tempo­rall authoritie, but onely vertuall, or in effect, which they call, but ve­rie improperly in my opinion, indirect, as I haue shewed before: as the power of God, and of the Angels to worke corporall effects, although it be truely and formally spirituall, as God, and the Angels are truely and formally spirituall substances, yet eminently, vertually, and in effect is corporall, for that by their spirituall power they can worke corporall effects. So that the Canonists, and these Diuines doe not dif­fer in effect, and these Diuines doe in effect no lesse derogate from the temporall Soueraigntie of absolute Princes, subiecting them in tempo­rals, who are supreme, then the Canonists doe.

65 The second principall opinion, is of otherApol. nu. 4 & seq. and a­boue in the first part of this Treatise. learned Catholikes, both Diuines, and Canonists, whom I haue heeretofore related, that the acts and obiects of the spirituall coerciue power, are onely the in­flicting of spirituall punishments, or Ecclesiasticall Censures, as Ex­communication, Suspension, Interdict, and not of temporall, or ciuill penalties, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, and con­sequently that the inflicting of temporall punishments are neither di­rectly, nor indirectly, formally, nor vertually subiect to the spirituall co­erciue power of the Church, but onely to the coerciue temporall power of temporall Princes, for that no reference, relation, or reduction of the inflicting of temporall punishments to the glory of GOD, or the saluation of soules, can make temporall punishments to bee Ec­clesiasticall [Page 473] Censures, or the inflicting of temporall, and ciuill pu­nishments to bee the inflicting of spirituall, and Ecclesiasticall Cen­sures.

66 And although this opinion bee the lesse common among Catho­likes, for the reasons heretofore alledged, especially through the watch­fulnes of the cōtrary side, since the time that some Popes haue challen­ged to themselues this temporall authoritie ouer Kings, call it direct or indirect, formall, or vertuall, as you please, and the indiligence (to speake with all reuerence) of Christian Princes in suffering their tem­porall Soueraigntie, to be so greatly and cunningly depressed, and sub­iected, yet in my iudgement it is more conforme to the true sense and meaning of the holy Scriptures, to the practise of the primitiue Church, to the doctrine of the ancient Fathers, and to the true grounds and principles of morall Philosophy, and Diuinitie: and therefore to affirme this opinion, which is embraced by so many Doctours, as Al­maine witnesseth, and which is grounded vpon such plaine and preg­nant reasons, to be impious, absurd, improbable, erroneous, yea and hereti­call, as this foule mouth'd, and rash headed ignorant man doth so often brand it, is cleerely repugnant to the rules of Christian prudence, charitie, and modestie, and to the knowne principles of Schoole-Diuinitie.

67 And according to this opinion, although we should suppose, which is altogether vntrue, though often inculcated by my Aduersarie, that the inflicting of temporall punishments, and the disposing of tem­porall things were absolutely necessarie for the good of the Church, and the saluation of soules, yet they should not therefore be subiect to the spirituall power of the Church, but onely to the temporall authoritie of Christian Princes, who, as the Prophet Isay foretold,Isa. c. 49. were by Gods speciall prouidence appointed to be her nourcing Fathers, Nources, and Protectours. In such cases of necessitie, spirituall Pastours must im­plore the aide of Christian Princes, and the Brachium Seculare, or tem­porall power is bound by her lawes and other meanes to helpe the spi­rituall, and both of them hauing neede one of the other, being so vni­ted, linked, and conioyned, as I haue shewed before, Pa [...]t. 2. c. 1. one with the other among Christians, ought to vse all due meanes to helpe each o­ther, yet without breaking the bounds, and limits prescribed by Christ to either of them.

68 But truely in my opinion the weakenesse of their cause, and of the grounds of this their doctrine touching the Popes temporall Mo­narchie ouer absolute Princes, call it direct, or indirect, as you please, may to any man of iudgement sufficiently appeare, by their so often decli­ning the true state of the question, and not standing vpon any sure or certaine ground, but flying from one argument to another, as [Page 474] from conuenience to absolute necessitie, sometimes affirming, that the Pope may depose Princes, and dispose of temporall things when it is conuenient for the good of the Church, and the saluation of soules, o­ther times when it is absolutely necessarie thereunto. But, as I haue shewed before,Cap. 7. nu. 36 & seq. this absolute necessitie is a meere fiction, and onely supposed, but neuer prooued, and this pretended temporall authoritie of the Pope, Almain. de potest. Eccle. q. 1 cap. 9. as Almaine said, is rather very hurtfull, then any way neces­sarie either for the good of the Pope, or of Christian people. And if by the practise of depositions, as of Henrie the fourth by Pope Gregorie the seuenth, of Fredrike the second, by Innocent the fourth, of Philip the the faire by Boniface the eight, of our King Henrie the eight by Paul the third, and Queene Elizabeth by Pope Pius the fifth, which are the most famous depositions of all, we may gather, whether this authori­tie be necessarie, or hurtfull to the Church of God, all histories make mention what infinite harme, rather then any good at all came to the Church of God thereby. And this I hope may suffice for the confirma­tion of my second answere to the Decree of the Lateran Councell, and for the confutation of my Aduersaries Reply. Now let vs see the third answere.

CHAP. XIII.

Wherein Widdringtons third answere to the Decree of the Late­ran Councell is confirmed: and also it is shewed how certaine it is according to the doctrine of learned Catholikes, that the Church cannot erre in Decrees, or precepts of manners: from whence it is cleerely deduced, that from the Decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell, it cannot with any colour of probabilitie be prooued, that it is a point of faith, that the Pope hath authoritie to depose temporall Princes, and all M. Fitzherberts argu­ments to shew the contrarie, are most plainely confuted.

1BEcause my Aduersaries did so much relie vpon this Decree of the Lateran Councell, that they thought it alone to be sufficient to make their doctrine cer­taine, and of faith, and therefore feared not to brand the contrarie with the note of heresie, my third an­swere to their argument grounded vpon the autho­ritie of the Lateran Councell was, that the Canon, or decree, (for so we call it yet) of the said Councell touching the deposition of tem­porall [Page 475] Land-lords, Gouernours, or Lords, was no matter of faith, but of fact onely, wherein as well the Pope, as those Fathers following their owne opinions, might erre, and that the Councell did not de­termine, or define, that the future deposition, not of Princes, as Mr. Fitzherbert translateth it, but of temporall Landlords, Magistrates, or Lords, should proceede from an vndoubted lawfull power, or from the Ecclesiasticall power alone without the consent of Princes. And therefore the opinion of those Fathers, yeeldeth no more certainety for the Popes power to depose Princes, then if they had declared their opinions forth of the Councell; seeing that this onely can bee gathe­red from the certaine, and vndoubted doctrine of the Catholike Church, that the infalable assistance of the Holy Ghost is promised by our Sauiour Christ, not to the facts, or probable opinions of Popes, or Councells, but onely to their definitions.

2 Against this answere Mr. Fitzherbert taketh some idle and fri­uolous exceptions: And first, he carpeth at that distinction or Antithe­sis betwixt rem facti duntaxat, and rem fidei, a matter of fact onely, and a matter of faith, which he would haue me to reforme, and to make it ac­cording to the vsuall manner rem facti, and rem iuris: a matter of fact, & a matter of law, or right. But here, saith he,Pag. 17. 8. nu. 2. I must desire Widdring­ton, first to reforme his distinction, or rather Antithesis, which he maketh betwixt rem facti, and rem fidei, a matter of fact, and a matter of faith, Wherein there is no such opposition, as hee seemeth to imagine, or would at least haue to bee conceiued, for if by a matter of fact onely, he meanes a matter that is not speculatiue, but consisteth onely in action, or practise, then matters of fact, and faith may so well stand together, that they may be, and often are one, and the selfe same thing: I meane, that a matter of fact not onely may, but ought also to be beleeued vnder paine of damnati­on; as it is euident in diuers Articles of our faith, consisting in the beliefe of things done, or to be done, as in all the Historie of our Sauiours Incarnation, life, and death already past, and in his last Iudgement, our Resurrection, and euerlasting reward, or punishment, which are yet to come, and being matters of fact, are neuerthelesse matters of faith: and therefore Widdrington may doe well, as I haue said, to reforme his distinction, and to make it according to the vsuall manner, to wit, rem facti, and rem iuris, a matter of fact, and a matter of law, or right, which are indeed alwayes distinct.

3 But first, is it possible that this man should be so blind, or igno­rant, as not to see, that a matter of faith is alwayes a matter of law, for that it is commaunded to be beleeued by the law of God, and so how childishly he carpeth at that distinction, or Antithesis, a matter of fact onely, and not a matter of faith, desiring me to reforme that distinction, and to make it according to the vsuall manner, to wit, rem facti, and rem iuris, a matter of faith, and a matter of law, seeing that it is manifest to [Page 476] euery Schoole-boy, that a matter of faith is alwayes a matter of law, as being a thing commanded to be beleeued by the law of God. But mat­ters of fact, and of faith, saith Mr. Fitzherbert may well stand together &c. And therefore a matter of fact is not opposite to a matter of faith, as Wid­drington seemeth to imagine, or would at least haue to be conceiued.

4 But in the like manner I may say, that matters of fact, and mat­ters of law may well stand together, as it is euident in diuers Articles of our faith, concerning our Sauiours Incarnation, Passion, Resurrecti­on, &c. which are both matters of fact, and of law, seeing that they are things appertaining to the law of God, and therefore a matter of fact is not opposite to a matter of law, and alwayes distinct, as Mr. Fitzherbert following therein Fa. Lessius, from whom he tooke this friuolous excep­tion, not onely seemeth to imagine, but also expresly affirmeth. So that these men haue neede first to reforme their owne distinction or Antithesis, which they make betwixt a matter of fact, and a matter of law, before they vndertake to be reformers of other men. But the plaine truth is, that I neither said, nor imagined, as these men vntruly affirme, that I made an opposition, or Antithesis betwixt a matter of faith, and a matter of fact but betwixt a matter of faith and of fact onely, which word [onely] if they had well considered, they might easily haue perceiued, that it doth exclude a matter of faith, and that I did not make an oppo­sition betwixt euery matter of fact, and of faith, but betwixt a matter of faith, and of fact onely, that is, of such facts, whic are onely grounded vp­on a probable opinion, or at the most, not vpon any vndoubted do­ctrine of faith, and such matters of fact, and of faith, can neuer stand to­gether.

5 For whereas Cardinall Bellarmine, and Fa. Lessius, against whom principally I wrote that Preface, wherein I answered this Decree of the Lateran Councell, did so much insist vpon this Decree, that, as I said be­fore, they would make the world beleeue, that it alone were sufficient to make their doctrine to be of faith, and the contrary flat hereticall, my meaning was in this third answere to shew, that no such thing could be proued from this Councell, as they pretended, for that this Decree, for as much as it concerneth the future deposition of temporall Landlords, or Lords, was no matter of faith, but of fact onely, and that the Councell did not declare, determine, or define, that this future deposition of them was therein decreed to proceede from the spirituall authority of the Church without the consent, licence, or authoritie of temporall Princes, which my Aduersarie must first prooue, or else they will speake little to the purpose. Now Mr. Fitzherbert falsly supposing, as you haue seene, that I make an opposition betwixt a matter of fact, and a matter of faith, as though a matter of fact, and a matter of faith cannot stand together, which euery Schoole-boy knoweth to bee false, you shall see what [Page 477] an idle discourse he maketh throughout this whole Chapter, it being grounded vpon this false supposall.

6 But because Mr. Fitzher. in his ensuing discourse giueth me oc­casion to enter into a question, which not a litle concerneth our present controuersie, I thinke it not amisse, before I goe any further to speake something thereof; to wit, with what kind of certainetie we are to be­leeue, that the Church cannot erre in making Decrees, or precepts of man­ners, that is, whether, as it is hereticall to hold, that the Church can erre in making matters of faith, so also it is hereticall to hold, that she can erre in making lawes, Decrees, or precepts belonging to manners. And albeit my meaning is not at this time to set downe, what is my owne opinion concerning this matter, because I doe not intend to relie much there­on for the answering of my Aduersaries obiections, and so will not giue him occasion to flie from the principall controuersie to other by-que­stions, and of lesse importance, yet for the better instruction of the vn­learned Reader, who may perchance imagine, that euery Popes Breue is sufficient to make a matter of faith, I will briefly relate, what is the opi­nion of learned Catholikes, and namely of Melchior Canus in this point.

7 First therefore concerning matters of faith, or things to beleeued, Melchior Canus affirmeth, that a Generall Councell being confirmed by the Popes authoritie cannot erre in the defining of Catholike doctrine, Canus lib. 1. de locis cap. 4. concl. 3. and this conclusion he taketh to be so certaine, that the contrarie he accounteth here­ticall. But as I obserued in an other place,In disp. The­ol. cap 10. sec. 2. nu. 13. to make such definiti­ons to be certaine, infallible, and without errour, he requireth two condi­tions, the one is, that the doctrine must bee propounded to the whole Church, and not onely to priuate or particular Churches, or Bishops, and the other, that it be propounded with an obligation to bee beleeued as of faith, which also Cardinall Bellarmine confirmeth. For in Councells, Bellar. lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 42. saith he, the greatest part of the Acts doe not appertaine to faith; for neither are of faith the disputations that goe before, nor the reasons, which are added, nor those things which are brought to explicate, and illustrate, but onely the bare decrees, and those not all, but those onely which are propounded as of faith. And it is easie, say they, to know when the Councell doth propound any thing with an obligation to be beleeued, as of faith, by the wordes of the Councell it selfe. For they alwayes vse to say, that they declare the Ca­tholike faith, or account them for heretickes, or which is most common, de­nounce anathema, or excommunicate them who shall beleeue the contrary, but when none of these things are said, it is not certaine saith Cardinall Bel­larmine, that it is a point of faith. Whereby may be plainly seene the in­solent temeritie of some, especially this my Aduersary, who feare not to call them heretickes, that deny the Popes power to depose Princes, see­ing that neither from the Councell of Lateran, nor from any other [Page 478] Councell, either Generall, or Prouinciall, nor, which is more, from any one Canon of any particular Pope, they can bring so much as a coloura­ble shew of any such decree, which, according to the aforesaid rules of Cardinall Bellarmine and Canus, haue the conditions required to make a point of faith.

Canus lib. 5. de loc. cap. 5. q. 5.8 Now concerning decrees, and precepts belonging to manners, or things commanded or forbidden to bee done, the said Canus hauing first supposed, and distinguished, that the question may be either of such things as are necessary to saluation, as being commaunded, or forbid­den by the law of God, or Nature, or of such things that are not so ne­cessary, he setteth downe this conclusion; that the Church, cannot erre in the doctrine of such manners, as are necessary to saluation; Therefore if the Church by a firme decree doe define that any thing is to bee done, or to bee a­uoided, she cannot erre therein, as for example, in commanding Lay-men to receiue the Sacrament vnder one onely kinde. From whence hee inferreth this second conclusion, that when the Church in a matter of moment, and which is very profitable for the reforming of Christian manners, doth make lawes to all Christian people, she cannot command any thing which is contra­rie to the Gospell, or naturall reason, wherefore as a generall Councell cannot propound false things to be belieued by the people, so it cannot propound euill things to be done, propound, saith he, by a firme and certaine decree, by which all men are bound to belieue and doe vnder paine of eternall damna­tion.

9 But as concerning the certainty of this doctrine, especially touch­ing things which are not so necessary to saluation, as not being repug­nant to the Gospell, or naturall reason, whether it bee hereticall to af­firme that some custome of the Church is euill, or some law of the Church is vniust, I dare not, saith Canus, define, or determine. Whereupon hee ex­cuseth those from heresie, who should affirme, that the Church doth erre in the custome of communicating the people vnder one kinde on­ly: and hee answereth to the Councell of Constance, which ordaineth, that those are to be condemned as heretickes who affirme the Church to erre therein, that the Councell at that time was without a head, and that Pope Martin doth not simply or absolutely approue that article, but hee onely defineth, that those who shall teach that the Church doth erre in that manner of custome are to bee condemned as heretikes, or as sauouring heresie. Therefore that which Pope Martin, being President of the Councell, durst not condemne by the name of heresie, neither I, saith Canus, dare, nor ought to impeach of a greater censure. But if in a custome necessary to saluation, which that seemed to be, whereof there was a controuersie in the Councell of Constance, the modesty of Pope Martin was so great, how much more modest ought we to be in condemning other errours, which are repugnant to the custome of the Church, which is not necessary to saluation? Thus Ca­nus, [Page 479] which doctrine I would desire my Aduersary, and such other vn­learned hoat-spurres, who haue heresie, and hereticall so frequent in their mouthes, little knowing themselues what heresie is, diligently to consider.

10 Also the said Canus excuseth from heresie those, who dis­prooue the custome of the Church, to carry about in solemne processi­on the B. Sacrament: For albeit, saith hee, to reprehend this custome vpon this ground, that Christ is not really, and truely present in the Eucharist, bee heresie, yet if thou regard the errour in it selfe, it sauoureth heresie, it is rash­nesse, and imprudence, and although it be to be censured for many respects, yet it is not heresie; seeing that albeit in this custome the Church should not erre, yet her authority would not therefore be endangered in matters of grea­ter moment. Neither doth the Councell of Trent simply or absolutely say, anathema to those that shall reprehend this custome of the Church, but to those that therefore reprehend it, because they doe not admit the reall pre­sence of Christ in the Eucharist, and therefore neither the adoration, and woorship thereof.

11 In like manner he excuseth from heresie those, who affirme, that the Church may erre in the canonization of Saints. For it is to bee obserued, saith hee, that some manners, or customes of the Church are deli­uered to the Church by Christ, and the Apostles, wherein hee that should say the Church to erre, doth make Christ, and the Apostles to be Authors of that errour: but other manners, or customes are brought in since the Apo­stles, wherein although the Church should erre, yet faith would not there­fore bee endangered: Therefore without danger of heresie it may bee held, that the Church may in some law and custome erre. And hee bringeth a reason wherefore it is not hereticall to say, that the Church may erre in the Canonization of Saints, by which he prooued a little before, that in manners, customes, precepts, and lawes, which are not common to the whole Church, but are referred to priuate men, or Churches, the Church may erre through ignorance, not onely in the iudgement of things done, but also in the priuate precepts and lawes themselues. And of this conclu­sion, saith hee, Pope Innocent gaue a true and fit reason, in cap. A nobis, desent. Excom. in these words: The iudgement of God is alwaies groun­ded vpon truth, which neither deceiueth, nor is deceiued, but the iudge­ment of the Church doth sometimes follow opinion, which often­times deceiueth, and is deceiued; whereupon it happeneth sometimes, that he who is bound before God, is loosed before the Church, & he that is free before God, is tyed by an Ecclesiasticall Censure. Thus Pope Innocent.

12 For from hence, saith Canus, it is manifest, which is most woorthy the obseruation, that decrees of the Church cannot be certaine, and firme, which are not grounded vpon certaine and firme principles, and foundations. [Page 480] Wherefore if but one of those things, whereon the iudgement of the Church dependeth, be vncertaine, the decree of the Church cannot be certaine, whe­ther the question bee speculatiue, or practicall. For the Conclusion accor­ding to the maxime of the Logicians followeth the weaker part, and if one of the principles, or premisses bee weake, it is necessarie, that the conclusi­on in regard of that part bee weakened. Wherby it is easily vnderstood, that the iudgements of the Church, which proceede from the vncertaine testimo­nies of men, are weake to make a certaine, and vndoubted beliefe; of which sort is that, whereby she iudgeth any one to be numbred in the Catalogue of Saints: yet it is not lawfull to call in question such decrees without punishment; but it is temerarious, and irreligious not to giue credit to the Church in the canonizing of Saints, which because he that doth, doeth rashly, and incon­siderately, hee shall indeede deseruedly bee punished by the Church. Thus Canus.

Canus l. 12. c. 1.13 Lastly, hee excuseth from heresie those, who should affirme, that the B. Virgin is not corporally assumpted into heauen, which although, saith hee, it bee not contrary to faith, yet because it is repugnant to the common consent of the Church, it would bee taxed of malapert temeritie. And albeit Fa. Suarez also doth affirme,Suarez tom. 2. disp. 21. sec. 2. that now it is so receiued an opinion, that it cannot be called in question by any pious and Catho­like man, yet hee acknowledgeth, that it is not of faith, because it is neither defined by the Church, neither is there any testimonie of Scripture, or sufficient tradition, Sot. in 4. dist. 43 q. 2. ar. 1. Caiet. tom. 2. opu. trac. 2. de Con­cept. cap. 1. which may cause infallible faith. But Sotus saith only, that it ought to bee beleeued most piously, but yet it is not put among the articles of faith necessarily to bee beleeued. And Caietane affirmeth, that it is not to bee beleeued of necessitie, but probably and piously. For there is two manner of wayes, saith hee, whereby a thing may bee decreed to bee beleeued. For some things are decreed to bee beleeued in such sort, that hee who thinkes the contrarie is an heretike: but some things as proba­bly to bee beleeued, as the common pietie of the Church doth probably beleeue concerning the corporall Assumption of the B. Ʋirgin, and her Sanctifica­tion in her mothers wombe, Abul. in cap. 22. Matth. q. 230. and other such like. Abulensis also saith, that it is not necessarie to holde this, because it is not among the articles of faith, neither also is there any thing defined by the Church, that it ought to be held, therefore it is lawfull for euery man to thinke as he will. And the rea­sons which are brought to prooue her Resurrection, are certaine persuasions, and do not conuince, yet because it is commonly held, that she is risen, it is more reasonable to hold it; yet if any one doe affirme the contrarie, wee doe not contend. And neuerthelesse the aforesaid Authours knew right well, that this doctrine concerning the corporall Assumption of the B. Ʋir­gin was neuer denyed by any Catholike, and was also the ground and foundation of an Ecclesiasticall decree, and custome to celebrate the Feast of the B. Virgins Assumption.

[Page 481]14 And by this the Reader may easily perceiue, what things are required to make one an heretike, that should deny the decrees of the Church concerning manners to bee infallible: and how rashly, and vnchristianly my Aduersaries doe charge mee with heresie, for denying the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes to be a point of faith, seeing that they cannot bring any one decree either of Pope, or Councell, whereby, according to the conditions before required by Cardinal Bel­larmine and Canus to the infallibilitie of decrees either touching faith, or manners, it can with any probable colour bee prooued, that this doctrine is certaine, and of faith, but we must forsooth take their owne interpretations, or rather wrestings of the Canons, and false suppositions to bee sufficient decrees to determine matters of faith. Now to Mr. Fitz­herberts discourse.

15 Secondly, saith he,Pag. 178. nu. 3. I wish Widdrington to consider, that by this his distinction, and the argument, which hee deduceth from it, hee may in like manner impugne the decree of the Apostles themselues made in their Councell at Hierusalem, wherein they ordained, and defined nothing else but matters of fact (to wit, that the Christians should abstaine from meates offered to Idols, from things strangled, and blood, and fornication) in all which the Apostles might (according to this mans doctrine) follow their owne priuate opinions, and erre, because their Decree concerned only matters of fact.

16 But first, this man supposeth, that I impugne the Decree of the Lateran Councell, which is very vntrue: for I only expound, and declare the sense and meaning of the Decree, and disprooue the expo­sition, which my Aduersaries make thereof. Wherefore if wee may suppose, that this Decree of the Apostles was concerning such a mat­ter of fact, which is not grounded vpon any doctrine of faith, but only vpon opinions, which are exposed to errour, as I contend this Decree, if wee may truely call it so, of the Lateran Councell concerning the future deposition of temporall Land-lords, Magistrates, or Lords to be such a matter of fact, then I say we may in the like proportionate man­ner, I doe not say, impugne, but expound this decree of the Apostles, as I haue, and shall beneath expound the decree of the Lateran Coun­cell, in such sort that from thence no infallible doctrine of faith can be concluded to prooue that, which some Authours from thence pre­tend to conclude, to wit, that the Church hath authoritie to make new lawes, which shall haue force to bind in conscience.

17 As for example, supposing onely for Disputation sake but not affirming, that the Church hath not authoritie to make new lawes and precepts, which shall haue force to bind in conscience, which doctrine some Authours attribute to Gerson, but onely to declare the lawes and precepts of GOD, and Nature, and also to determine those lawes and [Page 482] praecepts, which GOD, and Nature haue left vndetermined, either concerning the time, place, or manner; as for example, wee are com­manded by the law of GOD, and Nature, to honour GOD, and his Saints, to fast, to receiue the Eucharist, to confesse our sinnes, &c. yet the time, place, and manner are not determined, but left to the determination of the Church, and so the Church appointeth Holy-dayes, fasting-dayes, the time of Easter to receiue, and confesse our sinnes, and such like: which being supposed for probable, but not granted, wee may, I doe not say, impugne, but probably expound that decree of the Apostles, as some ancient Fathers doe expound it, so that it doeth not ordaine, or command any new thing, but only declare the law of GOD, and Na­ture; and that by things strangled, and blood, is vnderstood onely man-slaughter,Irenae. l. 3. c. 12 Cypr. l. 3. ad Quirimum c. vl. See Suarez lib. [...]. de Leg. ca. 20. either by strangling, or by the effusion of blood, as Irenaeus, S. Cyprian, and others doe seeme to vnderstand those words, and like­wise that meates offered to Idoles are heere onely forbidden to be eaten either with a superstitious worship, as though some sacred thing were in those meates in regard of the Idoll, or else with the scandall of others, both which are against the law of God, & nature, and both which senses may bee gathered from the words of S. Paul 1. Cor. 8. vers. 4. and 7. and 1. Cor. 10. vers. 28. & 29.

18 And in the like proportionate manner I haue answered to the Decree of the Lateran Councell, not by impugning, but by expounding the same. For considering that it is truly a probable doctrine and maintained by very many Doctours, as Almaine affirmeth, that the Ecclesiasticall power of the Church doth not by the institution of Christ extend to the in­flicting of temporall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, and when shee vseth these, shee doth it by the pure posi­tiue law, and priuiledges of Princes, it is euident, that wee may probably answere, that decree of the Lateran Councell, if wee may call it a decree, concerning the future fact of the deposition of temporall Land-lords, or Magistrates, not to proceede from Ecclesiasticall, or spirituall power but from that temporall authoritie, which was granted to the Councell by the consent of temporall Princes, whose Ambassadours were present at the making of that act; or else to bind only in the Popes temporall Do­minions.

19 Secondly, I answere, that there is a great disparitie betwixt the decree of the Apostles, and the decree, or act of the Lateran Councell for as much as concerneth that future deposition of temporall Land-lords. For the decree of the Apostles is a true and proper law, and decree, and includeth an expresse commandement to abstaine from those things, which are there forbidden: but this Decree of the Lateran Councell, for as much as concerneth the aforesaid deposition, is not a true, and pro­per law or Decree, neither doeth it containe any speciall commandement, [Page 483] prohibition, grant, or priuiledge, which euery true, and proper law, or de­cree ought to containe, as it will cleerely appeare according to my Aduersaries owne grounds, if wee consider euery part, and parcell of this Decree, or Canon. For first it is there ordained, that Secular Po­testaes, or Magistrates shall by Ecclesiasticall Censure, if neede require, be compelled to take an Oath, that they will doe their best endeauour to banish all heretikes from the territories subiect to their Iurisdiction: and this no doubt is a true, and proper decree. Secondly, that if a temporall Land-Lord, Magistrate, or Lord shall neglect to purge his territories from here­ticall filth, he shall by the Metropolitan, and other Comprouinciall Bishops be excommunicated; and this also is a true and proper decree, and inclu­deth a precept, and commandement. Tirdly, that if hee shall contemne to giue satisfaction within a yeere, the same shall be signified to the Pope, and this also is a proper decree, commanding the Metropolitan, and other Com­prouinciall Bishops to signifie the same to the Pope: Fourthly it is added, that then the Pope may denounce his Vassalls absolued from their fealtie, and his territories exposed to be taken by Catholikes: and this, which is the maine, and only point, from whence my Aduersaries conclude, that the Pope by his spirituall power may depose temporall Princes, cannot according to their owne grounds bee a true, and proper decree, and con­taine any commandement, grant or priuiledge, vnlesse they will graunt the Councell to bee aboue the Pope, and that the Councell hath power to impose commandements vpon the Pope, or to giue him any authori­tie, or priuiledge, which neuerthelesse they vtterly deny: and there­fore these wordes, as of themselues it is plaine, doe onely import, and signifie the ende, reason, or cause of the former Decree, to wit, wherefore it must bee signified to the Pope, that such a temporall Land-Lord, hath beene excommunicated for a whole yeere.

20 And by this it is euident first, that seeing that in generall Councels according to the expresse doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, the greatest part of the Acts doe not appertaine to faith, (For neither are of faith the dis­putations, which goe before, nor the reasons which are added, nor those things which are brought to explicate, and illustrate, but onely the bare decrees, and those not all, but which are propounded, as of faith,) and that this is no de­cree, and though it were, it is not propounded as of faith, as it is mani­fest by the rules assigned aboue by Cardinall Bellarmine, and Canus, to know when any thing is propounded, as of faith, but it onely contai­neth the cause and reason of the former decree, which reason may bee exposed to errour (seeing that it is not greatly to be stood vpon, saith Canus, Canus l. 6. c. 8. si Pontificum rationes necessariae non sunt, if the reasons of the Popes or Councels be not necessary,) it is, I say, most euident, that from this Act no probable argument can be brought to proue, that the doctrine for the [Page 484] Popes power to depose Princes, is certaine and of faith.

21 Secondly, it is also euident, that I do not impugne, or call in question this Act of the Councell but do only expound, and interpret it, and that my expositiō is probable, to wit, that this Act was made not by spirituall authority, but by temporall, it is manifest, supposing, that is probable, as in very deede it is, and maintained by very many Doctours, both Di­uines, and Lawyers, that the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power by the in­stitution of Christ, doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall pu­nishments, but onely of Ecclesiasticall censures, and therefore it can­not without grosse ignorance and manifest absurdity be said, that this my answere and exposition which is grounded vpon the doctrine, not onely of so many learned Authours, but also of my owne Aduersaries, and who otherwise defend the Popes authority to depose Princes, is to bee accounted improbable or absurd. I now let passe that the de­crees of Popes and Councels which are not referred to all the Church, but onely to particular Bishops, Churches, or persons, and doe not concerne and binde all the Church, but onely certaine persons, may bee exposed to errour,Canus lib. 5. cap. 5. q. 4. as I declared before: For in that case onely, saith Canus, the Iudges are to be vnderstood to pronounce, or define of faith, when the decree or sentence belongeth to all the faithfull, when it bindeth all: but this Act of the Lateran Councell doth onely concerne temporall Land lords, and their Vassals, and those not all, but onely the Vassals of such Land lords, Magistrates, or Lords, who remaine excommunicated for a whole yeare, for neglecting to purge their territories of hereticall filth. And thus much concerning the Apostles decree.

22 And the like also, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 179. nu. 4. 5., may bee said concer­ning other decrees of Popes and Councels, the impugners whereof haue beene held and condemned by the Church for heretikes, as for example; it was decreed Baron. an. 159 Euseb. lib. 23. cap. 22. 23. 24, & 25. Theod. lib. 1. c. 9. Athan. in epist. de Synod. Ari­min. Ambros. epist. 83. by Pope Pius the first, and confirmed by Pope Victor, and after by the Councell of Nice, that the feast of Easter should be celebrated, at the same time that now it is kept vniuersally throughout Christendome, accor­ding to the tradition left to the Romane Church, by S. Peter, whereas the Churches of Asia did celebrate the said feast with the Iewes, (to wit, at the time prescribed in the law of Moyses) following therein the tradition, or at least the practise of S. Iohn the Euangelist. And albeit those decrees or­daine onely matter of fact, and practise, yet they which haue heretofore con­tradicted the same, and adhered to the custome of the Iewes were, and are still held by the Church for heretikes,Epiphan. haer. 50 S. Aug haer. 29. and registred for such by S. Epipha­nius, and S. Augustine, in their Catalogues of heretikes, vnder the name and title of Tessarescedecatitae, that is to say, Quartadecimani, who with this distinction of Widdrington, and his arguments, might farre more pro­bably defend their opinion, then he doth, or can defend his. For they might say as well as he, that those Decrees were not matters of faith, but matters of [Page 485] fact onely, wherein both the Pope, and the Councels might follow their owne priuate opinions, and consequently erre, which being added to that which they said in defence of their heresie, and might truely say, to wit, that they followed the practise of S. Iohn the Euangelist, and of the Churches of Asia,Euseb. vbi su­pra Beda lib. 3. hist. cap. 23. (which receiued the same by tradition from him, and continued it without interruption for 150. yeares) this, I say, would giue another manner of probability to their doctrine, then he can any way pretend for his; and yet neuerthelesse they are worthily held for heretikes, because they did obstinately refuse to obey those decrees.

23 But this obiection is as friuolous as the former; first, for that it supposeth that I oppose a matter of fact, to a matter of faith, and i­magine that the one cannot stand with the other, which is vntrue, as I shewed before. Secondly, for that it supposeth also that I impugne the decree, or rather Act and reason of the Lateran Councell, which is also vntrue, seeing that I doe not impugne it, but onely as you haue seene, expound it. Thirdly, for that there is a great disparity betwixt the decree concerning the celebrating of the Feast of Easter, and this Act of the Lateran Councell, concerning the future deposition of tem­porall Land-lords, or Magistrates, seeing that the former is a true and proper decree, implying an expresse precept, and commandement, but this Act is not a true & proper decree, containing in it any command, grant, or priuiledge, as I shewed before and therefore we cannot right­ly apply those arguments, which the Diuines doe bring to prooue the Churches infallible authority to make decrees, and precepts concerning manners, to this Act of the Lateran Councel, which is not grounded vp­on any doctrine appertaining to faith, but onely vpon opinion, which may be exposed to errour.

24 Fourthly, the Quartadecimani, Castro lib. 12. contra haer. ver­bo Pascha. Bell. lib. 3. de Cultu. Sanct. cap. 12. as you may see in Alphonsus de Castro, and Cardinall Bellarmine, were not accounted heretikes for celebrating the Feast of Easter, according to the custome of the Iewes, contrary to the decree of the Church, but for that they thought it necessary to celebrate that Feast, according to the custome of the Iewes, which is indeede hereticall. And therefore that is very vntrue, which Mr. Fitzherbert saith, that the Quartadecimani were worthily held for heretikes, because they did obstinately refuse to obey those decrees, but because they refused to obey them vpon an hereticall ground. Neither is it hereticall, as I haue shewed before out of Canus, to impugne, or disobey a decree of the Church, especially concerning facts and man­ners, which are not necessary to saluation, vnlesse it be impugned, or disobeyed vpon an hereticall ground. But if the decree bee grounded onely vpon an opinion, which is exposed to errour, and not vpon an infallible point of faith, it is not hereticall to impugne that decree, and to say, that the Church may erre in making that decree. Wherefore it is [Page 486] one thing to say, that the Church may erre in making such, or such a law, and decree; and another thing to say, that the Church doth erre, or hath erred in making that law and de­cree,Canus lib. 5. q. 5 conclu. 2. albeit Melchior Canus feareth not to say, that hee doth not ap­prooue all Church-lawes, nor commend all punishments, Censures, Excommu­nications, Irregularities, Interdicts. I know, saith he, that there be some such lawes, which if they want nothing else, yet doubtlesse they want prudence, and discretion. For in lawes, precepts, decrees, and facts concerning man­ners, which are not necessary to saluation, and which are not grounded vpon any doctrine of faith, it is not hereticall to hold, that Christ hath not promised to the Church any infallible assistance; and that therefore she may erre in making such decrees, yet I do not deny, but that it were temerarious, and irreligious for any priuate man to impugne any de­cree of a generall Councell, and to say, that the Church did erre in ma­king that decree.

25 As also it is no false doctrine, much lesse hereticall, to affirme, that Kings, and temporall Common-wealths may erre in making lawes and decrees concerning ciuill gouernment, for that Christ hath not promised them his infallible assistance therein; yet it were scanda­lous, and seditious for a priuate man to impugne any temporall law esta­blished by the Prince, and the Common-wealth, and to say, that they did erre in making that temporall law. But, as I said before, I doe not impugne, but onely expound this Decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell, according to the probable doctrine of very many Doctours, who affirme, that the Church by the institution of Christ, hath not power to inflict temporall punishments, but onely Ecclesiasticall Cen­sures. But no maruaile, that my Aduersary discourseth here so vnlear­nedly, seeing that hee hath so little insight in these Theologicall questi­ons, and I accuse rather his temerity, then his ignorance, that hee will take vpon him with such confidence, to bee a teacher in these difficult questions, wherein hee himselfe hath neuer beene a Schollar, or scarce vnderstandeth the true state of the question. And by this, which hath beene said, the iudicious Reader may easily perceiue, how vaine and im­pertinent are the rest of Mr. Fitzherberts inferences, and obiections in this Chapter, which therefore I might well omit, but that to giue sa­tisfaction to the vnlearned Reader, I am in a sort compelled to set them downe.

26 Whereupon, saith he,Page. 180. num. 6. it followeth first, that Widdringtons an­swere to the Canon of the Councell of Lateran, grounded vpon a distincti­on of a matter of fact, and a matter of faith, is very vaine and friuolous, as well because the one doth not exclude the other, as also because by that di­stinction hee may impugne the Decree of the Apostles themselues, of the Popes, Pius, and Victor, and of the Councell of Nice, and such other [Page 487] touching matters of fact, no lesse probably, then hee impugneth the Canon of the Councell of Lateran.

27 But to this, as you haue seene, I haue answered before, and haue cleerely shewed, that I did not impugne, but onely expound the decree of the Lateran Councell, and that I did not oppose a matter of faith, to euery matter of fact, but to a matter of fact onely, or, which is all one, to such a matter of fact, which is not grounded vpon any doc­trine of faith, and such a matter of fact doth exclude a matter of faith: & also that by this distinction I doe not any wise impugne the decree of the Apostles, of Pope Pius, and Victor, of the Councell of Nice, or of any other touching matters of fact.

28 Secondly, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pa. 180. nu. 7 it appeareth, that, as the Quar­tadecimani were woorthily condemned of heresie, because they obstinately contradicted the authoritie of those Decrees, so also those, who doe with like obstinacy impugne the other Decree of the Councell of Lateran, doe much more deserue to be held for heretickes, seeing that they haue much lesse proba­bility for their opinion, then the other had.

29 But this also hath been answered before; for neither were the quar­tadecimani condemned of heresie, because they obstinately contradicted the authoritie of those decrees, but because they contradicted them vpon an hereticall ground: Neither doe I impugne the Decree of the Late­ran Councell, but do only expound it, according to the probable doctrine of very many learned Catholikes, who since the Councell of Lateran haue affirmed, that the Ecclesiasticall power, by the institution of Christ, doth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, as death, exile, priuation of goods, imprisonment, but that the Church, when she inflicteth such punishments, doth it by the pure positiue law, and priuiledges of Princes, which learned Doctours cannot without grosse temeritie, and impudency be therefore condemned of heresie. And if this decree of the Lateran Councell bee so cleere a proofe to make this doc­trine for the Popes power to depose Princes to bee a point of faith, and the contrary hereticall, as these men pretend, I would gladly know, why Cardinall Bellarmine in his Controuersies, Victoria, Corduba, Moliua, or D. Sanders did not vrge it to make their doctrine in this point, cer­taine, vnquestionable, and of faith, and why Marsilius of Padua was not by some one of those, who write of heresies, accounted an here­ticke for impugning this doctrine, and why it was not by Castro, Pra­teolus, Cardinall Bellarmine, or some other reckoned among one of his heresies, but it must now, forsooth, within these few yeeres, without any new definition either of Pope, or Councell bee made an heresie, which for a 1600. yeeres before was not by any ancient Father, or Catholike Diuine accounted an heresie.

30 Thirdly, saith Mr. Fitzherbert,Pa. 181. nu. [...]whereas Widdrington conclu­deth [Page 488] this his third answere, with this reason, that the Fathers in the Councell of Lateran had no more assurance, and certaintie for this their Decree, then if they had declared their opinion foorth of the Councell, because Christ hath not promised the infallible assistance of his holy Spirit vnto facts, and probable opinions of Popes, or Coun­cells, but to their definitions onely, this his conclusion, I say, is most impertinent, not onely because it impugneth the foresaid Decrees of the A­postles, of Pope Pius, and of the Nicene Councell, no lesse then this other of the Councell of Lateran, but also because he flatly ouerthroweth him­selfe, seeing that this Decree of the Councell of Lateran is a true defini­tion concerning the meanes to extirpate heresie; and therefore seeing that our Sauiour promised the infallible assistance of his holy Spirit to the defini­tions of Popes and Councels (as Widdrington hath here expresly affir­med) it followeth, that the Pope, and Fathers in the Councell of Lateran, neither did, nor could erre in their definition, or Decree concerning the de­position of Princes, when it shall be necessary for the extirpation of heresie.

31 But all this also I haue fully satisfied before, and shewed a great disparity betwixt those decrees of the Apostles, of Pope Pius, and of the Councell of Nice, and betwixt the Act of the Lateran Councell, concer­ning the future deposition of temporall Potestaes, both for that this Act of the Lateran Councell is no true, and proper Decree (according to my Aduersaries grounds) as those were, and also for that no Catholike Authour aff [...]rmeth, that those Decrees were made by temporall, but onely by spirituall authoritie, but very many Doctours affirme, that this Act was made by the authoritie and consent of temporall Princes, seeing that according to their doctrine the Church by the institution of Christ, hath not authoritie to inflict temporall punishments, but that when shee vseth, or inflicteth them, shee doth it by the pure positiue law, and priuiledges of Princes.

32 And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert saith, that this Decree of the La­teran Councell, is a true definition concerning the meanes to extirpate here­si [...], if hee meane by the Decree of the Lateran Councell, this onely Act concerning the absoluing of Vassalls from their fealty, whereof onely wee now dispute, and by a definition hee vnderstand a Decree containing some precept, or obligation either concerning faith, or manners, this is very vntrue, for, as I shewed before, this Act, according to his owne grounds, containeth no precept, bond, or obligation, vnlesse he will grant, that the Councell hath authoritie to command or bind the Pope, and there­fore it is not properly a true Decree, but onely the reason, cause, and end of the former Decree: and although it were a true decree, and in that sense a definition, yet for that it was enacted, not by spitituall, but by temporall authoritie, it is euident, that no infallible assistance of the holy Ghost was promised by our Sauiour Christ to the making thereof. [Page 489] But if by this Decree of the Lateran Councell he vnderstand the whole act, which containeth diuers particular decrees cōcerning the rooting out of heresie by spirituall meanes (for to root out heresie by temporall meanes, and inflicting temporall punishments, as I haue often said, doth not belong to spirituall, but to temporall authoritie) then I wil­lingly graunt, that this Decree is a true definition, taking a definition, as he doth, for a Decree, but, besides that this is nothing against mee, hee must withall remember, that, according to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, not all definitions or decrees doe appertaine to faith, but those Decrees only, which are propounded as of faith: Now if Mr. Fitzherbert will but call to minde the rules, which I haue alledged before out of Cardinall Bellarmine, to know, when any Decree is propounded as of faith, he will euidently see, that this Act of the Lateran Councell con­cerning the absoluing of vassalls from their fealty, is no such Decree, and will therefore bee hereafter shamed to vrge any longer the Coun­cell of Lateran, for the confirming of his new Catholke, or rather particular faith, and priuate spirit.

33 And if Widdrington say, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pa. 191. nu. 9 that Decrees concerning matters of fact are not definitions, he sheweth himselfe very absurd. For it cannot be denied, but that Popes and Councells ordai­ning Decrees concerning matters of fact, doe as well define what is to be done, or practised, as they define what is to be beleeued and taught, when they make Decrees concerning matters of faith; and the one is no lesse neces­sary for the good gouernment of the Church, then the other; and therefore their Decrees of both sorts are definitions, the one of a thing to be beleeued, and the other of a thing to be done; for otherwise we must say, that the A­postles after all their consultation in their Councell at Hierusalem defi­ned nothing, which were absurd.

34 But because I will not contend of words, I doe not say,Act. 15. that Decrees concerning matters of fact, and manners, which are true, and proper Decrees, are not definitions, or that such Decrees, or definitions are not necessarie for the good gouernement of the Church, but that, which I say, is, that this Act of the Lateran Councell concerning the deposition, not of Princes, as this man supposeth, but of Landlords, Potestaes, or Lords, is not, according to my Aduersaries grounds, a true and proper Decree, or definition, including any precept, bond, or obligation, which all true, and proper decrees doe include: and I also say, that, according to the expresse doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, not all the Decrees, or definitions of generall Councells doe appertaine to faith, but those onely which are propounded as of faith; and that to know, when any Decree is propounded as of faith, he assigneth these rules, to wit, If the Councell doe excommunicate those, or account them for heretikes, who shall beleeue the con­trary, or if it declare by a firme decree, that what is defined, or decreed ought to [Page 490] be receiued as a doctrine of the Catholike faith, and to be firmely beleeued by all the faithfull, or the contrarie to be hereticall, or repugnant to the holy Scriptures, and that when none of these things be affirmed, it is not certaine, that it is a point of faith: Now that there is no such thing decreed, defined, or affirmed in this manner in the Lateran Councell, touching the absoluing of vassals from their fealtie, it is too too apparant.

35 Wherein also, saith M. Fitzherbert, Pag. 182. nu. 10. 11. it is to be considered, that the error which may be incident to a definition, or Decree concerning matters of fact, cannot fall vpon the Decree, or definition it selfe (for so should the errour redound to the holy Ghost, whose assistance our Sauiour hath promised to the definitions of Councells, and Popes, as Widdrington himselfe See before u. 1. gran­teth) but it must fall vpon the execution of the Decree, as if some Prince should be deposed vpon wrong information, or without due circumstances re­quired in the Decree. But the question is not heere of errour in matters of fact of this kind (I meane in the execution of Decrees) and therefore if Wid­drington speake of such facts, when he saith, that Christ hath not promised the assistance of his spirit to facts, but to definitions, he changeth the question, and fighteth with his owne shadow, affirming that, which we denie not, who speake onely of the veritie, iustice, and equitie of the Decree it selfe, from the which we exclude all errour, and iniustice, acknowledging the assi­stance of the holy Ghost in the making therof, in which respect all Catholike Doctours that haue euer written, haue vniformely taught hitherto, that the Church being guided by the holy Ghost cannot erre in her generall Decrees made for the whole Church, touching either faith, or manners (as I will de­clare See Cha. 16. nu. 11. 12. further hereafter.) Whereupon I conclude that Widdrington ad­mitting, as hee doth the assistance of the holy Ghost in the definitions of Councells, and Popes, and yet impugning the veritie, or iustice of the De­cree, ascribeth errour or iniustice to the holy Ghost.

36 But first, whether a Generall Councell can erre or no in her de­finitions, or decrees, which are made by her spirituall authoritie concer­ning matters of fact, or manners (for that the Pope cannot erre euen in his definitions concerning faith, if hee define without a Generall Councell I neuer intended to affirme) it is altogether impertinent to the present Act of the Lateran Councell concerning the absoluing of vassals from their fealty, seeing that this Act, as I contend, was not made by her spirituall authoritie, but by the authoritie, license, and consent of temporall Prin­ces, to the making of which Decrees no Catholike Authour affirmeth, that Christ hath promised his infalible assistance, or that the Church is guided therein by the holy Ghost.

37 Secondly, albeit at this present I doe not say, that the Church, or a Generall Councell can erre in her generall Decrees concerning mat­ters of fact and manners, yet I say, as I said before, that Melchior Canus a man of such learning and pietie, that Mr. Fitzherbert dare not, as I [Page 491] thinke, accuse him of heresie, doth confidently say, that without danger of heresie it may be held, that the Church in some such law, or custome may erre, and that hee dare not affirme it to bee hereticall, to say that some such law, or custome of the Church is vniust; and also that in manners not com­mon to the whole Church, but which are referred to priuate persons, or Churches, the Church may erre through ignorance, not onely in her iudge­ment of things done, but also in her priuate precepts, and lawes; and general­ly he saith, that if any one of those things, whereon the iudgement of the Church doth depend, be vncertaine, the decree of the Church cannot be firme, and certaine, whether the question be speculatiue, or practicall, of which sort, saith he, is that decree, by which she doth canonize or iudge holy men to be numbred in the Catalogue of Saints. By all which it is euident, that from the Act, or Decree, if we will needes call it so, of the Lateran Councell concerning the absoluing of vassalls from their fealtie, stretch it as farre as may be, no colourable, much lesse conuincing argument can bee brought to make the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, to be a point of faith, and the contrary to be hereticall.

38 Thirdly, when I affirmed, that from the vndoubted doctrine of the Catholike Church this onely can be gathered, that Christ hath promi­sed the infalliable assistance of the holy Ghost, not to facts, or probable opi­nions of Popes, and Councells, but to definitions onely, by facts I vnder­stand such acts, as are not grounded vpon any doctrine of faith, and by definitions, I meant those Decrees, which are propounded as of faith: or, which without any doubt, or controuersie are deduced euidently from such infallible definitions, or principles of faith, of which sort, this Act, or Decree of the Lateran Councell is not, as it is euident for those many rea­sons before alledged.

39 And whereas Widdrington addeth, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 133. nu. 12. Supra. nu. 1. an other circumstance, to wit, that the Councell did not determine by this Decree, that the future deposition of Princes should proceede from an vndoubted lawfull authoritie, or from the Ecclesiasticall power onely without the consent of Princes, he is no lesse impertinent then in the for­mer: for what need was there to determine that the Pope had an vndoubted lawfull authoritie to depose Princes, seeing that the same was not then any way called in question, but admitted for a knowne truth, as it is euident, for that the whole Councell determined the practise of it, Naucler. go [...]e­rat. 41. ad ann. 12. which they would not haue done, if they had doubted of the lawfulnesse of the Popes authoritie in that behalfe.

But first, Mr. Fitzherbert doth egregiously abuse both me, and his Reader, in adding both heere, and aboue the word [Princes] as though I had acknowledged that Act of the Lateran Councell to concerne the future deposition of Princes, whereas I euer affirmed, that it did onely con­cerne inferiour Magistrates, Potestaes, Landlords, and Lords, and not So­ueraigne [Page 492] Princes; and therfore I said onely [that future deposition] and my Aduersarie addeth of himselfe the word [Princes.]

40 Secondly, whether it was needfull, or no, for the Councell to declare, whether that Act concerning the future deposition of temporall Landlords, Magistrates, or Lords, or rather the denouncing of them ipso facto deposed, was made by spirituall, or temporall authoritie, it is no­thing materiall to our question; this being sufficient for me, that seeing that very many Catholike Doctors do affirme, that the Ecclesiasticall pow­er by the institution of Christ doth not extend to the inflicting of tempo­rall punishments, as is the absoluing of Vassals from their temporall fealtie, and the Councell did not declare, by what authoritie that Act was made, any Catholike man may probably, and without any note of teme­ritie, much lesse of heresie, affirme, that it was made not by any vndoub­ted lawfull Ecclesiasticall authoritie, but onely by the authoritie, li­cence, and consent of absolute Princes. But although it were not abso­lutely necessarie, that the Councell should haue declared, whether that future deposition was to proceed from Ecclesiasticall, or temporall au­thoritie, yet to make it a point of faith, (which all men are bound to be­leeue) that the aforesaid deposition was to proceede from Ecclesiasticall authoritie, and not temporall, it was necessarie that the Councell should haue declared the same, especially supposing, that it is truely probable, that the Ecclesiasticall power doth not extend to the inflicting of tempo­rall punishments. As also if the Pope being now both a spirituall Pastour, and also a temporall Prince, should make a law, whereof there may bee made a probable doubt, whether it was made by vertue of his spirituall, or of his temporall authoritie, it is necessarie, to make this point cer­taine, and out of controuersie, that he declare, by what authoritie, tem­porall, or spirituall that lawe was enacted.

41 Thirdly, it is very vntrue, that the Popes power to depose Princes was not then any way called in question, but admitted for a knowne truth, for that from the very first broaching thereof, there alwayes hath beene a great controuersie, saith Fa. Azor, betwixt Emperours and Kings on the one side, Azor. tom. 2. li. 11. ca. 5. q. 8 and the Bishops of Rome on the other, whether in certaine causes the Pope hath a right, and power to depriue Kings of their kingdome. And the euident reason, which Mr. Fitzherbert bringeth hereof, to wit, for that the whole Councell determined the practise of it, is the maine que­stion which is now betwixt vs, and so he bringeth for an euident reason, that which is the controuersie, and to be prooued, which is an euident petitio principij, and condemned as vicious by all Logicians. Neither doth Nauclerus, whom my Aduersarie citeth in the margent, as though hee would make his Reader beleeue, that Nauclerus affirmeth, that the whole Councell decreed the practise therof, affirme any such thing. For Naucle­rus words are onely these: There were many things truly then consulted of, [Page 493] yet nothing could be plainly decreed, for that they of Pisa, and Genua made warre one against the other by Sea, and those on this side the Alpes by land. Yet some Constitutions are reported to be published, whereof one is, that whensoeuer the Princes of the world shall offend one the other, the corre­cting belongeth to the Bishop of Rome. Where you see first, that Nau­clerus expresly saith, that albeit many things were consulted, yet nothing at all could be plainely decreed. Secondly, that it was onely a report, that some constitutions were published. Thirdly, he doth not say, that these Constitu­tions were of the whole Councell, or onely of Pope Innocent and recited in the Councell as Matthew Paris said. Fourthly, that this report was vn­true, it is also plaine, seeing that there is no such Constitution, as hee mentioneth, to be found in the Lateran Councell. And lastly, albeit there were such a Constitution, it is nothing to the purpose, seeing that it onely saith, that when Princes are at variance, it belongeth to the Pope to correct them, to wit, by Ecclesiasticall Censures, which is not the question, but that it belongeth to the Pope to correct Princes, by deposing them, and by inflicting temporall punishments, which is the maine controuersie, and whereof the practise, as Mr. Fitzherbert saith, citing Nauclerus, in the margent, was decreed by the whole Councell, Nauclerus speaketh not any one word at all.

42 Also, Pope Innocent the third, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 183. u. 13. Naucler. geue­rat. 42 ann. 1246. Matth. Paris. in Henrico. 3. See Adolp. Schulc. pro Card. Bell. ca. 12 & 14 where he confuteth the answeres of Widdrington to these exam­ples. vnder whom the Councell of Lateran was held, had not past three or foure yeeres before depriued the Emperour Otho of his right to the Empire by a sentence of Excommunication, and deposition; by vertue whereof Frederike the se­cond (whose Ambassadours were present at the Lateran Councell) was made Emperour, who also was afterwards deposed by Innocentius the fourth in the Generall Councell held at Lyons: as likewise Leo the Emperour was before depriued of his rents, and reuenewes in Italie for heresie by Pope Gre­gorie the second. Also Childerike King of France, and Henry the fourth Emperour of that name had beene deposed from their states, and dignities by the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike before the Councell of Lateran. Therefore the said Councell had reason to thinke it altogether needelesse to determine any thing concerning the lawfulnesse of a matter alreadie admitted, and practised.

43 But truely any learned man would be ashamed to argue so vn­learnedly, that because some Popes before the Councell of Lateran de­posed Christian Princes, wherein neuerthelesse they were greatly con­tradicted by Princes and subiects, therefore the Popes authoritie to depose is vndoubtedly lawfull, or because a matter is alreadie practised, and ad­mitted by many, though contradicted, and not admitted by others there needeth no determination to make the lawfulnesse thereof certaine, and manifest. It is true, that diuers Popes since the time of Gregory the 7. who was the first, that contrary to the custome of his Ancestours [Page 494] challenged to himselfe authority to depose the Emperour, Onuphrius lib. 4 de varia creat. Rom. Pont. saith Onuphrius, haue put in practise this their pretended authority, but it was euer contra­dicted both by Christian Princes and subiects. And in particular con­cerning those examples, which Mr. Fitzherbert here bringeth, it is e­uident, that many Catholike Authours, whom I related elsewhere,Apolog. num. 404. & seq. doe denie, that Pope Zachary did depose Childerike, in any other man­ner, then by consenting to the Peeres of France, who deposed him, and by declaring that he might be lawfully deposed by the Peeres of France, and his subiects absolued from their oath of allegiance. That of P. Gre­gory the second, or the third, for my Aduersaries do not agree which of them it was,Onuphrius vbi supra. Otho Frsingensis lib. 6 cap. 35. Sigebert. ad an­num 1088. Godfridus vi­terb. par. 17. Trithem. in Chron. monast. Hirsang. ad ad­num 1106. Onuphrius calleth a fable. Pope Gregory the 7. did indeede depose Henrie the fourth Emperour, but how greatly hee was contra­dicted therein, all Histories make mention, and how it was accounted a great noueltie, it is manifest by Otho Frisingensis, Sigebert, Godfridus, Trithemius, & Onuphrius; and also by the Epistle of Hermanus Bishop of Metz to Pope Gregory Vide epistol. Greg. 7. ad Her­man. lib. 8. E­pist. 21. concerning this poynt.

44 Also Pope Innocent the third did depose Otho, as before he depo­sed Philip, and hereof he wrote a Decretall Epistle, or Breue to the Duke of Zaringia, which is registred in the Canon Law, in Cap. Venerabilem de elect. & electi potestate, which decree or decretall Epistle Albericus a famous LawyerIn Dictionar. in verbo electio. Abbas Vrsperg. ad annum 1198 affirmeth, to be made by Pope Innocent against the li­berty and rights of the Empire: And Abbas Vrspergensis not onely re­prehendeth that decree, as containing in it against Philip many absurd things, and some falsehoods, but he also taxeth the Princes and Barons of periurie, who, saith he, being taught by diabolicall art, did not regard to breake their oathes, nor violate their faith, now forsaking Philip, and adhe­ring to Otho, and contrariwise. And how this deposition of Otho was contradicted by him,Naucler. gener. 41. ad annum 1212. Nauclerus, whom my Aduersary citeth, doth plainely testifie, who writeth that Otho speaking to the Princes of Ger­many, affirmeth, that it belongeth to their right, and not the Popes, to create and depose the Emperour. But to see in what manner Otho was made Em­perour, to the infinite wrong of Fredericke the second being then a childe, and without fault, and who in his cradle was by almost all the Princes of Germany in the time of his father Henrie the sixt Emperour chosen to be their King, and to whom they made their oath of allegi­ance, and for what cause this Otho after hee was made Emperour was deposed by the Pope, it would make euen a stonie heart to bleed; and truely my Aduersaries in vrging these examples, doe in my iudgement shew great want of discretion,Naucler. gene­rat. 41. ad ann. 1193. Matth. Paris in Ioanne Rege an. 1210. in giuing thereby occasion to rip vp ma­ny odious matters, and which for reuerence to the Sea Apostolicke, it were much better they were buried with perpetuall silence, and obli­uion. See Nauclerus, and Mathew Paris cited heere by my Ad­uersary.

[Page 495]45 Also Pope Innocentius the fourth, in the presence of the Coun­cell of Lyons, but without the approbation of the whole Councell did depose Fredericke the second, but how greatly he was contradict there­in, both by the Emperour himselfe, and also by the Princes of Germany, and others, it is manifest. The Pope, saith Abbas Stadensis,Abbas Stad. ad annum. 1245. did vpon S. Iames his day renew in the said Councell of Lyons, the sentence of Ex­communication against the Emperour, and by his owne authority (there­fore not of the Councell) did depose him from his Imperiall dignity, and this deposition he published throughout all the Church, commanding, vnder paine of Excommunication, that none should hereafter name him Emperour, which sentence flying throughout the world, certaine of the Princes with ma­ny others did gainesay, affirming, that it doth not belong to the Pope to cre­ate, or depose the Emperour, but to crowne him, that is chosen by the Prin­ces. And Nauclerus, Naucler. gene­rat. 42. ad ann. 1242. & seq. to whom Mr. Fitzherbert in the margent remit­teth his Reader, affirmeth, that the Emperour Fredericke in a letter to the King of France, contended to prooue, that the Popes sentence denounced against him was in law, and right inualid, and among other reasons of the Emperour hee alledgeth this, that although the Bishop of Rome hath full power in spiritualls, that he may absolue and binde all sinners, yet it was neuer read, that by the graunt of the law of God, or man, he hath power to transferre the Empire at his pleasure, or to iudge temporally of Kings, and Princes in depriuing them of their kingdomes. And also what contradicti­on Pope Innocent found by that practise, Trithemius relateth, affirming,Trithem. in Chron. Monast. Hirsang. ad ann. 1244. that Fredericke after his deposition came into Italy, and did afflict the Pope, and the people subiect to him with so great euills, that he was weary of his life, and wished that he had neuer thought of that deposition. Iudge now, good Reader, what Mr. Fitzherbert dare not auouch, affirming so boldly, and shamefully, that the authority of the Pope to depose Princes was not then doubted of, or any way called in question, but admitted for a knowne truth, and with what security thou maist repose thy soule, and whole estate vpon the learning, and conscience of this man, who with such grosse fraude and ignorance seekth to delude thee. But to these examples I haue heeretofore, partly in my Apologie, and partly in this Treatise suffici­ently answered.

46 And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert in the margent, remitteth his Reader to D. Schulckenius, for the confutation of my answeres to these examples, if the Reader will be pleased, after he hath read ouer this my Treatise, wherein I confute this Doctour, but onely to conferre my an­sweres with his Replies, hee will easily perceiue, how egregiously hee shuffleth, and that he hath much adoe to excuse Cardinall Bellarmine from manifest improbability, and bringeth no one argument, which prooueth any one of my answeres to bee improbable: and if hee desire to see this Doctours Replies more particularly answered, I remit him like­wise [Page 496] for this present to Maister Iohn Barclay, to whom as yet no answere hath beene made, in his booke against Cardinall Bellar­mines answere to his father, but especially to the Bishop of Ro­chester, who although a Protestant, yet out of Catholike Au­thours, and Catholike grounds, hath very cleerely, and particularly confuted all these examples, and what Cardinall Bellarmine, and D. Schulckenius, if they bee two sundrie men, haue brought to confirme the same.

47 Besides that, saith M. Fitzherbert Pag. 184. nu. 14. neither the Church nor yet Secu­lar Princes doe vse to declare in their lawes from what authority the execu­tion thereof shall proceede, but it sufficeth, that their authority to decree, or­daine, and execute their Lawes is sufficiently knowne, and acknowledged by their subiects; wherby it appeareth, that Widdrington doth very idly require, that the Councell of Lateran should haue declared, that the future de­position of Princes should proceede from an vndoubted lawfull authoritie, being a matter, which they held to bee without all doubt, or Contro­uersie.

48 But as for Secular Princes it is not needefull for them to de­clare, by what authoritie they make temporall lawes, and ordaine, or inflict temporall punishments, for that no Catholike euer made doubt, but that they had full authoritie to doe the same: but seeing that it hath euer beene a Controuersie among Catholikes, and very many Doctours doe affirme, that the Ecclesiasticall power by the institution of Christ doeth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punishments, whensoeuer the Church doth inflict such punishments without decla­ring by what authoritie she doeth the same, we may probably answere, according to the grounds of these Doctours, that shee doeth it not by her spirituall authoritie, which can inflict no such punishments, but by the authoritie, license, and consent of temporall Princes: and therefore that we must certainly beleeue, that the Councell of Lateran did ordaine the future deposition, not of temporall Princes, as this man faineth, but of inferiour Land-lords, Magistrates, or Lords, by her vndoubted Eccle­siasticall, or spirituall authoritie, it was necessarie, that the Councell should haue declared the same, seeing that both Catholike Princes, and subiects haue euer made a great doubt, and controuersie concerning this point; neither could the Fathers of that Councell bee ignorant heereof, who both saw, and felt what great contradiction, and opposition both Philip, and Otho, Pag. 184. nu. 15. and the Princes of Germanie, and their fauourers made a­gainst this pretended authoritie of the Pope to depose the Emperour, and to dispose of temporall matters belonging to the Empire.

49 And as for the consent of Princes, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, which Widdrington also requireth to Decrees concerning temporall matters, I haue alreadie answered him touching that point, and shewed, See Chap. 11. nu. 7. 8. 9 & s. and see also my answere to the same. as well by [Page 497] the example of the Apostles themselues, as by the practise of the primitiue Church, when there were no Christian Emperours, or Princes, that their consent is needelesse to the validitie of Ecclesiasticall Decrees; and that if the same were needefull, all Christian Princes should stand bound to obey the Decrees of the Councell, because being enacted by their generall con­sent in a generall Parliament of all Christendome, it cannot bee repealed without another generall Councell of like authoritie: So as thou seest, good Reader, that Widdringtons third answere is in euery thing defectiue, and no lesse improbable then the former. Neuerthelesse hee presumeth so much vpon the probabilitie thereof, that hee vndertaketh to answere also a Reply, which hee imagineth, we will make to his last argument, (he should rather haue said last answer) wherof I will examine the particulars in the next chap.

50 And I also in those places, cited heere by my Aduersarie, haue fully confuted his answeres, and haue cleerely shewed, that by no example of the Apostles, nor any one practise of the primitiue Church, when there were no Christian Emperours, or Princes, it can bee conuin­ced, that the Apostles by their ordinarie power (for of their extraordi­narie, and miraculous power I doe not now dispute) or any Pope, or Councell in the primitiue Church did inflict temporall punishments. And whether a temporall law made in a generall assemblie, or Parliament of all Christian Princes, or confirmed by the generall consent of them all, cannot bee repealed, but by such another generall Assemblie, or by the generall consent of them all, I haue sufficiently declared a­boueCap. 8. nu. 26. & seq. out of the doctrine of Fa. Suarez, when I treated of the law of Nations. Two things only may for this present be added thereunto. The first is, that no humane law, either Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill doth binde, vnlesse it bee approoued by the acceptance of the people, as the common opinion of Diuines, and Lawyers doeth affirme:See Disput. Theol. c. 6. sec. 3. nu. 25. and that many Decrees of this Lateran Councell, and namely this Decree, which is now in question, that euery temporall Officer, Land-Lord, or Lord, when they come first to their Office, or Landes must take an Oath to roote out heretikes from the territories subiect to their Iurisdiction, was neuer obserued, or put in execution in this king­dome, and in many other Kingdomes, and Nations it is manifest, for ought wee can gather by the relation of Histories.

51 The second is, that there is great difference to bee obserued, betwixt temporall kingdomes, and the spirituall kingdome, or Church of Christ, and consequently betwixt the generall assemblies, or Par­liaments of them both: for that all Christians doe make one true, pro­per, and totall mysticall body, or Common-wealth, which is the Ca­tholike Church, and spirituall kingdome of Christ, really vnited in spiritualls, and subiect to one supreame visible head, or spirituall Su­periour thereof: but all Christians doe not make one true, and totall [Page 498] Ciuill body, or Common-wealth, really vnited in temporalls, and subiect to one supreame visible head, or temporall Prince thereof: but they doe make diuers entire temporall kingdomes, or Common-wealths; so that throughout all the whole world there is but one true entire Catholike Church, or mysticall body of Christ, but there are many true entire temporall kingdomes, and common-wealths. From whence the iudicious Reader may easily gather the reason, why a Decree made by a Generall Councell, or spirituall Parliament can not be repealed, but by another generall Councell of like authority, and why a Bishop for ex­ample of Spaine, as he is a part of the generall Councell, which is a true formall body representing the whole Catholike Church, hath power, and iurisdiction ouer the Christians of another temporall kingdome, for example of France, and contrariwise, but a temporall or Ciuill law made by the consent of all Christian Princes, may bee repealed by euery Prince, for as much as concerneth his owne kingdome, by whose onely authoritie that law had force to binde in his kingdome, which in temporalls is subiect to no other Prince, but himselfe alone; and therefore as that law had not force to binde in his kingdome from the authoritie of any other Prince, so the authoritie, and con­sent of no other Prince is necessarie for the repealing, and abroga­ting of the same. So as thou seest, good Reader, that my third answere is no way defectiue, but in euery thing sound, and suf­ficient, and that Maister Fitzherbert in the impugning thereof, hath very grossely bewrayed his egregious fraude, and igno­rance.

CHAP. XIIII.

VVherein three Instances, grounded vpon three examples of Popes decrees and sentences brought by Widdrington to con­fute three arguments of Fa. Lessius whereby hee laboured in vaine to demonstrate that the foundations of the decrees and sentences of Popes and Councells must bee certaine and of faith, are prooued to bee sound and sufficient, and the first example brought by Widdrington is confirmed, and M. Fitzherberts exceptions against the same are confuted, and hee himselfe in setting downe Widdringtons instances and applying them to the decree of the Lateran Councell is con­uinced of manifest fraude and falshood.

1.AFter I had giuen the aforesaide third answere to that Act of the Lateran Councell, as you haue seene before, I insinuated another difficultieIn the afore­said Preface nu. 51.concerning that Act in these wordes. I o­mit now, that those wordes [that from that time the Pope may denounce, or declare his Ʋassalls absolued from his fealtie] doe containe in them some difficultie: for if wee will regard the force, or proprietie of the wordes, they seeme onely to signifie, that it belongeth to the Pope not truely to absolue Vassalls from their fealtie, but onely to declare them alreadie absolued, which is not the question, which wee haue now in hand. But this difficultie Mr. Fitzherbert pas­seth ouer with silence, and skippeth to examine three instances, which I did not onely imagine, or suppose, as hee saith, would be made against my last answere, but which Fa. Lessius in those expresse words by me re­lated in a booke of his called Disputatio Apologetica pro potestate Summi Pontificis (which went heere vp and downe for a while in hugger mug­ger, and whereof by chance I had then a view, but now it cannot be seene but by very speciall and secret friends, which is a manifest token of a great diffidence in his cause) did bring to demonstrate, and cleerely conuince, that it is a manifest point of faith, that the Pope hath power and authoritie to depose temporall Princes, and to absolue sub­iects from their temporall allegiance.

2 And because Mr. Fitzherbert doth ouer much pare and curtoll those three instances, which I brought to confront and paralele with the three arguments, or obiections vrged by Fa. Lessius, I thinke it [Page 500] not amisse first of all to relate them word by word, as there they are set downe by me. Wherefore the first argument or obiection of Fa. Les­us is this.

1. Argument of Fa Lessius. That doctrine doth appertaine to faith, which Popes, Councels and Doc­tours doe eyther propound, or suppose as a certaine, and vndoubted ground or foundation of their Decrees and sentences; but this doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, and to absolue subiects from their allegiance, is ey­ther propounded, or supposed by Popes, Councels, and Doctors, as a foun­dation of many Canons, and iudiciall sentences, therfore this doctrine doth appertaine to faith.

2. Argument.3 His second argument is this: If a Generall Councell should ex­presly define, that the Church hath this authoritie, no Catholike could make any doubt, but that this matter should appertaine to faith, but seeing that it doth suppose it as a sure, and certaine foundation of her Decrees and Senten­ces, shee is thought no lesse to affirme the same, therefore it ought to be accoun­ted no lesse certaine.

3. Argument.4 His third argument is this: It is a poynt of Faith that the Church cannot erre in doctrine, and precepts of manners, by teaching generally any thing to be lawfull, which is vnlawfull, or vnlawfull which is lawfull, or al­so by commanding any thing which is, per se, of it selfe vnlawfull: for such an errour is no lesse pernicious to the faithfull, then is an errour in faith. But if the Pope should not haue that authority to depriue temporall Princes of their dominions, the Church should erre in doctrine of manners, and that in mat­ters of very great moment: For shee teacheth, that after a Prince is deposed by the Popes authority, all his subiects are absolued from his obedience, and that his dominions may bee taken by another, as it is manifest by the Coun­cells: Also, that after a Prince is publikely excommunicated, his subiects are absolued from their Oath of Allegiance, in so much that they are not bound to obey him vntill hee he reconciled, yea and she doth forbid them to o­bey him, if the Censure be denounced. All which shall be false, and not onely false, but also pernicious, for that the subiects shall thereby be incited to rebel­lions and periuries, yea and against their will be compelled thereunto: There­fore the Church doth erre in doctrine of manners, and commandeth rebelli­ons, and periuries, and by her Censures doth compell men thereunto, but to affirme this is hereticall, therefore that also from whence this followeth, is hereticall, to wit, that the Church hath not authority to absolue subiects from the bond of their oath, and from their obedience.

5 Thus argueth Fa. Lessius, to which his arguments I did not an­swer in forme, but onely propounded three other instances, or argu­ments to confront them with his, whereby the learned Reader might cleerely see the weakenesse, and insufficiency of his obiections, which my arguments I grounded in like manner vpon the dispensations, decrees, and iudiciall sentences of certaine Popes in these words.Praefatio A­pol. nu. 56. & seq.

[Page 501]6 And first of all, is not the due administration of Sacraments a matter of great moment, and chiefly belonging to the Popes office, & is not an error concerning it to be accounted very pernicious? But the Pope hath oftentimes giuen leaue to a Priest, who was no Bishop, to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation,As it appea­reth by S. Gre­gory lib. 3. e­pist. 26. and it is related in the Canon, perue­nit, dist. 95. and many Abbots at this day haue the same facul­ty. Concil. Flor. circa finem in Decreto Eugen.whereas it is a great cōtrouersie among Diuines, whether the Pope can giue leaue to such a Priest to administer this Sacrament. Seeing therefore that to the Sacraments of the new Law, as the Councell of Florence declareth, are required three things, the matter, the forme, and the Minister, of which if any one be wanting, it is not a true, and perfect Sacrament; and that it is a very great sacriledge, that the due, and lawfull matter, and forme of a Sacrament should be seriously applied by an vnlaw­full Minister, if the Pope, in whom only, according to these Diuines, the whole Ecclesiastiall power, and authority to define infallibly matters of faith doth chiefly reside, cannot grant authority to a Priest, who is no Bishop, to administer this Sacrament, as very lear­ned DiuinesAdrianus Papa in 4. in q. de confess. ar. 3. Durand. in 4. dist. 7. q. 3. & 4 Bonauent. ibid. Alphon. de Cast. in l. de haer. ver­bo confirmatio. Petrus Soto lec. 2. de confirm. and others.without any note of heresie, or errour doe hold, is it not a very great errour to grant such licences, whereby there is danger, that most heinous sacriledges, to wit, the inualid admini­strations of Sacraments, should be committed?

7 Moreouer, Pope Sixtus the fourth did in honor of the imma­culate conception of the blessed Virgin Mary make a DecreeIt is to be seen in the 4. tome of the Councels, after the life of Pope Sixtus.for ce­lebrating the Feast of her Conception, to the end that all faithfull Chri­stians should giue thanks, and praise to almighty God for her wonderfull conception, which he also cals immaculate,In the second decree.of the immaculate Ʋirgin; and notwithstanding it is vncertaine, and disputed by Diuines on both sides, whether the B. Virgin was conceiued in originall sinne, or by the speciall prouidence of God preserued from the same: Is it not therefore from hence manifest, that the doctrine which is pro­pounded, or supposed as a foundation of an Apostolicall constitution, and decree, and which belongeth to the religious seruice of God, is not so certaine, and vndoubted a truth, but that without danger of dead­ly sinne it may be impugned.

8 Lastly, some Popes haue oftentimes dispenced with Princes, who haue made a solemne vow of chastity in approoued Religions, to contract matrimonie,See Azor. tom. 1. li. 12. c. 7. q. 1.as it is recorded by Historiographers of Constantia, daughter to Roger King of Sicilie, of Casimirus King of Poland, and of Ramirus King of Aragon, and of Nicholas Iustinian a noble Venetian; but if the Pope hath no authority to dispence in the solemne vowe of religious chastitie whereof there is a great con­trouersie among Catholike Doctours,For S. Tho­mas. and all his followers, whom Zanchez a Iesuite relateth, lib. 8 de Matri­mon. disp. 8. doe deny that the Pope hath such, a power, and Zanchez also saith that it is probable.doubtlesse such dispensations would cause very many hainous sinnes, and doe also great wrong to other Princes, who by such dispensations should be vniustly de­priued [Page 502] of their iust title to raigne, and to succeede in their inheri­tance. These bee the examples whereon I grounded my three ar­guments or instances to confront them with the former three of Fa. Lessius in these words.

1. Instance of Widdrington.9 May we not therefore according to our aduersaries principles argue in this manner: That doctrine doth appertaine to faith, which the Pope (in whom onely according to these Doctours, all authoritie to define infallibly matters of faith doth resideFor they grant that the Pope alone without a Coū ­cell hath this insallibility, & the Councell without the Pope hath it not.) doth eyther pro­pound, or suppose as a certaine, and vndoubted ground, or foundation of his Decrees and sentences (this is the Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius first argument) But this doctrine, that the B. Virgin was not concei­ued in originall sinne, that the Pope can dispence in the solemn vow of chastity, and giue leaue to a Priest, who is no Bishop, to Minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, is propounded or supposed by Popes as a ground, or foundation of many their decrees, dispensations, and iudi­ciall sentences, therefore that doctrine doth appertaine to faith; This is the substance of my first instance, but in forme made like to Fa Lessius his first argument.

2. Instance.10 Secondly, if the Pope should expresly define that the Church hath such a power, (to wit, to dispence in the solemne vow of chasti­tie, to giue leaue to an inferiour Priest to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation, and to define that the blessed Virgin was not con­ceiued in originall sinne) no Catholike (of those especially who hold that the Pope defining without a Generall Councell cannot erre) can make any doubt, but that this matter should appertaine to faith, but seeing that Popes doe suppose it as a sure and certaine foun­dation of their Decrees, and sentences, they are thought no lesse to affirme the same, therefore it ought to bee accounted no lesse cer­taine.

3. Instance.11 Thirdly, it is a point of faith, as our Aduersaries suppose, that the Pope cannot erre in doctrine, and precepts of manners, by tea­ching generally any thing to be lawfull, which is vnlawfull, or to bee vnlaw­full, which is lawfull, or also by commanding any thing, which, per se, of it selfe is vnlawfull: For such an errour is no lesse pernicious to the faithfull, then an errour in faith: But if the Pope should not haue that authority to dispence in the solemne vow of chastity, or to giue leaue to an inferiour Priest to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation, the Pope should erre in doctrine, and precepts of manners, and that, in matters of very great moment: For he teacheth, that the Sacrament of Confirmation ministred by an inferiour Priest, who is no Bishop, is a true Sacrament. Also, that if a Prince by the Popes dispensation doe marry a professed Nunne, that marriage to be lawfull and valid, and that their children are lawfully begotten, and ought to succeed in the Kingdome: and notwith­standing [Page 503] that the next of the blood Royall should for want of the lawfull issue of this Prince pretend a right to the Crowne, yet the Pope may with­out doubt, according to our Aduersaries doctrine, commaund, and also by Censures compell the Subiects to acknowledge the issue begotten by that marriage, wherein the Pope did dispence, to be their true, vndoubted and rightfull Prince: All which shall be false, and not onely false, but also per­nicious, for that the Subiects shall be incited thereby to doe iniuries, and a­gainst their wills be compelled thereunto, and Princes shall obtaine free li­berty and licence from the Pope to commit incests and sacriledges: There­fore the Church doth erre in doctrine of manners, and counsaileth sacri­ledge, and commandeth iniustice, and by Censures compelleth thereunto: But to affirme this it is heritical, therefore that also from whence followeth, is hereticall, to wit, that the Pope hath not authority to dispence in the so­lemne vow of chastity, and to giue leaue to an inferiour Priest, who is no Bishop, to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation.

12 Thus I argued in my Apologeticall Preface, and then I con­cluded thus: Let my Aduersaries solue these difficulties, and I will forth­with by their owne solutions, vntie the aforesaid knots, which they imagine cannot in any wise be solued, or loosed. Whereby it is apparant, that I did not oppose, or apply any one of these three instances either to the decree of the Lateran Councell, or to any other Canon of Pope, or Coun­cell, which are vsually brought by my Aduersaries to prooue, that the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes is a point of faith: but as Fa. Lessius did not apply in particular those his three arguments, ei­ther to the Canon of the Lateran Councell, or to any other Canon, or iu­diciall sentence of the Pope or Councell, but left them to be applyed by others to this or that Canon, except onely his second agument, which he seemeth to apply to the Lateran Councell, so I thought it sufficient for that time, to propound onely three other like instances in generall, and not to compare or parellel any of them to any decree, Canon, or iudiciall sentence of Pope, or Councell in particular, whereby my Aduer­saries contend to make manifest, that this their doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes is certaine, and of faith, but left the applicati­on of them to this, or that Canon in particular, vntill such time that they themselues would either apply those three arguments to some particular Canon of Pope, or Councell, or answere in forme to the three instances, which I brought to confront with theirs.

13 Now Mr. Fitzherbert neither answereth in forme to those three instances of mine, which I grounded vpon those three examples of Popes, nor so much as setteth them downe to bee seene by his Reader, but cauilleth onely, as you shal see, at those three examples, whereon my three instances were grounded, and pretendeth to shew a great disparitie betweene those three examples, and the Decree of the Late­ran [Page 504] Councell, and also hee would seeme to haue plaid the man, and to haue quite ouerthrowne my three instances, whereas hee hath not so much as touched, or mentioned them at all. Thus therefore hee begin­neth this Chapter:Pag. 185. nu. 1 My Aduersary Widdrington hauing hitherto shew­ed great weakenesse in himselfe, and his cause by his answeres to our argu­ments, Widdr. vbi su­pra nu. 52. pretendeth to confute a Reply, which he supposeth we will make to his last answere, diuiding the said Reply into three points, whereof the first is, that the foundations, and grounds of the Ecclesiasticall Canons, and Decrees of Popes and Councells doe belong to faith, whereupon Widdrington saith we inferre, that seeing the Fathers in the Councell of Lateran grounded their Decree vpon this doctrine, that the Pope hath power to depose Prin­ces, therefore the said doctrine must needs be certaine, and a matter of faith.

Ibid. nu. 53.14 The second point is, that seeing no Catholike man would doubt, but that all Christians were bound to beleeue, as a matter of faith, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, if a generall Councell should expresly define it, therefore we say, that forasmuch as the Councell of Lateran doth sup­pose the same as a sure foundation of their foresaid Canon, and Decree, all Christians are no lesse bound to beleeue it, then if they had expresly determi­ned, or defined it.

Ibid. nu. 54.15 The third point is, that it being a matter of faith, that the Church cannot erre in generall precepts, or Decrees concerning manners, it followeth, that the Councell of Lateran, hauing ordained the deposition of Princes, neither hath erred, nor could erre in it, especially seeing that the errour would be most grieuous, and pernicious to all Christians; for thereupon would follow tumults, seditions, and warres, by reason of the reuolts, and rebellions of subiects against their Princes, and the breach of their Oathes of fidelity, which were no lesse then periury, if the Pope had not authority to discharge subiects of their allegiance, and fidelity to their Princes. Thus in effect though somewhat more amply doth Widdrington argue for vs.

16 But first, whether I, or my Aduersary haue shewed great weakenesse in our selues, and in our cause, neither hee, nor I, but the iudicious Reader must bee the Iudge, for with the same facilitie I may retort his owne words backe vpon himselfe. Secondly, I did not onely suppose, that they would make those three arguments, but I related them word by word, as I found them in Fa. Lessius, which neuerthe­lesse Mr. Fitzherbert hath very lamely recited, especially the first, and last argument, leauing out many principal, and very important words, as you may see, if you will compare them together. Thirdly, I did not say, that hereupon they did inferre, as this man vntruely saith I did, that seeing the Fathers in the Councell of Lateran grounded their Decree vpon this doctrine, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, therefore this doctrine must be certaine, and of faith. For albeit Fa. Lessius may seeme to [Page 505] apply his second argument to the Decree of the Lateran Councell, which neuerthelesse he may also apply to the Decree of the Councell of Lyons, yet his other arguments, especially his first, are so generall, that they may be applyed to many other Decrees, Canons, dispensations, and iudiciall sentences of Popes, or Councells: and if Fa. Lessius had particu­larly applied them to the Lateran Councell, I might without more adoe haue easily answered them by denying, as there I did, that the Councell did suppose as a foundation of that Decree, or Act concerning the ab­soluing of Vassals from their fealtie, this doctrine, that the Pope hath power to depose absolute Princes, but onely inferiour Ma­gistrates, Land-Lords, or Lords by the authoritie and consent of absolute Princes.

17 Now for the answere, and confutation, saithPag. 186. nu. 4. 5. Mr. Fitzherbert, of these three arguments Widdrington produceth three instances to proue, that the Pope doth somtimes exercise his power with danger of pernicious, & most grieuous errour, when neuerthelesse it is vncertaine, whether he haue such power, or no. His first instance is, that the Pope hath often giuen lilence to a Priest to minister, and conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, not­withstanding that diuers great Doctours doe denie that the Pope can giue such licence, or commission; whereupon he concludeth, that it is not certaine, Durand. Bonauent. Adrian, & alij. whether the Pope hath the power, which he exercieth in giuing such licenses, and addeth further, An non, saith he; grauissimus error est &c? Is it not a most grieuous errour to grant such licences, whereby there is danger to commit most grieuous sacriledges, to wit, the inualide administrati­on of Sacraments? So he, shewing euidently, how vnreuerent an opinion he hath of the licences, dispensations, and other actions of Popes, seeing that he thinketh, or insinuateth at least, that they haue most grieuously, and pernici­ously erred therein many times, and yet one of the Popes, that did dispence in the case here mentioned (to wit, in the administration of the Sacrament of Confirmation) was the famous S. Gregorie the great, who granted that li­cence to some Priests in Sardinia, by reason of the great want of Bishops in that Iland.

18 But first, although the first instance, which I brought, be partly grounded vpon this practise of Popes to giue authoritie to Priests to conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, yet this is not my first instance, but my first instance is this, That doctrine doth appertaine to faith, which is propounded, or supposed by Popes as a sure, and certaine foundation of their Decrees, and sentences, (for so saith Fa. Lessius) But this doctrine that the B. Ʋirgin was not conceiued in originall sinne, that the Pope can dispence in the solemne vow of chastite, and giue leaue to a Priest to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation is propounded or supposed by Popes as a ground, and foundation of many their Decrees, dispensations, and iudiciall sentences. There­fore, &c.

[Page 506]19 Now I expected, that Mr. Fitzherbert would haue answered this my instance in forme, which if he had done, I would also by his answere haue satisfied Fa. Lessius his first argument, but he neither an­swereth, nor propoundeth my first instance, but cunningly flyeth to the Councell of Lateran, affirming that there is a great disparitie be­twixt the decree of the Lateran Councell, and the licences, which some Popes giue to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, where­as Fa. Lessius did not apply his first argument particularly to the Coun­cell of Lateran, but spake generally of the grounds, and foundations of all Decrees, and sentences of Councells, or Popes, affirming that do­ctrine to appertaine to faith, which Popes, Councells, and Doctours doe pro­pound, or suppose, as a sure foundation of their decrees and sentences, &c. which assertion may be applied not onely to the decree of the Lateran Counell, but also to the decree, & sentence of Pope Innocent the fourth, in the presence of the Councell of Lyons, and it doth also prooue, that the ground, and foundation of euery sentence, whereby any Emperour, or King hath beene deposed by the Pope, doth consequently belong to faith, which because it is repugnant to the common doctrine of all Di­uines, Mr. Fitzherbert would onely apply to the decree of the Lateran Councell, and thereupon he did fraudulently, as you haue seene, both conceale my first instance, and also change, and curtoll the first argu­ment of Fa. Lessius, which doth plainely shew, that he hath a great diffi­dence in his cause, and that his meaning is not to deale sincerely in the examining of this dangerous and difficult controuersie.

20 Secondly, wheras Mr. Fitzherbert accuseth me of irreuerence to the Sea Apostolike, seeing that I thinke, or insinuate at least, as he saith, that Popes haue most grieuously, and perniciously erred many times in their licences, dispensations, and other actions, he sheweth euidently therein rather his want of Christian charitie, then any solid learning, wisedome, or discretion; seeing that I neuer said, or insinuated, that Popes haue most grieuously erred many times in their licences, dispensa­tions, and other actions, but I onely related the opinions of learned, and vertuous Catholikes, and who were also much deuoted to the Sea Apostolike, and one of them also a Pope: from whose doctrine it cleere­ly followeth, that if to erre in the due administration of the Sacra­ments be a most grieuous, and pernicious errour, both in regard of the irreuerence done to the Sacrament, and also the wrong done to the person who is defrauded of the benefite thereof, then those Popes, who haue giuen authoritie to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, where­by the administration thereof is inualid, and repugnant to the institu­tion of Christ, haue most grieuously, and perniciously erred.

21 But if Mr. Fitzherbert will needes haue vs to approoue all the licences, dispensations, decrees, and other actions of Popes, vnlesse wee [Page 507] must haue an irreuerent opinion of the Sea Apostolike, what will hee say of Melchior Canus, a learned, & religious man, & much deuoted to the Pope, who boldly saith, that he doth not approoue all Church-lawes, Canus lib. 5. de locis cap. 5. q. vlt concl. nor commend all punishments, Censures, Excommunications, Suspensions, Irre­gularities, interdicts; and a little beneath hee affirmeth,Cap. 5. propo finem. that those who rashly, and without election doe defend euery sentence, or iudgement of the Pope concerning euery thing, doe weaken, not strengthen, doe ouerthrow, not establish the authority of the Sea Apostolike? What will he say of Silue­ster, a man also no lesse addicted to the aduancing of the Popes tempo­rall authoritie, who affirming that the Pope hath no authoritie to dis­pence in the solemne vow of religious chastitie, and some obiecting, that they haue seene the Pope so to haue dispenced de facto, answereth boldly,Siluist. in Sum. verbo votum 4. q. 5. in fine. See Aluarus pelag. lib. 2. de Planctu Eccles. ar. 5 in fine. See Bell lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 12. that he also hath seene the Pope done greater things with the scandal all Christianity. And to omit Aluarus Pelagius, & others, who taxe freely the facts of many Popes, what will he say of Cardinall Bellarmine, who affirmeth, that Pope Nicolas, and Pope Celestine haue in their Decrees, or Decretall Epistles expresly taught false doctrine concerning the Sa­craments of Baptisme, and Matrimony. But this is a vsuall tricke of my Aduersaries, when they are pressed with any argument, to flie to rayling and disgracefull speeches, and which with the same facilitie, and vpon the like grounds may be retorted backe vpon themselues.

22 But to answere Widdringtons argument, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 187. nu. 6. grounded vpon this instance, or example, whereas he laboureth to proue there­by, that the foundation, or ground of the Decree of the Councell of Late­ran concerning the deposition of Princes may be vncertaine, because the ground of some Popes dispensations in the administration of a Sacrament is vncertaine, he argueth most absurdly. For there is such an euident dispari­ty, betwixt the particular facts, or dispensations of Popes touching particular persons, Countreys, or Churches, and the generall Decrees of Popes, and Generall Councells made for the direction, and gouernment of the whole Church, that a man may wonder how he could forget himselfe so farre, as by an instance of a supposed possibility of errour in a particular fact of some Pope, to impugne a generall Decree of a Pope, together with a generall Councell.

23 What a great distrust Mr. Fitzherbert hath of his cause, the Reader may easily perceiue by this, that he seldome propoundeth any one argument, or answere of mine, but he vseth therein some notable fraud, or falshood. And first he would heere make his Reader beleeue, that he hath fully answered my first instance, or argument, which was grounded not onely vpon this fact of Popes giuing licence to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, but also vpon the two other ex­amples before propounded, whereas he hath not, as you haue seene, so much as related my first Instance.

[Page 508]24 Secondly, besides that not onely my first Instance, or argument, but also the other two Instances, which I brought to comfort them with Fa. Lessius his three arguments, were grounded vpon the licences, which some Popes haue giuen to inferiour Priests to conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, it is very vntrue, that I by any of my three instances la­boured to prooue, as this man affirmeth, that the Decree of the Lateran Councell concerning the deposition of Princes might be vncertaine; seeing that I alwayes contended, that the Decree of the Lateran Councell did not concerne the deposition of Princes, but onely of inferiour Ma­gistrates, and Landlords, and also that it was not made by Ecclesiasti­call, or spirituall authoritie, but onely by the consent, and authoritie of temporall Princes. So that Mr. Fitzherbert to shew that I argue most absurdly from the particular facts, and dispensations of Popes to the ge­nerall Decrees of Popes, and generall Councells, betwixt which I doe not denie, but that there is an euident disparitie, sheweth himselfe to be very false and fraudulent. For that which I contended by my first in­stance to prooue, was that the Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius first argument is not generally true, and consequently that his argument could not be good, That doctrine, saith he, doth appertaine to faith which Popes, Councels, and Doctors doe either propound, or suppose as a certaine foundation of their decrees, and sentences, which proposition being gene­rall may be applyed not onely to the decree of the Lateran Councell, but also to all other particular decrees, and sentences of Popes, or Councells, which the three aforesaid examples by me propounded, touching the particular sentences, dispensations, licences, and decrees of Popes, do euidently conuince to be a very false proposition, and con­sequently his argument grounded thereon to be very insufficient.

25 And therefore to shew the weaknesse of Fa. Lessius his first argu­ment, I did oppose to it an other like instance; for if that doctrine doth appertain to faith, which Popes, & Doctors do propound, or suppose, as a cer­taine foundation of their decrees, and sentences, which is the Maior proposi­tion of Fa. Lessius his first argument, then this doctrin that the B. Ʋirgin was not conceiued in originall sinne, that the Pope can dispence in the solemne vow of chastitie, and giue licence to inferiour Priests to mini­ster the Sacrament of confirmation must also appertaine to faith, seeing that it is propounded and supposed by Popes and Doctours, as a certaine foundation of many Canons, Decrees, and iudiciall sentences of Popes. Now by the answere, which my Aduersaries will make to this instance, I will also satisfie Fa. Lessius his first argument. For all the force of that argument doth consist in the true sense, and meaning of that Maior proposition, for absolutely, and in those generall words, as it is spoken by him, without any limitation, it is, as I said, very vntrue: but it must be limited both to those decrees, constitutions, iudiciall sentences, [Page 509] grants, and priuiledges, which are certainely knowne to proceed from Ecclesiasticall & not Ciuill authority, and also to such Decrees, which are propounded as of Faith, or doe ordaine things cleerely, and eui­dently deduced from some vndoubted doctrine of Faith, as I shewed aboue out of Card. Bellarmine, and Canus.

26 For although it bee certaine, and a poynt of faith, that the Church of Christ, as it includeth onely Church-men, or Cleargy-men, hath a full Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall power in generall, and that the foundation of true and proper Ecclesiasticall Lawes, Decrees, or Ca­nons is true Ecclesiasticall power also in generall, yet in particular to what things the fulnesse of Ecclesiasticall power doth extend, there is such a great controuersie among Doctours, that in this point few things are sure or certaine, as I shewed before out of Almaine, as whether the Church hath power to giue licence to inferiour Priests to conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, to dispence in the solemne vow of Chasti­tie, to dissolue the bond of Matrimony which is not consummate, and many such like, and to come neere our matter, to dispose of temporalls, to inflict temporall punishments, and to depose temporall Princes for any cause, crime, or end whatsoeuer. So that the foundation of such De­crees, Canons, constitutions, licences, dispensations and sentences, cannot be certaine, and a point of faith, so long as it remaineth questi­onable, and controuersed among Catholikes: For it is manifest, and most worthy to be noted, as Canus said,Canus lib 5. de loc cap. 5. q. vlt. concl. 3. that those decrees of the Church can not be certaine and firme, which are not grounded vpon certaine, and firme principles, and foundations. Wherefore if but one of those things, whereon the iudgement of the Church dependeth, be vncertaine, the decree of the Church cannot be vncertaine, &c. And by this Fa. Lessius his first argu­ment is plainely solued. For his Minor proposition is absolutely false, and also his Maior is not true, if it be vnderstood of Decrees, Canons,Pag. 88. nu. 7. and sentences, which are not certainely knowne to proceed f [...]om spi­rituall authority.

27 But perhaps Widdrington will say, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, that he doth not argue against the Decree it selfe, but against the reason, where­upon it was grounded, saying that it may be vncertaine, and subiect to error, no lesse then the reason which mooued some Popes to giue licence to a Priest to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation; But if he say this, he is ve­ry absurd; for he argueth in effect no otherwise then thus: Gal. 2. Acts 15. Because S. Peter had no sufficient ground for his dissimulation at Antioch (which S. Paul re­prehended in him) therefore the Apostles had no sufficient reason, or ground for their Decree in the Councell at Hierusalem, which no man that hath his right wits will say, for that the Apostles had the infallible assistance of the holy Ghost in making their Decree, which S. Peter had not eyther in his particular fact, or in the foundation, whereupon he grounded it.

[Page 510]28 But first it is manifest, as you haue seene before, that I neuer argued eyther against the Decree of the Lateran Councell, or against the reason of that Decree, but I onely impugned the exposition, which my Aduersaries make of that Decree, and the reason whereby they pretend to prooue from that Decree, that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes is certaine, and of faith; considering that it is vncertaine, whether that Decree was made by true Ecclesiasticall, or ciuill authority, and also for that it is not a true, and proper Decree, containing in it any precept or obligation, and though it were, it is not propounded as of faith, nor grounded vpon any cleare and vndoubted doctrine of faith, which neuerthelesse, according to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine and Canus, are necessary to make any Decree of a generall Councell to appertaine to faith. And secondly heere in this place I did only argue against the first argument brought by Fa. Lessius, who in his Maior proposition speaketh generally of all decrees, and sentences of Popes and Councels. That doctrine, saith he, doth appertaine to faith, which Popes, Councels, and Doctours doe either propound or sup­pose as a certaine foundation of their decrees and sentences, &c. And against this argument I did oppose, as you haue seene, another like instance grounded vpon three examples of decrees, dispensations, and iudiciall sentences of diuers Popes, which instance of mine Mr. Fitzherbert con­cealeth, and by the word foundation I did not onely vnderstand the reason, which mooued those Popes to make such decrees, and to grant such dispensations, and licences, as for example, that S. Gregory, as my Aduersary saith, graunted licence to some Priests in Sardinia, to admi­nister the Sacrament of confirmation, by reason of the great want of Bi­shops in that Iland, but by the word [foundation] I vnderstood the au­thority it selfe, which those Popes pretended to haue to make such de­crees, and to grant such licences and dispensations, and the reasons and foundations, whereon that pretended authority of theirs was groun­ded, which authority of theirs I shewed to be vncertaine, and conse­quently not to belong to faith, and therefore the first argument of Fa. Lessius to be defectiue.

29 And although there bee an euident disparitie betwixt the De­crees of Popes, and the Decrees of generall Councels, yet it is apparant, that according to my Aduersaries principles, who affirme, that all the infallibility of the Decrees of Generall Councels doth wholly depend vpon the Pope, wee may, according to their grounds, proportionally argue of the infallibilitie of the Decrees of Popes, and of General Coun­cels, and that if the Pope may erre in his priuate iudgement, particular facts, and decrees concerning manners, which are referred to particu­lar persons, Bishops, or Churches, a Generall Councell also may erre in the like; and if to make a Decree of a Generall Councell to belong [Page 511] to faith, it bee necessary, according to their doctrine, that it bee a true, and proper Decree, and must also be propounded as of faith, or neces­sarily grounded vpon some vndoubted doctrine of faith, the like also they must say of the Decrees of Popes. From whence it cleerely fol­loweth, that, according to their owne principles, no forcible argu­ment can bee drawne, either from the iudiciall sentence of Pope Gre­gory the seuenth against Henry the fourth Emperour, or of Pope Innocent the third, against Philip, and Otho, or of Pope Innocent the fourth, in the Councell of Lyons, against Fredericke the second, or from any other de­position of whatsoeuer King, or Emperour, or also from the Decree of the Lateran Councell, although we should suppose, as wee doe not, that it doth concerne the deposition of temporall Princes, and was made by true Ecclesiasticall authority, without any necessitie that Christian Princes should approoue, and confirme the same, yet, I say, no forcible argument can bee drawne from thence, to prooue that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, is an vndoubted doctrine of faith; seeing that the former sentences, and depositions doe onely con­cerne particular persons, and this Act of the Lateran Councell is not, according to their owne grounds, a true and proper Decree, and none of them are propounded as of faith, as any man of iudgement, out of those rules, which Card. Bellarmine and Canus haue brought to know when any Decree is propounded as of faith, may very easily perceiue.

30 Besides that Widdrington inferreth absurdly, saith Mr. Fitzher­bert,Pag. 188. nu. 8. 9. that because the reason, which mooued some Popes to grant that li­cence was vncertaine, or seemed erroneous to some learned men, therefore it was vncertaine also in it selfe, or to the Popes that gaue the licence, as who would say, that because the reason of Pope Pius his Decree, concerning the obseruation of the Feast of Easter seemed vncertaine to the Churches of Asia, therefore it was vncertaine in it selfe, or to Pope Pius, who made the Decree: whereas the reason, or gound of the said Decree (to wit, the tradi­tion of the Romane Church) was not onely certaine to Pope Pius, and his Successour Victor,Euseb. l. 5. hist. c. 24. & 25 (who excommunicated the Churches of Asia for resi­sting it) but also to the first Councell of Nice, which afterwards decreed the same, yea to the whole Church, which followeth the Decrees of the said Pope, and Nicen Councell, accounting them for heretikes that doe contra­dict them, as I haue shewed before See Chap. 13 nu. 4. & 7. And see also the answere there­vnto chap. 13. nu. 22. & seq..

31 The like also may bee said of the rebaptization of such as are bap­tized by heretikes, which was condemned by the Sea Apostolike vpon an assured ground, albeit the same seemed vncertaine, and erroneous to Saint Cyprian, and to a Synode of Bishops with him, who were of contra­rie opinion. So as it is euident, that many things may seeme vncertaine to some learned men, and yet bee most certaine to the Sea Apostolike, and therefore Widdrington argueth very ridiculously, if hee inferre (as [Page 512] hee seemeth to doe) that the reason which mooued some Popes to giue li­cence to Priests to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation is vncer­taine, or erroneous, because it seemeth so to some learned men.

32 But besides that I made no such inference, as this man faig­neth, and the Reader may plainely see by the examples, and instances which I haue entirely set downe, and Mr. Fitzherbert hath fraudulent­ly concealed, it is euident, that hee heere insinuateth, giuing credit therein to Fa. Lessius, a most dangerous, and pernicious doctrine, to wit, that all Catholikes are bound to follow in matters, which are in controuersie among learned men, the Popes priuate spirit, faith, and knowledge, as though the Church of God were to bee guided and go­uerned, in matters which are questionable among learned Catholikes, by the priuate faith, spirit, or knowledge of any man, yea of the Pope himselfe, or that Christ had promised his infallible assistance to the Popes priuate knowledge, or iudgement.

33 And first whereas Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that although the reason which mooued some Popes to grant licence to inferiour Priests to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation seemed vncertaine to some learned men, yet it was not therefore vncertaine in it selfe, or to the Popes that gaue the licence, hee speaketh very improperly: For albeit truth and falshood are taken from the thing it selfe (according to that knowne maxime of Aristotle, ex eo quod res est vel non est pro­positio dicitur vera vel falsa) and so may bee said to bee in the thing it selfe, yet certaintie, as certaine is opposed to doubtfull, vncertaine, falli­ble, probable, erroneous, is not properly in the thing it selfe, but in the vnderstanding, and knowledge of men. For if wee take certaintie, as it is in the thing it selfe, which is rather to bee called necessitie, there is nothing that is past, which is not certaine, or rather necessarily true; So that all the power, and authoritie, which Christ hath giuen to S. Peter, and consequently to the Pope, as hee is Saint Peters Suc­cessour, is most certaine in it selfe, that is, most true, and necessarie, yet all the power in particular, which Christ hath giuen to Saint Peter, and the Pope, is not certaine quoad nos, that is, to the vn­derstanding and knowledge of the faithfull, nor of the Popes them­selues.

34 Secondly, whereas Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that albeit the reason, which mooued some Popes to grant that licence to Priests, seemed erroneous to some learned men, yet it was not therefore vncertaine to the Popes that gaue it; and againe, It is euident, saith he, that many things may seeme vncertaine to some learned men, and yet bee most certaine, (hee doth not say, may seeme to be most certaine) to the Sea Apostolike; insinua­ting thereby, that those Popes, who gaue such licences, did not only thinke, or perswade themselues, that they did certainely know, but [Page 513] also that they did in very deede certainely knowe, (which is a farre different thing) that they had authoritie giuen them from Christ to doe the same: I would gladly learne of Fa. Lessius, from whom Mr. Fitzherbert hath taken this assertion, by what meanes those Popes came to such a certaine knowledge of things reuealed by Christ our Sauiour, whereof other men, and perhaps farre more learned then those Popes were in all sorts of learning both diuine, and humane, were so ignorant, vncertaine, and doubtfull. For my owne part I doe not know by what way any man, whatsoeuer hee bee, can haue a certaine knowledge, which is truely certaine, and not onely imagi­ned, or thought to bee certaine, of things supernaturall, and reuealed by GOD, but by diuine reuelation: and this must bee either a priuate reuelation, whereby God reuealeth himselfe to the priuate soule, or spirit of a man, as hee did in the old Law to the Patriarchs, and Pro­phets, and in the New to the Apostles, and to diuers other holy men; or else it must bee a publike reuelation, knowne, and approoued so to bee by the publike declaration, or acceptance of the Church; for the pub­like definitions of Popes, without the approbation of a generall Coun­cell, or generall acceptance of the Church, doe still remaine vncertaine, seeing that it is as yet vncertaine, and disputable among learned Ca­tholikes, whether the Pope hath authoritie to define certainely, and infallibly that this, or that thing which is in controuersie a­mong famous, and learned Catholike Diuines, hath beene reuealed by God, or no.

35 If therefore when Mr. Fitzherbert, taxing mee most igno­rantly of ridiculous absurditie, doeth so confidently affirme it to bee euident, that many things may seeme vncertaine to some learned men, and yet bee most certaine to the Sea Apostolike, his meaning bee, that the Sea Apostolike hath this certaine knowledge by publike reuelation, or by some necessarie consequence, which is euidently deduced from publike reuelation, I cannot possibly see how this can bee true; for that publike reuelations, and those things, which are euidently dedu­ced from publike reuelations, are not proper onely to the Pope, but are common also to other learned men; and therefore also other lear­ned men, who are as skilfull, and perchance farre more skilfull in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, and of publike reuelations, tradi­tions, definitions, declarations, and of the generall consent, and ac­ceptance of the Church, then those Popes are may haue as certaine a knowledge of things supernaturall, and reuealed by publike reuela­tion, as those Popes either haue, or morally can haue.

36 But if hee meane, that the Sea Apostolike hath that certain­tie of knowledge, touching things reuealed, by priuate reuelations, [Page 514] or secret instincts, and inspirations, any learned man may plainely see, that this is spoken without sufficient ground: seeing that Christ our Sauiour hath not promised an infallibilitie of trueth, to the priuate knowledge of any Pope, or of the Prelates of the Church assembled together in a Generall Councell, but onely to their Decrees, and those not all, but to such only, which are propounded as of faith: Neither also is it certaine, that Christ hath promised an infallibilitie of truth so much as to the Popes publike definitions, and decrees, which are pro­pounded as of faith, if hee define without a Generall Councell, and much lesse to his priuate knowledge, and iudgement; as it is mani­fest by the decrees of Pope Nicholas the first, and of Pope Celestine the third, whereof the first declared,De cons. dist. 4 can. A quodam Iudaeo. that Baptisme giuen in the name of Christ without expressing the three persons of the Trinitie is valid, and of force, and the second, Quondam in cap. Laudabi­lem de conuers. coniugat. that Marriage is so dissolued by heresie, that the partie, whose consort is fallen into heresie, may lawfully marry another, which doctrine is now condemned in the Councell of Trent: and also by Pope Iohn the 22. who publikely taught,See Adrian. Papa in q. 2. de Confirm. circa finem, Castro. lib. 3. contra haeres. verbo Beatitudo haer. 62. Bell. l. 4. de Ro. Pont. c. 14 and if hee had not beene preuented by death was resolued to define, that the soules of the Blessed should not see God before the Resurrection: and by Pope Boniface the eight, who in a letter to Philip le Bell King of France affirmed,See Nicol. Vignerius ad an. 1300. & Ioan. Tilius ad ann. 1302. that he accounted them for heretikes, who did not beleeue, that the said King of France was not subiect to him in spiritualls and temporalls: And as for these priuate reuelations, they may also bee common to other ver­tuous and holy men as well as to Popes, and with the same facili­tie, and vpon the same grounds wee may attribute priuate reuelati­ons, and certaintie of priuate knowledge as well to the one as to the other.

37 And albeit it were so that many things are certaine to the pri­uate vnderstanding, and knowledge of some Popes, which are vncer­taine, and seeme erroneous to other learned men, will my Aduersa­ries therefore affirme, that those learned men are bound to follow the Popes priuate iudgement, and to beleeue him vpon his bare word, if hee say that hee is certaine his iudgement, and knowledge to bee true, vntill hee make manifest to them the certaintie thereof, and vpon what grounds hee is so certainely perswaded his iudgement to bee cer­tainely true. This were doubtlesse a most pernicious doctrine, and the opening of a wide gappe to errours and heresies. For then should the Doctours of Paris, See Pope Adr. in the place aboue cited. who caused Pope Iohn to recall his errour, haue beleeued him, when hee commanded his doctrine, or rather errour to bee held by all men, and induced the Ʋniuersitie of Paris that none should there take any degree in Diuinitie, vnlesse hee first should sweare to defend and alwayes maintaine this errour. Then should the Kingdome of France [Page 515] haue beleeued Pope Boniface the eight, when he affirmed, that hee ac­counted them for heretikes, who did not belieue that the King of France was not subiect to him in spiritualls, and temporalls: and the like may bee said of Pope Nicolas, and Pope Celestine.

38 Wherefore the plaine truth is, that as well Popes may some­times erre and bee deceiued, albeit they are certainely perswaded their doctrine to be true, if other learned men after mature deli­beration thinke it to bee false, as other learned men may erre and bee deceiued, albeit they thinke certainely their doctrine to be true, if the Pope after mature deliberation thinke it to bee false: and whether of them doe really erre, when there are such controuersies, we cannot cer­tainely know, but by the future euent. For if the doctrine which the Pope thinketh, and teacheth to be certaine, be afterwards confirmed by any publike definition of some Orthodoxall generall Councell, or be ap­proued by the generall consent, or acceptance of the Church, it is an euident signe, that the iudgement of the Pope, and not of those learned men was really true; for which cause wee now see, and say, that Pope Pius, and Victor did not erre in their iudgements concerning the cele­bration of the Feast of Easter, and that the Churches of Asia did erre therein; and that S. Cyprian, and the other Bishops of Afrike, did erre in their iudgements, concerning the rebaptization of such as were bap­tized by heretikes, and that Pope Stephen and Cornelius, who contradi­cted S. Cyprian, did not erre. And contrariwise for the same cause we say, that Pope Nicholas, Pope Celestine, and Pope Iohn, to omit now Pope Boniface, did really erre in their iudgements, and the other lear­ned men, who were of contrary opinion, did not erre, for that the do­ctrine of these is now approued by a publike declaration, or generall consent, and acceptance of the Church. But so long as the question betwixt the Pope, and other learned Catholikes, shal still remaine afoot, and not be decided, no man is bound to thinke the Popes iudgement to bee certaine, neyther can hee compell any man to belieue the same, albeit the Pope bee inwardly perswaded that his iudgement is true, or certaine, yet hee ought not to bee publikely contradicted by any man but with great submission, reuerence, and respect.

39 But if the Pope, when there is a controuersie betwixt him, and other learned men, should denounce censures against all those, who shall preach, or teach contrary to his doctrine, then wee must doubt­lesse be very carefull not to oppose publikely against him without vr­gent necessity, by reason of scandall in seeming to contemne Ecclesia­sticall censures, but in such a case wee must haue in minde that golden document of deuout and learned Gerson; The second truth is, saith he, that the Popes sentence bindeth all men not to dogmatike, or teach publike­ly [Page 516] the contrary, Gerson in tract. de Examinat. doctrin. §. 2. ve­ritas. except those that doe finde a manifest errour against faith, and doe perceiue, that if they should not oppose themselues, great scan­dall to faith would arise by their silence: And if then there should be prosecuting of Censures, and punishments against them, let them bee assured, that blessed are they that suffer persecution for iustice. And thus much concerning this poynt, whereby the Reader may see whether I or my Aduersarie deserue the note of ridiculous ab­surdity.

40 But much more ridiculous, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 189. nu. 10. 11. is Widdring­tons inference, that the ground and reason of a generall Decree, made by a Pope and generall Councell is vncertaine, and subiect to errour, because some learned men are of opinion that some Popes had no sufficient reason to doe some particular acts, or grant licences, or dispensations to some particu­lar persons, which is a farre different case from the other, and therefore, I say, his infe [...]ence thereupon is so ridiculous, that a Scholler may bee ashamed to make it; for albeit we should grant, that those Popes erred both in gran­ting those licences, and in their grounds, yet it would not follow, that there­fore the Pope together with the whole Lateran Councell might erre in the ground of their Decree, except wee may inferre quidlibet ex quolibet. And yet, forsooth, this is one of his probable answeres. Therefore if he will argue against the Decree of the Councell of Lateran by instances and ex­amples, let him not produce the particular facts of some Popes concerning some particular Countries, or persons, but some decree of a Pope, or gene­rall Councell made for the direction and gouernment of the whole Church (as this of the Lateran Councell was) and then let him prooue also that the ground of the said decree was vncertaine, and then I will grant that hee saith somewhat to the purpose.

41 But strange and intollerable is the false and fraudulent dealing of this man. For I neyther made, nor intended to make in any one of my three instances any such inference, as he, to taxe me of ridiculous ab­surdity vntruly saith I haue; neyther did I apply any one of my in­stances, or examples to the decree of the Lateran Councell, neyther in any one of them is the Councell of Lateran so much as named, and therefore to cloake his fraud more cunningly, he thought best to con­ceale my instances, lest the Reader might by his owne writings, and looking ouer my instances, forth with discouer his fraud and falshood. Wherefore that inference, which I intended couertly to make by my first instance, was onely this; that because the ground and foundation vpon which certaine Popes did by their decrees, and sentences ordaine the Feast of the blessed Virgins conception, giue leaue to Priests to ad­minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and dispence in the solemne vow of Chastity, was vncertaine, and consequently could not apper­taine [Page 517] to faith, therefore the Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius his first argument was not sound, but defectiue, to wit, That doctrine doth ap­pertaine to faith, which Popes, Councels, and Doctors doe propound or suppose as a certaine foundation of their decrees and sentences, which pro­position is generall, and may be vnderstood not onely of the decree of the Lateran Councell, but of all other Decrees and Sentences, eyther generall or particular of Popes or Councels, as of the Decree touching the Feast of the blessed Virgins conception, of the iudiciall sentences of Pope Gregory the seauenth against Henry the fourth in a Councell held at Rome, and of Pope Innocentius the fourth, against Frederike the second in the Councell of Lyons, and of all other Decrees of Popes touching particular licences and dispensations, whereof two are men­tioned in my first instance, and doe euidently shew the Maior proposi­tion of Fa. Lessus his first argument to be very vnsound.

42 But if my Aduersary will haue that Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius his first argument, which he produced without any restriction, or limitation to be restrained, and limited only to the decrees of Popes, and generall Councels, which are made for the direction and gouern­ment of the whole Church, and doe not onely concerne particular facts, licences, dispensations, and iudiciall sentences concerning some particular Countries, or persons, besides that I haue declared aboue in what sence that proposition is true, to wit, that such decrees must be made by true Ecclesiasticall and not ciuill authority, and also that they must be such decrees, and sentences, wherein it is certaine and of faith, that the Church cannot erre, I haue also here produced a decree of Pope Sixtus the fourth, concerning the Feast of the blessed Virgins conception, which was made for the direction and gouernment of the whole Church, and yet the ground and foundation of that decree was vncertaine, as I prooued aboue, and will more cleerely confirme beneath, and euidently shew, how Mr. Fitzherbert to answere this de­cree is forced to forsake the doctrine of the most learnedst Diuines of his own Society. And also I might adde hereunto the decrees of Popes touching the canonization of Saints, the ground and foundation whereof doth not appertaine to faith, seeing that as I shewed before out of Canus, that it is not hereticall to affirme, that the Church may erre in the canonization of Saints, and yet these decrees are made for the dire­ction and gouernment of the whole Church. But as concerning the decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell, touching the deposition of temporall Land-lords, or Magistrates, it is euident, that I made no inference, or any mention at all thereof in any one of my three Instan­ces, or examples, as this man most shamefully affirmeth.

43 Yet if he will needes haue me to apply this doctrine touching the vncertainty of the grounds, and foundations of Popes decrees and [Page 518] sentences to the decrees of generall Councels, and in particular to the often named Act of the Lateran Councell, I doe confidently affirme, that whensoeuer it is vncertaine, and disputable among learned Ca­tholikes, whether a generall Councell hath authority to make this or that decree by her spirituall power, without the consent and authority of temporall Princes, as to inflict temporall punishments, and to dis­pose of temporals, wherein temporall Princes onely are supreame, and the Councell maketh such a decree, concerning the inflicting of tem­porall punishments, or the disposing of temporals, without declaring that she doth make that decree by her spirituall authority, then, I say, it is lawfull for any man without any note of heresie, errour, or temerity to expound the decree of that Councell, according to the probable opi­nion of those learned men, and to affirme, that the Councell made that decree not by spirituall power, but by the consent and authority of temporall Princes. And this is our case concerning the decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell: Neither is this to impugne the decree of the Councell, but onely to expound it according to the probable do­ctrine of Catholikes. And if Mr. Fitzherbert will say, that this infe­rence is ridiculous, absurd, improbable, and not to the purpose, and that hereby we may inferre quidlibet ex quolibet, he sheweth himselfe, as the plaine truth is, to haue small skill in Theologicall learning.

44 In the meane time saith he,Pag. 190 nu. 12. ad finem. Widdrington, is to vnderstand fur­ther concerning this point, that whereas hee demandeth, whether it is not a most grieuous errour to graunt such licences, whereupon most grie­uous Sacriledges may follow, to wit, the inualid administration of Sa­craments? I answere, that the Church both doth, and may minister Sacra­ments in cases of necessitie vpon a propable opinion, without any danger of for­mall sacriledge, or sinne; as when a childe is baptized in one of his feet, or hands before he be fully borne into the world, or when the Sacrament of Ex­treame Vnction is giuen to one of whom it is not certaine whether he be fully dead. In these cases, I say, and diuers other such, the Church doth ad­minister Sacraments with some danger of inualiditie (and yet without dan­ger of formall Sacriledge) in respect of the great hope of benefit, which may follow to the soules of those to whom they are administred: and I verily thinke that there was neuer any Catholike so impious hitherto, as to con­demne the same as sacrilegious, either in the most famous, and holy Father S. Gregory the Pope, or in any other of his successors: for albeit some learned men haue indeed denied that they had authority to giue such licence, yet they were not so inconsiderate, as either to condemne them of most grieuous, or sa­crilegious errour, or to deny, that the other opinion was probable, seeing that it had beene practised so long since by S. Gregory, and approoued not onely by so many most famous, and learned Doctours, but also by the Councell of Flo­rence, which treating of the Sacrament of Confirmation, and hauing said, [Page 519] that the Bishop is the Ordinary Minister thereof, addeth afterwards, Legi­tur tamen, &c. yet it is read, that a simple Priest hath administred it by the dispensation of the Sea Apostolike with Chrisme, or holy Oyle made by a Bishop.

45 So saith the Councell, giuing to vnderstand, that although a Bi­shop is the ordinary Minister of the Sacrament of Confirmation, yet a Priest may be the extraordinary Minister of it by dispensation of the Sea Apostolike. And this I hope may suffice to free as well S. Gregory, as other Popes his Successours from all errour, and much more all danger of sacri­ledge in this point. Besides that, the grant of such licences being meere mat­ters of fact, and concerning onely particular persons, and Countries could not any way preiudice our cause, albeit they were erroneous, or sacrilegious, see­ing that (as I haue sufficiently signified before) the question betwixt him, and vs for the present is only about a generall Decree of a Generall Coun­cell, ordained for the speciall good, and benefit of the whole Church, wherein wee doe indeed acknowledge the infallible assistance of the holy Ghost, though not in euerie particular fact of a Pope. Thus much for his first Instance.

45 But still this man discouereth either his grosse ignorance, or his accustomed fraud. For first whereas I spake onely of errour, of materiall sacriledge, and of inualid administration of the Sacrament of Confirmation, this man replieth of sinne, of formall sacriledge, and of vnlawfull administration of Sacraments. For although it be cer­taine, that a man may lawfully, and without sinne, or formall sacri­ledge, minister Sacraments in cases of necessitie, vpon a probable o­pinion, yet it is not certaine, that in such cases the Sacrament is mini­stred with effect, and without errour, or materiall sacriledge; for truth, falshood, and errour haue their denomination from the effect, or thing it selfe, and probable ignorance and errour doe make the act lawfull, though not valid and with effect.

46 Secondly, there is a great disparity betwixt the examples, which Mr. Fitzherbert heere bringeth concerning the lawfulnesse of mini­string Sacraments vpon a probable opinion, and the example which I brought concerning the licences graunted by some Popes to inferiour Priests, to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation. For the common doctrine and practise among Catholikes is, that it is not lawfull to mi­nister vpon a probable opinion those Sacraments mentioned by my Aduersary, but in case of necessitie, and when the necessitie is past, be­cause it was vncertaine, or doubtfull, whether they were valid, and had effect or no, to reiterate them againe, vpon condition, according to that doctrine which is certaine, and without all controuersie, doubt, or danger: But neither doe Popes giue licence to inferiour Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation onely in time of necessitie, nei­ther [Page 520] is it the common practise among Catholikes to reiterate againe, af­ter the necessitie is past, the Sacrament of Confirmation ministred by those Priests, of whom there is a great controuersie among learned Catholikes, whether the Pope hath authority to giue them any such li­cence or no.

47 Neither doth the Councell of Florence See Estius in 4. sent. dist. 7. §. 22. who an­swereth this authoritie of the Councell of Florence. Castro vbi supra. either approoue, or disprooue this practise, but onely relateth, that some Popes haue giuen such licences, as the words before rehearsed by my Aduersary doe plainly shew. And although S. Gregorie did grant, or, as Alphonsus de Castro doth expound him, did for auoiding of scandall, onely permit, which before he had forbidden, as a thing contrary to the ancient cu­stome of the Romane Church, that certaine Priests in Sardinia might conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, when Bishops were wanting, or,Adrianus vbi supra. as Pope Adrian doth interprete S. Gregorie, he did not giue leaue to Priests to conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, but onely to annoint the forehead of the person baptized with Chrisme, in that manner as Pope Siluester is said to haue ordained, that the Priest should annoint with Chrisme the person baptized in the crowne of the head, which he ordained,Hugo lib. 2. de Sacram. part. 7. cap. 3. as Hugo de S. Ʋictore affirmeth, least the person baptized should depart this life without Confirmation, according to al which ex­positions there is no Catholike, as I verily think, so impious, or incon­siderate, that wil condemne S. Gregory of any sin, or formall sacriledge; yet other Popes haue giuen that licence to inferiour Priests, who are no Bishops to conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, without any such necessitie, as to diuers Abbots, and namely to the Abbot of Monte Cassino, where there is no such want, but rather ouer great plenty of Bishops, being so many thereabout, and hauing so small reuenues to maintaine their Episcopall dignity: Neither is it the custome, or practise of those Countries to confirme againe those persons, who are confirmed by those Abbots, although it may very conueniently be done. And therefore albeit there be no danger, or preiudice to soules, to minister the Sacrament of Baptisme, of Extreame vnction, of Pennance, or of holy Orders, in time of necessitie vpon a probable opinion, for that the practise, and custome is in such a case to minister them againe when the necessity is past; yet it is a very dangerous, and pernicious errour to minister either the Sacrament of Confirmation, or any other Sacrament onely vpon a probable opinion, if it may be ministred without any such probable doubt or danger, or when the necessity is past, not to re­iterate vpon condition the Sacrament againe: So that although it be no dangerous, or pernicious errour to minister that Sacrament as doubtfull, which is indeed among learned Catholikes accounted doubt­full, yet it is most a dangerous and pernicious errour, to minister that Sacrament as certainly to haue effect, which neuerthelesse is by fa­mous, [Page 521] and learned Catholikes vpon probable grounds accounted doubtfull.

48 Thirdly, the Reader may plainly perceiue the fraudulent dea­ling of this man, who wholly dissembleth in what manner I applied this example to all the three arguments brought by Fa. Lessius, and not onely to his first argument, as he would make his Reader beleeue, and therefore hee altogether concealeth the three instances which I brought to confront with Fa. Lessius his three arguments. For this as­sertion touching the inualid administration of Sacraments, which by way of an interrogation, as you haue seene, I brought in my first exam­ple, to wit, that to erre in the inualid administration of Sacraments is a very pernicious errour, I did not affirme absolutely, but onely ad ho­minem, with reference to the like assertion, which Fa. Lessius brought in his third argument, to which third argument, and not to his first, as my Aduersary would seeme to make his Reader beleeue, I afterwards ap­plied this assertion.

49 For whereas Fa. Lessius in the Maior proposition of his third argument affirmed, as you haue seene, that it is a point of faith, that the Church cannot erre in doctrine, and precepts of manners by teaching gene­rally something to be lawfull which is vnlawfull, or also by commanding some­thing of it selfe vnlawfull, for that such an errour is no lesse pernicious to the faithfull then an errour in faith: from which proposition he did inferre, that it is therefore a point of faith that the Pope hath power to depose Prin­ces, for that otherwise the Church should teach a most pernicious errour and subiects should be incited to rebellions and periuries: I in my third instance, which my Aduersarie hath wholly concealed, made, as you haue seene, the like argument, and from the same Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius his argument, I likewise inferred, that it is also a point of faith, that the Pope hath power to giue leaue to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and to dispence in the solemne vow of chastity, and so like­wise it may be inferred, that the B. Virgin was not conceiued in origi­nall sinne, for that otherwise the Pope, in whom according to my Ad­uersaries doctrine, all the infallibilitie of the Church doth consist, should teach most pernicious errors, and the faithfull should be incited to sacriledges, and iniuries.

50 And if Mr. Fitzherbert to answere my third instance wil affirme, that from the foresaid Maior proposition of Fa. Lessius his third argu­ment it cannot be well inferred, that the aforesaid doctrines mentioned in my third instance must be of faith, because it is no pernicious or sinfull errour, it being grounded vpon a probable opinion of learned Catho­likes, which excuseth from all sinne, to teach such doctrines, and to incite to such sacriledges and iniuries, seeing that to erre in this case is no sinne, neither are the sacriledges and iniuries grounded vpon so [Page 522] probable an errour formall, or sinfull sacriledges, and iniuries; if I say, he will answere thus: besides that he taketh errour, sacriledges and in­iuries otherwise then errour, rebellions, and periuries are taken by Fa. Lessius, who, as it is euident, taketh them not onely as they are sinnes to the conscience of man, but also as they are so, a parte rei, and are commonly called materiall, not formall, or sinfull errours, rebellions, and periuries, the same also may bee answered to Fa. Lessius his argu­ment, to wit, that it cannot be well inferred from that Maior proposi­tion, that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes must be of faith, because it is no pernicious and sinnefull errour in his opinion to teach those doctrines by him mentioned and to incite men to such re­bellions and periuries, which according to his opinion are not formall, and sinfull rebellions, and periuries.

51 Whereupon it is euident, that in the same manner as my Ad­uersaries will answere my third instance, I will answere Fa. Lessius his third argument; and that if from Fa. Lessius his argument it may be well inferred, that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes is cer­taine and of faith, it may also by my instance be well inferred, that the doctrines for the Popes power to giue authoritie to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and to dispence in the solemne vow of chastitie, and also for the preseruation of the B. Virgin from originall sinne, are certaine and of faith, which how absurd it is to affirme, it is too too apparant. But more of this third argument beneath.

52 Lastly, to that which Mr. Fitzherbert saith in the end of this Chapter, that the grant of such licences being meere matters of fact, and con­cerning onely particular persons, and Countreys, could not any way preiudice his cause, albeit they were erroneous, and sacriledgious, seeing that the questi­on, saith he, betwixt me and them for the present is onely about a generall de­cree of a generall Councell, ordained for the speciall good and benefite of the whole Church, wherein Widdrington acknowledgeth the infallible assi­stance of the holy Ghost, though not in euery particular fact of a Pope, I an­swere first, albeit I will not condemne those Popes of any pernicious er­rour that in time of necessitie grant such licences vpon a probable opi­nion, yet I cannot see, but that to grant such licences either as certaine, when they are doubtfull, or to grant them without necessitie onely vp­on a probable opinion, is a very dangerous and pernicious errour, see­ing that they concerne the valid, and effectuall administration of a Sa­crament, which all men know to be a matter of great moment.

53 And albeit the grant of such licences be meere matters of fact, and concerne onely particular persons, and Countreys, yet from thence it may be cleerely gathered, that those Popes who granted them, did generally teach, that the Sacrament of Confirmation ministred by those Priests is a true, valid, and substantiall Sacrament, which, if it bee [Page 523] not so, is a very great and pernicious errour in doctrine of manners; and also that the instances drawne from thence, doe quite ouerthrow all Fa. Lessius his three arguments, and namely the first, whereof the Maior proposition, as you haue seene is generall and without limitati­on, and may be applied to all decrees and sentences whatsoeuer of Popes or Councells, whether they are generall Decrees, or concerne only particular persons or Countreys. Neither is it true, as this man very shamefully affirmeth, that the question betwixt me, and them for the present is onely about a generall decree of a generall Councell ordained for the speciall good, and benefite of the whole Church: for the question betwixt them and me for the present is onely about the first argument of Fa. Lessius, and my first instance made against the same, and especially about the truth of his Maior proposition, which, as you haue seene, speaketh of the ground, and foundation generally of all Decrees and sentences both of Popes, and Councells, That doctrine, saith he, doth appertaine to faith, which Popes, Councells, and Doctours doe propound, or suppose as a certaine foundation of their Decrees, and sentences. So that my Aduersarie very vntruely affirmeth, that the question betwixt me and them for the present is onely about a generall Decree of a generall Councell. And this may suf­fice for the confirmation of my first instance, and the confutation of all that, which Mr. Fitzherbert would seeme to haue made against the same, whereas he hath not, as you haue seene, so much as set it downe at all. Now you shall see, how fraudulently and ignorantly he hath in the next Chapter obiected against my other two instances.

CHAP. XV.

Wherein Widdringtons second example, and his instances groun­ded thereon, are confirmed, and M. Fitzherbert in impugning the same is conuinced of manifest fraude, and ignorance, in taxing therein of fondnesse the learnedst Diuines of his owne Societie. Also the third example of Widdrington, and his instances, grounded thereon, are prooued to be sound and sufficient, and M. Fitzherberts fraude in relating of the said instances, and ap­plying them to the Lateran Councell, is plainely discouered.

1 MY Aduersarie in this Chapter sheweth also the like fraude, and ignorance, as he did in the former. Thus therefore he beginneth. Widdringtons second in­stance is, Widdr. vbi su­pra nu. 57. that Pope Sixtus the fourth made a Decree concerning the celebration of the B. Virgins Concep­tion, notwithstanding that it is vncertaine, and disputed amongst the Diuines without any blot of heresie, errour, or mortall sinne, whe­ther the blessed Ʋirgin cantracted originall sinne in her Conception, or was preserued from it by a peculiar prouidence of God, Ibidem. and therefore saith he, it is manifest, that the Doctrine, which is either proposed, or sup­posed by the Pope, as the foundation of his Apostolicall Decree, and Constitution (concerning euen the religious worship of God) is not so certaine and vndoubtedly true, but that it may be impugned without danger of grieuous sinne. So he: whereupon he inferreth, that the ground of the Canon of the Lateran Councell may also be vncertaine, or impugned without note of heresie, or sinne.

2 But first it is very vntrue that this was my second instance, which I brought to confront with Fa. Lessius his second argument, although it be true, that it was my second example, whereon both my first and se­cond instance were grounded. For whereas Fa. Lessius to proue that the Popes power to depose Princes doth belong to faith, argueth thus in his second argument; If a generall Councell should expresly define, that the Church hath power to depose Princes, no Catholike can make doubt, but that it should belong to faith, but seeing that she supposeth it as a certaine founda­tion of her Decrees and sentences shee is thought no lesse to affirme the same, therefore it ought to bee accounted no lesse certaine: To this argu­ment I opposed an other instance not much vnlike to it, which was this: If the Pope should expresly define, that he hath authoritie to giue licence to inferiour Priests to administer the Sacrament of Confirma­tion, and to dispence in the solemne vow of Chastitie, or that the B. Virgin was not conceiued in originall sinne, none of those Catholikes [Page 525] that hold as Fa. Lessius doth, that the Pope cannot erre in his definiti­ons although hee define without a generall Councell, can make any doubt, but that the aforesaid things should appertaine to faith, but seeing that diuers Popes doe suppose the same, as a certaine founda­tion of their Decrees and sentences, they are thought no lesse to af­firme the same, therefore they ought to be accounted no lesse cer­taine. This was my second instance: and therefore Mr. Fitzherbert in affirming my second example to be my second instance discouereth no lesse his fraude, then he doth both his fraude and ignorance in impug­ning the same.

3 Secondly, it is also very vntrue, that I from this example infer­red, as this man shamefully affirmeth, that the ground of the Canon of the Lateran Councell may also be vncertaine and impugned without note of heresie, or sinne, seeing that it is euident, as you haue seene be­fore, that I neither impugned, but onely expounded the Canon, or ra­ther Act of the Lateran Councell, neither did I apply any one of those three examples to the Canon of the Lateran Councell, or in any one of my three instances made any mention of the Lateran Councell at all. But as Fa. Lessius referred his second argument to the foundations not onely of the Decrees of deposition, as he supposeth this decree of the Lateran Councell to be, but also of the sentences of generall Councells, as in his opinion was that denounced against Frederike the second, by Pope In­nocent the fourth, in the presence of the Councell of Lyons, so also I re­ferred my second Instance, to the foundations of Popes D crees and sen­tences, vpon whom all the infallibility of the Church, according to his doctrine, doth depend. And the same answere, which my Aduersaries shall giue to my second instance, will forthwith satisfie Fa. Lessius his se­cond argument.

4 For all the difficulty thereof, as also of his former argument, consisteth in this, whether euery doctrine which Popes, and Councells suppose as a ground and foundation of their Decrees, and sentences, is alwaies to be accounted a certaine, and infallible ground, and not sub­iect to errour, or it may sometimes bee onely a probable ground, and not alwayes an infallible point of faith: and my second Instance doth sufficiently conuince, that it is not alwaies a certaine, and infallible ground, whereby Fa. Lessius his argument is quite ouerthrowne. Be­sides that, the ground and foundation onely of those Decrees of Popes, or generall Councells can be certaine and infallible, which are made by spirituall, and not temporall authoritie, as I haue said before, so that this argument of Fa. Lessius can little concerne the decree or Act of the Lateran Councell, touching the deposition not of temporall Princes, but onely of inferiour Magistrates, and Lords, seeing that it was made by the consent and authority of temporall Princes, to whom onely, accor­ding [Page 526] to the probable doctrine of very many Doctours, the inflicting of temporall punishments, as of death, exile, priuation of goods, impri­sonment, doth belong.

3 Now let vs see what Mr. Fitzherbert can say against this second example, which he would make his Reader belieue to be my second In­stance. But Widdringtons instance, saith hePag. 194. nu. 2. & seq., is as little to the purpose as the former, for albeit he alleadgeth not here a particular fact, but a generall decree of a Pope directed to the whole Church, yet he abuseth his Reader in seeking to perswade him, that the foundation of that decree, was the opinion or particular perswasion of Pope Sixtus,Tom. 4. Concil. post vitam Six­ti 4. §. cum prae exelsa. that the blessed Virgin was not con­ceiued in originall sinne, whereas no such thing can be gathered by the decree, but onely that his desire was by the concession of Indulgences, to stirre vp the people to the deuote celebration of the Feast, and thereby to giue thankes, and praise to Almighty God for the benefite, which all Cristian men haue recei­ued by her Conception; to which end it imported nothing at all how she was conceiued; I meane, whether she were sanctified in the first instant of her con­ception, as very many doe hold, or shortly after, as others teach, and therefore the decree of Pope Sixtus is obserued as well by those that affirme her to haue beene conceiued in originall sinne, as by those that denye it, because nothing is ordained in the decree in fauour, Ibid. §. Graue nimis. or preiudice of either opinion.

4 This may appeare as well by a latter Decree of his, whereby hee or­dained that both the opinions might be held, and taught without note of here­sie (because, saith he, the question is not determined, and decided by the Church) as also by the expresse words of this Decree, wherein hee signifieth that considering the ineffable dignity, and worthinesse of the most blessed Vir­gin, it is conuenient and necessary that all faithfull Christians giue praise and thanks to God for her meruellous conception,Note that word meruailous. to the end that by her merits, and intercession they may be made more capable of Gods grace. Thus saith Pope Sixtus in his Decree, and then addeth, Hac igitur consideratione inducti, &c. Therefore beeing moued with this consi­deration, we determine and decree, &c. So he. And his determination and Decree was no other, but that all such as did with due deuotion assist at the diuine office and seruice, appointed for the celebration of that Feast, should gaine all those Indulgences, which had beene granted before to such as cele­brated the Feast of Corpus Christi.

5 This then being the whole substance and effect as well of the Decree as of the motiue thereof expressed therein, it is euident that Pope Sixtus had no other meaning in all this, then to mooue all Christians to the deuout cele­bration of the feast of the conception of the blessed Virgin, no lesse then of her Natiuity, and other Feasts, without any preiudice to the different opinions that eyther then were, or after might be held concerning the manner of her conception; in which respect the said Feast is celebrated by all Chri­stians no lesse then her other Feasts, which is as much as Pope Sixtus desired [Page 527] and intended; whereby it appeareth, that his Decree is indifferent to both opinions, being obserued by the maintainers of both, and that therefore it is not grounded vpon either of both.

6 And now to apply this to our purpose, whereas Widdrington preten­deth by this Instance to prooue, that the doctrine of the Popes power to de­pose Princes is as vncertaine, as the doctrine that the B. Virgin was concei­ued without originall sinne, which is impugned by very learned men, it is to be considered, that there is such disparitie in the cases, and such weakenesse in his Instance, that hee prooueth nothing at all against vs. For the Decree of Pope Sixtus had so little dependance on the doctrine of her immaculate Conception, that he might haue made it (yea it would haue been very law­full, iust, and conuenient) though he had held the contrary opinion; whereby it is manifest, that his opinion concerning the immaculate puritie of her Conception was not the ground of his Decree (as Widdrington doth very fondly suppose it to bee) whereas in our question touching the Canon of the Lateran Councell the case is farre different, seeing that the said Canon hath such dependance on the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes (which is necessarily supposed and included in it) that if the Pope haue no such power, the Canon is vtterly void, being altogether vniust, vnlaw­full, and erroneous; Whereupon it euidently followeth, that the doc­trine of the Popes power to depose Princes, is the foundation of the Canon.

7 So as you see, that to impugne this vndoubted ground of the Ca­non, hee is faine to suppose, and vrge a false ground of Pope Sixtus his decree, and consequently faileth wholly in the proofe of that which he preten­deth; and therefore to make his Instance good, and the cases like, he should haue prooued, that the doctrine of the Popes power to institute Feasts is vncertaine, and imagined by learned Catholikes without danger of sinne, for Pope Sixtus his Decree touching the celebration of the Feast supposeth the truth of that doctrine, as in like sort the Canon of the Lateran Coun­cell concerning the deposition of Princes supposeth that the doctrine of the Popes power to despose Princes is certaine, and true; and therefore I conclude, that his second Instance, wherein he supposeth a false ground, is as improbable, and impertinent as the former.

8 Thus you see, that the whole substance of this Discourse, which Mr. Fitzherbert here hath made against my second example, which hee truely affirmeth to be my second Instance, consisteth in this, that he de­nieth the ground and foundation of Pope Sixtus his Decree to be his opi­nion, and perswasion, that the blessed Virgin was not conceiued in originall sinne, and affirmeth that I doe very fondly suppose the same; wherein I know not whether to taxe him of manifest fraud, or palpable igno­rance: for to shift off my instance, and to censure it, according to his v­suall manner, as fond, improbable, and impertinent, he is faine to forsake [Page 528] the common doctrine of the learnedst Diuines of his owne Societie, as of Salmeron, Salmeron ad Rom. 15. tom. 13. disp. 22. Suarez tom 2. in 3. part. disp. 3. sec. 5. Vasquez tom. 2. in 3. part. disp. 117. cap. 5. Suarez, and Vasquez, who doe constantly hold, that the immaculate, pure, and holy conception of the blessed Virgin was the ground and foundation of Pope Sixtus his Decree, and to taxe very rashly, and arrogantly, their doctrine as fond, improbable, and imperti­nent, and very fraudulently, or vnlearnedly to take hold, for a colour of his fraud, or ignorance, of certaine answeres of their Aduersaries, which were seene, propounded, & confuted by them. Which to make most plaine and manifest, I thinke it not amisse to set downe verbatim, what Suarez (with whom Vasquez, and Salmeron, doe agree in this point) writeth of this matter.

9 But at the last (saith Suarez to proue from the authority of the Church, that the blessed Virgin was preserued from originall sin, and sanctified in the first instant of her conception) the Church of Rome two hundred yeeres since generally receauing the celebration of this Feast, gi­ueth speciall indulgences to the worshippers thereof: Whereupon she seemeth in some sort to haue canonized the conception of the blessed Virgin. But perchance it will be said, that this conception is not celebrated, for that it is holy, but because it hath beene a great benefit of God, and a beginning of grea­ter. But this by no meanes is to be approued; because (as it is manifest by the vnderstanding of the faithfull) the Church doth not celebrate this Feast onely for giuing thankes in respect of God, but also in honour of the Vir­gin: but the Virgin should not bee worthy of honour for her conception, vnlesse therein she had beene holy. Moreouer S. Thomas, Bernard, and Ildefonsus doe thinke, that it is sufficiently proued, that the blessed Virgin at the time of her Natiuity was holy, for that the Church doth celebrate her Natiuity, therefore the same iudgement would they make of her Concepti­on, if they should see the Feast to be celebrated. Lastly, Galatinus lib. 7. cap. 5. saith, that the Feast of her Conception is in some Martyrologies ex­presly set downe for the most great purity, and sanctity thereof; and this will be made more euident by that which shall be said.

10 But some others say, that the Feast of the Conception was not ce­lebrated, but of the Sanctification, at what time soeuer it was done, or truly (if the Feast of her conception be celebrated) it is not therfore because she was sanctified in the first instant, but because she was sanctified perchance that day. But this also is against the meaning of the Church, which euer intended to celebrate some speciall priuiledge and immunity of the Virgin vpon this fea­stiuall day, whereof are manifest signes: First, because Saint Bernard in the aforesaid 147. Epistle did vnderstand in this sense the meaning of the Churches, which began to celebrate this Feast: For if they should celebrate onely the sanctification, there were no cause why he should reprehend them. Besides, the Councell of Basil doth plainly say, that it is an ancient cu­stome of the Church to celebrate this Feast in honour of the Conception of [Page 529] the immaclate Virgin, or of the immaculate Conception of the Vir­gin, for the Latin wordes may beare both senses.

11 Thirdly, in a certaine Roman office of this Feast, which is con­firmed by the authoritie of Pope Sixtus the fourth this oftentimes is expresly said, and the intention of this Feast is declared. And after the same manner Pope Sixtus the fourth doth speake in the Extrauagant, Cum praeexcelsa, and in the Extrauagant, Graue nimis, de reliquijs & venerat. Sanctorum, calling her Conception pure, and immaculate, and granting Indulgences to those who doe piously beleeue, and celebrate the same. And so also the Councell of Trent vnderstood these Decrees sess. 5. where she confirmeth them. Whereupon the same Pope Sixtus the fourth saith, that those doe not sinne, who thinke that the B. Virgin was conceiued without sinne, and for that cause doe celebrate her Feast. Therefore without doubt this is the in­tention and reason of this festiuitie. Adde, that in the same manner one may say, that when the Church doeth celebrate the Natiuitie of the Virgin, it is not for that shee was holy in her Natiuitie, but because shee was sanctified within that day, but this is plainely false and absurd, as it is manifest by that which hath beene saide, therefore the same is for the present. And the reason is generall, because the Church doth properly worship and celebrate the mysteries, and priuiledges of the holy Conception, and Natiuitie. Thus Fa. Suarez.

12 So as you see how Fa. Suarez not only saith, but also proueth, that the end, reason, ground, and foundation of Pope Sixtus his decree touching the celebration of the Feast of the B. Ʋirgins Conception, was for that the Pope supposed, that shee was sanctified in the first instant of her Conception. And the same reasons Fa. Vasquez also bringeth. On­ly hee vrgeth another reason taken from the wordes of the Decree of Pope Sixtus, and related aboue by my Aduersarie, to wit, that the Pope in that Decree exhorteth the faithfull to giue praise and thankes to God for the wonderfull, or meruailous Conception of the immaculate Virgin, but hee could not call it a wonderfull, or meruailous Conception, vnlesse the B. Virgin were contrarie to the accustomed manner conceiued in grace and sanctitie, for no other wonderfull, or admirable thing could her Con­ception haue, seeing that for as much as appertaineth to nature, she was conceiued after the manner of other men, and women.

13 Iudge now, good Reader, whether this rash-headed ignorant man may not be ashamed to condemne so rashly the most famous, and learnedst men of his owne Societie, as hee condemneth mee, of fond­nesse, improbabilitie, and impertinencie, for affirming so resolutely, that without all doubt the end, reason, ground and foundation of Pope Sixtus his Decree for celebrating the Feast of the B. Virgins Conception was for that the Pope supposed her to bee conceiued in grace, and sanctitie, and that all Christian people by celebrating her Feast should giue praise and thanks [Page 530] to God for her holy and wonderfull Conception, and contrarie to the ordinarie manner that other men are conceiued, to the end that they thus celebrating her holy and meruailous Conception may by her merits, and intercession bee made more capable of Gods grace. But perchance Mr. Fitzherbert hath not read these Authours, and then his ignorance and rashnesse is the more blame worthie in taking vpon him to bee a tea­cher, and Censurer of others in these points of Schoole-Diuinitie, wherein hee sheweth himselfe to bee so ignorant; and if hee haue read them, then his fraude is the more culpable to delude his Reader so shamefully in bringing arguments against their doctrine, to taxe it of fondnesse, improbabilitie, and impertinencie, and in dissembling in what manner they haue most cleerely confuted the same. And there­fore thou needest not much meruaile to heare these wordes so frequent in this mans mouth, that my arguments, and answeres are absurd, improbable, impertinent, foolish, ridiculous, malicious, erroneous, yea and hereticall, and then most commonly when they are most sound and sufficient, and his Replyes most weake and fraudulent, conside­ring with what a bold face the silly ignorant man doth vnlearnedly & arrogantly condemne in me & my doctrine, of fondnes, improbabi­litie, and impertinencie, the most famous Diuines of his own Societie.

14 And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert still harpeth vpon the same string, to wit, that the vndoubted ground and foundation of the De­cree of the Lateran Councell is, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, and that the Canon supposeth this doctrine to be certaine, this is the maine point about which wee contend, for I haue euer denyed, and hee hath no way sufficiently prooued, but supposed, that this decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell doeth concerne the de­position of temporall Princes, but onely of inferiour Magistrates, Land-Lords, or Lords, by the consent and authoritie of temporall Princes, from whom that Act had force to bind. And although the Popes power to institute Feasts bee a remote ground and foundation of the decree of Pope Sixtus, yet the immediate ground & foundation of that Decree was the puritie and sanctitie of the B. Virgins Conception, in honour whereof hee did institute that Feast, as I haue shewed before. And albeit I doe not deny that the Pope hath authoritie to institute Feasts in the honour of Saints, and of sacred mysteries, yet I deny that the end, reason, ground and foundation for which such Feasts are instituted, is alwayes certaine and infallible, and that those mysteries are therefore infallibly sacred, as in this Feast of the B. Virgins Concep­tion it is apparant by the testimonies of most famous, and learned Di­uines. And lastly, although I doe not deny, that the Pope hath autho­ritie to canonize Saints, or to declare them to be holy and blessed men, yet Melchior Canus feareth not to say, that it is not hereticall to affirme, [Page 531] that the Pope may erre therein, and the reason thereof hee giueth, as I declared before, because the ground, whereon the Popes iudgement and declaration in such canonizations doth rely, to wit, the testimonies of men, is fallible, and exposed to errour. And thus much concerning my second Instance, now to the third.

15 Widdringtons third Instance, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 197. nu. 8. ad finem. being of the nature and qualitie of the first, is so sufficiently answered alreadie, that I neede not to stand long vpon it: hee saith that the Popes haue oft dispen­ced with Princes, which had made a solemne vow of chastitie, whereof he alleadgeth some examples, and because very learned Doctours doe deny that the Pope hath authoritie to dispence in solemne vowes, Widdrington inferreth as before, that the doctrine whereupon those dispensations were groun­ded, is not so certaine, but that it may be impugned without sinne, and con­sequently, that the like followeth also, concerning the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, which is the foundation of the Canon of the Late­ran Councell. Thus argueth Widdrington in substance.

16 But in all this he is as idle as in the rest, and shooteth his bolts at random, and cleane wide of the marke, impugning a generall Canon of an Oecumenicall Councell, by some particular facts of Popes concerning par­ticular men, which facts both he, and wee grant may be subiect to errour: whereas not onely we, but he himselfe also acknowledgeth the infallible assist­ance of the holy Ghost in the definitions, and decrees of generall Coun­cells, as I haue amply declared before Chap. 13. nu. 1. 8. 9. 10. & 11. And therefore to make a good Instance in this case, and fit for the matter in hand, hee should produce some Decree of a generall Councell, or at least of some Pope ordaining the practise of such dispensations, and shew vs withall, that notwithstanding the said Decree, some Catholike Doctours doe deny the Popes authoritie to dispence in vowes, but this he neither doth, nor can doe; for if euer any such Decree had beene made, the Catholike Doctours whom hee nameth, would not haue doubted of the Popes authoritie in that behalfe, as they haue done, because neither the doctrine it selfe, nor the practise thereof was euer decreed by any Pope, or Generall Councell; whereby it ap­peareth euidently, that this his third Instance is suteable to the two former, and as improbable, and absurd as the rest of his arguments, and answeres.

17 But still my Aduersary persisteth in his accustomed fraud, not to say falshood. For neyther is this the third Instance, which I brought to confront with Fa. Lessius his third argument, as you haue seen before, although it be indeed my third example, whereon all my three Instances were partly grounded, neyther did I by this example eyther impugne the Decree of the Lateran Councell, or inferre from thence, as this man vntruely affirmeth, that the Decree of the Lateran Councell might be impugned without sinne: For neyther did I impugne, but onely ex­pound [Page 532] the Decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell, neyther did I in any one of my three Instances, or also examples make mention at all of the Lateran Councell, nor also did I euer acknowledge, that the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, was the ground and foundation of the Decree of the Lateran Councell. But for this cause I produced this example of Popes dispensations in the solemne vow of chastitie, to shew, that the ground and foundation, especially of Popes sentences of deposition, as was that sentence of Gregorie the 7. against Henrie the 4. in a Councell held at Rome, and of Innocent the 4. against Fredericke the second in the Councell of Lyons, and other such senten­ces, which concerne particular men, doth not appertaine to faith, by vertue of this proposition, whereon both the first and second argu­ment of Fa. Lessius was principally grounded, That doctrine doth apper­taine to faith, which Popes, and Councels suppose as a certaine foundati­on of their decrees and sentences; for it is euident, that there is no more reason why the ground and foundation of Popes particular sentences of depositions or punishments should appertaine to faith, then of his particular grants of dispensations and priuiledges, whereby it appeareth euidently, that this was a fit example to confute Fa. Lessius his first and second argument, which there I tooke in hand in my first and second Instance to confute.

18 Besides, I brought this example in my third Instance, against Fa. Lessius his third argument, whereby he laboured to prooue, that it is a poynt of faith that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, for that other­wise the Church and Pope should erre in doctrine and precepts of manners by teaching generally something to be lawfull, which is vnlawfull, or contrariwise, and also by commanding something of it selfe vnlawfull seeing that she tea­cheth, that a Prince being deposed, yea, and excommunicated by the sen­tence of the Pope, his subiects are absolued from his obedience, yea, and are bound not to obey him, vntill he be reconciled, if the Censure bee denounced, whereby subiects are incited by the Pope to rebellions and periuries. Against this argument, I brought my third Instance, which my Aduersary frau­dulently concealeth, and which was grounded not only vpon this third example of Popes licences giuen to Priests to Minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and might likewise bee grounded vpon the second of Pope Sixtus his decree for the celebrating of the blessed Virgins Con­ception.

19 For if Fa. Lessius his third argument be good, it may likewise be prooued, as you may see by my third Instance, that it is a poynt of faith that the Pope hath power to dispence in the solemne vow of Cha­stity, to giue licence to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmati­on, and also that the blessed Virgines Conception was pure, holy, and immaculate, seeing that from these dispensations, licences, and decree [Page 533] of Pope Sixtus, it euidently followeth, that the Pope teacheth general­ly that the marriage of professed religious persons is a true Sacrament, and the children begotten and borne by them are legitimate, and if the Parents be Kings, their children ought to be preferred in the Kindome before all others, who may pretend otherwise a right thereto, and the Sacrament of Confirmation, ministred by an inferiour Priest, with the Popes licence is a true and valid Sacrament, and also that the honour and worship which is giuen to the blessed Ʋirgines conception is a true and religious honour; all which would according to Fa. Lessius his third argument, bee false and pernicious, (because the faithfull should thereby be incited to commit iniuries, and sacriledges, yea, and against their wils by Censures bee compelled thereunto) if the Pope hath no such power to dispence in the solemne vowe of chastity, nor to giue li­cence to Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, and that the blessed Virgin was not in her Conception pure, holy, and imma­culate. But my Aduersary to obscure the whole difficulty, and to blinde the Readers vnderstanding thought it best, not to set downe ful­ly, but in that lame manner, as you haue seene Fa. Lessius his three ar­guments, and wholy to conceale the three Instances I made against them, whereby hee might with a lesse shew of falsity boldly affirme, that the three examples were my three Instances, and that they were brought by me of purpose to impugne the decree of the Lateran Coun­cell, both which how vntrue they are, and also of what little force are all Fa. Lessius his three arguments, against which onely I brought my three Instances, you haue seene before.

20 For all the difficulty of Fa. Lessius his third argument, consi­steth in the vnderstanding of that Maior proposition, It is a point of faith, that the Church cannot erre in doctrine, and precepts of manners, by teach­ing generally something to be lawfull, which is vnlawfull, or vnlawfull, which is lawfull, or also by commanding something of it selfe vnlawfull. For if by doctrine of maners, & teaching generally, he meane a definitiue teach­ing, or a propounding any thing, as of faith, with an obligation to bind all the faithfull to belieue that doctrine. I grant that it is a point of faith that the Church, or a generall Councell cannot erre in such doctrine, or teaching, (for whether the Pope can erre or no in such teaching, it is not a point of faith, but as yet a controuersie betwixt the Roman and French Diuines) but then I vtterly deny that any generall Councell (yea, or any Pope) hath euer defined, or taught generally, that the Pope by vertue of his Ecclesiasticall power hath authority to depose temporall Princes, to absolue subiects from their temporall allegiance, or to inflict temporall punishments. But if by doctrine, and teaching he meane o­pinatiue and probable doctrine and teaching, besides that it cannot be conuinced that the Lateran Councell, or any other generall Councell [Page 534] taught generally in this sense, that the Pope by vertue of his spirituall power hath authority to depose temporall Princes, his Maior proposi­tion is very vntrue, and therefore from thence it doth not follow, that the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, is certaine, and of faith.

21 Likewise, if by commanding something of it selfe euill, Fa. Lessius vnderstand a generall commaundement, propounded to the whole Church, or all the faithfull, I grant also that a generall Councell can­not erre in imposing such generall commandements, although this be not so cleare a point of faith as the former, as I haue shewed before out of the doctrine of learned Canus; but then I deny, that any generall Coun­cell hath euer giuen any such generall commandement concerning all sub­iects, not to obey their temporall Prince, being deposed by the Pope, or to rebell, and plot conspiracies against him: But if by commanding, he vnderstand particular decrees and commandements, propounded to particular persons, Bishops, Churches, or Kingdomes against any par­ticular Emperours, Kings, or temporall Princes then I say, that accor­ding to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, and Canus, the Church, and much more, the Pope may erre; and of this sort are the depositi­ons, iudiciall sentences, and commandements of Pope Gregory the sea­uenth, in a Councell held at Rome against Henrie the fourth Emperor, of Pope Innocent the fourth, in the presence of the Councell of Lyons a­gainst Frederike the second Emperour, and all other particular depositi­ons of whatsoeuer Emperours, Kings, or temporall Princes: and in these commandements the Popes were euer resisted, and contradicted both by Princes themselues, and also by learned and vertuous Catholike sub­iects, as it appeareth euidently, not onely by the first depositions of Emperours, and Princes, but also by the two last, of our late Queene Elizabeth, and the last King of Fraunce, who were obeyed in ciuill mat­ters by their Catholike subiects, & acknowledged by them to be their true and rightfull Soueraignes, notwithstanding the Popes particular declaration, sentence, and commandement to the contrary, as I haue shewed at large concerning our late Queene, in the first part, and of the King of Fraunce, the late troubles and ciuill warres in Fraunce, which are yet both fresh in most mens memories, and recorded also by Histories, are sufficient testimonies.

22 Thus thou seest, good Reader, that neither by this third exam­ple of Popes dispensations in vowes, whereon not onely my third In­stance, but also the two former were grounded, all which Mr. Fitz­herbert hath fraudulently concealed, did I impugne the Decree of the Lateran Councell, as the silly man to make some shew of confuting them as absurd, improbable, impertinent, fond, and ridiculous, doth most vntruely affirme; neither did I in any one of my examples, or In­stances [Page 535] make any mention at all of the said Decree: seeing that I had before sufficiently answered to this Decree, not by impugning, but one­ly by expounding it, and by clearely conuincing, that according to the probable doctrine of very many learned Catholikes, who are of opinion, that the Church cannot by her spirituall power inflict tem­porall punishments, it must, according to Mr. Fitzherberts owne principles, who acknowledgeth, that all lawes, and decrees whatsoeuer are to be restrained and limited according to the power of the Law-Maker, &c. be vnderstood of the deposing, not of temporall Princes, who are not subiect to the authoritie of the Church, forasmuch as concer­neth meere temporall matters, as is the inflicting of temporall punish­ments, for what cause, crime, or end whatsoeuer they bee inflicted, but onely of inferiour Magistrates, Land-Lords, or Lords by the con­sent, and authority of absolute Princes; but that which I intended by my three examples, and instances was to shew the weakenesse, and in­sufficiency of Fa. Lessius his three arguments, as I haue sufficiently de­clared before.

23 But if I should presse M. Fitzherbert a little further, and grant him for Disputation sake, which he is not able to prooue, to wit, that the decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell is to bee vnderstood of the deposition of temporall Princes, yet the silly man would haue much adoe to prooue, as also I haue signified before, that, according to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, and Canus, Cap. 13. nu. 7. & seq. which I haue rela­ted aboue, it is such a Decree, that from thence it can be sufficiently gathered, that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, is an vndoubted point of faith: seeing that, according to their grounds, onely those Decrees and precepts touching faith, or manners are infal­lible, and of faith, which are generall, and vniuersall, and belong to the whole Church, and all the faithfull, and consequently as well Clearkes, as Lay-men. For onely in this case, saith Canus, the Councels, Canus l. 5. de locis c. 5. q. 4. or Fathers are to be vnderstood to pronounce of faith, when the sentence, or Decree belongeth to all Christians, when it bindeth all. Therefore the doc­trine of Popes and Councells, saith hee, if it bee propounded to the whole Church, if it bee also propounded with an obligation to be beleeued, then doth their sentence, or Decree concerne a point of faith. And concerning De­crees, and precepts of manners Canus teacheth the same. When the Church, saith he, in a matter of weight, and which is very profitable for the reforming of Christian manners, doth make lawes to all the people, she cannot command any thing, which is contrary to the Gospell, or naturall reason; but in manners not common to the whole Church, but which are referred to pri­uate men, or Churches, she may erre through ignorance, not only in her iudge­ment of things done, but also in her priuate precepts and lawes. Bellar. l. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 3. & 5. And Cardi­nall Bellarmine also affirmeth, that those Decrees, or precepts concer­ning [Page 536] faith or manners, wherein the Pope, in whom he putteth all the infallibilitie of the Church, cannot erre, must bee generall, and be pro­pounded, and belong to all the faithfull.

24 Now this Act of the Lateran Councell, forasmuch as it concer­neth the absoluing of Vassals from their fealtie, besides that it is not properly a Decree, according to my Aduersaries grounds, as I signified before, containing in it any precept or obligation, vnlesse they will grant the Councell to be aboue the Pope, nor also propounded as of faith, according to the rules of Cardinal Bellarmine and Canus before related, and therefore it cannot, according to their doctrine appertaine to faith, it is not also a generall Decree, and which appertaineth to the whole Church, and all the faithfull; for it doth not concerne Cleargie men, who according to my Aduersaries false, scandalous, and sediti­ous doctrine are not subiect to temporall Princes, nor doe owe to them any temporall allegiance, but onely the temporall Vassals of temporall Lords, and those not all, but of such a Lord onely, who for a yeere remaineth excommunicated for neglecting to purge his territories of heresie. For those words of the Councell, vt ex tunc ipse, &c. that from that time the Pope may denounce his Ʋassals absolued from their fealtie, can onely bind, either the Pope to make that denunciation, or that tem­porall Lord, not to exact of his Vassals temporall fealtie, or the Vassalls not to giue to that temporall Lord temporall fealty, and so it cannot binde Cleargy men, who doe not owe any temporall fidelity, or obe­dience to temporal Lords, according to my Aduersaries false doctrine, nor also all Vassals, but onely those of that temporall Lord; where­vpon the decree is not generall, and belonging to all the faithfull, which neuerthelesse is necessary, that any decree, or precept concerning faith or manners doe appertaine to faith.

25 And if perchance my Aduersary will say, that it bindeth all Christians to beleeue, that such a temporall Lord is rightly deposed, and his temporall Vassals absolued from his obedience; Besides that, this cannot bee gathered from the words of this Decree, it being not propounded as of faith, which condition neuerthelesse is necessarie to make any Decree to appertaine to faith, as I haue shewed before; the same may be said of all particular Decrees, precepts, sentences, deposi­tions, dispensations, priuiledges and licences, which are made or gran­ted by the Pope, or Councell; and then all those three instances and ex­amples, which I brought against Fa. Lessius his arguments are of force; for in like manner it may be said, that albeit those licences and dispen­sations doe concerne particular facts, and particular persons, yet they bind all Christians to beleeue, that such Priests, for example, doe truely and really conferre the Sacrament of Confirmation, and that such dispen­sations are valide and haue effect, which how absurd this is it is mani­fest, [Page 537] and my Aduersary here acknowledgeth as much. And this I hope may suffice to shew the weakenesse, of Fa. Lessius his three arguments, and the sufficiency of my three Instances, which I opposed against them, and the fraud and ignorance of Mr. Fitzherbert in setting downe, and confuting the same.

CHAP. XVI.

Wherein another argument, or rather answere of Widdrington is confirmed, and M. Fitzherbert in labouring to prooue that Widdrington by his owne grant is fallen into heresie or errour, is conuinced of palbable ignorance; and lastly, the Conclusion of all Widdringtons discourse in his Preface, to his Apologe­ticall Answere is confirmed, and what M. Fitzherhert excep­teth against the same, and also his briefe Recapitulation of all his Discourse in this his Treatise, are confuted.

1 AFter I had set downe my three Instances, which I brought to confront with the three arguments brought by Fa. Lessius, desiring him to satisfie my Instances, and promising by his owne an­sweres, to satisfie his obiections, I added another answere, or if you will call it, an argument, or instance in these words. Finally, are not the rea­sons by which Councells are induced, or mooued to define any thing, as it were some grounds, which are propounded, or suppo­sed by them as foundations of their definitions and decrees? and neuerthelesse no Diuine, as I suppose, will affirme, that those rea­sons are to be receiued by Catholikes, with the same certainty as the definitions themselues. In Councells, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, Bellar. l. 2. de Conc. cap. 12. ‘the greatest part of the Acts doe not appertaine to faith. For neither the Dispu­tations, which goe before, nor the reasons, which are added, nor those things which are brought to explicate and illustrate, are of faith,See also Canus l. 6. de locis. c. 8. but one­ly the bare Decrees, and those not all, but those onely which are propounded as of faith.

2 These were my words in that Apologeticall Preface, which al­beit they are so cleere, and manifest, that no man of any learning can take any iust exception against them, especially seeing that I did not apply them in particular to any Decree, or Act of Pope or Councell, yet Mr. Fitzherbert out of the profoundnesse, forsooth, of his Diuinitie will [Page 538] prooue them to be absurd and impertinent, for so he is pleased to stile the argument of this Chapter, Widdringtons absurditie, saith he, by an other impertinent argument is further discouered. But let vs see how well he discouereth this. There remaineth now, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, one ar­gument onely to be examined, which Widdrington addeth to his three In­stances for the conclusion of the whole, reasoning thus in effect; that because the reasons, which mooue Councells to define, and determine any thing, are, as it were, the foundations of their Decrees, and yet not so certaine as the Decrees themselues (which he confirmeth by the opinion and doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine,Vbi supra. and Canus) therefore the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes (whereupon the Canon of the Lateran Councell was grounded) is not so certaine but that it may be erroneous, and impugned without offence.

3 But so shamefull, and insupportable is the corrupt dealing of this vnlearned and fraudulent man, that in very truth I am halfe asha­med to discouer and lay open the same. For first it is too too manifest, that I made no such argument in this place, as this man faigneth, either concerning the Decree of the Lateran Councell, or concerning the Popes power to depose Princes, whereof here I made no mention at all. Neither also did I argue in this ridiculous manner, that because the rea­sons, which mooue Councells to define or determine any thing, are not so certaine as the decrees themselues, therfore they may be impug­ned without offence: As who should say, that because there is not pro­mised to Popes such an infallibilitie, but that they may erre in their pri­uate opinions, iudgements, dispensations, licences, Censures, and De­crees, therefore they doe erre in the same, and such their opinions, dis­pensations &c. may be impugned, and denied without offence. If Mr. Fitzherbert had said without note of heresie, he had said something to the purpose, and spoken agreeably to the grounds, which I maintaine, for what thing soeuer is not of faith, may be impugned, and denied without note of heresie, but to say, without offence, this is too too shamefull and palpable a falshood.

4 As for example, although Melchior Canus before related doth affirme, that it is not hereticall to hold, that the Church may erre in the cano­nization of Saints, for the reason, which I there alledged out of him, and consequently, that he is not to be accounted an heretike, or an impugner of the Catholike faith, that should therefore say, that the Church hath or doth erre in the canonization of such a Saint, yet he affirmeth, that whosoeuer should say, that therefore the Church doth erre in the canonization of such a Saint, is a rash, and irreligious man, and deserueth therefore to bee punished by the Church: So likewise although it be certaine, that tempo­rall Princes, and common-wealths may erre in making temporall lawes through ignorance, inconsideration, or some intemperate affection, [Page 539] and that therefore he is not to be reputed an heretike, who should rash­ly and without sufficient ground affirme that they haue and doe erre in making such temporall lawes, yet it is also certaine, that what subiect soeuer should rashly affirme, that his temporall Prince hath erred in making such, or such a law, and that such or such lawes are vniust, is worthily accounted an impious, scandalous, and turbulent person, and deserueth therefore to be punished by the State. So as you see how ma­ny grosse falshoods this man hath imposed vpon mee in so few lines.

5 Wherefore all the argument I made heere was, as you haue seene, onely this: The reasons, ends, and motiues, for which Councells are moued, or induced to make definitions and decrees, are not alwayes so certaine and infallible, as the definitions or Decrees themselues, but such reasons, ends, and motiues are propounded by the Councels as some grounds and foundations of their definitions, and decrees, there­fore the grounds and foundations of Ecclesiasticall definitions and de­crees are not so certaine, and infallible as the definitions & decrees them­selues. Now what absurdity, or impertinency, trow you, can be found in this my argument? For I neyther applyed it to the Lateran Councell, or to any other Decree of Pope, or Councell, or to the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes; neyther did I say, that because the rea­sons of Ecclesiasticall definitions, and decrees are sometimes vncertain and fallible, therefore they may bee denied without offence: but all this is forged by my Aduersary, that so hee might haue some co­lour to charge me with absurdity and impertinency: for so exorbitant is the bitternesse of his zeale, not to vse a more bitter word, that he will not haue me to say scarce any one thing throughout all my writings, without some note either of heresie, errour, temerity, fraud, malice, irreuerence, ignorance, falshood, impertinency, fondnes, or ridiculous absurdity, from which imputations I haue neuerthelesse cleared all my assertions, and euidently shewed, that they are farre more agreeable to his arguments, and answeres. And if my Aduersary had not beene blinded with some intemperate passion, he might plainely haue seene, that to no other end, & purpose I brought that argument, but to shew, that the proposition, whereon Fa. Lessius grounded his two first argu­ments, whereof I did treate immediately before, to wit, that the grounds, and foundations of Ecclesiasticall decrees and sentences must be certaine, infallible, and of faith, is not so generally true, but that it is needfull for Fa. Lessius to make a more cleere explication thereof.

6 And albeit this be sufficient to iustifie this my argument, and to free it from all imputation of absurditie, and impertinencie, yet for the better satisfaction of the Reader I will examine more particularly what he excepteth against the same. Wherefore after he had so falsly and [Page 540] fraudulently, as you haue seene, set downe the aforesaid argument, ap­plying it to the Popes power to depose Princes, and to the decree of the Lateran Councell, and also affirming me to say, that because the rea­sons of Eccesiasticall Canons be sometimes vncertaine, therefore they may be denied without offence, all which three things are forged by himselfe, and not spoken by me, and therefore to colour his fraude the better he thought it best, not to set downe my argument verbatim, as there he found it, he writeth thus.Pag. 200. nu. 2. Whereunto I answere, that by this argument Widdrington impugneth none so much as himselfe, granting that the Decrees of Councells may be certaine, though the reasons, whereupon they are grounded, be vncertaine.

7 But as I doe not grant, that all the reasons of Ecclesiasticall De­crees are vncertaine, and not of faith, for some, no doubt, are certaine and of faith, so also I doe not grant, that all Decrees of Councells are certaine and of faith, for some no doubt are not of faith, seeing that all Decrees of Councells, Bell. lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 12. saith Cardinall Bellarmine, doe not belong to faith, but those onely which are propounded as of faith; but of this I haue aboue treated more at large. So that if all decrees of Councells are not cer­taine, infallible, and of faith, no meruaile that the reasons, grounds, and foundations of such Decrees, as they are reasons, grounds, and founda­tions thereof, may be vncertaine, fallible, and not of faith. I said, as they are, reasons, grounds, and foundations thereof, for if otherwise they be deci­sions, definitions, or conclusions of some other generall Councell, in this respect they may be certaine, infallible, and of faith. And this doth euidently impugne the two first arguments of Fa. Lessius, and the often named proposition, whereupon they are grounded, but how by this argument I impugne none so much as my selfe (as this man saith, but doth not prooue) or any way impugne my selfe I cannot compre­hend.

8 Whereupon it followeth, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 200. nu. 2. that the Decree of the Lateran Councell, ordaining the deposition of Princes may bee cer­taine, and iust, albeit the reasons, or doctrine which was the foundation of it were not certaine; and so Princes may be lawfully deposed by the Pope, in such case, as the Lateran Councell hath ordained, though the said Coun­cell might be mooued thereto by an vncertaine, or erroneous reason, so that albeit Widdrington should prooue, that the ground of the Canon in questi­on were vncertaine, or erroneous, yet hee should prooue nothing against the Canon it selfe.

9 But fie Mr. Fitzherbert, that you should shew your selfe to be so grossely ignorant, and then especially when you taxe your Aduersarie of absurditie, and impertinencie, and to impugne him euen by his owne argument. Are not you ashamed to argue so childishly ex puris particu­laribus, from pure particular propositions against the knowne princi­ples [Page 541] and rules of Logike? Some Decrees of Councells may bee certaine, though the reasons & doctrine, whereupon they are grounded be vncertaine, therefore the Decree of the Lateran Councell ordaining the deposition of Princes may be certaine, though the reasons, doctrine, and foundations thereof, be vncertaine: As who should say; Some men may be very skilfull in Diuinitie, although they neuer studied it, to wit, by supernaturall infu­sion, and diuine reuelation, as Adam, Salomon, and our Sauiour Christ according to his humanitie; therefore M. Fitzherbert may be very skil­full in Diuinitie, although he neuer studied the same.

10 But secondly, it is not true, that the Councell of Lateran or­dained the deposition of Princes, but onely of inferiour Magistrates, Landlords, or Lords by the consent and authority of temporall Princes: and therfore that Decree, or rather Act being not made by true Ecclesi­asticall authoritie doth not appertaine to the present question concer­ning the certaintie, & infallibility of Ecclesiasticall Decrees, which are made by the spirituall Pastours of the Church, as they haue spirituall and not temporall authoritie. Thirdly, my Aduersarie standing in his own principles will haue much ado to proue, as I said before, that those words of the Councell, vt extunc ipse &c. That then the Pope may de­nounce the vassalls absolued from their fealtie; do containe a proper decree, or precept concerning faith or manners, but the end, reason, and cause of the former decree, wherein it is ordained, that the Pope shall be cer­tified, if the temporall landlord, or Lord, being excommunicated shall contemne to giue satisfaction within a yeere, to the end that the Pope may denounce &c. vnlesse he will haue the Councell to make lawes, de­crees, and Canons to bind the Pope: And that although it were a pro­per decree concerning manners, yet that is such a generall decree, and belonging to all the faithfull, as according to Cardinall Bellarmine, and Canus is required to make Ecclesiasticall decrees to be infallible and of faith. So that the more my Aduersarie striueth to prooue out of the a­foresaid words of the Lateran Councell, that the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes is a point of faith, the more he bewraieth his owne ignorance, and the weakenesse of his cause, and the vncertaintie of his new broached Catholike faith.

11 And truely it cannot be denied, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 200. nu. 3. but that great difference is to be made (as Widdrington saith well out of Cardinall Bellarmine) betwixt the certaintie of the Decrees of Councells, and of the reasons which are alledged therein; it being euident that all reasons are not of like weight, certaintie, or probability; neuerthelesse, it were absurd to say, that the fundamentall reason or doctrine, which is necessarily included, and supposed in any decree of an Oecumenicall Councell can be false; for so also the decree it selfe should be false, and the errour of both iustly ascribed to the holy Ghost, as Authour thereof.

[Page 542]12 But heere my Aduersary shooteth his bolt farre beyond the marke; for as not all Decrees of Oecumenicall Councells are certaine, infallible, and of faith, but onely those which are made by true Ecclesi­asticall authority, and are propounded as of faith, and which are gene­rall to the whole Church, and doe binde all the faithfull, so neyther must the fundamentall reason or doctrine, which is necessarily inclu­ded in euery decree of an Oecumenial Councell be of necessity certain, infallible, and of faith, but it may be false, and exposed to error, as the decree it selfe, whereof it is a fundamentall reason.

13 And this I say of decrees, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 194. num. 4. 5., that concerne not onely matters of beliefe, but also manners, or matters of fact, such as was the decree of the Apostles at Hierusalem, wherein they doubted not to say, Visum est Spiritui Sancto & nobis,Acts 15. It hath seemed good to the holy Ghost, and vs, ascribing to the holy Ghosts assistance their determination, not onely of the decree it selfe, but also of the foundation, whereupon it was groun­ded, I meane the equalitie, iustice, and conueniencie of it. For it cannot bee denied, but that the holy Ghost assisted, and guided them first to determine what was lawfull, and conuenient to be decreed, and executed, and then after to ordaine, and decree it, the one so depending on the other, that if they had failed in the former, they would not haue iustly decreed the latter; that is to say, if it had not beene lawfull and conuenient for Christians at that time to abstaine from strangled meates and bloud, the Apostles could not haue law­fully ordained, and decreed it; and therefore the Decree being iust, and ascri­bed to the assistance of the holy Ghost, the foundation or ground, and all the necessary consequents thereof must needs be granted to be lawfull and iust, and to flow from one fountaine, that is to say, from the holy Ghosts inspiration and assistance.

14 But first, as concerning matters of beliefe, I grant with Canus, that it is certaine, and of faith, that the Church cannot erre, when shee propoundeth a doctrine of faith, with an obligation to binde all the faithfull to beleeue the same: and likewise in Decrees concerning such manners and matters of fact, as are necessary to saluation, I grant also with the same Canus, that it is certaine, that shee cannot erre in making such Decrees, for that consequently it would follow, as Canus well de­duceth, that she may also erre in doctrine of faith: and so the Church cannot command any thing to all the faithfull, which is repugnant to the Gospel, or to the law of nature. But whether it be likewise certaine and of faith, that the Church cannot erre in Decrees concerning man­ners, and matters of fact, which are not necessary to saluation, I will not now dispute, for not giuing occasion to my Aduersaries to flye from the principall question touching the Decrees or Act of the Late­ran Councell, it being sufficient at this time, that the iudicious Reader, by that which I haue before related out of the doctrine of Canus, may [Page 543] haue some light how to iudge of this question. For hee granteth that it is not hereticall to affirme, that the Charch may erre in the canonizing of Saints, for that her iudgement heerein dependeth vpon an vncertaine ground, to wit, vpon the relation, information, and iudgement of other men, which is vncertaine and fallible, and consequently, according to his grounds, she may erre in all such Decrees, which depend vpon vn­certaine and fallible grounds, and foundations. And the leardnest Di­uines of his owne Societie, as Salmeron, Suarez, and Vasquez, who ac­cording to the Censure of this my rash and ignorant Aduersarie, are very absurd and impertinent therein, doe constantly hold, that the fundamental reason of the Churches Decree concerning the celebration of the Feast of the B. Ʋirgins Conception, is not certaine, and a point of faith, but controuersed by learned Catholikes without any offence, to wit, that shee was sanctified in the first instant of her Conception, and that to honour this her pure, holy, and immaculate Conception the said Feast was instituted.

15 Secondly, it is not certaine, that the Church now hath the same infallibility, in making Decrees concerning such manners, and matters of fact as are not necessary to saluation, which the Apostles had in making such Decrees, for that the iudgement of the Apostles being extraordinarily illuminated, and assisted by the holy Ghost, did not onely depend vpon the relation, information, and iudgement of men, but also vpon the speciall, and extraordinary assistance of the ho­ly Ghost, and therefore from that Decree of the Apostles concerning the not eating of blood and strangled meates, who were peculiarly and extraordinarily assisted, and replenished with the holy Ghost, and therefore might well say, Visum est spiritui & nobis, Acts 2. It hath seemed good to the holy Ghost, and vs, no sufficient argument can bee brought to prooue, that therefore it is a point of faith, that the Church now can­not likewise erre in making such Decrees.

16 Thirdly, Mr. Fitzherbert must also distinguish betwixt the law­fulnesse of an Ecclesiasticall decree concerning manners and matters of fact, and the certainty, or infallibilitie thereof; for that many Decrees may bee lawfull, and consequently ought to bee obeyed, vntill the vn­lawfulnesse, or iniustice thereof be manifest, and yet not infallible, as it is euident in the ciuill lawes of temporall Princes and Common-wealths, whose lawes are lawfull, and ought to be obeyed by their sub­iects, so long as the vnlawfulnesse, or iniustice of them is not appa­rant, and yet they are not therefore infallible. And so a Decree of the Church after due examination, approouing the finall sanctitie of such, or such a man deceased, and vpon that ground commanding all the faithfull to celebrate his Feast, is lawfull, and ought to bee obeyed vn­till it be manifest, that she was deceiued, and misinformed by false re­lation, [Page 544] and yet it is not therefore infallible, and a point of faith that he is truely a Saint, and died in true sanctitie, and holinesse of life and soule.

17 Wherefore my Aduersarie for his better instruction may ob­serue that,Caiet. tom. 1. opusc. tract. 15. de Indulg. c. 8. which Cardinall Caietane, who neuerthelesse putteth all the infallibilitie of ihe Church in the Pope, writeth of Indulgences, and the canonization of Saints: and hee may if it please him learne from thence some speciall documents for his present purpose. It is alwayes, saith hee, presumed de iure by the law for the Iudge, vnlesse there manifestly appeare an errour: and hee that supposeth vpon a lawfull cause such an Indulgence to bee giuen, doth affirme the trueth, as hee without falsitie affirmeth such a one to bee a Saint, supposing him to bee rightly cano­nized. So that granting that such a man who is canonized should not bee a Saint, but damned, the doctrine or preaching of the Church would not bee lying or false; for heere those things that doe not appertaine to faith are not vnderstood to bee affirmed but with a graine of salt, that is suppo­sing those things which are commonly presumed. For the Church doeth presume the canonization to bee rightly done, and likewise the Indulgence to bee rightly giuen, but as humane errour may perchance happen in the canonization of some Saint (as Saint Thomas affirmeth) so humane errour may happen in the giuing of an Indulgence. But if any man thinke, that the Pope cannot erre in these particular actions, as are dispensations as well of the temporall as of the spirituall goods of the Church, let him also thinke that he is not a man.

18 The like is also to be said, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, P. 201. nu. 6. of the De­cree of the Lateran Councell concerning the deposition of Princes, to wit, that the holy Ghost assisted, and guided them, first to resolue what was lawfull, and conuenient to bee decreed (that is to say, that Princes should be deposed by the Pope, if they would not purge their Countreys of heresie) and afterwards to ordaine and decree it; for if it had not beene lawfull and conuenient, that the Pope should depose Princes in that case, the Coun­cell could neuer haue lawfully decreed it, neither could the Decree possibly be lawful if the Pope had not that power; so as it is euident that the Decree be­ing iust (as proceeding from the assistance of the holy Ghost) the determina­tion not only of the iustice and conueniencie of it, but also of the Popes power to performe it, must needes be granted to proceede in like manner from the holy Ghost, inspiring as well the ground, and foundation of the Decree, as the Decree it selfe.

19 But that the like cannot bee said of the Decree or rather Act of the Lateran Councell I haue sufficiently shewed before, both for that there is no mention made in that Councell of the deposition of Princes, but onely of inferiour Magistrates, Land-Lords, or Lords, and also because that Act was not made by Ecclesiasticall power, but [Page 545] by the consent, and authoritie of absolute Princes, and moreouer for that it is not properly a Decree containing any precept of faith, or manners, but rather the end, reason, and cause of the for­mer Decree.

20 And therefore howsoeuer Widdrington may cauill, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 202. nu. 7. about the certainetie of some reasons that haue beene, or may bee alleadged in some Decrees of Councells, hee cannot with any shew of reason, or probabilitie deny, or call in question those foundations, and necessarie grounds of this Canon, or say, that they are lesse certaine then the Canon it selfe, as hee seemeth most absurdly to affirme in this argument; wherein I wish also to bee noted, how ignorantly hee confoundeth the foun­dation of a Decree with the reasons, which mooue the Councell to make it, or are added thereto, as though all the reasons, which are brought and alleadged by a Councell, or mooue them to determine any thing, were the foundations of their Decrees, whereas many reasons, yea texts of Scriptures are probably alleadged in Councells for the explicotion one­ly, or some confirmation of their Decrees, and not as the foundations of them.

21 But how grosly this man seeketh to delude his Reader in this whole Discourse of his I haue alreadie made most manifest, and there­fore the aspersions of absurditie, ignorance, and impertinencie, where­with he chargeth me, doe agree to none so much as to himselfe. For neither did I make in the aforesaid argument any such inference concer­ning either the Decree, or the reason of the Decree of the Lateran Councell, as hee very shamefully would perswade his Reader, neither did I confound the foundation of a Decree with euery reason which mooueth the Pope or Councell to make it, or are added thereunto, but onely with fundamentall reasons, and whereon that Decree doeth wholly depend, in so much that the Pope or Councell would not haue made that Decree, but vpon supposall that such a reason or doctrine is true: as is the reason, which mooueth Popes to canonize any Saint, or to celebrate his Feast, for that they suppose him to haue died in fi­nall sanctitie, which reason is the foundation of their Decree, and yet is not infallible and of faith according to the doctrine of many learned Diuines, as I shewed before: And the like is also of the rea­son, which mooued Pope Sixtus the fourth according to the doctrine of the learned Iesuites to celebrate the Feast of the Blessed Virgins Conception, for that hee supposed her Conception to bee pure, holy, and immaculate, which reason, and ground, is neuerthelesse vn­certaine, although it was the foundation of Pope Sixtus his Decree, which according to Suarez, was also confirmed in the Councell of Trent.

[Page 546]22 Whereby it appeareth also, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, p. 202. nu. 8. how absurd­ly Widdrington comprehendeth the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes vnder the title of reasons, moouing the Councell of Lateran to de­cree the deposition of them, seeing that the reasons of Decrees are so extrin­secall thereto, that they may faile, and yet the Decree stand good, and bee of force, whereas the foresaid doctrine of the Popes power is so intrinsecall, and as I may say, essentiall to the Decree of the Lateran Councell, that it is necessarily included, and supposed in it, in so much that the saide Decree cannot possibly stand, or bee good if that doctrine bee not true, as I haue signified before, nu. 6. and therefore hee argueth as impertinently in this, as in the rest.

23 But first it is very vntrue, that I comprehended the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes vnder the title of reasons moo­uing the Councell of Lateran to decree the deposition of them, as this man, not to vse his owne absurd, and impertinent wordes, very shamefully affirmeth: Seeing that I neuer granted, that either the De­cree of the Lateran Councell, or the reason thereof doeth concerne the deposition of Princes, but onely of inferiour Lords, and Magi­strates by the consent, & authoritie of Soueraigne Princes, neither did I in any of my three Instances, or in this Argument, whereof now we treate, make any mention at all of the Lateran Councell, although indeede I haue now by the way, and without any necessitie vrging mee thereunto signified, as you haue seene aboue, that those words of the Lateran Councell, vt extuncipse, &c. that then the Pope may de­nounce his Vassalls absolued from their fealtie, which my Aduersaries af­firme to bee the Decree of the Lateran Councell ordaining the pra­ctise of the Popes power to depose Princes, cannot, according to their owne grounds, bee a true, proper, and formall Decree, containing any precept or obligation, but rather the reason, cause, and end for which the former Decree was made, as I haue more amply decla­red before.

24 Secondly, neither are all the reasons of Decrees so extrinsecall thereto, that they may faile, and yet the Decree stand good; for some are so intrinsecall, and as I may say so essentiall to the Decree, that the Decree cannot possibly stand good, if the doctrine bee not true, or at least-wise presumed to bee true, as I shewed before in the reason of the canonizing of Saints, and of celebrating their Feast in honour of their Sanctitie, and also of celebrating the Feast of the B. Virgins Conception in honour of the vnspotted puritie thereof: and of these and such like reasons I chiefly meant, when in the aforesaid argument I demanded, whether the reasons that mooue Popes and Councells to de­fine, or decree something, are not as it were certaine grounds and foun­dations of their definitions and decrees. So that I may truely con­clude [Page 547] with my Aduersaries owne wordes, that hee argueth as ig­norantly, impertinently, and absurdely in impugning this argu­ment, as in the former, and in the same manner also hee still goeth on.

25 But now will you heare, saith hee,p. 203. nu. 9. how well Widdrington con­cludeth this his last argument, and condemneth himselfe of errour, or heresie? Thus then hee saith, Quapropter, &c. Wherefore no man can doubt, but that great difference is to bee made betwixt the voice,Vbi supra nu. 63 doctrine, and consent of the Church firmely beleeuing, or defi­ning any thing as a matter of faith, and the voice, doctrine and consent of the Church onely probably thinking. For no Catho­like man doeth deny that hee who contemneth to heare the voice of the Church firmely beleeuing doeth fall into errour, or heresie, whereas Catholike Doctours (whose authoritie the learnedst of my Aduersaries will easily admit) doe plainely affirme, that hee who being mooued with sufficient reason doeth not embrace the doctrine of the Church onely probably thinking doeth not ex­pose himselfe to the danger of heresie, errour, or temeritie. For Alphonsus Salmeron, and Francis Suarez, men truely very learned, doe bring the practise, and consent of the whole Church, to confirme the immaculate Conception of the B. Virgin, and yet that the contrarie opinion may bee defended without any danger of deadly sinne they both plainely acknowledge and cannot also deny without great offence, we, saith Salmeron, do oppose the consent of almost the vniuersall Church, & the vniforme doctrine of all vniuersities. Salmer. tom. 13. ad Rom. 5. disp. 51. §. deinde. Suarez tom. 2. disp. 3. sec. 2. And the second ground, saith Suarez, is to bee taken from the authoritie of the Church. And first the vniuersall consent almost of the whole Church; and especially for these two hundred yeeres almost all Ecclesiasti­call writers, Bishops, almost all Religions, and Vniuersities haue sub­scribed. Thus Widdrington.

26 But first Mr. Fitzherbert is fouly deceiued in saying, or con­ceiuing, that this is a conclusion of this my last argument. For it is a conclusion, and as it were a briefe collection, and explication of all the answeres I made in that Apologeticall Preface to all the arguments, by which my Aduersaries laboured to conuince mee, and my doctrine touching the Popes power to depose Princes of temeritie, errour, and heresie. For seeing that all the arguments which they brought to prooue my doctrine to bee temerarious, erroneous, yea and here­ticall, were grounded chiefly vpon the generall voice, doctrine, and consent of the Church, as they pretend, I thought good for a con­clusion of all my answeres to these their false imputations, to admonish the Reader of the aforesaid difference betwixt the voice of the Church firmely beleeuing, and onely probably thinking, whereby hee might [Page 548] plainely perceiue, that, considering all my former discourse, and an­sweres, I had clearely freed my selfe from all iust imputation of heresie, errour, and temerity.

27 But secondly, let vs now see what exception Mr. Fitzherbert taketh against this my so manifest, and certaine conclusion. Wherein I wish, saith hePag. 203. num. 10., to be noted two things,the one, how confident Widdring­ton, is, that he hath prooued by his three instances, or examples, and this his last argument, that the Church ordaining, and decreeing in the Lateran Councell, that Princes shall in some cases be deposed by the Pope, did not firmely belieue, but onely probably thinke, that the Pope hath lawfull power, and authority to doe it, whereas you haue seene his instances and arguments to be so weake, friuolous, and impertinent, that they haue serued to no other purpose, but to discouer his folly, and the weakenesse of his cause.

28 But truely I cannot but greatly pitty this poore mans case, al­beit, I am much ashamed to see and discouer his palpable fraud and ig­norance. For neither did I in those three instances, or examples, or in this last argument make any mention at all of the decree of the Lateran Councell; neither did I intend to make any inference from them con­cerning that decree, neither did I euer graunt that the Church in the Councell of Lateran did ordaine, or decree, that Princes might in some cases be deposed by the Pope, but I alwaies affirmed, that the aforesaid decree, or rather Act did onely concerne the deposition of inferiour Magistrates or Lords, by the consent and authority of absolute Prin­ces, & that therfore that Act, or decree, was not made by meere Ecclesi­asticall authority, and consequently could not be a matter of faith, but of fact onely, as are all the decrees of temporall Princes concerning meere matters of fact. For although it be a matter of faith, that tempo­rall Princes haue authority to make temporall Lawes, yet it is not a matter of faith, that in making such lawes they cannot erre, and there­fore their lawes are not matters of faith, but of fact onely; but the Church in making lawes to all the faithfull concerning such matters of fact, or manners, which are necessary to saluation cannot erre by commanding anything which is contrary to the Gospell, or the law of Nature, and therefore such lawes are not onely matters of fact, but al­so of faith.

29. That wherein I was confident is this, that seeing my Aduer­saries haue not hitherto brought, nor will euer in my iudgement be a­ble to bring any one sufficient argument to prooue that the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, was euer firmely belieued by the Church as an vndoubted point of faith, but at the most as a probable opinion, no Catholike man can be iustly impeached of heresie, errour, or temeritie, as the aforesaid Conclusion of mine doth plainely con­uince, for maintaining the contrary doctrine. And whether the instan­ces, [Page 549] arguments, and answeres, which I haue brought, be weake, friuo­lous, or impertinent, or Mr. Fitzh. replies altogether vaine, and fraudul­ent, wherby he clearely discouereth both the weaknesse of his cause, and also his manifest fraude and ignorance, I remit to the iudgement of any indifferent Reader. And thus much concerning his first obseruation.

30 The other thing which I wish, saith Mr. Fitzherbert Pag. 204. nu. 11. 12., to be noted is, how Widdrington giueth sentence against himselfe, as hauing incurred the note of errour, or heresie, in contemning to heare the voyce of the Church firmely beleeuing; for if the Church had not firmely beleeued, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, shee neither would nor could haue decreed in the Lateran Councell, that Princes should bee deposed by the Pope; for albeit shee doth, and may in particular cases practise some things vpon a pro­bable opinion (when there is no Definition, or Decree to the contrary) yet it were most absurd, and temerarious, if not hereticall, to say, that shee euer made a generall Decree in a Councell, touching either faith, or man­ners; but vpon a most certaine, and assured ground: and the reason is, for that otherwise the Decrees of generall Councells should sometimes bee vn­certaine, as being grounded onely vpon a probable opinion; yea all their Decrees might alwaies with some shew of reason bee impugned, and reiected by any contentious heretike, who might and would call the Decree in que­stion, and say, that the same were onely probable, as Widdrington doth in this case.

31 Therefore seeing it is most certaine, and vniformly beleeued by all Catholike Doctours, See Bellar. de Concil. l. 2. c. 2. 3. 4. Item Can. l. 5. de locis c. 5. Bannes 2ae. 2ae. q. 1. ar. 10. dub. 6. concl. 2. that no Decree of generall Councells made for the whole Church, touching either faith, or manners, can be repugnant to the ve­ritie of the holy Scriptures, or may bee impugned, or called in question by any Christian man, it followeth euidently, that all such Decrees are founded vp­on assured grounds, and none vpon probable opinions; for if the grounds thereof were or might bee onely probable, they might bee repugnant to the Scriptures, and lawfully impugned or denyed by any man. Whereupon it fol­loweth, that seeing the Lateran Councell hath for the speciall good of the Church decreed that Princes shall be deposed by the Pope in some cases, the said Councell, and consequently the Church, doth firmely, and assuredly be­leeue (and not thinke onely probably) that the Pope hath power to depose Princes; and therefore I conclude, that Widdrington contemning and re­iecting this beliefe of the Church, is by his owne confession fallen into errour, Luc. 19. or heresie; so as I may well say to him, with our Sauiour in the Gospell, Ex ore tuo te iudicio serue nequam.

32 But this obseruation of Mr. Fitzherbert is so childish, not to say ridiculous, that no Schoole-boy would argue in such a childish manner: For what man that hath his wits about him, would make this conclusion, that his Aduersary by his own sentence, grant, & confessi­on, is fallen into errour or heresie, and to prooue the same bringeth two [Page 550] propositions, whereof the one his Aduersary doth indeed very wil­lingly grant, but the other which is the maine difficultie betweene them he vtterly denyeth. By the same manner of arguing I might also prooue, that Mr. Fitzherbert is by his owne sentence, grant, and con­fession fallen into errour, or heresie. For hee graunteth that the Pope hath no other authority to depose Princes, then that which was granted to S. Peter, and his Successours by those wordes, I will giue thee the keyes, &c. Whatsoeuer thou shalt lose, &c. Feede my sheepe, or such like, and that whosoeuer impugneth that which is decreed in the holy Scriptures is fallen into errour or heresie, but in those and such like words of the holy Scriptures, was onely granted to Saint Peter, and his Successours authority, to expell men from the Church of Christ, not from temporall kingdomes, to binde and loose with spirituall, not with temporall bindings or loosings, to absolue from the bond of sinnes, not of debts, to inflict spirituall, not temporall punishments, therefore Mr. Fitzherbert contemning and reiecting the holy Scrip­tures is, by his owne confession, fallen into errour, or heresie; so as I may wel say vnto him with our Sauiour in the Gospel, ex te ore tuo iudico serue nequam: Now if I should haue argued in this manner against him, he would quickely haue answered, that albeit he grant the Maior pro­position, yet hee denieth the Minor, and therefore cannot bee said to grant the conclusion, which must bee inferred from the granting of both the premisses; and for my goodly argument hee both would, and might deseruedly haue giuen mee his vsuall, absurd, impertinent, fond, foolish, and ridiculous nicknames.

33. In this very like manner hee argueth against mee, to prooue that by my owne sentence, graunt, and confession, I am fallen into er­rour or heresie, for contemning and reiecting the voyce of the Church, in a generall Councell firmely beleeuing. For although I graunt the Maior proposition, to wit, that whosoeuer contemneth to heare the voyce of the Church, or of a General Councell firmely beleeuing, or de­creeing any doctrine, as certaine and of faith, is fallen into error or he­resie, yet I euer denyed the other proposition, to wit, that the Church, in the Councell of Lateran did either Decree the deposition of Princes, or firmely beleeue the doctrine thereof, as certaine and of faith, and therefore it cannot be rightly inferred, that I graunt the conclusion, which must be inferred from both the premisses; for as the conclusi­on doth follow from both the premisses, and not from one onely, so he cannot be said to grant the conclusion, who granteth not both the premisses or propositions, but one onely. And therefore those words of our Sauiour, Exore tuo te iudico serue nequam, may fitly be applied to himselfe, who by his owne arguing sheweth himselfe to be a very ig­norant, fraudulent, and slanderous man, in charging me to bee fallen [Page 551] into errour or heresie, by my owne grant and confession, which euery Schoole-boy seeth to be most false.

34 And as concerning that generall reason, which heere hee bringeth, why the Councell of Lateran must firmely, and assuredly be­leeue as certaine and of faith, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, to wit, because it is most certaine, and vniformly beleeued and taught by all Catholike Doctours, that no Decree of generall Councells made for the whole Church, touching either faith or manners, can be repug­nant to the verity of the holy Scriptures, or called in question by any Christi­an man, and that therefore all such Decrees are founded vpon assured grounds, and none vpon probable opinions, &c. Besides that, this reason sup­poseth, which I euer denyed, that in the Lateran Councell was decreed the deposition of temporall Princes, which is the maine question be­twixt vs; it needeth also some further explication. For if Mr. Fitzher­bert meane, that no Decree of a generall Councell, made for the whole Church touching manners, or things commanded, or forbidden to be done (whether it bee made by meere Ecclesiasticall power, or by that temporall authority, which spirituall Pastours haue receiued from the expresse and formall graunt and priuiledges, or the vertuall and tacite consent, or conniuence of temporall Princes) may bee impugned, or called in question by any Christian man, without some note or asper­sion of temeritie, and impietie, of this I will not contend with him, for this also may bee said of meere temporall lawes, which are made by the Princes, Peeres, and Commons of temporall kingdomes, for the temporall good thereof, which cannot bee impugned, or called in question by any priuate man, without some note of temeritie, and impietie.

35 But if his meaning be, that all Catholike Doctours doe vni­formly beleeue, and teach, that no Decree of a generall Councell made for the whole Church touching manners, which are not otherwise necessary to saluation, may not bee impugned or called in question, without note of heresie, this is very vntrue, and therein he sheweth ei­ther to be little conuersant in the reading of Catholike Doctors, or not to haue well obserued what they teach. For as I shewed aboue, lear­ned Canus dare not resolue whether it be hereticall to affirme, that some custome, or law of the Church is euill or vniust, and he plainly affirmeth; that it is not hereticall to hold that the Church may erre in the canonizing of Saints, and the grounds of such Decrees may be vncertaine,S. Tho. quod. 9. ar. vlt. S. Antonin 3. part tit. 12. c. 8. Caiet. tom. 1. Opusc trac 15. de Indulg. c. 8. and falli­ble. Whereupon Saint Thomas, Saint Antoninus, and Cardinall Caietane doe onely say, that it is piously to be beleeued, that the Church cannot erre in the canonizing of them. And besides that Salmeron, Suarez, and Vas­quez, as I shewed aboue, doe constantly hold, that the ground, and foundation of Pope Sixtus his Decree touching the celebration of the [Page 552] Feast of the B. Virgins Conception,Chap. 15. nu. 8 9. & seq. Suarez. disp. 21 sec. 2. was not certaine, but onely pro­bable; Suarez also affirmeth, that it is not a point of faith, that the B. Virgin is corporally assumpted into heauen, although the Church doth celebrate the Feast of her Assumption, and the reason heereof he giueth, for that it is not as yet defined by the Church, neither is there any testimony of Scripture, or sufficient tradition which may make the beliefe ther­of infallible.

See. S. August. tom. 10. ser. 34. & 35. de Sāctis36 Whereupon S. Augustine, in the booke of the B. Ʋirgins Assumption, and serm. 35. de Sanctis, if he be the Authour of them, doth seeme to leaue it as doubtfull, although he doth not deny, but that it may piously be beleeued:Caiet. in opusc. de Concept tō. 2. opusc. trac. 1. c. 1 Sotus in 4. d. 43. q. 2. ar. 1. Abul. in c. 22. Matth. q. 230. And Cardinal Caietane, and Sotus say onely, that it is a very pious opinion: and Abulensis saith, that it is onely the more probable opinion. And as concerning the Resurrection of the Vir­gin, saith he, It is not necessary to hold the same, because it is not among the articles of our faith, neither is there any thing defined by the Church, that it ought to be held, therefore it is lawfull for euery one to thinke as he will. And the reasons which are brought to prooue her Resurrection, are certaine per­swasions, and doe not conuince, and yet because it is commonly held, that she is risen, it is more reasonable to hold the same; but if any man doe affirme the contrary, wee doe not repugne. Thus Abulensis. And heereof I thought good to admonish the iudicious Reader, that heereby hee may most cleerely perceiue both the ignorance of Mr. Fitzherbert, who so bold­ly affirmeth, that all Ecclesiasticall Decrees which are made for the whole Church touching manners, are founded vpon assured grounds, and none vpon probable opinions, and also that we ought not to condemne so easily any doctrine of heresie or errour, vnlesse wee see the contrary, by some cleere definition of the Church, or some euident, and vndoubted con­sequence deduced from thence, to be determined as a point of faith; neither is it sufficient in this case to bring onely probable arguments, or which in our owne iudgement seeme to demonstrate out of the ho­ly Scriptures, ancient Fathers, Decrees of Councels, or Theologicall reasons, which in the opinion of other learned Catholikes doe not conuince it to be a point of faith.

37 Now you shall see what Mr. Fitzherbert concludeth, touching his Reply to all the answeres I gaue, especially to the Decree of the La­teran Councell. And now hauing confuted, saith hee,Pag. 205. nu. 13. & seq. all that which I find in the Preface of his Apologeticall answere, concerning the Councell of Lateran, I will returne to examine the rest of his text in his Admonition, from the which I haue beene a while diuerted, by his remission of his Reader to the said Preface. Thus thou Widdrington concludeth in his Admoni­tion concerning as well the Councell of Lateran, as my whole Discourse. Priusquam igitur aliquis clare demonstrauerit, &c. Therefore before some one shall cleerely demonstrate (I doe not say, shall onely shew [Page 553] probably) that the answeres, which I haue giuen to the Councell of Lateran, are altogether improbable, no effectuall argument can be deduced from that Councell, whereby it may certainly, and euident­ly be prooued, that it is so certaine, that the Pope hath power to de­pose Princes, that the contrary may not be defended by Catholikes without the note of heresie, errour, or temeritie. And this for the present may suffice to confute this Authours more prolixe, then solide discourse; for I will perhaps in another place more exactly examine, of what small force or moment are euery one of his argu­ments. Thus saith Widdrington for the vpshot of his answeres to me, wherein we may obserue these points following.

38 First, whereas he exacteth, as you see, some cleere demonstrati­ons, that his answeres to the Councell of Lateran are altogether improba­ble, I hope, he, or at least the indifferent Reader may rest satisfied therein, seeing that I haue made it cleere that his answeres to the said Councell, are not onely improbable, but also friuolous, and sometimes ridiculous, as being wholly impertinent to the matter, or else preiudiciall to himselfe. Se­condly, whereas he saith, that no effectuall argument can be deduced from that Councell against him, vntill it be demonstrated, that his an­sweres thereto are improbable, I may now conclude, that seeing I haue per­formed as much as he requireth in that behalfe (hauing euidently shewed the impobability of his answeres) hee cannot deny, but that our arguments de­duced from that Councell, are effectuall to prooue our intent, and that to shew that neither, he, nor any Catholike can auoid the aspersion and note of heresie, if he perscuere obstinately to impugne, or deny the Popes power to depose Princes, seeing that the practise of that power is most cleerely decreed, and the veritie of the doctrine necessarily included and supposed in the Decree.

39 Thirdly, whereas that which he hath said to so little purpose, as you haue seene, seemeth to him sufficient to ouerthrow my whole discourse (which he termeth more prolixe then solid) I remit the solidity, as well of my Dis­course, as of his answeres, to the iudgement of the indifferent Reader, who may easily iudge of both by that which hath beene heere debated b [...]twixt vs, seeing that of all his answeres, arguments, and obiections, no one hath appea­red to be of any weight, worth, or probability. And truely I doe not maruale, that my Discourse seemed prolixe, yea very teadious to him, considering the little pleasure or gift that he could take therein; for a short way seemeth long, to such as passe it with difficulty, and disgust, finding where to stumble, or fall at euery step. Finally, whereas he promiseth (though with a perhaps) to ex­amine elsewhere euery particular argument in my Supplement, hee may doe well for his Reputation, first, to make good that which hee hath said already, least such as shall haue read this my Reply, and seene therein how he hath trifled hitherto, may care little to read what hee shall write heereafter; but if [Page 554] he list to take the paines to performe his promise, I hope he shall reape as little credit and contentment thereby, as he is like to doe by these his former labours; for how weake soeuer and insufficient I may be to encounter such a Hercules, or Golias (who dare alone oppose himselfe to the whole army of Israel) yet I doubt not, but he shall finde, that magna est veritas, & praeualet, and that the further he wadeth in this matter, the more hee shall ingulfe himselfe in a sea of absurdities; In the meane time I hope thou hast noted, good Reader, that he hath not beene able to disp [...]ooue any one thing in these two Chapters of my Supplement, which he impugneth, and that in examining his answeres thereto, I haue sufficiently ouerthrowne the grounds of his Doctrine, and shewed his vanity, and folly diuers wayes. For first I haue &c.

40 But to Mr. Fitzherberts three first obseruations, there needeth no other answere, then to deny them with the same facility, where­with he affirmeth them: for neither he, nor I must heerein be each o­thers Iudge, but the indifferent and iudicious Reader, who hauing duly examined both our writings, may easily discerne, whether my an­sweres be of no worth, weight, or probability, and his arguments and Replies effectuall, conuincing and demonstratiue or no: and to whose arguments and answeres, those fowle aspersions of improbable, absurd, malicious, fond, foolish, impertinent, and ridiculous, which are so frequent in this mans mouth, doe more properly agree. And for his fourth, and last obseruation, he may see now that I haue performed my promise, and that without a perhaps, I haue confuted euery particular argu­ment, which hee hath brought against my doctrine, either in the two first Chapters of his Supplement, or in this his Reply against the answere I made to his arguments in that briefe Admonition; so that hee, or at least the Reader may plainly perceiue, that the reason, why I did not then answere euery particular point of his Discourse, was not for that I found therein any great difficultie, seeing that what there I said it was more prolixe, then solid, I haue now conuinced to be true, but because the breuitie of that short Admonition or Preface, would not conueni­ently permit me to answere more particularly so prolixe and verball Discourse.

41 Wherefore I shall now expect what a learned Replie this vn­learned man will make to saue his credit, and to cleare himselfe of those imputations of palpable fraude and ignorance, wherewith in this Trea­tise I do often charge him, & also of great want of charitie, as in the next Chapter you shall more cleerely see. But perhaps the best course and lesse preiudiciall to his reputation that he can take will be, as D. Schul­cknius, or rather Cardinall Bellarmine hath done before him, not to an­swere at all to the crimes whereof he is accused, but to procure from the Cardinals of the Inquisition that my booke be forbidden without telling why or wherefore, for what cause or crime, or what bad doctrine ei­ther [Page 555] against faith or manners is contained therein, and by this meanes many men at least will be hindered from seeing his shamefull fraude and ignorance. Fo seeing that I haue cleerely shewed, that all his vaunts and bragges of hauing conuinced my arguments, and answeres to be improbable, absurd, impertinent, fond, foolish and ridiculous &c. are very vaine and idle, notwithstanding that for the patching vp of his Replie he hath had the helpes of Cardinall Bellarmine, D. Schulckenius, Suarez, and Lessius, if now being left to himselfe alone, and destitute of their helpes, and of their arguments and answeres, which I haue heere con­futed, he should wade any further in these deepe Theologicall questi­ons, wherein he hath already beene so often ouer head, and eares, it is euident that he will cast himselfe headlong into the deepe gulfe of per­petuall infamie. And therefore he may perchance thinke it his best way to get my booke forbidden, without declaring why, or wherefore, which course although it may seeme to him to be the wisest according to the wisedome of the world, yet, (to omit what it is to his soule and conscience, and before the sight of Almightie God) how preiudiciall this course is both to his cause, and credit, how scandalous it is to Pro­testants, and what little satisfaction it giueth to Catholikes, who are de­sirous, and are also bound to search out the truth in this dangerous and difficult point touching their obedience due to God and Caesar, and by such exorbitant prohibitions are hindered from the fully examining thereof, there is no indifferent man of any iudgement but may most cleerely perceiue.

52 All the rest which Mr. Fitzherbert addeth in this Chapter, it being onely a Recapitulaton, of that he saith he hath prooued against me in this his whole Reply, needeth no other answere, then to affirme the quite contrarie, and for confirmation thereof for auoiding of an o­uer tedious repetition of what I haue proued against him in this whole Treatise, and how I haue cleared my selfe and my doctrine from all note of heresie, errour, and temeritie, and proued it to be truely proba­ble, and himselfe to be a very ignorant, corrupt, and very vaine-glorious and vnconscionable man, to remit the Reader to all the places which are heere cited by him, and haue beene cleerely confuted by me, and more particularly to the Contents, Abridgement, or as it were Index of all the things which are handled by me in this Treatise, which he may see partly in the very beginning of the first part before the Preface to the Reader, and partly of this third.

43 To conclude therefore this Chaper, seeing that I haue made it manifest in his Treatise, that no one effectuall argument grounded ei­ther vpon the holy Scriptures, the law of Nature or Nations, the Ca­nonicall or Ciuill law, or any other Theologicall reason hath hitherto beene brought by my Aduersaries, which is sufficient to perswade any [Page 556] iudicious man, that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, to dispose of temporalls or to inflict temporall punishments, is certain, and of faith, and the contrary hereticall, erroneous, or improbable, it is euident, that the new Oath of Allegiance, which is chiefly grounded vpon the denying and impugning of this doctrine, and the practise thereof, may with a safe, and probable conscience, and without any note of dangerous temeritie, or mortall sinne be taken by any Catho­like man, notwithstanding that the Pope by seuerall Breues hath iudged, and commaunded, or supposed the contrary, for that there is no dan­ger of temeritie, or disobedience not to follow the iudgement and opi­nion of the supreme Pastour, when it is contrary to the doctrine of other learned Catholikes, or not to obey his declaratiue precept, when it is not grounded vpon any certaine, and infallible doctrine, but either vpon the false information, and vnderstanding of other learned men, or vpon the priuate and probable opinion, at the most, of his Holinesse, as I haue amply proued in my Theologicall Disputation, Disput. Theol. cap. 10. s [...]c 2. all which Mr. Fitzherbert in this Reply of his doth fraudulently conceale, who vrgeth with might, and maine, to terrifie thereby the consciences of vnlearned and scrupu­lous Catholikes the Popes declaratiue commaundement, who by his Breues forbiddeth the Oath to be taken, for that it containeth in it many things, which are clearely repugnant to the faith and saluation, and craftily dissembleth the answeres, which I haue made thereunto and which are sufficient to quiet the conscience of any iudicious Catholike man, and to take away all iust feare and terrour of conscience out of his mind.

44. And especially seeing that his Holinesse, (which is very consi­derable, and worthy to be obserued) hath beene diuers times with great instance, and importunitie most humbly requested, and in some sort coniured by his Pastorall office and duety, to make manifest to distres­sed English Catholikes one onely thing among so many, which he saith in his Breues are in the Oath manifestly repugnant to faith and saluati­on, which his Holinesse, without all doubt, in regard of his fatherly care, and Pastorall office both would and ought to haue made manifest ere this, being vrged thereto by so many and earnest Supplications, if he had not clearely seene (when he had more diligently examined the whole matter being so greatly vrged, and importuned to name but one onely thing among so many, which he said were in the Oath plainely repug­nant to faith and saluation) both that his power to excommunicate, and to inflict Censures was not denied in the Oath, as Cardinall Bellarmine, and other Romane Diuines by all probable coniectures, as you shall see in the next Chapter, had informed him, and also that the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, which is expresly denied in the Oath, and whereon his prohibition to take the Oath, according to the [Page 557] opinion of all my Aduersaries, was partly grounded, was not a point of faith but onely a controuersie among learned Catholikes, and as yet not decided by the Iudge, andTrithemi­us in [...]ronico. Monast. Hir­saugiensis ad annum 1106. consequently that it might be denied, and im­pugned by any Catholike man without any note of heresie, errour, te­meritie, or any other deadly sinne, so long as the question remaineth so vndecided, and in controuersie among learned Catholikes.

CHAP. XVII.

Wherein M. Fitzherberts vncharitable Admonition to the Ca­tholike Reader, that Widdrington is no other then an here­tike disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, and that his submission to the Catholike Romane Church proceedeth from no other ground, but from a deepe dissi­mulation, or rather an artificiall and execrable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Catholikes, is cleerely confuted, and proued to be void of charitie, learning, and sinceritie. Also Widdring­tons answere to the Popes Breues is confirmed, and he freed from all disobedience for not admitting them; and lastly the De­cree of the Cardinalls, forbidding Widdringtons bookes, and commaunding him to purge himselfe forthwith, is fully answe­red by his Purgation, and humble Supplication which he made forthwith to his Holinesse.

1 MY vnlearned Aduersarie T.F. hauing not beene able in the former Chapters, as you haue seene, to prooue any one answere or position of mine to be improbable or to deserue the least note of temeritie, although he often vaunteth, that he hath conuin­ced, euery one of them to be either fraudulent, ma­licious, impertinent, absurd foolish, fond, ridiculous, erroneous, or hereticall, and then especially his custome is thus to brag, when he himselfe most of all discouereth his intollerable fraude, or palpable ignorance, now this ignorant and vncharitable man doth in this last Chapter turne the sharpenesse of his penne also against my person, shewing himselfe there­in to haue as great want of charitie, as of learning and sinceritie, and la­boureth to perswade his Reader, that albeit I pretend to be a Roman Ca­tholike, and doe submit my selfe, and all my writings to the Censure of the Catholike Roman Church, yet it is euident, that this is onely of purpose to [Page 558] deceiue the Reader,Sec nu. 1. & 19 and that no zealous Catholike can take me for any other then an heretike disguised, and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike. So aboundant is forsooth the charitie and zeale of this Religious Fa­ther, that hee feareth not to miscontrue most plaine and manifest words, and deepe and solemne Oathes and protestations in the quite contrarie sense, to the great discredit of his neighbour, whereas by the rules of charity and iustice he is commaunded to interprete euen doubt­full speeches in the better and more fauourable sense.S. Thomas secunda secun­da q. 60. ar. 4. But let vs heare what he saith.

2. Hauing now answered, saith he,Pag. 211. num. 1. my Aduersarie Widdrington, touching that which any way concerneth me, either in his Admonition be­fore his Theologicall Disputation, or else in those other workes of his, whereto hee remitteth his Readers for their further satisfaction, I haue tought it conuenient (good Catholike Reader) to addresse this last Chap­ter only to thee, to admonish thee to take heed that thou be not seduced with his pretence to be a Catholike, or with the dedication of his booke to his Holi­nesse, and his submission thereof to the iudgement of the Catholike Roman Church, whereby hee professeth, that if by ignorance hee haue failed in any thing, which the Roman Church doth not approoue, he doth also reprooue it, condemne it, and wisheth it to be held as not written, let not this I say seduce thee, or mooue thee to thinke that he teacheth Catholike doctrine con­cerning the matter now in question, seeing that it is euident, that all this is but a false luster and glosse cast vpon his counterfeite ware, of purpose to de­ceiue thee.

3 It is true all the bookes I haue written hitherto, either in Latin, or English I did submit to the Censure of the Catholike Romane Church, and in the first booke of all which I published in defence of the temporall right of Princes against Card. Bellarmines reasons, (whereby he pretended to demonstrate that it is not so much an opinion, as an he­resie to hold, that the Pope hath no authority by the institution of Christ to depose temporall Princes, and to dispose of temporals) besides the submission thereof, to the said Censure of the Catholike Romane Church, I did also solemnely protest, and call God to witnesse, that nei­ther through the spirit of flattery, nor of contradiction, but sincere­ly mooued with a vehement desire to finde out the truth in this diffi­cult controuersie, which so neerely concerneth our obedience due to God, and Caesar, I did take vpon me the writing of that Apologie.

4 And my third booke, which is the Disputation of the Oath, a­gainst which this man so greatly inueigheth, I did not onely submit to the Censure of the said Catholike Romane Church, protesting also, that if either in that Disputation, or elsewhere I had through ignorance writ­ten any thing which she did not approoue, I also did disprooue it, con­demne it, and would haue it for not written, but also I did of set pur­pose [Page 559] dedicate it to his Holinesse, most humbly and earnestly requesting him, that considering we had diligently examined all the parts and par­cels of the oath, and yet could not finde any one thing among so many, contrary to faith or saluation, his Holinesse would be pleased in regard of his Fatherly care, and Pastorall office, after hee had duely conside­red all those obiections, which we did propound vnto him, for, and a­gainst the Oath, to make knowne vnto vs his poore and afflicted Ca­tholikes, one onely thing among so many, which are so manifestly re­pugnant to faith and saluation, as he had declared by his Breues, pro­testing, that if we could be assured of one onely thing contained in the Oath, which is any way repugnant to faith, or saluation, wee would forthwith obey his declaratiue commaundement, and would hazard our liues, and all our fortunes in defence of the vndoubted Ca­tholike faith.

5 Now this vncharitable man, notwithstanding all these my protestations, and submissions, will contrary to the commandement of Christ our Sauiour, & the knowne rules of charity, and iustice, iudge & censure my inward thoughts, which none but God, and my owne con­science can know, and boldly affirmeth, that it is euident, Nu. 1. that all this is but a false luster, and glosse cast vpon my counterfait ware of purpose to de­ceiue the Reader, and that I am an hereticke disguised, Nu. 19. and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, and that all my pretences to bee a Catholike,Nu. 26. and my submission to the Catholike Romane Church, proceeds from no o­ther ground, but from a deepe dissimulation, or rather an artificiall, and exe­crable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Catholikes. But God knoweth how wrongfully he belyeth me, to whose iustice, for the infinite wrong he hath done me, I doe appeale, and I make no doubt, but that he will finde him a most iust Iudge, and seuere reuenger either in this life, or in the next, or both, vnlesse hee repent, and satisfie mee in time, for the great wrong he hath done me.

6 But let vs heare the reasons which this vnconscionable man bringeth to colour this rash iudgement of his. For if Widdrington, saith hePa. 212. nu. 2 so much respect and reuerence his Holinesse, and the Romane Church, as he pretendeth, how chanceth it, that vtterly reiecteth three Apostolicall Breues of his Holinesse, vpon no better ground and reason, but because his Holinesse hath beene ill informed of the matter, and consequently deceiued and absurd?

7 But albeit with all my heart and soule I doe greatly respect, and reuerence the Popes Holinesse, the Sea Apostolike, the Romane Church, and the Catholike Romane Church, each of them in their due place and degree, but not all of them with equall respect and reuerence, for that no learned Catholike can deny, but that betwixt all these a great diffe­rence is to be made, neither are the errours, misdemeanours, or imper­fections [Page 560] of Popes, who being men and subiect to humane infirmities as others are, to bee attributed to the Sea Apostolike, or to the Roman Church, although my ignorant Aduersary seemeth not only to make no distinction betwixt the Pope, and the Sea Apostolike (whereas if he will but reade S. Robert of Lincolne his life in Matthew Paris, he may see what difference hee maketh betwixt Pope Innocent the fourth, whom hee calleth Antichrist, Mat. Paris in Henrico 3o. pag. 843. and whose Breues as containing in them some­thing, which is hatefull to Christ our Sauiour, detestable, abhominable, and very pernicious to mankind hee refused to obey, and betwixt the most ho­ly Sea Apostolike, which hee saith can command no such detestable thing) but also hee would make his Reader beleeue, that I take the Roman Church, and the Catholike Roman Church for all one, whereas it is manifest, that there is betwixt them, almost as great difference, as is betwixt the Kingdome of England, and the Christian world, or rather betwixt Rome, and Christendome, and also very many vertuous and lear­ned Roman Catholikes doe not graunt that infallible authoritie to the Popes Holinesse, or to the Roman Church, which they grant to the Catho­like Roman Church, according to that saying of S. Hierome, si autho [...]i [...]as quaeritur, Hier. epist. 85. ad Euangrium. orbis maior est vrbe, if authoritie bee demanded, or sought for the world is greater then a Citie, which sentence the Glosse vpon the Ca­non Legimus dist. 93. citing and expounding saith, Heere is an argu­ment, that the Decrees of a Councell doe preiudicate, or goe before the Popes Decree, if they contradict it.

8 Neuerthelesse I doe also willingly acknowledge, that I doe not so much respect, and reuerence his Holinesse, as to beleeue that all the commandements of Popes are iust, and all their Breues and Decrees are grounded vpon infallible truth, or that any Catholike is bound to obey his Holinesse declaratiue commandement, when it is only groun­ded vpon a probable opinion, which no man is bound to follow, it being most euident, that where there is no authoritie to command, it is no irreuerence or vndutifull respect not to obey; As likewise al­though all Subiects are bound to respect and reuerence their temporall Prince, and to obey him in temporalls, as with all my heart and soule I doe greatly respect and reuerence my Soueraigne Lord King IAMES acknowledging him to bee my onely Soueraigne Lord in temporalls, to whom I owe all temporall allegiance, as I acknowledge his Holinesse to bee my supreame spirituall Pastour, to whom I owe spirituall obedi­ence, yet if the temporall Prince should command any thing which to his Su [...]iects consciences is manifestly vniust, they may without any irreuerence or vndutifull respect to their Prince not obey that vniust commandement, knowing in that case they are bound rather to obey God then men, especially if they bee readie to suffer without resistance the penaltie imposed by the law.

[Page 561]9. Secondly, that any Catholike might lawfully, and without any irreuerence or vndutifull respect to his Holinesse not obey or admit his Breues forbidding Catholikes to take the Oath, for that it containeth in it many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, I yeelded in my Theo­logical Disputation, Cap. 10 sec. 2 nu. 50. & seq. two sufficient reasons, whereof the first and principall Mr. Fitzherbert heere fraudulently concealeth, and both vnlearnedly, and guilefully, as you shall foorthwith see, hee ca­uelleth onely against the second and lesse principall reason. For I did not affirme, that no Catholike is bound to admit his Holinesse Breues onely for that hee was ill informed of the matter, and consequently deceiued and abused by Cardinall Bellarmine and his other Diuines, al­beit this alone had beene a very sufficient reason, but chiefly and prin­cipally for that his Breues were grounded vpon probable opinion at the most, that the Pope by the institution of Christ hath authoritie to dispose of all temporalls, and to depose temporall Princes, which do­ctrine being not certaine, but in controuersie among learned Catho­likes, and as yet not decided by the Iudge, no Catholike is bound to follow, and consequently, according to the doctrine of Fa. Suarez, nei­ther bound to obey his declaratiue commandement which is grounded thereon; for that a declaratiue precept, as is this of his Holinesse for­bidding Catholikes to take the Oath hath no greater force, then the reason, whereon is grounded: but this first reason, which I brought for the chiefe and principall, Mr. Fitzherbert cunnigly dissembleth.

10. For seeing that his Holinesse did onely in generall worde for­bid English Catholikes to take the Oath for that therein are contained many things which are manifestly repugnant to faith and saluation, with­out specifying in particular any one of those many things, I by prob­able coniectures, or rather by morall certainties, all circumstances con­sidered, did gather, that his Holinesse by those many things manifestly re­pugnant to faith and saluation, did either vnderstand, as by all likelihood hee did, his power to inflict Censures, to excommunicate his Maie­stie, to binde and loose in generall, &c. and consequently his spirituall Supremacie, which hee conceiued were denyed in the Oath, for that Cardinall Bellarmine did publikely in his booke against his Maiesties Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance also in this sense vnderstand the same, and then it is apparant, that his Holinesse was misinformed of the matter, and consequently deceiued, and abused, for that it is too too manifest, as his Maiestie himselfe hath against Cardinall Bellar­mine conuinced, that the Popes power to inflict spirituall Censures, and to excommunicate his Maiestie was not treated of at all in the Oath, but purposely declined; and Mr. Fitzherbert also seemeth couertly to confesse as much, for that albeit in his Supplement he affirmed,See a [...]oue chap. [...] that the Oath is vnlawfull for that therein is denyed the Popes powers to ex­communicate, [Page 562] for which in my Admonition I taxed him of falsitie, yet now in his Reply he altogether flyeth from that point, acknowledging in effect by his silence, that hee dare not now maintaine his former assertion.

11 But because I could not certainely know and affirme, al­though it bee very probable, that his Holinesse vnderstood, those many things manifestly repugnant to faith and saluation, of his power to excommunicate, and to inflict Censures, &c. as Cardinall Bellarmine, Gretzer, Lessius, and Suarez, did vnderstand them, I added the second part of the disiunction, to wit, that his Holinesse vnderstood those many things, &c. in the former sense, or else by those many things mani­festly repugnant to faith and saluation hee vnderstood his power to depose Princes, to dispose of all temporalls, and to inflict temporall punish­ments, for that his Holinesse was of opinion, that the doctrine for his power to depose Princes, &c. which is expresly denyed in the Oath, is certaine and of faith; And if this bee the meaning of his Holinesse, then if hee did adhere to this opinion by his owne reading, studie, and learning (whereof I haue no certaintie for that I know not whe­ther his Holinesse being accounted onely a Lawyer and not to make profession of Schoole-Diuinitie, had before the publishing of his Breues exactly studied this question, and throughly examined all that could bee obiected on either side) then, I say that his Holinesse was greatly mistaken, for that it is euident, that this doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes, &c. is not certaine and of faith, but in controuersie among learned Catholikes and as yet not decided by the Iudge.

12 But if his Holinesse did adhere to this opinion, and conceiue that this doctrine for his power to depose Princes is certaine and of faith, as it is very pobable hee did, by the information of Cardinall Bellarmine, and other Diuines of Rome, who consulted of the Oath, as Fa. Parsons relateth in his letter, then I say, that his Holinesse hath also beene ill informed of the matter, and consequently deceiued and abused by them, for that it is a controuersie among the Schoole-men, saith Trithemius,Trithem. in Chron. Monast. Hirsang. ad an. 1106. Almain. de do­minat. ciuil. & Eccles conclus. 2. in probat. and as yet not decided by the Iudge whether the Pope hath power to depose the Emperour or no: And Almaine a very famous Schoole-Diuine and Doctour of Sorbon, with very many, or most Doctours, as hee saith, doeth resolutely affirme, that the Ecclesiasticall power by the institution of Christ doeth not extend to the inflicting of temporall punish­ments, as death, exile, imprisonment, priuation of goods, much lesse of Kingdomes, but onely of spirituall Censures, neither was he euer tax­ed by any man of heresie, errour, or temeritie for holding this o­pinion.

13 These were the reasons, which I propounded to his Holi­nesse, [Page 563] why English, Catholikes thought themselues not bound to o­bey his declaratiue precept contained in his Breues. For these are my expresse words in my Epistle Dedicatorie to his Holinesse. Cap. 10. sec. 2 nu. 8. & seq. ‘And this is the reason (most holy Father) why very few Lay Catholikes of any name or worth with vs doe refuse to take the Oath being tende­red them by the Magistrate. For while they aduisedly cal to remem­brance, that this Oath, before it was by your Holinesse declared to be manifestly repugnant to faith, and saluation, might with a prob­able, and consequently with a safe conscience bee taken by any Catholike by reason of the authoritie of so many learned and vertu­ous Priests; and withall they doe now not only consider, that your Holinesse prohibition, being a meere declaratiue precept, can haue no greater force to binde, then the reason whereon it is grounded and wholy dependeth, as beneathC. 10. sec. 41. & seq. out of the doctrine of Fr. Suarez shal be made manifest, but also they are probably perswaded, that your Holinesse was by Cardinall Bellarmine, and Fa. Parsons wrongfully informed of the reason, for which you forbade Catholikes to take the Oath, to wit, for that it containeth many things which are plainly re­pugnant to faith, and saluation; seeing that neither your authoritie to chastice Princes, to excommunicate them, to inflict Censures, or any spirituall authoritie, which is certainly knowne to bee graunted by Christ to Saint Peter and his Successours is in this Oath denyed as Cardinall Bellarmine, (whom Fa. Parsons, and diuers other Diuines of his Societie doe follow) by fallacious inferences laboureth to deduce, they cannot as yet sufficiently perceiue, by what forcible argument they are bound with the perpetuall temporal ouerthrow of themselues, and their whole posteritie to obey your Holinesse de­claratiue commaundement, which at the most is grounded vpon a probable reason. Neither doe they conceiue, that they ought there­fore to bee accounted rebellious to the Sea Apostolike, for that they, reseruing otherwise all dutifull reuerence to your Holinesse, doe not in a matter, which is so preiudiciall vnto them, obey your Holinesse Apostolicall letters, which either are written vpon false informa­tion, or grounded onely vpon a probable opinion.’

14 And in the tenth Chapter of my Theologicall Disputation, Sec. 2. nu. 50. 51. I brought to the obiection taken from his Holinesse Breues two an­sweres, which are grounded vpon these two reasons. To make therefore said I, now at the last a compendious answere to all the three Breues, and so also to the whole obiection; To the first Breue, whereon the other two doe depend, it is answered first, that al­though his Holinesse thinking, and in his opinion supposing the Oath to bee of it selfe vnlawfull, and to containe many things, which are contrarie to faith, and saluation, doeth therefore by [Page 564] his letters or Breues forbid English Catholikes to take it, yet seeing that this his prohibition is onely a declaratiue precept, and founded in the priuate iudgement, and opinion of his Holinesse, as beforeNum. 44. & sequen.we haue shewed, as we are not bound to follow the Popes opinion a­gainst the probable opinion of other Catholike Diuines, (then es­pecially when by following it, very great preiudice is like to come to our selues, and many others; and when the reasons and grounds for his opinion, are for the most part by all men accounted to bee very vnsound, as are almost all those arguments, which our lear­ned Aduersaries haue obiected against the oath) so also we are not bound to obey the Popes declaratiue precept, which is founded in his opinion, and in the reason which hee alledgeth, which precept, ac­cording to the aforesaid doctrine of Franciscus Suarez, hath no grea­ter force to binde, then hath his reason and opinion, whereon his declaratiue precept doth wholly depend.

15 Secondly, it is answered, that there is no English Catholike, who if he be well instructed, will take the Oath, or approue it to be lawfull in that sense, wherein his Holinesse by all probable conie­ctures hath condemned it. For it is probable, and in my iudgement morally certaine; that his Holinesse did vnderstand the words of the Oath in that sense, wherein the Diuines of Rome did conceiue them, and especially Cardinall Bellarmine, whose aduise and opinion in this so weighty a Theologicall controuersie, which must needes bring great good or harme to this kingdome, his Holinesse, as it is very probable, both demanded, and followed, who therefore accor­ding to his Holinesse minde, and by his permission wrote in defence of his Breues against his Maiesties Apologie for the oath. But Car­dinall Bellarmine vnderstood the Oath in this sense, as though it de­nied the Popes Primacie in spirituals, his power to excommunicate, to binde and loose, and also to dispence in Oathes in which sense doubtlesse it cannot be denied, but that it containes many things, which are flat contrary to faith and saluation, but no Catholike doth in this sense either take the Oath, or defend it to bee lawfull. Neither are the arguments which Cardinall Bellarmine hath brought to prooue the same, any way sound and sufficient, but very fallacious, as I haue shewed at large in the said Disputation.

16 All this which is onely a part of the answere I brought from the obiection taken from his Holinesse Breues, I thought fit to repeate here againe onely for satisfaction of some scrupulous Catholikes, who perchance fearing now to reade my Disputation, it being forbidden by the Cardinals of the Inquisition, without declaring any cause either in particular, or in generall, why it it is forbidden, of wnich their prohi­bition I will say more beneath, may here most clearley see, how sound­ly, [Page 565] and without any irreuerence, or vndutifull respect to his Holinesse, I propound to him the reasons for which English Catholikes thought themselues not bound to obey his declaratiue precept contained in his Breues, humbly requesting him, that in regard of his Fatherly care, and Pastorall dutie he would vouchsafe to instruct vs in the Catholik faith, and to make knowne vnto vs but one of those many things, which hee saith are in the Oath so manifestly repugnant to faith and saluation.

17 Whereby the Reader may easily perceiue the egregious fraude of this my vnlearned Aduersarie, in vrging so vehemently to my dis­grace, the obiection drawen from the authority of his Holines Breues, & concealing the principall answer, which I brought thereunto, & where­by I cleared my selfe from all iust imputation of irreuerence, or vnduti­full respect to his Holinesse. For what irreuerence or vndutifull respect to his Holinesse can be iustly imagined in propounding to him, being the supreame Pastour of our soules, with all reuerent and respectiue words, the reasons which doe mooue vs to thinke that he hath beene misin­formed of the true sense of the Oath, and the difficulties which do per­plexe our consciences concerning his Breues, and humbly requesting him in regard of his Fatherly loue, and Pastorall office that he would vouchsafe to teach vs, & instruct vs in the Catholike faith, & in those things, wch he saith are in the oath contrary to faith and saluation? No Catholike subiect is bound so to respect and reuerence his superiour, al­beit he be the Pope, as to obey his commandements, with blinde obedi­ence, when his conscience doth dictate vnto him, that they are vniust, but hee may with all dutifull respect propound to his Superiour, al­though he be the Pope, the doubts and difficulties which his comman­dement hath brought to his perplexed conscience, & desire him, yea, and charge him, in regard of his Fatherly care, and Pastorall office, that he will vouchsafe to teach him, and instruct him, in what manner hee may quiet his minde, and take away those difficulties which his com­mandement hath brought to his troubled conscience.

18 Whereupon it is a common doctrine among Diuines, that when a Superiour or Prelate commandeth any thing, whereof the sub­iect hath a probable doubt, whether it bee lawfull or no, hee is not bound forthwith to obey: And this is also conforme to the rule and instruction, which Pope Alexander the third giueth to the Archbishop of Rauenna, and it is recorded in the Canon law, among the Popes De­cretals, Si quando aliqua tuae fraternitati, &c. If at any time, Cap. si quando, de Rescriptis. saith the Pope, we direct any thing to thy brotherhoode, which doth seeme to exasperate thy mind, thou oughtest not to be troubled, &c Considering d [...]ligently the qua­lity of the matter, for which we write vnto thee, either reuerently fulfill our commaundement, or by thy letters shew a reasonable cause wherefore thou mayest not fulfill it; for wee will suffer patiently, if thou doe not that which [Page 566] was suggested vnto vs by bad insinuation, or information. And among o­thers Dominicus Sotus writeth thus,Sot. de detegen. secret. memb. 3. q. 2. in Resp. ad primum. Prelates and Iudges are not in possession in respect of their subiects, vnlesse for as much as they command lawfull things, and therefore when it is doubtfully, whether they commaund a lawfull thing, then if it be in preiudice of a third person, because that third person is also in possession of his fame & goods, the subiect must incline to that part where there is the lesse danger. Neither are Prelates, who command nothing, whereby is feared any danger, to Religion, or the Common-wealth, or to a third person bound to render a reason; but simply they must bee obeyed also in doubts, as it hath beene said before, because then there is no danger, if it be presumed that the Iudge commandeth iustly: But when such a danger to Relegion, or to the Common-wealth, or to a third person, is at hand, then if the Subiect doubt, he doth not against obedience, if he require of his Prelate a reason of his comman­dement, propounding humbly the reason of his doubt.

19 And that this is our very case in refusing to obey his Holinesse Breues, forbidding Catholikes to take the new Oath of allegiance, by which prohibition such great preiudice to Religion, to the Common-wealth, to his Maiestie, and to all his Catholike Subiects, is like to arise, and in humbly propounding to his Holinesse the reasons of our doubts, any man of iudgement may plainely perceiue. And if his Holinesse ha­uing taken vpon him the charge and office of the Supreame spirituall Pastour, and thereby is bound by the expresse commaundement of Christ, to feede without exception all the sheepe of Christ his flocke, that is, not onely to punish, correct, and threaten them, but also to teach, and instruct them in the Catholike faith, and in all things necessary to saluation, especially when vpon vrgent cause they require it at his hands, if he will not vouchsafe to instruct the soules of vs poore Eng­lish Catholikes, who by his Breues haue beene so greatly troubled and perplexed, and declare vnto vs some one of those many things, which he saith are in the Oath manifestly repugnant to faith and saluation, we hauing by priuate and publike letters and petitions so often, so instant­ly, and so reuerently demanded it at his hands, but instead of instructi­on to send threatnings, Censures, and prohibitions of our humble Sup­plications to be instructed by him, whereby our credit and good name is taken away by the vncharitable courses of some violent men, what great an account both his Holinesse and his Counsellers herein haue to render at the day of iudgement, to Christ our Sauiour the supreame Pastour, and Iudge of all, I tremble to consider, and I pray Almighty God with all my heart, that both his Holinesse, and they of his Counsell; may more duely consider thereof, before it be to late.

20 Thus thou hast seene the two reasons and answeres, which I brought why any Catholike man may lawfully, and without any irre­uerence, or vndutifull respect to his Holinesse, not obey his declaratiue [Page 567] precept contained in his Breues, now you shall see with what fraud, and ignorance my vnlearned Aduersary, hauing fraudulently concealed the first reason and answere, whereon I did chiefly rely, cauilleth against the second and lesse principall reason or answere, and taxeth mee of irreue­rence, and want of respect to his Holinesse, for saying, that his Holi­nesse was by all likelihood misinformed of the true sense of the Oath, by Car­dinall Bellarmine, and other Diuines of Rome, and consequently deceiued, and abused by them.

21 For can any man, saith M. Fitzherbert,Pa. 212. nu. 2. with reason perswade himselfe, that in such an important matter, as is this of the Oath, so famous (or rather to say truely, so infamous) throughout Christendome, so preiudici­all to the Romane Sea, so dangerous and burdensome to the consciences of English Catholikes, and so pernicious to their temporall states (as the world knoweth it to be) can any man, I say, with reason imagine, that his Holinesse did not at the very first, (before hee published his first Breue) see the Oath it selfe, maturely weigh and ponder it, yea and sufficiently informe himselfe, of all circumstances necessary to the publication of his Apostolicall and iudiciall sentence? this truely cannot be imagined of his Holinesse, by any charitable Catholike.

22 But first to retort this friuolous argument of my vnlearned Aduersarie vpon Cardinal Bellarmine, and his booke published against the Oath, can any man with reason perswade himselfe, that in such an important matter, as is this of the Oath, so famous throughout Chri­stendome, and which so much concernech the Romane Sea, the Soue­raigntie of temporall Princes, the consciences and temporall states of English Catholikes, and their obedience due to God and Caesar (as the world knoweth that it doth) can any man, I say, with reason imagine, that Cardinall Bellarmine, so learned, woorthy, and reuerent a man, did not at the very first (before he published his booke against his Maie­sties Apologie for the Oath) see the Oath it selfe, maturely weigh and ponder it, yea and sufficiently informe himselfe of all circumstances necessary to the publication of his booke? and yet it is euident, as his Maiestie also hath conuinced, that Cardinall Bellarmine did not rightly informe himselfe of the whole matter, and of the true sense of some clauses of the Oath, and was deceiued, and abused English Catholikes in affirming so boldly, that the Popes power to inflict Censures, and to excommunicate his Maiestie, is denied by those words of the Oath, not­withstanding any sentence of Excommunication, &c. which any Catholike may, without any breach of charity, or vndutifull respect not onely imagine, but plainly see, and say to be euidently vntrue, and my Aduer­sarie himselfe, as I signified before,Nu. 10. by his silence in this point, doth in effect acknowledge as much.

23 Besides, can any man with reason perswade himselfe, or ima­gine, [Page 568] but that in such an important matter, as is this of the Oath, so famous throughout Christendome, &c. his Holinesse did at the very first, (before he published his first Breue) not onely see the Oath it selfe, maturely weigh, and ponder it, yea and sufficiently informe himselfe of all circumstances necessary to the publication of his Apostolicall and iudiciall sentence, but also that he demaunded, yea and followed the ad­uice and iudgement of his learned Counsell (especially of Cardinall Bellarmine, whose opinion in Theologicall matters, is accounted at Rome, as it were an Oracle) concerning the true sense and meaning of the Oath, and of all the parts, and parcels thereof? this truly cannot be imagined of his Holinesse, by any charitable Catholike. Which being so, as any charitable Catholike may not onely imagine, but also euidently see, that Cardinall Bellarmine affirming so resolutely, that the Popes power to excommunicate, to binde and loose in generall, to absolue from Oathes in generall, and consequently the Popes Primacy in spiritualls, is manifestly denied in the Oath, did misinforme himselfe of the true sense and meaning of the Oath, and was deceiued, so likewise any cha­ritable Catholike may not onely imagine, but also with morall certain­tie perswade himselfe (all circumstances considered) that his Holinesse also was ill informed, and consequently deceiued and abused by Cardi­nall Bellarmine of the true sense and meaning of the Oath.

24 Wherefore I neuer imagined, or conceiued, as this man see­meth to impose vpon me, and therefore chargeth me with irreuerence, vndutifull respect, and temerity, that his Holinesse did not, before hee published his first Breue, see the Oath it selfe, maturely weigh, and pon­der it, & sufficiently, as he thought, informe himselfe, both by his own knowledge and learning, and also by the aduice of his learned Diuines, and especially of Cardinall Bellarmine, of the true sense and meaning of the Oath, and of all parts and parcells thereof; As likewise I neuer ima­gined, or conceiued that Cardinall Bellarmine did not, before he pub­lished his first booke against the Oath, see the Oath it selfe, maturely weigh, and ponder it, and sufficiently, as hee thought informe himselfe, both by his owne learning, and by the aduice also of other Diuines of Rome, of the true sense and meaning of the Oath, and of all the parts, and parcells thereof: yet as it is euident, that Cardinall Bellarmine, not­withstanding all his seeing, weighing, pondering, and informing him­selfe of the true sense, and meaning of the Oath, was fowly mistaken, de­ceiued, & misinformed of the true sense, and meaning of those words, [notwithstanding any sententence of Excommunication, &c.] and some o­ther clauses of the Oath, so also it is probable, that his Holinesse was in the like manner mistaken and deceiued, by the euill information of Cardinall Bellarmine, of the true sense and meaning of the aforesaid clauses.

[Page 569]25 And by this that also, which Mr. Fitzherbert immediately ad­deth, to taxe me of temerity and malice, and of accusing his Holinesse of lacke of wisedome, of impiety, and manifest lying, is both answe­red, and his fraud and falshood plainly discouered. And howsoeuer, saith he,Pa. 212. n. 3 my Aduersary Widdrington, or any other, might be so temera­rious, to haue that conceit at the first, yet hee could not without great malice persist in that opinion, after the publication of the second Breue, wherein his Holinesse acknowledgeth, and auoweth, that the former was not false, or surreptitious, but written vpon his owne certaine knowledge, motion, and will, and after long and graue deliberation had, concerning all things contained therein, and that therefore the Catholikes were bound to obserue it wholly, reiecting all interpretations to the contrary. This being so, (according to my Aduersaries owne relation) it is most euident, that his Holinesse had taken sufficient information of the whole matter, Disp. Theol. c. 10. sec. 2. nu. 59 and all the circumstances thereof, euen before he published his first Breue, and there­fore Widdrington affirming the contrary cannot haue that opinion, which a charitable and pious Catholike ought to haue, either of the wisedome, and pietie of his Supreme Pastour, or of the authoritie and veritie of his Apo­stolicall Breues, and Decrees; but doth in effect charge him to haue lyed manifestly in his second Breue, when hee testified that hee made the first, with such mature deliberation, and certaine knowledge, as you haue heard.

26 To this second Breue, which his Holinesse purposely sent hi­ther, as he himselfe in the beginning thereof affirmeth, for that it was re­ported vnto him that some heere did say, that his letters or Breue dated the 22. of October 1606. concerning the forbidding of the Oath were not written according to his owne mind, and his owne proper will, but rather for the re­spect, and at the instigation of others, for which cause they went about to per­swade others, that his commaundements in the said letters were not to be re­garded, I gaue this answere,Dis. Theol. c. 10 sec. 2. nu. 59.which my fraudulent Aduersary alto­gether concealeth. In the second Breue which was dated the first of September 1607. it is onely declared, that the former letters of his Ho­linesse, (wherein he strictly commanded English Catholikes that they should in no wise take the said Oath) were not false and surreptitious, but written, not onely vpon his certaine knowledge, and by his owne proper mo­tion and will (by which words neuerthelesse he doth not intend to de­nie that he in writing them, vsed the aduise, and opinion of others) but also after long and graue deliberation had concerning all the things which are contained in them, and that therefore they were bound to obserue them exactly, setting aside all interpretation, which may perswade to the contrarie. Which last words are so to be vnderstood, that there must be made no friuolous interpretation of those letters, or no such inter­pretation, which should make any man to think, or make any doubt, [Page 570] that they were not written with his Holinesse knowledge and priuity, and by his owne proper will.Salas disp. 21. de Leg. sec. 2. Sa in Apho­ris. verbo In­terpretatio nu. 5.For as Ioannes Salas, and Emanuell Sa, both of them Diuines of the Society of Iesus, doe well obserue, It is lawfull for Doctours to interprete all lawes, not indeed by a necessarie pub­like, or iuridical, but a priuate and not binding interpretation, although the Prince should say, that it should be lawfull for no man to interprete other­wise this our writing, for then he onely forbiddeth friuolous interpretations, and which are expressely contrary to his mind. Which their doctrine is with far greater reason to be vnderstood of the Popes declaratiue pre­cept, which is only grounded vpon presumption, and vpon his owne opinion, and priuate iudgement, wherby he perswadeth himselfe, that the thing which he forbiddeth is otherwise vnlawfull, as being forbidden by some former law, whose opinion and also declaratiue commaundement grounded onely vpon his opinion, when it is a­gainst the probable doctrine of other Catholike Diuines, may not onely be interpreted, but also contradicted, as I shewed before out of the doctrine of Suarez. Seeing therefore that this second Breue is onely an approouing and confirming of the former, it can haue no more force to bind then the former hath, for confirming whereof it was written by his Holinesse.

27 By this you may see, that I did not say, as Mr. Fitzherbert vn­truely affirmeth me to say, that his Holinesse before he published his first Breue did not see, maturely weigh and ponder the Oath, and sufficiently as he thought informe himselfe of all the clauses contained therein; or that his first Breue was false or surreptitious, and not written vpon his owne certaine knowledge, motion and will, and after long and graue deliberation concerning all things contained therein: But that which I said is, that notwithstanding all his long and graue deliberation, first either his first Breue was grounded not vpon any certaine doctrine and of faith, but onely vpon his owne opinion and of the rest of his Diuines, that the doctrine for his power to depose Princes is certaine and of faith, which, for that the contrary is truely probable, and hath euer beene maintained by learned Catholikes, no Catholike is bound to follow, and conse­quently neither to obey his declaratiue precept, which was grounded thereon, as from the doctrine of Fa. Suarez I clearely deduced, and this was my first and principall answere to the first Breue, whereon the two other Breues did wholy depend: or else secondly that if his Holinesse was perswaded by the information of Cardinall Bellarmine, and his other Diuines, as by all likelihood he was, that in the Oath were contained many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, for that he thought his power to inflict Censures, to excommunicate, to binde and loose in generall, and consequently his spirituall Supremacie, were denied in the Oath, that then he was ill informed, deceiued, and abused by the ad­uise [Page 571] of Cardinall Bellarmine, and of his other Diuines, for that it is eui­dent, as I conuinced in my Theologicall Disputation, that no such thing is denyed in the Oath, and this was my second, and lesse principall answere.

28 Besides that, Mr. Fitzherbert may in those last words of his, to wit, [that the Pope testified that he made the first Breue with mature de­liberation and certaine knowledge] vse some cunning fraude: For his mea­ning may be, that his Holinesse testified, that he made the first Breue not onely with mature deliberation had concerning all things contained therein, but also with certaine knowledge of the trueth and veritie of all that he affirmed therein, as though his Holinesse should haue said, that he knew certainely, that many things were contained in the Oath flat contra­ry to faith and saluation, as hee affirmed in his first Breue, whereas it is euident that his Holinesse said no such thing, but those words [certaine knowledge] which in his second Breue were placed before, and not after those words [long and graue deliberation &c.] as this fraudulent man placeth them, (as though his certaine knowledge did proceede from his long and graue deliberation) doe onely signifie, that his Breue was not surreptitious, false, faigned, forged, or written without his priuitie and knowledge, but that it was his true, and vndoubted letter or Breue, and that he certainely knew, that all therein contained was written by his owne power will and motion, which I neuer denied, or meant to call in question.

29 And therefore very falsly and dishonestly doth Mr. Fitzherbert say, that I in effect charge his Holinesse to haue lied manifestly in his second Breue, when he testified that he made the first with such mature deliberation and certaine knowledge, as you haue heard. For I euer acknowledged, as his Holinesse in his second Breue doth testifie, that his former Breue was not false or surreptitious, but written as you haue heard, vpon his certain knowledge, motion, and will, and after long and graue deliberation had, con­cerning all things contained therein: yet from this long and graue delibera­tion it doth not follow, that therefore his Holinesse, and his Diuines found out the truth in all points, and were not in very deede mistaken, and deceiued in the true vnderstanding of some clauses of the Oath, and that they certainely knew, that the Popes power to depose Princes, which is denied in the Oath, is a point of faith, or that his power to excommunicate, to binde and loose &c. which is a point of faith, is denied in the Oath. As also I doe willingly grant, that Cardinall Bellarmines booke against his Maiesties Apologie was his owne true booke, al­though masked vnder his Chaplaines name, and not false or surreptiti­ous, but written vpon his certaine knowledge, motion, and will, and after long and graue deliberation had concerning all things contained therein, and notwithstanding all this I dare boldly affirme, that he [Page 572] knew not certainely, that all the things which he said therein were true, and that in many things concerning the Oath, whereof some I haue named before, he was fowly mistaken, and deceiued, as I haue conuinced in my Theologicall Disputation.

30 Now with the like fraude and falsitie doth Mr. Fitzherbert run from the second Breue to the third, as he did before from the first to the second. And if the second Breue, saith he,Pag. 213. nu. 4. did not suffice to cleare his Holinesse of this imputation, yet his third Breue must be aboundantly suffici­ent to doe it in the opinion of any reasonable man, seeing that he confirmed thereby his former iudgement, giuing expresse order, and facultie to Master George Birket, the late Archpriest (as Widdrington himselfe also signifi­eth)Ibid. nu. 60. to punish by the depriuation of faculties all such English Priests of the Seminaries, as being subiect to his iurisdiction had already taken the Oath, or had taught, or did still teach it to be lawfull, and not abstaine from the same, and resorme their errour vpon due admonition giuen them, and within a cer­taine time to be prescribed vnto them; whereby, I say any reasonable man must needes be induced to thinke, that his Holinesse neither was nor could be all this time (which was more then two yeeres) ignorant of the true nature, and qua­litie of the Oath, and of the state of the question betwixt the Catholikes and their Aduersaries, especially seeing that now he began to draw his Apostoli­call sword, proceeding to the punishment of such as did take, or defend the Oath, which he could not lawfully doe without due consideration, and diligent discussion of the whole controuersie, and sufficient information of all the cir­cumstances thereof,

31 Thus you see how Mr. Fitzherbert turneth, and windeth in such a running and fraudulent manner, that his Reader cannot well perceiue of what imputation he meanes, when he saith, that if the second Breue be not sufficient to cleare his Holines of this imputation, yet his third Breue must needs be aboundantly sufficient to doe it. For that which I said onely is, that his Holinesse by all likelihoode was not truely informed by Cardinall Bellarmine and his other Diuines of the true sense, and meaning of some clauses of the Oath, against which you haue seene with what fraude and falsitie my ignorant Aduersarie hath wrangled and iangled, as though I had taxed his Holinesse for publishing his first Breue, before he had seene, or maturely weighed and pondered the Oath it selfe, and all the clauses thereof, and without graue and long deli­beration had concerning all things contained in his Breue, which how vntrue this imputation is wherewith hee chargeth me, I haue alreadie shewed. Now this silly man laboureth to prooue, as also he insinua­ted before, that because his Holinesse did maturely weigh and ponder the Oath and euery clause thereof before he sent hither his first Breue, and did sufficiently informe himselfe of all circumstances necessarie to the publication of his Apostolicall and iudiciall sentence, as well concer­ning [Page 573] the forbidding of the Oath by his first Breue, as also concerning the punishing of such Priests that should take, or defend the Oath to be lawfull, by his third Breue, sent hither two yeeres after, which he could not, saith my Aduersarie, lawfully doe without due consideration, and dili­gent discussion of the whole controuersie, and sufficient information of all the circumstances thereof, therefore his Holinesse neither was, nor could all this time (which was more then two yeeres) be ignorant of the nature and qualitie of the Oath, and that therefore he could not be ignorant, but certainely knew, that there are many things in the Oath flat contrary to faith, and saluation, as he had declared by his first Breue.

32 But to omit now those words [sufficient information &c. and that his Holinesse did sufficiently informe himselfe &c.] which my Aduer­sarie heere diuers times repeateth, which because they are equiuocall, and may haue a double sense I will declare beneath, it is very vntrue, and contrary to the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, and of all other learned Diuines to say, that certaine and infallible knowledge of truth is in the Pope necessarily annexed to his long, graue, mature, and diligent con­sideration and discussion of any doctrine or matter, vnlesse the doctrine and matter be of such a nature, and the discussion thereof be done with such circumstances, and in such a manner, as Christ hath promised him his infallible assistance, which euen according to the doctrine of Car­dinall Bellarmine, and Canus, Christ hath not promised him in such de­crees or definitions, which are not directed, and doe not appertaine to the whole Church, as are these his Breues forbidding the Oath, whereof the two first are onely directed to English Catholikes, and the third onely to Mr. Birket, then Arch-Priest. For in customes, lawes, or decrees, which are not common to the whole Church, but are referred to priuate persons, or Churches not onely the Pope, but also the Church may erre and be deceiued through ignorance; I say, saith Canus, not onely in her iudgement of facts, Canus lib. 5. q. 5. conel. 3. or things done (as whether such a one committed such a sinne, hath lost his faculties, ought to be censured, and such like) but also in her pri­uate precepts and lawes themselues: and the true and proper reason here­of he bringeth from the authority of Pope Innocent the third, which I related also aboue,Chap. 13. nu. 11. for that albeit the iudgement of God is alwaies groun­ded vpon truth, which neither deceiueth, nor is deceiued, yet the iudgement of the Church is now and then led by opinion, which oftentimes doth deceiue, and is deceiued, &c.

33 Whereupon the Reader may most cleerely perceiue, how vn­learnedly my ignorant Aduersarie doth inferre, that because his Holi­nesse had a long, graue, and mature deliberation, and consultation, con­cerning the true sense of the Oath, and of euery clause thereof, and did send hither his third Breue for punishing those Priests that should take or defend the same, therefore he could not be ignorant of the true sense [Page 574] of euery clause thereof, but must certainly and infallibly know, that many things are therein contained flat contrary to faith and saluation, as he by his first Breue had declared; as though his sentence and iudge­ment in Decrees, which are directed onely to priuate persons or Chur­ches, should be alwaies grounded vpon truth, which neither can de­ceiue nor be deceiued, and that he cannot erre through ignorance, or be led by opinion, which oftentimes doth deceiue, & is deceiued in his priuate lawes & decrees, which are not common to the whole Church, but doe belong to priuate men, Bishops, or Churches; and that therefore those Priests whom he bindeth or punisheth by his Censure and sen­tence, may not be free before God, and those other Priests whom he doth not Censure, may not deserue punishment in the sight of God, according to that which Pope Innocent in the end of his aforesaid rea­son did affirme.

34 But those words which Mr. Fitzherbert often repeateth, that his Holinesse after so long and graue deliberation had concerning all things contained in his first Breue, (among which the principall was that many things are contained in the Oath, which are manifestly re­pugnant to faith and saluation) was sufficiently informed of the whole matter, are very equiuocall, and may haue a double sense. For first these words may signifie, that his Holinesse after so long and graue delibera­tion was sufficiently informed to excuse him from sinne for doing what hee did, and for sending hither his Breues to forbid the Oath, and to punish those Priests that should take the Oath, or teach it to be lawfull, and with this point (for that it little importeth our present question, whether the Oath not onely in the Popes opinion and conscience, but also really, truely, and certainely containeth in it many things flat con­trary to faith and saluation, or no, and for that it is a thing secret and vnknowne to me) I will not inter meddle, but leaue it to the conscience of his Holinesse, and to the iudgement of God, who searcheth the hearts and reines of men. Yet this I dare boldly say, that in my iudgement his Holinesse might haue beene more sufficiently informed of the whole matter, if hee had consulted this question concerning the certainty of his authority to depose Princes, and whether his spirituall Supremacie, or any other doctrine of faith or manners necessarie to saluation, is de­nyed in the Oath, not onely with his owne Diuines, who are knowne to maintaine with such violence both his authority in temporals ouer temporall Princes, which is the principall marke at which the Oath doth aime, and his spirituall authority ouer the whole Church, or a Generall Councell, but also with the Diuines of Fraunce, who are not so vehement for either of them, and with the learned Priests and Catho­likes of England, whom it did most concerne, and I am fully perswa­ded, or rather morally certaine, that both the Cardinall Peron, and [Page 575] many other learned Catholikes both of France and England, would at that time plainely haue told his Holinesse, and giuen him sufficient rea­sons for their saying, that neither the doctrine for his power to depose Princes, which is expressely denyed in the oath, is certaine, and of faith, or the contrary improbable, nor that his power to excommunicate, or any other spirituall authority of his, which is certaine, and of faith, is denied in the oath.

35 And this also of my owne knowledge is very true, as I haue signified heeretoforeIn the Epi­stle dedicatory nu. 6. to his Holinesse, that a certaine Priest, not of mea­ner sort, did presently vpon the resolution of Mr. Blackewell, then Arch-Priest, and of diuers other learned Priests and Catholikes, that the Oath might lawfully be taken, with all the speed he might write to Mr. Nico­las Fitzherbert, being then at Rome, and sincerely related vnto him, how all things heere had past concerning the conference and resoluti­on, of learned Priests end Catholikes about the Oath, earnestly reque­sting him, that either by himselfe, or by meanes of a certaine Cardinal, whom he nam'd to him, he would deale effectually with his Holinesse, not to bee perswaded to send hither any Breue against the taking of the Oath, things standing as they did, for that otherwise his authority, as well temporall to depose Princes, as spirituall to define with­out a generall Councell, would be more strongly called in question by English Catholikes, then it hath beene in former times. Now if his Ho­linesse had deferred for a time the sending hither of his first Breue, and in the meane space had demaunded the opinion of English Catholikes, whom most of all it concerned, in this difficult controuersie about the lawfulnesse of the Oath, he might doubtlesse haue beene more suffici­ently informed of the whole matter, then he was, or could be informed by his owne Diuines of Rome, whom (besides that they had not ta­ken such paines in canuassing this question, touching the certaintie of the Popes authoritie to depose Princes, as many of our English Catho­likes had) he might haue some cause to suspect, that they would speake partially in fauour of his authority, either for hope of promotion, as being men feruent to aduance all his pretended authoritie, or for feare of incurring his displeasure, and to bee accounted Aduersa­ries to the Sea Apostolicall as the euent alas hath prooued to bee o­uer true.

37 Or secondly the sense and meaning of those wordes may bee, that his Holinesse by that long, graue, and mature deliberation and con­sultation was sufficiently, that is, truely and certainely informed of the whole matter, and of the true sense and meaning of all the clauses of the Oath, and this I say is very vntrue, as likewise it is very vntrue, that Cardinall Bellarmine, notwithstanding all his graue, mature, and long deliberation and consultation had concerning this controuersie [Page 576] (for betwixt this consultation of his Holinesse at which Cardinall Bel­larmine was one of the chiefest, and the publishing of his second booke against his Maiestie there passed almost foure whole yeeres, and the consultation of his Holinesse could continue but few moneths, seeing that the Oath was published heere about Iune, and his Holinesse first Breue was dated the first of October next following) hee was greatly mistaken, and deceiued both in the vnderstanding of those wordes of the Oath [notwithstanding any sentence of Excommunication, &c.] and of diuers other clauses thereof, as I haue sufficiently conuinced in my Theologicall Disputation, and Mr. Fitzherbert by his silence, and not replying to this point being vrged by me thereunto doeth in effect ac­knowledge as much: and also in his opinion touching the certaintie and infallibilitie of the doctrine for the Popes power to depose tem­porall Princes, which without any sufficient ground, (euen accor­ding to his owne principles,) hee will needes haue to bee a point of faith.

38 And heereby you may see how falsly and slaunderously, and with small respect to his Holinesse, whom Mr. Fitzherbert would seeme so much to reuerence hee concludeth in these words:P. 214. nu. 5. Disp. Theol. c. 10. s. 2. nu. 46. Therefore he that thinketh otherwise of his Holinesse (as Widdrington doth affirming that his Breues were grounded vpon light foundations, and false informa­tions) must needes hold him to be the most carelesse and negligent Pastour that euer gouerned the Church of God: whereby any man may iudge what account Widdrington maketh of his Holinesse, and his authoritie not­withstanding his submission of his writings to the Catholike Roman Church.

39 But first it is very vntrue, that from my wordes any such in­ference can bee gathered, as Mr. Fitzherbert heere maketh. I gaue indeede, as you haue seene, two answeres to his Holinesse Breues which are briefly comprised in those few words [light foundations, and false informations.] My first and principall answere, which this fraudulent man altogeth concealeth, was this; that if his Holinesse Breue forbid­ding Catholikes to take the Oath, for that it containeth many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, was grounded vpon the Popes power to depose Princes, to dispose of temporalls, to inflict temporall punishments, and to absolue subiects from their temporall allegiance, as all my Aduersaries grant it was chiefly grounded thereon, then I say it was not grounded vpon any certaine doctrine, infallible, and of faith, but vpon vncertaine and fallible grounds, and which were al­wayes impugned by learned Catholikes, which vncertaine and fallible grounds I called light, for that they are not sufficient and weightie e­nough, let them be neuer so probable, to build thereon any certaine and infallible doctrine of faith, and which euery Catholike, vnlesse [Page 577] hee will deny his faith, is bound to follow. My second answere, (which this man doth also in great part conceale, for that I did parti­cularly set downe wherein his Holinesse was misinformed which he wholly dissembleth) was, that if his Holinesse Breue was grounded, as by all likelihood it was, vpon this foundation, that his power to excommuni­cate, his power to bind and loose in generall, and consequently his spi­rituall Supremacie, which according to the common doctrine of Ca­tholikes is indeede cleerely repugnant to faith, is denyed and impug­ned in the Oath, then I say, that his Breues were grounded vpon false informations, for that there is no such thing denyed in the Oath, as I haue euidently conuinced, howsoeuer Cardinall Bellarmine hath la­boured to prooue the contrarie. And neither of these answeres can bee sufficiently confuted by any of my Aduersaries, neither are they repugnant to the submission of my writings to the Catholike Roman Church.

40 So as you see that I made not that irreuerent inference, which Mr. Fitzherbert heere concludeth. I affirmed onely the Minor propo­sition, to wit, that his Holinesse Breues condemning the Oath, for that it containeth many things flat contrarie to faith, and saluation, were groun­ded vpon an vncertaine and fallible foundation or doctrine, and light, that is, not weightie enough to make a matter of faith, to wit, that it is against faith to say, that the Pope hath not power to depose Prin­ces, &c. and vpon false informations, to wit, that his power to excommu­nicate, to binde and loose in generall, and consequently his spirituall Supremacie is denyed in the Oath; and both these my assertions I haue sufficiently conuinced to bee true. But this silly man thinking there­by to lay a foule aspersion vpon mee of irreuerence, and small respect to his Holinesse, doth himselfe adde the Maior proposition not affir­med by mee, and therein he plainly sheweth his owne irreuerence, and small respect to his Holinesse, and to many other Popes, accusing him and them by this Maior proposition, which hee addeth, to bee the most carelesse and negligent Pastours, that euer gouerned the Church of God. For this is his Maior proposition, whosoeuer affirmeth, that his Holinesse Breues were grounded vpon light, or vncertaine foundations, and false informations, must needes hold him to bee the most carelesse and negli­gent Pastour that euer gouerned the Church of God; by which his assertion hee plainely sheweth what little respect and reuerence hee beareth to his Holinesse and sundrie other Popes, who oftentimes, as I shewed before out of Pope Innocent the third,In the Canon, Anobis 2. de sent. Eucom. are oftentimes lead in their iudge­ments and Apostolicall sentences by vncertaine opinions, which both deceiue and are deceiued, and not alwayes by true informations, for which cause, saith Pope Innocent, it happeneth sometimes, that hee who is bound before God is not bound before the Church, and he that is free before [Page 578] God is bound by a Censure of the Church. So that you see what account Mr. Fitzherbert, to vse his owne wordes, maketh of these Popes, holding them, according to this his assertion, to bee the most carelesse and negli­gent Pastours that euer gouerned the Church of God.

41 For my owne part I neither made that irreuerent inference, which Mr. Fitzherbert heere collected, but hee himselfe out of his want of learning and iudgement broached and inuented that irreuerent Maior proposition, from whence, if it were generally true, that in­ference may indeed be gathered as well concerning his Holinesse Breues, as also the Decrees and iudiciall sentences of other Popes, wherein as Pope Innocentius himselfe acknowledged they are sometimes lead, not by trueth, but by opinion, and information, which oftentimes is false, and both deceiueth, and is deceiued: neither did I deny, that his Holinesse before hee published his Breues, vsed graue, long, and ma­ture deliberation concerning all things contained therein; albeit I must needes confesse, that hee might haue vsed a more graue, long, and ma­ture deliberation, if hee would haue consulted the matter not onely with his owne Diuines of Rome, but also with those of France, and these of England whom most of all it concerned: and doubtlesse hee might by them haue had a more sufficient information of the whole matter and controuersie, then hee had by his owne Diuines alone, as the e­uent sheweth to bee very true. But whether this his graue, mature, and long deliberation, and consultation with his Diuines onely of Rome, was sufficient to excuse him from all carelesnesse, and negli­gence before the sight and iudgment of God, I will not, as I said before, it being a thing not knowne to mee, meddle therewith: neither will I accuse, or excuse his Holinesse from sinne for sending hither his Breues so preiudiciall to the Kings Maiestie, and to all his Catholike subiects, without making a more graue, long, and mature deliberation and dis­cussion, but I leaue it to the iudgement of almightie God, who onely knoweth the secrets of all mens hearts, when through ignorance or negligence they commit any offence. And thus you haue seene, that fraude hath beguiled it selfe, and how in that snare, which Mr. Fitz­herbert to taxe me of irreuerence and small respect to his Holinesse hath said for me, is wily beguily caught himselfe. Now you shall see with what fraude and falsitie this silly, ignorant, and deceitfull man doth still goe on.

42 And whereas Widdrington signifieth, saith he,P. 214. nu. 6. that his Ho­linesse was deceiued by Cardinall Bellarmine,Ibid. nu. 51. & 52. Item. epi. Dedic. nu. 8. and Fa. Parsons, hee sheweth himselfe very vaine and absurd in this coniecture. For how can any man perswade himselfe with reason, that his Holinesse, meaning to giue his Apostolicall sentence in a matter of so great importance, as was this of the Oath (which sentence hee was well assured should be skanned and censured [Page 579] to the vttermost by all the Heretikes and Politikes of Christendome) would suffer himselfe to bee led or guided by any two, three, or few persons, were they neuer so learned, or well steemed of him? Besides that, it is euident to all those that know how that matter passed, that it was long debated in certaine Congregations of Cardinalls, and other great Di­uines, wherein Cardinall Bellarmine had onely but one voice, as other Cardinalls had, and Fa. Parsons none at all, for that hee did not enter therein.

43 But obserue, good Reader, the egregious fraude and falsitie of this man, who would make thee beleeue, that I did say, that his Ho­linesse was deceiued and misinformed of the true sense and meaning of certaine clauses of the Oath, only by Cardinall Bellarmine and Fa Par­sons, and not also by the other Diuines of Rome, who consulted of this matter; for which cause hee omitted to set downe entirely my second answere to his Holinesse Breues, and also the particular points, wherein I said his Holinesse was misinformed by them, least that his manifest fraude and falsitie should presently haue beene discouered. For albeit in my Epistle Dedicatorie to his Holinesse, I named only Card. Bellarmine, and Fa. Parsons, for that they were the two chiefe and principall men that first stirred in this Controuersie by publike writings, the one of the Italian, and the other of our English Nation, yet I did not there af­firme, that his Holinesse was misinformed, deceiued, led, or guided onely by Cardinall Bellarmine, and Fa. Parsons; and in my second answere, whereto also Mr. Fitzherbert in the margent remitteth his Reader, I expresly signified the flat contrarie, and with Card. Bellarmine, (for Fa. Parsons there I named not) I also ioyned the other Diuines of Rome. It is probable, said I,Disp. Theo. c. 10. s. 2. nu. 51.and in my iudgement morally certaine, that his Holinesse did vnderstand the words of the Oath in that sense, wherein the Diuines of Rome did conceiue them, and especially Card. Bellar. &c. See the rest aboue, nu. 15. And a little after I set downe a copie of Fa. Par­sons letter, wherein at the very beginning therof, which words Mr. Fitz­herbert fraudulently concealeth, he said, that about some foure or fiue months agoe it was consulted (at Rome) by seuen or eight of the learnedst Diuines that could be chosen, who gaue their iudgement of it. There reasons ar many, but all deduced to this, that the Popes authoritie in chastising Prin­ces vpon a iust cause is de fide, and consequently cannot bee denyed, when it is called into controuersie, without denying of our faith, nor that the Pope or any other authoritie can dispence in this.

44 Now what a false and fraudulent man is this to make his Reader belieue that I should say that his Holinesse was deceiued one­ly by Cardinall Bellarmine, and Fa. Parsons, and in a matter of so great importance as was this of the Oath, &c. would suffer himselfe to bee led or [Page 580] guided any two, or three, or a few persons, &c. for which cause hee concealed my words, which did expresly signifie the flat contrary, thinking belike, that my Disputation of the Oath, being forbidden by the Cardinals of the Inquisition, no man would aduenture to skan the matter, and examine whether he had dealt sincerely, or no, but must beleeue all to bee true that hee said, and so all his forgeries should goe for currant ware. But truely such corrupt dealings is shamefull in a Heathen writer, or any other morall honest man, much more in Mr. T-F. then Priest Esquire, and now an eminent man of the Society of Iesus. But now Mr. T. F. laboureth much to free, not Cardinall Bel­larmine, but his olde freind Fa. Parsons from this Calumnie, as he tear­meth it, and to shew, that his Holinesse, was not misinformed by Fa. Parsons, and induced by him to send hither his Breues, to forbid Ca­tholikes to take the Oath.

45 Whereto I also adde, saith heePage 215. num. 7. 8. 9. Disp. Theol. ca. 10. sec. 2. num. 52. 53. & seq., that Widdrington contradi­cteth, and ouerthroweeh his owne calumnie, touching Fa. Parsons, with a relation which hee maketh to iustifie it, in his Theologicall disputation, wherein hee layeth downe the contents of a letter written by Fa. Par­sons, to a freind of his in England, signifying that a consultation had beene made by seauen or eight of the best Diuines in Rome about the Oath, and that hee himselfe had conferred twice with his Holinesse touching the same, and that in the first conference hee and Thomas Fitzherbert propounded to his Holinesse a certaine meane of mitigati­on, or moderation, suggested by friends, to the which his Holinesse an­swered, that his meaning was not to proceed to Censures against his Maiestie, but rather to vse all gentle and milde proceeding with him; but as for the authority of the Sea Apostolike, in such affaires, hee was fully resolued rather to suffer death, then to yeeld one iot there­in. And in the other conference, his Holinesse being aduertised that cer­taine Priests did incline to the taking of the Oath, answered, that hee could not take such for Catholikes.

46 Thus doth Widdrington related Fa. Parsons letters touching his conference with his Holinesse, before the first Breue was sent into Eng­land; whereby it is manifest that Fa. Parsons was so farre from perswa­ding or drawing his Holinesse to the resolution which he tooke concerning the publication of his Breue, that hee sought to induce him to some other course, propounding meanes of mitigation, which indeede I can testifie to be true vp­on my owne knowledge, as it may appeare by my subscription to that let­ter of Fa. Parsons, which Widdrington mentioneth, if the originall bee yet extant.

47 And therefore to the end that thou maiest, good Reader, know some­what more of this matter, and vpon what occasion his Holinesse spake of [Page 581] Censures against his Maiesty, thou shalt vnderstand, that among other things tending to the mitigation which Fa. Parsons propounded, one was, that it might please his Holinesse to offer to his Maiestie, that if his Maie­stie would vse at least some conniuencie, and moderation towards the poore afflicted Catholikes his subiects, his Holinesse would giue sufficient assurance by meanes of Catholike Princes, that hee would neuer proceede with Cen­sures against him, but binde his said subiects vnder the paine of grieuous Censure to yeeld vnto his Maiestie all temporall and ciuill obedience, for the security of his state and person; which motion his Holines seemed not to mis­like, and therefore signified, that the same was conforme to his intention, which was not to proceed to the rigour of Censures against his Maiestie, but to vse all indulgent and courteous dealing towards him, albeit he was resolued ra­ther to lose his head, then to yeeld any iot of his authority in such affaires.

48 But whether his Holinesse misunderstood some clauses of the Oath, and was induced to forbid the said Oath, as containing in it many things flat contrary to faith, and saluation, onely by the information, and instigation of Cardinall Bellarmine, and of other Diuines of Rome, or also by the sollicitation of Fa. Parsons, it is not much materiall to the substance of my second answere, which was, as you haue seene, that it is probable, and in my iudgement morally certaine, that his Holinesse vnder­stood the words of the Oath, in that sense wherein the Diuines of Rome, and especially Cardinall Bellarmine, (for the reason I there alleadged) did con­ceiue them. But Cardinall Bellarmine vnderstood the Oath in that sense, as though it denied the Popes primacie in spiritualls, his power to excommuni­cate, to binde and lose, and to dispence in oaths: wherein hee was fowly mistaken, as I conuinced in the said Disputation. And doubtlesse both Fa. Parsons, and the Diuines of Rome did agree with Cardinall Bellar­mine in the vnderstanding of the aforesaid clauses of the Oath; as also Mr. Fitzherbert himselfe did in his Supplement, as I shewed beforeChap. 1., follow their opinion, and conceiue, that the Popes power to excommu­nicate is denied in the Oath, although now by his silence, and not an­swering to that point, which I vrged against him, it seemeth that hee seeth himselfe to be deceiued therein. Neither can there be made any doubt in the iudgement of any prudent man, that if the Diuines of Rome had dissented from Cardinall Bellarmines opinion in that point, hee durst neuer haue aduentured to affirme so confidently in his first booke against his Maiesties Apologie for the oath, that the Popes power to ex­communicate hereticall Kings is plainely denied in the Oath, and especially after his Maiestie had clearely conuinced him of falsity in this point, againe in his second booke against his Maiestie so boldly to confirme the same.

49 Moreouer, that his Holinesse was misinformed by Cardinall Bellarmine, with whom the other Diuines of Rome did herein agree, I [Page 582] brought an another sufficient reason, taken from the first part of Fa. Parsons letter, which Mr. Fitzherbert doth fraudulently conceale, and relateth onely the last part thereof, whereon I did not so much relie as vpon the former, to prooue that his Holinesse was misinformed by Car­dinall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome, for of Fa. Parsons misinforming his Holinesse I made no mention at all in that answere, but onely of his vrging his Holinesse to send hither his Breues against the oath. My words were theseNum. 52.. Moreouer, that his Holinesse was perswaded, that in this oath is denied his spirituall authority to inflict Censures, is plainely gathered by a letter of Fa. Parsons, who did greatly vrge and sollicite his Holinesse to send hither his Breues, as both some Iesuites here with vs doe freely confesse, and also no man who knoweth how our English affaires were carried at Rome in his daies, can make any doubt thereof. This therefore is the true copie of that letter, &c. About some foure o fiue mo­neths agoe, it was consulted by seauen or eight of the learnedst Diuines, that could bee chosen, who gaue their iudgement of it. Their reasons are many, but all reduced to this, that the Popes authority in cha­stising Princes vpon a iust cause is de fide, and consequently cannot bee denied when it is called into controuersie without denying of our faith, nor that the Pope, or any other authoritie can dispense in this, &c.

50 Now Mr. Fitzherbert, doth fraudulently conceale this part of the letter, whereby it is manifest, that the Diuines of Rome did sup­pose, that the Popes authority to punish Princes, and consequently to excommunicate and to inflict spirituall Censures is denied in the oath; for otherwise, as I shewed in that place,Num. 57.they had argued very viti­ously against the knowne rules of Logicke, from a particular, to in­ferre an vniuersall, as thus; The Pope cannot chastice Princes by ta­king away their liues, or dominions, therefore the Pope cannot cha­stise Princes; as though the inflicting of spirituall Censures, and the denouncing of anathema,Aug. lib. 1. con­tra aduers. leg. & prophet. cap. 7.which according to Saint Augustine, is more horrible then any corporall death, were not to be accounted a chasticing of Princes. We grant therefore, that the Pope may cha­stice Princes, by vsing Ecclesiasticall Censures, which is not denied in the oath, but we vtterly deny, that to depriue Princes of their do­minions, or liues are to be ranked among spirituall, or Ecclesiasti­call Censures. Thus I argued in that place from the first part of Fa. Parsons letter, all which my fraudulent Aduersary thought best for his purpose to conceale, and to skip ouer to the other: part of the letter, thinking from thence to take some colourable argument to prooue, both that Fa. Parsons did not perswade and draw his Holinesse to the publication of his Breue, & also that the inference I made frō thence, to [Page 583] wit, that his Holinesse was perswaded, that his authority to inflict Cen­sures is denied in the oath, is, sorsooth, improbable and impertinent, wherein, as you shall see, he continueth still his ancient fraude, and falsitie.

51 For first I did not intend to prooue by Fa. Parsons letter, or by his conference with his Holinesse, that he vrged and perswaded his Ho­linesse to forbid the taking of the oath; two other reasons I brought here to confirme the same, wich Mr. Fitzherbert after his vsuall man­ner concealeth: the one, that some Iesuites heere in England did freely confesse the same; the other, that no man who konweth, how our Eng­lish affaires were carried at Rome in Fa. Parsons time can make any doubt thereof: To which may be added two other; the first, that Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert, whose letter is yet to be seene. did send word to a friend of his, that Fa. Parsons laboured much to haue the oath forbid­den: the second, that the Prouinciall of the Iesuites at that time, who is yet liuing, did boast to diuers persons, that he would cause to be reuer­sed what Mr. Blackewell, then Arch-Priest had concluded concerning the lawfulnesse of the oath, and would procure a Breue from his Ho­linesse, to forbid all Catholikes to take the oath, and which with very great expedition, as I signified in my Epistle Dedicatory to his Holinesse, was accordingly performed, all which are to any man of iudgement very probable coniectures, if not morall certainties, that Fa. Parsons, did vrge and sollicite his Holinesse to send hither his Breues against the ta­king of the oath. But howsoeuer it be, it is not much materiall to my second answere or reason, which is, that his Holinesse was misinformed by Cardinall Bellarmine, and other Diuines of Rome, that his power to excommunicate and to inflict Censures, and consequently his spirituall supremacy is plainly denied in the oath, whether Fa. Parsons did vrge and incite his Holinesse to forbid the oath, or no.

52 Besides, for the confirmation of my second answere, those words of the Breue, for that it containeth many things, which are manifest­ly repugnant to faith and saluation, and also his Holinesse answere to Fa. Parsons, that he could not hold them for Catholikes, who seemed to incline to the taking of the oath, are very considerable, for that before these our miserable times, wherein so many new fangled Doctours are ready to coyne new articles of faith, and to taxe with such facilitie, their Catho­like brethren of errour and heresie, that will not foorth with approoue their nouelties, it was neuer in the Church of God accounted an here­sie, to deny the Popes authoirty to depose Princes, or to inflict temporall punishments, neither hath any Catholike Author, who writeth of heresies, or Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe relating the errours of Mar­silius of Padua, ranked him among heretickes, for denying the Popes power to depose Princes: And very many Catholike Doctours, with Ia­cobus [Page 584] Almaine, who haue not therefore beene branded by any man with any note of heresie or errour, doe resolutely affirme, that the au­thoritie of the Church doth not extend, by the institution of Christ, to the inflicting of temporall punishments, as death, exile, imprisonment, priuation of goods, much lesse of kingdomes, but onely of spirituall Censures. And Fa. Suarez himselfe dare not auouch,Suarez l. 6. c. 1. that the Popes spirituall autho­rity is plainly, and manifestly, but onely couertly denied in the oath: and this also he gathereth from many farre fetcht consequences, all which I haue cleerely answered in my Appendix against him: And therefore, from the aforesaid words of his Holinesse, that he could not take those Priests for Catholikes, that inclined to the taking of the oath, it may very probably be included, that he was fully perswaded, that not onely his authority to depose Princes, but also his power to excommmicate, and to binde and loose in generall, as Cardinall Bellarmine, and the other Di­uines of Rome then conceiued, is plainly denied in the Oath.

53 Secondly, whereas Mr. Fitzherbert affirmeth, that hee can testifie vpon his owne knowledge, that Fa. Parsons was so farre from perswading, or drawing his Holinesse to the resolution, which hee tooke concerning the pub­lication of his Breue, that he sought to induce him to some other course, pro­pounding meanes of mitigation, &c. I will not now contend about the thing it selfe, which he testifieth; for that this may very well be true, that Fa. Parsons did seeke to perswade and induce his Holinesse to that course of mitigation, which M. Fitzherbert mentioneth, to wit, not to proceed with Censures against his Maiesty (to which course Fa. Parsons might imagine his Holinesse to haue at that time some inclinati­on, in regard both of the new oath, then established by his Maiestie, and the Parliament, which doth so much derogate from the pretended authority, which the Bishops of Rome, since the time of Pope Gregory the seuenth, doe challenge ouer temporall Princes, to depriue them of their Princely authority, and to absolue their subiects from their tem­porall allegiance, and also of the seuere lawes which were then newly enacted against Catholikes, vpon occasion of that horrible Gun-powder conspiracy plotted onely by Catholikes) and yet withall it may also be true (as onely by the way I did affirme, and by many probable con­iectures sufficiently confirme) that Fa. Parsons did also induce and mooue his Holinesse to the publication of his Breue against the taking of the oath, for that betwixt these two, there is no repugnance at all: and whether hee did or no, it is not much materiall to my second answere or reason, which M. Fitzherbert tooke vpon him to im­pugne.

54 Neuertheles concerning Mr. Fitzher. testification vpon his own knowledge, I must tell him in plaine words, that I can giue no credit to his testimonie, albeit he should confirme it by solemne Oath, vnlesse [Page 585] I could be morally certaine, that he vseth heerein no equiuocation, or mentall reseruation, whereof I can hardly be assured, considering espe­cially his owne particular practise of equiuocation or mentall reserua­tion in the time of Pope Clement the eight in slandering, and traducing so falsly and shamefully those foure Reuerend Appellant Priests, for Schismatikes, Spies, Rebells and disobedient persons to the Sea Aposto­like &c. notwithstanding they being present them at Rome to craue iu­stice, and to make manifest their oppression and innocencie, and also in giuing testimonie to his Holinesse vpon his Oath, that those English bookes, which Fa. Parsons had deliuered to the Inquisition with diuers propositions therein contained, shewing them to be heretical, errone­ous &c. were truely translated, wherein how fowly he, and Fa. Parsons with diuers other their adherents did equiuocate to defend Fa. Parsons credit, not onely his owne conscience, but diuers other persons yet li­uing can be a sufficient witnesse: and considering also the common doctrine and practise of many of his Societie, not onely touching equi­uocation, but also mentall reseruation, which in very deede is flat ly­ing, grounded vpon that Chimericall, and not intelligible vnion, mixti­on, and composition, or rather meere fiction of thoughts and words in one true mixt, and compound or rather faigned proposition: This I say being considered (to omit now diuers other scandalous, and pernici­ous positions and practises to this purpose, which some of them espe­cially of our English Nation doe maintaine, and whereof I will hereaf­ter if they vrge me thereunto more particularly treate) I can giue no credit to any thing that Mr. Fitzherbert shall testifie vpon his owne knowledge, vnlesse by some other meanes I shall finde it to be true.

55 Now you shall see, what Mr. Fitzherbert obserueth out of his owne testimonie concerning Fa. Parsons conference with his Holinesse to taxe me of improbabilitie and impertinencie. This being so, saith he,Pag. 217. I cannot omit vpon this occasion to desire thee, good Reader, to note the im­probable and impertinent inference, which Widdrington maketh vpon this answere of his Holinesse:Dispu Theol. cap. 10. sec. 2. nu. 57. for he inferreth thereupon that his Holinesse did condemne the Oath by his Breues, and held them for no Catholikes who in­clined to take it, because he was perswaded that his authoritie to proceed with Censures against the King, and consequently his spirituall authoritie was de­nied thereby; and then he concludeth, Ibid. nu. 58. that if his Holinesse was moued to con­demne it for that cause by the instigation of Cardinall Bellarmine, Fa. Par­sons, and those seuen or eight Diuines (mentioned in the letter aboue said) Nimis proh dolor, saith he, manifestum est &c. it is alas too manifest, that his Holinesse was deluded, to the great ignominie of the Sea Aposto­like, the grieuous scandall of Protestants, and the vtter temporall ruine of very many Catholikes. So Widdrington.

But I also must desire the Reader to note the egregios fraud, [Page 586] and falshood of this man. For I did not there inferre from the answere of his Holinesse, as Mr. Fitzherbert vntruly affirmeth, that his Holinesse did condemne the Oath by his Breues, and held them for no Catho­likes who inclined to take the Oath, because he was perswaded, that his authoritie to proceede with Censures against the King, and conse­quently his spirituall authority was denied thereby: but I made this in­ference first from the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, for that he was of opinion, from which Diuines of Rome, and consequently neither his Holinesse did dissent, that the Popes power to excommunicate, and in­flict Censures, his power to binde and loose in generall, and conse­quently his spirituall Supremacie is plainely denied in the Oath: and secondly, from the first part of Fa. Parsons letter concerning the consulta­tion of the Diuines of Rome had touching the Oath; for that the Di­uines of Rome did also suppose, as I prooued in that place, that the Popes power to chastice in generall, and consequently his power to chastice by spirituall Censures is denied in the Oath: So that I made there no inference from his Holinesse answere to Fa. Parsons, but I onely made an explication of the said answere, from the aforesaid inferences, shewing from them the cause and reason, why his Holinesse thought them to bee no Catholikes who inclined to take the Oath, for that he was perswa­ded by the aduise of Cardinall Bellarmine and the other Diuines of Rome, that his power to excommuniate and to chastice Princes by Ec­clesiasticall Censures is plainely denied in the Oath. And therefore Mr. Fitzherbert to conceale his fraude, omitteth to set downe my ex­presse words, and the first part of Fa. Parsons letter, and what I inferred from thence.

57 Wherefore from the discourse, which there I made, and which Mr. Fitzherbert doth fraudulently conceale, I concluded, that Car­dinal Bellarmine, Fa. Parsons, & the other Diuines of Rome vsing such sophisticall inferences (to wit, that because we must sweare, that notwithstanding any sentence of Excommunication made or to be made against his Maiestie, we will beare faith and true allegiance to his Ma­iestie &c. therefore the Popes power to Excommunicate Kings is denied in the Oath; and because the Popes power to punish Kings by deposing them, and by absoluing their subiects from their allegiance, is denied in the Oath, therefore the Popes power to punish Kings in gene­rall, and to binde and loose in generall is denied in the Oath) vsing I say such sophisticall inferences to prooue, that in the Oath are contained many things flat contrary to faith and salua­tion, were very grossely mistaken. And if his Holinesse trusting to the learning and honestie of these men was moued to condemne the Oath for that cause by the instigation of them (as by all proba­ble coniectures or rather by morall certainties he was, as I conuinced [Page 587] before) it is, alas, too too manifest, that he was deluded to the great ignominie of the Sea Apostolike, the grieuous scandall of Prote­stants, and to the vtter temporall ruine of very many Catholikes.

58 Now you shall see how childishly Mr. Fitzherbert cauilleth at that word [if] as though now at last I made a doubt, and durst not ab­solutely auerre, that his Holinesse was moued by the instigation of Car­dinall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome to condemne the Oath for the aforesaid causes. Wherein I wish to be noted, saith he,Pag. 217. nu. 11. first vpon what a weake ground Widdrington reiecteth the Popes Breues, seeing that he relyeth onely vpon his bare opinion, that the Pope was ill informed and de­luded by others, which he laboureth seriously Ibid. nu. 51. 52. & 57. to peswade his Reader to bee very probable, although it is so coniecturall, and vncertaine, that he is faine to conclude, all as you heard Nu. 58. with an if, or a peraduenture: so as if the Pope was not mooued vnto it by the instigation of those whom he nameth, he conclu­deth, or prooueth nothing but his owne impudencie and temeritie in opposing his idle conceipt and fantasie against the Popes serious and solemne testimony, protesting in his second Breue (as you haue heard) that he forbadde the Oath vpon his owne certaine knowledge, motion, and will after long and graue deliberation; and therefore I remit to the prudence, and good consci­ence of any sincere Catholike, whether he will beleeue in this case this mans vaine coniecture, or the solemne protestation of his Holinesse.

59 But in very deed I am ashamed that Mr. Fitzherbert should still so shamefully be wray his egregious fraude and ignorance. For it is euident that I made no doubt, but expressely, and without a peraduen­ture affirmed, that it is very probable, yea and morally certaine in my iudge­ment, that his Holinesse vnderstood the words of the Oath in that sense, wher­in the Diuines of Rome, and especially Cardinall Bellarmine &c. did con­ceiue them; and that Cardinall Bellarmine who wrote in defence of his Breues, did conceiue them in this sense, that the Popes Primacie in spiritu­alls, his power to excommunicate, to binde and loose, and to dispence in Oathes, are denied in the Oath: And therefore euery Schoole-boy may perceiue, that those words [And if his Holinesse &c.] which are a conclusion of the former words, and therefore must haue relation thereunto, are not to be vnderstood in this sense, as my Aduersarie doth childishly glosse them, to wit, And if his Holinesse was mooued &c. as peraduenture he was, but as it is very probable, yea and morally certaine he was, as I said be­fore. For what man can with any reason imagine, that Cardinall Bellar­mine in the vnderstanding of the Oath did dissent from the opinion of the Diuines of Rome, who consulted thereon, or that his Holinesse did dissent therein from the opinion of them both? And therefore this is no idle conceipt, or fantasie of mine to conceiue so of his Holinesse, but a manifest truth, and morall certaintie, and to conceiue otherwise of his Holinesse, to wit, that he followed not herein the aduise of his learned [Page 588] Diuines, and vnderstood not the words of the Oath in that sense, as they after their long consultation did vnderstand them, were rather to taxe his Holinesse of imprudence and temeritie.

60 And if the conceipt of mine be so idle, and coniecturall, and vncertaine, as this fraudulent man would seeme to make it, why doth not he in plaine words denie the same, and say that his Holinesse did not vnderstand the words of the Oath in that sense, wherin Card. Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome did conceiue them: but childishly would make his Reader beleeue, that I my selfe grant it to be very coniecturall and vncertaine, by concluding my second answere with an if? wheras it is euident, that I said plainely it was morally certaine, and therefore that [if] to be referred thereunto, and to haue this sense, if it be true, or mo­rally certaine, as true it is, that his Holinesse was mooued &c. Or why did he not answere the arguments which I brought to prooue, that it was morally certaine, but passeth them ouer, as you haue seene with fraude and silence? And when you, Mr. Fitzherbert, in your Supple­ment vnderstood the Oath to denie the Popes power to excommunicate and depriue Princes, and in respect of those two points tooke vpon you to proue the Oath to be against all lawes humane and diuine, although now your silence touching excommunication sheweth your former cou­rage to be quailed, can any man imagine, but that you being then at Rome vnderstood those words of the Oath [notwithstanding any sentence of excommunication &c.] in that sence wherein Cardinall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome, who consulted thereon, did conceiue them?

61 All which being considered, you may take the impudency and temeritie, which you would lay vpon me, to your selfe, and freely confesse, that it is an idle, impudent, and temerarious conceipt and fantasie for any man to beleeue, that his Holinesse did not vnderstand the words of the oath in that sense, wherein Cardinall Bellarmine, and his other learned Diuines did conceiue them, and thereupon was moo­ued to forbid the [...]th. Neither is this against the Popes serious and solemne testimony protesting in his second Breue, that hee forbade the oath vpon his owne certaine knowledge, motion and will, after long and graue deliberation, for these words; as I shewed before, doe not signifie, that he forbade the oath, without the aduice and counsell of his lear­ned Diuines, for the words, after long and graue deliberation, doe rather signifie the plaine contrary, but by them it is onely signified, that his Breue was not surreptitious and counterfait, and made without his pri­uitie or knowledge. And therefore M. Fitzherbert, vrging those words of his Holinesse, which doe onely signifie, that his Breue was not false and counterfait, and made without his knowledge, to prooue, that he did not vnderstand the words of the oath in that sense, as Cardi­nall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome did conceiue them, and [Page 589] thereupon was mooued to send hither his Breues, for the forbidding of the oath, sheweth himselfe to be both childish and malicious, and to want both prudence and conscience, in taxing me of impudency and temerity, for affirming that, which no man of iudgement, and with­out great irreuerence to his Holinesse can deny.

62 Now therefore M. Fitzherbert, will for Disputation sake ad­mit, that the Pope was deluded, and falsely perswaded by others, that his spirituall power to inflict Censures is impugned by the oath, and will shew withall, that I gaine nothing thereby for the iustification of the Oath, and for the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues. Secondly, saith hee,Pag. 218. na. 12. although wee should admit, that the Pope was deluded, and falsly perswaded by others, that his spirituall power to inflict Censures is impugned by the Oath, yet Widdrington gaineth nothing thereby for the iustification of the Oath, and the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues; and this I say for two reasons, the one because it doth not follow vpon the answere of his Holi­nesse to Fa. Parsons, that he forbade the Oath, for that cause (as any man may easily see who list to examine it:) the other reason is, for that the Oath is forbidden in the Breue expresly, because it contained many things con­trarie to faith, and the saluation of soules, whereby it is euident, that albeit his Holinesse had beene falsly perswaded, that his spirituall authoritie was impugned by the Oath, yet the prohibition of the said Oath in his Breue might bee iust, as being grounded vpon other respects, seeing that the Breue de­clareth it to bee vnlawfull for many causes, and doeth not mention this for any of them.

63 Yes Mr. Fitzherbert I gaine much thereby for the iustification of the Oath, and the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues; for seeing that, as you your selfe confesse, the Oath is vnlawfull and condemned by the Breues, as containing in it many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, in respect of two principall points, to wit, the exemption of tem­temporall Princes from the Popes power to excommunicate, and depose them; if you admit, as needes you must and doe, that his Holinesse was deluded, and falsly perswaded by others, that his power to excommuni­cate, and to inflict Censures is denied in the Oath, you can giue no suf­ficient reason, why his Holinesse might not also be misinformed by them of the later, and be falsly perswaded by them, that his power to depose Princes, to dispose of their Kingdomes and to absolue their sub­iects from their temporall allegiance, which is indeede expresly denied in the Oath, is a point of faith, and the contrary doctrine hereticall: yea it is as morally certaine, that his Holinesse was misinformed by them of this second point, & of all the clauses of the Oath, which are pre­tended to be flat contrary to faith and saluation, as he was misinfor­med by them of the former point: and so you may see the weakenesse of your second reason.

[Page 590]64 And as for your first reason, I cannot see what coherence at all it hath with that whereof you alledge it to bee a reason. For what connexion, or coherence, I pray you, is there betwixt this your asser­tion, that though you should admit, that the Pope was deluded, and falsely perswaded by others, that his spirituall power to inflict Censures is denyed by the Oath, yet Widdrington should gaine nothing thereby, for the iustifica­tion of the Oath, and the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues, and this asser­tion, which you alledge as a reason of the former, that it doth not follow vpon the answeres of his Holinesse to Fa. Parsons. that he forbade the Oath for that cause. For who would not thinke that man not well to know what he spake, that should argue thus: It doth not follow vpon the an­swere of his Holinesse to Fa. Parsons, that he forbade the Oath, for that hee was deluded, and falsly perswaded by others, that his spirituall power to inflict Censures is impugned by the Oath, therefore though we should admit, that the Pope was deluded, and falsly perswaded by others, that his spirituall power to inflict Censures, is impugned by the Oath, yet my Aduersary gaineth nothing thereby, for the iustifica­tion of the Oath, and the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues. For be­sides that, I did not say in that place, that from the answere of his Ho­linesse to Fa. Parsons, it followeth, that hee forbade the Oath, for that cause, but I said indeed, that from the first part of Fa. Parsons letter, touching the consultation of the Diuines of Rome about the Oath, and the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, from whom the Diuines of Rome did not dissent, who teacheth that the Popes power to excommunicate euen heretical kings, is plainly denied in the oath, it followeth that his Holi­nesse forbade the Oath for that cause: Neuerthelesse it is euident that albeit we abstract wholly from Fa. Parsons letter; if my Aduersary once admit, as he doth, that his Holinesse was deluded and misinformed by others concerning this so manifest a point, he can giue no reason why he might not also bee deluded and misinformed by others concerning the other points which are pretended to be in the Oath, flat contrary to faith and saluation, and so by this my Aduersaries grant, I gaine much for the iustification of the Oath, and the disproofe of his Holinesse Breues, to wit, that they were grounded vpon false informations, ei­ther that his spirituall power to inflict Censures is denied in the Oath, which is very vntrue, or that his power to depose Princes is a point of faith, and the contrary hereticall, which also is manifestly false, as I haue sufficiently conuinced in this Treatise.

65 And hereby that which Mr. Fitzherbert immediately addeth, is easily answered, Besides that, saith he,p. 218. nu. 13 the answere of his Holinesse to Fa. Parsons concerning the authority of the Sea Apostolike in such af­faires (for so were the word of Fa. Parsons letter) did not exclude the depo­sition of Princes from his spirituall authority, but necessarily include it, be­cause [Page 591] his said answere was to be vnderstood, secundum subiectam materi­am, that is to say, according to the meaning and drift of the Oath, which was the speciall subiect of that Conference, and therefore, forasmuch as the Popes power to depose Princes, and to discharge subiects of their allegiance, is directly denyed by the Oath, and that the same is neuer effected, or perfor­med, but by vertue of some Censure of Excommunication, it is manifest, that his Holinesse, answering a demaund concerning the Oath, and speaking of the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike in such affaires, included therein his power aswell to depose, as to excommunicate Princes, especially knowing well, as he did, that the Oath denying his power to depose Princes, doth by a necessary consequent deny his spiritual authority, which includeth that power, as I haue sufficiently declared and prooued in this Treatise Chap. 2. per totum. Item chap. 5. & 6..

66 You haue heard before, that the words which his Holinesse vsed to Fa. Parsons, were, that as for any actuall vsing Censures against his Maiestie he meat not, but as for the authority of the Sea Apostolike, in such affaires (which last words, in such affaires, are now added by Mr. Fitz­herbert) he was resolued, and would rather lose his head, then lose one iote. Now my Aduersary laboureth to shew, that by those words, but as for the authority of the Sea Apostolike in such affaires, his Holinesse meant to include not onely the authority to vse Censures, which onely were mentioned in the words next going before, and to which onely any man, according to the property of the words, would restraine them, but also to despose them, which is not much materiall to the present purpose: for be it so, that his Holinesse speaking of the authority of the Sea Apostolike in such affaires, included his power, as well to depose, as to excommunicate Princes, it is nothing to the matter; for that which I intend is, that his Holinesse was by Cardinall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines, who consulted of the Oath, not onely misinformed, that his power to excommunicate and to inflict Censures, is plainly denied in the Oath, but also that his power to depose Princes, is a point of faith, and necessarily included in his spirituall authority, which is verie vntrue, as in this Treatise I haue sufficiently declared and prooued.

67 But that also which M. Fitzherbert addeth for a confirmati­on of his saying, to wit, that the Popes power to depose Princes, and to discharge subiects from their allegiance, is neuer effected or performed, but by vertue of some censure of Excommunication, is both false, and also repug­nant to the grounds of Cardinall Bellarmine. For Childericke King of France, which example Cardinall Bellarmine bringeth for a proofe, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, was deposed, and his sub­iects discharged of their allegiance, and not by vertue of any Censure of Excommunication. And it is one thing, saith Becanus,Becanus incō ­trou. Anglic. c. 3. p. 2. pag. 108. to excommu­nicate a King, and another to depose, or depriue him of his kingdome: nei­ther [Page 592] is the one necessarily connexed with the other. Many Kings and Empe­rours haue beene excommunicated, and not therefore deposed, and contrari­wise many deposed, and not therefore excommunicated. And yet my igno­rant Aduersary, to patch vp this silly answere of his, doth now agree­able to his learning boldly affirme, that the Popes power to depose Princes, and to discharge subiects of their allegiance, is neuer effected or performed, but by vertue of some Censure of Excommunication; whereas I haue sufficiently prooued aboue,Chap. 1. nu. 21. & seq. & chap. 5. sec. 2. 131. & seq. out of the doctrine of Sua­rez, & Becanus, and from the definition of excommunication, that depo­sition is not an effect of Excommunication, & that therefore although they are sometimes ioyned together, and that some Princes haue beene both excommunicated and deposed by the Pope, yet they were not de­posed by vertue of the Censure of Excommunication, for that, as his Maiestie did wel obserue,In his Pre­monition. p. 9. Excommunication being only a spirituall Censure hath not vertue to worke this temporall effect.

68 Now you shall see how vncharitably, and also vnlearnedly this ignorant man concludeth this point. Whereupon it followeth, saith hee,p. 219. nu. 14 that albeit his Holinesse had beene perswaded by Cardinall Bellar­mine, Fa. Parsons, and others (as doubtlesse he was, although this man would seeme to deny the same) that the Oath denying the Popes power to depose Princes, impugned his spirituall authority, he had not beene deluded or deceiued therein, nor had erred in the reason why hee forbade the Oath, though he had forbidden it for that cause onely, as it is euident by the Breue he did not, but for many respects. And therefore thou seest, good Reader, what probable exceptions this silly, sicke, and scabbed sheepe taketh to the iudgement and sentence of his supreame Pastour, and what account hee maketh of his Apostolicall authoritie, and consequently what a good Catholike hee is.

69 But if Mr. Fitzherbert meane, that the Oath denying the Popes power to depose Princes and to discharge subiects of their alle­giance impugneth his spirituall authoritie to excommunicate Princes, and to inflict spirituall Censures, as needes hee must if hee will speake to the purpose, for that all his former discourse hath beene to im­pugne my second answere to his Holinesse Breues, which was, that hee was misinformed by Cardinall Bellarmine, and the other Diuines of Rome, that his power to excommunicate Princes and to inflict spiri­tuall Censures is denyed in the Oath, then I say that his Holi­nesse was fowly deluded and deceiued in that reason why hee for­bade the Oath as containing in it many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, although hee did not forbid it for that cause only: But if his meaning bee, that the Oath denying the Popes power to de­pose Princes, (for to these two generall heads and to all that which doth necessarily follow thereon, both this man and all my other Ad­uersaries [Page 593] doe chiefly reduce all their exceptions against the Oath, and if for any other respects his Holinesse forbade the Oath, let my Aduer­sarie name them and hee shall heare what wee will say thereunto) im­pugneth his spirituall authoritie, for that it is a point of faith that the Pope hath power to depose absolute Princes, to dispose of their tem­poralls, to inflict temporall punishments, and to discharge subiects of their temporall allegiance, and which consequently are included in his spirituall power, then I also say, that his Holinesse was deluded, de­deceiued, and erred also in this reason, why hee forbade the Oath as containing in it many things flat contrarie to faith and saluation, for that it is no point of faith, that the Pope hath power to depose Princes, to inflict temporall punishments, &c. but the contrarie hath euer beene maintained by learned Catholikes.

70 Neither was Almaine (a famous Doctour of Paris) and those very many Doctours related by him, or any other of those learned Au­thours, whom partly I cited in my Apologie,nu. 4. & seq. and partly aboue in this Treatise,Part. 1. euer accounted bad Catholikes, or silly, sicke, and scabbed sheepe: Neither can Card. Bellarmine, euen according to his owne grounds, (as I haue shewed before) and in his owne conscience, (whereunto I dare appeale heerein,) affirme that the Decree, or rather Act of the Lateran Councell, whereon all my Aduersaries doe now at last chiefly rely, to proue their doctrine of deposing to be of faith, although it should haue mentioned, as it doeth not mention absolute Princes, is sufficient to make it certaine and of faith. And there­fore this ignorant and vnconscionable man calling mee a silly, sicke and scabbed sheepe, and no good Catholike, for not beleeuing this doctrine to bee certaine and of faith, which so many learned Catholike Doctours haue euer maintained to bee false, and for not admitting his Holinesse declaratiue precept which is grounded thereon, and conse­quently hath no greater force to binde according to Suarez doctrine, then hath the reason whereon it is grounded, sheweth himselfe to haue neither learning nor charitie, but a vehement desire to disgrace mee with Catholikes, and to take away my good name per fas & nefas, whether it bee by right or wrong, as all the rest of his vncharitable and fraudulent discourse doeth plainely conuince.

71 To this purpose, saith hee,Pag. 219. nu. 15. 16. it is to bee noted how peremptorily and arrogantly hee writeth to his Holinesse, saying, that if hee condemne his bookes or writings as hereticall or erroneous (vpon the false in­formations of his Aduersaries) hee leaueth it to the iudgement of his Holinesse, and all the Christian world, how great an iniurie hee shall doe him, and what a great occasion hee shall giue thereby to the Ad­uersaries to Catholike veritie. So Widdrington. Wherein you see, hee doth not promise his Holinesse to retract or reforme his writings and doctrine [Page 594] in case that hee doe condemne them, but anticipateth the iudgement of his Holinesse with a protestation of wrong, and of occasion of great scandall, in­sinuating also further that the whole Christian world will iustifie him there­in, in which respect hee confidently leaueth his cause to the iudgement thereof, meaning by the Christian world (as may well bee coniectured) some generall Councell whereto he meaneth to appeale; Disp. Theol. cap. 3. nu. 8. & cap. 10. nu. 23. and therfore he teacheth afterwards that it is a probable opinion that the Pope may erre in any definition of his, if it bee not approoued by a generall Councell: so as he sheweth euidently what starting hole he hath found alreadie to escape away from the Censures of the Sea Apostolike, to wit, by appealing from the Pope to a generall Councell, as that miserable man his fellow Sheldon did, & all Apostataes and heretikes are wont to doe at their first breach, and disunion from the Church.

72 Heere Mr. Fitzherbert to confirme his rash and vncharitable iudgement of mee, that I am no good Catholike, but an heretike disgui­sed, and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, taxeth mee of diuers things, wherein also hee plainely discouereth his great want both of learning and charitie. For first no man of iudgement can deny, but that the aforesaide conditionall words, which I vsed to his Holinesse, are very true, to wit, that if hee should condemne my bookes as he­reticall or erroneous, which doe sincerely handle this dangerous, diffi­cult, and great controuersie, Azorius tom. 2 l. 12. cap. 5. q. 8. which euer hath beene, saith Fa. Azor, be­twixt the Bishops of Rome on the one side, and Emperours, and Kings on the other touching the Popes power to depriue them of their kingdomes, vpon the false informations of my Aduersaries, he should both greatly wrong me & also giue occasio of great scandal to the Aduersaries of the Catholike faith. Now seeing that, as I there signified, I haue clearely conuinced, that my Aduersaries, and especially Card. Bell. masked vnder the name of D. Schulckenius, hath most shamefully corrupted my words, misconstrued my meaning, and slanderously accused mee of errour and heresie, what shew of arrogancie can any prudent man imagine it to bee, to signifie to his Holinesse with humble and decent words, and especially in the defence of my innocencie the plaine and manifest trueth, and to request his Holinesse not to be mislead in a mat­ter of such importance by the bad informations of my Aduersaries, nor to trust ouermuch to their learning and conscience in this case, wherein they haue so fowly abused mee, and deluded also his Holi­nesse, and withall to admonish or forewarne him, that if he should bee thus mislead, all the Christian world would plainely see, that it would bee both an infinite wrong to mee, and an occasion of great scandall to the Aduersaries of the Catholike Religion?

73 Secondly, Mr. Fitzherberts interpretation of those my words [I leaue to the iudgement of all the Christian world] to wit, that by the Christian world, I vnderstand some generall Councell whereto I [Page 595] meant to appeale, is a very false, and slanderous coniecture. For al­beit I am indeede of opinion, and I thinke that no man of lear­ning, reading, or iudgement can in his heart bee of the contrarie, whatsoeuer in outward shew, to speake perchance ad Placebo, or for other respects hee may pretend, that it is neither heresie, errour, or temeritie, but a doctrine truely probable, that the Pope may erre in his definitions if hee define without a generall Councell, and that a generall Councell is aboue a true and vndoubted Pope, yet by all the Christian world I did not vnderstand any generall Councell neither by those words did I meane, as God is my witnesse, to appeale to a generall Councell, if the Pope vpon the falfe informations of my Aduersaries should condemne my bookes, knowing it to bee in vaine for the re­dresse of any present iniurie to appeale to that which is not, and God knoweth when it will be: although if the Councell were actually assem­bled, I account it no arrogancie for any man, that is wronged by his Holinesse vpon the false suggestions, and informations of his potent Ad­uersaries, to appeale thereunto: But by all the Christian world I vn­derstood all Christian men whatsoeuer, whether Clerkes, or Laikes, Princes, or subiects, Prelates, or priuate men, friends, or foes, and my only meaning was, that those words which I spake to his Holinesse with the aforesaid condition, are so plainly and euidently true, that I durst therein appeale to the iudgment and conscience of any Christian man whatsoeuer, yea and of my learned Aduersaries themselues.

74 But I doe not promise his Holinesse, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, to retract and reforme my writings in case that hee condemne them, but I an­ticipate the iudgement of his Holinesse with a protestation of wrong and of occasion of great scandall. True it is, that I did declare to his Holinesse, and admonish him in that place, (but not anticipate his iudgement) how shamefully Cardinall Bellarmine had wronged mee in his publike writings, most falsly accusing mee of errour and heresie, and vpon what weake and sophisticall grounds hee laboured to coine a new ar­ticle of faith in a matter, which so meerely concerneth our obedience due to God and Caesar, humbly requesting his Holinesse, that he would not giue credit to the false informations of my Aduersaries, and espe­ciall of Cardinall Bellarmine, nor be ouer confident in his learning or conscience, but that hee would bee pleased to examine the whole cause himselfe, and not to giue iudgement against mee, or censure my bookes vpon the false reports of my accusers and aduersaries, other­wise the whole world would plainely see what great wrong is done to me, and what great occasion of scandall would thereby arise to the Ad­uersaries of the Catholike faith and Religion. Now what indifferent man that will speake without partialitie, can iustly accuse him as arro­gant, presumptuous, or to anticipate the sentence of the Iudge, who [Page 596] being falsly accused of most heinous crimes, by one who is both his ac­cuser, and witnesse against him, and also greatly fauoured and esteemed by the Iudge, doth in defence of his innocency plainely and modestly declare in particular to the Iudge how fowly and shamefully he is slan­dered, desiring him not to giue sentence against him vpon such false in­formations, but that he will vouchsafe to examine the cause himselfe, and not to be ouer confident in the testimonie and conscience of his accuser, who is both in great fauour with the Iudge and also is brought as a witnesse against him, otherwise all the standers by will perceiue what manifest wrong is done him, and hee will giue his Aduersaries great occasion to except and exclaime against him. And this is my ve­ry case as you haue seene before.

75 And whereas Mr. Fitzherbert obiecteth, that I doe not promise to his Holinesse to retract, or reforme my writings in case that he condemne them, to which hee might also haue added, that his Holinesse hath now condemned, or rather forbidden some of my writings, and I haue not as yet retracted or reformed them: I answere first, that I know not well what this silly man would conclude from hence, vnlesse he would make his Reader belieue that I am obstinate in my doctrine, which the ignorant man calleth an heresie, and that I doe still maintaine that it is a probable doctrine, and consequently may be maintained by any Ca­tholike, that the Pope hath not authority to depose temporall Princes, and that therfore I am no Catholike, but a formall heretike, disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, and that all my pretences to bee a Catholike, doe proceede from no other ground, but from a deepe d ssimula­tion, or rather an artificall and execrable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Ca­tholikes: And this is the chiefe marke at which this rash-headed and vncharitable man aimeth at in this Chapter, whereby hee plainely dis­couereth both the bitternes of his intemperate splene little beseeming the spirit of a religious Priest, and also that he knoweth not himselfe what is required to be a Catholike, or to haue true Catholike faith.

76 Secondly, therefore to answere this inference▪ I doe boldly and resolutely affirme againe, which also I haue sufficiently conuinced in this Treatise, that it is a doctrine truely probable, that the Pope hath no authority to depose absolute Princes, or to discharge their subiects of their temporall allegiance, and therefore it cannot truely bee noted of heresie, errour, or temerity, and so the imputation of heresie concer­ning the doctrine it selfe, is altogether auoided; and the submission of all my writings to the Censure and iudgement of the Catholike Romane Church, professing that if through ignorance I haue written any thing which she approoueth not I doe also reprooue it, condemne it, and desire it to bee h [...]ld for not written, which is a retractation and recalling in generall of whatsoeuer I haue written amisse, is sufficient to cleare mee from [Page 597] all imputation of obstinacie or wilfulnesse, vntill I bee certified of some particular thing, which requireth a more particular retra­ctation.

77 True it is, that I did not promise to his Holinesse to retract, or reforme my writings and doctrine, in case hee should condemne them vpon the false informations of my Aduersaries, for that I was not bound to make any such promise, as you shall more fully see beneath: And now in that manner as the Cardinals of the Inquisition haue by the com­mandement of his Holinesse, as the Decree mentioneth, forbidden my Apologie, and Theologicall Disputation, in the same manner I haue re­tracted, and recalled all that I haue written amisse: for as they haue onely in generall forbidden those bookes not expressing any cause or crime either in particular, or in generall for which they are forbidden, although I haue most humbly and earnestly requested to know some cause thereof, so also I haue in generall retracted & recalled what I haue written amisse, both by abhorring and detesting all heresie and errour in generall, and also by submitting my selfe to the Censure of the Ca­tholike Romane Church, and solemnely protesting, to bee most ready to correct whatsoeuer in my writings is to be corrected, to purge what is to bee purged, to explaine what is to be explained, and to retract what is to bee retra­cted: which being so, with what face & consciēce can this my ignorant and vncharitable Aduersary so confidently affirme, that no zealous Ca­tholike can take me for any other then an heretike disguised and masked vn­der the vizard of a Catholike, and that all my pretences to be a Catholike doe proceede from no other ground but from a deepe dissimulation, or rather an artificiall and execrab e hypocrisie?

78 But that vnlearned Catholikes may not be led blind folde by this ignorant and silly man, who presumeth to be a Doctour and Teacher in these difficult points of Schoole-Diuinitie, before he hath beene scarce a Scholler therein, and that they may haue some sufficient light and di­rections to discerne vpon what grounds they ought to build their Ca­tholike faith, and whether they are bound to belieue with Catholike faith all that doctrine to bee faith, which the Pope with the Cardinals of the Inquisition, and his other Diuines of Rome propoundeth as of faith, and that doctrine to be hereticall or erroneous, which hee with their aduise and counsell condemneth as hereticall or erroneous, I thinke it not a­misse to set downe two principall obseruations to direct them therein.

79 The first is, that it is certaine, and agreed vpon by all Di­uines, that true Catholike and supernaturall faith must alwaies bee cer­taine, and infallible, not onely in respect of the obiect, or the thing which is to be belieued, which must of necessity be true, but chiefly and principally in respect of the reason or medium, whereby wee assent [Page 598] thereunto, for many opinions (which include intrinsecally a feare and vncertainty, as true naturall science, and supernaturall faith include in­trinsecally a certainety, and exclude all feare, doubt, and vncertainty) are true,See Bannes se­cunda secundae q. 6. ar. 2. and in respect of their obiect also necessary, but the reason for which we belieue, or giue assent, is that which maketh our true Catho­like and supernaturall faith and iudgement to bee infallible, and this rea­son is the reuelation of God, propounded to vs by the Church.

80 The second is that it is also certaine, that there is a great con­trouersie betwixt the Diuines of Rome, and other learned Catholikes, e­specially of Paris, whether the Pope defining and determining any do­ctrine to bee of faith, and the contrary hereticall without a generall Councell may erre or no, and whether the Pope be subiect or superiour to a generall Councell.Victor. relect. 4 de potest. Pa­pae & Conc. proposit. 3. Bellar. li 2. de Conc. cap. 13. Whereupon learned Victoria affirmeth, that both opinions concerning the superiority of the Pope or Councell are probable, and Card. Bellarmine himselfe confesseth, that although in the Councell of Florence, and in the last Lateran Councell, the question seemeth to be defi­ned, yet because the Florentine Councell hath not so, expresly defined it, and some make doubt, whether the Lateran Councell, which hath most expresly defined it, Bellar. ibid. ca. 17. (albeit afterwards he saith, that it is doubtfull whether shee defi­ned it properly as to be held with Catholike faith) was truely a generall Coun­cell, therefore vnto this day it remaineth a question euen among Catholikes. And all the world seeth, that the Diuines of Paris are admitted to Sa­craments, which ought not to bee tolerated, if they committed any heresie, errour, or temerity, for defending this doctrine, as publike harlots are in some sort permitted at Rome, but not suffered to receiue Sacraments so long as they persist in that wicked life.

81 And from hence it euidently followeth first, that it is not cer­taine and infallible, that the Pope, with his Cardinalls and Diuines, yea and with the particular Romane Church defining, determining, or pro­pounding to the whole Church any thing to be beleeued formally, as of faith, without a generall Councell, cannot erre and be deceiued; and consequently such definitions cannot be certaine and infallible, nor can be an assured ground of Catholike faith, nor a sufficient reason, motiue, medium, or cause to beleeue any thing by him so defined with Catholike faith; for that the fundamentall reason, medium, cause and motiue to be­leeue any thing with Catholike faith must be certaine and infallible, as I shewed before out of Bannes, from whom other Diuines doe not dis­sent herein, and if that reason be vncertaine, doubtfull, or fallible, the faith or beliefe, which is grounded and dependeth thereon, cannot be truely Catholike, and infallible.

82 Secondly, if the Popes decrees and definitions in things to be beleeued, as of faith, albeit directed to the whole Church, and in things which doe not concerne his owne particular interest, honour, autho­rity, [Page 599] or prerogatiue, and wherein therefore there can be no suspicion, that he himselfe is led by affection, or his Counsellers and Diuines by flattery to the making of such Decrees, are not certaine and infallible, but may be false, and exposed to errour, and consequently can be no sure ground of Catholike faith, what iudgement can any sensible man make of such decrees or definitions, which are neither directed to the whole Church, but to particular persons or Churches, nor are pro­pounded as of faith, nor grounded vpon any doctrine which is cer­taine, and out of controuersie, but onely vpon a question maintained on both sides by learned Catholikes, and which also concerneth the Popes owne interest, authority, and prerogatiue, as are his Breues direc­ted to English Catholikes, which are neither propounded to the whole Church, nor containe any definition as of faith, but onely a declaratiue precept, which is grounded vpon a controuersie, which began in Pope Gregory the seuenth his time, and hath since continued betwixt the Bi­shops of Rome, and Christian Princes, concerning the authority which Popes pretend to haue ouer all their temporalls?

83 Thirdly, if the Popes Decrees together with the Romane Church, by which he declareth, and defineth any doctrine to be of faith, or against faith, may be fallible, and exposed to errour, and conse­quently can be no certaine rule or ground of Catholike faith, nor any sufficient reason, cause, or motiue to beleeue any thing with Catholike faith, so long as this controuersie among Catholikes, concerning the Popes infallibility in his definitions remaineth vndecided, much lesse can a Decree of any Congregation of Cardinalls declaring any doctrine to be of faith, or condemning any doctrine as hereticall, erroneous, temerarious, or scandalous, be an assured ground of Catholike faith, or a sufficient reason for any man to beleeue with Catholike faith, that doctrine to be such, as their Decrees doe declare or cond [...]mne. Which being so, what iudgement, I pray you, can any reasonable man make of such their Decrees, which condemne no doctrine at all, either in generall or particular, but onely forbid certaine bookes to be read or kept, without declaring for what cause or crime either in particular, or in generall they are forbidden, and such bookes also as are written against one of the chiefest of their Congregation, of which sort is that Decree of the Cardinalls, wherein two bookes of mine, written chiefly against Cardinall Bellarmine are forbidden, without expressing any cause or crime at all, either in particular or generall why they are forbidden.

84 Fourthly, by all this it is euident, what infinite wrong this my ignorant Aduersary, (whether onely through blinde and inconsiderate zeale, or also through some passionate splene taken against me for contradicting his writings, and some others of his Societie, I leaue to [Page 600] God & his own conscience to iudge) hath both done to me in so falsly, and yet vpon such childish grounds, accusing me to be no Catholike, but an hereticke disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, for not admitting the Popes Breues and declaratiue precept, grounded at the most vpon an opinion, which learned Catholikes haue euer impugned, and taxing my doctrine of heresie, for that my bookes are forbidden by the Cardinalls of the Inquisition, without condemning any position contained in them of any crime, either in particular or generall; and also into what eminent danger he both casteth himselfe headlong, and seeketh also to draw after him vnlearned Catholikes, if they will fol­low such a blinde guide in waies, which he himselfe, for want of Scho­lasticall learning hath neuer gone, by endeauouring to ouerthrow their Catholike faith, and to perswade them to build it vpon fallible grounds, as vpon Popes Breues, which neither are directed to the whole Church, nor doe containe any definition or declaration of any particular doctrine, and vpon the Decrees of certaine Cardinalls con­demning bookes onely in generall tearmes, which perchance some of them neuer read, nor for want of sufficient learning doe well vnder­stand, but doe relie either vpon the relation or iudgement of other men, to whom the charge of ouerseeing such bookes is committed by them, whereas the grounds of true Catholike faith, and the fundamen­tall reason, why a man ought to beleeue any thing with Catholike faith, must be certaine, infallible, and without all controuersie. And thus you see in what a labyrinth this silly man hath wound himselfe, who seeking to perswade his Reader, that I am no true Catholike, but a dis­guised and masked hereticke, vnder the name of a Catholike, for not buil­ding my Catholike faith vpon vncertaine and fallible grounds, and which are controuersed among learned Catholikes, plainly bewraieth what a sound Catholike he himselfe is, and vpon what sure grounds he buildeth his Catholike faith, and would haue other Catholikes to build the same, whereas according to the approoued doctrine of all learned Catholikes, vnlesse it be built vpon certaine, vndoubted, and infallible grounds, it cannot be a true Catholike faith, but onely an vncertaine and fallible opinion masked vnder the vizard of Catholike faith.

85 Lastly, that vnlearned Catholikes may walke warily, secure­ly, and without danger, and bee not misled blindfold by this my igno­rant Aduersary, they must carefully obserue the difference betwixt the Church firmely beleeuing, and probably thinking, or, which is all one, betwixt Catholike faith, and opinion. The first difference is, that the grounds of Catholike faith must bee certaine, and infallible, but the grounds of opinion are vncertaine and fallible: and therefore although the Popes definitions, made with mature deliberation, and graue coun­sell may be a sufficient ground for Catholikes, to thinke with opinion, [Page 601] that the doctrine which he defineth, is true, if they haue no conuin­cing reasons to perswade them to the contrary, yet they cannot be suf­ficient for Catholikes, I doe not say, to thinke probably, but to be­leeue assuredly with Catholike faith, the doctrine which he so defineth, without the approbation of a generall Councell to bee true. The second difference is, that albeit euery Catholike ought to be so firme, and sted­fast in his Catholike beliefe, that hee must needes beleeue the contrary doctrine, not onely to be false à parte rei, but also to be improbable, yet he ought not to bee so firme, and stedfast in his opinion, as to con­demne of heresie, errour, or temeritie other learned Catholikes, who hauing duely examined all the reasons and grounds for that opinion, shall thinke against him, or be of the contrary opinion, although he pretend to prooue his doctrine to be true, out of some Decree or defi­nition euen of a generall Councell, which Decree or definition, the other learned Catholikes of the contrary opinion haue seene, examined and answered thereunto, and this I prooued at large in my Theologicall Disputation Cha. 10. sec. 2., out of the expresse doctrine of Fa. Ʋasquez, which my ignorant Aduersary doth fraudulently conceale, who, as you haue seene, vrgeth against mee certaine arguments, which I there related and answered, and dissembleth wholly the answeres, which there I made to the same.

86 Wherefore, although the Pope be the supreme spirituall Pa­stour of all the faithfull, and therefore ought to teach and instruct them in the Catholike faith, and in all other things which are necessary to sal­uation, as also euery Bishop is a spirituall Pastour in his owne Dioecesse, and therefore ought to teach and instruct all those that are committed to his charge in the Catholike faith, and in all other things necessarie to the health of their soules, because as Cardinall Bellarmine well affir­meth,Bell. l. 5. de Rō, Pont. c. 3. that which the Pope is in the vniuersall Church is euery Bishop in his particular Dioecesse; and those words Pasce oues meas, Feed my sheepe, Bell. l. 2. de. Rom. Pont. c. 12 in sine Edit. antiqu [...], saith he, and such like, which are spoken to Saint Peter, in regard of the Pa­storall office are vnderstood to be spoken to all Pastors: yet as no man is bound to beleeue with Catholike faith which the Bishop of the Dioecesse doth define or determine to be of faith so long as there is a controuersie a­mong learned Catholikes concerning the certaintie of that doctrine, for that it is certaine and agreed vpon by all Catholikes, that euery par­ticular Bishop may erre in his definitions, and consequently they cannot be any assured and infallible grounds of the Catholike faith; So also pro­portionally no man is bound to beleeue with Catholike faith any do­ctrine whereof there is a controuersie among learned Catholikes, albe­it the Pope without a generall Councell shall define it to be of faith, for that it is a controuersie among learned Catholikes, whether the Pope defining without a generall Councell can erre or no, and consequently [Page 602] vntill this controuersie be decided and determined by a generall Coun­cell, or the vniuersall acceptance of the Church as a point of faith, such his definitions can be no assured and infallible grounds of true Catho­like faith.

87 And if you demaund, that seeing the Pope is the supreme spiri­tuall Pastour of all the faithfull, and therefore ought to teach them the Catholike faith, and direct them in the way to saluation, why are not all Christians bound to heare his voyce, and to embrace all that he shall teach them, and to obey him in all that he shall commaund him? I an­swere with the like demaund, seeing that euery Bishop is the spirituall Pastour of all the faithfull within his Dioecesse, and therefore ought to teach them the Catholike faith, and direct them in the way of saluation, why are not all the faithfull within his Dio [...]cesse committed to his charge bound to heare his voyce, and to embrace all that he shall teach them, and to obey him in all that he shall commaund them?

88 But perchance you will say, that the Pope is the supreme spiri­tuall Pastour and his commaundements are Apostolicall, as Mr. Fitz­herbert in this Treatise often vrgeth against me the authoritie of the su­preme spirituall Pastor, & his Apostolicall Breues, and commandement, & therfore there is a great disparitie betwixt the Pope and the inferiour Bi­shops. True it is, that there is a great disparitie and difference betwixt the Pope, who is the supreme Pastour, and other Bishops who are not su­preme: but as there is a great disparitie betwixt them, so there is a great difficultie and controuersie among learned Catholikes, in what this disparitie, and this supremacie of the Pope doth consist; which were to long to examine at this present, perchance hereafter if my Aduersaries will vrge me thereunto I shall treate of this disparitie and the Popes Su­premacie more at large. In the meane time all Catholikes doe agree in this, that the Popes Supremacie doth not consist in this, that he cannot command any vnlawfull thing, and contrary to the law of God, or that he cannot teach false doctrine, and contrary to the word of God, or that he cannot exceede the authority, which Christ hath granted him, or that hee cannot challenge to him a power or Iurisdiction as due to him, which Christ hath not giuen him. Yea and according to the do­ctrine of many famous and learned Catholikes cited by me elsewhere,In disp. Theol. cap. 10. § 2 nu. 27. the Popes Supremacy doth not consist in this, that he cannot erre and bee deceiued in his definitions, albeit they bee directed to the whole Church, if he define without the approbation of a generall Councell, or the acceptance of the vniuersall Church, and consequently such his de­finitions cannot be certaine and infallible grounds of true Catholike Faith.

89 Neyther are his commandements, definitions, or letters cal­led Apostolicall, for that they are alwayes conforme to the law of God, [Page 603] and to the doctrine of the Apostles, neyther is his authority called Apo­stolicall, for that he hath alwayes the assistance of the holy Ghost anex­ed to his Decrees and doctrine in that manner as the Apostles had, but chiefly and principally for that he is the successour of S. Peter the first Apostle, and hath authority and iurisdiction ouer all Christians, as the Apostles, and principally S. Peter had, although not with the like infal­libility and continuall assistance of the holy Ghost. And so the parity doth still remaine betwixt the Pope and other Bishops, notwithstanding his Primacie, in that both are Pastours, and therefore are bound by their pastorall function to feede their sheepe, to instruct them in the Catho­like faith, and to direct them in the way to saluation, and yet their sheep are not alwaies bound to heare and follow their voyce or call, to be­leeue with Catholike faith all their doctrine, or to obey all their com­mandements, for that their definitions are not certaine and infallible, neither are they alwaies so assisted by the holy Ghost, that they cannot command vnlawfull things, So that albeit the Pope be our supreame spi­rituall Pastour, Superiour and Iudge, yet wee are not bound to obey him but in lawfull things, and to which his authoritie doth ex­tend.

90 And if you aske againe, to whom shall it belong to iudge whe­ther the Popes definitions or doctrine be true or false, or his comman­dements conforme to the law of God or no, or that he exceed the au­thority and commission which Christ hath granted him or no? I an­swere, that if wee speake of Iudgement, as it is an act of Iustice, or of a Iudge doing iustice, & supposeth in him a superiority & authority ouer the person whom he iudgeth, which the Diuines call iudicium potestatis, a iudgement of authority; then according to the Diuines of Rome only God can iudge the Popes actions, except in case of heresie or of schisme, when more then one contend to be Pope, for in these cases they graunt that a generall Councell may iudge the Pope: But according to the Diuines of Paris, not onely in the aforesaid cases, but also in many others, a Ge­nerall Councell, whom they grant to be superiour to the Pope, may by way of authority iudge the Popes actions, and declare, determine and define, whether his definitions, and commandements be conforme to the word, and law of God or no. But if wee take iudgement, S. Thom. pri­ma secūda q. 93 ar. 2. secunda secundae q. 51. ar. 3. & q. 60. ar. 1. as it is an act of the vnderstanding, and is commonly called by the Philosophers the second act, or operation thereof, and signifieth a right discerning or determination of the vnderstanding betwixt truth & falshood, good and euill in euery matter whether it be speculatiue or practicall, and consisteth in the apprehension of a thing as it is in it selfe, which the Diuines call iudicium discretionis a iudgement of discretion; then euery learned man may iudge and discerne, whether the Popes definitions or doctrine be true or false, and whether his commandements bee con­forme [Page 604] to the law of God or no: neyther is that vulgar saying, None can iudge his superiours actions, to be vnderstood of this iudgement, but of the former; for this inward and priuate iudgement is the guide of euery mans conscience, by which, for that it is the rule of all morall actions, he must iudge and discerne all his thoughts, words, and deeds, actions, and omissions.

91 Seeing therefore it is a controuersie among learned Catho­likes whether the Pope can erre in his definitions, if hee define without a generall Councell, and consequently they cannot be infallible grounds of Catholike faith, it is euident, that whensoeuer the Pope defineth any doctrine to be of faith, which in very deed is Catholike doctrine and of faith, we must not beleeue with Catholike faith, that doctrin to be Ca­tholike and of faith because the Pope hath defined the same, for this reason and ground is, as I haue said, vncertaine, and fallible, but because the Catholike Church, 1. Tim. 3. which onely is the infallible propounder of Ca­tholike faith, and according to the Apostle, the pillar and ground of truth, hath approued the same to be Catholike and of faith. And thus much concerning the Popes definitions and decrees in points of faith, and which are to be beleeued with Catholike faith.

92 Now concerning manners, and things commanded to bee done, or not to be done, we must carefully distinguish betwixt declara­tiue, and constitutiue precepts or commandements: for in constitutiue commandements, which doe make the thing which they forbid to be vnlawfull, and doe not suppose it to be otherwise vnlawfull and forbid­den by some former law, first, if the Pope command a thing which is manifestly lawfull, and subiect to his commanding power, wee are bound to obey, but with this caueat or prouiso, if by obeying we are not like to incurre any probable danger of some great temporall harme, for that no Ecclesiasticall law, setting aside scandall, or con­tempt, which are forbidden by the law of God and nature, doth sel­dome or neuer binde with any great temporall losse, as I obserued elsewhereIn Disp. Theol. cap. 10. § 2. nu. 41. out of the common doctrine of Catholike Diuines. Se­condly, if the Pope perchance commaund a thing▪ which is manifestly vnlawfull, then we are bound not to obey, according to that saying of S. Peter, God must be obeyed [...]ather then men.

Acts cap. 5.93 Thirdly, if it be doubtfull, whether the thing, which the Pope commandeth be vnlawfull, or whether he hath authority to command that thing or no,In the discouery of D. Schulc­kenius ca [...]um­nies, calum. 15 nu 12. & seq. Sot. de deteg. secret memb. 3. q. 2. then, as I obserued elsewhere, according to the do­ctrine of many learned Diuines, as Sotus, Corduba, Salon, Sayrus, and others, wee must doe that wherein there is lesse danger, according to that approoued maxime, Of two euils the lesser is to be chosen. But So­tus doth more plainely and distinctly declare the whole matter. When the Superiours commandement, saith hee, is of a thing secure and lawfull, [Page 605] where no danger ariseth to the publike good, or to a third person, in a doubt­full matter we must for the most part obey. As for example, my Superiour commandeth me to study,, or to helpe sicke persons, which are actions, where­in there is no danger, although it be doubtfull, whether hee may impose such a commandement, I must obey; yet I added, saith he (for the most part) be­cause I am not alwaies bound to obey in a doubtfull matter, as if the thing be ouer burdensome, or laborious to the subiect; For if my Superiour commaund me a long iourney, and a hard, or vneasie thing, and it is doubtfull whether he hath authoritie to commaund the same, I am not bound forthwith to obey. And a little beneath the same Sotus, as I related his words more at large aboue, affirmeth, that when it is doubtfull, whether the Superiour commandeth that which is lawfull if it be in preiudice of a third person, be­cause that third person is in possession of his credit, and goods, we must incline to that part where there is lesse danger. For when such danger doth arise to a third person, if the subiect be doubtfull, he doth not against obedience, if hee demand of his Prelate a reason of his commaundement, propounding humbly the reasons of his doubt. Thus Sotus. And by this the Reader may cleerely vnderstand the true sense and meaning of that vulgar maxime, In doubts wee must obey our Superiour, and stand to his iudgement.

94 And as concerning declaratiue precepts, which doe not make the thing, which they forbid to be vnlawfull, but doe onely declare and suppose it to be vnlawfull, as being forbidden by some former law, they haue no more force to binde, as Fa. Suarez expresly affirmeth,Suarez l. 3. de Leg. c. 20, nu. 10. then hath the reason whereon they are grounded. So that if the reason be certaine, then we are bound to obey, if it be onely probable, wee are no more bound to obey that declaratiue commaundement, then we are bound to follow the Popes opinion, against the probable opinion of other learned Catholikes. All this, and much more touching decla­ratiue, and constitutiue precepts, and his Holinesse Breues in particular, which doe onely containe a declaratiue precept, forbidding Catho­likes to take the Oath, for that it containeth many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, I declared in my Theologicall Disputation, Ch. 10. sec. 2. which is aboundantly sufficient to free me, and other English Catholikes, from all note of disobedience, for not obeying in this doubtfull and disputa­ble matter his Holinesse Breues, and his declaratiue precept contained therein, which is so preiudiciall to his Maiesties authority and so dan­gerous to his Catholike subiects, not being able to finde any one thing therein, which is repugnant to faith and saluation, especially humbly propounding to his Holinesse the reasons of our doubts, and earnestly requesting to bee satisfied therein. But Mr. Fitzherbert thought it fit for his purpose, to vrge against mee the obiections which I there answered, and to taxe me not onely of disobedience, but also of errour and heresie, and to conceale the answeres which I [Page 606] made thereunto, wherein he plainely discouereth his vnsincere, disho­nest, and vncharitable proceeding, and that his onely drift is to disgrace mee with his Reader, and not to examine vprightly the truth of the cause.

95 To conclude therefore this digression, it is euident by the premises, that if the Pope without a generall Councell define any doctrine to be hereticall, erroneous, or temerarious, and command all Catho­likes to belieue the same, no Catholike is bound, or ought to belieue with Catholike faith, that doctrine to be hereticall, erroneous, or te­merarious for this respect onely, because the Pope hath defined and commanded the same, for that it is a controuersie among learned Ca­tholikes, whether he hath any such authority infallibly to define or no; and consequently neither his definitions, nor his declaratiue com­mandements grounded thereon, can be certaine and infallible grounds of Catholike faith. And thus much touching inward beliefe. But second­ly, if the Pope command that none shall preach or teach against his defi­nitions or Breues, then wee must obserue that golden rule of learned and deuout Gerson, that if we neither perceiue any manifest errour a­gainst faith in his definitions or Breues, nor that by our silence some great scandall shall arise to Catholike faith, we must not dogmatize a­gainst them, otherwise wee must speake freely and feare no Censures. See his words aboue, Chap. 14. num. 39. But notwithstanding this do­cument of Gerson, if any learned man hath doubts and difficulties, which doe trouble his conscience concerning the verity or lawfulnesse of the Popes definitions or Breues, when they are greatly prejudiciall to a third person, especially to a whole kingdome, it is lawfull for him, according to the doctrine of Sotus, and others before rehearsed, to propound humbly to his Holinesse the reasons of his doubts, desiring to bee satisfied therein, for this is not to dogmatize, or to teach or preach publikely against them, (although this also according to Gerson be sometimes commendable, yea, and necessary) but it is a desire to bee taught and instructed concerning the veritie or lawfulnesse of them.

96 Thirdly, if the Pope should excommunicate nominatim▪ by name all those that shall teach, preach, or write against his definitions, or Breues, in case they perceiue great scandall to arise to Catholike faith, if they be silent, and doe not oppose themselues, or should excommu­nicate nominatim those, who shall write Supplications to his Holinesse, to be taught and instructed concerning the veritie, or lawfulnesse of his definitions or Breues, whereof they haue great doubts and difficulties, which doe perplexe their conscience, then they must remember that saying of our Sauiour, wherewith Gerson concludeth his golden docu­ment, that Blessed are they that suffer persecution for iustice, and let them [Page 607] assure themselues, that they are vniustly excommunicated, and free be­fore God, howsoeuer the Pope hath tyed them by his Censure: and therefore they may in this case carry themselues in that manner, as those who are not excommunicated in the sight of God, though by presumption, which often deceiueth, and is deceiued, they may bee thought by many persons, who know not their innocency, to bee ex­communicated: Yet they must not contemne the Censure, but also for feare of scandall obserue it in the face of the Church, although se­cretly, and when no scandall is like to arise, they may doe all that, which if they had not beene excommunicated, they might haue done; and they, who know their innocency, may in like manner conuerse with them secretly and without scandall, as they might before. But notwithstanding any such excommunication, they may still write supplications to his Holinesse vntill hee shall instruct them, and may still ap­peale to his Holinesse, ad melius informandum, to informe him better, and to desire to be fully instructed, propounding humbly the reasons of th [...]rdoubts.

97 Lastly, if the Pope, or the Cardinalls of the Inquisition, shall for­bid Catholikes to read, or keepe certaine bookes, to know whether, and by whom such bookes may without any licence be read, and kept, or no, learned Catholikes must diligently obserue for what reason, ground, cause or end they are forbidden to be read, to wit, whether for that they are repugnant to faith, or good manners: and also they must carefully consider the natures, properties, and differences of declara­tiue and constitutiue precepts, and that, according to the common doctrine of Diuines, whensoeuer the reason or end of any law doth ge­nerally cease, the obligation also of that law doth cease. So that if the bookes are forbidden, for that they are repugnant to faith, and there­vpon may be dangerous to soules, and this reason is not true, but onely pretended and falsly supposed, the reason, end, and cause of this prohi­bition doth altogether cease, to him who seeth this false pretence: And this obseruation I haue set downe chiefly for learned men; For those that be vnlearned must bee guided and directed by vertuous, discreet, and learned men, which learned men, who take vpon them to guide and direct others, if through affectate and wilfull ignorance they doe erre (for that they will not duly examine the matter, when they haue sufficient cause to doubt thereof, but either for feare, or flattery will be­leeue with blinde obedience the Popes, or Cardinalls words, knowing certainly that they may erre and oftentimes haue erred, and now haue sufficient cause to doubt, and consequently to examine whether at this present they haue erred or no, seeing that learned Catholikes doe in publike writings dedicated to his Holinesse make great doubts, and giue great reasons to shew that they haue erred at this very present, desiring [Page 608] to be satisfied therein) these learned men, I say, shall render a strict ac­count at the day of iudgement, for the temporall or spirituall harme, which those poore ignorant soules, who haue trusted to their lear­ning and conscience, haue sustained by their aduise and counsell, and also they are bound to make satisfaction and restitution in this world for all the temporall losse, which those poore soules haue incur­red by their rash and pernicious counsell, proceeding from wilfull and affectate or desired ignorance.

98 Neuerthelesse also vnlearned Catholikes, when they haue iust cause to doubt of the truth & lawfulnes of any Decrees either of Pope, or Cardinalls, which are preiudiciall to a third person, and especially to their temporall Prince, and the whole kingdome, are bound for as much as by their naturall wit, and capacitie they are able, to examine the matter, and not to be led blindfold without sufficient reason, which may fully satisfie their vnderstanding and conscience. And this do­ctrine, which I haue heere in this digression set downe, is so sound, easie and perspicuous, that no learned man can take any iust exception thereat. Yet I haue not set it downe, for that it is necessarie to satis­fie my Aduersaries obiections, which before I clearely answered, see­ing that neither the Pope by his Breues, nor the Cardinalls of the Inqui­sition by forbidding my bookes haue defined, determined, or declared this doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes to bee of faith, be­cause there is no mention at all made of this doctrine either in the Popes Breues, or in the aforesaid Decree of the Cardinalls; but I haue set it downe onely for satisfaction and instruction of the Catholike Reader that hee bee not led hood-winckt by the grosse ignorance of my vn­learned Aduersarie T.F. who, as it seemeth, doth not know what heresie, or disobedience is, & yet pretendeth to be their guide and director ther­in, but both of them may doe well to remember that saying of our Sauiour, Si caecus caeco ducatum praestet, ambo in foueam cadunt, If the blinde bee guide to the blinde both fall into the ditch. And by all this it is euident, that I and other Catholikes cannot any way bee iustly taxed of disobedience for propounding to his Holinesse with all humilitie the doubts and reasons which wee haue, not to admit his Breues, which are so preiudiciall to his Maiestie and our selues, and most humbly re­questing him, that he will satisfie and instruct vs therein, but alas what little satisfaction wee haue receiued from his Holinesse you shall see beneath.

99 Now to returne to my ignorant and vncharitable Aduersarie, who hath laboured in vaine to prooue not onely that I am disobedient and irreuerent to the Sea Apostolike, but also an heretike disguised, and that my submission to the Censure of the Catholike Roman Church procee­deth from no other ground but from a deepe dissimulation or rather an arti­ficiall [Page 609] and execrable hypocrisie to delude and deceiue Catholikes, and also that my meaning is to escape the Censures of the Church by appealing from the Pope to a generall Councell, all which how false and slanderous they are you haue alreadie seene: and yet wee reade that the Doctours, and Catholikes of Paris haue diuers times appealed from the Pope being not well informed and aduised, to a future Councell: now this silly and vnconscionable man will, forsooth, confirme his aforesaid rash iudge­ment of mee concerning the last point of my appealing to a Councell, by the example of Luther, who at his first breach and disunion from the Church, did, as all Anostataes and heretikes are wont to doe, appeale from the Pope to a generall Councell.

100 This is manifest, saith hee,p. 220. nu. 17 euen in Luther himselfe, who after hee had begunne to set abroach his heresie, retained for a while the good opinion of many Catholikes, with his pretence still to reuerence, and highly esteeme the Popes authoritie insomuch that he wrote to Pope Leo in these words: Quare, Beatissime Pater, Surius an. 1517 prostratum me pedibus tuae Beatitudi­nis offero, &c. Wherefore most holy Father, I offer my selfe prostrate at the feete of your Holinesse with all that I haue, or am: do you quic­ken, or kill, call or recall, approoue or reprooue, as it shall please you, I will acknowledge your voyce, as the voyce of Christ gouerning in you. So he; making, as you see a farre greater, and more absolute sub­mission then Widdrington doth, albeit within a while after being condem­ned first by a Legate of the Pope, and after by the Pope himselfe, he appea­led first from the Legate to the Pope, and afterward from the Pope to a future Councell▪ and what became of him in the ende the world hath seene, and felt by the bad fruites of his Apostacie; Ibid. anno 1519 Sed Deus me­liora.

102 But first this silly man will not, as I suppose, finde fault with Luther for the humble submission hee made to the Pope, but all that hee can reprehend in him, may be two things, the one is, that he did it not sincerely and from his heart, which if it be so, as also it may be otherwise, I cannot but much dislike such deepe dissimulation; But for my owne part I protest before almightie God, that the submission I made of my selfe and all my writings to the iudgement and Censure of the Catholike Roman Church, I did it with all my heart and without any dissimulation at all. The second may bee, that hee did appeale afterwards from the Pope to a future Councell, which although I doe not intend euer to doe, but will take patiently all the Censures, which shall bee imposed vpon mee, I will onely appeale still to the Pope him­selfe to informe him better, and to make knowne to him and to the whole world my oppression and the iustice of my cause: yet neither Luther nor any other can bee accounted an heretike, Apostata, or Schis­matike for appealing from the Pope to a future Councell vpon a iust [Page 610] cause, seeing it is well knowne, that the Masters, Doctours, and the whole Ʋniuersitie of Paris did also appeale from the saide Pope Leo to a future Councell: The copie of this Appeale which was made in the yeere 1517. the 27. of March, is to bee seene in Bochell. lib. 8. Decret. Eccles. Gallic. cap. 8. who were not therefore accounted heretikes, Apostataes, Schismatikes, silly, sicke, scabbed or rotten sheepe.

102 Secondly, Luther within two yeeres after hee began to publish his doctrine, reuolted wholly from the Catholike Roman Church, and renounced all obedience to the Bishop of Rome, but since I began to write, there be seuen yeeres fully expired, and yet I continue still in the vnitie of the Catholike Roman Church, and doe acknowledge the Bishop of Rome to bee my supreame spirituall Pastour, Father, and Superiour. And albeit my opinion be, that no Catholike is bound to admit his Holinesse Breues, forbidding Catholikes to take the Oath, and to o­bey his declaratiue commandement contained therein, for the reasons signified before, which I humbly propounded to his Holinesse, desi­ring him most earnestly, as being our chiefe Pastour, Teacher, and Instructer, to giue vs some satisfaction therein, yet I cannot therefore in the iudgement of any learned man bee iustly accounted a disobedient childe to his Holinesse, seeing that it is euident, as I shewed before out of Dominicus Sotus, that if a Superiour impos [...] a commandement, where­by danger is feared to Religion, or to the common-wealth, or to a third person, (as all the world knoweth, that the forbidding of the Oath, is heere in England preiudiciall to Catholike Religion, to his Maiestie and the temporall State, and to all his Catholike subiects) if the subiect be doubtfull, that such a danger will arise, he is not bound foorthwith to obey, but he may without any disobedience demaund of his Prelate a reason of his commandement, propounding humbly the reasons of his doubts.

103 Besides, Luthers doctrine was within two yeeres condem­ned, not onely in generall words, but also his propositions were specified in particular, both by Pope Leo himselfe in his particular Bull concerning the same, and also by the famous Vniuersities of Paris, Louan, and Collen: But albeit two of my bookes are by a particular de­cree of the Cardinall▪ forbidden in generall, and I commanded vnder paine of Censures to purge my selfe forthwith, yet they haue neither expressed any one proposition in particular, neither as yet can I get them to name one proposition which is repugnant to faith or good manners, although I haue most earnestly requested to know the same, protesting from my heart to bee most readie to correct what is to bee co­rrected to purge what is to bee purged to explaine what is to be explained, and to retract what is to bee retracted: which their different proceeding against me and Luther doth plainly argue, that they haue begun a worke, which they cannot with their reputation continue, and that there is no such dangerous doctrine contained in my bookes, as Cardinall Bellarmine, [Page 611] against whom I did chiefly write, and who is my accuser. Aduersa­rie and Iudge, hath by all likelihood informed them, and would gladly to saue his owne credit, and that he hath not falsly to his great dishonour accused me and my doctrine of errour, heresie, and of being no good Catholike, would make the world beleeue, for which at the day of iudgement hee shall render a strict account. And thus you see, that this comparison, which my indiscreete Aduersarie hath, to dis­grace me, made betwixt me and Luther, doth nothing helpe, but greatly hurt his cause.

104 Now you shall see what a fraudulent and vncharitable obser­uation hee gathereth from hence. That which I wish, saith he,Pag. 121. nu. 18. 19. to bee obserued heerein, is how little heed is to bee taken to Widdringtons submission of his writings to the Roman Church (he should haue saide Catholike Roman Church) considering his doctrine, and the course he holdeth in the maintaining thereof. For as Cicero saide by Epicurus (who wrote sometimes very vertuously and thereby deceiued many) it is not so much to be considered what hee writeth, as what his grounds and principles are, and how well his writings agree therewith; as for example what opinion he or any other hath or can haue of the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike, who purposely impugneth the iurisdiction thereof, contradicting (as I haue shewed sufficient­ly in this Reply) the ancient and generall practise of the Church, the expresse Canons thereof, and the Decrees of Popes and Generall Councells vpon an absurd supposition partly of a bare probabilitie in his own doctrine, & partly of a possibilitie of errour in Decrees touching matters of fact, which he is not a­shamed to say of the Decree of the famous Oecumenical Councel of Lateran, albeit all Catholikes doe vniformely teach, that generall Councells lawfully assembled and confirmed by the Pope, cannot erre in any generall Decree, touching either faith or manners, as I haue sufficiently signified before See chap. 16. nu. 11. and 12. Besides that, he vseth the very obiections, arguments, answeres, shifts, and euasions of heretikes, discouering now and then such an arrogant, proud, and malicious spirit towards the Sea Apostolike, that no zealous, Catholike can reade him without great disgust and indignation, or can take him for any other, then an heretike disguised, and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike.

105 But to answer the false and fraudulent obseruation, or ra­ther shamefull calumniation of this malignant spirit, which hee would gladly colour with the luster of a faigned, intemperate and Phari­saicall zeale to the Sea Apostolike, I may rightly say to him as Saint Paul sayde to Elymas the Magician, O plene omnidole & omnifallacia, Act. 13. &c. O full of all guile, and of all deceipt, &c. For to begin with his later wordes, I doe not vse any other obiections, arguments, and an­sweres, then which vertuous and learned Catholikes haued vsed be­fore mee; neither doe I discouer any arrogant, proude, or malici­ous [Page 612] spirit, towards the Sea Apostolike, whom I reuerence and respect with all my heart; onely the plaine truth, which Catholike Doctours haue said before me, and which oftentimes breedeth enmitie, I doe mo­destly, reuerently, and without any flattery, which commonly procu­reth friends, [...]downe. And this vncharitable and ignorant man might haue done well to haue named some one particular shift, or euation, which I haue vsed, and which onely heretikes and no Catholikes doe vse, or wherein I discouer such an arrogant, proud, and malicious spirit towards the Sea Apostolike, that no zealous Catholike can reade it without disgust and indignation, or take me for any other, than an heretike disguished and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike. But this is a vsuall tricke of slanderers and backbiters, to vse such generall speeches, lest if they should descend to particulars, their malicious and lying spirit would presently bee dis­couered.

106 Secondly, this silly man cannot prooue, that any one thing either concerning my doctrine, and the grounds and principles there­of; or concerning the course which I hold in the maintenance there­of, doth not agree with the submission I made of my writings to the censure and iudgement of the Catholike Romane Church. For I doe not impugne any authoritie or iurisdiction, which the Catholike Romane Church acknowledgeth as due to the Sea Apostolike, but I impugne one­ly the Popes authority to depose Princes, and to inflict temporall punish­ment as a thing certaine, and necessarily to be belieued or maintained by Catholikes, for that the Catholike Church neuer acknowledged this authoritie to be due to him; neither was this doctrine in the primitiue Church, and for many hundred yeares after by the ancient Fathers so much as dreamed on, but it hath been challenged & practised by some Popes since the time of P. Gregorie the 7. Res ante ea secula inaudita, A thing not heard of before that age, saith Onuphrius, which their pra­ctise and the doctrine thereof hath neuerthelesse been euer contradi­cted by Christian Princes and their Catholike subiects; and therefore it cannot be rightly called the generall practise of the Church nor ancient, but in respect of this our age; not from that practise can any sufficient argument be drawne to proue the doctrine to be certaine, and of faith, and that the contrary cannot be maintained by any Catholike without the note of heresie, errours or temeritie: Neither doe I contradict or impugne the expresse Canons of the Church the decrees of Popes and generall Councels and especially of that famous Lateran Councell but I expound them according to the probable doctrine of learned DiuinesSee aboue in the first part of this Treatise. See aboue chap. 11. from nu. 3. & cha. 12. from nu. 56. and Ho­stiensis vpon the same Canon Per venerabilem., and exposition of the Canonists cited by Innotentius, Hostiensis, and Ioa [...]r Andreas vpon the Canon Ad abolendam, and as the Glosse with those Doctors, whom Hostiensis mentioneth and calleth them Masters, vnderstand the Canon Per venerabitem, Qui sily sint legitims, and I im­pugne [Page 613] and contradict the doctrine and expositions, which my Aduer­saries make of the Canons of the Church, and especially of the Decree or Act of this famous Lateran Councell.

107 Thirdly, that obseruation, which my spightfull Aduersary vr­geth against me, may be also vrged against Cardinall Bellarmine, and many other zealous and learned Catholikes, who notwithstanding their submission to the Catholike Romane Church, yet they purposely impugne the authoritie and iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike, contra­dicting the Popes authority and dominion directly in temporals, his power to dispence in certaine vowes, and in marriage which is not con­summated▪ to giue leaue to inferiour Priests to minister the Sacrament of Confirmation, to define infallibly without a generall Councell, &c. albeit diuers Popes haue practised and maintained the contrary. And therefore if this mans inference be good, little heede is to bee taken to their submission of their writings to the Catholike Romane Church, seeing that they purposely impugne the authority and iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike. But the plaine truth is, that little heede is to be taken to the writings of this ignorant and vncharitable man, seeing that to prooue me to be no other than an heretike disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike, he bringeth such childish and witlesse arguments▪ which may bee retorted vpon Cardinall Bellarmine, and many other learned and zealous Catholikes, who purposely impugne that authority and iurisdiction, which some onely▪ or a great part of Catholikes, but not the Catholike Church, or all Catholikes doe acknowledge as due to the Pope.

108 But now this vncharitable man at the last vpshot will not shoot at randome, as he hath hitherto done, but he will, forsooth hit the ve­ry marke, and will manifestly prooue, that no zealous Catholike can take me for any other, then an heretike disguised, and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike. And what more manifest argument, saith hePag. 222. num. 20. can a man desire of the truth hereof, then that his Bookes are printed Cosmopoli, and Albionopoli, that is to say in good English in London, with the consent and approbation of my Lord of Canterbury, & his fellowes? Can any man per­swade himselfe that their Lordships are turned Papists of late, or that they would suffer books to be printed vnder the name of Catholikes, with Epistles dedicatorie to the Pope, and submission of the whole to the Censure of the Ro­mane Church, (hee should haue added also Catholike) if they did not know that the Authour thereof meant the same for a meere mockery and derision of his Holinesse, honouring him as the Iewes did Christ, when they knee­led downe, and adored him, saying, Aue Rex Iudaeorum, and spitting in his face.

109 But although I am infinitely wronged and slandered by this vncharitable man, in falsly accusing me of the greatest and most infa­mous [Page 614] crime that may be, to wit, of heresie and Apostacie and bringing such ridiculous arguments to prooue the same, for the which at the day of iudgement he hath much to answere, yet in very deed I doe in some sort pitty the silly man, for that before he began to enter into this diffi­cult controuersie, wherein he shewed himselfe to haue so little skill, he was of some account among English Catholikes; and now hee hath so much empaired, or rather quite lost that credit and good estimation they had of him, by discouering so grosly his great want not onely of Theologicall learning, but also of morall honestie. The like vnchari­table proceeding, and vpon the like vncharitable & friuolous grounds, this zealous Father vsed against the Appellant Priests, in the time of Pope Clement the eight, to disgrace them with his Holinesse, as hauing intelligence with the State, and to be no good Catholikes, &c. but the effect hath prooued, and Pope Clement also to the confusion of my backebiting Aduersary, and his adherents hath confirmed, and which also I make no doubt, but that his Holinesse, and all the world will ere it be long see and acknowledge concerning their course taken against mee, that Mentita est iniquitas sibi, Iniquitie hath belide it selfe.

110 Marke now vpon what goodly principles hee relyeth, to prooue mee to be no other then a hereticke disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike. My bookes, saith he, are printed at London, with the consent and approbation of my Lord of Canterbury, and his fellowet. Be it so: therefore from hence we may very well conclude, that all English Catholikes are infinitely bound to his Maiesty, and the State, who albeit by reason of that execrable Gun-powder plot, & the damnable grounds, and principles from whence it was deriued, might haue taken a fit oc­casion to repute all Catholikes, without any distinction or difference of persons, to be capitall enemies to his Maiestie, and his temporall State, and to perswade themselues, and all the Protestant Subiects of the Realme, that no true and constant Romane Catholike, can be a true and constant subiect to his Maiestie, yet his Maiestie and the State, out of their most gracious fauour and clemencie were contented, to per­mit his Catholike subiects, to cleere themselues if they could, of this most foule imputation so dangerous to themselues, and so scandalous to their Religion, and to make knowne to the whole world, that accor­ding to the true grounds and principles of Catholike Religion, his Maiestie might be assured, that they might continue both his true, obe­dient, and constant subiects in all temporall affaires, by vertue of the naturall bond of their temporall allegiance, which the Pope hath not power to dissolue, and also dutifull children of the Catholike Romane Church, and of his Holinesse in all spirituall matters, among which the deposing of Princes, and the disposing of temporals, are not, according to the doctrine of learned Catholikes, to be numbred.

[Page 615]111 And for this cause, and vpon this motiue, as I coniecture, his Maiestie and the State suffered vs to write like Catholikes of this point, and according to the grounds and principles of the Catholike Religion which wee professe, and to submit our writings to the Cen­sure and iudgement of the Catholike Romane Church, and to dedicate them to his Holinesse, to the end they might see, what he or other Ca­tholikes would, or could except against our doctrine. But this fradu­lent and vncharitable man, who like the diligent and carefull Bee, might, as you haue seene, from this permission, consent, or approba­tion of his Maiestie and the State, gather hony to comfort the af­flicted hearts of distressed Catholikes, and to appease, and mollifie the wrath, indignation, and bad opinion of his Maiestie, and the whole kingdome conceiued against vs, by reason of that most horrible and abhominable Powder-Treason plotted and attempted by Catholikes, doth like the craftie and malignant serpent, gather from thence poy­son to inflict and afflict the hearts of his Catholike Countrey-men, and to exasperate his Maiestie and the State against himselfe, and other Ca­tholikes, and to increase the indignation and bad opinion, which the whole Realme hath conceiued against vs, wherein hee discouereth his ill affected minde towards his Maiestie, and his great want of charitie towards his afflicted brethren.

112 But let vs goe on and see his childish collection: For can any man, saith he, perswade himselfe, that their Lordships are turned Papists of late, or that they would suffer bookes to bee printed vnder the name of Ca­tholikes, with Epistles dedicatory to the Pope, and submission of the whole, to the Catholike Romane Church, if they did not know that the Author thereof meant the same for a meere mockery and derision of his Holinesse, honouring him as the Iewes did Christ, when they kneeled downe, and ado­red him, saying, Aue Rex Iudaeorum, and spitting in his face?

113 It is very true, that no reasonable man can perswade him­selfe, that their Lordships, and the State are turned Papists of late, for permitting Catholikes to free themselues, from this scandalous and slanderous imputation, which this ignorant and vncharitable man, and his fellowes would lay vpon them, and to suffer their bookes to bee printed vnder the name of Catholikes, with Epistles dedicatory to the Pope, and submission of the whole to the Catholike Romane Church; as likewise no reasonable man can perswade himselfe, that Bishop Ban­croft, and the State were turned Papists, for permitting the Apellant Priests to defend their innocency, and to free themselues from so many scandalous and slanderous crimes, which this vncharitable fellow, with Fa. Parsons and his adherents did obiect against them, and to suf­fer their bookes to be printed vnder the name of Catholikes, and some of them to be dedicated to the Pope, and to the Cardinalls of the Inqui­sition, [Page 616] and with submission of the whole to the Censure of the Catholike Romane Church; and also for furthering their Appeale, by releasing some out of prison for that purpose, and by letters moouing the king of France in their behalfe, that he would be a meanes to his Holinesse, that their cause might be heard, and they not to be oppressed through the potency of their Auersaries in the Court of Rome, and that if they were wronged they might bee freed of those slanderous imputations, and if faultie, they might accordingly be censured; for which fauours those Priests, and all their adherents were bound to giue most heartie thankes to her Maiestie and the State, by whose meanes they made knowne to the world their innocencie and oppression, to the euerla­sting shame and discredit of their Aduersaries, who in the like manner doe now proceed against me, and other Catholikes, who are desirous to make manifest to all the world their dutifull allegiance, which they owe to God, and Caesar, and which their violent and vncharitable pro­ceeding I make no doubt, but in the end will turne to their great shame and confusion, for truth and innocency, although for a time it may be oppressed, will in the end preuaile.

114 Wherefore any man may perswade himselfe, that his Maie­stie and the State still remaining Protestants, may for many good rea­sons permit such bookes of Catholikes, which cleerely prooue that no Protestant Prince can, according to the doctrine of learned Catholikes, be deposed by the Pope, to be printed vnder the name of Catholikes, with Epistles dedicatory to the Pope, and submission of the whole to the Censure of the Catholike Romane Church, yet knowing that the Author thereof meant the same truely and sincerely, and not for a meere moc­kerie and derision of his Holinesse, &c. as my Aduersary falsly and chil­dishly inferreth: which his inference, as I signified elsewhere may be retorted against Cardinall Bellarmine, who impugneth the Popes direct authority and dominion in temporals and yet he dedicated his booke to the Pope, and submitted the whole to his Censure, belike honouring him as the Iewes did Christ, when they kneeled downe, and adored him say­ing Aue Rex ludaeorum, and spitting in his face. A chife and principall reason, why the State may prudently permit some bookes of Catho­likes to be printed in the aforesaid manner, may bee thereby to know truely and vnfainedly, whether Catholike religion, and temporall sub­iection to a Prince of another Religion, true spirituall obedience of Catholike subiects to the Pope, and true temporall allegiance of the said Catholike subiects to a King, who acknowledgeth no such spirituall o­bedience to the Pope may stand together; and how farre the Popes au­thority, by the institution of Christ, doth according to the grounds of Catholike Religion, extend in temporall affaires, to wit, whether to the deposing of hereticall, or wicked Princes, to the disposing of all tem­poralls, [Page 617] and to the inflicting of all temporall punishments, in order to spirituall good, or onely to the inflicting of Ecclesiasticall or spirituall Censures.

115 For what man of iudgement can deny, that it is very neces­sary for his Maiestie considering the Religion which he professeth, to know how farre he may be assured of the vnfaigned and constant loy­alty of his Catholike subiects, and how farre he may prudently permit, tolerate, or fauour them when occasion shall require, without any pro­bable danger of new gun-powder plots, or other innouations or con­spiracies against the State, to be attempted by them publikely, or se­cretly, with the expresse or tacite commandement, or licence of the Pope? Other reasons may be alledged, which may mooue the State to suffer my bookes to be printed in the aforesaid manner: one may be, a tender commiseration of distressed Catholikes, who for yeelding their temporall allegiance to his Maiesty, as he by the new Oath hath requi­red at their hands, and making knowne to the whole world the law­fulnesse thereof, euen according to the grounds of Catholike Religion, are slandered and defamed, as being no good Catholikes but heretickes, disguis [...]d and masked vnder the Vizards of Catholikes, which might mooue his Maiestie and the State, to take compassion of them, and to suffer them to make their innocencie and oppression knowne to the whole world, in that manner they should thinke fittest, being so infi­nitely wronged for his Maiesties sake in yeelding him that temporall allegiance, which he requireth, and they in their consciences thinke to be due to him.

116 An other reason, may be a willingnesse in his Maiestie, and the State to haue plainly discouered to the whole world, the different grounds and principles in things concerning obedience due to God and Caesar, etwixt Catholikes of quiet disposition, and in all other things good subiects, and such other Catholikes, as in their hearts maintaine the like violent bloody maximes that the Powder-Traytors did: and a desire that his Catholike subiects would plainly let him see, that in all tempo­rall affaires they would and might lawfully, according to the grounds of Catholike Religion adhere to him, notwithstanding any authority, by which the Pope might pretend to commaund them the contrarie, whereby himselfe, and his State might bee the better secured from all perturbations, which might arise from thence, and they also freed from most grieuous penalties, which otherwise would bee imposed vp­on them.

117 And if the Pope should vpon some occasion offered, be desi­rous to know, how the Iewes that are borne and liue in his temporall Dominions, stand affected towards him in point of their ciuill loyaltie and due obedience, and whether they thought, that their Chiefe [Page 618] Priest, or Synagogue, had according to the grounds of their Religion, authoritie, to absolue them from the bond of their naturall allegiance, and for that cause should suffer bookes to be printed vnder the name of Iewes, with Epistles dedicatory to their chiefe Priests, and submission of the whole to the censure of their Synagogue; or if the French King should for some good respects bee desirous to know the like con­cerning his Protestant subiects, and thereupon suffer bookes to be printed, vnder the name of Protestants, with Epistles dedicatory to their chiefe Ministers, and submission of the whole to their Congregation, or Sy­node, would not any man thinke it to bee both a manifest slander, and childish inference, to conclude from hence, that eyther the Pope was turned Iew, or the King of France become a Protestant, for suffering such bookes to be printed in that manner, or that therefore they knew the Authours of them meant the same for a meere mockery and derision of their chiefe Priests, Ministers, or Synodes, honouring them as the Iewes did Christ, when they kneeled downe, and adored him, saying, Aue Rex Iudaeorum, and spitting in his face. And yet these are the manifest arguments, which this vncharitable and ignorant fellow obiecteth a­gainst me to proue me an heretike disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholike.

118 An other Argument of the like kind vrgeth against mean other as foule a mouth'd and vncharitable Aduersarie of mine, to wit, that my bookes are printed without license and approbation of Catho­like Superiours, contrary to the decrees of the Lateran Councell vnder Pope Leo the tenth, and also of the Councell of Trent. But, besides that this is more then this man doth know, or can sufficiently prooue, it is well knowne, that neither that Lateran Councell, nor the Councell of Trent were euer authentically receiued heere in England; whereupon clandestine marriage, which by a decree of the Councell of Trent is made inualide, is heere in England euen among Catholikes accounted a true and valid marriage. Moreouer, it is well knowne, that according to the doctrine of many learned Diuines, which I haue related else where,In Disp. Theol. cap. 10. sec. 2. nu. 41. Ecclesiasticall lawes doe not binde, when there is danger of some great temporall harme by the obseruing of them; or when some other necessitie to auoid great scandall, or danger to Religion, or the temporall common-wealth, to know the trueth in a thing necessary to the great temporall or spirituall good or harme of many persons im­pugned by craft and violence, and to defend himselfe and his credite from the slaunderous reports of vncharitable Aduersaries, and such like necessities, which are commanded or permitted by the law of God and nature, all which may by any man of iudgement be applyed to the bookes written by me.

119 Besides that, saith Mr. Fitzherbert, Pag. 222. nu. 20. and 21. their Lordships know full [Page 619] well, that Widdrington shall more easily instill his pernicious doctrine into the mindes of Catholikes, vnder the pretence and name of a Catholike, of a friend, and of a brother of theirs, then if hee should discouer himself to bee a Protestant, and enemy of their cause, for as the Poet saith,

Tuta frequens (que) via est per amici fallere nomen,
Tuta frequens (que) licet sit via, crimen habet.

Which one translated very aptly thus:

It is a safe and common way by friendship to deceiue,
Though safe & common be the way, t'is knauery by your leaue.

S. Ambrose saith, Nihil periculosius his haereticis esse potest, &c. S. Ambros de filij diuvnt. c. 1. No­thing can bee more dangerous then those heretikes, who with some one word onely, as with a drop of poyson, doe infect the pure and sin­cere faith of our Lord, and of the Apostolicall tradition. But what would he haue said, if he had seene this fellowes bookes impugning directly the Sea Apostolike, and the whole course of the Ecclesiasticall gouernment vn­der a solemne protestation and profession of obedience to the Church? would he haue thought any thing more dangerous, or pernicious then him, and his workes? No truely.

120 That which his Maiesty and the State might very well know (for their secret thoughts and intentions we cannot know but by con­iecture) was this; that Catholikes would hardly beleeue or reade the writings and bookes of Protestants, in matters which may be thought to concerne Religion: And therefore to the end his Catholike, subiects might plainely see and discerne according to the grounds of Catholike Religion, the true difference betwixt spirituall obedience due to the Pope, and temporall allegiance due to himselfe, and the proper acts and obiects of eyther of them, and thereby might the more easily be drawn to giue him that temporall allegiance, which hee requireth at their hands: And that also all other Catholikes of other Countreyes might perceiue the lawfulnesse of the Oath, against which the Iesuites especi­ally did so greatly exclaim, & vpon what doctrin & principles his Ma­iesty grounded the same; & also that he himselfe might certainly know, what particular exceptions his Holinesse would or could take against any clause of the Oath, and what one thing in particular therein con­tained is contrary to faith and saluation, as his Holinesse had in generall in his Breues affirmed, that many things were therein clerely repugnant there­unto, his Maiesty thought it not amisse to suffer my bookes to be prin­ted vnder the name of a Catholike, with Epistles dedicatory to the Pope, and with submission of the whole to the censure of the Catholike Ro­mane Church in that manner as bookes are vsually printed by Catho­likes.

And if S. Ambrose, or any other of the ancient Fathers were now aliue, and should see bookes of certaine Catholikes directly im­pugning [Page 620] the Soueraigne power and authority of Kings, and absolute that Princes (whom they did so highly honor and reuerence, affirming them to be inferiour in temporals to none but God alone) vnder pretence of zeale to the Sea Apostolike, and subiecting them to the coerciue temporall power of spirituall Pastours, whereas their generall doctrine was, that with temporall punishments they are not to be punished, but by God alone, and broaching by violence and without sufficient ground, with scandall to Catholike Religion, and contrary to the example of Christ and his Apo­stles, and the whole primitiue Church, new articles of faith in preiudice of temporall authority; and not permitting any man eyther to call their new faith in question, or for his better instruction, or discussion of the controuersie to propound any difficulty against the same, with a desire to be satisfied therein, albeit he submit himselfe and all his writings to the censure of the Catholike Roman Church, but with open mouth cry­ing out against him, and calling him an heretike disguised and masked vn­der the vizard of a Catholike: what would S. Ambrose, trow you, or any other of the ancient Fathers, if they were now aliue, say of such Catho­likes? Truly that nothing can be more dangerous then such Catho­likes, who vnder pretence of zeale to Catholike religion, and to the Sea Apostolike, inuent new articles of faith, in preiudice of Christian Princes, by wresting many places of the holy Scriptures, as Quodcun (que) solueris, Pasce oues meas, Secularia iudicia si habueritis, &c. to a sense not dreamed of by the ancient Fathers, by reason of their potency in the Court of Rome, and their fauour with his Holinesse, whose authority they pre­tend to aduance, vniustly persecuting those that discouer their manifest frauds and falshoods.

122 Lastly, that which Mr. Fitzherbert obiecteth heere against me, migh Bartholus, Carerius, and other Canonists obiecteth against Car­dinall Bellarmines booke, directly impugning the authority of the Sea Apostolike vnder a solemne protestation and profession of obedience to the Church. But the plaine truth is, that neyther of vs both doe im­pugne that authority whiCh is certainely knowne and acknowledged by all Catholikes to belong to the Sea Apostolike, but as hee impugneth the direct power of the Pope to dispose of temporalls, for that there is no sufficient ground to proue the same, albeit some Popes haue challenged the same as due to them, and some Canonists affirme, that it is here­ticall to deny the same, so I impugne the doctrine of Cardinall Bellar­mine, who holdeth, that it is certaine, and a point of faith, that the Pope hath at least wise an indirect power to dispose of all temporals, and consequently to depose temporall Princes in order to spiri­tuall good, for that there is no sufficient ground to confirme the same.

123 And the like argument might Mr. Fitzherbert vrge against [Page 621] all those learned Catholikes, who constantly deny the Pope to haue au­thority to dispence in any true and lawfull marriage which is not con­summated (notwithstanding so many practises of Popes to the contra­ry) impugning directly the Sea Apostolike, and the whole course of Ec­clesiasticall gouernment, vnder a solemne protestation and profession of obedience to the Church. For Saint Antoninus doth of affirme,Antonin. 3. part. tit. 1. cap. 21. § 3. Caiet tom. 1. opusc. trac. 28. de Matrim. q. vnica. Nauar. in Ma­nual. cap. 22. nu. 21. Henriq. lib. 11. de matrim. cap. 8. nu. 11. in Com. lit. F. Sot. in 4. dist. 27. q. 1. ar. 4. that hee saw the Bulles of Pope Martin the fifth, and Pope Eugenius the fourth, who dispenced therein: and Card. Caietane relateth, that in his time Popes did oftentimes dispence therein: and Nauar affirmeth, that Pope Paulus the third, and Pope Pius the fourth did dispence therein three or foure times by his Counsell and aduise. And Henriquez the Iesuite saith, that Pope Gregorie the thirteenth did in one day dispence therein with eleuen persons: Whereupon Dominicus Sotus; although he submitteth himselfe, and all his writings to the Censure of the Church, is not a­fraide, notwithstanding this often practise of Popes, which my igno­rant Aduersarie calleth the practise of the Church, to say that those Popes erred therein, following the Canonists opinion, which he affirmeth to haue in it no shew of probabilitie: And why then may it not be said in like manner, that his Holinesse condemning the Oath as containing in it many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, followed Cardinall Bellarmines opinion, and other Diuines of Rome, who hold, that the Popes power to excommunicate, and inflict Censures is denied in the Oath, and that the doctrine, for the Popes power to depose Princes, which is denied in the Oath, is certaine and of faith, which their do­ctrine in my opinion hath in it no shew of probabilitie at all euen ac­cording to those rules, which Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe requireth to make any doctrine of Pope, or generall Councell to be of faith. Where­by is plainely discouered the manifest fraude and ignorance of my vn­charitable Aduersarie in affirming my doctrine to be hereticall, and my selfe to be an heretike disguised and masked vnder the vizard of a Catholik, for denying the doctrine for the Popes power to depose Princes to be of faith, whereas, euen according to the rules which Cardinall Bellar­mine requireth to make a matter of faith, he cannot bring any one ar­gument, Which hath so much as a shew of probabilitie to conuince the same.

124 Marke now the fraudulent Admonition, which. Mr. Fitz­herbert giueth to his Catholike Reader, vnder pretence, forsooth of sin­ceritie, and the feruent zeale he hath of his soules health. And there­fore I hope, saith he,Pag. 223. nu. 22. thou wilt be wary (good Catholike Reader) and di­ligent to discouer Widdringtons fraude thereby to auoide the danger of his poysoned pen, pondering all this matter in the iust ballance of prudence, that is to say, that thou wilt counterpoise his vaine pretence of probabilitie, not one­ly with the graue and sacred authoritie of the Churches practise for many [Page 622] ages, but also with the Canons of generall and Prouinciall Councells with the Decrees of Popes, and with cleere doctrine of so many famous, and learned Writers as hee impugneth. Also that thou wilt weigh his presumption in de­fending and iustifying the Oath, with the iudgement & authority of thy su­preame Pastour, who condemneth and forbiddeth it, the pretended force and soliditie of his doctrine and arguments, with the ridiculous absurdities, which thou hast euidently seene in his answeres to mee; outward shewes of affection to thee, and desire of thy good, with the inward intelligence he hath with Gods enemies, and thine (who employ him to deceiue thee, ser­uing themselues of him, as Fowlers doe of birds, which they keepe in Cages for stalles, to draw other birds with their chirping into their nets and snares.) Also that thou wilt ballance thy obligation to man, with thy dutie to God, and the losse of thy temporall goods, with the gaine of euerla­sting glory, from the which the Diuell seeketh by his meanes to debarre thee, and therefore I wish thee euer to beare in minde this comfortable lesson of the Apostle, 2 Cor. 4. Quod momentaneum & leue est tribulationis nostrae aeter­num gloriae pondus operatur in nobis.

125 But on the contrary side, I hope thou wilt bee warie (good Catholike Reader) and diligent, first to discouer the manifest fraud and falshood of this vnlearned and vncharitable man, thereby to auoyde the danger of his slanderous and poisoned pen, in propounding to thee a new article of faith so preiudiciall to the supreame authority of tem­porall Princes, so dangerous to thy owne spirituall and temporall good, so repugnant to the example and practise of Christ and his Apostles and of the whole primitiue Church, vnknowen to the ancient Fathers, vntill the time of Pope Gregory the seauenth, which at the first broaching thereof, was branded with the marke of nouelty: This nouelty not to say heresie, Sigeb. ad ann. 1080. Onuph. lib. 4. de varia creat. Rom. Pont. saith Sigebert, A thing vnheard of before that age, saith Onu­phrius; and lastly, not confirmed by any one argument, which hath any shew of a probable proofe to confirme, euen according to Cardi­nall Bellarmines grounds, any doctrine, which hath beene in contro­uersie among learned Catholikes, to be certaine and of faith, and the contrary to be hereticall.

126 Secondly, that thou wilt ponder all this matter in the iust bal­lance of prudence, that is to say, that thou wilt counterpoise his vaine pretended Catholike faith, newly broached in the Christian world, and the childish and ridiculous arguments brought to conuince the same, with the example of Christ and his Apostles, with the practise of the primitiue Church, with the doctrine of the ancient Fathers with the au­thority of learned Catholikes, who were neuer accounted heretikes, or ill belieuers, for impugning the same.

127 Thirdly, that thou wilt call to minde, what is required, euen according to Cardinall Bellarmines grounds, to make a matter of faith, [Page 623] so that all Catholikes are bound to beleeue the same, and that all the Acts euen of generall Councells doe not appertaine to faith, but onely the bare Decrees, and those not all, but those onely, which are propounded, as of faith. See also Estius in Praefat epist. ad Hebraeos. Where also he affirmeth it to be probable, that Dauid did not make all the 150. Psalmes, although the Councell of Trent in the Decree of Ca­nonical Scrip­tures expresly mentioneth, Dauids Psal­ter of a 150. Psalmes. Whereby thou maiest plainly see, that he hath brought no one argument, which hath any colour of a probable proofe; drawne either from the practise of some Popes, which he falsly and fraudulently cal­leth the practise of the Church, or from any Canon, or Decree of Pope, or generall Councell, or from any other authoritie whatsoeuer to prooue this doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes, to be a point of faith; and that the Councell of Lateran doth neither treate of the deposition of absolute Princes, nor propound the doctrine, whereof it treateth, as of faith.

128 Fourthly, that thou wilt consider the doctrine of Sotus be­fore rehearshed, not onely concerning the Popes dispensations in lawfull and valide matrimony, when carnall copulation doth not follow, so often practised by diuers Popes, which neuerthelesse hee impugneth, as not hauing any shew of probabilitie, but also touching the dutie of subiects towards their Superiours, when they command any thing which is pre­iudiciall to a third person▪ and the Subiect is doubtfull of the lawfulnesse thereof: Whereby thou wilt cleerely perceiue, that it is no presumption to reiect the iudgement of his Superiour, albeit he be our supreme Pa­stour, when it is contrary to the iudgement of other learned Catho­likes, or not to obey his declaratiue commandement grounded thereon, especially humbly propounding to him the reasons of his doubts: Nei­ther is it more presumption for any man to say, that the Pope was decei­ued in his Breues, following the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine, and some other Diuines of Rome▪ who hold it a matter of faith, that the Pope hath authority to depose temporall Princes, seeing that many lear­ned Catholikes haue euer maintained the contrary, then it was for Sotus, and many others of his opinion to say, that all those Popes that dispenced in the aforesaid Marriages were deceiued, following the doctrine of the Canonists.

129 Fifthly, that thou wilt weigh my sound Replyes and plaine dealing, in propounding to thee sincerely the true state of euery diffi­cultie, and omitting nothing which he obiecteth against me, with his childish and ridiculous arguments, and answeres, and false and fraudu­lent proceeding, in seeking to confound thy vnderstanding with gene­rall and ambiguous words, and which haue diuers senses, which hee omitteth to explaine, and in vrging those arguments, which I my selfe obiected and concealing the answeres, which I made thereunto: and in imposing vpon me many vntruths, thereby to make some shew of impugning my answeres; and in particular concerning the Lateran Councell, which hee so often saith I doe impugne, and then especial­ly [Page 624] when I make no mention at all thereof, whereas it is manifest, that I doe not at any time impugne that Decree or Act, but the exposition, which he and some others make thereof, and I doe expound it accor­ding to the grounds and principles of learned Catholikes, both Diuines and Lawyers. Also that thou wilt ballance thy dutie towards God, with thy obedience due to Caesar, and render to either of them that which is their due; neither for feare of disgrace, humane respect, or any other temporall losse thou wilt so adhere to the Pope, as to renounce thy al­legiance due to thy temporall Prince, from which the Deuill by my Aduersaries meanes vnder pretence of zeale to the Sea Apostolike seeketh to draw thee. And therefore I wish thee euer to beare in minde the ex­presse commandent of our Sauiour,Matth. 22. Render the things that are Caesars to Caesar, and the things that are Gods, to God: and for thy more particular direction heerein, especially to remember that vnboubted principle of Fa. Lessius, which aboue in the Preface,nu. 15. 16. I did also recommend to thy memorie, A power, which is not most certaine, but probable, cannot bee a ground, or foundation to punish any man, or to depriue him of his right and dominion, De Regulis Iu­ris in 6o. and ff. de Regulis Iuris In pari causa. which he really possesseth: for that according to the appro­ued maxime both of the Canon and Ciuill law, In a doubtfull or dispu­table case, the state or condition of the possessor is to bee preferred.

130 Lastly, to that which this spitefull man obiecteth against me concerning my inward intelligence with Gods enemie [...], &c. thereby to dis­credit me with Catholikes, and to draw their affection from mee, and to make them beleeue, that I am a Spie, and haue intelligence with the State to seeke the ouerthrow of Catholikes I answere, that it is a most vncharitable and malicious slander. For I call God to witnesse, that I neither began, nor do continue to write of this dangerous and difficult question at the motion, instigation, counsell, or aduise of any Protestant whatsoeuer, but vpon my owne free will and motion, after long deli­beration had concerning all the dangers and difficulties which were like to befall mee thereby, meerely and sincerely for the loue of God, of my Prince, and Countrey and a desire to know the truth in this impor­tant question which so neerely concerneth our obedience due to God and Caesar, as I solemnly and sincerely protested in the Preface of my first booke.

131 And as for my intelligence with the State, I doe sincerely pro­test, and call God to bee both a witnesse and Reuenger, if it bee not true, that, albeit I haue beene sent for sometimes to my Lord of Canterburies Grace, and other times (although but seldome) haue gone vnto him of my owne accord about my owne particular affaires, and should haue gone oftener for diuers respects, but that I thought it best to abstaine, that such slanderous backbyters should not take occasion, thereby to make greater clamours against mee, yet I neuer gaue any intelligence [Page 625] or information against any Catholike man whatsoeuer, that might bee to him the least preiudice in the world, albeit I haue had sometimes both fit occasion, and iust cause, and which in my conscience I might law­fully haue done in defence of my owne good name, to seeke redresse against some vncharitable persons, who haue most vnconscionably wronged me, and sought my ouerthrow, who although they bee of great account among Catholikes, yet if the truth were knowne, they would be most odious to all men for their execrable dissimulation, and vnchristian carriage: Neuerthelesse I thought it best to remit my inno­cie and the iustice of my cause, to almightie God, who in due time will be a iust Iudge, and a seuere Reuenger, hoping that my patience might in time be an occasion of their repentance. Yet I doe freely confesse and acknowledge that I am infinitely bound to his Maiestie, to my Lord of Canterbury & diuers others of high place & degree, (although I haue neuer spoken with them) for many speciall fauours, among which I account this not to be the least, that they haue gratiously been pleased to suffer Catholikes to make knowne to the world their vnfai­ned loyaltie, and how much they detest that horrible and most abomi­nable Powder-treason, and the bloodie grounds and principles thereof, for all which their fauours and benefits, I will euer pray for their eter­nall and temporall happinesse, and account my selfe vnable, to giue them sufficient thankes for the same. And truely I doe wish with all my heart, that all Catholikes would giue such outward tokens of their true and inward loyaltie, and sincere affection towards his Maiestie and the State, that they might deserue to receiue some comfortable fauour at their hands.

132 Now for a finall conclusion Mr. Fitzherbert will bring a more authenticall testimonie and iudgement, then his owne, concerning my selfe and my writings, to wit, the forbidding of two bookes of mine by a Decree of the Cardinalls of the Inquisition, which neuerthelesse, as you shall see, is rather a virtuall confirmation, then any condemnation of my doctrine. And now to conclude, saith he,Pag. 224. nu. 23. & 24. with a more authen­ticall testimonie, and iudgement, then my owne, concerning Widdrington and his workes, I thinke good to giue thee heere a true copie of a Decree very lately printed, and published by a Congregation of Cardinalls, deputed by his Holinesse for the examination of suspected bookes, who by his Holinesse expresse order and commandement haue condemned and prohibited such bookes of his, as haue hitherto come to their hands, to wit, his Apologie and Theo­logicall Disputation. For although they find by a certain Preface annexed to his Theol. Dispu. that he hath written also an other booke against an Eng­lish Doctor, yet because they haue neuer seene it, they haue not expresly, and separately censured, or named it in the Decree; neuerthelesse the subiect there­of being such, as by the Preface it seemeth to bee (that is to say, containing [Page 626] the same doctrine them he hath deliuered in his other a bookes) all Catholikes may easily iudge, what opinion they ought to haue of it, and may iustly ex­pect, that if hee bee a Catholike, as hee professeth to bee, hee will now shew it, not onely changing priuately his opinion, but also publikely retracting his doctrine, with all conuenient speede thereby to cleare himselfe, according to an expresse admonition giuen him in the said Decree, vpon paine of such Ecclesi­asticall Censures, as shall otherwise be inflicted vpon him.

133 The Copy of the Decree is this.
DEcretum Sacra Conregationis Illustrissimorum S.R.E. Cardinalium a S. D. N. Paulo Quinto, Sanctaque Sede Apostolica ad Indicem li­brorum eorundemquc permissionem, prohibitionem, expurgationem, & im­pressionem in vniuersa Republica Christiana specialiter deputatorum vbique publicandum.

Sacra Congregatio Illustrissimorum S. R. E. Cardinalium ad Iudicem deputatorum, viso libro falso inscripto, Apologia Cardinalis Bellarminij pru Iure Principum, aduersus suas ipsius rationes pro authoritate Papali Prin­cipes Seculares in ordine ad bonum spirituale depon [...]ndi; Authore Rogero Widdringtono Catholico Anglo 1611. eiusdemque Authoris alio libro inscripto, Disputatio Theologica de Iuramento Fidelitatis Sanctissimo Pa­tri Paulo Papae V. dedicata, Albionopoli 1613. vtrumque librum dam­nandum, atque prohibendum esse censuit; sicuti de mandato Sancti­ssimi Domini nostri D. Pauli Papae V. prefenti decreto penitus dam­nat, & prohibet quouis idiomate impressium, aut imprimendum; ac nisi illorum Author, qui se Catholicum profiteur, quam primum se purgauerit, censuris ac alijs paenis Ecclesiasticis intelligat se omnino co­ercendum. Mandat autem, quòd nullus deniceps cuiuscun (que) gradus & conditionis sub paenis in Sacro Concilio Tridentino, & in Indice libro­rum prohibitorum contentis, supradictos libros audeat imprimere, aut imprimi durare, vel quomodocunque apud se detinere, aut legere, & subijsdem paenis praecipit, vt quicunque nunc eos habent, vel habue­rint in futurum, locorum Ordinarijs, seu Inquisitoribus statim a presen­tis decreti notitia illos exhibeant.

P. Episcopus Albanensis Candinalis S. Cecilia
Locus ✚ Sigilli.

Reg. fol. 50.

Fr. Thomas Pallauicinus Ordinis Praedicatorum, Secretarius.

Romae, ex Typographia Camerae Apostolicae. 1614.

A Decree.
TO bee published euery where made by the Sacred Congregation of the most Honourable Cardinalls of the holy Roman Church, specially deputed by our most holy Lord Pope Paul the fift, and the holy Apostolike Sea, for the examination of bookes, and their permis­sion, prohibition, purgation, and impression throughout the vniuersall Christian Common-wealth.

The Sacred Congregation of the most Honourable Cardinalls of the holy Roman Church, deputed for the examination of bookes, hauing seene a booke falsly intituled, An Apologie of Cardinall Bellarmine for the right of Princes, against his owne reasons for the Popes authoritie to depose Secular Princes in order to spirituall good, written by Roger Widdring­ton an English Catholike, in the yeere of our Lord 1611. and another booke of the same Authour, intituled, A Theologicall Disputation concer­ning the Oath of Allegiance, dedicated to the most holy Father Pope Paul the fift, Printed at Albinopolis in the yeere of our Lord 1613. hath iudged both the bookes worthy to bee condemned and prohibited, and by the commandement of our most holy Lord Pope Paul the fift, doeth by this present Decree vtterly condemne, and prohibite them in what language soe­uer they are printed, or to be printed; and except the Authour of them, who professeth himselfe to be a Catholike, doe cleare himselfe foorthwith, hee is to vnderstand, that hee shall bee throughly punished with Censures, and other Ecclesiasticall penalties. Furthermore it commandeth vnder the penalties contained in the holy Councell of Trent, and the Index of forbidden bookes, that none of what degree, or condition soeuer, be so bold from hencefoorth to print the foresaide bookes, or cause them to bee printed or keepe them with him in any sort, or reade them. Also it commandeth vnder the same penalties, that whosoeuer hath them now, or shall haue them heereafter, hee shall present­ly vpon the knowledge of this present Decree exhibite them to the Ordina­ries of the places (where he is) or to the Inquisitours.

P. Bishop of Alba Cardinall of S. Caecilia.
The place ✚ for the seale.

Regist. fol. 50.

Fr. Thomas Pallauicinus of the Order of the Preachers, Secretarie.

Printed in Rome by the Printer of the Apostolicall Chamber. 1614.

[Page 628]134 To this Decree may bee added a Letter, which the Popes Nuncius in Flaunders wrote from Bruxels to Mr. George Birket then Arch-Priest, touching my Theologicall Disputation, dedicated to his Holinesse; the Copie whereof is this.

Admodum Reuerende Domine vti frater in Christo di­lectissimé.

PEruenit in vrbem Disputatio Theologica de Iuramento Fidelitatis, tertium sub Widdringtoni nomine evulgatum opus. Ibi cum diligen­ter examinatum sit, declarauit Sanctissimus D. N. nullo modo se dicti operis dedicationem acceptare, & illius Authorem neque Ecclesiae filium, neque Catholicum existimare, omnesque insuper Catholicos ab illius lectione abstinere prorsus debere. De his ante paucos dies per Sanctae Romanae In­quisitionis Congregationis literas, de mandato suae Sanctitatis edoctus sum, vt de ijsdem ad Dominationem tuam imprimis scriberem, quò eadem istic Catholicis significes, ac pro tua prudentia innotescere cures. Deus Do­minationem tuam Coelesti sua custodia muniat. Bruxellis 26. Nouembr. 1613.

Admodum Reuerendae Dominationis tuae

Amantissimus & studiosus.

Very Reuerend Sir, and as a Brother most beloued in Christ.

THere came into the Citie of Rome a Theologicall Disputation, con­cerning the Oath of Allegiance, the third worke published vnder the name of Widdrington. After it was there diligently examined, our most Holy Lord declared, that he in no wise accepted the Dedication of the said Worke, and that hee thought the Authour thereof to bee nei­ther a childe of the Church, nor a Catholike; and moreouer, that all Catholikes should abstaine from the reading thereof. Of these things I was certified some few daies since by Letters of the Congregation of the Holy Romane Inquisition, by the commandement of his Holinesse, to the end that first of all I should write thereof to your Reuerence, that you may signifie the same to Catholikes there, according to your wise­dome [Page 629] to make it knowne to them. God defend your Reuerence with his heauenly custodie. From Bruxels the 26. of Nouemb. 1613.

Of your Reuerence most louing and respectiue.

135 Now from this Decree Mr. Fitzh. concludeth this last Chap­ter, and his whole Replie in this manner. So as, saith hePag. 225. num. 25. & 26., I hope (Ca­tholike Reader) thou shalt shortly be out of all doubt of what Religion Wid­drington is; for if now, after that this controuersie of the Oath hath beene many yeares debated, and discussed by the learned Catholikes of diuers Na­tions, and determined by two Apostolicall Breues, yea, and that his owne Bookes written in defence of the Oath, are condemned by his Holinesse, and hee himselfe peremptorily admonished vnder paine of Ecclesiasticall Cen­sures, to cleare and conforme himselfe without further delay; if now, I say, after all this he will pretend (as hitherto he hath done) that his Holinesse is still ignorant of the true state of the question, or that he is deceiued & deluded by others; or else if he seeke other new shifts, euasions, or delaies to excuse, or deferre his conformitie to the iudgement of his supreame Pastour, he shall shew himselfe to he either a scabbed or rotten sheepe, worthy to be excluded out of the folde (for feare hee infect others) or else a rauening Wolfe clad in a sheepes skinne. Besides that, it will euidently appeare, that all his former pre­tences to de a Catholike, and his submissions to the Sea ApostolikeHe should haue said to the Catholike Romane Church, for these be Wid­dringtons ex­presse words., haue proceeded from no other ground, but from a deepe dissimulation, or rather an artificiall and execrable hypocrisie, to delude and deceiue Catholikes, which I leaue (good Catholike Reader) to thy prudent consideration, and humbly beseeching Almighty God from the bottome of my heart to illuminate and in­spire him with his grace, that he may see his owne lamentable estate, and pre­uent the danger of his soule, wherein be runneth headlong, if he continue his wonted course.

136 But to this Decree of the Lord Cardinals, and to the letter of the Pope Nuncius to Mr. Birkett, and also to all that which Mr. Fitzher­bert concludeth from the aforesaid Decree, there needeth no other an­swer, then to set down my Purgation, & humble Supplication to his Ho­lines, wherein I desired to know any one thing, wch in the Oath is repug­nant to faith or saluation, as his Holinesse in his Breues declared, that there are many things in the Oath flat contrary to faith and saluation, or any one thing in my bookes, which are against faith, or good manners, protesting with all sinceritie, to correct what is to be corrected to purge what is to be purged, to explains what is to be explained, and to retract what is to be retracted. Whereby it will euidently appeare, that I still remaine an obedient childe of the Church, and a true Catholike, and that my submis­sion to the Catholike Romane Church was sincere, vnfaigned, and did not [Page 630] proceed from the least dissimulation at all, and that from the aforesaid Decree no colourable argument can be drawne to prooue me to be no Catholike, and childe of the Church, and to condemne or disprooue, but to iustifie, and to approoue as well the Oath, as the doctrine, which I haue taught in my Bookes.

137 This therefore is the Copie of my Purgation, and humble Supplication to his Holinesse, which for satisfaction of some Catholikes, who perchance haue not seene it, and also for some other respects I thinke it not amisse to set downe here againe.

To the most Holy, and most blessed Father Pope Paul the fift, Roger Widdrington an English Catholike, wisheth euer­lasting happinesse.

1THere came vnto my hands some few daies since, (most blessed Father) a certaine Decree of the Sacred Con­gregation of the right Honourable Cardinals of the Holy Romane Church, who are deputed for the exa­mining of Bookes, dated the 16. day of March, of this present yeare 1614. and printed in Rome by the Printer of the Apostolicall Chamber, wherein two Bookes written by me sincerity nnd simplicity of heart, are by name, but yet onely in generall words, without naming any crime either in particular, or in generall (at which many doe maruaile) altogether con­demned and forbidden by the commandement of your Holinesse; And the Authour of them, vnlesse he shall forth with purge himselfe, is threat­ned to bee punished with Censures, and other Ecclesiasticall punish­ments.

2 But what manner of purging your Holinesse doth expect at my hands, who am the Authour of those Bookes, and of what crime I ought to purge my selfe (seeing that in this Decree there is no crime either in particular or in generall obiected against me, of which I should purge my selfe, neither is my conscience priuie to any crime for the making or publi­shing of those Bookes) I cannot verily in any wise perceiue. I know that certaine Doctours misinterpreting my words, haue in their publike wri­tingsfalsly, and very iniuriously, and not to speake a more heinous word (I pray God to forgiue them) impeached mee of certaine crimes (by whose instigation I know not whether your Holinesse hath beene mooued to con­demne those Bookes) but considering that both they are my Aduersaries in this controuersie, and that they are mooued in my opinion, rather by affe­ction, then by solide reason, and also that they doe fouly corrupt my words, [Page 631] and wrest them to a bad sense, and neuer meant by mee (as I could most clearely demonstrateThis I haue since demon­strated to his Holinesse in the discouery of D. Schulcke­nius, or rather Card. Bellar­mines slanders. to your Holinesse, if it were now a conuenient time) I doe not thinke that so great authority is to bee giuen, either to their sayings, or writings, of what learning or dignity soeuer otherwise they bee, that they are of force to binde me, either to embrace their opinions, especi­ally being grounded vpon so weake foundations, or not to defend my inno­cency from their false accusations in such an exceeding great crime, as he­resie is.

‘3 And that your Holinesse may cleerely perceiue, that I haue al­readie in these bookes, which are forbidden by your commandement, purged my selfe as much, as is sufficient for a childe of the Catholike Church, I thinke it necessary to repeate againe, with as much breuity as may be, in what manner I haue in those bookes made profession of the Ca­tholike faith (which in my opinion aboundantly sufficeth for the purging of my selfe from all imputation of heresie, errour, or any other crime, which doth depend on these) and for what thing I made Supplication to your Holinesse in that Disputation of the Oath of Allegiance, that thereby your Holinesse may manifestly perceiue, that some persons, not of the meanest degree, although perchance with the ignorant sort of peo­ple, they doe greatly impaire my credit, yet they doe also bring your Ho­linesse into no small obloquy both among prudent Cacholikes, and especi­ally among those who are Aduersaries to the Catholike faith, whiles they are not afraide to divulge (not so circumspectly in my iudgement as is fitting) that your Holinesse did in good earnest auouch, that you thought the Authour of that Disputation, to be neither a Catholike, nor a childe of the Church (whereas the Authour doth professe himselfe both to be a Catholike, & a childe of the Catholike Romane Church, and also submitteth most humbly that Disputation, and all his other wri­tings to the iudgement of the Holy Catholike Romane Church) nei­ther that you would accept of the Dedication of that booke, whereas that Dedication, as it is manifest by the Authors Epistle to your Holinesse, was onely a most humble Supplication of the Author, and of other Ca­tholikes to your Holinesse, that your Holinesse, as being the supreme Pastour of the Catholike Church, and whose office is to instruct, and confirme the sheepe of Christ in the Catholike faith would be pleased to instruct them in the Catholike faith, and in those things, which your Holinesse had declared by your Breues, to be in the Oath cleerely repug­nant to faith and saluation. And that your Holinesse did speake the a­foresaid words, both of the Author, and also of the Dedication, some heere giue foorth, that your Holinesse his Nuncius then residing at Bruxells did signifie as much to M. George Birket the Arch-Priest, who was then liuing, and that the same Nuncius did withall affirme, that [Page 632] he was certified thereof some few daies since, (for so are the expresse words of the Nuncius his letters,These letters were dated at Bruxels 2. No­vemb. 1613. & are to be seene aboue nu. 134. which are carried about among us) by letters of the Congregation of the holy Romane Inquisition, by the commandement of your Holinesse, to the end, that hee first of all should write thereof to his Reuerence, that hee according to his wisedome should signifie as much, and make it knwone to Ca­tholikes.

‘4 First, therefore I the Author of those bookes did protest, that I composed them, being mooued thereunto for the zeale of God, of Religion, and of my Countrey, and for more particular reasons, which I related in the beginning of those bookes, without any respect of worldly fauour, or feare, neither with any obstinate minde, but one­ly, to finde out the Catholike truth, in this most weighty Controuer­sie, which belongeth to the yeelding of obedience due by the law of Christ, to God and Casar, to your Holinesse, who is the supreme Pa­stour. in earth of our soules, and to our King his most excellent Ma­iesty,In Apol. ad Lect. in fine. who in temporalls is inferiour onely to God; and I did submit most humbly whatsoeuer was contained in them, to the iudge­ment and censure of the Catholike Romane Church, whose child I pro­fessed my selfe to bee; and that if perchance any thing through igno­rance had escaped mee, In Disp. Theo. in fine. which should not bee approoued by her, I did disprooue it, condemne it, and would haue it for not written.

In Disp. c. 6. sec. 3. nu. 18. & seq.5 Besides, I did professe, that with all due honour and respect I did reuerence all the Canons of the Catholike Church, although I did freely confesse, that betwixt the Catholike Church and the Pope, who is onely the first and principall member thereof, betwixt some Chap­ters, or Decrees of the Canon-Law, and betwixt others a great diffe­rence is to be made; and neuerthelesse I sincerely affirmed, that to eue­ry one, in his degree and place, I gaue dutifull, but not equall cre­dit. the vast Corps of the Canon-Law, and in the volumes of the Councells are contained, either sayings, or assertions of the ancient Fathers, or Decrees, or sentences of Popes or Councells; and these are either doctrinall, and propounded as things to bee belieued by the faithfull, or else morall, and which in the externall discipline of the Church are commanded to be obserued.

‘6 And first, I did acknowledge, that the doctrine which the An­cient Fathers, either in expounding the holy Scriptures, or in questi­ons belonging to faith, haue with vniforme consent deliuered, I did also vndoubtedly beleeue, as being certainly perswaded, that it was inspired by the Holy Ghost.’

‘7 Secondly, I also with Melchior Canus, and other Diuines affir­med, [Page 633] that the doctrine also of all the holy Fathers in things, which doe appertaine to faith, may plously and probably bee beleeued by Catholikes, yet that it ought not of necessitie to be followed as cer­taine and infallible.

‘8 Thirdly, I did professe, that the definitions of Generall Coun­cells lawfully assembled, and confirmed by the Pope, wherein any doctrine is propounded to the whole Church, to be beleeued of all men as of Faith, are to be receiued by Catholikes, as infallible rules of Faith. Neuerthelesse I did freely affirme with the aforesaid Mel­chior Canus, and Cardinall Bellarmine, that those the said Councells are defined, or else supposed onely as probable, and those assertions, which either incidently, and by the way are inser­ted, or for better declaration or proofe of their decisions be produ­ced, are sometimes subiect to errour, and may by Catholikes without any wrong to the Catholike faith be reiected. This withall obseruing, of which also in other places I haue admonished the Reader, that al­though I professing my selfe to be a childe of the Catholike Romane Church, doe most willingly imbrace whatsoeuer Generall Councells confirmed by the Pope, which represent the Catholike Church, doe propound to the faithfull as necessarily to be beleeued of faith, and which certainely, and euidently is knowne to be the true sense and meaning of the Councells; Neuerthelesse, I doe not vndoubtedly be­leeue euery doctrine which either Cardinall Bellarmine (speaking with due reuerence) or any other Doctour, seeing that they are not appointed by God, to be an vndoubted rule of the Catholike Faith, doe cry out to be Catholike doctrine, to be the voice of the Catholike Church, to be the meaning of the Scriptures, and Councells, if especi­ally some Catholike Doctours doe hold the contrary; Them truely, as it is meete, I doe reuerence with all dutifull respect, and I doe much attribute to their authoritie, but that all those collections, which they in their iudgements doe imagine to be euidently con­cluded from the holy Scriptures or Councells (considering that of­tentimes they are deceiued and doe deceiue, For Card. Bel­larmine him­selfe in his old age hath recal­led many things, which he wrote when he was yonger, and per­chance he now growing elder will recall more. and what they haue written when they were yonger, they may recall when they grow elder) are to be accounted for vndoubted assertions of faith, and the contrary opinion of other Catholikes to be rather esteemed an here­sie, then an opinion, this truely I cannot take in good part.

‘9 Fourthly, concerning the Canons, or Decrees of Generall Coun­cells belonging to manners, and to the externall gouernment of the Church, I promised to be most ready to receiue willingly all those De­crees, which in places where I shall liue shall be generally receiued; for these are properly called the Decrees or Canons of the Catholike or [Page 634] vniuersall Church, which are by common consent admitted by the Vniuersall Church. Neither doubtlesse is any man bound to admit those Lawes and precepts, which in the Countrey where he liueth, are not obserued by the people, as according to the receiued opinion of Diuines and Lawyers I there affirmed. And the same I there auou­ch [...]d is to be vnderstood proportionally of the Decrees of Popes and Prouinciall Councells. For as concerning the Popes definitions belon­ging to faith, if he define without a Generall Councell, I confesse, that I haue oftentimes auerred, that very many, especially ancient Di­uines of the Vniuersitie of Paris, whose names I thereCap. 10. sec. 2. nu. 27. related, are of opinion, that such Definitions, vnlesse they be receiued by the Catho­like Church as Definitions of Catholike Faith, are subiect to errour, whose opinion, both for the authoritie of so famous men, and also for the reasons and grounds, whereon that opinion is founded, I with many later Diuines (to whose opinion also Cardinall Bellar­mine himselfeLib. de Con­cil. cap. 13. doth plainely enough incline, howsoeuer he would seeme alsoLib. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 2. & li. 2. de concil. cap. 17. to auerre the contrary) haue also oftentimes affirmed, that it is not to be condemned of heresie, errour, or temeritie, which also now againe (speaking with all dutifull submission) I feare not to con­firme.

‘10 Lastly, concerning my Disputation of the Oath, and the Dedi­cation thereof, which seemeth to be that stone of offence, and rocke of scan­dall to some Diuines, especially of the Society of Iesus, and to those Catho­likes who adhere to them, I cannot, to speake vnfaignedly, in any wise vn­derstand what can iustly be obiected against it, or what fault I haue com­mitted, either in making it, or else in dedicating it to your Holinesse, of which I should purge my selfe. For first of all I the Authour of that Disputation, and Dedication, haue therein professed, that I did not write it with any obstinate mind, but in manner of an humbly petition sincerely, and for many reasons, which I there related, to informe your Holinesse more fully, who as heere we thinke, hath not beene rightly informed of the reasons, for which English Catholikes are of opinion, that the Oath may lawfully be taken; and for this cause I did dedicate it to your Holinesse that after you had carefully examined all the reasons, for which English Catholikes doe thinke the Oath may lawfully be taken, your Holinesse might prouide both for their spiri­tuall and temporall safety, as according to your fatherly wisedome and charitie should be thought most conuenient. And therefore, as in the end of that Disputation I affirmed I did faithfully set downe all the chiefest arguments, which are vsually alledged as well against the ta­king of the Oath, as in fauour thereof; neither did I affirme any thing of my owne opinion, but onely as representing the persons of [Page 635] them, who of set purpose do publikely maintain, that the Oath either may, or may not be lawfully taken, leauing it to the Fatherly care of your Holinesse, that when you haue bin fully informed of the whole progresse of the matter, and haue diligently examined all the reasons, for which English Catholikes, obeying the Kings cōmandement, haue taken the Oath you will be pleased particularly to approue them, or to condemne them, that Catholikes in this so most weightie a matter, which doth so neerely concerne the prerogatiue of your spirituall Authoritie, and of his Maiesties Royaltie, being fearefull to resist your Holinesse precept declared in your Breues, and also being desirous to obey, as much as with a safe conscience they may, his Maiesties commaund, may cleerely perceiue, which particular clauses of the Oath, they are bound to admit, and which they are bound to re­iect, and may in plaine and expresse tearmes without any ambiguity of words be instructed by your Holinesse, in what manner they may satisfie their owne conscience, your Holinesse will, and also his Ma­iesties desire concerning all the particular parts of the Oath. For as they are very ready to hazard their whole temporall estate, and also to loose their liues for the Catholike faith, which by the Church (to whom this office belongeth to define matters of faith, and not to priuate Doctours, who may deceiue and be deceiued) is declared to be truely the Catholike faith; so doubtlesse they are vnwilling to expose themselues, & their whole Family and Posterity, which this our age doth so much labour to aduance, to eminent danger of their tempo­rall vtter ruine, onely for opinions, although they be maintained by the greater and better part of Diuines, so that others, although farre fewer in number, doe defend the contrary, But as they are desirous with all their hearts to obey your Holinesse in spirituall matters, and in those things, which cannot be omitted without sinne, so also they might iustly thinke themselues to be more hardly vsed, then chil­dren are wont by their Parents, if in these times specially, wherein by reason of the Catholike faith, which they professe, they haue grie­uously incurred his Maiesties high displeasure, who is of a contrary Religion, they should without sufficient reason be forbidden to giue that temporall Allegiance to his Maiestie which they perswade themselues to be by the Law of Christ due to him, hauing alwayes before their eyes that commaundement of Christ our Sauiour, Render to Caesar the things that are Caesars, and the things that are Gods,Matth. 22. to God.’

‘11 And that your Holinesse may yet more cleerely perceiue, that this my Disputation of the Oath (which is rather to be called a most hum­ble Supplication to your Holinesse) was written in manner of an hum­ble [Page 636] Petition, I thinke it not amisse to repeate also word by word these very last words of my Epistle to your Holinesse.’

‘12 This therefore (most Holy Father) is our most humble Supplication to your Holinesse. First, that your Holinesse will be plea­sed to examine diligently the reasons, for which our English Catho­likes doe thinke the Oath may lawfully be taken, and whereof they are perswaded your Holinesse is not yet rightly informed. Secondly, that after you haue throughly examined them, you will vouchsafe in regard of your Pastorall carefulnesse to instruct them, what parts of the Oath are (I doe not say according to the probable opinion of some Dhctours, but according to Catholike doctrine necessarily to be belieued by all Christians) repugnant to faith and saluation, and therefore cannot be taken by any Catholike with a safe and probable conscience: Thirdly, that if your Holinesse shall find, that you haue not beene rightly informed of those reasons, for which our English Catholikes are of opinion, that the Oath may lawfully be taken, and that therfore they haue not in a matter of so great weight proceeded rashly and vnaduisedly, you will be pleased receiue them, and their Priests into your ancient fauour, and that if they, or any of them haue, not through their owne fault, but through the indiscreet zeale of others suffered any losse, or detriment in their good names, or other wayes, it may be restored againe to them in that best man­ner, as shall seeme conuenient to the charitie, iustice, and wisedome of your Holinesse.

13 Now what there is contained in this our humble Petition, a­gainst which your Holinesse hath iust cause to take so high displeasure, that you will not accept thereof, I remit to the iudgement of indifferent men, but especially of your Holinesse. For by that which we haue said, it doth manifestly appeare, that this Disputation of the Oath was for that end composed by me, to informe your Holinesse, (who is the supreme Pastour of the Catholike Church, and to whom Christ our Lord hath giuen charge to feede his sheepe, not onely with precepts and Censures, but also with the word of Doctrine, and to instruct them in the Catholike faith) truely of our state, and to propound vnto your Holinesse sincerely, and with all dutifull submission those doubts, and difficulties, which both to my selfe and to other Catholikes doe occure about this new Oath, which is commaunded by his Maiestie, forbidden by your Holinesse, and daily ta­ken by almost all Catholikes of the better sort, to whom it is tendred, yea euen by those, who haue the Iesuits for their Directours, howsoeuer these Fathers doe in outward shew seeme to condemne the same; that after your Holinesse had duely examined the reasons, and arguments, which are v­sually alledged on both sides, against, and for the taking of the Oath, you [Page 637] would be pleased to satisfie our consciences, and to make knowne vnto vs, what parts of the Oath may, according to the principles of the Catholike faith, be lawfully, and what parts may not lawfully be taken; and lastly to declare vnto vs which be those many things, which your Holinesse being not rightly informed by some, as we imagine, hath affirmed in your Breues to be cleerely repugnant to faith, and saluation; for no man, be he neuer so great an enemie to the Oath, dare auouch, that all things contai­ned in the Oath, are repugnant to faith, or saluation.’

‘14 Now I beseech your Holinesse to iudge, first, whether I the Authour of those Bookes, who haue professed my selfe to be a Catholike, and a Child of the Catholike Romane Church, and haue subiected all my writings to her iudgement, and Censure, with that submission, that whatsoeuer should not be approoued by her I would disprooue, condemne, and haue it for not written, ought to be iudged by the Supreme Pastour, and Father of the Catholike Church to be no Catholike, nor a child of the Catholike Church. If I be no Catholike, doubtlesse I must bee an heretike, and defend obstinately (seeing that heresie, to be imputed to sinne, cannot be without obstinacie) some doctrine contrary to the Catho­like faith. But (to say nothing at this time of the doctrine, which I main­tained in those Bookes, which if it were cleerely hereticall, why did not that Sacred Congregation condemne those Bookes as hereticall?) I prote­sted to write nothing obstinately, but with an humble and submissiue minde, and ready to recall my errour, as soone as I should perceiue to haue erred in any thing. I confesse indeed that I may erre, but by God his assistance I will neuer be an heretike. And if perchance in any thing I haue erred, it is no errour of malice or obstinacie, but of ignorance: For I will neuer by God his protection, wittingly, and willingly defend any thing at all, which I shall know to be contrary to sound Doctrine, or to the Catholike faith.

15 Secondly, concerning that which some men, to no small scandall to Catholike Religion, and to the great disgrace of the Sea Apostolike, especially among those who be Aduersaries to the Catholike Religion, do giue out, that your Holinesse should say, that you would not accept the Dedication of my Disputation concerning the Oath, or rather the most humble Supplication of my selfe and of other Catholikes, as I haue shew­ed before, this onely at this present I will say, that we English Catholikes are doubtlesse most miserable, who daily enduring so many discommodities of this life for the Catholike faith which we professe, and hauing prouoked his Maiestie, a Prince otherwise most mercifull, who professeth the contrary Religion, to take displeasure against vs, which of all the rest we account most grieuous, and hauing therefore for a long time beene, and are daily made a pitifull spectacle to this whole Kingdome, now by humble Petition cra­uing to bee instructed by your Holinesse in those things, which you by [Page 638] your Apostolicall Breues haue to our most great temporall preiudice declared to be manifestly repugnant to faith and saluation, doe not onely not deserue so much at your hands, as to be heard herein, but your Holi­nesse doth forbid and condemne our Petition, and doth threaten the Au­thour to bee punished with Censures, and other Ecclesiasticall punish­ments, vnles he purge himselfe forthwith, & yet after an vnusuall man­ner impeacheth him of no crime whereof he should purge himselfe.’

16 For behold (most blessed Father) how miserable and to be pit­tied is our case. Our Kings most excellent Maiesty, to whom by the law of Christ we owe temporall allegiance, doth demand of vs, vnder paine of incurring most grieuous penalties, an Oath which he affirmeth to be onely a temporall Oath, and of temporall Allegiance; your Holinesse, to whom by the law also of Christ wee are bound to obey in spirituals, hath by your Breues altogether condemned the same, as containing in it many things flat contrary to faith and saluation; and hath withall declared, that all those Priests, who either doe take the said Oath, or doe teach, or shall teach that it may lawfully bee taken, shall bee depriued of their faculties: Wee English Catholikes, being betweene these two narrow straights, and fearing least that by auoiding the gulfe of Caribdis, we should fall vp­on the rocke of Scilla, that is, least that wee should not render to God, or Caesar, that which is their due, doe most instantly request your Holinesse, who is our Superiour Pastour in spirituals, and whose proper office is to instruct and confirme the sheepe of Christ in the Christian faith, that you will bee pleased to shew vnto vs those many things, or at least wise one a­mong those many, which in this Oath are so repugnant to faith and saluati­on, to the end that we may both satisfie our owne conscinces, and also fulfill your Holinesse, and his Maiesties commands, as much as in vs lyeth, and Catholike Religion will permit: And neuerthelesse your Holinesse doth not onely not admit our Petition, wherein with all dutifull submission we doe propound the reasons and arguments, which are vsually obiected a­gainst, and for the taking of the Oath, to be examined by your Holinesse, and affirming nothing of our owne opinion, but you doe also by the euill in­formation of others, as we are perswaded, wholly condemn the same without alleadging any crime either in particular or in generall against it: and doe declare, that the Authour thereof, or your humble Petitioner, except he purge himselfe forthwith, shall be grieuously punished, and neuerthelesse you make no mention of any crime at all, whereof hee should purge him­selfe.’

17 Is it perchance a crime for those that are in ignorance, errour, and doubt, to haue recourse to the supreame Pastour, and Doctour of the Church, to be instructed by him in faith, and with due submission to pro­pound to him the doubts and difficulties, which trouble both their owne and [Page 639] other mens consciences, to be answered and satisfied by him, and that not in things of small moment, but in such as vnder paine of incurring great pe­nalties doe belong to the yeelding of due obedience to God and Caesar? Is it a crime for children that are hungry to craue bread of their Father, for sheepe that want Pasture to require foode of their Sheepheard, for Dis­ciples that are ignorant to beseech humbly some instruction of their Ma­ster and Teacher? Wee English Catholikes doe acknowledge your Holinesse to be our spirituall Father, Pastour, and Master, and doe most humbly request to be instructed by your Holinesse in the Catholike faith, and in those many things, which your Holinesse by your Breues hath declared to be plainly repugnant to faith and saluation; and your Ho­linesse doth damne, and forbid our Petition, and doeth ordaine, after a manner altogether vnusuall, that I the Authour thereof, who in the name of the rest haue written, and composed the same, except I purge my selfe very speedily, shall bee punished most seuerely: For, as I thinke, in no tribunall on the earth, this custome is to bee found, that any man is compelled by sentence of the Iudge to purge himselfe vnder paine of in­curring most grieuous punishments, vnlesse the Iudge doth make knowne vnto him the crime, for which, if he doe not purge himselfe, he is to be con­demned; Besides, that it is impossible for one to purge himselfe of that crime, whereof hee is ignorant.’

18. And to speake freely the truth (for now I being summoned before the highest tribunall on earth to purge my selfe, am by the law it selfe permitted to speake somewhat more freely, so that I speake truely and modestly) this new kinde of condemning the bookes of Catholike Au­thours, and of commanding the Author to purge himselfe foorthwith, be­ing made by such a publike Decree, and vnder paine of incurring the pe­nalties contained in the Councell of Trent, and in the Index of forbid­den bookes, without naming any crime eiher in particular, or in generall, for which they are condemned, and of which the Author should purge himselfe (considering that the same punishment is not appointed in the In­dex for reading without distinction all sorts of forbidden bookes, neither doe all crimes require the same Purgation) doth make both the Sea A­postolike odious to the Aduersaries of Catholike Religion, who will ea­sily from hence take occasion to perswade themselues, that the Bishops of Rome are wont to reiect at their pleasure, and to suppresse violently by threatnings, and not by reason or argument those opinions, which they doe not like, and to promote by fauours, and not by reasons those opinions which are pleasing to them; and also doth littel satisfie prudent Catholikes, who can hardly perswade themselues, that the Sacred Congregation of the right Honourable Cardinalls, who are reputed for the exami­nation of bookes (to whose informations your Holinesse giuing credit as [Page 640] we are assuredly perswaded, hath condemned those bookes, and ordained, that the Author shal be seuerely punished, vnlesse be purge himselfe forth­with) if they could haue found in them any proposition, which is certainly knowne to be hereticall, erroneous, or repugnant to sound doctrine, they would haue passed it ouer with such great silence, and (contrarie to the vsuall manner of the Sea Apostolike in condemning the bookes of Catholike Authors, but of such especially who are commaunded vnder paine of Censures to purge themselues foorthwith, as by innumerable examples, which are extant in the Tomes of the Councells, and in the Bulls of Popes I could demonstrate) commaund the Author to purge himselfe onely in generall words, without shewing any crime either in par­ticular, or generall, of which he should purge himselfe.’

19 I therefore the Author of those bookes, whom the Sacred Congregation, by the commandement of your Holinesse hath enioyned to purge my selfe, but as yet I know not of what crime, a most dutifull childe of the Catholike Romane Church, and of your Holinesse in spiritualls, and withall a most loyall subiect of the Kingdome of Eng­land, and of our Soueraigne Lord KING IAMES in temporalls, be­ing summoned before your Holinesse his supreme tribunall to purge my selfe, prostrate at your Holinesse feet, doe humbly request you, by the dreadfull Maiestie of God, the Supreme Iudge of all; First, that your Holinesse will iudge that which is right, and doe me iustice, and not giue credit to the information of them who are my Aduersaries in this contro­uersie, and haue fowly corrupted my words contrary to my meaning, but that you will examine my cause by your owne certaine knowledge, and that you will make knowne to me all those things, or at least wise some of them, which in those my bookes condemned by your Holinesse commandement are cleerely knowne to bee repugnant to faith or good manners. For I protest, that I am most readie to correct those things that are to bee corrected, to purge what is to be purged, to explaine what is to be explained, and to retract what is to bee retracted.’

2 Secondly, that if your Holinesse after due examination of my writings shall finde, that you haue beene misinformed by some persons, and that nothing is to be found in those bookes contrarie to Catholike doctrine, as some perchance haue suggested to your Holinesse, you will bee pleased to recall that sentence of the Sacred Congregation published against me, and my bookes, through euill information, or vehement importunitie of some men, or through mis-vnderstanding the true meaning of my words; and that you will haue a care of my good name in that good sort, as shall beseeme your wisedome, charitie and iustice; and that you will account me to be a Catholike, and a Child of the Catholike Roman Church. For that which I did write in another place, In Disp. Theol. in Ad­mon. ad Lect. nu. 8. I doe heere repeate againe. [Page 641] I am a Catholike and a Child of the Catholike Roman Church, and if any man of what degree soeuer hee be, shall wrongfully accuse mee of heresie, let him know assuredly, that by the assistance of Al­mightie God I will by all those meanes, which God and Nature hath granted to innocent men to defend themselues, to the vtter­most of my power defend my selfe from their calumnies or slanders, vntill the Church being fully informed of my opinion, shall in plaine and particular words (for no man can recall errours vntill he know particularly what they bee) condemne the same.’

21 Thirdly, that your Holinesse will command, that this my purgation, and most humble Petition may for future memorie bee regi­stred among the Acts of the holy Office of the Inquisition, as the condem­nation of my bookes is recorded, as it appeareth by the Decree it selfe, that those who heereafter shall succeede in that Office, may giue their sen­tence and iudgement as well of this my Purgation, as of that condem­nation of my bookes, and whether I am to bee accounted a Catholike, and a child of the Church, or an heretike.

22 But if your Holinesse will not be pleased to admit this my Pur­gation, and most humble Supplication, and to recall the sentence which vpon euill information hath beene denounced against my bookes, and to haue a care of my good name, which hath beene wrongfully taken away, al­though I know right well that the same most mercifull and great God, who in times past preserued the credit of that holy man Robert Grosted Bishop of Lincolne, with whom Pope Innocentius the fourth being won­derfully offended, Mat. Paris in Henrico 3o. ad ann. 1253. §. Diebus sub ijsdem, & ad annu. 1254. §. Hoc etiam an. Dominus Papa determined to cast his dead bones out of the Church, and to bring him into so great obloquie, that hee should bee proclaimed throughout the whole world for an Heathen, Rebell, and diobedient, for that hee had written to the said Pope Innocentius in the spirit of humilitie and loue, vt errores suos crebros corrigeret, that he would correct his frequent, or accustomed errours, although I know, I say that the same God, who is not an accepter of persons, is able also to deliuer me from the vniust attempts, and false informations of any whatsoeuer, and to make knowne my innocencie to your Holinesse, and to the whole Christian world; neuerthelesse prayers, teares, and patience, ioyned with the testimonie of a good conscience, shall bee my chiefest refuge, and this shall bee my daily comfort, that it is no what lesse but rather more happy and gratefull to God, to suffer persecution for Iustice sake at the hands of Kinsemen, and of the same Houshold, who in friendship and so­cietie ought to be more straightly linked, then of Strangers.’

23 Finally, if in this Purgation, which the Sacred Congrega­tion by commandement of your Holinesse hath enioyned mee, I haue offended any man, as I hope I haue not, by speaking any thig not with that circumspection as is fitting (for wittingly I would giue no man any [Page 642] iust cause of offence) I doe most humbly craue pardon both of your Ho­linesse, for whose temporall and perpetuall felicitie I will continually pray vnto our most mercifull God, and also of the whole Christian world. From my Study in the Feast of S. Iohn Baptist. 1614.

A most humble Child and Seruant of your Holinesse, and of the Holy Sea Apostolike. The Authour of the Bookes as afore­said, &c.

138 THis is the Purgation & humble Supplication, which I sent to his Holinesse vpon the Decree, and commandement of the Lord Cardinals to purge my selfe forthwith; which their Decree, if all things be duely considered, doth rather confirme, & strengthen, then any way condemne, disprooue, or weaken any particular doctrine contained in my bookes. For can a man with reason imagine, that those most Illu­strious Cardinalls would not for their honour sake, and for satisfaction of the Christian world, haue expressed some bad doctrine contained in my bookes, but haue forbidden them in such generall words, without expressing any one proposition which is in them repugnant to faith or good manners, and after such an vnvsuall manner haue commaunded me to purge my selfe foorthwith, and that vnder paine of Ecclesiasti­call Censures, without declaring any crime either in particular, or in generall, whereof I should purge my selfe, if the could haue named any one proposition, which they could haue cleerely maintained to be repugnant to the Catholike faith, or Christian manners? especially, seeing that my Theologicall Disputatation, as I haue shewed aboue in my Purgation, was onely an humble Petition to his Holinesse, and a sincere propounding to his Fatherly consideration the great and many diffi­culties, which by occasion of his Breues condemning the Oath, as containing in it many things flat contrary to faith and saluation, did vexe, trouble, and perplexe the soules and consciences of his poore afflicted Catholikes, earnestly requesting him, and in regard of his Pastorall of­fice, as it were coniuring him, that he would be pleased to satisfie their difficulties, and to make knowne to them any one thing in the Oath of those many, which by his Breues he had declared to be cleerely repug­nant to faith and saluation.

139 Now to say, as some Priests heere with vs, to excuse this [Page 643] strange proceeding of his Holinesse and the Cardinalls, doe very indis­creetly and vnlearnedly affirme, that it is against the Maiestie of the Court of Rome, to giue English Catholikes particular satisfaction in these points, and that they must obey with blind obedience, and with­out any further examining of the matter, whatsoeuer his Holinesse, and the Cardinalls of the Inquisition doe decree, and command, although it be in preiudice to themselues, and to their temporall Prince and State, it is alas rather to be pittied, then answered. For no man of learning or iudgement can make any doubt, but that if a spirituall Superiour, or Prelate of what dignitie, or preheminence soeuer hee bee, shall com­mand, or forbid any thing, which is dangerous to Religion, to the Common-wealth, or to a third person, (as all the world seeth the for­bidding of English Catholikes to take the new Oath of Allegiance, to be heere in England thus dangerous) and the subiect is doubtfull, whe­ther his prohibition, or commandement bee lawfull, or proceedeth from lawfull and vndoubted authoritie or no, hee is not bound foorthwith to obey, but hee may without any note of disobedience propound humbly to his Superiour, or Prelate the reasons of his doubt, and the causes which mooue him to thinke assuredly, that his Superiour, or Prelate was misled either by false information, or by his owne fal­lible opinion in imposing such a dangerous command: and the Supe­riour, or Prelate, and much more if he be the Supreme Pastour of our soules, is bound by his Pastorall office to feed all the sheepe of Christs flocke, with the word of doctrine and instruction, in things necessary to saluation, when they shall humbly and earnestly desire to be there­in instructed by him to whom the charge of their soules is principally committed by Christ our Sauiour, in those words spoken to S. Peter, Pasce agos meos, Pasce oues meas, Feed my lambes, Feede my sheepe.

140 Seeing therefore, that wee haue diuers times most humbly and earnestly requested his Holinesse, being the Supreme Pastour of our soules, to make knowne to vs any one thing of those many, which he in his Breues hath onely in generall words declared to be flat contrary to faith and saluation, or any one proposition contained in my bookes which is repugnant to faith or good manners, protesting with all sin­ceritie to purge, and retract forthwith whatsoeuer is to be purged and retracted, and haue also propounded vnto him most humbly the rea­sons of our doubts, and why we are perswaded, that he hath heerein beene misled, and drawne to this course either by his owne fallible o­pinion, or by the bad information of Cardinall Bellarmine, and his o­ther Diuines, most instantly requesting to be satisfied herein, and as yet cannot receiue from him any satisfaction at all: And which also is ve­ry considerable, seeing that I haue since that time made knowne to his Holinesse, and to all the world by publike writings, the manifest slaun­ders, [Page 644] which Cardinall Bellarmine masked vnder the name of Doctour Schulckenius, and who also in that Congregation of Cardinals deputed for the examining of bookes is one of the chiefest men, and which is more strange, both my principall Aduersary, Accuser, and Iudge, hath very falsly imposed vpon me, and how shamefully he hath corrupted my words and meaning to prooue me an heretike disguised vnder the faire colourable name of a Catholike: and to impeach my doctrine of errour and heresie; And besides the discouery of these shamefull calum­nies, for the which I demaunded iustice at his Holinesse hands, I haue also made an other Supplication to his Holinesse, most humbly requesting him, either to declare vnto vs what one thing in the Oath is repugnant to faith and saluation, and what one proposition in my bookes is con­trary to faith or good manners, or else to cause that Decree of the Car­dinalls against my bookes to be reuersed, and to account me and other Catholikes not to be disobedient children to the Sea Apostolike for not admitting his Breues which are grounded either vpon such an opinion, which no Catholike is bound to follow, or vpon the false informati­on of Cardinall Bellarmine and his other Diuines, or rather vpon both: And considering also, that not onely, neither Cardinall Bellarmine hath for his credit sake cleared himselfe as yet of those fowle aspersions and crimes wherewith I haue charged him, nor his Holinesse hath as yet vouchsafed to giue any fatherly instruction or satisfaction in these our important difficulties and necessarie requests, but also the said Cardi­nalls haue after their former manner condemned that my Supplication onely in generall words without taking notice of the slaunders, which Cardinall Bellarmine did falsly impose vpon me, or expressing any one proposition contained in that Supplication, or in any other my bookes contrary to Catholike doctrine or Christian manners, as in that Suppli­cation I desired to know; All which things being considered, I leaue, good Catholike Reader, to thy prudent consideration, whether this strange proceeding of theirs be not an euident signe to any indifferent man, that they can find no one thing in the Oath, which is repugnant to faith or saluation, nor any one proposition in my bookes contrarie to faith or good manners, and that in they haue entred into such an exor­bitant, vncharitable, and iniurious course, and also drawne his Holi­nesse thereunto, wherein with their honours they can hardly goe for­ward, and yet rather then they will seeme to goe backeward, and ac­knowledge freely that by the aduise of Cardinall Bellarmine and other Diuines of Rome they haue beene deceiued, they will still goe on, and care not to haue innocent Catholikes by their vniust proceedings to be accounted heretikes, or disobedient children to the Sea Apostolike, which in the end will turne to their great shame and dishonour, and in the meane time, cannot be but very scandalous to Catholike Religion, [Page 645] very dishonourable to the Popes Holinesse, and themselues, very iniuri­ous to English Catholikes, and very burdensome to their owne con­sciences, which so many dangers I beseech Almighty God with all my heart, that he will inspire them to preuent in time, and before it be to late. So that it were farre better for the credit of my Aduersaries, and of their cause, and for the honour of the Sea Apostolike not to vrge any more the Popes Breues against the Oath, or the Cardinalls Decree against my bookes, but to bury them with perpetuall obliuion, vnlesse his Holinesse, and the Lord Cardinals of the Inquisition will descend to some particular points, which with their reputation and honour they are a­ble to maintaine.

The same submissionWhat reasons the State may haue to permit such submissi­ons, see aboue in this Chapter from num. 110. which I made heretofore of all my wri­tings to the Censure of the Catholike Romane Church, I doe heere repeate againe.

FINIS.

Errata.

PageLineErroursCorrected.
925eueneuer
308soulesoules
5535with themwith him
10834the 70. Iudgesthe Iudges
11628GalgathaGalgala
1311makemay make
14419presentingrepresenting
15536of Princesof the Princes
17014shall beneathshall see beneath
20031was gracewas not grace
20036reigne Ionathanreigne of Ionathan
25043naturenaturall
28629not of malicenot malice
28637amongst ouramongst others our
2878pertienentimpertinent
3304exerciedexercised
3307as thatas at that
3477LawesLawyers
37225selfe who wouldselfe would
38917orfor
39413nonor
3962deserueth both indeserueth in
40827vpon tovpon him to
41137valuedvalid
41837ofof his
43519CanonicaCanonici
4423confutedconfirmed
45019both themboth of them
46921for that thefor the
47720to belieuedto be belieued
50517lilencelicence
5082comfortconfront
50927vncertainecertaine
51542dogmatikedogmatize
54241DecreesDecree
5652propoundpropounded
57226runningcunning
57632altogethaltogether
58412includedconcluded
5857themthen
59115meatmeans
59123desposedepose
59626artificallartificiall
59628aimeth at inaimeth in
63019nudand
63611DhctoursDoctours

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