A DISCOVRS OF MONARCHIE AS OF THE BEST COMmon wealth: tending vnto the duitifull consideration or rather admiration of a Royall Princes most highe, and happy Estate.
AS there is nothing more comfortable vnto all liuing creatures, then to see the light, and shining of the gladsome Sunne: So is there nothing more ioyful vnto all good subiectes, then to beholde the Glorie, and Maiestie of their soueraigne Prince. If the Sunne intercepted with cloudes, and vapours, or by some other interposition preuēted, sendeth not forth his lightsome beames: The whole face of the Earth is couered (as we see it is in the night season) with sadnesse, and blacke, and lothsome darknesse. Birdes keepe in their bushes, snakes in their holes, men hide them selues [Page 2] in their houses. In like maner if the Princes Power be in any pointe impared, or the brightnesse of his Royall Maiestie any whitte eclipsed: the subiecte straight doth feele the smarte, and want therof. The Trauailer is lesse estemed abrode: the Courtier lesse regarded at home: the Marchante lesse priuileged in a farre countrey: the Noble man lesse honored in his owne. For as the Moone, the Starres, and all inferiour lightes doe fetche their light from that great light (the life, and light of the worlde:) Euen so the prosperous estate of the subiectes, is deriued from the prosperitie of the Prince: their honour from his honour: their estimation from his estimation. So long as the Romane Empire flourished, and retained his light, and brightnesse, a Senator of ROME was thought any kinges compagnion: a Citizen, or souldier of ROME might haue trauailed ouer all the worlde without paying one pennie of taxe, or towle. And since the Dignitie of th'Empire was translated into Germany: the Germanes also in most places haue like priuileges. At BOLOGNA (a famous Vniuersitie of the Popes in Lombardie) they are not subiect vnto th'Inquisition: At FLORENCE, SIENNA, PISA, (cheife [Page 3] cities of Tuscane) they haue free libertie to carie their weapons, and in many places they pay no Impostes. So the Spagniard, because his Prince is of great Power, and pretendeth many Titles: he chalengeth also many Preheminences. If he may haue his will, he will sit vppermost at the table wheresoeuer he commeth: and though he haue neither money in his purse, nor good cloathes on his backe: yet because his maister is kinge of Spaine, he wilbe SIGNOR DI CASTILIA: and starue rather, then worke in any maner of way with his hands to get him a liuing. For truely I do not remember that I haue seene any Spagniard, (and yet I haue seene a great many both at MILAN, NAPLES, MESSINA, SYRACVSA, MALTA) euer to exercise out of his countrey any manuall occupation. But I haue founde him, either in the Gallies a souldier, or in the Cities in maner of a Gentleman: wheras th'Italian hauing lost the light, and dignitie of his nation: (the Romane Empire) is contente on the Seas sometimes to play the Mariner, and other whiles in the Cities to sit dressing of silke: So the Fleminge because his countrey seemeth of late yeares to be ouer hadowed with a kinde of [Page 4] darkenesse, (as wanting the foresaid brightnesse of Royall Maiestie) he, as a man halfe in disgrace, hueth abroade with lesse reputation and for the most parte vpon some bare, and handycrafte occupation.
VVherefore it is no small comforte vnto an English Gentleman, finding him selfe in a farre countrey, when he may boldly shew his face, and his forehead vnto any forren Nation: sit side by side with the proudest Spagniard: cheek by cheeke with the stoutest Germane: set foote to foote with the forewardest Frenchmā: knowing that his most Royall Prince (her Maiesties highnesse) is no whitte subiecte, nor inferiour vnto any of theirs. But that shee may also (if shee plaise) chalenge the superioritie both ouer some of them, and ouer many other kinges, and Princes more. As maister DEE hath very learnedly of late (in certaine tables by him collected out of sundry auncient, and approuued writers) shewed vnto her Maiestie, that shee may iustly call her selfe LADY, and EMPERES of all the Northe Ilandes.
The which kindes of titles, and dignities, although they be not altogether to be neglected, (For they may in conuenient time minister iust [Page 5] occasion vnto the Prince to inlarge his dominions) yet because they are but as Lanternes without light, or lightes without warmth, as flowers without fruite, and blossomes without substance, or certaintie: they are neither so highly to be regarded, nor so tenderly to be cherished), as those Royalties, and dignities, which I intende (where occasiō shalbe offered) to commend vnto the excellencie of ROYALL MONARCHIE, as necessarie vnto the framing, and fashioning of a best, and a most perfect common weale: The skope, and marke whervnto tendeth the speciall purpose of this presente discourse. For, as in a morall Treatice I haue done my indeuour to shew what is the principall, and last ende of the best common weale: So doe I desire in this ciuill discourse to declare, what is the best forme, and fashion of the same. And thirdly (when time shall serue) to speake of the discipline, and maner of gouuernement wherwith shee may best direct her selfe vnto the obteining of the saide her last ende and perfection.
Discourses (I confesse) more fit for them that are continually conuersante in the skoole of good learning, or for such, as tredde the pathe [Page 6] of publicke affaires, then for him that followeth no such profession: Yet seeing that I proceede7. The maner of proceeding of the Author. not therin by waye of rules and preceptes: As CICERO, ARISTOTLE, and PLATO did in their common weales, (Che non vanno si alte l'ale mie,) but by the way of reasoning, and of discourse, not presuming to teache any (thinking my selfe skante worthy to learne of those vnto whose excellent handes these lines may happely come) but meaning onely to put the learned reader in minde of that, which he already knoweth; and if by chaunce there shall be any thing new therin, and not in this our natiue language before time written, humbly to recommend the same vnto his courteous correction: I hope, my modeste meaning will helpe to excuse the boldnesse of my enterprise, and the courtesie of the reader will vouchsafe to regarde more the good wil, and th'indeuour: then the simple skill, and youngnesse of the writer.
But for to come vnto our present Institution: I will first (because there are diuers kindes ofThe order obserued by the author. common weales, and diuers opinions therof according vnto the diuersitie of mens affections:) before I speake of the maner, and forme of the best common weale: shew in generall, [Page 7] what a common weale is: how many speciall kindes of common weales there are: and wherin they differre one from an other. A common weale therefore is, An order of gouernementWhat a cō mon weale is. obserued in a citie, or in a countrey, as touching the Magistrates that beare rule therin: especially concerning that Magistrate, which hath highest authoritie, and is the principall. The supreme, or principal Magistrate we meane him, who ruleth all vniuersally: from whome is deriued, & vpon whome dependeth the power, and authoritie of all inferiour offices, and orders: As in a popular Estate, the people: In a kingdome, the Prince. Of commō weales someHow many kindes of common weales there are. are good, and iuste, which tende onely vnto th'aduauncement of the publicke profit. Others are ill, and wicked, tending altogether vnto their owne priuate commoditie, and not vnto the benefit of their countrey. Of good common weales there be three kindes. The first is, wheras a number of good men, and men of reasonable wealth, doe iointly beare rule together,What is Respublica. procuring by all good meanes they can, the weale of their countrey: the which is called by the generall name of common weale: (in Latine Respublica) such as was vsed in SPAR [...] [Page 8] and is now in GENOA, and in LVCCA.
An other is, when the gouernemente of the whole is committed vnto the handes of a fewWhat is [...]. of the best, and choiseste persones, such as indeuour to imploye the same vnto the benefitte of those, which are vnder them: The which in the Greeke tongue, is called [...]: An Estate of the best, or a gouernement of the states: wherof the common weale of VENICE is atWhat is Monarchie. this daye the onely Phenix. The third is that which we call a kingdome, the greekes [...]: wheras one onely ruleth, and hath soueranitie: directing such his gouernement (next vnto the glorie of God,) vnto the prosperous, and happy estate of his subiectes. Examples wherof, though in these dayes of ours there seeme to be many: (all nations of the worlde almost, hauing receiued this kinde of gouernement) yet we neede not seeke any farther then our owne natiue countrey for a most liuely, and perfecte paterne of the same. And these be the three good common weales, deuised for the maintenaunce of mankinde, established for th'aduancement of iustice; and generally receiued, and imbraced for the prosperitie of cities, and countreys.
Now there are as many ill common weales, cleane contrarie vnto these, being in deede nothing else, but the corruptions, and destructiōs, into the which the good common weales doe fall: when they doe alter from the maner, and forme wherin they were first instituted. TheWhat is Democratic. first is, when the multitude of the common people, and of the baser sorte, (as of handycraftes men, and such other) haue the maneging of publicke affaires: vsing, or rather abusing such their authoritie vnto th'oppressing of the nobilitic, and aduauncing of the cōmonaltie: fauoring alwayes those, that are of poorest, and meanest condition at their owne foolish fancie, without all order, or discretion. This corrupte, and confufe kinde of gouernemente is called in Greeke [...], A state popular: such as was in ROME: when the Tribunes preuailed against the Consulls: and as was in FLORENCE after th'expulsing of PIERRO DE'MEDICI. The second is, where a few of theWhat is Oligarchie. richest, and of the mightiest, because of their great power, and possessions doe carie all the swaye, seeking onely their owne profit, and not the furtherance of the common weale. The which is called in Greeke [...]: such as was [Page 10] in FLORENCE in the yeare 1494: when CHARLES the eighte of France ouerranne Italie subduyng NAPLES: and as was in SIENA in time of the PETRVCCII: and in GENOA in time of the ADORNI, and FREGOSI. TheWhat is Tyrannie. thirde is called TYRANNIE, wheras one onely ruleth at his owne luste, and pleasure, and all for his owne aduauntage: without hauing any regarde vnto the good, or ill estate of his subiectes. As DIONYSIVS did in SIRACVSA: NERO, COMMODVS, CARRACALLA did in ROME: The greate Signori doth in Turkie: and as king VORTIGERNE in the yeare 447. did here in Englande: who for to mainteine his Tyrannie called in the Saxons, and they to stablish their new power: oppressed the Brittons: dryuing them into a corner of the llande, brenning, and spoiling their countrey: wheras VVILLIAM the Conquerour (a Prince of more Iustice) forbad (at his first arriuall here) his souldiers to hurte, or spoile any Englishman: saying that it should be a great sinne, and follie for him to spoile that people: which ere many dayes after were like to be his subiectes. VVherby we may see, that all good common weales haue: alwayes an especiall care, and tendernesse [Page 11] ouer the subiectes, as good fathers haue ouer their children: And the corrupted, and vsurped gouernmentes (like vnto vnnaturall mothers) haue no regarde, but of their owne lustes, and licenciousnesse.
But to speake more particularly of the differences betwene good and ill common weales: VVe finde that a common weale commonly so called, (and taken in good parte) is content with a meane estate, neither enuying others, because she wanteth not her selfe, neither enuyed of any, because she doth not possesse any great aboundance of wealth. (I meane in priuate mens handes:) she is obediente vnto the lawes, not insolent in her magistrates: she is not of so vile, and base minde: as to suffer her selfe to be choked with bribes, or corrupted with couetousnesse. But the Signorie ofThe difference betwene Respublica, & Democratia. the mechanicall people, (called DEMOCRATIA) is alwayes in confusion: she enuyeth the riche, and malliceth the mightie, seeking how to betraye the nobilitie: she is of so base, and vile condition: as she can not applie her selfe vnto any kinde of good gouernement: she is ignorant of all thinges: and yet she thinketh to know euery thing: In few wordes she is no better [Page 12] then an vniuersall confusion, a horrible monster of many heddes without reason, & a tempestuous Sea tossed with boysterous windes in euery place & at euery season. Betwene the gouernement of the best, and that of the mightiest, there is this difference. Those of the best haue no other ende prefixed vnto them, but vertue and honestie: They refuse no traualle, or painesThe difference betwene Aristocratie, and Oligarchie. for the benefit of such, as are committed vnto their charge: they loue and cherish the poore people, procuring to make them liue in good, and plentifull estate, defending them also from being iniured of mightier, and richer then they: and aboue all thinges they seeke to traine vp their citizens, and subiectes: as they would doe their owne proper children, vnder a continuall discipline of vertue, and good education. These of the mightiest, studie onely how to pull from their subiectes all the wealth vnto them selues: by laying intollerable taxes, and tributes vpon them: All profites, honors, pleasures, and commodities they thinke to be due vnto them onely: All charges, labours, troubles, and dangers postinge ouer vppon the people, whome neuerthelesse they hate deadly: inuenting by all meanes how to intrappe them, and that with all [Page 13] kind of insolencie. Betwene a good Kinge, andThe difference betwene Monarchis, & Tyrannie. a Tyrante there is this difference. The one is courteous, mercifull, endewed with all vertue: the other is hautie, and cruell, defiled with all vice. The one embraceth equitie, and iustice: the other treadeth both Gods lawe, and mans lawe vnder his feete. The one hath his minde, and all his care vpon the health, and wealth of his subiectes: th'other estemeth his owne pleasure more then their profit, his owne wealth, more then their good willes. The good Kinge taketh pleasure to be freely aduertised, and wisely reprehended when he doth amisse: the Tyrante can abide nothing worse, then a graue, free spoken, and a vertuous man. The good Kinge punisheth publicke iniuries, and pardoneth those which are done vnto him selfe: the Tyrante reuengeth most cruelly his owne iniuries, neglecting those, which are done vnto others. The good King hath an especiall regarde vnto the honour, and good name of chaste matrones: the Tyranttriumpheth in abusing, and shaming of them. The good Kinge deliteth to be seene, and other whiles hard of his subiectes: the Tyrant Hideth himselfe from them, as from his enemies. The good Kinge loueth his people [Page 14] and is beloued of them againe: the Tyrant neither loueth them, that are like vnto himselfe fearing lest they being as wicked as he, will be ready to betray him for euery light cause, & he hateth, and pursueth all those that haue any valor, or vertue in them: as men, whome he knoweth to be by nature contrarie, and enemies vnto his tyrannie. Againe the one chargeth his people as litle as he can, and but vpon publicke honorable and necessarie occasions: the other gnaweth the bones, and sucketh out the very blood, and marowe of them with vnlawfull taxes, towles, and confiscations: The one maketh choise of the best, and most sufficient persones about him to imploye in the publicke affaires: the other imployeth none but ruffianes, and cutthrotes: such as he may best serue his owne turne withall: The one vseth the assured fayth and forces of his owne subiectes, in time of warre against his enemies: the other calleth in forreinc nations whome he can not safely trust: (as LONOVIKO SFORZA duke of MIDANE did) to warre against his owne contreymen: The one hath no garde, nor garrison but of his owne naturall people: the other but of strangers: The one liueth in assured hope, merrie, [Page 15] voide of suspition, alwayes enioying the sweete rewarde of his vpright conscience: the other hath the pointe of a sworde hanging ouer his head: alwayes languishing in continuall feare: The one looketh for euerlasting ioye: the other can hardly escape euerlasting paine: The one is honored in his life time, and wished for after his death: the other is hated in his life time, and torne in peeces, after he is deade: so that liuing, and dying he is in a continuall hell of all miserie. VVherefore as the gouernement of a Tyrant is of all other the most odious, and ofWhich is the best common weale. the three ill common weales the worst: So is a Lawefull kingdome of the three good the best, the happiest, and that which I desire to preferre in this my Treatice before all other: Not ledde therunto onely by bonde of duetie, as subiecte, and seruant vnto so worthy a Prince: Nor moued by affection onely, as borne in so quiet, and prosperous estate of countrey: But moued, ledde, and drawen by force of good reason, grounded vpon the naturall excellenoie, and excellent properties therof: as it shall at large appeare: after that I haue first shewed of what especiall kinde and qualitie this best common weale of kindome is.
Sundry kindes of Monarchies.For there are diuers kindes of kingdomes, according vnto the diuersitie of countryes, and of their lawes, and customes: though all good, & lawfull, yet not all of like excellencie: though all pertakers of soueranitie, yet not all in equall proportion: though of like nature, and essence,Kingdomes by Gifte. yet differing accidētally. For some kingdomes go by gifte, as IVBA was by OCTAVIVS, made of a slaue: kinge of NVMIDIA (now called Barbarie:) and as the kingdomes of NAPLES, and SICILE were giuen first vnto CHARLES Earle of Prouence in the yeare 1266, and after vnto. LEWIS the first Duke of Anioue brother vnto the french kinge CHARLES the fifth, (surnamed the wise:) and as some haue written that VVILLIAM the Conquerour by the gifte of his Nephew kinge EDWARD sonne of king EGELRED pretended, and attained vnto theKingdomes by Testamente. Crowne of England. Others are lefte by will of testament, as CHARLES Nephew, and heire vnto RENALD Duke of Anioue bequethed all his estates, and dominions vnto the frenchKingdomes by Customes. kinge LEWIS the leuenth. Some descende by the vertue of a Lawe, as the Realme of Fraunce in practise of late descentes doth by the Lawe which they call SALICKE. Others goe by adoption, [Page 17] as E [...]EVS kinge of ATHENES adoptedKingdomes by Adoptiō. THESEVS: MICIPSA kinge of the Numidians adopted IVGVRTHA: SCIPIO th'elder adopted the sonne of PAVLVS AEMILIVS: CAESAR the dictator, his Nephew: AVGVSTVS th'Emperor, adopted TIBERIVS: CLAVDIVS, NERO: NERVA, TRAIAN: TRAIAN, ADRIAN, who after adopted ANTONINVS (surnamed the Pityfull:) & so were AELIVS VERVS, and MARCVS AVRELIVS also adopted vnto th'Empire. Likewise of late yeares ANNE, and IANE Queenes of NAPLES, and SICILLE adopted LEWIS, and RENALTE Dukes of Anioue; and in the yeare 1408. MARGARIT Queene of Demnarke, and Swethlande adopted HENRY Duke of Pomerane for their heires, and successours in all their dominitions. So in king HENRY the fifth of England byside the interest of his auncesters, and his owne interest vnto the Crowne of France was added an adoption by his father in law the french kinge CHARLES the sixte. Some kingdomes areKingdomes by Lotte. translated from one to an other by lotte, or P [...]ouince of fortune: as it happened vnto DARIVS one of the seuen Lordes of PERSIA, who was made kinge, because his horse first neyed. [Page 18] Kingdomes by Pollicie.Some estates are gotten by Pollicie, as in olde time CECROPES, HIERON, GELON, PISISTRATVS gotte theirs: and as of later yeares COSMVS of MEDICES added the state of SIENNA vnto his Dukedome of FLORENCE.Kingdomes by Cōquest. A number of kingdomes also are gotten by conqueste: As FERDINAND of ARAGON the first king of Spaine got the kingdomes of NAPLES, NAVARRA, SICILE: and after him his daughters sonne CHARLES the fifte, got the kingdome of THVNES, the dukedome of MILAN, the Soueranitie of Artois, and Flanders.Kingdomes by Election. Others go by Election, as the kingdome of POLONIA doth. And of this kinde there are diuers sortes: For some are chosen kinges for their Noblenesse of birthe: As CAMPSON kinge of Caramania, was by the Mammelucs chosen for their SOVLDANE: the Vycountes of ANGLERIE were for their noble birth made Lordes of MILANE: Some for their Iustice, as NVMA POMPILIVS was by the Romaines: Some for their olde age, as the auncient ARABIANS did choose alwayes the eldest: Some for their great possessions, and mightie power AS HARAVLDE (sonne to GOODWINNE Earle of Kente) was after the death of kinge [Page 19] EDWARD (surnamed the Sainte because of the good, and wholesome lawes, which he in this our countrey instituted) chosen the last SAXON kinge in Englande: Some for their strenght of body: as MAXIMINVS: Others for their beautie, as HELIOGABALVS: Others for their greatnesse, and tallnesse of stature, As they were wonte to doe in AETHIOPIA. All which are kindes of kingdomes, and they may be good, and lawfull, according as they are well and lawfully vsed: But they are not of that excellencie which is required in our best kingdome. For there is yet an other kinde farre more excellent, then any of them, more commendable, more sure, lesse subiect to corruptiō, more capable of perfection. VVhich is when aWhich is the best kinde of Kingdome. kingdome descendeth by right of Succession vnto the next of the blood royall. In the which point we are cōtent to swarue from him, whom hitherto in the waye of Philosophie we haue most followed: who was of opinion that kinges were rather to be chosen, calling them people Barbarous, which did take their kinges by way of Succession: preferring therefore the CarthaginiansThat Succession is to be preferred before Election. before the Lacedemonians, because these receiued their kinges by Succession, those [Page 20] by Election. But perhappes ARISTOTLE would haue differed herein from him selfe: if he had liued a litle longer for to haue sene how the MONARCHIE of Macedone (hauing continued fiue hundreth yeares from the father vnto the sonne in the right Line of HERCVLES) was after for want of Royall and Lineall Succession brought vnto vtter confusion. Or if he had liued in these dayes of ours, to haue seene how kingdomes goe now, how they florish, how amplie they distēde them selues, he would (doubtlesse) haue changed his opinion, and neuer haue called Barbarous so many goodly countryes, and so diuers sondry sortes of nations: both of ASIA (as the Persians, Medians, Parthenians, Turkes, Tartarres, Arabians:) of AFRICA (the Aethiopians, Barbarians, Numidians:) of EVROPE, (England, Scotland, Fraunce, Spaine, Naples, Sicile,) preferring before all th'afore saide riche and florishing Estates a few colde countryes of Polonia, Demnarke, and Swethland: because these haue their kinges by Election, those by Succession. But he neuer needed for to haue liued so long for this matter. For if he would but haue looked backe with an indifferent eye into his owne [Page 21] countrey of Greece (the which he commended to be so ciuill) he should haue found, that th'Athenians, Lacedemonians, Sicyonians, Corinthians, Thebanes, Epirotes, Macedonians, for the space of sixe hundreth yeares neuer had any other gouernement, but of kinges, and those by the right, and lawfull waye of Succession: vntill such time, as ambition, pride, and priuate Interest blinded their vnderstanding, and made them change their kingdomes into DEMOCRATIES, and ARISTOCRATIES missterming the same by the false name of libertie. The like may be said of the auncient Toscanes, and of the olde Latines, who many hundreth yeares before the building of ROME had their kinges, and gouernours descending lineally one vnto an other. As we reade that AENEAS by the right of his wife succeded vnto LATINVS: TIBERIVS (of whome the riuer of Teuer or Tyber which runneth by ROME was so named) vnto AENEAS: and so forth vntill the kingdome came to ROMVLVS by the waye of his mother RHEA (daughter to NVMITOR. and Nece to AMVLIVS kinges of the Latines.) VVhereby we maye gather that in those dayes neither Election was vsed, nor yet any exception [Page 22] made of kinde or Gender. But some man will say. O how happy is that coūtrey, where the estates of the people do make choise of a iust, and righteous Prince, who feareth God aboue all thinges, honoreth vertue, oppresseth vice, giueth rewarde vnto the good, and punishment vnto the wicked, that hateth flatterers, keepeth his fayth, and his promisse, banisheth out of his Courte the Inuentours of new exactions, reuengeth the iniuries that are done vnto others, & forgiueth those that are done vnto him selfe. These are faire speeches, and they seeme to cary with them great good apparences. Sed lates anguis in herba, they shew not id manticae quod in tergo est. But as we are wonte to carie alwayes two sachelles about vs, one before, to put other mens faultes in, and an other behinde, wherin to hide our owne: So they make no mention of the daungers, and discommodities which are incident vnto such kinde of Elections. As whatWhat Incō ueniences do proceede from Elections. a monsterous Inconuenience is that when Sede vacante, after the Prince is deade, and before a new can be chosen, the whole state remaineth in a very ANARCHIE, without kinge, or any kinde of gouernement, like a shippe without a Pilote in hazarde to be cast awaye with euery [Page 23] winde: Then may you see all lewdnesse, and licentiousnesse set at libertie: Theeues robbe by the highe way side without punishment, Murderers commit their treasons without controllment. For the first thing that is done Sede vacante is to breake open the prisons, kill the iâylors, reuenge iniuries, oppresse the poore with all insolent, and vniust meanes. As we reade that the MAMMELVCS were wont to doe sacking, and spoiling the poore people of EGYPTE whilest their SOVLDANE was a choosing. And this Impunitie of vice for the most parte lasteth vntill such time, as the ELECTORS doe fall to agreement: which happeneth not some times in a yeare or twaine, otherwhiles not in tenne. The Empire of Germanie laie voide 18. yeares together after the death of th'Emperor VVILLIAM Earle of Holande: The Sea of ROME after the death of CLEMENT the fifte remained two yeares, and a halfe without any Pope: after NICHOLAS the third three yeares: after Pope IOHN fiue yeares: and sometimes the Sea hath bene vacant tenne yeares together. In all the which time a Romane coulde not stirre out of his dores without daunger: a stranger could not trauaile on the highe wayes without perill [Page 24] of his life. And at this daye there are so many FVORVSCITI vpon the borders, as that no man will ryde betwene ROME, and NAPLES without the PROCACCIO, and 40. or 50. horse in his companie: VVheras in euery other parte of ITALIE that I haue bene in (and I haue bene in the most parte,) a man may ryde safly with his purse in the palme of his hande. But you will saye, that there may be therefore in time of vacation, A gouernour apointed to administer Iustice, and to punish vice: So shall all this tempestuous Sea be quieted, & all those mischiefes remedied. I graunt well: but yet with a greaterHow daungerous a gouernour is, Sede vacante. mischiefe. For if the gouernement be committed vnto one only with absolute power, and authoritie to rule, and commaunde vntill the Prince be elected: let me aske you, who shall lette such a one, as hath the lawe in his owne handes to make him selfe if he liste of a gouernour a king: as GOSTAVVS father vnto IOHN kinge of Swethlande did. If he haue Legions of souldiers at his commaundement, who shall let him from making him selfe of a Consull for a time, a Dictator for euer: as IVLIVS CAESAR did. Againe if the gouernement be laide during th'Election vpon sundry persones, as it is [Page 25] now vsed in POLONIA, and as it was wonte to be some times in ROME: The daunger is no lesse, lest the mightiest of them, that haue such power laie not handes vpon the Fortresses, and strongest holdes of the Countrey: As POMPEIO COLONNA, and ANTONIO SAVELLA did, who in the like case seazed vpon the CAMPIDOLLE, crying vnto the people of ROME, Libertie, Libertie. So we see that the woundes are well nighe incurable, which such countries receiue at the death of their Princes: The paines are no lesse, and the daungers as great, or greater, which they sustaine in choosing of their new kinges. As what a worlde of trouble was thatTroubles and daungers incidente vnto Elections. of late yeares in the kingdome of POLONIA about th'Election, when the Pollackes were faine to sende into Fraunce (so many miles, thorough so many countryes) for the Duke of Anioue (now HENRY the third of Fraunce) to be their king: and what successe all their paines, and trauailes had who knoweth it not? Did not the Duke so soone, as his brother CHARLES dyed, & that a greater kingdome fell vnto him, leaue them, and retourne into his owne countrey: (as right and reason would, that a man should be more carefull of his owne Nation, [Page 26] then of strangers.) And the like did LODOVIKE kinge of Hungarie before him, who being chosen, and crowned kinge of Polonia, retourned straight after into his owne countrey: leauing a Lieftenante behinde him to gouerne the Polonians withall. A thing odious vnto men of valour, and greuous vnto all free people: when they can not see the face, and countenance of their Soueraine Prince: but must be controlled with the pride, and ouerlayed with the couetuousnesse of inferiour Magistrates. The which burden how vnwillingly it is borne MILAN, NAPLES, SIENA, SICILE, and FLANDERS to their cost, and paine haue knowen.
But let vs imagine that a Prince, hauing two kingdomes, one by succession, an other by Election, and being lothe to leaue either of them, will make what shifte he can to be personally residente vpon them both: (the which he can hardly doe, excepte they be very neere adioyning one to the other:) who doubteth then, but that he will make (if he can) one kingdome of them both, or of both kingdomes one MONARCHIE. AS CHARLES the fifth, would haue done with the countryes of Germanie, hauing brought his sonne PHILIPPE, purposely into [Page 27] those partes, for to haue made him king of the Germanes, if the french kinge HENRY the first had not by aiding of them, distourned him from that his pretended and commenced course. But though th'Emperour was of that his purpose so disapointed, and could not be suffred to vnite the countryes of Germany vnto his other kingdomes: yet it is well knowen, that he lost not all the benefitte of his Election, nor all his labour, and time in vaine, which he bestowed in those partes. But so long as he liued, and sate in the seat of th'Empire, their are many that can yet remember, how he made his Haruest of them, and rept what commodities he could of the said countryes, drawing forth of them from time to time, both men, money, and Munition to serue his other priuate purposes withall. As in his Italian warres against the French king FRANCES the first he had at one time vnder the conducte of CHARLES of BORBONE his Lieftenant 18. thousand at the lest of the Dutch Nation: By meanes of whome, and of a few Spagniardes more, he droue the French men out of all their possessions in Lombardie, he impatroned him selfe of the Dukedome of MILANE: he impropriated to his one vses the Cities [Page 28] of PARMA, and PIACENZA: he altered for his owne aduantage the states of FLORENCE, SIENA, and of GENOVA: he sacked ROME: and in briefe, by meanes of the Germaines he subdued and brought all Italie vnder his yoke. In like maner when he went to ALGIERS (An enterprise which could no kinde of waye benefit the Germaine Nation, no nor yet any whit the Estate of Christendome, but tending altogether vnto the benefit, and aduancement of his owne countryes of Spaine) he vsed not onely the bodies, but the goods, and substance also of the Germaines: causing them by waye of a Counsell or Diette (which he called purposely to the same end) to contribute vnto theGlorious in the setting forth therof, though not in the fequelle, & successe of the same. charges of that his glorious voiage. He was therefore a Prince, if you regarde the greatnesse of his minde, the hautinesse of his Enterprises, the number of his victories, the hugenesse of his possessions, his valour, his wisedome, and his temperance, he was (I say) a Prince most worthie, of that fame, and great name, which he caried in the mouth, and th'opiniō of the world. But if you looke into his doinges, and whereto they tended, you shall finde, (and I haue heard an honorable personage that knew him [Page 29] well, and most of his proceedinges, affirme the same) that he was the lest beneficiall Emperour vnto the common weale of Christendome, and the most hard, and heauy Prince vnto the states of Germanie, of a great many others, that went before him, and of any that as yet are come after him. For it appeareth that he directed all his actions vnto the stablishing, and stengthning of those Estates onely, which he knew should necessarily descend vnto his lawfull and lyneall heyres after him, litle or nothing regarding the succession of them, which were to be elected at the will and pleasure of others. VVherefore as he fetched both men▪ and money out of Germanie, for to serue his other tournes withall abroade: so tooke he from thence also (A thing which I my selfe haue hard much lamented by the Germaines) the best parte of all their Munition: As out of VVITTEMBOVRGE (a citie of the Duke of SAXON) he tooke two hundreth and twentie peeces of great Ordinance: a hundreth out of GOTTA: from the LANGRAVE also he had 200. peeces: and out of STRAVSBOVRGH, he tooke all the best, that they had: Sending thereof 50. peeces vnto NAPLES, other 50. to MILANE, and 400. into [Page 30] FLANDRES: he did the like also with many other their Dutche Commodities, transporting them, either into SPAINE, or into his countries of AVSTRICH, for to inlarge, and make riche his owne house and posteritie withall. And this is a thing common vnto all elected Princes (that haue Estate but for terme of Life) carelesly to cōsume the Treasores of the countrey, dissipating the publicke demaines, and conuerting them into priuate menshandes, either of their owne fauorites, or of their kinsefolkes.How countryes are impouerished by Princes elected. As of the Cities, and Prouinces belonging vnto the Sea of ROME, the Popes haue made awaye almost the one halfe for the aduauncement of their owne priuate houses. Pope SIXTVS the fourth of that Name, after the death of GVIDIBALDO DE MONTEFELTRO Duke of VRBYNE, procured the dukedome vnto his kinseman de ROVERE. The which dukedome (not long after) Pope LEO the tenth, translated from FRANCESCO MARIA DE ROVERE vnto his Nephew LORENZO DE' MEDICI. Pope ALEXANDER the sixte gaue REGIO, and MODENA (two good Townes in Italie) in dowrie with his daughter vnto ALFONSO Duke of FERRARA. CLEMENT [Page 31] the seuenth, aduanced his Nephew ALEXANDRO vnto the Dukedome of Florence. And PAVLVS tertius the Romane exalted his house of FARNESE vnto the Dukedome of PARMA, and PIACENZA: All which Estates were either conueyed out of the Ecclesiasticall Monarchie, or by the meanes, and charge therof procured. As GVICCIARDINE in his storie of the warres of ITALIE reporteth that the forenamed LEO the tenth, what with warring against the duke of VRBYNE, and with mainteining the costlinesse of his sister MAGDALENA, and his owne pride, and prodigalitie, he left the Church worse by 40. thousand Dueates a yeare, then he found it: besides the iewells, and ornamentes of the pontificall treasor, which he engaged. In the like maner all Temporall Princes (I meane such as are elected) when they see that they can not leaue their estates vnto their Children, they seeke by sale, or by gifte to make the best commoditie of them during their owne liues. As RODVLPHVS th'Emperour for a summe of money exempted all the Cities of TOSCANE out of the subiection of th'Empire. And ROBERT OF BAVIER gaue three Imperiall cities at one time vnto his sonne [Page 32] FREDERIKE, he gaue also the Liberties vnto NVRENBOVRGE. As OTHO the third did vnto ISNE. LODOWIKE of BAVIER did the like vnto the citie of EGRE. HENRY the first soulde what he coulde, whereby th'Empire was brought so low, as that CHARLES duke of Burgony was able to make warre against the whole bodie of the same. If then an Italian will not sticke to weaken the Popedome, (the pride and strength of his Nation:) nor a Germaine to deminish the power of th'Empire, (a Dignitie which the Germanes pretende to be dewe, and proper vnto them onely:) Much lesse may we thinke that a Hungarian will obserue any more respecte in Polonia, being chosen vnto that kingdome: or a Spagniarde vse any more courtesy in Italy, being elected vnto the Popedome: But rather it is to be thought that they, seeing them selues called by this vnorderly way of Election vnto new gouernementes, will seeke for the better stablishing of the same, to alter in what they can the state, and course of the countryes, whervnto they are so called: tourning their lawes, into theirs: their customes, into theirs: their Religion, into their owne Religion. For commonly we see that all men are of that [Page 33] nature to thinke alwayes their owne religion best, their owne customes commēdablest, their owne lawes soundest: desiring to bring and induce al others vnto the same lawes, customes, & religiō that they them selues are of. The Turke would haue all his people to acknowledge MAHOMET: The kinge of Spaine all his subiectes to holde with the POPE: The Greekes thought all other nations barbarous in respecte of them selues. The Italians likewise in these dayes are not ashamed to call all Oltramontani (vs that are on this side the Alpes) barbari, as though none knew what Ciuilitie mente but they. The Venetians will say, when they heare a man speake in a language which they vnderstand not, Mo! parlate Christiano, as though no language were good or christianlike but theirs. So, VVILLIAM the Conquerour sought to surpresse, and extinguish our English speeche, commaunding all our lawes to be writtē in his owne language, as it appeareth also by the termes of our pastimes (of hawking, hunting, karding, dycing, Tennis, and such like,) which for the most parte doe yet remaine in the NORMANE tongue. VVherfore it is euident that all elected Princes, which come out of forreine Countryes (in the [Page 34] maner as we here meane (to the ende to rule, and raigne onely, and not for loue, alliance, or freindship sake) will in what lyeth in them, both for their greater glorie, & for the better strength of their Estates, seeke to change the Religion, lawes, customes, and language of the places whervnto they are so elected. But you will say, that your meaning is not to fetch your Prince so farre of, but to haue him neerer home euen of the same countrey, wherof he is to reigne: because you will be sure that he shall neither change customes, not bring in any language. You say well, but let me aske then: who shall haue the choosing of him there at home in his owne countrey? If the common people choose him, you may looke for nothing else, but factions, seditions (Tot capita, tot sententiae) so many men, so many kinges. If he be chosen by the Souldiers, as the Emperours were otherwhiles of ROME, then shall he not be allowed of by the Senatours: if elected by the Senatours: then can he not be receiued of the Souldiers. VVhich inconueniences being of later yeares better wayed of by the wiser, It was thought expedient, that the Election of th'Empire should be reduced vnto a certaine number [Page 35] of seuen Princes (who, because the Pope as then GREGORIE the fifth, was a SAXON borne were all appointed of the Germaine nation: Namely the duke of SAXON, the Counte PALLATINE, the Marchese of BRANDINBOVRGE, the three Bishoppes of MAGANZA, COLLENE, and TREVERIE, and the seuenth (to waye downe the ballances) the kinge of BOEMIA.) And yet for all that the Electours were neuer so few: the factions, and ciuill discordesDifficulties and dissentions, in the choosing of Princes. that ensued were neuer a whit the lesse. LEWIS of BAVIER, and ALBERTE of AVSTRIKE were both chosen Emperours at one time: whervpon they continued 18. yeares in warres one against the other. In like maner the Colledge of the Cardinalles haue bene (as is before saide) sometimes two, sometimes three yeares together in choosing of one Pope: And at an other time they haue chosen three at a clappe, and often times two together. VVherfore they are now faine to shutte them selues into the CONCLAVE of Saint Peters Pallaice: there to remaine vntill the two thirdes of them do fall to agreement. As it is also more straightly obserued at MALTA (now called VALETTA) in the choosing of the great Maister of the [Page 36] order of Saint IOHN. For there the 24. Electours (appointed by the KNIGHTES of the great Crosse) are walled into a strong place, where within a certaine time limited vnto them they must without all delaye, choose one that is not of their number. So we see, that the difficulties,A number of Popes, & Emperour; murdered about their Election. and dissentions which proceede from such Elections are infinite: The Murders also and massacres that do insue of them are no lesse frequent both amongest th'Ecclesiasticall Prelates, and temporall Princes. Of Popes there haue bene at the least 22. beheaded about their Election (as the Registers of the VATTICANE doe certifie) besides a number of Cardinalles, and of common people that for the like cause haue gon the same waye with them. VVe reade that in the Primatiue Church there were 600. Romanes slaine at one time about the choosing of DAMASVS, and VRSINVS. Of temporall Princes there haue bene within these 360. yeares (since th'Empire fell into the subiection of the Lordes Electours) eight, or nine EMPEROVRS slaine and poisoned. Of 15. SOVLDANES that haue bene chosen kinges of EGYPTE seuen of them dyed with the sworde. Of Romane Emperours after the death of AVGVSTVS [Page 37] there were seuen all in a rowe murdered, and three of them in one yeare. It would greeue me to rehearse, and weary you to heare all the piteous examples, which might be recited in this behalfe: wherof both English, Latine, and Italian histories are euery where full. These few may suffice to shew what slaughters, Murders, Massacres haue bene cōmitted aboutThe benefit of Succession. the choosing of Princes. Neither could there any order be found, either for the sauftie of a kinge, or for the quietnesse of a kingdome, vntill such time, as a lawfull sonne, or sonne made by Adoption, succeded vnto his father withoutKingdomes assured by meanes of Succession. any further Election. As TIBERIVS, TITVS, TRAIAN, ADRIAN, ANTONINVS PIVS, MARCVS AVRELIVS, who all succeded prosperously one vnto th'other in the Romane Empire. The Germaines also (for all their great Titles of Election) are faine at the last to flye vnto this refuge and to fetche their sauftie, and quietnesse from Succession: Suffering the house of AVSTRIKE these hundreth, and three skore yeares solely, and successiuely to possesse th'Empire. As after SIGISMONDE, FREDERIKE, then MAXIMILIAN, then CHARLES the fifth, then FERDINANDE, then MAXIMILIAN the [Page 38] seconde, and so vnto RADVLPHE who now raigneth. In POLONIA likewise, BOHEMIA, HONGARIE & DENMARKE, where the states stand so much vpon their Priuileges, they are glad, and faine (of later yeares) for the auoiding of ciuill warres, and other of the aforesaid inconueniences to acknowledge the benefit of this Succession: choosing for the most part him that is next of the blood Royall, and next of kinne vnto the predecessed kinge. So precious a thing it is, as they that hate it, are constrayned to seeke it: And they that haue it, are glad to holde it. SPAINE, NAPLES, CICILLE, NAVARRA, SCOTLAND, and FRAVNCE also (whose Lawe SALIKE for ought, that I can see is nothing else but a limited, or nice kinde of Succession▪) haue not for these many yeares knowen any other kinde of gouernement. But of all nations there is none that more amplieHow Succession is tendered in England. hath enioyed it, and which doth more willingly reteine it then our owne. Seeing therefore that Lineall Succession is so sure a foundation, as all good kingdomes both do, and may boldly builde theron: And contrarily ELECTION so weake a sande or rather so daungerous a Sea, as it is able to sinke the tallest shippe of Citie, [Page 39] or Countrey that saileth therin: it is good reason that in this our discourse of ROYALL MONARCHIE (as we desire to frame the same the best, and the most perfecte common weale) we embrace the one, as a sure grounde, and shunne the other as a most daungerous sande, preferring Succession before Election, and consequētly before all the other forenamed kindes of kingdomes: the which all are either kindes of Election, or else they are of lesse importance, and such as are not to be estemed for their owne worthynesse, but for some Necessitie sake. As where Succession faileth, that there is none lefte of the bloode Royall mall, nor femall to inheritte the Crowne, then men are faine to goe to drawing of Lottes, to Neyinge of horses, to choosing the Noblest, the wisest, the Eldest, the Mightiest, the Richest. But the best, and most Royall Prince is not to receiue his Scepter by any such happe, or hazarde of fortune (as DARIVS did his:) Nor to come to his kingdome by the vncertaintie of voices (as all chosen Princes doe:) Nor yet by Gifte, by Custome, by Pollicie, or by Conquest (as it hath bene saide that kinge IVBA, Duke COSIMVS, and many other Princes did come to [Page 40] theirs:) But he is to come vnto his Crowne, and kingdome first, and principally by the grace of GOD, and secondarily by the waye of lawfull, and Lineall SVCCESSION.
It followeth that we speake of the maner of estate of this most ROYALL MONARCHIE: and best kinde of kingdome: (Come sta how, and in what case it standeth, as touching the Power, and authoritie appertaining thervnto.) For it is not sufficient that so ROYALL a Prince be descended Lineally, and lawfully into his kingdome: But he must also possesse, and exercise such ROYALL, and princely Power therin, as is most fitte for his worthynesse, and for his subiectes happynesse: Neither in so extreame maner, as to make A god of him selfe (as ALEXANDER the great would haue done,) and slaues of his vassalles (as the Great TVRKE at this daye doth:) Neither yet in so slender sorte, as to haue the sworde caried after him (as the Duke of VENICE hath,) and to be but a litle better, then a sipher, or shadowe of a Prince.
What power appertaineth vnto a Royall Prince.He is for to haue therefore (by the grace, and Permission of Almightie God) that Power, which the Greekes call [...]: the Latines MAIESTATEM: Th'Italians SIGNORIA: The [Page 41] Frenchmen SOVVERAINETE: That is, Power full and perpetuall ouer all his subiectes in generall, and ouer euery one in particular. Not to rule for a yeare onely, as the Consulles of ROME did: Nor for two yeares, as the Dukes of GENOVA doe: Nor for three, as the VICEROYES of NAPLES: or for nine, or ten yeares, as the great Archon of ATHENES did: Not to be DICTATOVR for a daye onely, as MAMERCVSA Royall Prince is to rule without limitatiō of time. was: Nor for eight dayes, as SERVILIVS PRISCVS: or for fifteen, as CINCINNATVS: No nor yet for fifteen yeares, as SILLA had gotten it graunted vnto him by a Lawe to be Dictatour foureskore yeares (although he raigned but foure:) and then after the terme of yeares expired, to render vp his gouernement vnto an other, perhappes vnto a stranger, perhappes vnto his enemie: But his Power shall last (by Gods grace) perpetually: first during his owne life in him selfe, and then after his death in his sonnes, and successors.
Neither is he countable of such his gouernement,A Royall Prince is not Countable vnto Any. (sauing to God, and his Conscience) else not vnto any other: in such forte, As LEGATES, LIEFTENANTES, PRESIDENTES, & REGENTS are, who though they haue authoritie [Page 42] sometimes during their liues, yet are they to render accoumpte vnto those which gaue them the same. The DOGES of VENICE, if they gouerne not well, are deposed by the SIGNORIE of the gentlemen: as TEODATVS, and GALLA of MALOMOCCO were banished, and had their eyes putte out, because they ruled to Lordly. the Gouerners of BOLOGNA LA GRASSA, when they goe out of their office, are bounde to render accoumpte vnto two SYNDICI: The Dictators of ROME were forced by the TRYBVNES to render reason vnto the People. The Regentes of SCOTLANDE, the Lordes Protectors of ENGLAND, although they rule neuer so highly during the minoritie of their Princes: Yet we see that after they are out of their Offices, they are constrained to aunswere vnto many oppositions. There was neuer greater, and more absolute Power graunted vnto any subiecte, then was by CHARLES the ninth, vnto his brother HENRY Duke of ANIOVE, when he made him his Lieftenant Generall, and perpetuall ouer all his dominions: And yet was there in th'ende of his letters patentes this Clause apposed Tant qu'il nous plaira, to signifie that the Dukes authoritie was [Page 43] both countable, and reuocable at the will and pleasure of the kinge the giuer. Our PrinceA Royall Prince is not to depende vpon any. therefore is not to receiue his power from any (excepte from God the giuer of all Power:) For if he receiue it from any other higher Prince, then is he not the Principall, and supreame Magistrate, but there is an other higher, and greater then he. For as honour dependeth more of the giuer, then of the receiuer: So likewise that Power is greatest, from whence the others are deriued. But our Prince, who is the Image of God on Earth, and as it were Vn minor essempio of his almightie Power, is not to acknowledge any greater then him selfe: nor any authoritie greater then his owne. VVherefore as he isA Royall Prince is not subiecte vnto any of his owne Countrey. not to receiue his Power from any: so is he neither to be subiect vnto any higher Power, either at home, or abroade: Though some doe mainteine that a Prince ought to be subiect vnto the states and Peares of his Realme: as the kinges of LACEDEMON were to the EPHORI, An Opinion (if it be not well tempered, and conueniently limited) most preiudiciall vnto th'estate of a MONARCHIE: peruerting, and conuerting the same into a meere ARISTOCRATIE: Much lesse is he subiecte in any thing [Page 44] vnto the Multitude of the common people: who as they haue more authoritie are for the most parte more insolente, and more disposed vnto rebellion. VVherefore in all wel ordained kingdomes these haue no other then a voice SVPPLICATIVE, those a voice DELIBERATIVE, and the Prince onely a voice DEFINITIVE.
But some will aske, if this great MONARCHE of ours shall not be subiecte vnto the Lawes, Customes, and Priuileges of the Countrey where he gouerneth: vnto the othe which he taketh at his entrance: vnto such couenantes, and promises as he maketh vnto his people. Vnto whome we aunswere that our Prince is subiect vnto lawes both ciuill, and common,How a Prince is subiect vnto the Lawes. to customes, priuileges, couenantes, and all kinde of promises, So farre forth as they are agreable vnto the lawe of God: Otherwise we thinke that he is not bounde to obserue them. VVherein we neither diminishe the libertie of the subiecte, supposing all lawes to be good, or ought to be good: Neither doe we inlarge to much the Power of the Prince, as to make him lawlesse, subiect neither to God his lawe, nor mans lawe. As some flaterers persuade the [Page 45] POPES, and EMPEROVRS that they are aboue all lawes, and may vse the bodyes, and liues of their subiectes at their luste and pleasure, taking from them their landes, goodes, and liberties without right, or reason: a thing expressely contrarie vnto the worde of God (Thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house &c.) and a doctrine most pernicious vnto Princes, who puffed vp with such opinions should take their course vnto a Tyrannicall kinde of puissance, making their couetousnesse confiscation, their loue Adulterie, their hatred Murder: and as the lightening goeth before the thunder, so they depraued with such corrupted Councellers should make the accusation to goe before the faulte, and the condemnation before the tryall. From the which kindes of libertie, or rather licentiousnesse our ROYALL Prince shalbe as farre of, as he is free from all kinde of subiection both domesticall, and forreine. For it is notAn absolut Prince is not subiecte vnto any stranger. enough for so worthy a kinge to be obeyed of his owne people at home, but he must be also well estemed of strangers abroade: not onely beloued of his freindes, but honoured of his neighbours, and feared of his enemies. VVherfore, as we haue saide already that he is not [Page 46] subiect, or inferiour vnto any of his owne Nation: So is he neither to acknowledge any greater then him selfe abroade. Kinge EVMENES, though he was but a poore Prince, and had but one onely Castell of PERGAMON vnder his power: yet when he came to capitulating with ANTIGONVS the greate kinge of ASIA, he would not yeelde one iote vnto him in prerogatiue of honour: saying that, so long as he had his sworde by his side, he knew no man greater then him selfe: and yet by his leaue he fetched his fier from the Romanes, who mainteined him in all his quarrelles both against ANTIGONVS, and against PHILLIPPE kingeA Royall Prince needeth no Protection. of MACEDONES. But our ROYALL Prince is not to shrewd him selfe vnder the shadow of an other, as EVMENES did vnder the Romanes: Nor to shield him selfe vnder any buckelar of Protection, as FERRARA doth vnder FRANCE: BOLOGNA vnder the POPE: FLORENCE and LVCCA vnder the kinge ofA Royall Prince is not tributarie vnto any. SPAIGNE. Neither shall he paye tribute vnto any forreine Prince, as the Common weale of CARTHAGE, after it was subdued by SCIPIO AFRICANVS, did vnto the people of ROME. Neither yet any annuall pension is he to paye, [Page 47] as some great Princes of Christendome haue done vnto the greate Turke: The Common weales of VENICE, GENOVA, RAGVSA for the countreyes they haue confining vpon him doe yet the like. And as not long since LEWIS th'leuenth of FRANCE payed 50. thousand crownes a yeare vnto kinge HENRY the eight (of noble memorie) for to haue peace with him, and with our Nation. Much lesse shall he be Liege Vassall vnto any, as the kinges of SCOTLAND were wonte to be vnto the kinges of ENGLANDE: The Dukes of BRITANNIE vnto the kinges of FRANCE. Neither shall heThe most Royall Prince holdeth not in Fee or in Fealtie of any. holde in Fee, or Fealtie of any, as most of the Cities in ITALIE doe of th'Empire, and the kingdomes of NAPLES, and SICILLE doe of the Pope: The Knightes of MALTA of the kinge of SPAINE: these giuing yearly a Faulcon, those a white amblinge Geldinge, some one thing, some an other. VVhich all are certaine kindes of subiections, and spyces of Seruitude, carying with them a number of rightes, duties, honours, and reuerences, vnworthie of the dignitie of a ROYALL Prince. VVho must be as the Gramarians saye a Noune Substantiue able to stande of him selfe, without the [Page 48] helpe, or aide of an other, without paying Tributes, doing Homages, swearing Fealties, andInconueniences proceding from Subiectiōs. Loyalties vnto any forreine Prince. COSMVS Duke of FLORENCE (of late remembrance) might not be made kinge of TOSKANE, although Pope PIVS the fourth, had a good will to make him, Because he helde his Cities, and Tounes of the Empire. VVherefore the Emperour hearing of his sute: saide Italia non habet Regem, nisi Casarem. The French kinge FRANCES the first of that name, for to let CHARLES the fifth, as then Archeduke of AVSTRIA from being chosen Emperour, shewed vnto the Electours, how that the Imperiall Maiestie should be to much imbased, if they made of his vassall their chiefe, and Souueraigne. VVhich made the saide CHARLES hauing after taken FRANCES prisoner (at the famous battaile fought in the Parke of PAVIA) that he would neuer condescende vnto his deliuerance, vntill he was first exempted by FRANCES from all kinde of Seruices, and Subiections which he owed vnto the Crowne of FRANCE for the Countreyes he helde of ARTOYS and FLANDERS. It seemeth so base a thing vnto the Maiestie of a ROYALL Prince, to become the [Page 49] Liege man of an other: to sweare Fayth, and Loyaltie vnto an other: ioyning his handes within the handes of an other: to fall downe onSeruices annexed vnto the foresaide Subiectiōs. his knees as TIRIDATES kinge of ARMENIA did before NERO: to kisse the Thresholde of the dore, as PRVSIAS kinge of BITHINIA did when he entered into the Senate house of ROME: to call him selfe the Seruant of an other, as ASDRVBALL called him selfe the FACTOR, and PROCVRATOR of the people of ROME: These (I saye) and such like Indignities proceeding from Protections, Tributes, Fealties, Loyalties, and the other kindes of the forenamed Subiections, are so much abhorring vnto the Soueraignitie of a ROYALL, and absolute Prince, as he will choose rather to parte from whole Countreyes, then to incurre, and indure such indignities. VVherefore quarells were made against the kinges of England (her MAIESTIES most ROYALL predecessours) touching the Dukedomes of GVYENNE, and NORMANDIE, The Earldome of POITOV, and MVTTRELL, and many other goodly Possessions, which they helde in FRANCE, because they vouchesaued not to be bounde to doe Honours, and Homages for the same. [Page 50] But no meruaile though great kinges can not abide Subiections whē the Prince of ORANGE (this mans father) refused of the French kinge LEWIS th'eleuenth tenne times so much, as his Principallitie was worth, because he would not be subiecte to Seruices, and Vassallties. CALISTENES also the Nephew of ARISTOTLE, being but a priuate man, chose rather to dye, then he would (according to the maner of the Persians) fall downe prostrate and adore ALEXANDER, as a God aboue the estate of man. And I haue harde how an Imbassadour for the VENETIANS at CONSTANTINOPLE, when he was to haue audience of the Great TVRKE, vnto whome he coulde not haue accesse, but thorough a litle lowe place made of purpose, because men should come stoping, and kneeling vnto him: The VENETIAN Imbassadour, (supposing in him selfe the reuerend Hienesse of that estate,) creeped thorough the hole with his backe forewardes. A thing, which the GRAN SIGNOR can in no maner of waye abide to see a mans taile towardes him.
But for to retourne vnto our most ROYALL Prince, we will conclude that he is not to doe Homage, or Honour vnto any, not to paye Tribute, [Page 51] or Pension vnto any, not to be subiect either at home, or abroade vnto any, not to holde in Fealtie, or in Loyaltie, by Protection, or by Commission, nor for a shorte time or season: But to rule really, fully, and perpetually,Conclusion of the Treatice. according as we haue in a generall maner hitherto discoursed. I coulde wishe to speake more particularly of the ROYALTIES, and prerogatiues belonging vnto the Maiestie of a Soueraine Prince: as of his power, and authoritie in allowing, and disallowing of maters propounded to be Lawes: in proclaming of warres, and concluding of Peace: in choosing, and refusing of Magistrates: in coyning and rating of money: in erecting of Fortresses: in graunting Pardons, Licences, Liberties, and Priuileges: &c. But because they are matters of more waight, and therefore doe require good aduisement, and better authority: I thinke good to suspende them vntill a more conuenient time, or else to commende them vnto those, that are of more approued Iudgement, and better warranted to deale with them. In the meane while I hope, that these fewe lines of ours concerning the maner, and forme of the best Common weale, shall not seeme altogether [Page 52] impertinent to shew the Excellencie and Dignitie, the Power, and Maiestie of ROYALL MONARCHIE. VVhereby all good subiectes seeing the greatnesse which God hath indued Princes withall, to be as it were his LIEFTENANTES to gouerne vs here vppon Earth, may respecte, and reuerence them with all humilitie: Serue, and obaye them with all Loyaltie: heare, and speake of them with all honour.