A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND Begun in 1623. and ended in 1624.

Performed by CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, his Maiesties Woodward of Somerset-shire, and one of the Councell of New-England.

Yorkes Bonauen­ture.

LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM IONES. August 21. 1624


TO THE RIGHT Honorable, George Duke of Buck­ingham his Grace, Thomas Earle of Arroun­dell and Surrey, Robert Earle of Warwicke, Iohn Earle of Houldernes, and the rest of the Counsell for New-England.

MAy it please your Lordships, that whereas you granted your Commission vnto Cap­taine Robert Gorges, Gouer­nour of New England, Cap­taine Fraunces West, my selfe, and the Gouernour of New-Plimoth, as Coun­sellers with him, for the ordering and Gouer­ning of all the said Terretories, wherein wee haue ben diligent to the vttermost of our po­wers, as we shall be ready to render an account vnto your Honors, when you shall be pleased to require vs thereunto. In the meane time, I thought it my dutie to present vnto your viewes, such obseruation as I haue taken, both of the Countrey and People, Commodities [Page]& Discommodities: as also, what places are fit to settle Plantations in, in which not, what courses ate fit in my vnderstanding to bee ta­ken, for bringing Glory to God, Hounour to our King & Nation, good vnto the Commō ­wealth, & profit to all Aduenturers and Plan­ters: which I humbly beseech your Lordships to accept of, as the best fruits of a shallow ca­pasitie: so shall I thinke my time and charge well imploied, which I haue spent in these affaires.

I haue omitted many things in this my discourse, which I conceiued to be Imperti­nent at this time for me to relate, as of the time of my being at Sea, of the strange Fish which wee there saw, some with wings fly­ing aboue the water, others with manes, eares and heads, and chasing one another with o­pen mouths like stone Horses in a parke, as al­so of the steering of our Course, the obserua­tion of the Sunne and Starres, by which the e­leuation of the Pole is found, the degrees of latitude knowen, which shews how far a ship is out of his due course, either to the North or South: likewise of the making of the land at our arriuall vpon the choast of New-England, [Page]how it did arise and appeare vnto vs: how e­uery Harbour beares one from another vpon the point of the Compas: and what Rockes and dangers are in the way: how many fa­thom water is found by sounding at the en­trance of euery Harbour: and from how ma­ny of the seuerall winds all the Harbours are land locked. But by this meanes I thought I should not only be tedious, but also be in dan­ger of loosing my selfe, for want of fit phraises, and sound iudgement, in the Arts of the Ma­thematickes and Nauigation, (being but a young Scholler, though an ancient trauiler by sea) and therefore thought better to omit those, then any thing I haue relate.

Thus beseeching God to blesse your Ho­nors. I rest at your Lordshippes seruice.


The Contents.

  • CHAP. I. COntaines my discouery of diuers Riuers and Harbours, with their names, and which are fit for Plantations and which not.
  • CHAP. II. Sheweth how the Sauages carried them selues vnto me conti­nually, and of my going to their Kings howses: and there com­ming to mine.
  • CHAP. III. Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Sauages, and of their seuerall Gods, Squanto and Tanto.
  • CHAP. IIII. Containes a discription of the Countrey, with the commodities and discommodities.
  • CHAP. V. Certaine obiections and answers, with sufficient proofes how it may be exceeding profitable to the common wealth, and all Plan­ters and Aduenturers.
  • CHAP. VI. Sheweth how by aduenturing of 100 pounds more or lesse, a man may profit so much euery yeare for 20. yeares, or more with­out any more charge then at the first.
  • CHAP. VII.Sheweth how euery Parrish may befreed of their weekely pay­ments to the poore, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certaine obiections against the things contained in this and the former Chapter: with answers there vnto.
  • CHAP. VIII. Containes certaine directions for all priuate persons that in­ [...]



Containes my discouery of diuerse Riuers and Harbours, with their names, and which are fit for Plantations, and which not.

THe first place I set my foote vpon in New England, was the Iles of Shoulds, being Ilands in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne.

Vpon these Ilands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden.

The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6. Shippes, but more cannot well be there: for want of convenient stage-roome, as this yeares experience hath proued.

The Harbour is but indifferent good. Vpon these Ilands are no Savages at all.

The next place I came vnto was Pannaway, where one M. Tomson hath made a Plantation, there I stayed about one Moneth, in which time, I sent for my men from the East: who came over in diverse Shipps.

At this place I met with the Governour, who came [Page 2]thither in a Barke which he had from one M. Weston a­bout 20. dayes before I arived in the Land.

The Governour then told me, that I was joyned with him in Commission as a Counseller, which be­ing read I foūd it was so. And he then in the presence of three more of the Counsell, administred vnto me an oath.

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two boats with all my company.

In the time I stayd with M. Tomson, I surveyed as much as possible I could, the wether being vnseason­able and very much snow.

In those parts, I saw much good Timber. But the ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey and full of trees and brushwood.

There is great store of fowle of diuerse sorts, wher­of I fed very plentifully.

About two English miles further to the East, I found a great River and a good harbour called Pascattaway. But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the rela­tion of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me there was much good ground up in the river about seven or eight leagues.

About two leagues, further to the East is another great river called Aquamenticus. There I think a good plantation may be setled, for there is a good harbour for ships, good ground, and much already cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having hereto­fore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hash beene no tryall made that I can heare of.

About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour cal­led Cape Porpas, the which is indifferent good for 6 shippes, and it is generally thought to bean excellent place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made, but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is good Timber, and good ground, but will re­quire some labour and charge.

About foure leagues further East, there is another harbour called Sawco (betweene this place and Cape Porpas I lost one of my men) before we could reco­ver the harbour a great fog or mist tooke us that we could not see a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the Sea, called for a Compasse, and set the Cape land, by which wee knew how to steare our course, which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land, and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against us, so that we were enforced to strike saile, and betake us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round with breaches, which roared in a most fearfull manner on every side us: wee took counsell in this extremity one of another what to doe to saue our liues, at length we resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a most feare full manner) and cast her away and indanger our selues we were loath to doe, seeing no land nor know­ing where we were. At length I caused our Killick (which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, [Page 4]and one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or no: which being done wee commended our selues to God by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as com­fortable as we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we got in to Sawco, where I found my other boate.

There I stayed fiue nights, the winde being con­trary, and the weather very vnseasonable, hauing much raine and snow, and continuall foggse.

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fa­shion, onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our boates sailes, which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse raigne and snow.

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which was spirituall, was this, we had foule enough for kil­ling, wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for drinking. But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our wet cloaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose, Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden ones.)

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likely­hood of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me sixe of my men, and our Armes, and walked along the shore, to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had travelled about two English miles I met with a riuer which stayed me that I could goe no further by land that day, but returned to our place [Page 5]of habitation where we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my company to accompany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as contentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard of a begger boy who said if euer he should attaine to be a King, he would haue a brest of mutton with a pudding in it, and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye straw, and thus I made my selfe and my company as merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee deser­ued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs accor­ding to our sinnes.

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in my selfe, and 3 more going by land: but by reason of the extremitie of the wether we were enforced to stay there that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the riuer banke, being the best place wee could finde, the snowe being very deepe. The next mor­ning wee were enforced to rise betime, for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our fire, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept watch. So wee went ouer the riuer in our boate, where I cau­sed some to stay with her, my selfe being desirous to discouer further by land, I tooke with mee foure men and walked along the shore about sixe English miles further to the East where I found another riuer, which staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the [Page 6]rest of my company and my other boate lay. That night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and cold and much toyling of my body: but thankes be to God I was indifferent well the next morning, and the winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to Quack.

But before I speake of this place I must say some­thing of Sawco, and the too riuers which I discouered in that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw be­fore.

Sawco is about one league to the Northeast of a cape land. And about one English mile from the maine lieth sixe Ilands, which make an indifferent good har­bour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt which is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length long, there too good Ships may ride, being well mored a head and starne, and within the Coue there is a great Marsh, where at a high water a hun­dreth sayle of Ships may floate, and be free from all winds, but at low water must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no hurte.

In this place there is a world of fowle, much good timber, and a great quantetie of cleare ground and good, if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare then in any other in the land.

The riuer next to Sawco eastwards, which I disco­vered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs so strong that the tyde doth not stem it: At three quar­ters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares [Page 7]to rowe a head. And more then that, at full Sea I dip­ped my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring.

This River, as I am told by the Salvages, commeth from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as they say 100 miles in the Country, yet is it to be seene at the sea side; and there is no ship ariues in New England, either to the West so farre as Cape Cod, or to the East so farre as Monhiggen, but they see this Mountaine the first land, if the weather be cleere.

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, is about sixe miles from the other. About these two riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also much fowle, fish and other com­modities: but these places are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no good comming in, either for ship or boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the shore, and makes all one breach.

And now in its place I come to Quack, which I haue named Yorke. At this place there fished divers ships of Waymouth this yeare.

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of Cape Eli­zabeth, it is a Bay or Sound betwixt the Maine and certaine Ilands which lyeth in the sea about one Eng­lish mile and halfe.

There are foure Ilands which makes one good har­bour, there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as good ground as any can desire. There I foūd one River wherein the Savages say there is much Sal­mon and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben [Page 8]taken this yeare 4. Sturgions, by fishermen who driue only for Herrings, so that it is likely there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River I made bold to call by my owne name Levetts river, being the first that discovered it. How farre this river is Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground.

In the same Bay I found another River, up which I went about three miles and found a great fall, of water much bigger then the fall at London bridge at low water, further a boate cannot goe, but aboue the fall the River runnes smooth againe.

Iust at this fall of water the Sagamore or King of that place hath a house, where I was one day when there were two Sagamors more, their wiues and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me wel­come and gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them Tobacco and Aqua vitae. After I had spent a little time with them I departed & gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another. And the great Sa­gamore of the East Country, whom the rest doe ac­knowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly ground.

From this harbour to Sagadahock, which is about 8. or 9. leagues, is all broken Ilands in the Sea, which makes many excellent good Harbours, where a thou­sand saile of Shipps may ride in safety; the sound going up within the Ilands to the Cape of Sagadahock.

In the way betwixt Yorke and Sagadahock lyeth Cascoe, a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, [Page 9]and much fowle. And I am perswaded that from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahock, which is aboue 30 leagues to follow the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations: and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers.

For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath been heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me too much. But the place is good, there fished this yeare two ships.

The next place I came to was Capemanwagan, a place where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber & lesse good ground, there I stayed foure nights, in which time, there came many Savages with their wiues and children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as Menawormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quack, now called Yorke, Somerset, a Saga­more, one that hath ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saved the liues of many of our Na­tion, some from starving, others from killing.

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hearing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer coats and skinnes, and was going to Pe­maquid to truck with one Mr. Witheridge, a Master of a ship of Bastable, and desired me to use meanes that they should not carry thē out of the harbour, I wisht them to bring all their truck to one Mr. Cokes stage & I would do the best I could to put it away: some of them did accordingly, and I then sent for the Saga­mores, [Page 10]who came, and after some complements they told me I must be their cozen, and that Captaine Gorges was so, (which you may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen to so many great Kings at one instant, but did willingly accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleasantly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that I understood they had some coates and Beauers skins which I desired to truck for, but they were unwilling, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe if they desire any thing of them:) But at last Somerset swore that there should be none carryed out of the harbour, but his cozen Levett should haue all, and then they began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take none but one paire of sleeues from Cogawesco, but told them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaies to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved to pay an old debt with, but they sta­ying all that night, had them stole from them.

In the morning the Sagamores came to mee with a grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to giue them content, and went with them to some Stages which they most suspected, and searched both Cabins and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willingnesse to finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and wished me to forbeare, saying the Rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not find them.

When they were ready to depart they asked mee where I meant to settle my plantation, I told them I [Page 11]had seene many places to the west, and intended to goe further to the east before I could resolue, they sayed there was no good place and I had heard, that Pemo­quid and Capmanwagan and Monhiggon were granted to others, & the best time for fishing was then at hand which made me the more willing to retire, and the rather because Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quacke, told me if that I would sit downe at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because I had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation at Quacke, which I named Yorke, and was glad of this oppertunity, that I had obtained the con­sent of them who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance as they are the sonnes of Noah, and there­fore doe thinke it fit to carry things very fairely with­out compulsion (if it be posible) for avoyding of treacherie.

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to Quacke or Yorke, with the King, Queene, and Prince, bowe and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow.

When we came to Yorke the Masters of the Shippes came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them kindly & gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The woman or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were; then she dranke to them and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey and so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also to her husband and bid him welcome [Page 12]to her Countrey too, for you must vnderstand, that her father was the Sagamore of this place and left it to her at his death hauing no more Children.

And thus after many dangers, much labour and great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in New-England, where I haue built a house, and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such enimies as are those Sauage people.


Sheweth how the Sauages, carried themselues vnto me con­tinually, and of my going to their Kings Houses: and their comming to mine.

WHilest I staied in this place I had some little trucke but not much, by reason of an euill member in the Harbour, who being couetous of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sauages away from me.

And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the Counsell for New-England.

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I ne­uer demanded or tooke from any man in that Coun­tery, the value of a denier, neither had I so much helpe from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans labour the space of an houre, nor had I any pro­uision or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely, 1000. of bread and 22. bushells of pease, which was offered vnto mee, and not by me requested, for [Page 13]which I gaue present satisfaction in Beuer skines: and also one Rownlet of Aqua vitae, which was brought to me 16. Leagues vnexspected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more provision was offered to me by many Masters of Ships, but I had no need there­of, so I gaue them thanks for their kindnesse, and refu­sed all.

Nay it is well knowne, that I was so farre from do­ing wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gaue authoritie, will sufficiently cleare themselues of all such imputations.

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that place, and though he was forbid to trucke, yet would he haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to the contrary, having a great Ship with 17. peeces of Ordinance and 50. men.

And indeed his practise was according to his words, for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went him­selfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke before they could come downe to the Harbour. And so many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would enforce thē to leaue their goods behind them. One instance amongst marry I will giue you.

On a certaine day there came two Savages to his place, who were under the command of Sommerset or Conway I know not whether, at which time they were both with me at my house, but the other two who went to him, knew not so much, but afterwards they [Page 14]understanding of it, came prefently over, but left their Cotts and Beauer skines behind them, whereat Somer­set and Conway were exceeding angrie: and were rea­dy to beate the poore fellows, but I would not suffer them so to doe. They presently went over the Harbor themselues in their Cannow to fetch their goods, but this man would let them haue none, but wished them to truck with him, they told him they would not, but would carry them to Captaine Levett, he said Levett was no captaine, but a Iacknape, a poore fellow &c. They told him againe that he was a Roague with some other speeches, whereupon he and his company fell upon them & beate them both, in so much that they came to me in a great rage against him, and said, they would be revenged on his Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade one of them for going into England to tell King Iames of it, as he said; when they came to me in this rage, there was two or three Ma­sters of Shippes by, and heard every word.

But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the trucke, which by divers was thought to be worth a­boue 50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he inticed from me, and incensed against me, at length used meanes to be freinds with me, sending one who asked me, if I were angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with them for any such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes, but if they were Matchett, that is, naughtie men, and rebellious: then I could be Mou­chick Hoggery, that is very angry, and would Cram, that is, kill them all.

When they came them selues to me to seeke peace, they brought me a Beauer Coate, and two Otters kines [Page 15]which they would haue let me had for nothing, but I would not take them so, but gaue them more then v­sually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them like­wise that if at any time they did Trucke with mee, they should haue many good things in leiu of their Beauer: and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I would be good friends with them, at which they smiled and talked one to the other, saying the other man was a Iacknape, and that I had the right fashion of the Aberieney Sagamores, then they began to ap­plaude or rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a Sa­gamore, yea foure fathom, which were the best words they could vse to expresse their minds: I replied that I was a poore man as he had reported of mee. They said againe it was no matter what I said, or that Iack­nape (which is the most disgracefull word that may be in their conceite,) for all the Sagamores in the Coun­try loued poore Leuett and was muchicke sorie that he would be gon, (and indeed I cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for euer after they would bring mee any thing they thought would giue mee content, as Egges and the whole bodyes of Beauer, which in my coneite eate like Lambe, and is not inferiour to it: yea the very coats of Beauer, & Otter-skinnes, from off their backes, which though I many times refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such courtesie from them but I requited them answerably, chusing rather to neglect the present profit, then the hopes I haue to bring them to better things, which I hope will be for a publicke good, and which I am perswaded were a­greeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister end.

And a little before my departure there came these [...] [Page 16] mores to see mee, Sadamoyt the great Sagamore of the East Countrey, Manawormet, Opparunwit, Skedragus­cett, Cogawesco, Somersett, Conway and others.

They asked me why I would be gone out of their Countrey, I was glad to tell them my wife would not come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on her hounds, (a phrase they haue learned and doe vse when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told them no, for then our God would bee angrie. Then they runne out vpon her in euill tearmes, and wished me let her alone and take another, I told them our God would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid me beate her, beate her, repeating it often, and very angerly, but I answered no, that was not the English fashion, and besides, she was a good wife and I had children by her, and I loued her well, so I satisfi­ed them. Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with all my friends should bee hartily wel­come into that Countrey at any time, yea a hundreth thousand times, yea Mouchicke, Mouchicke, which is a word of waight.

And Somersett tould that his Sonne (who was borne, whilst I was in the Countrey, and whom hee would needs haue to Name) and mine should be Bro­thers and that there should be mouchicke legamatch, (that is friendship) betwixt them, untill Tanto carried them to his Wigwam, (that is, vntill that they died.

Then they must know of mee how long I would be wanting, I told them so many Months, at which they seemed to be well pleased, but wisht me to take heede I proued not Chechaske in that (that is, a lier.) They asked me what I would doe with my house, I told [Page 17]them I would leaue 10. of my men there vntill I came againe, and that they should kill all the Tarrantens they should see (being enimies to them) and with whom the English haue no comarsse. At which they reioyced exceedingly, and then agreed amongst them­selues, that when the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my returne, euery one at the place where he liued would looke to the Sea, and when they did see a Ship they wold send to all the Sagamores in the Countrey, and tell them that poore Leuett was come againe. And thus insteed of doing me hurt, I thinke that either he or I haue done good to all Plan­ters, by winning their affections, (which may bee made vse of without trusting of them.)

But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done unto you, and the Authority which you gaue them, never expect to be obeyed in those parts, ei­ther by Planters or Fishermen; for some haue not stucke to say, that if such a man, contemning autho­rity, and abusing one of the counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own house, which he did, should goe unpunished, then would not they care what they did heereafter.

And truely let me tell your Lordships, that if euer you intend to punish any for disobedience, or contēpt of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a president of, for he is rich, and this yeare will gaine the best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be spared.

And if he goe free, as hee hath domineered over vs, to whom your Lordships gaue authority, but no [Page 18]power to put it in execution, so will he grow unman­nerly too vvith your Lordships, as hee hath already begunne.

And it vvill discourage men hereafter to take any authority upon them, or to goe about to reforme any abuses in those parts.

And also it vvill hinder Planters for going over, if Fishermen be suffered not onely to take avvay their truck, but also to animate the Sauages against them, for this is the vvay to cause all Planters to haue their throats cut.

But I leaue these things to your Lo. considerati­on, vvho haue as vvell povver as authority to punish such rebellious persons.

Thus hauing acquainted you vvith vvhat I haue done, seen, and heard; novv giue me leaue to tell you vvhat I thinke of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country: as also to iustifie the innocent, I meane the Countrie of New-England, against the slanderous reports of this man, and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to deliver my opinion, what cour­ses I conceiue to be most convenient to be taken, for bringing most glorie to God, comfort, honor and be­nifit to our King and our owne Natiue Nation.


Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their severall Gods, Squanto and Tanto.

I Haue had much conference with the Savages, a­bout our only true God, and haue done my best to [Page 19]bring them to know and acknowledge him, but I feare me all the labour that way, will be lost and no good will be done, except it be among the younger sort.

I find they haue two Gods, on they loue: and the other the hate, the god they loue: they call Squanto, and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes.

The god they hate they call Tanto, and to him they ascribe all their euill fortunes, as thus, when any is kil­led, hurt, or sicke, or when it is evill wether, then they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any dyes, they say Tanto carries them to his wigwam that is his house, and they never see them more.

I haue asked them where Squanto dwells, they say they cannot tell but up on high, and will poynt up­wards. And for Tanto, they say farre west, but they know not where.

I haue asked them if at any time they haue seene Squanto, or Tanto, they say no there is none sees them, but their Pawwawes, nor they neither, but when they dreame.

Their Pawwawes are their Phisitians and Surgions, and as I verely beleeue they are all Witches, for they foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company, and they are altogether directed by them.

On a time I was at a Sagamores house and saw a Martins skin, and asked if he would trucke it, the Sa­gamore told me no, the Pawwawe used to lay that un­der his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill deludes those poore people and keep them in b [...]in [...]nesse.

I find them generally to be marvelous quicke of ap­prehension, [Page 20]and full of subteltie, they will quickely find any mans disposition, and flatter & humour him strangely, if they hope to get any thing of him. And yet will they count him a foole if he doe not shevv a dislike of it, and vvill say on to another, that such a man is a Mechecome.

They are slow of speech, and if they heare a man speake much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Mechecum, that is a foole.

If men of place be to familiar with them, they will not respect them: therefore it is to be wished that all such persons should be wise in their Carriage.

The Sagamores will scarce speake to an ordinary man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops, must speake to Sanops, and Sagamors to Sagamors.

They are very bloudy minded and full of Trach­erie amongst themselues, one will kill another for their wiues, and he that hath the most wiues is the brauest fellow: therefore I would wish no man to trust them, what euer they say or doe, but alwaies to keepe a strickt hand ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly and deale vprightly with them; so shall they please God, keepe their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger.

Their Sagamors are no Kings as I verilie beleeve, for I can see no Gouernment or Law amongst them but Club Law: and they call all Masters of Shippes Saga­more, or any other man, that they see haue a com­maund of men.

Their wiues are their slaues and doe all their worke the men will doe nothing but kill Beasts Fish &c.

On a time reasoning with one of their Sagamors a­bout [Page 21]there hauing so many wiues, I tould him it was no good fashion, he then asked mee how many wiues King Iames had, I told him he neuer had but one, and shee was dead, at which he wondred, and asked mee who then did all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he thought their fashion was vniuersall, and that no King had any to worke for them but their wiufs.

They haue no apparrell but skinnes except they haue it from the English, or French, in winter the weare the haire side inwards, in summer outwards. They haue a peece of a skinne about their loines like a girdle and betweene their legges goes another, made fast to the girdle before and behind, which serues to couer their nakednesse, they are all thus apparrelled, going bare headed with long haire, sometimes you shall not know the men from women but by their breasts, the men having no haire on their faces.

When their Children are borne they bind them on a peece of board, and sets it vpright, either against a tree or any other place. They keep them thus bound vntill they be three months old, and after they are con­tinuall naked vntill they be about fiue or sixe yeares. Yee shall haue them many times take their Children & bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, to make them the better to indure cold: and when they are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will take them and cast them into the Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to learne them to swimme.

Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw more then two fowling peeces, one pistall, about foure Halfe-pikes, and three Curt-laces amongst them, so that we neede not to feare them much, if wee auoid [Page 22]their Treacherie.

Their houses are built in halfe an houres space being onely a few powles or boughes stucke in the ground and couered with the barkes of trees.

Their Language differs as English & Welsh. On a time the Gouernour was at my house, and brought with him a Salvage who liued not aboue 70. miles from the place which I haue made choise of, vvho talking vvith another Sauage they vvere glad to vse broken Eng­lish to expresse their mind each to other, not being a­ble to vnderstand one another in their Language.

And to say something of the Countrey: I will not doe therein as some haue done, to my knowledge speake more then is true: I will not tell you that you may smell the corne fields before you see the Land, neither must men thinke that corne doth growe natu­rally (or on trees,) nor will the Deare come when they are called, or stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not knowing a man from a beast, nor the fish leape into the kettle, nor on the drie Land, neither are they so plentifull, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor take Codd in netts to make a voyage, which is no truer: then that the fowles will present them­selues, to you with spitts through them.

But certainely their is fowle, Deare, and Fish enough for the taking if men be dilligent, there be also Vines, Plume trees, Cherey trees, Strawberies, Goosberies, and Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut, and small nuts, of each great plenty, there is also great store of parsley and di­vers other hole some Earbes, both for profit and plea­sure, with great store of Saxifrage Cersa perilla and Anni seeds.

And for the ground there is large & goodly Marsh to make meddow, higher land for pasture and corne.

There be these severall sorts of earth, which I haue seene, as, Clay, Sand, Grauill, yea and as blacke fatt earth, as ever I sawe in England in all my life.

There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Sea­sand, Oreworth or Wracke, Marle blew and white, and some men say there is Lime, but I must confesse I ne­uer saw any Lime-stone, but I haue tried the Shels of Fish, and I find them to be good Lime.

Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be any feare of hauing any kind of Corne, hauing these seuerall kinds of Earth with these helpes, the Climat being full as good if not better then England.

I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as conueniently built there as in any place of the world, where, I haue beene, and better cheape. As for Plancke, crooked Timber, and all other forts what so­euer can be desired for such purpose, the world can­not afford better. Masts and Yeards, of all sises, there be all so Teees growing, whereof Pitch and Tarre is made.

And for Sailes and all sorts Cordish you neede not to want, if you will but sowe Hempe and Flax seede, and after worke it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and truely I thinke I haue seene Iron-stone there, but I must acknowledge I haue no great iudge­ment in Mineralls, yet I haue seene the Iron-workes in England, and this Stone is like ours. But howsoe­uer if the Countrie will not afford Iron, yet it may be easilie brought, for it is good Ballast for Shippes.

There is also much excellent Timber for Ioyne [...]s [Page 24]and Coopers: howsoeuer a worthy Noble man hath beene abused, who sent ouer some to make Pippe­staues, who either for want of skill or industrie, did no good. Yet I dare say no place in England can af­ford better Timber for Pippe-staues, then foure seue­rall places which I haue seene in that Countrey.

Thus haue I relaited vnto you what I haue seene, and doe know may be had in those parts of New-En­gland where I haue beene, yet was I neuer at the Mesa­chusett, which is counted the Paradice of New-En­gland, nor at Cape Ann. But I feare there hath been too faire a glosse set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but where they are in their entertainement is not answer­able, for there is little good ground, and the Shippes which fished there this yeare, their boats went twen­ty miles to take their Fish, and yet they were in great feare of making their Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who was at my house.

Neither was I at New-Plimoth, but I feare that place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my con­ceite, they would content themselues with it and not seeke for any other hauing ten times so much ground as would serue ten times so many people as they haue now amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to make benifit of, for this yeare they had one Shippe Fisht at Pemoquid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they haue begun a new Plantation, but how long it will continew I know not.

Neither was I euer farther to the West, then the Iles of Shoulds.

Thus haue I done with my commendations of the [Page 25]Countrie. I will now speake the worst I know by it.

About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies, called Musketoes, which are like Gnatts, they continue as I am told, vntill the last of Iuly. These are very troublesome for the time, for they sting ex­ceedingly both night and day. But I found by expe­rience that bootes or thicke stockings would saue the legges, gloues the hands, and tiffeney or some such things which will not much hinder the sight will saue the face, and at night any smoake will secure a man.

The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I take to be the woods which hinders the aire, for I haue obserued allwaies when the winde did blow but a little, we were not much troubled with them.

And I verily thinke that if there were a good num­ber of people planted together, and that the woods were cut downe, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking, such small creatures would doe but little hurt.

Another euill or inconuenience I see there, the the snow in winter did lie very long vpon the ground.

But I vnderstand that all the parts of Christendome, were troubled with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet would I aske any man what hurt snow doeth? The husbandman will say that Corne is the better for it. And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and he is but an ill husband that cannot find imployments for his seruants within doores for that time. As for Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will keepe themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will [Page 26]haue ne occasion to ride to Faires or Markets. Sysses or Sessions, only Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vsefulll.

Yet let me tell you that it is still a most Christmas before there be any winter there, so that the cold time doth not continue long.

And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter then England, being many Degrees farther from he North Pole.

And thus according to my poore understanding I haue given you the best information I can of the peo­ple and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now giue mee leaue to oppose my selfe against the man before mentioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, and plantations in those parts, and to set down such obiections as I haue heard them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisedome iudge: for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Asse may be rid, and the knaue punished, either for discouraging or incouraging too much, whosoeuer he be.


Certaine obiections and answers, with sufficient proues how it may be exceeding profitable to the Com­mon-wealth, and all planters and adventurers.

THey say the Country is good for nothing but to starue so many people as comes in it.

It is granted that some haue beene starued to death, and others haue hardly escaped, but vvhere vvas the fault, in the Country or in themselues. That [Page 27]the Country is as I haue said, I can bring 100 men to iustifie it; but if men be neither industrious nor provident, they may starue in the best place of the world.

About two yeares since one Mr. Weston sent ouer about 50 persons to plant, with little prouision; vvhen they came there, they neither applyed themselues to planting of corne nor taking of fish, more then for their present use, but vvent about to build Castles in the Aire, and making of Forts, neg­lecting the plentifull time of fishing. When Winter came their forts vvould not keepe out hunger, and they hauing no provision before hand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill Deere and Fowle, many vvere starued to death, and the rest hardly escaped. There are foure of his men which escaped, now at my plantation, who haue related unto me the whole businesse.

Againe, this last yeare there went ouer diuerse at one time, and to one place, with too little prouision, some of them are dead, yet I cannot heare of any that were meerely starued, except one whose name was Chapman, a Londoner, and whether he was starued or no is uncertaine; but if he were, Gods iust iudgement did appeare. For this man (as I am told, by an honest man, who came from London with him) brought at the least 80 pound worth of prouision, and no more but himselfe and two servants, which was sufficient for at the least 18 moneths, if it had been well used. And yet in 5 moneths after his arivall in New England he dyed miserably.

Let me tell you a strange thing of this man (I haue it [Page 28]but by relation from one of his companions) he pay­ed for his passage, and his mens, and provision, so that he needed not to haue spent any thing untill his arival in New England, yet would he at Plimoth (where the ship stayed too long for him and others, spent seven or eight pound a week in wine, Tobacco, and whores, and for the maintaining of this expence he daily fet­ched his provision from aboard, and sold it at a low rate. And when they were at Sea, his Tobacco being spent, he gaue usually sixe pence for a pipe; he gaue also a sute of cloaths, valewed to be worth 50 shillings for so much Tobacco as was not worth halfe a crowne. Nay at last, as his Comrade told me, he was glad to become servant to one of his servants. Then his Master told him, that if he would work hee would allow him one bisket cake a day, if not he should haue but halfe a cake. He made choice of halfe a cake, vvithout vvork; and so a base lazie fellow made a la­mentable end. Where vvas the faultnow, in the men, or the Country?

Another obiection which I haue met vvith is this: That there is nothing got or saued by sending men ouer to plant; neither is it beneficiall either to private men, either Aduenturer or Planter, or good for the Common-wealth.

For answer hereunto, first for matter of profite, it is vvell knowne to all the Marchants of the West Country, vvho haue left almost all other Trade but this, and yet is growne rich thereby.

Secondly, for the Common-wealth consider these things: 1 the great complaint that hath for a long time beene made in England, that our land is over­burthened [Page 29]vvith people, and that there is no imploy­ment for our men; so that it is likely they must either starue, steale, or proue mutinous. And vvhether plan­tations be a meanes to help this inconvenience or no, I desire to know?

It hath beene likevvise said unto me, that it benefits the Common-vvealth nothing at all to send men ouer vvith provision of cloathes victuals, and continuall supplies.

To that I say, let such men as you send thither to plant haue provision as Chapman had for 18 monthes, and if after they cannot liue of themselues, and be beneficiall either to the common wealth or to them­selues, let them dye Chapmans death.

Againe, Plantations may be benificiall to the Com­mon wealth, by the enlargement of his Majesties Do­minions.

Againe, by the increase of Shipping, (which is the strength of a Nation, and that without wasting of our timber which is a commoditie that I feare England will find the want off before many yeares passe over, for if timber goe to decay as now it doth, we shall scarce haue any to build or repare, Ships or houses. Againe tell me whither it would be benifitiall to the Common-wealth to haue all our idle persons keept to worke and our populous Nation disburthened, and yet to haue them ready to serue our King and Countrey vpon all occasions.

Lastly, tell me whither it would be benifitiall to the Common-wealth to haue all poore people maintain­ed out of those Artes. And euerie parrish freed from their weekely paiments to the poore, which if I [Page 30]doe make to appeare, then let me be accounted an vn­worthy fellow. But first let me set downe an other ob­iection, which seemes to be of great force, and yet in my conceit is like the rest shallow, and that is this.

If say they there be so many plantations, there will be no roome in the Countrey for such Ships as doe come yearely to make voiages, and by this meanes Shippes shall lye still and decay Marriners and Fisher­men shall want imployment, and so all will be out of frame if euer we shall haue warres. And therefore howsoeuer it may be benefitiall to some few persons, yet it will be hurtfull to the Common-wealth. And consequently all such as haue any hand in such busi­nesses are euill members in the Common-wealth.

I answere that if these things were throughly exami­ned by his Maiestie, the Parliament or Counsell Table, it would plainely appeare, that the most of them which keepe such adoe against Plantations, are the greatest enimies to the publique good, and that their shew of care for the Commo-wealth is nothing but a colour, for the more cleanely concealing of their vn­knowne profits. It will also appeare, that plantati­ons are for the publique good and by that meanes there shall be more an better cheape Shippes built, and imploied, more Mariners and Fishermen keept to worke then now there are, and more people per­takers of the benefits then now there oth.

Which I proue thus, first there may be Timber had to build Shippes, and ground for Corne and keeping of Cattel, and all for little or nothing.

  • Secondly there may bee more men trained vp in fishing then now there is, whose trade is decaied in [Page 31] Eng­land, and they ready to sterue for want of imploy­ments.
  • Thirdly, there may bee twice so much fish taken euery yeare as now there is. For Shippes that goe to make Voyages, seldome or neuer keep their boats at Sea aboue two Months or ten weekes, for making their Voyage, and I dare maintaine that there is Fish enough to be taken, seuen Mounths in the yeare, if men be there ready to take all opportunities.
  • Fourthly, the more Fish that is taken the more Shippes there must be for the transportation of it.
  • Fiftly, whereas now none doth take the benifite but a few Marchants, not all the Marchants in the Land, no not one of a thowsand.

By Plantations, not onely all the Marchants in the Land, but all the people in the Land may partake thereof.

And now to shew you how the profite may arise.


Sheweth, how by adventuring of a 100. pounds more on lesse, a man may profite so much euery yeare, for 20. yeares or longer, without any more charge then at the first.

I Must confesse I haue studied no other Art a longe time but the Mysteries of New Englands Trade, and I hope at last: I haue attained to the understanding of the secrets of it, which I thinke the Fishermen are sorie for. But it shall be no longer concealed, for that I thinke every good subiect is bound to preferre the publicke, beforre his owne private good.

First therefore, I will shew you the charge which every Marchant is at yearely, in sending their Shipes to fish there, and so neere as I can the profit they make of such Voyages. Then we will see the charge which planters must be at, in sending men over to stay there, and the profit they are likely to make, and so by com­paring the one with the other, we shall see, which is the better and more profitable course.

A Shipp of 200. Tunn, commonly doth carrie in those Voyages 50. men, these men are at no charge but 20. shillings a man towards their vittels, neither haue they any waiges, but in leiu thereof they haue one third part of all the fish and trayne.

Another third part there is allowed the owners of the Shippe for their fraught, and the other third part is allowed for the victuall, salte, nets, hookes lines and other implements for taking and making the Fish.

The charge of victualling (which is vsually for 9. Mounths,) the salte &c. doth commonly amount to about 800 pounds, and for that they haue (as I said one third part of the Fish) which is, neere 67. tunne, the Shippe being laiden, which will make 1340, Kin­talls, (at the Market) sometimes when they come to a good Market they sell their Fish for 44. Rialls a Kin­tall, and so to 36 Rialls, which is the least, but say they haue 40, one time with another, and at that rate one third of that Shippes layding doth yeeld 1340 pounds, which they haue for disbursing of 800 pounds nine Mounths.

Now take notice that they are but 8 or 10 weekes in taking all their Fish, and about one Mounth lon­ger in making it fit to be Shipped.

Which being considered, then say that such men as are sent ouer to plant, haue 12 Months prouisiō, which wil amount to 1066 pounds 13 shillings 4 pence, these men stay in the Countrey, and doe take the benefit both of the first & last fishing season, & all other opor­tunities, the Fishing continuing good, at the least sea­uen Moneths in the yeare, though not all at one time: now I hope you will grant that they are as likelie to take two Shippes lading as the other one, which if they doe, one third thereof at the same rate will a­mount to 2680 pounds, the charge you are at being deducted, the profit is 1019 pounds 6 shillings 8 pence. Now tell me seriously, which is the more profitable course?

Againe consider, that in all likelihood this Fish is to be taken in 5. Moneths, then haue you 7. Moneths more to imploy your men in the Countrey euery yeare, about building of Shippes, cleauing of pipe­staues, or any other thing, and will that be worth no­thing?

Truely this I will say, send men ouer but with 18 Moneths prouision, and Cattell, and Corne to plant, and other necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much profit yearely, without euer putting you to more charge if God blesse them with health, and you from losses, (and I neuer heard of any great losse by aduenturing thither) and that you bee fitted with good and vnderstanding men to ouer see the busi­nesse, who is able to direct them.


Sheweth how euery parish may be freed of their weekly payments to the poore, by the profits which may bee fetched thence. With certaine Obiections against the things contained in this, and the former chapter, with answers thereunto.

AND thus haue I shewed you what hopes there is of profit by plantations, yet haue I shewed you no other meanes to raise it, but by fish and timber. I would not haue you say there is nothing else in the Country to make any benefite of; for I assure you it is well knowne to my selfe, and o­thers who haue beene there, that there are diverse other good things there to be had; but I doe not loue to speake of all at one time, but to reserue some, to stop the mouths of such prating coxcombs as will ne­uer be satisfied with any reason, but will alwaies ca­vill though to little purpose.

And me thinks I heare some such people buzzing in some other obiections, and bidding me stay, and not fish before the net, for there are many lets, as these; There are many ships goe, that makes not so good voyages as I speake of; for they are so long beaten in their passage, or on the coast, that the best of the fishing is past before they be there.

To that I answer, I speak not what euery ship doth, but what some doe, and all others may doe, if they be in the Country to take all opportunities.

2 Obict. That it is not possible to make Planta­tions [Page 35]so publicke a businesse, as that it should redound to the benefit of all the Kings Subiects. And againe that there will never be so much mony rased as to esta­blish such Plantations, for that most men in this age respects their own profit 100 times more then the publicke good; and their hearts are so glewed to the world, that you shall as soone hang them as draw any thing from them, though it be to never so charitable an use. And if it should be by way of command­ment, it would be a grievance not to be endured.

But I would aske such men whether they be so void of charity, as that they will not doe themselues good, because some others shall haue some by it also? And whether they will be grieued at a man for shewing of them how, by the disbursing of 20 shillings, they shall haue 20 shillings a year for seuen, ten or twenty years, and perhaps for euer?

My desire is not that any should be compelled. One­ly this I could wish, that euery parish would adventure so much as they pay weekly to the reliefe of the poore (which is no great matter.) And so euery shire by it selfe, would send ouer men to plant. And if after 18 moneths they shall not yearely returne so much pro­fits continually as will keep their poore, and ease their purses (prouided alwaies, as I said before, that they send such men as are fit, and that the Iustices of eue­ry Shire be carefull to appoint such a man to be their Captaine and Director as is honest, and of good vn­derstanding, and that God blesse them from losses,) will I be contented to suffer death.

And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God, that once in seuen yeares a ship should bee cast [Page 34]away (which is more then hath beene usuall, for I dare say, that for euery ship that is cast away in those voyages, there is 100 which commeth safe) yet it is but that yeares profite lost, and perhaps not halfe.

Another obiection may be this, That all men are not Fishermen, and that it is not so easie a thing to take fish, as I make it.

To that I answer, That take a survey of all the men that goeth in these voyages, and there shall not bee found one third of them that are meerly fishermen, and no other Trades.

Nay, I know many ship-Companies, that haue amongst them house-Carpenters, Masons, Smiths, Taylors, Shooemakers, and such like, and in deed it is most fit they should be such: and I saw by experi­ence, that divers who were never at Sea before this yeare, proued very good fishermen: but I could wish that euer a fist part of a Company be Fishermen, and the rest will quickly be trained up, and made skilfull.

I would to God that some one Shire, or more, would begin this godly and profitable course. For certainely, God hath created all for the use of man, and nothing hath he created in vayne.

And if wee will endure povertie in England will­fully, and suffer so good a Countrey as this is to lye wast, I am perswaded wee are guiltie of a greivous finne against God, and shall never be able to an­swer it.

I could also wish, that the Lords both spirituall and temporall, the Knights and others to whome God hath given abundance of these outward things, would (for the honour of God, the comfort of the [Page 37]poore of our Land) ioyne together, and by a voluntary contribution rayse a summe of money, and imploy it this way: And that the profites might goe to the maintaining of poore children, and trayning them up in this course, by which they may be kept from begging and stealing.


Containes certaine directions for all priuate persons that intends to goe into New-England to plant.

NExt unto this I could wish, that euery priuate man that hath a desire this way, would con­sider these things which I wil heere set downe before he goe too farre, lest he depriue himselfe of the profite I haue shewed may be had, and be one of those that repent when it is too late, and so bring mi­sery upon himselfe, and scandalize the Country, as others haue done.

  • 1. That it is a Countrey, where none can liue ex­cept he either labour himselfe, or be able to keepe others to labour for him.
  • 2. If a man haue a wife and many small children, not to come there, except for every three loyterers, he haue one worker; which if he haue, he may make a shift to liue, and not starue.
  • 3. If a man haue but as many good labourers as loyterers, he shall liue much better there then in any place I know.
  • 4. If all be labourers, and no children, then let [Page 38]him not feare, but to doe more good there in seuen yeares then in England in twenty.
  • 5. Let no man goe without 18 moneths prouision, so shall he take the benefit of two seasons before his provision be spent.
  • 6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you will finde that very comfortable, profitable and se­cure.

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