THE PRESENT ſtate of …

THE PRESENT state of Spaine.

Translated out of French.

‘ET VSQVE AD NUBES VERITAS TVA’

Imprinted at London by P. S. for Richard Serger. 1594.

THE STATE OF SPAINE.

IT is a thing noted from all antiquitie; that God hath appointed in this worlde the certayne continuance of Monarchies, estats, and families, hath lymited the prosperity and thraledome of nations, and bounded the very liues of all men liuing: ne­uerthelesse as well in matters of state as pri­uate those are founde moste durable which retayne and keep the greatest perfection and excellencye from their creator: Some being ordained to serue for ministers of his furie, othersome for examples of his diuine bounty and grace. For we see many men and sundry estates whome God hath from moste base foundations and petty beginninges raised and aduaunced to the most supreame degree of power and dignity, inuesting them with mighty Empires and boundlesse king­domes. With whose power as of men little vertuous, it hath pleased the almightye to serue himselfe, but as with a scourge to pu­nish the Enormous sins of his people, others [Page]haue beene ratified from God aboue in this most soueraigne degree of all humaine ma­iesty in recompence of their holinesse of life and vnreprouable dealing among men. But so soone as the one or the other, beganne to forget the occasion for which they were pla­ced in this world, which was to set forth the kingdom, honour and glory of God onely: whome they together with all men ought to confesse to be their general Lord and father; and that they haue gonne a boute by false pretextes, and sinister meanes to aduaunce their owne priuat honor and glory, and not that of their great Lord and maister. Then God who alone raigneth whome onely we oughte to serue, casteth them downe head­long, destroyeth their monarchies, desola­teth their kingdomes, and rooteth out their posterity from off the face of the earth.

For example the crowne of Castile, aunci­ently, a little country gouerned by Iudges, afterwardes by Earles, in the end by Kings, created through the beneficence of Samson, the fourth of that name King of Nauarre, sir­named, Samson the Great, was by Jsabel v­surped from the daughter of Henrye laste of [Page]that name, Kinge of Castile: the saide Jsabell matched in mariage with Ferdinando, sonne to king Iohn of Aragon whose kingdoms en­creased almost in our memory into a migh­ty puissaunce and state. But for that the pos­sessors therof not resting content with those blessings which God hath giuen them here on earth, haue in hostile maner inuaded the Countries and possessions of other Princes, they seeme at this presente to menace their own ruine, as I hope to dilate more at large.

This Prince then, ambitious, if euer were any in this world, amongst other his famous feates of Armes, to the ende to inueigle the earle of Roussillon, from Charles the eighte king of France, made no bones to abandon his owne Cousin Germaine, and brother in law Ferdinando, kinge of Naples to the furie of those Armies whome Charles the eight marched against him for the recouery of the sayd kingdome. Then during the raigne of Lewes, the twelfth breaking al conditions of League and amitye, forcing the degree of kindred and alliaunce, which hee had with Frederick then king of Naples, he confedera­ted with king Lewes to dispossesse Frederick [Page]of his kingdome of Naples, and to share it betweene them two (as in effecte they did.) Afterwarde vnder a collour of supporting Pope Julius the second, his quarrell againste the Emperour Maximilian and the kinge of Fraunce, but of a troth for very feare he had of the greatnes of our king, who then might haue chased him easely out of his vniust pos­sessions, which he held in Italie: he entertai­ned the Pope in deadly grudge againste him, and stirred vp the king of Englande and the Switzers to warre vppon his iacke. Inuaded likewise from his owne niece Catherine (vn­der pretext that hir husband was adherente to the French King) the kingdome of Na­uarre her owne proper inheritance; which when he had conquested, hee could find no better deuise to assure it vnto himselfe then by a false pretence protesting howe he was ready to make restitution thereof to his neece: conditionally that lest he should be too much ouer seen, a truce should be acorded him for a yeere with the king of Fraunce during which in liew of restoring it, he for­tified al places therof as much as he porsibly could, razed al the rest of the citties, so tres­ses [Page]and Cittadels: making expresse inhibiti­on, that there shoulde not be any tillage of the earth at al, to the end he might take away all meane of recouering the places by him vsurped and fortified in the sayd kingdome. Yet this was not all: For with his force hee could finely sow his subtilty, and helpe him­selfe with the cloake of religion, to make his matters the better, causing to excommuni­cate the kinge of Nauarre, husbande to his said neece, for that he had taken the parte of king Lewes, the twelfth a Prince so good and so holy, that as yet of vs all hee is called by none other name, then a saint, and a very father of the people, and vpon this excom­munication he sente very many preachers into the kingdom to turne the peoples harts from the obedience of their true kinge and Queene their lawful Princes. And what with this matter succeeding so well vnto him, and what with the death of the sayde kinge and Queene of Nauarre which hee sawe fell out soone after within eight moneths together, hee suffered his young nephewe Henry their sonne to bee trayned vppe by certaine mi­nisters in the opinion of Martin Luther and [Page]for the same effecte sent vnto him some ex­presly himselfe, who drawing the Pope in­to hatred, for the wronge don vnto their fa­ther, to excommunicate him at the instance of his vncle Ferdinando, who longe before had gaped for that kingdom, it was no hard matter for them to transporte the heart of these young Princes especially that of Mar­garet his wiues sister to the great king Fran­cis from the hatred of the Pope to the hatred of his very religion it selfe.

This is then the iust and true meane by which the Crowne of Castile hath receaued her ample encrease, by annexing to it so goodly a kingdom as is that of Nauar. But what fell out afterwardes? Ferdinando en­ioyed it a small time, no more then he did the rest of al his other Kingdomes, God per­mitting them to passe vnto another famely, & that his childrē, both male & femile, who were many in number shuld die before him, except onely Joan who was maried to Phi­lip Arch-duke of Austria, a generous Prince, but of a very short life; after whose decease she fell beside her selfe, leauing notwithstan­ding behinde her the two greate Princes [Page] Charles & Ferdinando sons begotten by the Arch-duke of her owne body.

This Prince Charles beeing come to the Crowne by the death of the said Ferdinando (for he ruled King, notwithstanding his mo­ther Joan was aliue detained as prisoner by him) soughte by all meanes possible the alliaunce of Fraunce promised by infinite Treaties (especially in that of Noyon) to be accomptable for the kingdom of Nauarre, which for all tha the neuer was. And tasting more and more the sweetnes of cōmanding, he got vnto him, & made speedie prouision for himselfe of the two militarie Orders: of that of Saint Iames and of that of Calatraua in Spaine, to the preiudice of his brother, to whom they were resigned: opened his eyes also to the Empire, obtained it, & enioyed all the Kingdoms and Seigniories both left him by Ferdinando of Arragon and these which his mother the foole held: likewise the Estates of Flanders and the prouinces there vnto annexed, leauing his said brother only some corner of a country towards Austria, wherewith after some wrangling betweene them he did as a moderate prince content [Page]himselfe being neuer afterwards much moo­ued against his brother new created Empe­rour, but because he was still egging him to resigne to his son Philip now at this present raigning, the estate of King of Romanes, whereof he was possest, to the ende Philip might to the preiudice of the saide Ferdi­nando his vncle succeed in the empire.

Ambition most assuredly is a thing great­lie detestable before God, who will haue men to content thēselues with the lot which he giueth them in the earth, but the pretexts which are taken of the pure seruice of God, for an other subiect, are worst of all, and crie for vengeance before his holy face.

I will not say this prince Charles the first, vnder collor of defending the catholike re­ligion in Germany went about (as som haue said) to inuade the estate and libertie of the princes of Germany: but this I will aduouch that hee and Philip king of Spaine his sonne haue employed themselues (by confessi­on of his owne men, and none of his mea­nest seruantes, the one of them yet liuing, as I thinke, the Seigneur de Champigny, not long since high Treasurer in Flaunders, bro­ther to the Cardinal Granduel) towards the [Page]protestants of Germany, following the steps of the abouesaid Ferdinādo of Arragon their predecessour, to cause the deceased king of Nauarre to bee instructed in the opinion of Luther, to the ende to make him the further frō the crown of France, from the alliance of the Frēch, & frō the recouery of his kingdom of Nauar. But if he who seduceth but a litle simple child be pronounced by Gods owne mouth to be of worser state then if hee were cast into the bottome of the sea, with a mil­stone tyed about his neck, what shal his iudgment be towards him, who seduceth not on­ly a child, but causeth others to seducea king & a whol kingdome? but this not sorting so good effect as they coulde wish, there were 50000. crownes sent to the king of Nauarre then, besides some horses in gift to moue the war in France, the which 50000. crownes for al that wer refused witnesses good ynough of this most wicked inclination & vile affectiō of the King of Spain, may be the Marquessat of Saluces, vpon the which hee hath caused 2. seuerall enterprises to be made by his son in law the Duke of Sauoy (at the first it was recouered by the sage conduct of Mounseur [Page]de Rhets Marshall of France) and the perni­cious league made for the ruine of al Frāce, nay rather of all the Estates of Europe, wee need no other testimony of his good nature and dispositon towards euerie one of vs, the places borrowed in Germany from the Arch­bishop of Liege and Colonia, there to foyst in his garrisons when hee list, and to leuell right from thence at the empire, to the pre­iudice of his coosens, the children of Ferdi­nando of Austria, vnder shew of making rā ­pire against the Protestants of Germanie, for the good of the Catholik religion forsooth his practises past, and euerie day put in vre in Italie, his agents sent into Poland, Den­marke, England, Scotland, and other cor­ners of the world say the same: and wel may we liken the king of Spaine to those, who de­taining an inheritance wrongfullie, seek by greater wronges and outrages to driue the true heirs farther from the recouerie of their owne. But the iudgments of God are great, his counsels woonderfull, and the effectes of his iustice inestimable. He suffereth, accor­ding to the Apostles saying, that we be cōmō lie punished by those against whom we haue [Page]trespassed. The king of Spaines fathers, and he himselfe haue sought by all means to ru­ine the kinges of Fraunce, and particularlie Henry the fourth, raigning at this present: and by abusing the muffler of religion to recoyle this lawful successor from the crown of France, whom they see full of valour, and fed (as they say) with the bloud and marrow of the Lion, ready prest one day to chalenge his iust inheritance. But God who hateth him more who abuseth the holie name of reli­gion than him who hauing bene seduced by purposed malice (as our king hath) hath tur­ned from it: would that this king should bee newe borne, who beeing deliuered from so manie snares laide to entrappe and snare him, hath receiued the Crowne of Fraunce, presented vnto him by a puissant Armie, who hath submitted it self vnto him, with all the greatest States and honestest people of France. And when? Euen then when al the world iudged him by the malicious cariages and practised death of the deceased king Henry the third the farthest from the diadem thereof.

Germanie for her part shee openeth her [Page]eies to defend her selfe against this kinge of Spaine, who as an eagle supposeth to holde already in his talēts the empire of the whole world: The like doth Italie: and already this building of kingdomes patched together of so many vsurpations beginneth to dissolue and shake in sunder. Already the states of Holand and Zeeland, knowing by the iuste iudgement of God howe wrongfully they were forced and distracted from the obedi­ence of laqueline of Henald their Countes and lawfull Princesse (who for to saue her owne selfe was constrained to forsake her e­state) haue puld their necks out of the yoke, and made themselues free, choosing rather to die then to be subiect to a Domination so intollerable as is that of the proud Spaniard.

The prouinces of Zutphen and Gueldres taken away from their lawfull Seigneurs by the deede of guiftes which the laste Duke Charles of Bourgundie who died before Nancie sought to get at the handes of Duke Ar­nald then his prisoner, to the preiudice of Adolf his sonne, haue slipt the coller also of his obedience and the Country of Frizelande hath don no lesse.

The best aduised inhabitants of the lowe Countries of Flaunders Henald and Artois held out their armes to the king of Fraunce, (nor onely for the excessiue impositions (as of paying two shinllings for the grinding of a quarter of wheate, foure shillings for a cow which is the slaughter, or kept to giue milke, and other such like petty taxes, for which they pay full deere in Flaunders) but for that they know that they are of the anci­ent Demaines of the crown of France, Flan­ders, making one of the members of the kingdome and being one of the principall seates of the twelue Peeres. They crye with a lowde voice that it was not in the power of king Frauncis the first (then prisoner) so to abandon and giue them away: and that in this case there ought to be restitution made seeing the lawe is held currant of all, that a prisoner locked vp fast in prison (as was then the said king) hee is not bound to performe any promise made, but remaineth afterward in liberty of his faith.

Those of Lille, Douay and Orchies, prin­cipall citties of the low Countries, do know and confesse how by right they appertain to [Page]the kinge of Fraunce: for Phillip the Hardy hauing promised Charles the fifte kinge of Fraunce, (who let him haue them at his mari­age with the inheritrix of Flaunders) to re­turne againe them vnto his right so soone as God shoulde haue called vnto him Lewes de Mayle Earle of Flaunders his father in lawe: and bound himselfe by contract paste at Pe­ronn the twenty of September 1368. vnder obligation, of himselfe, his heyres and suc­cessors, and vpon paine of the Apostolicall censures, wherunto the king of Spaine stands answerable vpon perill of his owne soule.

And as for Milan, Sicilie & Naples, all the world knoweth what rights Fraunce hath in them all.

And as for the kingdom of Maiorica, the Earldomes of Sardinia and of Roussillon out of which are as yet owing to the Crown of France, the 300. thousand crowns which Lewes the eleuenth disbursed, when they were engaged to him for that summe: Lewes of.Aniow had the gift thereof, which the La­die Marquesse of Montferrat, sister and law­full heire to Iames the last king of Maiorica presented him.

As for Biscay, it appertained to the Duke d'Alenzou of Fraunce by the right of his mo­ther Maria de Lara, Lady of the said country: but shee could neuer recouer her preroga­tiue from Henry second of that name kinge of Castile, earle of Tristemara, inuested sei­gnieur thereof by the aide & only armes of Charles 5. king of Fraunce, who sent thither Bertrand de Guesclin his Constable to ceaze it for Henries right, who installed him therin. And by this king, albeit a bastard, commeth all the title that king Phillip at this presente raygning hath in Spaine: as in like manner from the side of Bastardes commeth all the rights and titles which he pretendeth to Mi­lan, Naples, Sicilia, which are not as yet in too great assurance to him.

As for Arragon, beside the quarrell of the donation made by Pope Martin successor of Nicholas, to Philip the third king of Fraunce, or to Charles his second sonne to the preiu­dice of Peter kinge of Arragon, husbande of Constance, the daughter of Manfroy of Na­ples, and bastarde to Fredericke the second Emperour and king of Naples: & the rights of Mathew of Castelbon, Earle of Foix and [Page] Bearne, on the behalfe of Joane the daugh­ter of Iohn son to king Peter of Arragon: sa­uing also the deedes of guift paste by Rene d' Aniou king of Sicilia to Lewes the eleuenth king of Fraunce; by whose only aide he was crowned king of Arragon in the citty of Barcellona: the house of Lorraine may pretende herin also som right, bicause of Yolant daughter to the Duke of Bar maried to Lewes of Aniou, who was forced to compound for alrights for one hūdred sixty thousand Florins.

And as for Portugal, it is a thing as yet of very slender assurance in the house of Spain, as well by reason of the auncient emnity and an old quarrell which is betweene these two prouinces, as for the rights which may bee pretended therin amongst other by the suc­cessors either hauing right from the house of Boloing frō which the coūtry of Boulenois in Picardy is at this presēt anexed to the crown of Fraunce. For Alfonso kinge of Portugall marying with Mahault or Mathilda coun­tesse of Boloing, had by her two children & it fel out as she was in the country of Boulenois to sette order in the affaires of her husband the Earle, the K· of Portugal being rauished [Page]with the beauty of Beatrix; bastard daughter to Alfonso surnamed the sage, or Astrologian, King of Castile, Leon and Toledo, where al things were so well agreed vppon betweene them two, that this Castilian king without o­ther ceremonie maried her, leauing Mathil­da, who liued twelue yeares, during this dis­honest mariage or rather concubinage: and being returned into Portugall, was forced to returne into Fraunce to make her com­plaintes to the king, and afterwards to Pope Alexander the fourth, who soone excommu­nicated the Portugal king and his new mar­ried wife. Neuerthelesse the children of this his illigetimat wife did not forbear to vsurp the kingdom frō those who wer lawfullie be­gotten on his first, Raynucio the D. of Parma at this present hath also most apparant right on the part of Maria his mother daughter to Edward, son to king Emanuel of Portugal: the king of Spain who hath vsurped it being issu­ed but of one of Emanuels daughters, & Rai­nucio being descended of the son: there com­meth also a third chalenger, Don Antonio K. of Portugal, who is the son pretēded bastard of Lewes the elder brother of Edward: but legitimated by the Pope & by sentence of the [Page]of the holy Sea, who after the full scanning of his title was elected king of portugall by the people, according to the mentall law of that kingdome.

The kinge of Fraunce Henry the fourth demandeth the kingdome of Nauarre as to him appertaining by the right of his mother, heire to that Catherine aboue said, the neece of Ferdinando of Arragon: whose proper in­heritance which was that kingdome, cannot be thus lost to her dommage, when her hus­band should haue fallen into som enormous faulte. To him appertayne the places of Sosierra depending from al antiquity of that kingdome which Queene Isabell the firste wife of Ferdinando by her testament, and for discharge of her conscience gaue or­der that they shoulde bee restored, as ha­uing bene vsurped by those of Castile from Nauerre. To him appertains moreouer the Duchies of Gandia Mount-blanc in Ar­ragon, and Pegnafiel: the Earledome of Ri­bargorcea, the Infantasgo of Castile, the cittie of Balaguer, and the Townes of Ca­strocheris, Harao, Villalon, Cuellar, the which king John father to Ferdinando of Ar­ragon [Page]gaue to the kingdome of Nauarre: vpon condition that in recompence there­of; he might enioy the said kingdom during his life, whether hee had issue or not by his marriage with Blanch daughter to Charles king of Nauarre third of that name, beeing the little sonne of Philip d'Eureux of the house of France: and there are also due vn­to his Maiestie foure hundred twenty thou­sande one hundred and twelue Florins of gold, six shillings eight deniers; money of Aragon, as wel can witnesse the mariage of the said Blanch to the restitution of all which territories and to the paiment of euerie pe­nie of these sums the king of Spaine standes bounden yet at this day.

This is not al, the verie kingdome of Ca­stile may lawfullie be called in question for the king of France, as being the true succes­sour of Saint Lewes: and herein can bee no prescription alledged. For it is neuer admit­ted in matters concerning kingdomes, and things purchased by fraudulent dealing. His Maiesties right is this, Henrie the first of the name king of Castile and Toledo, sonne to Alphonso the 4. of Castile, and to Leonora, [Page]daughter to Henrie the second, king of Eng­land, and to that Leonora, whome Lewes the young king of France put away, and dying without issue by the fall of a tilestone vpon his heade, left his sisters: the elder called Blanch, mother of S. Lewes: the second, Be­renguere, wife of the king Don Alfonso of Le­on, and the third, Leonora wife to the king of ragon.

Nowe when the saide Berenguere by or­dinanuce of Pope Jnnocent the thirde of that name, had bene seperated from the King of Leon her husbande, for that they were neere in Consanguinitie together: shee retyred her selfe after that tovvardes Henrie her brother, with her sonne Ferdi­nando, which shee had by the King of Leon, and hauing gotten infinite fauourites in the court of Castile, seeing the King Saint Lewes farre distant from her, and much busied in other warres, shee handled her matters so cunningly to the preiudice of this S. Lewes, she caused her son Ferdinando to bee elected King of Castile and Toledo, vppon the confi­dēt hope which she gaue the Castilians, that in the person of her son should the kingdom [Page]of Leon be reunited to that of Castile, & that they shuld auoid by this mean the dominati­on of a French Prince being but a stranger a­mongst them. S. Lewers began quickly to look & to make instāce for his Kingdoms a­gain: but whilst they did finely hold him play with fair promises, to restore him al again: he being not able to transport himselfe the­ther by reason of his warres in hande, the vvhole remained amongest them euer since.

I knowe well the Spaniardes alleage, that S. Lewes compoūded afterwards by means of the mariage of his daughter Blanch with Ferdinando of Leon, son to Alfonso the wise Astrologian, elected in fauour of the French to be Emperour of Germany, against Ri­chard son to King Iohn of England: But grant we that it were so, which notwithstanding, can neuer be accorded them, the K. of France remaineth not without a second right to the said Kingdoms. For afterwardes God per­mitting not, that anie so vniust vsurpation should take place, Alfonso the sage was de­posed and depriued of the Empire by Ro­dulfe, elected and placed in his roome, [Page]in his owne life time: was also bereaued by Sancio his second sonne of part of his king­domes thorough the aide of a Moore-king, named Mahomet Myr of Granado, with whom this Sancio made league to war vp­on his father: whereupon Alfonso growing into great indignation, and fearing least he should dispossesse the little infantes issued of his second sonne Ferdinando de la Cerda, but then latelie dead, to whome the king­domes did of right appertaine: he gaue him his curse and disinherited him, declaring by his Testament for heire in his kingdomes the eldest borne sonne of his elder son, and in case he might not possesse them did sub­stitute to the preiudice of his two other sons Iohn and Iames, Philip son to S. Lewes, vnto whom (pricked with the testimonie of his owne conscience) hee confessed these kingdoms of Castile and Toledo to apper­taine. And in case the rights of Saint Lewes should come to cease and faile, that then these realmes should come to the children of the said Ferdinando de la Cerda, whereof there is as yet some remainder in Spaine, which possible will not be content to bee [Page]tongue tyed for euer. And one of the descē ­dants of this Ferdinando de la Cerde, Alfonsus who was father to John d'Espagne Constable of Fraunce, behauing himselfe as a kinge of Castile and Toledo made a present to Philip d'Eureux king of Nauarre of the country of Guipuscoa, Alaua, and Rioia, which had ben territories and appurtenaunces of Nauarre: all which the kinge of Fraunce who is at this present, may as yet as kinge of Nauarre re­claime and iustlie challenge for his owne right.

I will not staie my selfe at infinite other rights, which not onely Fraunce but the Em­pire, and other particular Princes may pre­tend in the dominion & countries which the king of Spain holdeth (who by allusiō to the house of Austrich may be called Riche of o­ther mens goods.) I will not touch the share which the king of Spains daughters may pretend with his sonne, as well in the kingdome of Leon, as in other goods partable from all times betweene sons and daughters. Little will I also speake of the signall dommage of the diuision of lands and goods pretended by the defuncte Emperour Ferdinando of [Page] Avstria, against Charles the first his brother, father to this king of Spaine Phillip rayning at this present.

What should I counte the reuoults which are daily practised in the indies by reason of the intollerable imposts, which the king of Spaine maketh them endure, who constrai­neth them to pay euery yeare (as in Spaine likewise) their part for the obtaining of the Popes Bull, that they may eate flesh, egges, and cheese vpon fish dayes, both the men and women, poore and rich, of citties and villages, all without difference from seuen yeares of age vpwardes. And vrgeth them to this inconsideration of the expences he is at in obtaining the saide Bull, which none may refuse to take, albeit he woulde neuer eate butter and cheese in all his life. And that which is taken for a head in Spaine, is two Reals which is twelue pence sterling, and in the Indies is taken for euery poule eighteene or tweenty Reales: Counte you after the rate what it doth amounte vnto in such a world of people: and without the for­saide Bull, none may nor ought not (as saye these good hirelings preachers of Perdons) [Page]be buried in hallowed groūd, nor once come within the Church doore. O abhominable abuse! O sinne againste the holy-ghost! of those who terming themselues defendours of religion, sell vnto their owne subiects, the help & succour which they say to obtain for the health of their soules! See what a goodly reuenewe this is, and like to bee be long time fauored of God. But in the meane time it is the greatest of all Spaine. O miserable and vnnaturall French men, who closing your eies to so many iniquities, do suffer your selues to bee seduced by this GOLDE so ill gotten.

There remaineth their inquisition which serueth their turne rather to rob the goods of the innocent and miserable, then to con­taine men in any religion, wherof they were but as it were a maske an muffler.

Thus Spaine groweth to bee dispeo­pled by these cruelties intollerable and by the Alcaualle, which they call the tenthpen­ny of euery thing boughte and soulde, yea of the very habit which you shall cary newe in your cloake bagges. Who shall then [Page]bee the man so miserable that will admit in our Fraunce such people, whose very name is so ill receaued and odious, that to name them only skarreth the little children, and maketh them affrayde? Alas: Take heede, Frenchmen, it be not reproched you before God, how ye haue chaced away your owne brethren to lodge among you, barbarous people, take heede that this curse fall not vpon your heads, to be called iustlie Vipers who teares out the entrals of your own mo­ther, that is to say, of your own natiue coun­try: & beleeue that euerie one that wold ru­ine the building of Fraunce, shall remaine buried in the ruines. But if the lawes do pu­nish a man for hauing slaine a man who is his like, by how much more strong reason shall those be punished, who do not only kill a man, but procure the entire death and de­struction of a kingdome?

The king of Spaine, who here to fore said, that we must come to no tretie of peace with our king being swarued from the faith, cea­sed not in the mean time, and giueth not yet ouer to assay by all meanes to make peace with his subiects of Holland and Zeland, who [Page]are Lutheriens, Caluinists or Anabaptistes. He offreth to leaue them their free exercise of religion, to let them haue their citties and gouernments in the same estate wherin they possesse thē, demandeth only at their handes that they woulde but acknowledge him for their king. But those States ful wel knowe to whom they appertaine, and what manner a thing the Spanish domination is, & that this nation doth applaud, as doth the Crocodile when she wil cast forth her venome or bite: witnes be the poor Earls of Aignemont & of Horn put cruelly to death, notwithstanding their seruices done, for the reducing of countries into his obedience, & the faith to them promised. The death also procured by poi­son, as is said to the poor Lord of Montigny the end of the poore Marquesse of Bergues, and of al the Nobility which by one or other meane they race and root cleane out.

King Henry the fourth can wel tel how to defie all their false drifts, & he mistrusteth their cunning cariages, for all their sending him the portraite of the infant: He may too well knowe, how when Ferdinando of Arra­gon the last, & Philip Archduk of Austria, [Page]were in treaty of the mariage of Madam Claudi of Fraunce with Charles the fifth, the father of this Philip nowe rayning, and after the mariage concluded, sworne and confir­med at Blois, the king of Fraunce Lewes the twelfth his Lieutenants mistrusting nothing the Spainards ranne vppon them defeating two French Armies the one in Calabria vn­der the Conduct of the Lord d'Anbig­ny the other at Cirignolla lead by the Duke of Nemours the Lord Lewes d'Armignac: the chiefe commanders of the Spaniards alled­ging for all excuses that they had heard of no prohibition giuen them from their mai­ster, to make warres.

At this present the king of Spaine being of the age of sixty 7. yeares and aboue vn­lustly of his person (as he is doubtles) seeth himselfe at the period of his subtilties, can­not tel by what meanes to keepe that which he hath purloined from others; his faire promises vapour away to nothing, his mind is bewrayed and his counsels discouered. Hee seeketh to helpe himselfe with the feebler side in Fraunce, to the end to keepe vs stil in war, for feare least the weaker parte through [Page]want of means should abandōn the war, hee would make vs knocke one another on the heades, that he may make his preie on vs af­terward. He goeth about to cut our throats with our own kniues, and to ouerthrowe vs with our owne weapons, because by his hee knoweth he cannot do it. He entertaineth the warre in our country, for feare least wee set vpon him in his owne: And if that parte which he taketh should become the stron­ger, he would incontinent war vpon it. He is not yet come to sollicite (as they call them) the Huguenotes of Fraunce to rebell against King Henrie the fourth, and to wage warre vpon him.

Let then all Princes and Potentates take heed of the enterprises and counsels of so charitable a neighbour: And you French­men, learn to be wise by your owne harmes: I adiure you all by the honour and respect you beare vnto God, by the faith, loue and loyaltie you owe to King Henry the fourth, giuen by God vnto Fraunce, sonne to your predecessor Kings, issued from the loynes of S. Lewes, and by the charity yee owe to your countrie, and to the safetie of your selues, of [Page]your wiues and of your children, and to the conseruation of our religion, Temples and Fortunes, cease among your selues this pee­uish rebellion (if as yet it haue place in anie of you) and reduce it to a due obedience, which onely can make next after the grace of God spring againe vpon vs the blisse of our fathers and the peace and tranquillitie of their golden ages.

Some preach that religion is in great ieopar die, & that many of the fathers in the primi­tiue Church are dead for the catholick faith, and that we must die for the same: I grant it, but they must giue vs the Scriptures as they are vnderstood. We are already to die when they shal force vs to renounce our Sauiour Iesus Christ, & to sacrifice vnto Idols. Then and no otherwise ought death to bee endu­red in this case, so haue those fathers recea­ued it, & we will die before we will bee other than followers of the true Catholike and A­postolike religion. Our fathers in the church fled in time of persecution & none of them haue resisted kings in armes, finding it better to suffer then to reuolt. Our Lord also coun­selled his Apostles to flie in time of persecu­tion [Page]from one cittye to an other, and not to make any resistance by armes.

And ye the Lords of the Cleargy, knowe ye that the doctrine which God hath giuen vs (to you principally as a pledge of his grace) hall neuer gette his perfect and resplendent brightnesse, as long as these bloudy warres shall trouble the sweete streams flowing from so goodly a fountain. O how the league doth well shew it selfe to be come from the lowest cauernes of hell, sith it putteth diuision name­ly among the Catholikes, who being vnited together might liuely haue set vpon the Heri­tikes and by faire war cut off many thousands of them. Knowe that you haue neede of the materiall sword, which is that of the kinge, to make you liue in safety, rest, and iustice, and to maintain this our religion which is the trew soule of the body of our estate. And sure, needefull it is to conserue the kingdome in his entire body without diuiding it into his mēbers, for fear least by the cutting off of som one principall, this soule take his flight away. Behold I pray you the fruit of the preachings of some amongst you, and possible (albeit not all) moued with a good zeale but not ruled [Page]as saith the Apostle according to knowledge but what haue you done? trulie you haue fur­nished bellows and straw to kindle the coales of our quarrel. O furie: O madnesse: vnbesee­ming your Priesthood. So is it come to passe, that millions of your flocks are perished with out confession, without sacramentes, without sepulture: Of a hundred Churches scarce shal ye finde one standing whole, nor in ten pari­shes hardlie one parish-priest, if it bee not in the countries reduced to the Kinges obedi­ence. This was the matter that moued Moun­sieur Vigor, one of the most famous Doctors of diuinitie in France, & for his singular lear­ning made by the holie Father Archbishop of Narbona to say in his sermons vppon the feast of Trinitie and S. Martin: Jf God woulde so much afflict vs as to giue vs a King who were a Turke or an Heretike, yet must not wee leuie Armes againste him, nor warre vppon him, for the great mischiefes which ensue thereupon. These very words are cōtained in the books imprinted before the troubles, but are mali­ciouslie put out in the new imprinted by the League, for feare least this knife of truth shuld cut the throate of these suppostes of 1easing, [Page]who could not abide so good a lesson in so good an authour.

But now our King is, God bee thanked, most Catholike, and when hee were not so, God who caused himself to be enregistred in the records of the Emperour Augustus, when he caused the whole world to be taxed: & the commandement to pay the tribute vnto Cae­sar, albeit he were a prophane Pagan: the ex­ample also of Saint Paul who appealed vnto Nero a most wicked Emperour, shew that the King being such as God sendeth to take the royal place, is to be obeyed. The examples likewise of the thirtie three Popes being all martyrs, & died consecutiuelie one after another haue shewed vs the same, who neuer cau­sed sword to be vnsheathed against the perse­cuting emperours or any other heretikes.

The same did S. Gregory the Pope, dedica­ting his dialogues to Theodolinda wife to Agi­lulphus King of Lombards, holding as yet then his paganisme that thorow the sweet perswa­sion of his vvife, he might be brought to chri­stianisme & purchase peace vnto the church. Did not Pope Leo the like prostrating him­selfe at the feet of the vvicked Attilas. No lesse did Pope Iohn the first of that name, [Page]going from Rome to Constantinople to the Emperour Iustin, to pray him to set open the Temples of the Arrians, which he had caused to be shut vp fearing least the Arrians, which might consume of themselues, would disturb and trouble the peaceable estate & tranquil­lity of the Church.

Doubt ye not also but that our holy father the Pope moued by these examples wil seeke to repaire the wrong donne vnto our king, by some misinformed of his iustice, or possibly caried headlong away with the Spanish pas­sion. He shall find him to bee such a one that he is the eldest sonne of the Church: hee will call to mind how our king is descended from those, who haue consecrated and giuen in almes to the Church, the fairest flowers of their garland, and the best of their good. A­las! His holinesse cannot do lesse for our king Henry the fourth, then by one of his prede­cessors hath beene donne within these fewe yeares to the Quene of Sweden being excom­municated and in relapse, receauing her with all ioy and gladnesse in the person of her em­bassadors into the bosome of the church.

The holie fathers haue neuer refused the [Page]penitent princes, witnesse bee the peace of Constance and other decrees, wherof the hi­stories and holie Councels are fully repleni­shed. His Holinesse may see how much is en­uied the share, which god hath giuen our king in the earth: But hee shall say to the king of Spain, the greatest spiter thereof, that which Pope Boniface the 8 told most wisely Albertus of Austria, who by his cunning working cau­sed himselfe to be elected Emperour, to the preiudice of William Earle of Nassau, then Emperour of Germanie, whome he slewe in battel, he shal tel him, I say, that hee who hath slaine the Emperour with his own hand is vn­worthy to bee inuested and confirmed in the Empire. For it is by his onely hand and hand­ling that this death and slaughter is purchased in our kingdom of France, wherein he went about and was willing to cause himselfe to be called king, but God bee thanked, hee hath lost his labour therein.

The holie father who was in the time of Emanuel Emperor of the East, wold not once har­ken to the offers hee made him to cause the Greek Church to bee reunited with the La­tine vpon condition that the Empire of the [Page]West, being vacant by reason of the depriua­tion of Frederick, shuld be reunited with that of the East: foreseeing also that it was a matter greatly to be suspected whereby to make the vniuersall Church, to depende but of one only power among men: and should his Ho­linesse so much weaken a King or a kingdom, of Frāce, which is the true arme of the church to suffer all the world to be ouerflowne with a king and a prouince meer mixed with races of Moores, Saracens and Gothes, than with true Christians, hauing more holines and respect to sacred thinges, than is borne to the least village in Fraunce?

His Holinesse shall know that the kinges of Fraunce & their peoples haue bent their for­ces & made good for the Church, then when Asia, Afrike, Spaine, Italie, and almost all the world were full of Arrianisme and heresies, let him remember also (and his successors may for euer cal happilie to remembrance in their holy sea) how that in the year of the birth of king Philip of Spaine at this present was fa­tall and dismall to the holie Sea, hauing ther­in the Army of Charles the fifth his father, surprised and sackt Rome, ransommed the [Page]holy father Clement and his cardinals ruined & profaned the temples & churches of Rome which Attilas beeing named for his inhumain cruelties, the scourge of God, refused, to do.

King Henry the fourth of France, knoweth right wel, that he must one day giue accompt of his charge, & that God wil cause him to be obeyed, honored and serued of his subiects, as he wil obey, honour and serue God: Hee knoweth how the first marshall, king and fa­ther of the whole worlde Adam, before his fall, was respected of all liuing creatures, as Lord thereof, but after his reuolte the verie beastes rebelled against him, the Lyon began to dismember & tear him in peeces, the horse to kick and winch at him, the dog to snarl and bite at him, and so al the rest in their kinds be­gan to bende all the vigour of their furies a­gainst him and that God hath possibly permitted the same to be done to him by some of his subiects (albeit if they turn not again to their allegeance, they can neuer escape the diuine vengeance, because their king hath by the suggestion of his enemies wandered astray in Religion. His Maiesty knoweth too well that hee cannot purchase the grace of God if being aduanced by him into a more emi­nent [Page]than they in all maner of vertuous acti­ons. Hee sheweth already by the diligence which he vseth in feats of armes, that as he is far gone in the iourny of his age; and ther re­maining for him so many things to be done in the world (the honour and labour whereof it seemeth that God hath reserued for him) he wil imitate the birds of the more northen na­tions, where the day hauing but one hower of length, they flie more couragiously & more swiftly then any other of the aire. For he hath in a small time reduced into his obedience the most of the people of his kingdome, and sheweth them by the mild dealing he vseth to­wards them, that he hath conquered them not for his owne particular good, but to bring them into their greater ease and securitie.

Alreadie his Maiesty doeth meditate no­thing els but to make of his court the cabinet of the most excellent & rarest thinges of the earth, and that therein shall be found the most vertuous, honest, and best accomplished men of this world. Vertue shall be in esteem if euer it were: he pretendeth so soon as he shal haue satisfied those vnto whom his people (misera­ble as it is) hath for their follies past constrai­ned [Page]to promise recompences, quite to abolish, or so to moderate the taxes that his poore sub­iectes shal haue cause for euer to pray vnto the Almightie for him, and his memorie therefore may be sacred to all posteritie. He is not igno­rant how by the too great excesse of the saide taxes his people remaineth in languishing sort, & the nobilitie who followeth him is made poor because the Pezant cannot nor dare not till the lands of the nobility & of others for fear of the said taxes, by means wherof the groūd should ly barren, without tillage, & the Nobilitie, which hath no other riches but of the glebe & soyl can no longer follow and serue him, nor the people of the country, or husbandman the verie forge of all commodities of the kingdome, succour him any longer.

Yee then of the Nobility (if there bee any of this qualitie who wil against the deuoir of his profession weare the skarfe of the League in steed of our white collour of the flowres de Luce of France) what honor think you to leaue to your children, to say that you haue fostered and nourished this mostrous Hydra the league, which hath brought foorth vnto vs & our chil­dren so many mischiefs and miseries. See you that you stop vp the light and brightnes of your [Page]races vnder the sinders of your rebellion? Take ye, take ye the collour of your brethren, and permit not that your noble race remaine vila­nized, stayned and spotted with treason to­wads your selues, and towardes you countrie.

And you good people whose prosperity is so much different from that in which our de­ceased kings and fathers left you, behould the surface of our poore country aunciently ador­ned with your goodly buildings (I cānot speak this without teares) nowe desert, rugged and without tillage. Where is this liberty promised you by the league? Alas! (As said, I thinke The­ophrastus' to the Greekes.) (They haue put in too much vinegre,) where is this abolition of taxes? Alas; they are six fold as many as they were be­fore. Where is this restablishment of religion? Alas they haue beaten downe to the grounde and profaned your churches; the priests them­selues taking armes haue run into a thousande villainies. Consider that there is in Fraunce neither iustice nor publik force, but from your king, which may sauegard ye from iniury. Per­ceaue ye not how you empouerish your selues daly, and that these hunger-starued gouernors whose rebellion ye nourish, will stifle you one of these daies to haue your bloud, will flea you [Page]to haue your skins, seeing that amongst them the richest hath nought to liue vpon, if it be not vpon your substance, nor any commoditie, which they forge not alreadie vpon your bat­tered Anuile. Liue, liue vnder your king, and vnder his lawes, chace far from you these hire­ling-preachers of sedition, this miserable fie­rers and destroyers of our countrie: it is not religion but rebellion they preach: away with them. The Duke de Maine acknowledgeth al­readie that he hath bene deceiued and abused by them. All the world knoweth it: and there is hope, seeing that the Crowne (as said Titus Vespatians son, called for his vertue and good­nesse the delight and darling of the worlde) is a gift of God, bestowed on him whome hee pleaseth by his onlie hand and pure will, that the said Duke of Maine will reknowledge his Maiestie for his King, and will repose more confidence in him than in any other prince li­uing. Well hee knoweth that the Maximees of Spaine are first to make a hande of them, who aide them in the Conquest of their prouinces, saying iustlie that they cānot credit the faith of them who haue failed in that which they owe to their owne countrie: and when all that were not so, neuer was there man who followed them [Page]but is dead miserably. The said Duke of Maine, hath done but too much for his part, when hee had had place but to reuenge the death of his brethrē wherunto K. Henry the 4. was neuer consenting. If he passe further, he remaneth for euer most culpable and blameworthy. Let him not then let slip this good occasion, whilest the time is that he may come in and yeeld himself to his king with honor, making shew of the common pretext of religion, & of no other thing to haue mooued him to take armes, and let him call to minde how hee hath to deale with a kinge of France who shal neuer be without successor to reuenge all iniuries: that his maiesty may one day come to an accord with the K. of Spaine, and so then by that meane this Duke may re­maine oppressed and of small esteeme. Let him confesse that euery Christian ought to leuell onely at the saluation of his soule, the which he can neuer obtain at Gods hands, nor any good for his children, but in restoring vnto his kinge that which he detained vniustly from his king­dome, against the dutie of a subtect, a vassall and an officer to the crowne.

FINIS.
A COPIE OF SPECIALL …

A COPIE OF SPECI­ALL RECORD, OF THE Ho­mage done by Philip Archduke of Au­stria, Earle of Flanders, &c. to the most Christi­an King of France, Lewes the twelft of that name, in the yeare 1499.

Iohn Amys, Notary, and Secretary to the King our Soueraigne. For so­much as it hath pleased the Noble and puissant L. Monsieur Guy of Roche­fort Knight, Lord of Pleuuot, and of Laber­gemant, Chauncellour of Fraunce, as well of his fauour to preferre mee, as to com­maund and inioyne me to take a copy of the receipte of an Homage done to the King our gracious Lorde, in his person, by the most high & most puissant Prince, [Page 2]the Lord Philip, sonne to the King of Ro­mains, Arch-duke of Austria, Earle of Flanders, of Artois, and of Charrolois, the fift at day of Iuly, 1499. the saide Lorde Chancellour being then in the Cittie of Arras, in the Bishoppes pallace: And for that such great actes, and ceremonies, which haue bin vsed and obserued there­in to the honour, exaltation, profit, and aduantage of the King and his Crowne, are worthie of perpetuall memorie: I haue beene so bolde at his instance, to couch in writing, all that I could see and vnderstand, touching this present act and busines, and especially since the nine and twentie of Iune last past, vntill the fift of Iuly, next ensuing. And to come to the matter, certaine and true it is, that the Lord Chancellor departed the same day, at after dinner, from Dourlent in the countrie of Picardy, to goe for the Cittie of Arras, where he arriued before night, being all the way accompanied with the Lordes de Rauestain, and de la Gruture, [Page 3]with Charles de la Ʋernada, Knight of the same place, Master Christopher de Cremona, Counsellers of state and ordinarie Ma­sters of Requests of the Kings house, Ma­ster Ralfe de Launoy Baily of Amiens, Ma­ster Francis d'Estain, Hugh de Baigel, Al­maury de Quinqui ville, Nicholas de Foix, Philip d'Estas, Richard Nepueu, Peter de la Ʋernada, common Counsellers: Macé Toustain, the Kings Proctor generall in his Priuie Counsell, John Bourdelot, the Kings Proctor generall in his Courte of Parliament at Paris: Antony le Ʋiste, Re­gister of the Chauncery of France: Dreux Budé, John de Ʋillebresme, Ralfe Guyot, Phi­lip Maillart, Notaries and Secretaries to his Maiestie and to me. And as the Lord Chauncellor came with this traine with­in a mile and halfe of the Cittie of Arras, riding in gallant order, hauing before him the Gentleman Vsher of the priuie Councell, carrying vpon his shoulder in open sight his mace, grauen and imbossed with the Kings Armes: after the Gentle­man [Page 4]Vsher followed next the Clarke of the Signet, who carried the Scale, as the vse is, when the Lord Chauncellor rideth his circuits into the Countrey: on either side of this Clarke of the Signet, marched one of the two kinges of Armes of our Lord the King, enrobed with their coates of Armes, to wit, Mont-ioye, the chiefe king of Armes of France, and Normandie: here came to meete the Lorde Chancel­lor, the Bishop of Cambray, Thomas de Pleu­res, Knight, Chancellor to the Archduke, the Lorde Earle of Nassau, the Lorde of Fiennes, and diuers others both Knightes and Squiers, most of them of the Arch­dukes Councell. The Bishop addressing himselfe towards the Chancellor, signifi­ed vnto him; that the Lordes of his com­panie were sent by the Archduke his Ma­ster, to informe him, that the saide Lorde Archduke was most ioyfull of his ariuall, and likewise of that, of all the other Lords in traine with him, & that they were al the welcōmest men that might be, with other [Page 5]faire speeches, gentle greetings, & sweete salutations: all this nobilitie doing great reuerence and honour to the L. Chancel­lor, and giuing princely entertainement to all the Nobles of his troupe: for the which the L. Chancellor returned most honorable thankes to the Archduke, and to the other Lordes, who were come thi­ther in his behalfe. And soone after they on both sides tooke their way to goe vn­to the Cittie. As the whole company arri­ued at the entrance of the Suburbes, the Chancellor was met by the Archduke himselfe, who to receiue him the more honorablie, and to meete him by the way, was departed on horsebacke from the Abbey of Saint Vas, in the Cittie of Arras, and had passed cleane through the grea­test streete thereof. And so soone as the Archduke, accompanied with a great number both of Knightes of his order, with Squiers and other officers of his household, who were marshalled on eue­ry side, to make way and place for the [Page 6]Chancellor, and those of his traine to passe, perceiued the Chancellor, hee put his hand to his hatte, and vncouering his head, hastened on his Mule to march to­wards the Lorde Chancellor, whom hee embraced, holding still his hat in hand, and there gaue him the gentle welcome: demaunding him in this manner, How dooth my Lorde the King? To whom the Chancellor answered, very well God bee thanked, as hee intended to declare vnto him more amply. The like great enter­tainement gaue this Archduke to the Lordes of Rauestain and la Gruture, salu­ting graciously the Masters of Requests, and the other of the Kings Counsaile, who were there present. After many friend­ly speeches and countenances past, be­tweene the Archduke, the Chancellor, and the Lorde Rauestain, the Archduke holding still his hatte in his hand, and would not bee couered, except the Chan­cellor would also put on: the Archduke and the Chancellor roade on their way, [Page 7]to enter into the Cittie, the Chancellor still holding the right hand, and the Gen­tleman Vsher to the Kings Councel, bea­ring vp his mace in open sight, and the Clarke of the Signet, hauing the Kinges seale vpon his backe, as the custome is, when the Chancellor rideth thorough the Kingdome, and the two Kinges of Armes in their order, nor was there any other there, on the behalfe of the Arch­duke or Chancellor: which thing was, and hath been greatly noted, as well by the Archdukes people and officers, as by the other Cittisens and Countrie, whereof there was no small number, both within the Cittie and without, thither flocked to beholde this their magnificent en­trance. Thus the Archduke conducted along the Lorde Chancellor still parling vnto him, vncouering his head often­times, and by no meanes would not put on againe, except the Chancellor were couered as soone as hee: and thus did hee bring him along, vnto the verie porch of [Page 8]the cloyster of the great Church: whence the Archduke would by all force carrie him into the Bishops Pallace, in the which the Lorde Chancellor hath alwaies been lodged, nor coulde the entreaties and requests which the Chancellor made vn­to him to content himselfe, that hee had done so much vnto him for the honour of his King preuaile any thing at all. Vp­on these enterparlies, the Archduke de­parting from the Chancellor, withdrew himselfe into the Cittie of Arras, to his lodging in Saint Ʋas his Abbey: and the Lorde Chancellor into the Bishops pal­lace, accompanied with the Earle of Nas­sau, and other great personages of the Archdukes house: and afterward euerie one of the Chancellors trayne retyred themselues into such lodgings as the her­bingers had appoynted for them. After many goings and commings to and fro, which by the Lorde Bishoppe Thomas de Pleures, the Countie Nassau, the Lord of Mont-labais, and other of the Archdukes [Page 9]officers; during all the dayes of Mun­day, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thurs­day following, being the first, second, third, and fourth, of Iuly, were made to the Chauncellour into his lodging, to treate and conclude vpon some poynts and articles propounded by the Kinges Proctor generall in his Courte of Parli­ament. The said matters comming to an issue, upon thursdaye request was made by the Archdukes officers to the Lorde Chancellor, that he would prepare him­selfe to receiue the Homage which the saide Archduke was bound to doe to the King, by reason of his Peere-dome and Earledome of Flanders, and likewise for his Countries of Artois and Charrolois, and other territories helde of the King our Soueraigne because of his Crowne: and for this purpose to assigne a daye and hower to the Archduke, to the end hee might come to him to doe his Ho­mage. To whom the Chauncellor gaue this aunswere: that vpon the morrowe [Page 10]which was Friday, and the fift daye of the moneth, were it about nine or ten a clocke in the morning hee shoulde bee readie to take it: the which both daye and houre were accepted by those the Archdukes officers. For this purpose the Lord Chauncellor gaue commaun­dement to prouide and set in order a place in the second great hall of his lodging, the which should bee hanged rounde about with rich Tapistries, and therein another little place to be moun­ted higher then the rest by two steppes, where should bee set a chayre of estate, costly trimmed, and couered with flow­er de luces euery where embrodered in golde, on the which hee would bee sea­ted, during the dooing of this Homage: and gaue them the wordes which were to bee pronounced touching this Ho­mage, which was all done accordingly. Fryday being come, about the hower of ten a clocke in the morning, the Chan­cellor being in his chamber accompa­nied [Page 10]with the Masters of Requestes of the Kings house, those of his Counsell, the Baylie of Amiens, and all the rest a­boue named, worde was brought him by Master Thomas de Pleures, and by o­thers the Archdukes officers, how the Archduke was departed from his lodg­ing, and was comming towards him to doe his Homage, and that hee shoulde dispose and seate himselfe in place con­uenient, to receiue the same. To whome the Chauncellor replied, that so soone as hee shoulde appeare in the place ap­poynted for the receite thereof, he was and woulde bee readie. Two seuerall times beside this, came there other his officers, both of his Chamberlains and Secretaries, to tell him the first time how the Archduke was arriued, in the first hall, which ioyned to the second, albeit the Chancellor moued not a whit there­fore. And at the second time, for that those officers affirmed their Lorde the Archduke was entered into the second [Page 12]hall, as true it was, and also for that the Lorde de la Gruture, and Master Robert de Framezelles the Kings Chamberlaine, who with the Lorde de Rauestain, had accompanied the Archduke from his lodging into the said second great hall, came to certifie the Chauncellour how the Archduke was alreadie in the pro­per place, appoynted and prouided for the saide Homage: then the Chancellor attyred in a robe of Crymson Veluet, and with his hat on his head came one­ly foorth of his chamber, which ioyned close to the great hall, in manner as fol­loweth: You must then knowe, the Lord Chancellor had before him the Gentle­man Vsher of the priuie Counsell, cary­ing his Mace aloft in open sight, who so soone as hee was come foorth of the Chamber, and entered into the second great hall, because therein was alreadie so great a number of people thronging one on another, as wel of the Archdukes officers as of others, that a man coulde [Page 13]hardly turne himselfe, beganne with a loude voyce to crye out in these wordes three or foure times: Roome, Roome, make Roome my masters, giue place there before. After the saide Vsher marched the two kings of Armes of our King, enrobed with our Kinges coates of Armes: then followed the Chauncel­lour, and after him the Masters of Re­questes of the priuie Counsell, and then the Notaries and Secretaries of the King our Lorde with whom I was. And for that the Lorde Chancellor gaue me commaund before his departure out of his chamber, that I should take vp some place fit to beholde the saide Homage, and to heare as well the wordes of him, as of the Archduke, which should be vt­tered and spoken by them both, and to set downe the same in writing, as I might best deuise, I was not negligent to doe it. And you must knowe as the Chancel­lor approached the chayre, wherein hee was to sitte downe, the Archduke, who [Page 14]stoode hard by it, attending the com­ming of the saide Lorde Chancellor, put off his bonnet incontinent, and thus be­spake the Chancellor: My Lorde, GOD giue you good morrowe, and with that bowed his head very low: but the Chan­cellor without speaking any worde at all, put onely his hand to his hat hee had on his head, not dooing it off at all, then sat him downe in his chayre, and forth­with one of the kinges of Armes, as or­der was giuen him b the Chauncellor, cryed with a loude voyce three times: Peace, Silence, keepe Silence there. Af­ter this, the Archduke bare headed pre­sented himselfe to the Lorde Chancellor to doe his Homage, saying: My Lord, I am come to you to doe the Homage which I am bound to doe to my Lorde the King, touching my Peere-dome and Countries of Flanders, Artois, and Char­rolois, the which I holde of my Lorde the King, by the right of his Crowne. Then the Lorde Chauncellour sitting in his [Page 15]chayre, his hat vpon his head, deman­ded him whether hee had any girdle, dagger, or other weapon: to whome the Archduke lifting vp the laps of his cote, which was vngirded, replied, hee had none. So soone as hee had so saide, the Chauncellor put both his two hands be­tweene his owne, and holding them so fast ioyned together, the Archduke would haue bowed himselfe downe, ma­king shew to fall on his knees, which the Chauncellor woulde not permit him to do: but in lifting him vp againe by his two hands, which hee held fast as wee saide before, spake these wordes: Your good will suffiseth. Then the Chauncel­lor began with him in this manner, hol­ding still his handes fast closed within his, the saide Archduke standing all this while bare headed, and forcing himselfe to fall vpon his knees: You become the vassal of the King your Soueraign Lord, and you doe him faith and liege Ho­mage, by reason of your Peere-dome [Page 16]and Earledome of Flanders, and also of the Earledomes of Arthois, and of Char­rolois, and of all other the landes which you holde, which are of his demaynes and held of the King in right of his Crowne: you promise to serue him vn­till death inclusiuely towardes and a­gainste all those who may liue and dye, excepting none: to procure his good, and to auoyde his hurt, and to carrie and acquire your selfe towards him, as towards your Soueraine Lord. Where­unto the Archduke made this answere: By my faith so I promise, and so will I performe it. This done and saide, the Lorde Chauncellour vsed these wordes vnto him: And I receiue you, excepting the right of the King in other thinges, and others in all. Afterward hee turned his cheeke to him, on the which the Lord Chauncellor kist him. When the Arch­duke requested and demanded at the Chancellors handes letters testimoniall of the receite of the said homage, which [Page 17]the Chancellor commanded me to dis­patch and giue him. Then the Chancel­lor rose vp from his chaire, and vncoue­ring his head, did his reuerence to the Archduke with these tearmes. My Lord I did euen nowe supply the office of a King, representing his person, and at this present I am but Guy of Rochefort, your most humble seruant, alwayes ready to serue you, towardes the King my Soue­raigne Lord and Master, in whatsoeuer it shall please you to commaund me: whereof the Archduke gaue him many harty thāks, with these curteous words: my Lorde Chancellor I thanke you, and beseech you euermore that you will in all mine affaires towardes my Lorde the King, thinke vpon me and haue me in remembrance.

Sic Signatum. AMYS.
A true Copy taken forth of the Roy­all Recordes, registred in the Court of Parliament of Paris, thus signed: DƲ TJLLEL.
TO THE WORTHIE, AND FAVOROR OF ALL VERTVES, MASTER RI­CHARD SONDS, SONNE and heire to the right Wor­shipfull, Michael Sondes Esquier.

SIr the duetie I owe vnto you, proceeding of so many & in­finit curtisies, in all bounti­ful measure receiued, as well in your forraine trauailes, as in your home aboad, haue of long time been a continuall spurre to my weake forces; to finde some defence against that threatning monster ingratitude; & fin­ding wayward fortune still waspishe in her wonted manner, euen loath to affoord me a good looke: am constrained, lest I should be of you and the worlde condemned, to take this poore occasion to shew mine affectionate mind, [Page]not meaning thereby to make this a shew of a satisfaction for so great a debt, but onely in part in cutte off the consuming interest, and to confesse vnto you in the witnesse of the world a further duetie to bee accomplished. And knowing in parte the earnest desire you haue alwaies had; to see into forraine States, and acquaint your selfe with the diuers manners of nations. I finding here a wandering stran­ger by chance, whom I perceiued fit to informe you of somewhat worthy the inquirie: hauing now procured him a poore English weede, I am bold to commend him vnto you, hoping you wil not deny him your friendly patronage, nor me your wonted fauour.

Yours wholly deuoted, Richard Sergier.

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