HE that shal aduisedly consider the plot of this Shyre, may finde thrée diuerse (and those not vnfit) wayes, to deuide it: One, by breaking the whole into the East and West Kent: The order of this de­scription. An other, by parting it, (as Watling streate leadeth,) into North, and Southe Kent: And a third, by seuering it into the two distinct Dioceses of Canterbury, and Rochester. Of these thrée, I haue de­termined to chuse the last, both bycause that kinde of diuision hath as certaine limits, as any of the former, & for that, it séemeth to me the moste conuenient seue­rance, being wrought both by bounde of place, and of iu­risdiction also. And because the See of Canterbury, is not onely the more worthy of the twaine, but also the Metropolitane, and chiefe of the whole realme: I haue thought good, in the first place, to shewe the beginning and increase of that Bishopricke, and afterward to pro­secute the description and hystorie of the principal parts belonging to the same.

It is to be séene, in the Brittishe hystorie, and others, that at suche time as King Lucius (the first christened Prince of this land) had renounced the damnable dark­nes of Paganisme, Flamines turned into Bishops. and embrased the glorious light of the Gospel of God, he chaunged the Archeflamines of London, Yorke, and Caerleon, into so many Archebi­shops: and the Flamines, of other inferiour places, into inferiour Bishops, through out his whole realme. Howbeit, this matter is not so cleare, but that it is encounte­red by William Petit, whiche (in the Proheme of his hystorie) affirmeth boldly, that the Britons whiche pro­fessed Christian religion within this Iland, before y^e cō ­ming of Augustine, were contented with Bishops only, & that Augustine himselfe was the very first, that euer had the Archbishops Palle amongst vs. As touching Bishops it is euidēt by Beda him self, that both before, & in [Page 63] Augustines time, Wales alone had seuen at the lest: but as for Archebishops (although for my owne opinion I thinke with William, the rather for y^t I suppose, y^t the simplicity of y^e Britain clergie, was not as thē enamou­red with the vain titles of the Romane arrogancy) yet to the end that the reader may be therby the more iust­ly occasioned, to make inquisition of the trueth in that point, it shall not be greatly out of his way, to send him by Siluester Giraldus, Canbrensis, a man (considering y^e age (excellently wel learned, & which liued about y^e same time w^t Williā Petit, or Williā of Newborow) as some cal him. This man, in a book which he entituled, Itinera­riū Walliae, setteth forth moste plainly the Archbishops, y^t in olde time were at Caerleon, their translation from thence to Saint Dauids, their transmigration from Saint Dauids ouer the Sea into Normandie, and the whole Catalogue of their succession in each of those pla­ces. But here, some man, thinking me more mindful to direct others, thē careful to kepe mine own wai, wil happely aske me, what pertineth it (I pray you to Canter­bury, whether there haue ben Archbishops at London, Yorke, & Carleon, or no?Londō spoiled of the Archebi­shopricke. yes (no doubt) it maketh great­ly to our treatise of Canterbury: for, not onely y^e forena­med Brittish historie, Mathew of Westminster, & Wil­liā of Malmesbury do shew manifestly, that Augustine by great iniury spoiled Londō of this dignitie of y^e Arch­bishops chaire, bestowing y^e same vpon Canterbury: but y^e Epistle of Pope Gregorie himself also, (which is to be read in y^e Ecclesiasticall storie of Beda) cōuinceth him of manifest presumption & arrogācie, in y^t he sticked not to prefer his own fantasie & liking before y^e Pope his mais­ters institution & cōmaūdement. For Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops, y^e one at London the other at Yorke, whereof either should haue vnder him 12. inferi­our Bishops, & wherof neither should be subiect to other: [Page 64] only for Augustines honour) hee willed, that they all should bée vnder him during his lyfe. But Augustine not so contēted, both remained resident during al his life at Canterbury, and before he died consecrated Lau­rence Archebishop there, least, eyther by his owne death, or want of another fit man to fill the place, the chaire might happely be carried to London, as Grego­rie the Pope had appointed.

Mathew of Westminster saith, that Merlin had pro­phecied, Dignitas Londoniae adornabit Dorobriniam. Wil­liam Malmesbury writeth, that he did it, Sedulitate Re­gis hospitis, (meaning King Ethelbert) & ch [...]ritate ciuium captus: But I thinke verely, that he ment thereby to leaue a glorious monument of his swelling pride & va­nitie: wherevnto I am the rather led, by the obserua­tion of his stately behauiour vsed towards the Bryttish Bishops, and some other of his acts, that sauour greatly of vaineglory, ambition, and insolence. Whatsoeuer the cause were that moued him thus to apparell Canter­bury with the Archebishop of Londons Palle, at Can­terbury hath it continued euer sithence, sauing that at one time, Offa the King of Mercia (or midle England) partly of a disposition to honour his owne countrie, and partly of a iuste displeasure conceaued againste Lam­bright (or Ianbright, as some copies haue it, the thir­téenth Archebishop,) for matter of treason, transla­ted the honour of the See, eyther wholly, or partly, to Lichefield: But there it remained not long, for after the death of King Offa, Kenulsus his successour restored E­thelard to his place at Canterbury againe.

The in­crease of the Arche­bishop­ricke,The whole Prouince of this Bishopricke of Can­terbury, was at the firste diuided by Theodorus (the seuenthe Bishop) into fiue Diocesse only: howbe­it in processe of tyme it grewe to twentie and one, be­sides it selfe, leauing to Yorke (which by the first insti­tution, [Page 33] should haue had as many as it) but Durham, Conttentiō for the Pri­macie. Carleil, and Chester only. And whereas by the same ordinance of Gregorie, neither of these Archebishoppes ought to be inferiour to other, saue only in respect of the prioritie of their consecration, Lanfranc (thinking it good reason that he should make a conquest of the Englishe Clergie, since his maister King William had vanquish­ed the whole nation) contēded at Windsore with Tho­mas Norman (Archebishoppe of Yorke) for the prima­cie, 1072 and there by iudgement before Hugo the Popes Legate recouered it from him: so that euer since, the one is called Totius Angliae primas, and the other, Angliae primas, without any further addition. Of which iudge­ment (one forsooth) hathe yeelded this great reason: that euen as the Kentish people, by an auncient prerogatiue of manhoode doe chalenge the first fronte in eache bat­taile, from the inhabitants of other countries: So the Archbishop of their shyre, ought by good congruence to be preferred before the rest of the Byshops of the whole Realme. Moreouer, whereas before time,The Arche­bishoppes place in the generall counsell. the place of this Archebishop in the generall Counsell, was to sit next to the Bishop of sainct Ruffines, Anselmus (the Successour of this Lanfranc) for recompence of the good seruice that hee had done, in ruffling againste Priestes wyues, and resisting the King for the inuestiture of clerkes) was by Pope Vrbane endowed with this ac­cession 1099 of honour, that hee and his successours, should frō thencefoorth haue place in all generall counsels, at the Popes right foote, who then said withall, Includamus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterius orbis Papam.

And thus the Archebishops of Canterbury, by the fraude of Augustine, by the power of Lanfranc, and by the industrie of Anselme, were muche exalted: but how much that was to the greeuous displeasure, and pining [Page 66] enuie, of the Archbyshops of Yorke, you shall perceiue by that whiche followeth.

King Henry the firste, kept (vpon a time) a stately Christmas at Windsore, Wrastling for the pri­macie. where (the maner of our kings then being at certeine solemne times to weare their crownes) Thurstine of Yorke (hauing his crosse borne vp before him) offered to set the crowne vpon the kings head: But William of Canterbury withstoode it stout­ly, and so preuayled by the fauoure of the king, and the helpe of the standers by, that Thurstine was not onely disappointed of his purpose, but he (and his crosse also) thrust cleane out of the doores.

William of Yorke (the next in succession after Thur­stine, both in the Sée and Quarell) perceiuing that the force of his predecessor preuayled nothing, attempted by his own humble meanes (first made to the king, and af­ter to the Pope) to winne the coronation of king Henry 1155 the seconde, from Theobald the nexte Archbyshop of Canterbury: But when he had receiued repulse in that sort of suite also, and found no way left to make auenge­ment vpon his enemie, he returned home al wrothe, and (mixing poyson in the chalice, at his Masse) wreaked the anger vpon himselfe.

1178 After this, another hurley burley happened in a Sy­node, assembled at Westminster, in the time of king Henry the second, before Cardinal Hugo, (Pope Alex­anders Legate) betwéen Richard and Roger, then Arch­bishops of these two Sées vpon occasion, that Roger of York comming of purpose (as it should séeme) first to the assembly, had taken vp the place on the right hande of the Cardinall, which when Richard of Canterbury had espyed, he refused to sit downe in the second roome, com­playning greatly of this preiudice done to his Sée: wher­vpon, after sundry replies of speache, the weaker in dis­putation [Page 67] (after the maner of shrewd schole boyes in Lō ­don streats) descended frō hote words, to hastie blowes, in which encounter, the Archbyshop of Canterburie (through the multitude of his meiney) obteined the bet­ter: So that he not onely plucked the other out of his place, and (trampling vpon his body with his his féete) al to rent and tare his Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, but also disturbed the holy Synode therwithal, in suche wise that the Cardinall for feare, betooke him to his féete, the company departed their businesse vndone, and the By­shops themselues moued suite at Rome, for the finishing of their controuersie. By these, & such other successes, on the one side, the Byshops of Canterburie following, tooke suche courage, that from thencefoorth, they woulde not permit the Byshops of Yorke to beare vp the crosse, either in their presence, or prouince: And on the other side, the Byshops of Yorke conceiued suche griefe of heart, disdaine, and offence, that from time to time, they spared no occasion to attempt both the one & the other.

1268 Wherevpon, in the time of a Parleament, holden at Londō, in the reigne of King Henrie the third, Boniface (Archbishop of Canterbury) interdicted the Londoners, bycause they had suffered the Byshop of Yorke to beare vp his crosse whiles he was in the citie. And much to doe there was (within a few yeeres after) betwéene Robert Kylwarby of Canterburie, and Walter Giffard of Yorke, bycause he of Yorke aduaunced his crosse, as he passed through Kent towardes the generall Coun­sell.

1272 The like happened also, at two other seuerall times, betwéene Friar Peckam (Archebyshop of Canterburie) and William Winkewane, The end of the strife for the supre­macie. and Iohn de Roma (Archby­shops of Yorke) in the dayes of King Edwarde the firste. At the length, the matter being yet once more set on foote [Page 36] betwéene Simon Islepe (the Archebishop of this coun­trie) and his aduersarie (the incumbent of Yorke for that time) King Edward the third, in whose reigne that variance was reuined, resumed the matter into his owne hande, and made a finall composition betwéene them, the which he published vnder his broade seale to this effect: first, that eache of them should fréely, and without empeachement of the other, beare vp his crosse in the others Prouince, but yet so, that he of Yorke and his successours for euer, in signe of subiection, should within two monethes after their inthronization, either bring, or sende, to Canterbury, the Image of an Arche­bishop bearing a crosse, or some other Iewell wrought in fine golde, to the value of fourtie poundes, and offer it openly there vpon Sainct Thomas Beckets shryne: then, that in all Synodes of the clergie, and assemblies where the King should happen to be present, he of Can­terbury should haue the right hand, and the other the lefte: finally, that in broade streetes, and highe wayes, their crossebearers should go togeather, but that in nar­rowe lanes, and in the entries of doores and gates, the crossier of Canterbury should go before, and the other followe, and come behinde.

So that (as you sée) the Bishoppes of Canterbury e­uermore preuayling by fauour and obstinacie, they of Yorke were driuen in the end, to giue ouer in the plain field, for very dispaire, wanhope, and weerinesse.

But heare by the way, I woulde faine, for my lear­ning, knowe of these godly Fathers, or rather (since themselues can not now make answer) of some of their vngodly fauourers, whether this their Helena, this crosse (for the bearing whereof they contended so long, and so bitterly, that a man might doubt with the Poet, Peceat vter Cruce dignius) whether (I say) it were exal­ted, [Page 37] as the signe of that Crosse whereon Christ trium­phed ouer the Diuel, or els but for a flagge and antsigne of their owne pride, whereby they sought to triumphe and insult the one ouer the other? And againe, if it were Christes crosse, then why they did forbid it to bee aduaunced, at any time, by any person, or in any place? Or if it were but their owne, then why they did, and yet doe, commaund vs simple soules, not only with greate humilitie, but with diuine honour also, to prostrate our selues, and to adore it? I am sure they may be ashamed to affirme it to bee the one, & I thinke they wilbe asha­med to confesse it to be the other. I wil ceasse therfore to vrge it any further, & wil prosecute the Catalogue of the Archebishoppes of this See, since the arriual of Augus­tine. In the which, the first seuen, be of that number which Pope Gregorie sent hither out of Italie: The next twentie thrée, and Stigande, were Saxons: all the residue, Normanes & Englishmen. And bycause there is some variance as touching the times of their conti­nuance and sitting, I purpose to shew (vnder one view) the opinion of two sundrie authours, so farre foorth as they haue spoken therof, that is to say, William of Mal­mesbury, and an auncient Chronicler of Couen­trie, (whose name I haue not hytherto learned) and in the residue to follow our owne late and receaued writers.

Thus haue you the succession of seuentie Archbishops, in the recital whereof, I doe (of purpose) spare to dispute the variance arising amongst writers, as touching the continuance, & true times of their gouernment, whiche discrepance, groweth partly, for the defaulte of the au­ctors themselues, not obseruing the due accompte of yeares, and partly by the vnskil of suche as haue vntru­ly copied out their woorkes: I willingly reserue also for other places, sundrie the hystories of their liues and do­inges, bothe bicause I thinke it fruitlesse, to reconcile suche manner of disagréements, and also, for that (as I saide before of the Kings) I déeme it impertinent to my purpose, to speake further of any thing, then the very place in hand, shall iustly giue me occasion.

It followeth therefore, that according to promise,The ordre of this de­scription of Kent. I handle suche particular places within this Diocese, as are mentioned in hystorie, in whiche treatie, I will ob­serue this order. First to begin at Tanet, and to peruse the East and Southe shores, til I come to the limits, be­twéen this Shyre, & Sussex: then to ascend Northward, and to visits such places, as lye along the bounds of this Diocess & Rochester, returning by the mouth of Med­wey to Tanet again, whiche is the whole circuite of this Bishopricke: and lastly, to describe suche places, as lye in the body and midest of the same.

No snakes in Tanet. IVlius Solinus (in his description of England) saith thus of Tanet: Thana­natos nullo serpitur angue, & asportata inde terra angues necat. There be no snakes in Tanet (saith he) & the earth that is brought from thence will kill them. But whether he wrote this of any sure vnderstanding that he had of the quality of the soyle, or onely by coniecture at the woord [...] which in Gréeke signifieth death, or killing, I wote not, & much lesse dare I determine, bycause hitherto neither I my selfe haue heard of any Region hereabout (onely Ireland excepted) which beareth not both snakes and o­ther venemous wormes, neither am I yet persuaded, that this place borowed the name out of the Gréeke, but rather tooke it of the propre language, of this oure natiue countrie: For ƿaenet, in the Saxon, or olde Eng­glishe tongue, soundeth as muche as, moysted, or wa­tered, whiche deriuation, howe well it standeth with the situation of Tanet, being Peninsula, and watered (in manner) round about, I had rather without reasoning, referre to euery mans iudgement, then by debate of many woordes, eyther to trouble the reader, or to in­terrupt mine owne order. Leauing the name there­fore, I will resorte to the thing, and shewe you out of Beda, and others, the content and stoarie of this Ile.

There lyeth (saieth Beda, speaking of the place, where King Ethelbert entertained Augustine) in the East part of Kent, an Iland, called Tanet, con­teining (after the manner of the Englishe accompte) sixe hundred families, or Hides of land (as the Saxon booke of Beda hath) whiche be in deede after the opinion of auncient writers, plough landes: It is diuided from the continent, or mayne land, by the riuer called Want­sume, whiche is about thrée furlongs broade, and to bee passed ouer in two places onely: Hereunto if you adde the opinion of Polydore, the description wilbe the more euident. It conteyneth (saith he) about nyne myles in length, and not muche lesse in breadth, and it was some time diuorced from the continent, by a water, but nowe it is almoste vnited againe. Thus muche for the de­scription.

As touching y^e hystorie, you may read in Geffray of Mō ­mouth, that after such time as the Brytons had deposed Vortiger their King, for that he brought in the Saxons, whiche beganne soone after theyr entrie to shewe themselues in déede, suche as they were in name,For (Seax) in their language sig­nifieth a sword, or axe, or hat­chet. (not shieldes against the Pictes and Scots, but swords to shead the Brittan bloud) Vortimer his sonne (whome they places in his seate) so streightned the Saxons in this Ile, (the whiche, as William of Malmesbury wri­teth, Vortiger had giuen them to inhabite, at their first Arriuall) that for a colour they sent Vortiger to treate with him of peace, and in the meane whyle for feare, conueyed them selues into theyr Shippes, and Sayled homewarde againe. The same Au­thour reporteth, that after this, Cador, (the Duke of Cornewall) by commaundemente of King Ar­thur, chased the Saxons into Tanet, where he slewe Childric their leader, and receiued many of the residue [Page 80] to grace and mercy.

Howbeit the Saxons themselues, after that in pro­cesse of time, they had gotten the dominion ouer the Bri­tons, enioyed not the possession of Tanet in much better quiet then the Britons had done before them. For in the dayes of King Athulf, (the father of Alfred) the Danes fought in Tanet against Ealhere, (the Duke, or captain 853 of Kent) and Huda, (the Duke of Surrey) & slaying them bothe ouerthrewe their powers, and possessed the Ile. 864 After this, in the time of the same King, they soiourned with theyr armie a whole wynter in Tanet: and lastly 890 (in the reigne of King Etheldred) they herried, spoyled, and sacked it in suche sort, that the religious persons were constrained to abandon the place, for I finde, that shortly after, King Canutus gaue the body of Mildred, and all the landes belonging to Mynster Abbay (that thē was in this Ile) to the Monkes of saint Augustines at Canterbury.

But, for asmuche as good order requireth, that I should tell you of the foundation, before I speake of the fall, you shall heare out of William Thorne, (one that made an appendix to the hystorie of Thomas Spot, both Monkes of Saint Augustines) the occasion of the first fabulous beginning of this Abbay.

The occa­sion of the building of Minster Abbay.Certain seruaunts, or officers (saith he) of Egbright (the third King of Kent after Ethelbert) had done great iniurie to a noble woman (called Domneua, the mother of Saint Mildred) in recompence of whiche wrongs the King made an Herodian othe, and promised vpon 596 his honour, to giue her whatsoeuer she would aske him.

The woman (instructed belike by some Menkishe coun­selour) begged of him so muche ground to build an Ab­bay vpon, as a tame déere (y^t she nourished) would runne [Page 81] ouer at a breathe: Hereto the King had consented forth­with, sauing that one Tymor (a counseler of his) stan­ding by, blamed him of great inconsideration, for that he woulde vpon the vncertaine course of a Deare, departe to his certaine losse, with any part of so good a soyle, but the earth (sayth William Thorne) immediatly opened, and swalowed him aliue, in memorie whereof, the place till his time, was called Tymor sleape. Well, the King and this Gentlewoman procéeded in their bargaine, the Hynde was put foorth, and it ranne the quantitie of fourtie and eight ploughlands, before it returned.

And thus Domneua (by the help of the King) builded at Mynster (within that precinct) a Monasterie of Non­nes, vpon suche like discretion, (you may be sure) as Ramsey Abbay was pitched, euen where a Bull by chaunce scraped with his foote, and as Rome it selfe (for whose fauour these follies be deuised) was edified, where the she Woulfe gaue Romulus and Remus sucke.For it was called Ro­ma, of Ru­ma, a pappe or dugge.

Ouer this Abbay, Mildred (of whome we spake) the daughter of Meruaile, (that was sonne to Penda, King of midle England) became the Lady and Abbasse: who bicause she was of noble linage, and had gotten together 680 seuentie women, (all whiche Theodorus the seuenth Bishop) veiled for Nonnes, she easily obteyned to be re­gistred in our Englishe Kalender, & to be worshipped for a Saint, both at Tanet, while her body lay there, and at S. Augustines, after that it was translated: And no maruell at all, for if you will beléeue the authour of the worke called (Noua Legenda Angliae) your self wil easily vouchsafe her the honour.

This woman (sayth he) was so mightily defended with diuine power,S. Mildred [...] miracles. that lying in a hote ouē thrée houres together, she suffered not of the flame: She was also en­dued with suche godlyke vertue, that comming out of [Page 82] Fraunce, the very stone whereon she first stepped at Ip­pedsflete in this Isle, receiued the impression of her foote, and reteined it for euer, hauing besides this propertie, that whether so euer you remoued the same, it woulde within short time, and without helpe of mans hande, re­turne to the former place againe: And finally, she was so diligently garded with Gods Angel, attending vpon her, that when the diuell (finding her at prayers) had put out the candel that was before her, the Angel forth­with lighted it for her againe.

And this (no doubte) was the cause, that the Religi­ous persons of S. Augustines, and of S. Gregories at Cā ­terbury, fell at great dissention for her, eche affirming, that after the spoyle of Tanet, her bones were remoued to their Monasterie: the one clayming by King Canutus, 1085 as we sayd before, and the other deriuing from Archebi­shop Lanfranc, who (as they affirmed) at the dotation of their house, bestowed vpon it (amongest other things of great price) the translated reliques of Mildred, and Ed­burgaes bodyes.

Howsoeuer that were, they bothe made marchan­dize of her myracles, and the Monkes of S Augustines perceiuing, that by the dissolution of the Monasterie, and the absence of the Saintes, their towne of Minster, 1116 in Tanet was falne to decay, of verie conscience, and for pities sake, by the meane of Hughe their Abbat, procu­red at the handes of King Henrie the first, the graunt of a Market, to be holden there, whiche I wote not whe­ther it inioyeth to this day, or no.

Thus much of the Isle and Mynster Abbay. Now a worde or two touching Ippedsflete, wherof I spake be­fore, and of Stonor another place within the Isle, and then I will leaue Tanet, and procéede in my iourney. This Ippedsflete, Ippedsflete, is the place wher Hengist and Hors [...] [Page 83] (the Saxon captaines) came first on lande, and it is of di­uers Chronicles diuersly termed, some calling it Ip­pinesflete, others Heoppinesflete, and others Wippeds­flete, These of the last sorte write, that it tooke the name of one Wipped, (a noble man amongest the Saxons) who onely was slaine on that parte, when Aurel. Am­brose (the leader of the Britons) lost twelue of his prin­cipall chiefteins in one conflict. In déede, the name soun­deth, the place where Wipped, or Ipped swymmed, 473 whiche I coulde haue agréed to be the same, that is at this day called, Wapflete in Essex, (the rather for that Ralph Higdē writeth, that the Britons neuer inuaded Kent, after the battayle at Craforde, whiche was before this ouerthrowe that I last spake of.) Howbeit since the writer of our holy Legend layeth it in Tanet, I am con­tented to subscribe.

In this Isle lyeth Stonor, Stonor. sometime a hauen towne also: for in the reigne of William Rufus, there arose a suite in lawe, betwéene the Londoners, and the Abbat of S Augustines (then owner of the place) as touching the right of the hauen of Stonor, wherein by the fauou­rable 1090 aide of the Prince, the Monkes (as Thomas Spot, their own Chronicler reporteth) preuayled, and the Ci­tizens had the ouerthrowe. Not long after whiche time, they obteined of King Henrie the first, a fayre to be hol­den yerely at this towne, fiue dayes together, before and 1104 after the feast of the translation of S. Augustine.

Nowe woulde I foorthwith leade you from the Isle of Tanet, to the ruines of Richeborow, sauing that the Goodwine is before myne eye, whereof I pray you first hearken what I haue to say.

THere liued in the time of King Edwarde (commonly called the Confessour) a no­ble mā,Earle God­wine and his sonnes. named Godwine, whose daugh­ter Edgithe, the same King, by great in­stance of his nobilitie, (being otherwise of him selfe disposed to haue liued sole) tooke vnto his wife. By reason whereof, not onely this Godwine him selfe (being at the first but a Cowheards sonne, and afterward aduaunced to honour by King Ca­nutus, whose sister by fraude he obteined to wife) became of great power and authoritie within this Realme (but his sonnes also being fiue in nomber) were by the kings 1050 gyfte, aduaunced to large liuelyhoodes and honourable possessions. For Goodwine was Earle of Kent, Sus­sex, Hamshire, Dorsetshire, Deuonshire, and Cornwal: His eldest sonne Swane, had Oxfordshire, Barkeshire Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, and Somerset: Harold, helde Essex, Norfolk, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, & Hun­tingdonshire: Tosti, had Northumberland: And Gurte, & Leoswine, possessed other places. &c. But as it is hard in great prosperitie to kéepe due temperance, for, Super­bia est vitium rebus solenne secundis: So this man and his sonnes, being puffed vp with the pryde of the Kings fa­uour, their owne power, pollicie, and possession, contem­ned all other, and forgate them selues, abusing the sim­plicitie of the King by euill counsel, treading vnder foote the nobilitie by great disdaine, and oppressing the com­mon people by insatiable rauine, extortion, and tirannie. So that immediatly, and at once, they pulled vpon their heades, the heauie displeasure of the Prince, the immor­tall hatred of the noble men, and the bitter execration [Page 88] and curse of the common sort. Whereupon the king for a season banished them, the nobles neuer after liked them, and the poore people not onely railed vpon them while they liued, but also by deuised tales (as the man­ner is) laboured to make them hatefull to all posteritie after their death. And amongst other things, touching Godwyne him selfe, they feygned, that he was choked at Winchester (or Windsore, as others say, for liers can not lightly agrée) with a morsel of bread, and that this his land in Kent sonke sodainly into the Sea. Neyther were these things continued in memory, by the mouths of the vnlearned people only, but committed to writing also, by the hands and pens of Monkes, Frears, and o­thers of the learned sort. So that in course of time, the matter was past all peraduenture, and the things belie­ued for vndoubted veritie.

But whatsoeuer hath bene heretofore thought of these matters, hauing now iust occasion offered mee to treate of the thing, I wil not spare, to speake that which I haue red in some credible writers, and whiche I doe 1100 thinke méete to be beléeued of all indifferent readers.

Siluester Giraldus (in his Itinerarie of Wales) and many others, doe write,The cause of Good­wyn Sandes that about the end of the reigne of King William Rufus, (or the beginning of Henrie the first) there was a sodaine and mightie inundation of the Sea, by the which a great part of Flaunders, and of the lowe countries thereabout, was drenched, and lost, so that many of the inhabitants (being thereby expulsed from their seates) came ouer into England, and made suite to the same King Henrie, for some place of dwel­ling within his dominion. The King pitying their cala­mitie, and séeing that they might bee profitable to his Realme, by instructing his people in the art of clothing, (wherein at that time they chiefly excelled,) first placed [Page 86] them about Carlile in the North countrie, and after­warde (vpon cause) remoued them to Rosse and Hauer­ford in Wales. Now at the same tyme that this hap­pened in Flaunders, the like harme was done in sundry places, bothe of England, and Scotland, also, (as Hector Boethius, the Scottishe hystoriographer, moste plainly writeth) affirming, that (amongst other) this place, being sometyme of the possession of the Earle Godwine, was then first violently ouerwhelmed with a light sande, wherewith it, not onely remayneth couered euer since, but is become withall (Nauium gurges, & vorago) a most dreadfull gulfe, and shippe swalower.

This thing, as I cannot but marueil how it hath es­caped the penns of our own countrie writers (the rather for that some of them liuing about that time) haue men­tion of that harme in the lowe countrie: so I sticke not to accept it for assured trueth, considering either the au­ctority of the writer him selfe, being a diligent and lear­ned man, or the circumstances of the thing that he hathe left written, beeing in it selfe both reasonable, & likely.

And thus I might wel make an end, but because I haue alredy takē occasiō to accuse thē of forgerie, which affirme Godwine to haue bene choked at the bourde, I trust it shalbe no great offence, (though beside purpose, yet for declaration of the trueth) to rehearse shortly, what some credible storiers haue reported of that mat­ter also. And to the end that the trueth may appeare by collation of the diuers reportes, I will first shewe what the common opinion and tale of his death is, and then afterward what these other men write concerning the same.The death of Earle Godwyne. Ealred, the Abbat of Ryuauxe, (who tooke paynes to pen the hystorie of the same King Edwardes whole life, and of whom all others (as I thinke) lear­ned this tale, saith: that while the King and Godwyne [Page 87] sate at the table, accompanied with others of the Nobi­litie, it chaunced the Cupbearer (as he brought wyne to the bourd) to slip with the one foote, and yet by good strength of his other legge, to recouer him self without falling, whiche thing the Earle earnestly marking, sayde pleasantly, that There, one brother had wel helped an­other: mary (quoth the King) so might me mine, ne had­dest thou bene Earle Godwine: casting in his dishe the murder of his brother Alfred, which was done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine, as hereafter in fitte place for it shall appeare. Hereat the Earle was sore moued, and thinking it more then time to make his purgation, tooke a morsell of bread into his hand, and praying (with great and vehement obtestation) that it might choke him, if he by any meanes caused y^e slaugh­ter or consēted thereto, he put the bread into his mouth, and was immediatly strangled therewithall.

Some write, that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane, the holy Bishop of Worcester, after a certain manner then vsed, & called Corsned, 1. Cursed bread. as in the table to y^e Saxons lawes is to be séene. But this Ealred affirmeth that after the woords spoken by the Earle, the King him selfe blessed the bread with the signe of the crosse: And therfore these men agrée aswel together, as blessing and cursing be one like to another.

But letting that and them passe, heare (I beséech you) what Alfred of Beuerley (a learned man, that liued in the time of King Henry the first, somewhat before this Abbat Ealred) saith, touching this matter. Godwinus gra­ui morbo ex improuiso percussus, ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens, mutus in ipsa sede declinauit, ac postea in camerā Re­gis a filijs deportatus, moritur. Quidam autem dicunt. &c. Godwine being sodainly strickē w^t a grieuous disease, as he sate at y^e table with the King at Winchester, fel down [Page 85] from his stoole, and was carried by his sonnes into the Kings chamber, where he dyed: but some say that he was choked &c. And to the same effect writeth Maria­nus the Scot. Simeon also, the Chaunter of Durham, whiche liued about the time of this Alfred, or rather before him, treating of this matter, hath these wordes.

Godwinus graui morbo percussus, in ipsa sede declinauit, & post horas quinque moritur. Godwyne being taken with a grieuous disease, dropped down from the place where he sate, and dyed within fiue houres after.

Thus these men reporte another manner of his death, the one vsing no mention at all of any accursed breade, and the other reciting it but as a tale. And for the more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat, he that wil read the second booke of William Malmes. De Regibus, shall finde, that the occasion, and introduction of this matter (I meane, the slipping of the Kings Cupbearer, and the speache that procéeded therof, namely, that One brother had wel helped another) is woorde for woord stollen from thence, for William (whiche liued before E­alred) reporteth, that king Ethelstane, by persuasion of one that was his cupbearer, had banished Eadwine his owne brother, for suspicion of treason, and had com­mitted him to the Seas and windes in an olde, shaken, and fraile vessel, without saile, oare, or companion, (saue one Esquier only,) in whiche exile he perished, and that afterward the King (vnderstanding his brothers inno­cencie, and sorowing his owne rashnesse) tooke occasion by sight of his cupbearers foote slipping, to be auenged of the false accusation, euen as it is here tolde of King Edward. But Ealred, forsoothe, was so fully disposed to magnifie King Edward (bycause he so muche magnified the Monkishe and single life) that he sticked not at grea­ter matters then this, affirming boldely that the same [Page 89] King while he hearde Masse at Westminster, The visions of Edward the confes­sour. sawe be­twéene the Priestes handes, Christe blessing him with his fingers: That at another Masse he sawe the seuen sleapers at Ephesus, turne them selues on the one side, after they had sleapt seuentie yeares together on the o­ther, (which,Epimenides did slepe. 75 yeares. séeing it was within fiue yeares of so many as Epimenides sleapt,) Ealred (in my phansie) is worthy to haue the seconde game at the whetstone.) Fur­thermore, that S. Iohn Baptist sent to King Edward, a King of Golde from Ierusalem, whiche he him selfe had sometime before giuen to a poore man, that asked almes of him in the name of S. Iohn: And suche other matters of like credite,1. Loue, Ly. or game for the whet­stone. whiche bothe for the vanitie of the things them selues, being méete to haue place in Philopseudes of Lucian, and for the desire that I haue to kéepe order, I will pretermit, and re­turne to my purpose.

MAthew (y^e Monke of Westminster, & Authour of the woorke called, Flores Hystoriarum) taketh the place whiche Beda, Ptolome, and others call Ru­tupi, to be Sandwiche, and therefore he applieth to the one whatsoeuer he findeth of the other: but bicause Iohn Leland (a man generally acquainted with the antiqui­ties of the Realme) affirmeth in his worke whiche hee intituled (Syllabus in Genethliacon Eaduerdi) Rutupi to haue been, where Richeborowe now is (to whiche opi­nion I rather incline) I thinke good to giue them seue­rall titles, and to speake of Richeborowe by it selfe, lea­uing to fit place (for Sandwiche also) suche matter, as of right belongeth therevnto.

The whole shoare of Kent therefore, that lyeth ouer against Dunkircke, Calaice, and Boloigne, is of Caesar, Iuuenal, Lucan, Ptolome, Antoninus, and others, called Rutupiae, or Rutupinum littus, and that place of Eng­land whiche Beda taketh to be nearest to the Morines (a people of Gallia Belgica, whiche at this day compre­hendeth, Picardie, Boloigne, Artoys, and some parte of the lowe countries) is of Iohn Leland interpreted to be Richeborowe, not paste halfe a myle distant from Sandwiche toward the East. The same man also, [Page 91] persuaded partly by the viewe of the place it selfe, and partly by the authoritie of one Gotcelinus, supposeth, that Richeborow was of auncient time,Richebo­row, was sometime a Citie. a Citie of some price, and that it had within it a Palaice, where King Ethelbert receiued Augustine. As for the title of a Citie, I doubt not but that if the ruines of the aunci­ent walles yet extant, or the remenants of the Romane coyne often found there, did not at all inforce the like­lyhoode, yet the authoritie of Beda alone (which calleth it plainly a citie) would suffice: But whether it were the Palaice of King Ethelbert, when he entertained Augustine, he that shall aduisedly read the first Chap­ter of Beda his first boke of the Ecclesiastical storie, shall haue iust cause to doubt, for asmuch, as he sheweth ma­nifestly, y^t the King came from his Palaice in the Con­tinent (out of Thanet) to Augustine: & Leland himselfe confesseth, that Richeborow was then within Thanet, although that since that time, the water hath chaunged his course, and shut it cleane out of the Island.

Now, where some men (as I said) haue taken it to bée Sandwiche, I take them to bee greatly deceaued.Sandwiche, is not Ru­tupi.

For Richeborowe (being corruptly so sounded, for Reptsborowe) hathe remayning in it, the very rootes (as I may speake it) of Reptachester: And Reptache­ster (saith Beda) and Rutupi Portus, are all one: So then (Chester) being tourned to (Borow) (whiche be in deede two wordes, but yet in manner of one signification and effect) Rept, and Riche, haue ome affinitie the one with the other, but neyther Riche, Repta, nor Ru­tupi, can haue with Sandwiche any manner of simi­litude. Thus muche of the name, and antiquitie of this poore Towne, whiche was in tyme of the olde Brytons, of great price, and the common Port or [Page 92] place of arriuall out of Fraunce, whereof we finde no o­ther note in latter hystorie, either bicause the same was long since (before the comming of the Saxons) neglected, when as the Romanes had lost their interest within this Realme: Or else, for that soone after their arri­uall it decayed, by reason that the water chaunged his course, and lefte it dry: So that nowe most aptly, that may be sayde of this towne, neare to the Isle Thanet, whiche Virgil some time wrate of Tened it selfe.

But nowe I will make towarde Sandwiche, the first of the Portes (as my iourney lyeth) and by the way speake somewhat of the Fiue Portes, in generall.

I Finde in the booke of the general suruey of the realme,The anti­quitie of the Portes. whiche William the Con­querour caused to be made in the fourth yere of his reigne, & to be called Domes­day, bycause (as Mathew Parise saieth) it spared no man (but iudged all men in­differently, as the Lord in that great day wil doe) that Douer, Sandwiche, and Rumney, were in the time of King Edward the confessour, discharged almoste of all maner of impositions and burdens (whiche other towns dyd beare,) in consideration of suche seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea, as in their speciall titles shall hereafter appeare: wherevpon, although I might groūd by reasonable coniecture, that the immunity of the hauē Townes (which we nowe cal by a certaine number, the Cinque Portes) might take their beginning from the same Edward: yet for as muche as I read in the Char­tre of King Edward, the first after the conquest (whiche is reported in our booke of Entries) A recitall of the grauntes of sundrie Kinges to the Fiue Portes, the same reaching no higher, then to William the Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre: contenting my selfe to yéelde to the conquerour, the thankes of other mens benefites, séeing those whiche were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case then stoode) to like better of his confirmation or second gift, then of King Edwardes first graunt and endowment. And to the end that I may proceede in some manner of array, I will first shew, which Townes were (at the be­ginning) taken for the Fiue Portes, & what others be now reputed in the same number: secondly, what seruice they [Page 94] ought, & did in times passed, & lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore, & by what persons they haue been gouerned.

Whiche be the Fiue Portes.If I should iudge by the commune, and rude verse, ‘Douer, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus,’

I might say, that Douer, Sandwiche, Rie, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Fiue Portes: Againe if I should bee ruled by the Rolle whiche reciteth the Ports, that send Barons to the Par­leament, I muste then adde to these, Hastings, & Hyde, for they also haue their Barons, as wel as the other: and so should I not onely, not shewe whiche were the first Fiue, but also (by addition of two others) increase bothe the number, and doubtfulnes. Leauing the verse therefore, for ignorance of the authour, and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the Rolle (as not assured 1250 of the antiquitie) I will flye to Henrie Bracton, a man bothe auncient, learned, and credible, which liued vnder King Henrie the third, and wrote (aboue thrée hundreth yeares since) learnedly of the lawes of this Realme.

He (I say) in the third booke of his worke, and trea­tise of the Crowne, taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustices in Eire, (or Itinerant, as wee called them, bycause they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme, for administration of iustice) setteth foorth a speciall fourme of writtes, to bee directed seuerally to the Baylifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer, and Sandwiche, commaunding them, that they should cause twentie and foure of their Ba­rons for so their Burgesses, [...]i [...] w [...]re [...]led [...] [...]lde [...]. or Townesmen, and the Ci [...]ns of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in Kent, as they accustomed to doe, there to enquire of suche pointes, as should bee giuen them in charge. [Page 95] Whiche done, he addeth moreouer,Contentiō, betweene Yarmouth, and the fiue Portes. that for so muche as there was oftentimes contention betwéene them of the Fiue Portes, and the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Nor­folke, and Donwiche in Suffolke, there should be seue­rall writtes directed to them also, retournable before the same Iustices at the same day and place: reciting, that where the King had by his former writtes som­moned the Plées of the Fiue Ports to be holden at Ship­wey, if any of the same townes, had cause to complaine of any (beeing within the liberties of the saide Portes) he should be at Shipwey to propounde against him, and there to receaue according to lawe and iustice.

Thus muche I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Shipwey was before King Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Plees of the Fiue Portes, partly to notifie the difference, and controuersie that long since was betweene these Portes, and those other townes: But purposely and chiefely to proue, that Hastings, and Hithe, Douer, Rumney, and Sand­wiche, were in Bractons time, accompted the Fiue prin­cipall hauens or Portes, whiche were endowed with priuiledge.

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Win­chelsey and Rye might be added to the number. 1268

For I finde in an olde recorde, that King Henrie the third tooke into his owne handes (for the better defence of the Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rye, whiche belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, & gaue therfore in exchaunge, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester shyre, & diuers other landes in Lincolne shyre: This he did, partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens, the intelligence of the secrete affairs of his Realme, & partly bycause of a great disobedience [Page 96] and excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants of Winchelsey, against Prince Edward his eldest Sonne. And therefore, although, I can easely be led to thinke, y^t he submitted them for their correction to the order, and gouernance of the Fiue Portes, yet I stand doubtfull whether he made them partners of their priuiledges, or no,Winchel­sey first builded. for that had been a preferment, and no punishment: but I suspect rather, that his Sonne King Edward the first, (by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchel­sey 1277 was afterward abandoned, and the now Towne buidled) was the first that appareiled them wyth that preeminence.

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Do­uer, Hithe, Rumney, & Sandwiche, were the first Ports of priuiledge, which (bycause they were Fiue in numbre) bothe at the first gaue, and yet continue, to all the resi­due, the name of Cinque Portes, although not onely Winchelsey and Rye, be since that time, incorporated with them as principals, but diuers other places also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in as partes, lims, and members of the same. Now therefore, somewhat shalbe saide, as touching the seruices that these Portes of duetie owe, and in déed haue done, to the Princes: wherof the one (I meane with what numbre of vessels, in what manner of furniture, and for howe long season, they ought to waite on the King at the Sea, vpon theyr owne charges) shall partly appeare by that whiche wée shall presently say, and partly by that whiche shall fol­low in Sandwiche, and Rumney: The other shalbe made manifest by examples, drawn out of good hystories: and bothe shalbe testified by the woordes of King Edward the first in his owne Chartre.

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer wyth 20. vessels at the Sea, whereof eache to be [Page 97] furnished with one and twentie men, for fiftéene dayes together: and sayth further, that Rumney and Sand­wiche aunswered the like seruice: But nowe whether this (like) ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether, bothe in respect of the number and seruice, or of the (like) in respect of seruice, according to the proportion of their abilitie onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to deter­mine, For on the one side, if Rumney, Sandwiche, and the residue, should likewise find twentie vessels a péece, then (as you shall anone sée) the fiue Portes were subiect to a greater charge at that time, then King Edward the first layd vpon them: And on the other side, if they were only chargeable after their proportion, then know I not howe far to burthen them, séeing the Record of Domes­day it selfe, bindeth them to no certeintie. And therfore leauing this as I finde it, I must elsewhere make inqui­sition for more lightsome proofe: And firste I will haue recourse to King Edwarde the firste his Chartre, in which I read, that At ech time that the King passeth o­uer the sea, the Portes ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships, (whereof euery one to haue twentie armed soul­diers) and to mainteine them at their own costes, by the space of fifteene dayes together.

And thus it stoode with the Portes for their generall charge, in the sixte yeare of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed: But as touching the particular bur­then of eche one, I haue séene two diuers testimonies, of whiche the first is a note in Frenche (bearing the coun­tenance of a Record) and is intituled, to haue bene renu­ed in the two and twentie yeare of the Reigne of the same King, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer Castle, in whiche the particular charge is set downe in this manner.

The Port of Hastings ought to finde thrée ships.

• [Page 98]The lowie of Peuensey, one.
• Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn, one.
• Bekisborne in Kent, seuen.
• Grenche in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings.
• The towne of Rye, fiue.
• To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the tyme of King Henrie the sixt.
• The towne of Winchelsey, ten.
• The Port of Rumney, foure.
• Lydde, seuen.
• The Porte of Hythe, fiue.
• The Port of Douer, ninetéene.
• The towne of Folkstone, seuen.
• The towne of Feuersham, seuen.
• The Port of Sandwiche, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale. &c. fiue.

These Ships they ought to finde vpon fourtie dayes summons, armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and in eche of them twentie men, besides the Maister of of the Mariners: all whiche they shall likewyse mayn­teine fiue dayes together at their owne costes, giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable vj. pence, and to eache other Mariner iij. d. And after those fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the wages.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the whiche although it pretend not so great anti­quitie as the first, yet séemeth it to me to importe as muche, or more likelyhode and credit: It standeth, thus.

The seruices due by the same.

Hasting shal finde .21. ships, in euery ship .21. men, and a Garcion, or Boye, whiche is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as the members of one towne) the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rye, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerhethe.

Romenal. 5. ships, In euery ship .21. men, and a Garcion:

To it perteine, as members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

• Hethe .5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the Westhethe.
• Douer .21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine, Folk­stane, Feuersham, and Sainct Margerets, not concer­ning the land, but for the goods and cattailes.
• Sandwich .5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe before. To it perteine Fordwiche, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soyle, but for the goods.
• Summe of the Ships. 57.
• Summe of the men. 1187. and 57. Garcions.

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Portes do ac­knowledge to owe to the King, vpon summons yearely (if it happen) by the space of .15. dayes together, at their owne costes and charges, accounting that for the first day of the .15. in whiche they shall spread their sayles to goe towards those partes that the King intendeth: and to serue so long after .15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne pay, and wages.

Thus muche out of these auncient notes, whereby your self may easely discerne the difference: but whe­ther the one or the other, or (by reason of some latter de­spēsation) neither of these, haue place at this day, I must referre to them that be priuie & of counsell with y^e Ports: [Page 100] and so leauing this also vndecided, holde on the waye, wherein I am entred.

The good seruice of the .5. ports.This dutie of attendance therfore (being deuised for the honourable transportation, and salfe conduct of the Kings owne person ouer the narrow Seas, the Portes haue not onely most diligently euer since that time per­formed, but furthermore also, valiantly behaued them selues, against the enemie from time to time, in sundry exploits by water, as occasion hath ben proffered, or the necessitie of the Realme required.

And amongest other feates not vnworthy perpetu­all remembrance, after such time as Lewes (the French Dolphen) had entered the Realme to ayde Stephan Langton the Archebishop, and the Nobilitie in the life of King Iohn, and had sent into Fraunce for newe supply of souldiers after his death, Hubert of Borough (then 1217 Captaine of Douer) following the opinion of Themisto­cles, Muris ligne­is querendam salutem. in the exposition of the Oracle of the wooden walles, by the aide of the Port townes, armed fourtie tall ships, and méeting with eightie saile of Frenchmen vpon the high Seas, gaue them a most courageous encounter, in whiche he tooke some, sounke others, and discomfited the rest.

King Henrie the thirde also, after that he came to ri­per age, had great benefite by the seruice of the Cinque Portes: And King Edward the first in his Chartre, ma­keth their continuall faythfull seruice, (and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed againste the 1278 Welshmen) the principall cause and motiue of that his liberall graunt.

Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same King, a hundreth sayle of the Nauie of the Ports, fought at the Sea with a fleete of .200. Frenchmen, all 1293 whiche (notwithstanding the great ods of the number) [Page 101] they tooke, and slewe, and sounke so many of the Mary­ners, that Fraunce was thereby (for a long season after) in manner destitute, both of Seamen and shipping.

Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of 1406 King Henrie the fourth, the Nauie of the Fiue Portes, vnder the conducte of one Henrie Paye, surprysed one hundreth and twentie Frenche Ships, all laden with Salte, Iron, Oyle, and no worse Merchandize.

The priuiledges of these Portes, The priui­ledges of the 5. Ports being first graunted by Edward the Confessour, and William the Conque­rour, and then confirmed and increased by Williā Ru­fus, Henrie the second, Richard the first, Henry the third & king Edward the first, be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and exemption, that the inhabitaunts haue by reason of the same.

For they sende Burgesses to the Parleament, whiche by an honourable name be called Barons: They beare y^e foure staues of the Canapie ouer the Kings head at the time of his coronation, and they dyne at the vppermost table in the great hall, on his right hand: They them­selues be exempted from all payments of subsidie: And theyr Heires fréed from wardship of body, notwithstan­ding any tenure. They bée empleadable in their owne Townes also, and not elsewhere: They haue amongst themselues in eache Porte, their particular place of iu­stice, and at Shipwey the general courte of their assem­blie, where the Lord Warden taketh his othe at his first entrie into the office, & where they ought (of right) to holde all their generall Plées also, although they sit now for the moste part at Douer: They haue power (if iustice be not done them) to take the inhabitaunts of other Townes and Cities in Withernam: to gouerne Yarmouth: by their Baylife for one season of the yeare, to doe iustice vpon criminall offendours: To holde [Page 102] Plée in Actions reall and personall, to take Conusance by fine, to enfranchise villaines: & sondrie other things, whiche bycause they be to long to be rehearsed at large, and lye not fitly in the way of my purpose, I will omit, and descend to the Wardeins of the Portes, reciting in a short Catalogue, the names of so many of them, as I haue found to gouern, sithence the arriuall of King Wil­liam the Conquerour. And although it be no doubt, but that the Portes were vnder the gouernement of some, before the tyme of the conquest also, yet bycause King William was the first (so farre as I haue read) that made the office perpetuall, and gaue it the title whiche it now beareth (the name Wardein I meane, whiche came from Normandie and was not at all kno­wen to the Saxons) I thinke best to begin at his time. Againe, for asmuche as the Constableship of the Ca­stle of Douer, and this office, haue ben alwayes insepe­rably matched together, and for that I shal haue fitte place to speake of that hereafter, when I shall come to Douer, I will respit the rehersall of bothe their origi­nalles til then: and here (in the meane season) set down the race of the Wardeins by name only.

• The names of the Wardeins of the Fiue Portes
  Iohn Fynes, created by William the Conquerour, War­dein of the Portes, and Constable of Douer, by gifte of inheritance.
• Iames Fines, his Sonne, whiche dyed ot Folkston.
• Iohn Fynes his Sonne.
• Walkelm, who deliuered it to King Stephan, and imme­diatly after his death, abandoned the charge, and fled into Normandie.
• Allen Fynes, restored by King Henrie the second.
• Iames Fynes, his Eldest Sonne.
• Mathew Clere (as it should séeme by Mat. Par. & Williā Petite) who imprisoned Godfrey, the Archbyshop of [Page 103] Yorke in Douer castle, as vnder that title shal appeare.
• William of Wrotham.
• Hubert of Burgh, the Earle of Kent, who being deposed Bartram of Cryol succéeded.
• Richard Gray, appointed by the Barons, that warred a­gainst King Henrie the third, who was depriued of his office by Hugh Bigot, bicause he let in the Popes legate by the Kings licence, and against the minde of the Nobles.
• Henrie Braybrooke.
• Edward the first, in the lyfe of his father, who made Henrie Cobham his deputie, whose Sonne & Heire (called Iohn) founded Cobham College.
• Roger Leyborne, in the tyme of King Edward the first.
• Stephan Penchester, in the tyme of Edward the first.
• Syr Robert Asheton.
• Hugh Spenser, the younger, in the tyme of Edward the second.
• Edmund of Woodstock, the Earle of Kent.
• Reginald Cobham, in the time of Edward the third.
• Bartholmew Burwhasse, or Burgehersh, one of the first companions of the ordre of the Garter.
• Iohn Beauchampe, the Earle of Warwike.
• Syr Robert Herle, in the latter ende of King Edward the third.
• Edmund the Earle of Cambridge.
• Syr Simon Barley, whome Thomas of Woodstocke beheaded.
• Lord Henrie Cobham, the Sonne of Reginald Cobhā.
• Syr Iohn Enros.
• Syr Thomas Beaumont.
• Edward, the Duke of Aumarle and Yorke, whom King Henrie the fourth remoued, and substituted in place
• Syr Thomas Erpingham, for a season, but afterward, he gaue the office to.
• [Page 104]Prince Edward his Sonne, who when he was King in possession, bestowed it vpon
• Humfrey, the Duke of Gloucester.
• Iames Fines, Lord Saye, whom Iacke Cade beheaded.
• Edmond, the Duke of Somerset.
• Humfrey, the Duke of Buckingham.
• Simon Mountford, vnder King Henrie the sixt.
• Richard Neuel, the Earle of Warwike.
• William, the Earle of Arundel.
• Richard, the Duke of Gloucester, called afterward King Richard the third.
• Sir William Scotte.
• Henrie the Duke of Yorke.
• Iames Fines, the Lord Saye.
• Henrie in his Fathers lyfe, afterward the eight King of that name.
• Arthur Plantagenet, Vicount Lisle, Bastard Sonne to King Edward the fourth.
• Sir Edward Poynings.
• Henrie, the younge Earle of Richemond.
• Sir Edward Guldeford.
• George Boleyn, Vicount Rocheford.
• Sir Thomas Cheynie, Treasurour of the houshold.
• Sir Wiliam Cobham, Lord Cobham.

Thus much of the v. Portes, in general. Now of Sand­wiche, the first of them in the order of my iourney, and then orderly of so many of the residue, as lye within the Shyre that I haue presently in hand.

THis Towne (as it appeareth by the report of Leland, and as it may séeme also by the name it selfe, being méere Saxon) began by the Saxons, after the fall of poore Richeborowe, which was in price while the honour of the Britons stood vpright, and was eyther abated dy the furie of the Saxons, when they wonne that coast from them, or els came to ruine, by the alteration and vicissitude of the Sea, whiche peraduenture choked the hauen there­of with light sande, as it hathe since that time done this at Sandwiche also.

King Canutus gaue (as some write) to Christes church in Canterbury, Reliques of great price. Sainct Bartholmews arme (if happely it were not a chaungeling: for Kings & great men were oftentymes after that sort deluded, though they in the meane time bought such reliques dearely, and thought that kinde of gifte moste princely) he gaue also a riche Pall, a Crowne of Golde, and this hauen of Sandwiche, together with the royaltie of the water on eache side, so farre as (a shippe being on flote at the full Sea) a man might caste a shorte hatchet out of the vessell vnto the Banke.

The place it selfe grewe in tyme to be wel peopled,The aunci­ent estate of Sand­wiche. and of worthynesse to be one of those Portes, that foūd fauour of priuilege, in consideration of their seruice [Page 106] at the Sea, for it appeareth by the booke of Domesday, that this was the estate of Sandwiche. It laye in a hun­dreth 1064 belonginge to it selfe, it did to the King suche like seruice by tenure, as Douer did: It was of the possessiōs of Christes Churche, as I haue shewed, and was ap­pointed for the apparell of the Monkes of that house, to the whiche it yealded fourtie thousand herrings besides certaine money, and had in it thrée hundreth and seuen houses inhabited: And I finde not, but that the Towne continued in the like plight, long after the Conquest, (being somewhat amended also by the Staple, whiche King Edward the first for a season remoued thither) e­uen vntil the time of King Henrie the sixt, in whose dayes Peter Brice (the Steward of Normandie) lan­ded at Sandwiche, Sandwiche spoyled, & brent. and with fire and sworde, wasted the Towne in manner to ashes, and slewe the inhabitants almoste to the last man. Since whiche time, part­ly by the smarte of that wounde, but chiefly by the a­boundaunce of the light Sande (wherewith the Sea hath glutted the hauen) it is declined to great decay, and were like to fall to extreme ruine, were it not that nowe presently it is somewhat relieued by the re­paire of suche, as haue abandoned their Countrie for the fréedome of their consciences, whose aboade howe long it will bée, the Lorde onely knoweth, for whose cause they suffer banishment.

The schole at Sand­wiche.There was in this Towne, before the generall sup­pression, a house of Carmelites, whereof I read none o­ther good thing, saue that it brought foorthe one learned man, called William Becley, in the reigne of King Hen­rie the sixt. But nowe lately (to repaire the losse of that dissolution) Maister Roger Manwoode, a man borne in the Towne, and aduaunced by vertue and good learning to the degrée of a Serieant at the Lawe, hathe [Page 107] for the increase of Godlinesse and good letters, erected and endowed a faire Free Schoole there, from whence there is hope, that the common wealth shall reape more profite after a fewe yeares: then it receaued commodi­tie by the Carmelites, since the time of their first foun­dation. This only is that whiche I had to say, ei­ther of the present, or passed estate of this place: whiche done, I will procéede to the narration of suche other thinges, as long since happened thereaboutes, partly for the illustration of the antiquitie of the towne, & partly for y^e setting forth of the cōmoditie of y^e hauen, but chief­ly for the obseruation of the order whiche I haue bee­gonne: whiche is, to pretermitte nothing (woorthie note) that I finde in stoarie, concerning the place that I take in hand. But bycause that whiche I haue to say, dependeth altogether, (or for the greater parte) vpon the Hystorie of the Danes, whiche many yeares together disquieted this land, it shal bée fitte, aswell for the better explication of the thinges presently in hand, as also for the more easie vnderstanding of other matters, that must hereafter followe, to disclose (so compendiously as I may) the first beginning, procée­ding, and ending, of the Danishe affaires, warres, and troubles within this Realme.

Aboute the yeare after Christe, 787 seuen hundreth foure score and seuen,The whole hystorie of the Danishe doings in England. thrée vessels of the Northe East Countrie men (whose ancestors had before, within the compasse of one hundrethe and fourtie yeares, sacked Rome in Italie foure seuerall times, and whose ofspring afterward wonne Normandie from the Frenche King) shewed them selues vpon the westerne shoare of Eng­land, being sent before hand (as it is supposed) to espie the cōmoditie of the hauens, the aduauntage of arriual, the wealthe and force of the inhabitants, & to the end to [Page 108] prepare the way for greater powers, then were appoin- to followe.

These had no sooner set some of their men on lande, but the Reeue, or officer or Beorhtricke, or Brictricke (then King of the West Saxons) had knowledge therof: who came vnto them, and demaunding the cause of their arriual) would haue carried them to the Kings presence, but they in their resistance slewe him, wherevpon the people of the Countrie adioyning, addressed them­selues to reuenge, and assembling in great numbers, beate them backe to their ships, not without the losse of some of their company.

And this was the first attempt, that euer the Danes (for so our hystories cal by one general name, the Danes Norwais, Gottes, Vandals, & others of that part) made vpon England: after whiche tyme, what horrible inua­sions, miseries, calamities, and oppressions followed, shall appeare anone.

795 Not long after this enterprise, a fewe ships of them, made the lyke assay in Scotland, and within short space after that also, some other of them entred Tynemouth Hauen in the North parte of England, and taking some small booties, retourned to their vessels.

Now by this experiment, they had gained sufficient knowledge of that, for whiche they first came, & there­fore thinking it fit tyme to assay further, they rigged vp a greater numbre of ships, armed more store of chosen souldiers, entred the Riuer of Thamise with fiue and thirtie sayle, landed in despight of the people, fired, spoy­led, herried, and preuailed so farre, that Egbert (who 833 then had the Monarchie ouer all England) was faine to come with all his power to the reliefe and rescue.

But suche was the will of God (for the punishement of Idolatrie and superstition, which then ouerwhelmed [Page 109] this Realme) that the Danes in stead of being discomfi­ted by the Kings repaire, were merueilously encoura­ged by his misfortune. For, after that they had once gotten the better in the field against him, they were so embouldened therby, that notwithstanding he after­ward, and some other valiant Princes following, by great prowesse, abated their furie in parte, yet, adioy­ning themselues to the Britons (that then were in great emnitie with the Saxons) and swarming hither out of their owne Countrie in such flightes, that the number of the slaine was continually supplied with greate ad­uauntage, they neuer ceassed to infeste the Realme,The conti­nuance of the Danes, in England by the space of thrée hundreth yeares and more, during the reignes of fiftéene seuerall Kings, till at the last, they had made Etheldred flye ouer into Normandie, & leaue them his Kingdome. During all whiche time, howe mightely their forces increased vnder Hinguar, Hubba, Halfden, Guthrum, Aulaf and Hasten, (their Nauie be­ing rysen from thrée ships, to thrée hundrethe and fiftie at the least) howe pitiously the East, West, Southe, and Northe parts of the Realme were wasted (the townes, Cities, religious houses, and Monasteries of eache quar­ter being consumed with flames) howe miserably the common people were afflictted, (men, women, and chil­dren on all sides going to wracke, by their tempestuous furie) howe marueilously the Kings were amased, (the arriualles of these their enemies, being no lesse sudaine, then violent) howe barbarously the monuments of good learning were defaced, (the same suffering more by the immanitie of this one brutishe Nation, then by all the warres and conquestes of the Pictes, & Scots, Romanes, and Saxons) and finally, how furiously fire, and swoord, famine and pestilence, raged in euery place, God and men, Heauen and the elements conspiring (as it were) [Page 110] the fatall destruction of the Realme, I may not here stand to prosecute particularly: but (leauing eache thing to fitte place) I will procéede with King Etheldred, and so to my purpose.

This man aboue all other, was so distressed by their continual inuasions, that since he wanted force to make his longer defence, he thought it best to giue money for their continuall peace. And therefore charging his people with importable tributes, he first gaue them, at fiue seuerall payes, 113000. l. & afterward promised thē 48000. yearely: hoping that (for asmuch as they seemed by the manner of their warre, rather to séeke his coyne, then his kingdome, to rob, then to rule) at the least this way to haue satisfied their hunger: but like as the stone called, Syphinus, the more it is moisted, the harder it waxeth: so no giftes could quenche the golden thirste of these gréedie raueners, but the more was brought to appease them, the more stonie, and inexorable they shewed thēselues, neuer ceassing (euen against promises, othes, & hostages) to execute their accustomed crueltie.

The Danes, all slaine in one night.Herevpon King Etheldred, hauing nowe exhausted y^e whole treasure of his Realme, and therefore more vna­ble, then euer he was, either by power, or praier, to help himself, or to relieue his subiectes, determined by a fine policie (as he thought) to deliuer bothe the one and the other. For whiche purpose, by the aduise of one Huna, (the generall of his armie) he wrote letters to eache part of the Realme, commaunding, that vpon S. Brices 1012 day (which is the morowe after Sainct Martins night) the Englishe men should all at once set vpon the Danes, Saint Mar­tins drunkē feast. before they had disgested the surfaite of that drunken solemnitie, and so vtterly kyll and destroy them. This his commaundement was receaued with suche liking, entertained with such secreacie, and executed with such [Page 111] spéede and celeritie, that the Danes were sodainly, & in a manner wholly, bothe men, women, and children (like the Sonnes in Lawe of Danaus) oppressed at once in a night: only a fewe escaped by Sea into Denmarke, and there made complaint of King Etheldreds boucherie.

For reuenge whereof, Sweyn their King, bothe armed 1013 his owne people, & waged forreigne aide, and so (prepa­ring a houge armie) tooke shipping, and arriued,Sweyn the Dane. first here at Sandwiche, and after in the Northe Countrie: the terrour of whose comming was suche, that it cau­sed the Countrie people on all sides, to submitte them selues vnto him, in so muche, that King Etheldred, sée­ing the cause desperate, and him selfe destitute, fled ouer into Normandie with his wife, and children, friendes, & 1014 familie: After whiche his departure, although both he him selfe returned, and put Canutus (the next King of the Danes) to flight: and Edmund his Sonne also fought sundrie great battailes with him, yet the Danes preuai­led so mightely vpon them, that thrée of them in successi­on, (that is to say, Canutus, Haroldus, and Hardicanu­tus) reigned Kings here in England almoste by the space of thirtie yeares together: so muche to the infamous op­pression, slauery, and thraldome of the English Nation, that euery Dane was (for feare) called Lord Dane, and had at his commaundement, wheresoeuer he became, bothe man and wyfe, and whatsoeuer else he found in the house. At the lengthe, God, taking pitie vpon the people, tooke sodainly away King Hardicanute: after whose death, the Nobilitie, & Cōmons of the Realme, 1042 ioyned so firmely, and faithfully, both hartes and hands, with their naturall and Liege Lord, King Edward: that the Danes were once againe (and for euer) expulsed this Countrie, in so much y^t soone after, the name (Lord [Page 112] Dane) being before tyme a woord of great awe and ho­nour, grewe to a terme, and bywoord of foule despight and reproche, being tourned (as it yet continueth) to Lourdaine: besides, that euer after, the common people in ioye of that deliuerance, haue celebrated the annuall day of Hardicanutus deathe, with open pastime in the streates, calling it, euen till this oure time, Hoctues­day, Hoctues­day. in steade, (as I thinke) of Hucxtuesdaeg, that is to say, the skorning, or mocking Tuesday.

And nowe thus muche summarily being saide, as con­cerning the trueth of the Danes being here, who ruled in this land almoste thirtie yeares, and raged (without all rule) aboue three hundreth and fiftie: I will returne to Sandwiche, disclosing therein suche occurrents of the Danishe doings, as perteine to my purpose.

851 In the yeare eight hundreth, fiftie, and one, after Christ, Athelstane the Sonne of Ethelwulfe, & King of Kent (whome Mathewe of Westminster taketh, or ra­ther mistaketh, for a Bishop) fought at the Sea before Sandwiche, against a great Nauie of the Danes, of whiche he tooke nine vessels, & discomfited the residue.

Against another Fléete of the Danes whiche landed 1006 at Sandwiche in the yeare one thousand and sixe, King Etheldred made this prouision:Prouision of armour. that euerie thrée hun­dreth and ten Hydes of Land (whiche Henrie Hunting­don, Mathewe Parise, and others, expound to be so ma­ny plowlands) should be charged with the furniture of one ship, and euery eight Hydes should finde one iacke and sallet, for the defence of the Realme: By whiche meane, he made redy a mighty nauie to the Sea: But what through the iniurie of sudaine tempest, and what 1014 by the defection of some of his Nobilitie, he profited no­thing. King Canutus also, after that he had receaued the the woorse in a fight in Lincolneshyre, whiche drewe to [Page 113] his ships, that laye in the hauen at Sandwiche, & there moste barbarously behaued himselfe, cutting of the handes and féete of suche as he had taken for hostage, and so departed al wrothe, and melancholike, into Den­marke, to repaire his armie.

The same man, at his returne hither tooke land, with his power at this towne: and so did Hardicanutus, his sonne after him.

Furthermore, in the dayes of King Edward the con­fessour, 1060 two Princes, (or rather principall Pirates) of the Danes, called Lochen, and Irlinge, landed at Sand­wiche, and laded their ships with riche spoyle, where­with they crossed ouer the seas to Flaunders, and there made money of it. At this place landed Lewes the Frēch Dolphine, that ayded the Englishe Nobilitie against King Iohn, as we shall hereafter haue cause to shewe more at large.

Finally, in the reigne of King Richard the seconde, certeine Frenche ships were taken at the Sea, whereof some were fraught with the frame of a timber Castle (suche another, I suppose, as Williā the Conquerour erected at Hastings, so soone as he was arriued) whiche they also ment to haue planted in some place of this Realme, for our anoyaunce: but they failed of their pur­pose, for the Engyne being taken from them, it was set vp at this Towne, & vsed to our great safe­tie, and their repulse.

HAuing somewhat to say of Eastrye, I trust it shalbe no great offence, to turne oure eye a little from the shoare and talke of it, in our way to Deale.

It is the name of a Towne, and Hundreth within the Last of Sainct Augustines, and hath the addition of East, for difference sake, from Westrye (cōmonly called Rye) nere to Win­chelsey in Sussex. Mathewe of Westminster maketh report of a murther done at it, which because it tendeth 659 much to the declaration of the aunciēt estate of y^e town, I will not sticke to rehearse so shortly as I can. After 654 the deathe of Ercombert, the seuenth King of Kent, Eg­bert his Sonne succéeded in the kingdome,A Courtlie Sycophant. who caused to be vertuously brought vp in his Palaice (which was then at this Towne) two young Noble men of his own kinred, (as some say,) or rather his owne Brethren, (as William of Malmesbury writethe) the one being called Ethelbert, and the other Etheldred: these Gentlemen so prospered in good learning, courtlike manners, & feates of actiuitie méete for men of their yeares and parentage, that on the one side, they gaue to all wel disposed per­sons, and louers of vertue great expectation, that they would become at the length men worthie of muche esti­mation and honour: and on the other side, they drewe vpon them, the feare, mislyking, and vtter hatred, of the naughtie, wicked, and malicious sort. Of the whiche nūber there was one of the Kings owne houshold, called Thunner, who (as vertue neuer wanteth her enuiers) of a certaine diuelishe malice, repyning at their lauda­ble increase, neuer ceassed to [...]lowe into the Kings eare, moste vntrue acc [...]sations against them: And to the end [Page 115] that he might y^e rather prouoke the King to displeasure, he persuaded him of great daunger toward his estate and person by them: and for as muche as the common people (who more commonly worship the Sunne rising, then going downe) had them in great admiration and reuerence, hee desired the King, that either he would send them out of the Realme, or be contented to winke at the matter if any his friends, for the loue of him, and suertie of his estate, should procure to dispatche them.

The King, somewhat prouoked by feare of his owne peril, (though nothing desirous of their destruction) euē as a litle water throwen into the fire increaseth the flame, so by a colde denial, gaue courage to the attempt: & therfore, Thunner espying fitte time, slewe the chil­dren, and buried their bodies in the Kings Halle, vnder the clothe of his estate. But it was not long, but there app [...]ared in the house, a bright shining piller, replenish­ing eache corner with suche terrible and fearefull light, that the seruauntes shriked at the sight thereof, and by their noyse awaked the King: who, as soone as hee sawe it, was touched with the conscience of the murther, wherevnto he had a litle before in hart consented, & cal­ling in great haste for Thunner, examined him straight­ly what was become of the children, and when he had learned the trueth, he became moste sorowfull, and pe­nitent therfore, charging himselfe with the whole crime of their deathes, for that it lay wholly in him to haue saued their liues: Then sent he for Deodat, the Archebi­shop, and desired to vnderstand by him, what was best to be done for expiatiō of the fault: this good father (thin­king to haue procured some gaine to his Church, by ve­neration of y^e dead bodies, if happely he might haue gottē them thither) persuaded the King to incoffen them, & to [Page 116] commit them to honourable buriall in Christeschurche at Canterbury: A right po­pishe mira­cle. but (saith mine Author) when the hearse was readie, it would not be moued by any force toward that Church: as truly (I thinke) as the crosse of Wal­tham with twelue Oxen and so many Kyne, could not be stirred any other way, but toward the place appoin­ted: or as the Image of Berecinthia, which the Romanes had brought out of Asia, could not be remoued till the Vestal virgin Claudia had set to her hand.

Hereupon the companie assayed to conuey it to Sainct Augustines, but that all in vaine also: at the last, they agreed to leade it to the Monasterie of Watrine, and then (forsoothe) it passed as lightly (saith he) as if nothing at al had béene within it. The obsequies there honourably perfourmed, the King gaue the place where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga, who (hauing a long­ing desire to become a veiled Nonne) had a litle before abandoned her housbands bed, and chusing out seuentie other women for her companie, erected there a Monas­terie, to the name, and honour, of these two murthered Brethren. William of Malmesbury addeth moreouer, that the King gaue the whole Isle of Thanet also to his Mother, to appease the wrathe that she had conceaued for the losse of her Chil­dren.

THe Chronicles of Douer (as Leland reporteth, for I neuer sawe them) haue mencion, that Iulius Caesar be­ing repulsed from Douer, arriued at this place, and arraied his armie at Baramdowne: whiche thing how wel it may stand with Caesars owne re­porte in his cōmentaries, I had rather leaue to others to decide, then take vpon me to dispute: being wel con­tented where certentie is not euident, to allowe of con­iectures, not altogether vehement,

Only of this I am well assured, that King Henrie the eight, hauing shaken of the intollerable yoke of the 1536 Popishe tyrannie,King Hen­rie the 8. fortifieth his Realme. and espying that the Emperour was offended, for the diuorce of Queene Katherine his wife, and that the Frenche King had coupled the Dolphine his Sonne to the Popes Niece, and maried his daugh­ter to the King of Scots, so that he might more iustly sus­pect them all, then safely trust any one: determined by the aide of God to stand vpon his owne gardes and de­fence, and therefore with all spéede, and without sparing any cost, he builded Castles, platfourmes, and blocke-houses, in all néedefull places of the Realme: And a­mongest other, fearing least the ease, and aduauntage of descending on land at this part, should giue occasion and hardinesse to the enemies to inuade him, he erected (neare together) thrée fortifications, whiche might at all [Page 118] tymes kéepe and beate the landing place,Sandowne & walmere that is to say, Sandowne, Dele, and Wamere. This whole matter of Dele, Iohn Leland in Cygnea cantione, com­prehendeth feately in these two verses.

But what make I so long at Dele, since Douer (the impreignable Porte, and place so muche renouned for antiquitie) is not many myles of? I will haste me thither therefore, and in the sight thereof vnfolde the singularities of the place.

THe treatise of this place, shall consist of thrée speciall members, that is to say, the Towne, the Castle, and the Religious buildings. The Towne, was long since somewhat estimable, howebeit that whiche it had (as I thinke) was both at the first deriued from the other two, and euer since also continually con­serued by them: But whether I hitte, or misse in that cō ­iecture, certaine it is, by the testimonie of the recorde in the Exchequer, commonly called Domesday booke, that the Towne of Douer was of abilitie in the time of King Edward the Confessour, to arme yerely 20. vessels to the Sea by the space of 15. dayes together, eache vessell hauing therein. 21. able men. For in consideration thereof, the same King graunted to the inhabitants of Douer, not onely fréedome from payment of Tholl, and other priuileges throughout the Realme, but also par­doned them all manner of suite and seruice, to any his Courts whatsoeuer. The Towne it selfe was neuer­thelesse 1051 (at those dayes) vnder the protection and gouer­naūce of Godwine, the Earle of Kent: for I read,The towne of Douer. that it chaūced Eustace, the Earle of Bolloine, (who had maried Goda, the Kings sister) to come ouer y^e seas into Englād, [Page 120] of a desire that he had to visite the King his Brother, and that whiles his herbenger demeaned him selfe vnwise­ly in taking vp his lodgings at Douer, he fel at variance with the Townesmen, and slewe one of them: But Nocuit temeraria virtus. For that thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants, that immediatly they ranne to weapon, and killing eightéene of the Earles seruauntes, they compelled him and all his meiney to take their feete, and to séeke redresse at the Kings handes.

Godwine resisteth the King.The King hearing the complaint, ment to make cor­rection of the fault, but the Townesmen also had com­plained themselues to Godwine, who determining vn­aduisedly to defend his clients and seruauntes, opposed himselfe violently against the King his Leige Lord and Maister. To bee short the matter waxed (within a while) so hote betwéene them, that either side for main­tenance of their cause, arraied and conducted a great ar­mie into the field. Godwine demaunded of the King, that Eustace might be deliuered vnto him, the King cō ­maunded Godwine (that armes laide aside) hee would answere his disobedience by order of the Lawe: and in the ende, Godwine was banished the Realme by the sentence of the King and Nobilitie, wherevpon hee and his Sonnes fled ouer the Sea, and neuer ceassed to vn­quiet the King, and spoyle his subiects, til they were re­conciled to his fauour, and restored to their auncient es­tate and dignitie.

This towne, was so sore wasted with fire, soone af­ter the comming in of King William the Conquerour, that it was wholly (saue onely nine and twentie dwel­ling 1295 houses) consumed, and brought to ashes. And in the time of King Edward the first also, whiles two of the Popes Cardinales were here in the treatie of an at­tonement, to be made betwéene England and Fraunce [Page 121] the Frenchemen landed at Douer in a right, and bur­ned a great part of the towne, and some of the religious buildings. So that in those times, it was muche em­payred by those misfortunes. But nowe in our me­morie, what by decay of the hauen (whiche King Henrie the eight, to his great charge, but that all in vayne, sought to restore) and what by the ouerthrowe of the re­ligious houses, and losse of Calaice, it is brought in ma­ner to miserable nakednesse and decaye: whiche thing were the lesse to be pitied, if it were not accompanyed with the ruine of the Castell it selfe, the decay whereof, is so much y^e more grieuous, as the fame therof is with our ancient stories (aboue al other) most blasing & glori­ous.Douer Ca­stell. The Castell of Douer (sayth Lidgate and Rosse) was firste builded by Iulius Caesar the Romane Empe­rour, in memorie of whome, they of the Castell kept till this day, certeine vessels of olde wine, and salte, whiche they affirme to be the remayne of suche prouision as he brought into it. As touching the whiche (if they be natural, and not sophisticate) I suppose them more like­ly to haue béene of that store, whiche Hubert de Burghe layde in there, of whome I shall haue cause to say more hereafter: But as concerning the building, bycause I finde not in Caesar his owne Commentaries, mention of any fortification that he made within the Realme: I thinke that the more credible reporte, whiche ascribeth the foundation to Aruiragus (a King of the Britons) of whome Iuuenal the Poet hath mention, saying to the Emperour Nero, in this wise,

And of whome others write, that he founde suche fauour in the eye of Claudius the Emperour, that he obtained his daughter to wife. But whosoeuer were the authour of this Castell, Mathewe Parise writeth, that it was accounted in his time (which was vnder the reigne of King Henry the third) Clauis, & Repagulum, to­tius Regni, the very locke and key of the whole Realme of England. And truly it séemeth to me, by that which I haue read of King William the Conquerour, that he also thought no lesse of it: For at suche time as Harold, being in Normandie with him (whether of purpose, or against his will, I leaue as I finde it, at large) made a corporall othe, to put him in possession of the Crowne, after the death of King Edwarde: It was one parcell of his othe, that he should deliuer vnto him this castell, and the Well within it. The same King had no soner ouer­throwne Harolde in the fielde, and reduced the Londo­ners to obedience, but foorthwith he marched with his armie towarde Douer, as to a place of greatest impor­taunce, and spéede in that iourney, as is already de­clared.

Not long after whiche time also (when he had 1067 in his owne opinion) peaceably established the gouern­ment of this Realme, and was departed ouer into Nor­mandie, of purpose to commit the order of that countrie to Robert his sonne, diuers of the shyre of Kent, know­ing right well, howe muche it might annoy him to lose Douer, conspired with Eustace, the Earle of Boloine, for the recouerie and surprise of the same. And for the better atchieuing of their desire, it was agréed, that the Earle should crosse the seas, in a night by them appoin­ted, at whiche time they woulde not faile with all their force to méete him, and so (ioyning handes) soudainly as­sayle and enter it. They met accordingly, and marched [Page 123] by darke night toward the Castell, well furnished with scaling ladders, but by reason that the watch had discri­ed them, they not only fayled of that whiche they inten­ded, but also fell into that whiche they neuer feared: for the Souldiours within the Castell (to whome Odo the Bishop of Borieux, and Hughe Mountfort, which then were with the King in Normandie, had committed the charge thereof) kept them selues close, and suffered the assaylants to approche the wall, and then, whiles they disorderly attempted to scale it, they set wide open their gates, and made a soudaine salie out of the péece, and set vpon them with suche furie, that they compelled Eu­stace with a fewe others, to returne to his Shippe, the reste of his companie, béeing eyther slayne by the sworde, destroyed by fall from the Clyffe, or deuoured by the Sea.

The same King also, béeing worthely offended with the disobedience, auarice,Odo, the Earle of Kent. and ambition of Odo (his bastarde brother, whome he had promoted to the Bi­shopricke of Borieux, and to the Earldome of Kent,) for that he had not onely by rauine and extortion, raked together greate masses of Golde and treasure, whiche he caused to be grounde into fine pouder, and (filling therewith dyuers pottes and crockes) had sounk them in the bottomes of Riuers, intending ther­withall to haue purchased the Papacie of Rome: But also bycause he refused to render vnto him the Coun­tie of Kent, and was suspected for aspiring to the Crowne of this Realme, consulted with Lanfranc (the Archebishop of Canterburye, and a professed e­nemie to Odo) howe hée might (safely and without offence to the Ecclesiasticall estate, for that hée was a Bishoppe) bothe conteyne that treasure within the Realme, and also deteyne hys person from [Page 124] going into Italie, whether warde he bothe addressed him selfe with all speede, and gathered for his trayne, great troupes of valiaunt, and seruiceable men out of euerie quarter: Lanfranc counseled the King, to commit him to safe custodie, and for his defence armed him with this pretie shift: If it be layde to your charge (quoth he) that you haue layde violent handes vpon a sacred Bishop, Say, that you imprisoned, not the Bishop of Borieux, but the Earle of Kent. The King liked well the con­ceit, and causing Odo to be apprehended, caste him into prison, whence he was not deliuered, during al the time of his reigne. That done, he made diligent inquisitiō for the hourdes of golde, and by feare of torture, caused the Bishops seruants to bewray the whole treasure.

Fynes, the first Constable of Do­uer Castell, and the be­ginning of Castlegard.Then also tooke he new order for the gouernement of this Shyre, and bycause he was persuaded, that no­thing within the same was of more importance, then Douer Castell, he seised it into his handes, foorthwith fortified it, and chose out a noble mā, called Iohn Fynes, (of whose prowesse and fidelitie he had made good tryal) and committing vnto him, not only the custodie thereof, but the gouernment of the rest of the Portes also, by gift of inheritaunce, he named him Constable of Douer, and Wardein of the Cinque Portes. And to the end that he shoulde be of sufficient abilitie to beare the charge of the defence thereof, he gaue him to the number of sixe and fiftie Knightes fees of lande and possession, willing him, to communicate some partes of that gift, to suche other valiaunt and trustie persons, as he should best like of, for the more sure conseruation of that his most noble and precious péece.

He accordingly called vnto him eight other worthie Knightes, and imparting liberally vnto them, of that whiche he had receiued of the King, bounde them by te­nure [Page 125] of their lande receiued of the King, to mainteine one hundreth and twelue souldiours amongest them: whiche number he so diuided by monethes of the yeare, that fiue and twentie were continually to watche and warde within the Castell, for their seuerall stintes of time: and all the rest ready at commaundement, vpon whatsoeuer necessitie.

The names of these eight were, Williā of Albrance, Fulbert of Douer, William Arsicke, Galfride Peuerell, William Maynemouth, Robert Porthe, Robert Creue­quer (called in the Latine Records, De crepito corde) that is, Crackt harte: And Adam Fitz Williams. Eche of al whiche, had their seuerall charges, in sundry towres, turrets, & bulworks of the castel, and were contented of their owne dispence, to mainteine and repaire the same, in token wherof, diuers of them beare the names and ti­tles of these newe chosen Captaines, euen till this oure present time. And thus Douer being dispatched of a busie Bishop, fenced by the Kings appointment, furni­shed, fraught, and planted with a moste faithfull Con­stable, vigilant Captaines, and diligent warders, gay­ned and reteined the opinion and name of a most impor­tant, commodious, and necessarie péece, not only with the natiue Princes and Nobilitie of our owne Realme, But also with suche foreigne Potentates, as had warre and contention with vs: in so muche as in sundry trou­bles ensuing, at sundry times afterwarde within this Realme, it did plainely appeare, that this Castell was the chiefe marke, whereat eche man directed his shot.

For King Stephan, Estimatio [...] of Douer Castell. in the contention that arose be­twéene him and Maude the Empresse, for the title of the Crowne, thought that no one thing stoode him more in hande, then to get the possession of Douer Castell, and therfore he neuer ceassed to sollicite Walkelm (that thē 1137 [Page 126] had the custodie thereof) till he had obteyned it.

Lewes also, the French Dolphine, which by the instigatiō 1217 of the Pope, & inuitating of the Nobilitie, inuaded King Iohn, (vpon such cause as shall hereafter appeare) hauing gained, partly by tenure, & partly by surrender of y^e Barons, that were of his faction, almost al the Castels and Holdes, lying on the Southe parte of the Realme, coulde not yet thinke him selfe assured, onlesse he had Douer also. For his Father Philipe, hearing that he had the possession of sundry other strong places, and that he wanted Douer, Sware by Sainct Iames arme, (whiche was his accustomed othe) that he had not gay­ned one foote in Englande: and therefore, he made thi­ther with all his power, and besieged it streightly: But that noble Captaine Hubert of Borroughe, Hubert of Brough, a noble cap­taine. (of whome I lately spake) whiche was in his time, Con­stable of the Castell, Wardein of the Portes, Earle of Kent, and chiefe Iustice of all Englande, defended it with suche couragious co [...]stancie, that it was bothe a comforte to the Englishe subiecte, and a wonder to the Frenche enemie to beholde it: in so muche, as I can not worthely impute the deliuerie of this Realme, from the perill of forreigne seruitude (wherein it then stoode) to any one thing so muche, as to the magnani­mitie of this man. Of whome also (by the waye) I thinke good to tell you this, that in his time of Con­stableship 1263 at Douer, and by his meanes, the seruice of Castlegarde there, whiche had contayned (as I she­wed before) from the time of William the Conque­roure, was with the assent of King Henrie the thyrde, conuerted into a payment of money, the lande béeing charged with tenne shillings for euerie War­der, that it was bounde to finde, and the owners thereby discharged of their personall seruice, and at­tendaunce [Page 127] for euer: At whiche time also, he caused the same King to release by his frée Chartre, the cu­stome of Forrage due to this Castell, and that done, him selfe instituted newe lawes amongst the watche­men, and increased the number of the Warders. But nowe to my purpose againe.

Simon, the Earle of Leycester, and leader of the Ba­rons warre againste King Henrie the thirde, euen at the first wrested the Castell of Douer, out of the Kings possession, and kéeping the same during all his life, vsed to sende thyther (as vnto a place of most assuraunce) all suche as he had taken prysoners.

After his ouerthrowe, Edwarde (then Prince, and afterwarde the first King of that name) assayled it with all speede, and (by the ayde of the prisoners within, whiche had taken the great towre to his vse) obteined it: There lefte he prisoned, Guy the sonne of this Si­mon, but he escaped sone after, by corruption of his 1266 kéepers.

To make an ende, the Nobilitie of that time were fully persuaded, that bothe the safetie and daunger of the whole Realme, consisted in this one Castell: And therefore (saythe Mathewe Parise) at suche time as King Henrie the thirde, called ouer from beyonde the Seas his owne brother, Richarde (then King of the Romanes) the Noble men (who had him in some Iea­louzie) would not agrée, that he, or any of his, should once enter within this Castell. Not without good cause ther­fore, hath Douer by greate préeminence, béene repor­ted the chiefe of the Fiue Portes, assigned by lawes of Parleament, as a speciall place for passage and es­chaunge, and by auncient tenure acknowledged for Lady and Maistresse of many Manors: To it al­wayes some man of great apparaunce is appoynted [Page 128] as Captaine and gouernour. To it sundry Gentlmen of the Shyre, paye yet money for the auncient duetie of their attendance and seruice: And to it sinally, the coun­trey men in all times of trouble, haue an especiall eye and regarde.

Reparation of Douer Castell.As concerning the mayntenaunce of this Castell in fortification, and building, I finde not muche more in storie, then I haue already opened, whiche happeneth the rather (as I thinke) for that many priuate persons within the Shyre of Kent, were of long time, not onely bounde by their tenures of Castlegarde, to be ready in person for the defence, but also stoode charged in purse, with the reparation of the same. Onely I reade in Iohn Rosse, that King Edwarde the fourth, to his great expence, (whiche others recken to haue béene ten thou­sande poundes) amended it throughout: Hauing there­fore none other memorable thing touching the Castell it self, I will leaue it, and passe to the Religious houses.

S. Martines in Douer. Lucius the first christened King of the Britons, buil­ded a Churche within Douer Castell, to the name and seruice of Christe, endowing it with the tolle or custome of the hauen there. And Eabaldus (the sonne of Ethel­bert, the firste christened King of the Saxons) erected a College within the walles of the same, whiche Wygh­tred (a successour of his) remoued into the towne, stored with two and twentie Chanons, and dedicated it to the name of S Martine: This house, was afterward new 725 builded by King Henrie the seconde (or rather by Willi­am Corbeil, the Archebishop in his time,) stuffed by 131 Theobalde his successour with Benedicte Monkes, and called the Pryorie of S. Martines, Contentiō betweene the R [...]ligi­ous persons for trifles. though commonly af­terward, it obtained the name of a newe worke at Do­uer. Betwéene this house and Christes Churche in Canterbury (to the whiche King Henrie the seconde had [Page 129] giuen it) there arose (as it chaūced vsually amongst hou­ses 1234 of Religion) muche contention, for certaine superio­rities of iurisdiction, and for voice and suffrage in the e­lection of the Archebishop. For on the one side, the Pryor and Couent of Douer, claymed to haue interest in the choice of the Archebishop, whiche the Pryor of Christes Churche would not agree vnto: And on the other side, the Pryor of Christes Churche pretended to haue such a soueraintie ouer S. Martines, that he would not onely visite the house, but also admit Monkes and Nouices at his pleasure, whiche the other coulde not beare: So that they fell to suing, prouoking, and braw­ling (the ordinarie and onely meanes, by which Monkes vsed to trie their controuersies) and ceassed not appea­ling, and pleading at Rome, tyll they had bothe weary­ed them selues, and wasted their money. Howbeit, as it commonly falleth out, that where respect of money and reward guydeth the iudgement and sentence, there the mightie preuaile, and the poore goe to wracke: So the Monkes of Canterbury, hauing to giue more, and the Pope and his ministers being ready to take al, poore Douer was oppressed, and their Pryor in the ende con­strained to submission. And here, bycause I am falne into mention of controuersie betwéene ecclesiastical per­sons, of whiche sorte our hystories haue plentie, I will touche in fewe wordes, the euill intreatie that William Longchampe, the iolly Bishop of Elye, and Chaunceller of al England, vsed toward Godfrey the Kings brother, and Bishop of Yorke electe, within this Pryorie.

King Richard the first,Longchamp the lustie bishop of Ely. being persuaded by the Pope and his Clergie, to make an expedition for the recouerie of the holy lande, partely for the performaunce of that whiche the King his father had purposed to doe in per­son, and partly for satisfaction of his owne vowe, (which [Page 130] he made when he tooke the crosse, as they called it, vpon him) set to port sayle his Kingly rights, iurisdictions, and prerogatiues, his crowne, landes, fermes, customes, and offices, and whatsoeuer he had beside, to rayse mo­ney withall: and so committing the whole gouerne­ment of his Realme, to William the Bishop of Ely his Chancellour, he committed him selfe, and his company to the winde and Seas.

This Prelate, hauing nowe by the Kings com­mission the power of a Viceroy, and besides, the Popes gifte, the authoritie of a Legate and Vicar, and consequently, the exercise of both the swordes, so ru­led and reigned, ouer the Clergie & Laitie in the kings absence, that the one sort founde him more then a Pope, the other felt him more then a King, and they bothe en­dured him an intollerable Tyrant: for he not only ouer ruled the Nobilitie, and outfaced the Clergie, spoyling bothe the one and the other, of their liuings and promo­tions, for maintenaunce of his owne ryot, pompe, and excesse: But also oppressed the common people, deuou­ring and consuming wheresoeuer he became, the victu­all of the countrey, with the troupes and traines of men and horses (being in number a thousand or fiftéene hundreth) that continually followed him. Amongst other his practises, hauing gotten into his handes, the reuenues of the Archebishopricke of Yorke (whereof Godfrey, the Kings brother was then elected Bishop, and busie at Rome for to obtaine his consecration) and fearing that by his returne, he might be defrauded of so swéete a morsell, he first laboured earnestly to hinder him in his suite at Rome, and when he sawe no successe of that attempt, he determined to make him sure, when soeuer he should returne home. And for that purpose, he tooke order with one Clere, (then Sheriffe of Kent, and [Page 131] Constable of the castel of Douer, to whom he had giuen his sister in marriage) that he should haue a diligent eye to his arriuall, and that so soone as the Archebishop did set foote on lande, he shoulde strip him of all his orna­ments, and commit him to safe custodie within the Ca­stell. Whiche thing was done accordingly: for the Archebishop was no sooner arriued, and entered the Churche, to offer to Sainct Martine, sacrifice for his safe passage (as the Gentiles that escaped shipwracke, were wont to doe to Neptune:) But Clere and his compa­nie came in vpon him, and doing the Chancellours commaundement, violently haled him and his Chap­laines to prison.

Hereat Iohn (then the Kings brother, but afterward King) taking iust offence, and adioyning to him for re­uenge, the vttermost aide of the Bishops and Barons, his friendes and alies, raised a great power, and in short time so strengthened the Chancellour, that he not only agreed to release Godfrey, but was fayne him selfe also (abandoning his late pompe and glorie) to get him to Douer, and lye with his brother Clere, as a poore, pri­uate, and despoyled person.

Howbeit, not thus able to endure long, the note of infamie and confusion, whereinto he was falne, he de­termined within him self to make an escape, and by shift of the place, to shroud his shame, in some corner beyond the Seas: And therfore, shaueing his face, and attyring him selfe like a woman, he tooke a péece of linnen vnder his arme, and a yard in his hand, minding by that disgui­sing, to haue taken vessell amongst other passingers vn­known, & so to haue gotten ouer: But he was not at the first, in al his authoritie, more vnlike a good man, thē he was now in this poore apparel vnlike an honest womā: [Page 132] and therefore being at the verie first discouered, he was by certaine rude fellowes openly vncased, well boxed a­bout the eares, and sent to the nexte Iustice, who con­ueyed hym to Iohn his great enemie. And thus was all the gaye glorie of this gallant brought to shame and confusion, his Pecockes feathers pulled, his black féete bewraied, his fraude vnfoulded, his might abated, and him selfe in the ende suffered to sayle ouer with sorowe and ignominie.Religious houses in Douer. Besides this Pryorie of S. Martines, (which was valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by yeare) there was lately in Douer also an Hospitall, rated at fiftie nyne poundes: An other house of the same sorte, called Domus Dei, (or Maison Dieu) reputed worth one hundreth and twentie pounds: And long since a house of Templers (as they call it) the which (together with al other of the same kind through­out the Realme) was suppressed in the reigne of King Edwarde the seconde: The foundation of any of these, I haue not hitherto founde out, and therefore can not deliuer therof any certaintie at all:The order of the Templers, when it began. Onely as touching this Temple, I dare affirme, that it was erected after the time of Conquest, for as muche as I am sure, that the order it selfe was inuented after that Godfrey, of 1096 Bolein, had wonne Ierusalem, whiche was after the cō ­ming in of the Conquerour. To these also may be ad­ded for neighbourhoode sake (if you will) the Monasterie of S. Radegundes on the hyll, two myles off, valued at fourescore and eightéene pounds by yeare. And here, hauing perused the Towne, Castle, and religious buil­dings, I woulde make an ende of Douer, saue that Ma­thewe Parise putteth me in mynde of one thing (not vn­worthy rehearsall) that was done in this Temple: I meane, the sealing of that submission, whiche King Iohn made to Pandulphe (the Popes Legate) wherin he yeal­ded [Page 133] his Realme tributarie, and him selfe an obediencia­rie, and vassall, to the Bishop of Rome: And bycause this was almost the last acte of the whole Tragedie, and can not well be vnderstoode without some recourse to the former parts and beginning, and for that some men (of late time) haue taken great holde of this matter, to aduaunce the Popes authoritie withall, I will shortly (after my manner) recount the thing as it was done, and leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader.

After the death of Hubert (the Archebishop of Can­terbury) the Monkes of Christes Church agréed among 1205 them selues to chose for their Bishop,The Pope and king Iohn fall our for Ste­phan Lang­ton. Reginald the Subpryor of their house. King Iohn (hauing no notice of this election, wherein no doubt he receiued greate wrong, since they ought to haue of him their Conge desli­er) recommended vnto them, Iohn Graye, the Bishop of Norwiche, a man that for his wisedome and learning, he fauoured muche. Some part of the Monkes, taking soudaine offence at Reginalde (for that he had disclosed a secrete out of their house) and being glad to satisfie the Kings desire, elected this Graye for their Bishop also.

Hereof grewe a great suite at Rome, betwéen the more part of the Monkes on the one side, and the Suffraganes of Canterbury, and the lesse number of the Monkes on the other side.

The Pope (vpon the hearing of the cause) at the first ratifieth the election of Iohn Graye: Howbeit after­warde he refuseth bothe the electes, and preferreth Ste­phan Langton, whom the Monkes (bycause the matter was not before litigious enough) elected also.

Nowe King Iohn, hearing, that not only the election of Graye (contrarie to the Popes owne former determi­nation) was made frustrate, but that there was also thruste into his place a man familiarly entertained by [Page 134] the Frenche King (his great enemie) disliked much of the choice, & forbad Stephan the elect, to enter the Realme: The Pope againe, who (as Mathewe Parise writeth) sought chiefly in this his choice, Virum strenuum, a stoute man, that is (in plaine speache) a man that could exact of the Clergie, kéep in awe the Laitie, and encounter the King and Nobilitie) séeing his champion thus reiected, beginneth to startle for anger: first therefore, he moueth the King by minacing letters to admitte Stephan, & (not so preuailing) he enterditeth him, & his whole Realme: And finally, bothe prouoketh al Potentates to make o­pen warre vpon him, and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce, full and frée remission of all his sinnes, and the kingdome of England it self, to inuade him: this done, he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops, nobilitie, and cōmōs of the Realme, loosing thē (by the plenitude of his Apos- to like power) from al duetie of allegiaunce toward their Prince. By this meanes diuine seruice ceassed, the King of Fraunce armed, the Bishops conspired, the nobi­litie made defection, and the common people wauered, vncertaine to what part to incline: To be short, King Iohn was so pressed with suspition & feare of domesticall & forreigne enemies on al sides, that (notwithstāding he was of great and noble courage, and séemed to haue for­ces sufficient for resistance also, if he might haue trusted his souldiers) yet he was in the end compelled, to set his seale to a Chartre of submissiō, wherby he acknowleged himselfe to holde the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre, & promised to pay yerely for the same and for Ire­land, 1000. Markes, to y^e holy father & his successours for euer: this Chartre, because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Golde,The Gol­den Bull. was then com­monly called, Aurea Bulla, the Bull of Golde.

Thus, omitting the residue of this storie, no lesse tra­gical [Page 135] and troublesome, then that which I haue alreadie recited: I report me to all indifferent men, what cause Paulus Iouius, or any other popishe parasite hathe (by colour of this Bull) to claime for the Pope, superioritie & Dominion ouer the King of this Realme, since Iohn w^t ­out the assent of the estates, (I meane his nobilitie and commons) could not (in such a gifte) either binde his suc­cessours, or charge the kingdome.

And for plaine declaration, that his submission pro­ceaded not with their consent, I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston (a Frier Preacher, in the time of King Edward the third) the which he wrote concerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland, that in the reigne of Henrie the third (whiche next of all succeaded King Iohn) there were sent from the King, the nobilitie and the commons of England, these Noble men: Hughe Bigod, Iohn Fitz Geffray, William Cantlowe, Phillip Basset, and a Lawier named William Powicke, to the generall Counsel, then assembled at Lions in Fraunce, of purpose, and with commission, to require that the saide Bull, sealed by King Iohn, might be cancelled, for as muche as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realme: and the same Authour writeth, that the Pope for that tyme did put them of, by colour of more waightie affaires, whiche the Counsel had then in hand. I know, that it may wel be thought néedlesse, to labour further in confuting a litle, so weightles: (for it is true, that Aristotle saith, Stultum est, absurdas opiniones accu­ratius refellere) It is but a follie, to labour ouer curious­ly, in refelling of absurdities. And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Douer, and procéede particular­ly to the rest of the places that lye on this shoare.

AMongest the places lying on this shoare 640 (worthy of note) nexte after Douer, fol­loweth Folkstone, S. Eanswide and her mi­racles. where Eanfled, or ra­ther Eanswide, the daughter of Ead­balde, the sonne of Ethelbert, and in or­der of succession, the sixte King of Kent, long since erected a religious Pryorie of women, not in the place where S. Peters Churche at Folkstone nowe standeth, but Southe, from thence, where the Sea ma­ny yeares agoe hath swalowed and eaten it. And yet, least you shoulde thinke S. Peters Parishe churche to be voyde of reuerence, I must let you knowe of Noua Legenda Angliae, that before the Sea had deuoured all, S. Eanswides reliques were translated thither: The author of that worke reporteth many wonders of this woman, as that she lengthened a beame of that building thrée foote, when the Carpenters (missing in their mea­sure) had made it so muche too shorte: That she haled and drew water, ouer the hilles against nature: That she forbad certain rauenous birdes the countrey, which before did muche harme there abouts: That she resto­red the blynde, caste out the Diuel, and healed innume­rable folkes of their infirmities. And therefore af­ter her deathe, she was by the policie of the Popishe priestes, and follie of the common people, honoured for a Sainct.

A popishe policie.And no maruail at all, for it was vsuall in Papistrie, not onely to magnifie their Benefactours of all sortes, but to edifie also (so many of them at the leaste) as were [Page 137] of noble Parentage, knowing that thereby, triple com­moditie ensued: the first, for as muche as by that meane, they assured many great personages vnto them: second­ly, they drewe (by the awe of their example) infinite numbers of the common people after them: And lastly, they aduentured the more bouldly (vnder those honou­rable, and glorious names and titles) to publishe their pouishe and pelting miracles. And this sure­ly was the cause that Sexburge in Shepie, Mildred in Tanet, Etheldred at Elye, Edith at Wilton, and sundrie other simple women of Royall blood in eache quarter, were canonized Saincts: for generally the Religious, of those tymes, were as thankfull to their Benefactors, as euer were the heathen nations to their first Kings and founders: The one sort Sanctifying suche, as did either builde them houses, or deuise them orders: And the o­ther Deifying suche, as had made them Cities, or prescri­bed them Lawes and gouernement.

This was it that made Saturne, Hercules, Romulus, and others moe, to haue place (in common opinion) with the Gods aboue the starres, and this caused Dunstane, Edgar, Ethel would, and others, first to be shryued here in earth, and then to sit amongest the Saincts in Heauen. But let me now leaue their policie, and returne to the Hystorie. The Towne of Folkestone was sore spoyled 1052 by Earle Godwine and his Sonnes,Folkestone spoiled. what time they harried that whole coast of Kent, for reuenge of their banishment, as we haue often before remembred.

The HundredThe Hun­dred. of Folkstone, conteined in the time of King Edward the Confessour, a hundrethe and twentie ploughe landes, it had in it fiue Parishe Churches, it was valued at a hundrethe and ten poundes, & belonged to the Earle Godwine before named.

The Manor The Ma­nor. was giuen to William Albranc (of [Page 138] whome, I made mention in Douer) with condition, to finde one and twentie warders toward the defence of that Castle, and it grewe in time to be the head of an honour or Baronie, as in the Re­cords of the Exchequer, re­maineth as yet to bée séene.

THat Saltwood was long sithence an Honor also, it may appeare by an aū ­cient writ, directed by King Henrie the second from beyond the Seas, to King Henrie his Sonne, for the re­stitution of Thomas Becket y^e Arche­bishop, to all suche goodes, landes, and fées, as were taken from him, during the displea­sure betwéene them: whiche writ bothe for shewe of the auncient forme, and bycause it conteineth the matter of hystorie, I wil not stick to exemplifie, word for woord, as Mathewe Parise hathe recorded it. Sciatis, quod Thomas Cant. Episcopus pacē mecum fecit ad voluntatem meam, & ideo praecipio tibi, vt ipse, & omnes sui, pacem habeant, & faci­atis ei habere, & suis, omnes res suas, bene, in pace, & honori­fice, sicut habuerunt tribus mēsibus, antequā exirent Angliae faciatisque venire corā vobis, de melioribus & antiquioribus, militibus, de honore de Saltwood & eorū iuramēto faciatis in­quiri, quid ibi habetur de feodo Archiepiscopatꝰ Cant. & quod recognitū fuerit esse de feodo ipsius, ipsi faciatis habere: valete. The Pon­tifical ius­ice, of William Courtney the Archbishop But if this Recorde of the Kings, suffise not to proue the honour of this place, then here (I pray you) a woorde of the honourable (or rather the Pontificall) dealing of William Courtney the Archbishop, who taking offence that certaine poore men, his Tenants, of the Manor of Wingham, had brought him rent hay and littar to Can­terbury, not openly in cartes for his glorie, as they were accustomed, but closely in sackes vpon their horses as their abilitie would suffer, cited them to this his castle, of Saltwood, and there after that he had shewed himself (Adria iracundiorem) as hote as a toste with the matter, he first bound them by othe to obey his owne ordinaūce, [Page 140] & then inioyned them for penance, that they should each one marche leisurely after the procession, bareheaded & barefooted, with a sacke of hey or strawe on his shoulder, open at the mouthe, so as the stuffe might appeare han­ging out of the bag to all the beholders. Nowe I beséeche you, what was it els for this proude Prelate thus to insult ouer simple men, for so small a fault, (or rather for no fault at all) but Laureolam in Mustaceis querere, and no better. Thus muche (at this pre­sent) of the Place, for as touching the first matter, con­cerning Thomas, that shall appeare at large in Canter­bury following. And therefore leauing on our right hand, the stately partes of Syr Edward Poynings vnperfect buylding at Ostenhangar, Ostenhan­gar. let vs sée what is to be said of Hyde.

THe name of this place importing (as it should séeme) by y^e generalitie ther­of some note of worthinesse, and the long continued priuileges therevnto belonging (it self being long since one of the fiue principal Portes) at the first led me (and happely may hereaf­ter moue others also) to thinke that it had béene of more estimation in tyme past, then by any other thing nowe apparant may well be coniectured: Howbeit, after that I had somewhat diligently searched the Saxon antiqui­ties, from whence (if from any at all) the beginning of the same is to be deriued, & had perused the booke of Domes­day, wherein almoste nothing (especially that might bée profitable) was pretermitted, and yet found litle, or (in manner) nothing, concerning this Towne committed to memorie: I became of this minde, that either y^e place was at the first of litle price, and for the increase there­of indowed with Priuileges, or (if it had beene at any time estimable) that it continued not long in y^e plight.

And truly, whosoeuer shall consider, eyther the Vni­uersall vicissitude of the Sea in all places,The Cause of the decay of Hauens in Kent. or the particu­lar alteration, and chaunge, that in tymes passed, and now presently it worketh on the coasts of this Realme, he will easely assent, that Townes bordering vpon the Sea, and vpholded by the commoditie thereof, may in short time decline to great decay, and become (in man­ner) worthe nothing at all. For, as the water ei­ther floweth, or forsaketh thē, so must they of necessitie, either flourish, or fall: flowing (as it were) & ebbing with the Sea it selfe. The necessitie of whiche thing, is [Page 142] euery where so ineuitable, that all the Popish ceremo­nies of espousing the Sea (whiche the Venetians yeare­ly vse on Saint Markes day, by casting a Golden ring into the water) cannot let, but that the Sea continual­ly by litle and litle, withdraweth it selfe from their Ci­tie, and threatneth in time, vtterly to forsake them.

Nowe therefore, as I cannot fully shew, what Hide hath béene in times passed, & must referre to each mans owne eye to beholde what it presently is: So yet, will I not pretermitte to declare out of other men, such notes as I finde, concerning the same.

From this Towne (saith Henrie Huntingdon) Ear­le Godwine, and his Sonnes in the time of their exile, fetched away diuers vessels, lying at roade, euen as they had at Rumney also, whereof we shall haue place to speake more hereafter. Before this Towne (in the reigne of King Edward the first) a great fléete of French men shewed themselues vpon the Sea, of whiche one (being furnished with two hundrethe Souldiours) set her men on land in the Hauen, where they had no sooner pitched their foote, but the Townesmen came vpon thē to the last man, wherewith the residue were so afraide, that foorthwith they hoysed vp saile, and made no fur­ther attempt.Hyde mise­rably scourged. This Towne also was grieuous­ly afflicted, in the beginning of the Reigne of King Hen­rie the fourth, in so muche as (besides the furie of the pes­tilence, whiche raged all ouer) there were, in one day, two hundreth of the houses consumed by flame, & fiue of their ships with one hundreth men, drowned at the Sea: By whiche hurte the inhabitaunts were so woun­ded, that they began to deuise, howe they might aban­done the place, and builde them a Towne else where: Wherevpon they had resolued also, had not the King by his liberal Chartre (which I haue séene vnder his scale) [Page 143] released vnto them, for fiue turnes next following (on­lesse the greater necessitie should in the meane time, compell him to require it) their seruice of fiue ships, of one hundreth men, and of v. garsons, whiche they ought of duetie, and at their owne charge without the helpe of any other member, to finde him, by the space of fiftéene dayes together.

Finally,The shor­test passage betweene England & Fraunce. from this Towne to Boloigne (which is ta­ken to be the same, that Caesar calleth Gessoriacum) is the shortest cutte ouer the Sea, betwéene England and Fraunce, as some holde opinion: Others thinke that to be the shortest passage, which is from Douer to Calaice: But if there be any man, that preferreth not hast before his good spéede, let him (by mine aduise) proue a third way, I meane from Douer to Withsand: for if Edmund Badhenham, the penner of the Chronicles of Rochester, lye not shamefully, (whiche thing you knowe how farre it is from a Monke) then at suche time as King Henrie the second, and Lewes the French King, were after long warre reconciled to amitie, Lewes came ouer to visite King Henrie, and in his return homeward saluted saint Thomas of Canterbury, made a princely offer at his tumbe,Thomas Becket graūteth a petition af­ter his death. and (bicause he was very fearefull of the water) asked of saint Thomas, and obteined, that neither he in that passage, nor any other from thenceforth, that cros­sed the Seas betwéen Douer and Withsand, should suf­fer any manner of losse or shipwracke. But of this Saint (sauing your reuerence) we shall haue fitte place to speake more largely hereafter, and therefore let vs nowe leaue the Sea, and looke toward Ship­wey.

BEtwéene Hyde and Westhanger, li­eth Shipwey, the place that was of auncient time honested w^t the Plées and assemblies of the Fiue Ports: al­though at this day, neither by good building extant, it be much glorious, nor by any common méeting, greatly frequented.

I remember, that I haue read in a book of Priuile­ges of the Fiue Portes, that certeine principall pointes, concerning the Port townes, be determinable at Ship­wey only: And likely it is, that the withdrawing of the triall of causes from thence to Douer Castle, hathe brought decay and obscuritie vpon the place.

Of this place, the whole Last of Shipwey, (conteining twelue Hundrethes) at the first tooke, and yet continu­eth the name: At this place, Prince Edward, the Sonne to King Henrie the third, exacted of the Barons of the v. Portes their othe of fidelitie to his Father, against the mainteiners of the Barons warre: And at this place on­ly our Limenarcha, or Lord Wardein of the Ports, Lord War­dein of the Portes. recea­ueth his oathe, at his first entrie into the office.

Whether this were at any time a Harborow for ships,Shipwey, sometime a Hau [...]n towne. (as the Etymologie of the name giueth likelihoode of coniecture) or no, I dare neither affirme nor denie, ha­uing neither read, nor séen, that may lead me to the one, or the other: only I remember, that Robert Talbot (a man of our time, and which made a Commentarie vpon the Itinerarie of Antoninus Augustus) is of the opinion, [Page 145] that is was called Shipwey, because it lay in the way to the Hauen, where the ships were wont to ride: And that hauen taketh he to be the same, whiche of Ptolome is caled [...], Nouus Portus: of Antoninus, Limanis, The Hauē Limene, & the Towne Lymne. of our Chroniclers Limene Mouthe, and interpreted by Leland to betoken, the mouthe of the riuer of Ro­ther, whiche nowe in our time openeth into the Sea at Rye, but before at Winchelsey.

His coniecture is grounded, partly (as you sée) vpon the Etymologie of the name, partly vpon the considera­tion of some antiquities that be neare to the place, and partly also vpon the report of the countrie people, who holde fast y^e same opinion, which they haue by tradition receaued from their Elders.

In déede, the name, bothe in Greeke, and olde Eng­lishe, whiche followethe the Gréeke, that is to say, Limen and Limene Mouthe, doth signifie a Hauen, wherof the Town of Lymne adioyning, and the whole Deanrie, or limit of the Ecclesiastical iurisdiction, in whiche it stan­deth (for that also is called Lymne) by likelyhoode tooke the name. This Hauen (saithe he) stoode at the firste, vnder a highe Rocke in the Parishe of Lymne, vnder the whiche there was situate a strong Castle for the defence of the Porte, the ruines of whiche buyl­ding be yet apparent to the eye. There is ex­tant also, a faire paued cawsey, some myles of length, leading from Canterbury toward the same Porte: and they of the Towne enioye the Priuileges of the Fiue Portes, and doe reserue a brasen Horne, and a Mace, as ensignes of Castle Garde, and administration of Ius­tice, in olde time exercised there. Finally they af­firme, that (the water forsaking them by litle and litle) decay and solitude came at the length vpon the place.

For, whereas at the first, ships were accustomed to [Page 146] discharge at Lymne, the Sea afterwarde (either hinde­red by the sandes, or not helped by the fresh water) shor­tned his fludde, and caused the Merchaunts to vnlade at Westhithe: Neither did it yet ascend so highe any long season, but by continuall decreasings, withdrew it self, & at the length compelled them to lay their wares on land at this Hithe, whiche nowe standeth in déede, but yet without any great benefit of the Sea, for asmuche as at this day, the water floweth not to the Towne by halfe a myle and more. These coniectures, & reports, be resonable, but yet, as I am sure that they be vtterly at variaunce with that opinion, whiche Leland would plante of the present course of the Riuer of Rother (as wee will shewe in Newendene, when, wee shall come to the place) so am I in doubt also, what meanes may be found, to reconcile them with the relations of Asserus Meneuensis, The Riuer Limen, now Rother. Henrie Huntingdon, & our olde Saxon Chronicles, al which séeme to affirme, that Aple­dore Apledore. stoode vpon the water Lymen, whiche if it be so, then I sée not (the places considered) howe this Towne of Lymne could euer be situated vpō the same Riuer.

Their woordes in effect, be these. ‘In the yeare, after Christ, 893. the great armie of the Danes, lefte the East part of Fraunce, and came to Boloigne, & from thence with. 250. vessels sayled into the mouthe of the Riuer Lymen, in Kent, whiche floweth from the great woode that is called Andred: Thence they towed vp their boates foure miles into that wood from the mouthe of the Riuer, where they found a Castle halfe built, and a fewe Countrie men in it, all whiche together with the Village, they destroyed, and fortified at a place called A­pultree.’ By which it may in deed at the first face séeme, that the Riuer Lymen led from Apledore to the Sea, & came not by Lymne: but yet that I may say somewhat [Page 147] for Talbot, these woordes do not necessarily enforce so muche, for that they be not, that they towed their ships vp to Apledore, but foure miles to the woode, and buil­ded at Apledore, whiche they might well doe, although they had come in at Hithe. To the whiche sense also the woordes of Asserus Meneuensis (whiche liued in that verie time) do giue somewhat the more place and libertie, whē he saith. ‘They towed vp their ships, foure miles into the wood, where they threwe downe a cer­taine Castle (halfe built, in whiche a fewe Churles of y^e Countrie were placed) & the Towne also, & they raised an other stronger in a place called Apledore:’ For these words (an other in a place strōger called Apledore) séem to importe, that Apledore was not the Towne foure miles within the Riuers mouthe, whiche they pulled downe, but some other: Whiche, as for the distance it might happely be Lymne y^t we haue in hand: so bicause there is no apparant memoriall of any suche course of the Riuer, I will not affirme it to haue béene the same, but referre the decision of the whole controuersie, to the learned and inquisitiue reader, that will bestowe his labour to trie, and trace out the very trueth.

THe enemie of mankinde, and Prince of darkenesse, Sathan the Deuill, percei­uing that the glorious and bright shi­ning beames of Gods holy truthe and gladsome Gospell, had pearced the mi­stie thicke cloudes of ignorance, & shew­ed (not onelie to the people of Germanie, but to the inha­tants of this Islande also) the true way of their deliue­raunce, from damnable errour, idolatrie, and Popishe superstition: And fearing, that if he did not nowe bestir him busily, he was in peril to lose infinite numbers of his subiects, and consequently, no small parte of that his spirituall kingdome, practized most carefully in all pla­ces, with Monkes, Friars, Priestes, Nonnes, and the whole rablement of his Religious armie, for the holding of simple soules in wonted obedience, and the vpholding of his vsurped Empire in the accustomed glory, opinion, and reuerence. And for this purpose (amongst sundry fleightes, set to shewe in sundry places, about the latter end and declination of that his reigne) one was wrought by the Holy maide of Kent, in a Chappel at this towne, in deuise as malicious, in déede as mischeuous, and in discouerie as notorious, as any other whatsoeuer.

But bycause the midst, and end of this Pageant, is yet fresh in the knowledge of many on liuing, & manifested to al men in bookes abroade: And for that the beginning thereof is knowne to verie fewe, and likely in time to be hid from all, if it be not by some way or other continued in mynde: I will laboure only to bewray the same, and in suche sorte, as the mainteiners thereof them selues [Page 149] haue committed it to writing.

For not long since, it chaunced me to sée a litle Pam­phlet, conteining foure and twentie leaues, penned I wote not by what doltishe dreamer, printed by Robert Redman, Intituled: A marueilous woorke of late done at Court of Streete in Kent, and published (as it preten­deth) to the deuout people of that time for their spiri­tuall consolation: in whiche I founde the very first be­ginning, to haue beene as followeth.

About the time of Easter, in the seuentéenthe yeare of 1525 the Reigne of King Henrie the eight, it happened a cer­taine maiden named Elizabethe Barton, The holy Maide of Kent. then seruaunt to one Thomas Kob, of the Parishe of Aldington, twelue myles distant from Canterbury, to be touched with a great infirmitie in her body, whiche did ascend at diuers times vp into her throte, and swelled greatly: during the time whereof, she séemed to be in grieuous paine, in so muche as a man would haue thought, that she had suffred the panges of deathe it selfe, vntill the disease descended, and fell downe into the bodie a­gaine.

Thus she continued by fittes, the space of seuen mo­nethes, and more, and at the laste, in the Moneth of No­uember (at whiche time also a yong Childe of her Mais­ters lay desperatly sicke in a cradle by her) she being vexed with the former disease, asked (with great pangs and groning) whether the Childe were yet departed this life, or noe: And when the women that attended vp­on them bothe in their sickenesse, aunswered no, she re­plied that it should anone: whiche woord was no sooner vttered, but the childe fetched a great sighe, and withall the soule departed out of the body.

This her diuination and foretelling, was the first matter, that moued her hearers to admiration: But [Page 150] after this, in sundry of her fits following, althoughe she seemed to the beholders to lye as still as a deade body (not mouing any part at all) as well in the traunces themselues, as after the pangs passed also, she told plain­ly of diuers things done at the Church, and other places where she was not present, whiche neuerthelesse she séemed (by signes procéeding from her) most liuely to be­holde (as it were) with her eye: She tolde also, of hea­uen, hell, and purgatorie, and of the ioyes, and sorrowes, that sundry departed soules had, and suffered there: She spake frankly againste the corruption of manners and euill life: She exhorted repaire to the Churche, hearing of Masse, confession to Priestes, prayer to our Lady and Sainctes, and to be short, made in all pointes, confession and confirmation of the Popish Créede and Catechisme, and that so deuoutly and discretely (in the opiniō of mine authour) that he thought it not possible for her to speake in that manner.

But amongst other things, this one was euer much in her mouthe, that She woulde goe home, and that she had béene at home, whereas (to the vnderstanding of the standers by) she had neuer béene from home, nor from the place where she laye: wherevpon being (in a tyme of another traunce) demaunded where That home was, she aunswered, Where she sawe and hearde the ioyes of heauen, where S. Michael wayed soules, where Sainct Peter carried the keyes, and where she her selfe had the companie of our Lady at Court of Strete, and had harte­ly besought her to heale her disease, who also had com­maunded her, to offer vnto her a Taper in her Chappell there, and to declare boldly to all Christian people, that our Lady of Court of Strete, had receiued her from the verie point of death: and that her pleasure was, that it shoulde be rong for a miracle.

Whiche wordes when her Maister heard, he sayde, that there were no Belles at that Chappell, wherevnto the Mayden answered nothing, but the voice that spake in her procéeded, saying, Our blessed Lady wil shew moe miracles there shortly, for if any departe this life sou­dainly, or by mischance, in deadly sinne, if he be vowed to our Lady heartely, he shal be restored to life againe, to receiue shrift, and housell, and after to depart this worlde with Gods blessing. Besides this, she tolde them what meate the Heremite of that Chappell of our Lady at Court of Strete had to his supper, and many o­ther things concerning him, whereat they maruailed greatly.

And from that time forwarde, she resolued with her selfe, to goe to Court of Strete, and there to pray and of­fer to our Lady, whiche also she did accordingly: And was there delayde of her cure for a certaine season, but yet (in the meane time) put in assured hope of recouerie. During whiche meane while, the fame of this maruey­lous Mayden was so spread abroade, that it came to the eares of Warham the Archebishop of Canterbury, who directed thither Doctour Bocking, Master Hadleighe, and Barnes, thrée Monkes of Christes Churche in Can­terbury, father Lewes, and his fellowe, two obseruants, his Officiall of Canterbury, and the Parson of Alding­ton, with commission to examine the matter, and to in­fourme him of the truthe.

These men opposed her of the chiefe pointes of the Popishe beliefe, and finding her sounde therein, not only waded no further in the discouerie of the fraud, but gaue it great countenaunce, and ioyned with her in setting foorth of the same: So that at her nexte voyage to oure Lady of Court of Strete, she entered the Chappell with Aue Regina Caelorum, in pricksong, accōpanied with these [Page 152] Commissioners, many Ladies, Gentlemen, and Gentle­women of the best degrée, and thrée thousande persons besides, of the common sort of people.

There fell she eftsones into a marueilous passion be­fore the Image of our Lady, muche like a body diseased of the falling Euill, in the whiche she vttered, sundrye metricall and ryming speaches, tending to the worship of our Lady of Court of Strete (whose Chappell there, she wished to be better mainteined, and to be furnished with a dayly singing Priest) tending also to her owne bestowing in some Religious house, for suche (sayde she) was our Ladies pleasure, and to the aduauncement of the credite, of suche feyned miracles, as myne authour reporteth. This done and vnderstoode to the Arche­bishop, she was by him appointed to S. Sepulcres, a house of Nonnes in Canterbury, where she laboured sundry times of her disease, and continued her wonted working of wonderous myracles, resorting oftē (by way of traūce onely) to our Lady of Court of Strete, who also ceassed not to shewe her selfe mightie in operation there, ligh­ting candels without fire, moystning womens breastes that before were drye and wanted mylke, restoring all sortes of sicke to perfect healthe, reducing the deade to life againe, and finally doing all good, to al suche as were measured and vowed (as the manner was) vnto her at Court of Strete.

Thus Elizabeth Barton was aduaunced from the condition of a base seruaunt, to the estate of a glorious Nonne. The Heremite of Court of Strete was enriched by dayly offring, S. Sepulchres got the possession of a Ho­ly Mayden, God was blasphemed, the holy Virgine his mother mishonoured, the silly people were miserably mocked, The Bishops, Priestes, and Monkes, in the meane time with closed eyes wincking, and the Deuill [Page 153] and his lymmes, with open mouthe laughing at it.

And thus the matter stoode sundry yeares together, vn­till at length, the question was moued about King Hen­ries marriage, at which time this holy Mayden (not con­teining her selfe within her former boundes of hypocri­sie) stepped into this matter also, and feyned that she vnderstoode by reuelation, that if the King procéeded to the diuorce, he shoulde not be King of this Realme one moneth after: Wherevpon, her doings were once againe examined (not by men giuen ouer to beléeue illu­sions, but by suche as had the prudent power of prouing spirites) and in the ende her dissimulation was deciphe­red, her Popishe comforters were bewrayed, the decei­ued people were well satisfied, these daungerous decei­uers were worthely executed, and the Deuill their Maister was quite and cleane confounded.

The circumstances of all whiche doing, I doe of pur­pose omit (knowing that it is in the statute of .25. Chap. 12. yeare of King Henrie the eight, and eche where else, in man­ner, to be read, and thinking my selfe to haue per­fourmed promise, in that I haue disclosed the first attemptes) and will nowe therefore make towardes Rumney.

AFter the deceasse of King Edwarde the thirde, and against the day of the Coro­nation of King Richarde the seconde whiche succeeded him, Iohn the King of Castile and Lions, Duke of Lancaster, and Earle bothe of Leycester and Lin­olne, clayming in the right of his Earldome of Leyce­ [...]er, to be highe Seneschall (or Steward) at that solem­ [...]itie, and thereby to haue the authoritie of hearing and determining of the claimes, of al such as by their tenure pretended to haue any office or fée at the Kings inthro­nization, amongst other suites receiued a petition, exhi­bited by Richarde then Earle of Arundale and Surrey, in whiche the same Earle claimed the office of chiefe Butler, and recognised him self ready to perfourme the same.Butler the Coronatiō. Wherevpon, foorthwith one Edmund Staple­gate, exhibited another petition, and likewise made his claime to this effect. That whereas he, the sayde Ed­mund helde of the King in chiefe, the Manor of Bylsing­ton in Kent, by the seruice to be his Butler at the Coro­nation, as plainely appeared in the booke of Fées and Sericancies in the Exchequer: And whereas also by reason of that tenure, the late King Edwarde the thirde had both seised the landes of that petitioner (for so much as he was in his minoritie, at the time of the death of Edmund Staplegate his father) and had also committed the custodie of his body to one Iefferay Chawsier (to whō he payde. 104. l. for the same) he nowe proffered to doe that seruice, and praied to be admitted to the office ther­of, with alowance of the fées that belonged therevnto.

These claimes and the replies also, bothe of the Earle, [Page 155] and of Staplegate, being hearde and considered, It was then order (partly for the shortnesse of the time, whiche would not permit a full examination of the matter, and partly bycause that on the Earles side it was proued, that his auncestors had béene in possession of that office, after the alienation of the Manor of Bylsington, where­as on the other part it appeared not, that the auncestors of Staplegate had euer executed the same) that (for the present Coronation) the Earle shoulde be receiued, and the right of Staplegate, and all others shoulde be neuer­thelesse to them saued. Thus muche of the Manor of Bylsington, (whiche lyeth here on the right hande) I thought méete to impart with you, to occupy vs withall in our way to Rumney: Pryorie at Bylsington. for as touching the Pryorie that there was, althoughe I suppose it to haue begon by the liberalitie of some of the Earles of Arundale, yet can I assure you of nothing touching it, saue onely of the yearely value, whiche you shall finde in the Particular of this shyre, amongst the rest of the suppressed houses.

THE participation of like Priuilege, might wel haue moued me to haue pla­ced the Portes together, but the purpose of myne order already taken, calleth me another way, and byndeth me to prose­cute them, as they lye in order of my iourney.

There be in Kent therfore, two townes of this name, the Olde and the New Rumney, as touching the latter whereof I minde not to speake, hauing not hitherto founde eyther in Recorde or Hystorie, any thing pertai­ning therevnto: but that little whiche I haue to say, must be of olde Rumney, whiche was long since a prin­cipal Port, and giueth cause of name to the new towne, as it selfe first tooke it, of the large leuell, and territorie of Marishe grounde that is adioyning.

This Towne (sayth the Recorde of Domesday) was of the possession of one Robert Rumney, and holden of Odo (then Bishop of Borieux, Earle of Kent, and bro­ther to King William the Conquerour) in the which the same Robert had thirteene Burgesses, who for their seruice at the Sea, were acquitted of all exactions, and custome [...] of charge, excepte fellonie, breache of the peace, and forstalling. It was sometyme a good, sure, and commodious Hauen, where many ves­sels [Page 157] vsed to lye at Roade: For Henrie (the Arche­deacon 1053 of Huntingdon) maketh report, that at suche time as Godwine (Earle of Kent) and his Sonnes were exiled the Realme (vpon suche cause of displeasure, as hathe alreadie appeared in Douer) they armed vessels to the Sea, and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people, to compell the King to their reuocation: And therfore, (among sundry other harmes that they did on the Coast of this Shyre) they entred the hauen at Rum­ney, and lead away all suche shippes, as they found in the Harborow.

Thomas Becket Thomas Becket. (the Archebishop) hauing by fro­ward 1168 disobedience and stuborne pertinacitie, prouoked King Henrie the second to indignation against him, and fearing to abide the triall of ordinarie Iustice at home, determined to appeale to the Popes fauour at Rome, for whiche purpose he secretly tooke boate at Rumney, minding to haue escaped ouer: but he was driuen backe by a contrary wynde, and so compelled to land againste his will. The vnderstanding of whiche matter,The Popes authoritie was aboli­shed in England, in the time of King Hen­rie the se­cond. so ex­asperated the King against him, that foorthwith he sea­sed his goods, and gaue commaundement by his writte to the Sheriffes of all coastes, to make arrest of al such, as for any cause prouoked to the Pope. He caused al­so his subiectes (from twentie yeares of age vpward) through out the whole Realme, to renounce by othe, all wonted obedience to the Sée of Rome, and sollicited ear­nestly the Emperour Frederic, and Lewes the Frenche King, to haue ioyned with him in deposing Pope Alex­ander, for that he so commonly receaued runnegates, and suche as rebelled against their lawfull Princes.

But suche was eyther the enimitie of Lewes the Frenche King, againste King Henrie the second, or his dull sight in discerning the profit of the whole Christian [Page 158] common weale, that he refused to assist the other twain, by meanes whereof, both Frederic the Emperour, was afterward compelled to yéelde him to the Pope, & King Henrie the second glad (withall submission) to reconcile himselfe to the Archebishops fauour.

Rumney MarsheRumney Mar [...]he. is famous throughout the Realme, as wel for the fertilitie & quantitie of the soile & leuell, as also for the auncient and holesome ordinances there vsed, for the preseruation and maintenance of y^e bankes, and walles, against the rage of the Sea.

It conteineth (as by due computation it may ap­peare) 24000. Acres: For the taxation of Rumney Marshe onely (not accompting Walland Marshe, Guil­ford Marshe. &c. amounteth to 50. pounds, after the rate of one halfe peny the Acre) and it is at this day gouerned by certaine lawes, made by one Henrie Bathe, a Iustice and Commissioner for that purpose in the time of King Henrie the third. Of whiche his statutes, experi­ence in time hath begotten suche allowance, and liking, that it was afterward not onely ordered, that all the lowe groundes betwéene Tanet in Kent, and Pemsey in Sussex, should be guided by the same: But they are also nowe become a paterne, and exemplar to all the like places of the whole Realme, to be gouerned by. The place is not muche inhabited, bycause it is Hyeme malus, Aestate molestus, Nunquam bonus, Euil in Winter, grie­uous in Sommer, and neuer good. As Hesiodus (y^e olde Poet) somtime saied of the Countrie where his Father dwelt. And therefore, very reasonable is their con­ceite,The three steppes of Kent. whiche doe imagine, that Kent hathe thrée steps, or degrées, of whiche the first (say they) offereth Wealth without healthe, the second giueth bothe Wealth and healthe, and the third afoordeth healthe onely, and no Wealthe. For, if a man, minding to passe through [Page 159] Kent toward London, should arriue, and make his first step on land in Rumney Marshe, he shall rather finde good grasse vnder foote, then holesome Aire aboue the head: againe, if he step ouer the Hylles, and come into the Weald, he shall haue at once the commodities, bothe Caeli, & Soli, of the Aire, and the Earth: But if he leaue that, and climbe the next step of hilles, that are betwéene him, and London, he shall haue woode, and corne, for his wealthe, and (toward the increase of his healthe) if he séeke, he shal finde, Famem in agro lapidoso, a good stomake in the stonie field. No marueile it is therefore, if Rumney Marshe be not thicke peopled, séeing most men be yet still of Porcius Cato his minde, who helde them starke madde, that would dwell in an vnholsome Aire, were the soyle neuer so good and fertile. And this thing being well vnderstood to the estates of the Realme, they vsed in Parleamentes, to allure men hither, by exemp­tion from paiment of Subsidies, and suche like charges, wherewith the inhabitants of other places be burde­ned.

THis Cape lyeth in Walland Marshe. Southe from Rumney, and is of the number of those places, that Earle Godwine aflicted in the time of his banishment: from hence he passed toward Londō, and there (by the help of his confederates) shewed suche an assemblie, that the Bishops, and Noble men (for verie feare) became suters to the King for his peace, and in the ende procured it.

Before this Neshe, lyeth a flatte into the Sea, threat­ning great daunger to vnaduised Saylers.

And nowe hauing thus viewed suche places a long the Sea shoare, as auncient Hystories haue put me in remembraunce of: I might readely take occasion, bothe to recommend vnto you, the vigilant studie of our Aun­cestors, in prouiding for the defence of the Sea Coastes, and withall shewe you a President or two of theirs, conteining the assesse of suche particular Watche and Warde, as they vsed there in the Reigne of King Ed­ward the third, in whose time also it was first ordered, that Beacons in this Countrie should haue their pitche pots, and that they should be no longer made of wood­stackes or piles, as they be yet in Wilshire, and else­where. But because those assesses were not perma­nent, and alwaies alike (as not growing by reason of any tenure) but arbitrable from time to time, at the discre­tion of suche, as it liked the Prince to set ouer the Coun­trie in time, of warres, And for that also we at this day [Page 169] (God be thanked therfore) haue besides the like watche­full indeuour of our present gouernours, sundrie stan­ding platformes (as you haue séene) erected to the very end, & mainteined at the continual charge of the Prince, I will not here stand vpō that matter, but forsaking the shore, betake me Northward to passe along the Riuer Rother, whiche diuideth this Shyre from Sussex: The order of this de­scription. where after that I shall haue shewed you Apledore, Stone, & Newenden, I wil pearce through the Weald, to Medwey, and so laboure to perfourme the rest of my purpose

IN the time of King Alfred, that great swarme of the Danes whiche annoyed this Realme, and found not here wher­with to satisfie the hungrie gut of their rauenous appetite, brake their compa­nie into twaine: whereof the one passed into Fraunce, vnder the conducte of Hasten, and the o­ther remained here vnder the charge of Guthrune.

The Danes doe spoile, Fraunce, & England, at one time.This Hasten with his company, landed in Pontein, ranged ouer al Picardie, Normandie, Angeon, Poieton and passed ouer Loire, euen to Orleance, killing, bur­ning, and spoiling whatsoeuer was in his way, in so muche that besides the pitifull butcherie committed vp­on the people, and the inestimable bootie of their goods taken away, he consumed to ashes aboue nine hundreth religious houses, and Monasteries.

This done, he sent away .250. of his ships laden with riche spoile, whiche came hither againe, entring into the Riuer of Rother, (thē called as Leland wéeneth, Lymen, at the mouth wherof olde Winchelsey sometime stoode) and by soudaine surprise tooke a small Castle, that was foure or fiue miles within the land, at Apultre (as some thinke) whiche bycause it was not of sufficient strength for their defence and conuerture, they abated to the ground, and raised a newe, either in the same place, or els not farre from it.

Shortly after commethe Hasten himselfe also, with eightie saile more, and sailing vp the Riuer of Thamise, he fortifieth at Middleton nowe Mylton, ouer against [Page 169] the Ile of Shepey: Whiche thing when King Alfred vnderstoode he, gathered his power with all haste, and marchinge into Kent, encamped betwéene the two hostes of his enemies, and did so beare him selfe, that in the end he constrained Hasten to desire peace, & to giue his owne othe and two of his Sonnes in hostage, for ob­seruation of the same.

But howe soone after, Hasten forgot his distresse, and how litle he estéemed either his owne trouth pligh­ted, or the liues of his children so pledged, it shall ap­peare when we come to fitte place for it: In the meane while I let you know, that the booke of Domesday speaking of Apuldore, laieth it in the hun­dreth of Blackburne, and describeth it to conteine eight Carnes, or Ploughlandes.

IN the dayes of King Etheldred, whē almost al parts of the Realme felt the Da­nishe furie, this place also was by them pitieousely spoyled and brent, whiche done, they departed to Sandwiche, and did there, as hathe alreadie appea­red.

THE situation of Newendene is such, as it maye likely enoughe take the name, eyther of the déepe and bot­tome (as I haue coniectured) or of the Hill and highe grounde, as Le­land supposed. For it standeth in the valley, and yet clymeth the hill: So that the termination of the name may be Dene, or Dune, of the valley, or of the hill indifferently. How­beit, I would easily yealde to Leland in this matter (the rather, bicause the common people of that quarter speak muche of a fayre Towne, that sometime stoode vpon the hill.) Sauing that bothe many places there aboutes are vpon like reason termed Denes, and that Iohn Bale (who had seene an auncient hystorie of the house it selfe) calleth it plainly Newendene.

It is a frontier, and Marche Towne of this Shyre,The course of the Ry­uer Lymen, nowe Ro­ther. by reason that it lyeth vpon the Ryuer, that diuideth Kent and Sussex in sunder, whiche water Leland affir­meth to be the same, that our auncient Chronicles call Lymene, though nowe of the common sorte, it is kno­wen by the name of Rother only: It riseth (sayth he) at Argas hil in Sussex, neare to Waterdowne Forrest, and falleth to Rotherfield, thence to Hichingham, and so to Roberts bridge (corruptly so termed, for Rothersbridge) frō whence it descendeth to Bodyam Castell, to Newen­dene, [Page 174] Oxney, and Apultree, and soone after openeth into the Sea. The place is not notable for any other thing, then that it harboured the first Carmelite Fryars, that 241 euer were in this Realme. For about the midst of the reigne of King Henrie the thirde, that order came o­uer the Sea,The first Carmelites in England. arriued in this lande, and made their neste at Newendene, whiche was before a wooddy, and solita­rie place, and therefore (in common opinion) so much the more fit for Religious persons to inhabite.

They of that profession were called Carmelites, of a hill in Syria, named Carmelus, where at the first, a sort of men that liued solitarily, were drawne into compa­nies by one Ioan (the Patriarche of Ierusalem) in the dayes of King Henrie the firste: And after that com­ming into Europe, were by Honorius Quartus, the Pope, appointed to a rule and order, by the name of the Bro­thers of Mary, whiche title liked them selues so well, that they procured the Pope Vrbane the sixte, thrée yeares pardon, for all suche as would so call them: But certaine merry felowes, (seing their vanitie, and know­ing how litle they were of kin to Mary the blessed Vir­gine) called them the brothers of Mary Aegiptiaca, the harlot, whereat the Pope was so offended, that he plain­ly pronounced them Heretikes for their labour. I read, that in the reigne of King Richard the seconde, one William Starnefeld was Pryor of this house, and that he committed to writing, the originall and beginning of the same, But hi­therto (though to no great losse) it hath not chaun­ced me to sée it.

NOwe then we are come to the Weald of Kent, which (after the common opi­nion of men of our time) is conteined within very streight and narrowe li­mits, notwithstanding that in times paste, it was reputed of suche excéeding bignesse, that it was thought to extende into Sussex, Surrey, and Hamshyre, and of suche notable fame with­all, that it left the name to that part of the Realme, tho­rough which it passed: for it is manifest, by the auncient Saxon Chronicles, by Asserus Meneuensis, Henrie of Huntingdon, and almost all others of latter time, that beginning at Winchelsey in Sussex, it reached in length a hundreth and twentie myles towarde the West, and stretched thirtie myles in breadth towarde the Northe: Kent, why so called. And it is (in mine opinion) moste likely, that in respecte of this wood, that large portion of this Islande (whiche in Caesars time contained foure seuerall Kings) was called of the Bryttish word (Caine) Cancia in Latine, and now cōmonly Kent: Of which deriuation, one other infallible monumēt remaineth, euen til this day in Staffordshyre, where they yet call their great woodie Forrest, by the name of (Kanc) also.

On the edge of this wood (in Sussex) there stoode som­time a Citie, called (after the same) Andredes Chester, whiche Ella (the founder of the Southsaxon kingdome) after that he had landed with his thrée sonnes, and cha­sed the Brytons into the wood, raced, and made equall with the grounde: And in this wood, Sigbert, a King of Westsex, was done to death by this occasion following.

About the yeare after the Incarnation of Christe, 755 seuen hundreth fiftie fiue, this Sigbert succéeded Cu­thred his cousine in the kingdom of the Westsaxons, and was so puffed vp with the pride of his dominion (mightely enlarged by the prosperous successes of his predeces­sour) that he gouerned without feare of God, or care of man, making lust his lawe, and mischiefe his minister: Wherevpon one Cumbra, (an Earle and Counselour) at the lamentable suite of the Commons, moued him to consideration: But Sigbert, disdaining to be directed, commaunded him most dispitefully to be slayne: Here­at the Nobilitie and Commons were so muche offended, that assembling for the purpose, they with one assent depriued him of his crowne and dignitie, and he (fearing worse) fled into the wood, where after a season, a poore Hogheard (sometime seruaunt to Cumbra) founde him (in a place, which the Saxon Hystories cal Prifetsflode) and knowing him to be the same that had slaine his Ma­ster, slue him also without all manner of mercy.

The Weald was some­time a wil­dernesse.The Hystorie of this Hoghearde, presenteth to my minde, an opinion that some men mainteine touching this Weald: whiche is, that it was a great while toge­ther in manner nothing else but a Desert, and waste Wildernesse, not planted with Townes, or peopled with men, as the outsides of the shyre were, but stoared and stuffed with heardes of Deare, and droues of Hogs onely: whiche conceit, though happely it may séeme to [Page 169] many but a Paradoxe, yet in mine own fantasie, it wan­teth not the féete of sounde reason to stande vpon: For, besides that a man shall reade in the Hystories of Can­terbury and Rochester, sundry donations, in whiche there is mention onely of Pannage for Hogges in An­dred, and of none other thing: I thinke verely that it cannot be shewed out of auncient Chronicles, that there is remayning in Weald of Kent, or Sussex, any one mo­nument of great antiquitie. And truly this thing I my selfe haue obserued, in the auncient rentalles and sur­viewes, of the possessions of Christes Church in Canter­bury, that in the rehearsall of the olde rentes and serui­ces, due by the Tenaunts dwelling without the Weald, the entrie is commonly after this forme,

• De redditu. vij.s̄.vj.
  This Be­nerth, is the seruice whi­ch the tenāt doth, with his Carte & Ploughe.
  d.
• De viginti ouis. j.d.
• De gallinis, & benerth. xvj.d.
• Summa viij.s̄.xj.d. quieti redditus.

But when they come to the Tenauntes inhabiting within the Wealdy countrey, then the stile and Intitu­ling, is first,

Redditus de Walda,

Then after that followeth, De tenementis Ioāis at Stile in loose. iij.s̄.iiij.d.

Without shewing for what auncient seruice, for what manner of custome, or for what speciall cause, the same Rent grew due and payable, as in the first stile or entrie is expressed.

Wherevpon I gather, that although the propertie of the Weald, was at the firste belonging to certaine kno­wen owners, as wel as the rest of the countrey, yet was it not then alotted into Tenancies, nor Manured like [Page 170] vnto the residue: But that euen as men were conten­ted to inhabite it, and by péecemeale to rid it of the wood, and to breake it vp with the ploughe: So this latter rent (differing from the former, bothe in quantitie and qualitie, as being greater than the other, and yealded rather as recompence for fearme, then as a quiterent for any seruice) did long after by litle and litle, take his beginning.

And hereout also springeth the diuersitie of opinions, touching the true limits of this Weald: The boun­des of the Weald. Some men affirming it to beginne at one place, and some at ano­ther, whereas (in my fantasie) there can be assigned, none other certaine boundes thereof, then suche as we haue before recited out of the auncient Hystories: For euen as in the olde time (being then a méere solitude, and on no part inhabited) it might easily be circumscribed: So since (being continually from time to time made lesse by industrie) it coulde not long haue any standing or permanent termes. And therefore, what so euer difference in common report there be, as touching the same, for as muche as it is nowe (thanked be God) in manner wholy replenished with people, a man maye more reasonably mainteine, that there is no Weald at all, then certainely pronounce, eyther where it begin­neth, or maketh an ende.

And yet if question in Lawe shoulde fortune to be moued, concerning the limits of the Weald, (as in déede it maye happen vpon the Statute of Woods, and otherwise) I am of opinion, that the same ought to be decided by the verdite of twelue men, grounded vpon the common reputation of the countrey there­aboutes, and not by any other meanes.

But bycause I wote not, howe the naturall and aun­cient [Page 171] inhabitantes of this countrey will beare it, that a young Nouesse, and lately adopted Denizen, shoulde thus boldely deter­mine at their disputations, I will here (for a while) leaue the Weald, and go foorth to the residue.

FArley, both the East and West, bor­dering vpon Medwey, belonged som­time to the Monkes of Christes Churche in Canterbury, to whom it yealded in the dayes of King Edward the Confessour, twelue hundreth Eeles for a yearely rent. This I exemplifie to the ende that it may appeare, that their re­seruations (in auncient time) were as well in victuall, as in money, and that thereof the landes so leased, were called Fermes, Fermes why so ter­med. of the Saxon worde, feormian; whiche is to féede, or yeald victuall. Whiche Etymologie of the worde, although it might suffice to the proofe of that matter, yet to the end, that my coniecture may haue the more force, I will ad vnto it the authoritie of Geruasius Tilberiensis, a learned man, that flourished in the dayes of King Henrie the seconde, who in his Dialogue, of the obseruations of the Exchequer, hath in effecte as fol­loweth. ‘Vntill the time (sayth he) of King Henrie the first, the Kings vsed not to receiue money of their lands, but victuals, for the necessarie prouision of their house. And towardes the payment of the Souldiours wages, and suche like charges, money was raysed out of the Ci­ties and Castles, in whiche husbandrie and tillage was not exercised. But at the length, when as the King, being in the partes beyonde the Seas, néeded ready mo­ney, towarde the furniture of his warres, and his sub­iectes and farmers complayned, that they were grie­uously troubled by cariage of victuals, into sundry parts [...] [Page 173] the Realme, farre distant from their dwelling houses.’

‘The King directed comission to certaine discrete per­sons, whiche hauing regarde of the value of those victu­als, should reduce them into reasonable summes of mo­ney: The leueying of whiche summes, they appointed to the Sheriffe, taking ordre withall, that he should pay them at the Scale, or Beame, that is to say, that he should pay sixe pence ouer & aboue euery pound waight of money, because they thought, that the money in time would waxe so muche the woorse for the wearing. &c.’

Thus farre Geruasius.

I am not ignorant, that Geruasius him selfe in an o­ther place of that Booke, deriueth the woord (Ferme) from the Latine (Firma) Howbeit, for asmuche as I know assuredly, that the terme was vsed here amongst the Saxons, before the comming of the Conquerour, and that the Etymon therof, descended from the Saxon lan­guage (whereof happely Geruasius being a Nor­man, was not muche skilfull) I am as bolde to leaue his opinion for the deriuation, as I was readie to cleaue to his reporte for the Hysto­rie.

THe name of this Towne (being fra­med, as the moste part thinke, out of the name of the water) might ease­ly moue a man to iudge, that it had béen long since the Principall towne vpon the Riuer whereon it is situa­ted: The rather for that the Saxons (in imposing the names of their chiefe places) vsed to bo­rowe (for the moste parte) the names of the waters ad­ioyning,Townes named of the Riuers. as Colchester was so by them called, of the wa­ter Colne: Ciceter (or rather Cyrenchester) of the wa­ter Cyren, in Latine Corinius: Donchaster of the Riuer of Done: Lyncolne of Lindis: and (to come to our owne Shyre) Eilesford, of Eile, Dartford of Darent, Crayford, of Cray, and suche other.

Howebeit, for asmuche as I finde not this place, a­boue once named in any auncient hystorie, and but sel­dome mentioned in any Recordes that I haue séene, I dare not pronounce it of any great antiquitie, but speak [Page 175] chiefly of that whiche it hathe gotten within the com­passe of late memorie.

In the time of King Edward the sixt therefore, this Towne was incorporated, and endowed with sundrie liberties, all whiche soone after it forfeited by ioyning in a Rebellion moued within this Shyre, vnder the Reigne of Queene Marie. Neuerthelesse, of late time the Quéenes Maiestie (that nowe is) of her great clemencie, hathe not onely restoared to the Towne the former incorporation, but endowed it also with great Priuilege, appaireling the Maior with the authoritie of a Iustice of the Peace, exempting the Townesmen from forreigne Sessions, and creating the Towne it selfe a Boroughe, enabled to haue voice in Parleament.

In it were foure principall ornamentes of building, the College, the Bishops Palaice, the house of the Brothers of Corpus Christi, and the Bridge:The Col­lege. Of whiche the first, was built by Boniface (the Archebishop of Can­terbury, and Vncle to Eleonor, the wife of King Henrie the third) to the honour of Peter, Paule, and Saint Tho­mas (the Martyr, as they would haue it) and endowed 1260 with great possessions, by the name of an Hospitall, but commonly termed the newe woorke. This had not stoode fully a hundreth and fourtie yeares, but that William Courtney (a successour in that Sée, and a No­ble man, as the other was) pulled it downe, and erecting a newe, after his owne pleasure, gayned thereby the 1395 name of a founder, and called it, a College of Secular Priestes. The Palaice, that yet standeth,The Palaic [...] was begonne by Iohn Vfford, the Archebishop, but for as much as he died, before he had brought the worke to y^e midst, Simon Islepe (y^e next in successiō sauing one) took this matter in hand, & not onely pulled downe a house of the Bishops [Page 176] which had long before stode at Wrotham, but also char­ged his whole Prouince with a tenth to accomplishe it. 1359 I finde in a Recorde, that Thomas Arundell (an other Bishop of the same Sée) foūded a Chaunterie at Maid­ston, The Schole which whether it be the same, that was sometime called the house of the Brothers, and but lately conuer­ted by the Townesmen into a Frée schoole, or no, I will not boldely affirme, but I thinke it rather so, then otherwise. Of the Bridge I finde no beginning, but I sus­pect, that it rose by the Archebishops, whiche were not onely owners of the Palaice hard by, as you sée, but Lords and Patrones of the whole Towne, and Church also.

The Riuer of Medway and wherof it tooke the name.And thus muche onely of the Town: as touching the Riuer of Medwey, it séemeth to haue beene so named, either because it stood in the midle of the Kentish King­dome, or els for that it ranne midde betwéene the two Bishopricks: For the woord (Midƿeg) signifieth no­thing els, but the Midway as (Middeg) dothe noone, or Midday, onlesse happely some man would rather haue it called (Medpoeg) bicause of the meddowe that it maketh all along the course of the same.

This Riuer is increased by the foure principall Brookes that runne into it, whereof (to beginne at the West) the first springeth about Crowherst in Surrey (not farre from the head of Darent) it falleth to Eton­bridge, and taking in the way Heuer, Penshreste, and Tunbridge, ioyneth with the second at Yealding.

The second ariseth at Blackbrooks in Waterdown forest, not fully a mile from Eredge, the Lord Aburgen­nies house, and commeth to Beyham, to Lamberhirst streete, and to a place in Scotney ground, called litle Sus­sex, where it méeteth with a small brooke called Beaul, (that springeth at Tishirst thrée miles of, and giueth the [Page 177] name to Beauldbridge) from whence they ioyne in iour­ney to Horsmondon and Merden, and there mingling with the third, they runne altogether to Yalding.

The third Brooke taketh beginning aboute Greate Charte, and descendeth to Hedcorne, Stilebridge, and Merden.

The fourthe, and last, breaketh out of the ground at Lineham, washeth the Castle of Ledes, a litle from whence it receaueth the small water of Holingburne, & in a companie of the same passeth toward Maidstone: At whiche place (as I thinke) the name of Medwey, first beginneth, the rather, bycause it hathe there receaued all his helpes, and crossing the Shyre, as it were in the midst, laboureth from thence in one entier Chanel to finde out the Sea.The Riuer Aile, or Eile For otherwise the Riuer it selfe is properly called Egle, or, Eyle, of whiche bothe the Towne of Ailesford, and the Castle of Alington (or ra­ther Eylington) doe take their names.

If I faile in this deriuation, the fault (for the firste part) is his that made the Chart of this Shyre, & then the follie is mine that followe him, but the trueth not­withstanding is easily to be found out, by any man that wil make inuestigation and examine it, and our trespasse also herein more veniall, for that we go not about to shadowe it.

The name of Harlot, whereof it beganne. RObert, y^e Duke of Normandie, had issue by a Concubine (whose name, as the Annales of S. Augustine reporte, was Harlothe, and after whom, as I coniecture, suche incon­tinent women haue euer since béen called Harlots) thrée Sonnes, that is to say, William that afterward subdued this Realm, Robert, that was created Earle of Moretone, and Odo that was first consecrated Bishop of Baieux, then Earle of Kent, and lastly Lieutenaunt, or Vicegerent of this whole Realme, vnder William his Brother.

Odo the Earle of Kent. Robert, was reputed a man of small courage, wise­dome, and learning, and therefore passed his time in glo­riously: But Odo, was found to be of nature so bu­sie, gréedie, and ambitious, that he moued many Trage­dies within this Realme, and was in the end throwen from the Stage, and driuen into Normandie, as hereaf­ter in fitte place shal be more amply declared. In the meane while, for this present place, and purpose, I finde that during his aboade in Kent, The aunci­ent manner of the triall of right. he had so incroched vp­on the landes and Priuileges of the Archebishopricke of Canterbury, and Bishopricke of Rochester, that Lan­franc (being promoted to that Sée of dignitie, and fin­ding the want) complained to the King, and obteined, [Page 179] y^t with his good pleasure they might make triall of their right with him. To the which end also, the same King gaue commission to Goisfrid (then Bishop of Constance in Normandie) to represent his owne person, for hearing of the controuersie: caused Egelric the Bishop of Chi­chester (an aged man, singularly commended for skill in the Lawes, and Customes of the Realme) to be brought thether in a Wagon, for his assistance in Counsell, com­maunded Haymo (the Sheriffe of Kent) to summon the whole Countie to giue in euidence: and charged Odo his brother to be present, at suche time and place, as should be notified vnto him. Pinnendene Heathe (ly­ing almost in the midst of the Shyre, and therefore very indifferent for the assembly of the whole Countie) was the appointed place, and therevnto not onely the whole number of the moste expert men of this Shyre, but of sundrie other Countries also, came in great frequencie, and spent thrée whole dayes in debate of these Bishops controuersies, concluding in the end, that Lanfranc, and the Bishop of Rochester should be restored to the posses­sion of Detling, Stoce, Preston, Danitune, and sundry o­ther landes, that Odo had withholden: ‘And that ney­ther the Earle of Kent, nor the King him selfe had right to claime any thing in any the lands of the Archebishop, sauing only these thrée customes, whiche concerne the Kings highe waies that leade from one citie to an other: that is to say: That if any of the Archebishops te­naunts should digge in suche a highe way, or fell a trée crosse the same, to the hinderaunce of common passage, and be taken with the manner, or conuinced thereof by Lawe, hee should make amendes to the King there­fore:’

‘And likewise when hee did committe bloudsheade, manslaughter, or any other criminall offence in suche [Page 180] were deprehended doing the fault, that the amēds ther­of belonged to the King also: but in this latter case, if he were not taken with the manner, but departed without pledge taken of him, that then the trial and the amends perteined to the Archebishop him self, and that the King had not to medle therewith.’ On the otherside also they agréed, that the Archebishop had many Priuile­ges throughout all the Landes of the King, and of the Earle, as namely, the amerciament of bloudshed from suche time as they ceasse to say Alleluia in the Churche seruice, till the Octaues of Easter: the whiche howe long it is, let them sée whiche can turne the Pie and the Por­tuse: and at the least the one half of euerie amerciamēt, due for the vnlawfull begetting of children, commonly called CySƿite, whiche last thing, I do the rather note, to the end that it may appeare,The Clear­gie haue in croched vp­on the Prince, in the punish­ment of adulterie. that in those dayes the Bishops had not wholy gotten into their hands, the cor­rection of adulterie and fornication, whiche of latter times they haue chalenged from the Laitie, with suche pertinacie: and whiche they haue punished (bothe in the Laitie, and clergie) with suche lenitie, that not onely the Princes commoditie is thereby greatly decreased, but also incontinencie in his subiects intollerably augmen­ted. Neither is it to be proued by this testimonie only, that suche was the order in olde time, but by the booke of Domesday it selfe also, where it is plainly said. De adulterio Rex habebit hominem, Archiepiscopus mulie­rem. In case of adulterie, the King shall haue the man, & the Archebishop the woman. &c. But to returne to Pinnendene: the commoditie of the situation it selfe, and the example of this notable assemblie, haue béen y^e cause, that not only the Sheriffes vse to holde their Countie Courtes, but also to appoint the méeting for choise of Knights to y^e Parleament, most cōmōly at this place.

AS touching the foundation of Boxley Abbay,Abbaies do beget one another. I finde an obscure note in aun­cient Chronicles of S. Wereburges in Chester, where it is thus reported, 1146 Anno, 1146. fundata est Boxleia in Can­cia, filia Clareuallis propria. Whiche I call obscure, bycause it appeareth not to me by the word (filia) whether it be ment, that Boxley were erected by the liberalitie of the Monasterie of Clareualley, or else instituted onely after the possession, rule, and order of the same. For the like notes I finde in the same Chro­nicle of diuers other houses within England, to whiche the same Monasterie of Clareuale (and others also) were like good mothers: and amongst the rest, that not many yeares after, this Monasterie of Boxley it selfe was de­liuered of suche another spirituall childe, called the Ab­bay of Robertsbridge in Sussex. 1172

Neuerthelesse, I make coniecture, that the authour ment by (filia) nothing else, but that one Abbay eyther furthered by exhortation the building of another, or else furnished it after the building with Monkes of her own broode: And for more likelyhoode that this shoulde be his minde, Heare (I pray you) what he sayth in another place, Comes Cornubiae fundauit Hayles, filiam Belliloci in 1242 [Page 182] Anglia, whiche his wordes, distinguishe plainely be­twéene the founder that bare the charge of the buyl­ding, and the Abbay, after the order and patterne wher­of it was instituted. But leauing to comment any longer vpon that doubtfull texte, I will take to witnesse the Chronicles of Rochester, whiche (putting the mat­ter out of doubt) saye plainely, that one William de Ipre (a noble man, and Lieuetenant to King Stephan, in his warres againste Maude the Empresse) founded the Abbay of Boxley, and planted it with a Couent of white Monkes. And so haue you at once, the name of the 1144 Authour, the time of the foundation, and the rule of the profession, at Boxley: wherevnto if you shall adde the yearely value (whiche I reade in the Recorde to haue béene two hundreth and foure poundes) you haue all that I finde written concerning the same. But yet if I shoulde thus leaue Boxley, the fauourers of false and feyned Religion, woulde laughe in their sléeues, and the followers of Gods trueth might iustly crye out, and blame me.

For, it is yet freshe in mynde to bothe sides, and shall (I doubte not) to the profite of the one, be con­tinued in perpetuall memorie to all posteritie, by what notable imposture, fraud, Iuggling, and Legierdemain, the sillie lambes of Gods flocke were (not long since) seduced by the false Romishe Foxes at this Abbay. The manner whereof, I will set downe in suche sorte onely, as the same was sometime by them selues publi­shed in printe (as it is sure) for their estimation and cre­dite, and yet remayneth déepely imprinted in the mynds and memories of many on liue, to their euerlasting re­proche, shame, and confusion.

The vngra­tions Rood of Grace.It chaunced (as the tale is) that vpon a time, a cunning Carpenter of our cou [...]trey, was taken pry­soner [Page 183] in the warres betwéene vs and Fraunce, who (wanting otherwise to satisfie for his raunsome, and hauing good leysure to deuise for his deliueraunce) thought it best to attempt some curious enterprise, within the compasse of his owne Art and skill, to make him selfe some money withall: And therefore, getting together fit matter for his purpose, he compacted of wood wyer, paste, and paper, a Roode of suche exquisite arte, and workmanship, that it not onely matched in comely­nesse, and due proportion of the partes, the beste of the common sorte: but in straunge motion, varietie of ge­sture, and nimblenesse of ioyntes, passed all other that before had béene séene: the same being able to bowe downe, and lift vp it selfe, to shake and stirre the handes and féete, to nod the heade, to rolle the eyes, to wagge the chappes, to bende the browes, and finally, to repre­sent to the eye, bothe the proper motion of eche member of the bodye, and also a liuely, expresse, and significant shewe of a well contented, or displeased mynde, byting the lippe, and gathering a frowning, frowarde, and dis­dainefull face, when it woulde pretende offence: and shewing a most mylde, amyable, and smyling cheare and countenaunce, when it woulde séeme to be well pleased.

So that now it néeded not Prometheus fire, to make it a liuely man, but onely the helpe of the couetous Priestes of Bell, or the ayde of some craftie College of Monkes, to deifie and make it passe for a very God.

This done, he made shifte for his libertie, came ouer into the Realme, of purpose to vtter his Merchan­dize, and layde the Image vpon the backe of a Iade, that he draue before him. Nowe when he was come so farre as to Rochester on his waye, he waxed [Page 184] drye by reason of trauaile, and called at an alehouse for drinke to refreshe him, suffering his horse neuerthelesse to goe forwarde alone thorowe the Citie.

This Iade was no sooner out of sight, but he missed the streight westerne way that his Maister intended to haue gone, and turning Southe, made a great pace to­warde Boxley, and being driuen (as it were) by some di­uine furie, neuer ceassed til he came at the Abbay church doore, where he so beate and bounced with his heeles, that diuers of the Monkes hearde the noyse, came to the place to know the cause, and (marueiling at the strange­nesse of the thing) called the Abbat and his Couent to beholde it.

These good men seing the horse so earnest, and dis­cerning what he had on his backe, for doubt of deadly impietie opened the doore, whiche they had no sooner done, but the horse rushed in, and ranne (in great haste) to a piller (which was the verie place where this Image was afterwarde aduaunced) and there stopped him self, and stoode still. Nowe while the Monkes were busie to take off the loade, in commeth the Carpenter (that by great inquisition had followed) and he chalengeth his owne: The Monkes, lothe to loose so beneficiall a stray, at the first make some denyal, but afterwarde, being as­sured by all signes that he was the very Proprietarie, they graunt him to take it with him. The carpenter then taketh the horse by the heade, and first assayeth to leade him out of the Churche, but he woulde not stirre for him: Then beateth he and striketh him, but the Iade was so restie and fast nayled, that he would not once re­moue his foote from the piller: At the laste he taketh off the Image, thinking to haue carried it out by it self, and then to haue led the horse after, but that also cleaued so fast to the place, that notwithstanding all that euer he [Page 185] and the Monkes also, (which at the length were conten­ted for pities sake to helpe him) coulde doe, it woulde not be moued one inche from it, So that in the ende, parte­ly of wearinesse in wrestling with it, and partely by persuasion of the Monkes, whiche were in loue with the Picture, and made him beléeue, that it was by God him selfe destinate to their house, the Carpenter was contented for a péece of money, to go his way and leaue the Roode behinde him. Thus you sée the generati­on of this the great God of Boxley, comparable (I war­rant you) to the creation of that olde beastly Idol Pria­pus, of whiche the Poet sayth.

But what? I shall not néede to report, howe leude­ly these Monkes, to their owne enriching, and the spoyle of Gods people, abused this wooden God after they had thus gotten him, bycause a great sorte be yet on liue, that sawe the fraude openly detected at Paules Crosse, and others maye reade it disclosed in bookes extant, and commonly abroade. Neyther will I labour to com­pare it throughout, with the Troian Palladium, whiche was a picture of woode, that coulde shake a speare, and rolle the eyes as liuely as this Roode did: and whiche falling from heauen, chose it self a place in the Temple, [Page 186] as wisely as this Carpenters horse did: and had other­wise so greate conuenience and agréement with this our Image, that a man woulde easily beléeue the deuice had béene taken from thence: But I will onely note, for my purpose, and the places sake, that euen as they fansied that Troy was vpholden by that Image, and that the taking of it awaye by Diomedes and Vlysses, brought destruction (by sentence of the Oracle) vpon their Citie: So the towne of Boxley (whiche stoode chiefly by the Abbay) was through the discouerie and defacing of this Idol, and another (wrought by Cranmer and Cromwel) according to the iust iudgement of God, hastened to vt­ter decay and beggerie.

S. Rūwald, and his mi­racles.And nowe since I am falne into mention of that o­ther Image, whiche was honoured at this place, I will not sticke to bestowe a fewe wordes for the detection thereof also, as well for that it was, as very an illusion as the former, as also for that the vse of them was so lincked together, that the one can not throughly be vn­derstoode without the other: for this was the order.

If you minded to haue benefit by the Roode of Grace, you ought firste to be shryuen of one of the Monkes: Then by lifting at this other Image (whiche was vn­truly of the common sorte called Sainct Grumbald, for Sainct Rumwald) you shoulde make proofe whether you were in cleane life (as they called it) or no: and if you so founde your selfe, then was your waye prepared, and your offering acceptable before the Roode, if not, then it behoued you to be confessed of newe,For none might en­ter into the Temple of Ceres in E­leusis, but such as were innocent. for it was to be thought, that you had concealed somewhat from your ghostly Dad, and therefore not yet worthy to be admit­ted Ad Sacra Eleusina.

Nowe that you may knowe, howe this examination was to be made, you must vnderstande, that this Sainct [Page 187] Rumwald was a preatie shorte picture of a Boy Sainct, standing in the same Churche, of it selfe so small, hollow, and light, that a childe of seuen yeares of age might easi­ly lift it, and therefore of no moment at all, in the hands of suche persons as had offered frankly: But by meane of a pyn of wood, stricken through it into a poste (whiche a false knaue standing behinde, coulde put in, and pull out, at his pleasure) it was to suche as offered faintly, so fast and vnmoueable, that no force of hande coulde once stirre it: In so muche, as many times, it moued more laughter, then deuotion, to beholde a great lubber to lift at that in vayne, whiche a young boy or wenche had easily taken vp before him.

I omit, that chaste Virgines, and honest marryed matrones, went oftentimes away with blushing faces, leauing (without cause) in the myndes of the lookers on, suspicion of vncleane life, and wanton behauiour: for feare of whiche note and villanie, women (of all other) stretched their purse strings, and sought by liberall of­fering, to make Sainct Rumwalds man their good friend and Maister.

But marke here (I beséeche you) their prettie policie in picking playne folkes purses. It was in vaine (as they persuaded) to presume to the Roode without shrifte, yea, and money lost there also, if you offer before you were in cleane life. And therefore, the matter was so handled, that without trebble oblation, (that is to say) first to the Confessour, then to Sainct Rumwald, and lastly to the Gracious Roode, the poore Pilgrimes coulde not assure them selues, of any good gayned by all their laboure: No more then suche as goe to Pa­risgardein, the Bell Sauage [...], or some other suche common place, to beholde Beare bayting, Enterludes, or Fence playe, can account of any pleasant spectacle, [Page 188] vnlesse they first paye one penny at the gate, another at the entrie of the Scaffolde, and the thirde for a quiet standing. I my selfe can not coniecture, what reason shoulde moue them, to make this Sainct Rumwald the Touchstone of cleane life and innocencie, vnlesse it be vpon occasion of a myracle that he did, in making two holy Priestes to lift a greate stone easily, whiche before diuers laye persons coulde not stirre, with all their strength and abilitie: Whiche thing (as also his whole life and death) to the ende that the tale shall want no part of due credite, I will shortly recite, as in the worke called Noua Legenda Angliae, I finde reported.

A Pagan or vnchristened King of Northumberland, had married a Christian woman, daughter to Penda, the King of Midle Englande, who woulde not (by any 626 meanes (be known carnally of her husband, til such time as he had condescended to forsake Idolatrie, and to be­come a Christian with her.The Nati­uitie of S. Rumwald. The husband (with much to doe) consented to the condition, and she not long af­ter waxed great with chylde, and as (vpon a time) they were ryding towarde their Father Kyng Pen­da, she fell into trauayle of chylde byrthe, and was deliuered by the waye (in a faire medowe) at Sut­ton of a man childe, whiche so soone as he was come out of his mothers belly, cried with a loude voice, thrée seueral times, Christianus sum, Christianus sum, Christianus sum. I am a Christian, I am a Christian, I am a Christi­an. And not ceassing thus, made foorthwith plaine pro­fession of his faith, desired to be baptised, chose his God­fathers, named himselfe Rumwald, and with his finger directed the standers by to fetche him a great hollowe stone, that he would haue to be vsed for the Fonte: here­vpon sondrie of the Kings seruaunts, assayed to haue brought the stone, but it was so farre aboue al their [Page 189] strengthes, that they could not once moue it: when the Childe perceaued that, he commaūded the two Priestes (his appointed Godfathers) to goe and bring it, whiche they did foorthwith moste easily. This done he was Baptised, and within thrée dayes after (hauing in the meane while discoursed cunningly sundrie misteries of Popishe religion, and bequeathing his bodie to remaine at Sutton one yeare, at Brackley two, and at Buc­kingham for euer after) his Spirit departed out of his bodie, & was by the hands of the Aungels conueied into heauen.

EVen at suche time as King Alfred diuided this Shyre into Lathes and hundrethes, the Towne of Midle­ton, or Milton (as we now call it, by our common manner of contraction) was in his owne hands, & therefore set foorth in our auncient Hystories by the name and title of, Regia Villa de Midleton. In whiche respect (of like) he gaue to the hundreth, y^e name of the same Towne, as of a place more eminent then any other within that precincte. Kemsley Towne, in the 893 Parishe of this Midleton, is the verie place, wherein the time and reigne of the same King Alfred, Kemsley Downe. Hasten the Dane (that so muche annoyed Fraunce) arriued and fortified, as we haue at ful disclosed in Apledore before.

This Towne, continued of good estimation, vntill the Reigne of King Edward the Confessour, in whose dayes, and during the displeasure betwéene him, and Earle Godwine, suche as were of the deuotion of the 1052 Earle at home, burned the Kinges house at Midleton, while he and his Sonnes abroad ransacked, herried and spoiled the skirts, and out sides, of the whole shyre be­sides, after whiche time, I haue not read, neither is it likely, that the place was of any price, or estimation.

FOr want of pertinent matter, tou­ching either the beginning, in­crease, or present estate of this 1231 place, I am driuen to furnishe the roome with an impertinent Ser­mon, that a Mytred Father of Ro­chester long since bestowed vpon his auditorie there. In the time of King Henrie the third, and after the death of Richard, the Archebishop of Canterbury (surnamed the great) The Monkes of Christes Churche were determined to haue chosen for their Archebishop, Ralfe Nouille, the Bishop of Chi­chester, and Chancellour to the King: but Gregorie the Pope, fearing that Ralfe would haue trauailed earnestly for release of the tribute, whiche his innocent pre­decessour had gained by King Iohns submission (for the storie sayeth, that Nouille was a good man, and true harted in his Countrie) bare the Monkes in hand, that he was rashe in woorde, and presumptious in acte, and therefore muche vnworthie of suche a dignitie:

Neuerthelesse, bicause he would not séeme vtterly to infringe the libertie of their election, he gaue them frée licence to take any other man besides him. Where­vpon, the Monkes agréed, and chose one Iohn, the Pry­or of their owne house.

The Popish manner of preaching.Now, when this man should go to Rome (as the man­ner was) for to buie his confirmation, Henrie (then Bi­shop of Rochester) addressed himselfe to accompanie him to his Ship, and when they were come to this Towne, the Bishop of Rochester stept into the Pulpit, like a pretie man, and gaue the Auditorie, a clerkly collation, and Preachement (after many other thinges) he braste foorth into great ioye, (as a man that had béene rapt into the third Heuen) and said. Reioice in the Lord (my brethren all) and knowe ye assuredly, that now of late in one day, there departed out of purgatorie, Richard (sometime) King of England, Stephan Langton, the Archebishop of Canterbury, and a Chaplein of his, to goe to to the diuine Maiestie. And in that day, thereis­sued no moe, but these three, out of the place of paines: and feare not to giue full and assured faith to these my woordes, for this thing hathe beene now the third time reuealed vnto me, and to another man, & that so plain­ly, as from mine owne minde all suspicion of doubt is farre remoued.

These fewe words, I haue in manner translated out of Thomas Rudburne, and Mathewe of Westminster, to the end that you might sée, with what wholesome and comfortable bread, the preaching Prelates of that time fedde their Auditories, and that you might hereby consi­der, that, Si lux sit tenebrae, If the Bishops, the great tor­ches of that time, were thus dimme, Ipsae tenebrae quan­tae? What light was to be looked for at the litle candels, the soule Priestes, and séely Syr Iohns. Beléeue me, if his Fatherhood had not plainly confessed,Popish pur­gatorie, is deriued out of Poetrie. that he came to the knowledge of this matter by reuelatiō, I would easily haue beléeued, that he had béene with Anchises in Hell, as Aeneas sometime was, where he learned, what soules should come next to life, and where he hard [Page 193] the liuelyest description of Poetical, or Popish Purga­torie, (for all is one) that is any where to be found.

Whiche to the end that you may sée what agréement there is betwéene the olde and the newe Romanes, tou­ching this article of religion, I will shewe it you, in a fewe of Virgils owne verses.

Whiche Thomas Phaer translated after this manner.

Nowe therefore, if this Bishops Poetrie may be al­lowed for diuinitie, me thinketh y^t with great reason I may intreate, that not onely this woorke of Vir­gils Aeneides, But Homers Iliades, Ouides Fastes, & Lucians Dialogues also, may be made Canonicall: for these al excell in suche kinde of fiction.

THe Brittish Chronicle, discoursing y^e inuitation, arriuall, & interteinment of Hengist and Horsa, the Saxon captaines, mentioneth, that among o­ther deuises (practised for their owne establishmēt and securitie) they beg­ged of King Vortiger, so muche land to fortifie vpon, as the hyde of a beast (cut into thonges) might incompasse, and that thereof the place should bee called Thongraster, or Thwangraster: after suche a like manner, as Dido (long since beguiling Hiarbas, the King of Lybia) builded the Castle Byrsa, conteining twentie and two furlonges in circuit, of whiche Virgil spake, saying.