PVRCHAS HIS PILGRIMES.

IN FIVE BOOKES.

The sixth, Contayning English Voyages, to the East, West, and South parts of America: Many Sea and Land Fights, Inuasions and Uictories against the Spaniards in those parts, and the Spanish Ilands, and Coast Townes on this side; Plantations in Guiana, and many strange aduentures of English-men amongst the Americans.

The seuenth, Voyages to and about the Southerne America, with many Marine Obseruations and Discourses of those Seas and Lands, by English-men and others.

The eighth, Voyages to and Land-Trauels in Florida; Virgina, and other parts of the Notherne AMERICA. French Plantings, Spanish Supplantings; English-Virginian voy­ages, and to the Ilands AZORES.

The ninth, English Plantations, Discoueries, Acts, and Occurrents, in Virginia and Summer Ilands, since the Yeere 1606. till 1624.

The tenth, English Discoueries and Plantations in New England, New-found-land; with the Patent and Voyuges to New Scotland: Relations also of the Fleets set forth by Queene ELIZABETH against the Spaniards.

The Fourth Part.

Unus Deus, Una Veritas.
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LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose.

1625.

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, GEORGE, Lord Archb. of Canterburie His Grace, Primate of all ENGLAND and Metropolitan, One of HIS MAIESTIES most HONO­RABLE PRIVIE COVNCELL, His very good Lord.

HAuing brought vnto your Grace the Sheafe Leuit. 13. of my first Fruits to bee waued before the Lord, I am bold now also to offer (not after 7. but aboue 77. weekes) these waue loaues for my haruest, that both may bee hallowed by the same Priestly hand: in which respect your Graces Name which first honored my Pilgrimage, hath the last place in these Pilgrime-Volumes, that my All might be blessed by your gra­cious embracing (the Alpha and Omega of my Dedications) and might bee by your Fatherly benediction commended to vul­gar vse. The sutablenesse of the former worke to your Graces Place and recreations, caused the former presumption: but now the Author, by frequent Dedications knowne and graciously ac­knowledged Yours (how vnprofitable a seruant soeuer) is guiltie not of single boldnesse; beautifying the Frontispice with His Highnesse Name vnto your Graces entertainment (especially [Page] in this time so many wayes Festiu [...]ll) that your Graces Name and entertainment might so much more Entitle and Endeare the same to His Highnesse. The authorising of Books in iustest order belongeth to your Grace, as doth the Author also: whose mistie conceits of ignorance, or smokie vapours of ambition; suf­fering the exhaling rayes of Princely heat and Highnesse, hope in the Middle Region of your Gracious and vertuous mode­ration to be so mildly attempered, that they shall neither fall short in vanishing dewes, nor be reiected after a short blaze as falling Starres, nor transcend into combustious Comets, nor fall downe in furious Stormes, but gently descend as fresh and fruitfull Showers on the thirstie Candid Readers. Pardon farre-fetched similitudes to a Historie of farre-fetched rarities, and the Ele­ments of the world borrowed to patronise our world of literate Elements, not being (as the commendable labours of Others) a Booke of Voyages and Trauels in the world, but the World hi­storised in a world of Voyages and Trauels. Wherein our Ship hath beene longer in her Circum-Nauigation then any of the World-Compassers here related; often in danger to be ouerset, whiles the Authors impotent and impatient Genius filled all her sailes to the Top and Top-gallant beyond the proportion of her balast; whereby some leakes of vnwitting errors, happening in so new a course thorow so various Seas, implore your Graces in­dulgence to the Ship and Pilot. Sir Francis Drake a Mini­sters sonne, after a happy inuironing of the Globe, feasted Queene Elisabeth aboord his Argo, and then laid her vp at Deptford, deuoting her Carkasse to Time, Her (or rather his) exploits to Fame and Eternitie. An English Minister, begin­neth and endeth his more then Circling Nauigation with the glorious Name of His Maiestie, in poore, but his best entertain­ment, and returning thus manned and freighted, humbly sueth to bee laid vp in the Liberties and Libraries of Saint Iames, Yorke-house, Westminster, and Lambith. Here also the Pilot further petitioneth, that his Body being more leakie then his Ship, your Grace (to whom principally the promise was made) will accept this Part of payment in satisfaction of the [Page] whole debt of his Europaean Peregrination and Christian Visi­tations. But a long Epistle were injurie to your Graces more necèssarie imployments for the Church and State: My selfe am the Epistle, this Worke the Seale, this Epi­stle but the Superscription, these Pilgrimes all humble Sutors for your Gracious fauour to the worst of

Your Graces SAMVEL PVRCHAS.

ENGLISH VOYAGES, 10 TO THE EAST, WEST, AND SOVTH PARTS OF AMERICA: MANY SEA AND LAND FIGHTS, INVASIONS AND VICTORIES AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN those parts, and the Spanish Ilands, and coast Townes on this side; plantations in GVIANA, and many 20 strange aduentures of Englishmen amongst the AMERICANS.
THE SIXTH BOOKE.

CHAP. 1.

A briefe Relation of the seuerall Voyages, vndertaken and performed by the 30 Right Honorable, GEORGE, Earle of Cumberland, in his owne person, or at his owne charge, and by his direction: collected out of the Relations and Iournals of credible per­sons Actors therein.

THe first Voyage of this Right Honorable Earle was intended to First voyage 1586. The Spanish King had im­bargued all English ships in his Ports of Spaine and Por­tugall 1585. whence warres were not only expected at home, but eue­ry where ho­norably sought and happily preuented. See Hak. tom. 3. Sierra Leona. Abraham Cock. Andrew Battell was one of his companie. See of this voyage, Tem. 1. l. 7. 6. 3. Iohn Drake. Fenton and Wards expedi­tion. See Hak. l. 3. I had it also written. the South Sea: and begun from Grauesend, Iune 26. 1585. with three Ships and a Pinnace; the Red Dragon Admirall, of 40 260. Tunnes, with 130. men, commanded by Captaine Robert Widrington: the Barke Clifford Vice-admirall, of 130. Tunnes, with 70. men, commanded by Captaine Christopher Lister (he had beene taken prisoner in Barbarie at the battell of Alcassar, in which King Sebastian was slaine) the Roe Rere-admirall, commanded by Captaine Hawes: the Dorothee, a small Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleighs (This voyage being published at large in Master Hakluyts printed voyages, I will here but briefly runne ouer) Septemb. 7. they fell with the Coast of Barbarie, haling in with the Road of Santa Cruce: after that they anchored in Rio del Oro, and searched vp the 50 Riuer, finding it fourteene or fifteene leagues vpward as broad as at the mouth, some two leagues ouer. The last of September they resolued for Sierra Leona, from whence they departed the se­uenth of Nouember. The fourth of Ianuarie they fell with the American shoare in 30. degrees and 40. minutes South latitude, the weather temperate. Ian. 10. they tooke (a little short of the Riuer of Plate) a small Portugall ship, and in her Abraham Cock of Leigh neere London, married in that Country, who was brought home by the Admirall. They learned that in that Riuer were fiue Townes each of seuentie housholds or more. Buenos Aeres, fiftie leagues vp the Riuer, the rest fortie or fiftie aboue each other; Tuccaman the vppermost 230. leagues from the entrance: In which was store of Corne, Cattell, Fruits, but neither Siluer nor Gold. In this Barke were fiue and fortie Negroes. The next day they tooke another, in which were fiue and 60 thirtie Negro women, foure or fiue Friars, one an Irishman. Their Bookes, Beades, and Pictures, cost aboue 1000. Duckets. The Bishop of Tuccaman had sent for them to take possession of a Mo­nasterie. They learned of Master Iohn Drake who went in consort with Captaine Fenton, cast [Page 1142] away neere the Riuer of Plate, his companie taken or slaine by the Saluages: of which Iohn Drake and Richard Fairweather escaped with two or three others in a Canoa to the Spaniards and liued in those parts. Here also they tooke Miles Philips left in the Countrey by Sir Iohn Hawkins.

After counsell taken they fell Aprill 3. with the Land of Brasil in 16. degrees and a Terse, and watered in the Road of Camana. They proceeded and anchored before the Towne of Baya, and found in the Harbour eight Ships and one Caruell. The next day they forced the Portugals Baya. to abandon foure of the best of those ships, and towed them forth in despight of infinite store of Bold courage. great and small shot from the shoare and ships: one Hulke hauing in her foure and twentie pieces of Ordnance. The least of these prizes was 130. Tunnes. After this they haled the Hulke and commanded the Master to follow them, which he did, together with a Caruell with fiftie Butts 10 of wine. They fetched reliefe from the shoare also in despite of innumerable Indians and all the enemies forces. May 24. they tooke a ship of 120. Tunnes laden with Meale and Sugar. But the voyage to the South Sea was defeated by some mens desire to returne, in which Captaine Delamour tooke a small Pinnace. The Fle [...]sish Hulke taken into the Fleet in stead of the George Hulks disaster. cast off, furnished with her men, suddenly tooke fire and perished, Ship, Men, and Goods. Septemb. 29. the residue reached the Coast of England after an vnprofitable and vnfortunate voyage.

IN the yeare 1587. when the Towne of Slewse was beseeged by the Duke of Parma, Sir Roger Williams being Gouernour there, the Earle put himselfe in person to make proofe of his valour The Earle in Sluce, 88. ser­uice. 20 in that seruice, but at his arriuall found the Towne surrendred vnto the Duke, the said Sir Roger being not able to hold out longer. Anno 1588. amongst many of the Nobility which distributed themselues into diuers of her Maiesties Shippes vpon the approach of the Spanish Armada, the Earle put himselfe aboord the Bonaduenture commanded by Captaine George Raymond; when they wanne that honour that no Sea can drowne; no age can weare out. The Queene so accep­ted Second voy­age 1588. this Noble Earles resolution, that she gaue him leaue the same yeare to goe as Generall, and for his greater honour and ability was pleased to lend him the Golden Lion, one of the Shippes Royall, to be the Admirall; which he victualled and furnished at his owne charge and aduen­ture, hauing Commission to pursue his intended voyage towards the Spanish coasts, vnder the broad Seale of England, bearing date the fourth of October, 1588. Attended with many braue 30 Gentlemen he set forth about the end of October, and in the Narrow Seas met with a Shippe of Dunkerke called the Hare, laden with Merchandise for Spaine, which after some fight he tooke and sent home. But contrary windes first suspended, and after that a storme (which forced them Hare taken. to cut the maine Maste ouerboord) depriued him of further hopes and ability to prosecute his true designes.

HIs spirit remaining neuerthelesse higher then the windes, and more resolutely by stormes Third voyage 1589. compact & vnited in it selfe, he procured a new of her Maiestie the Victory, one of the Royal Nauie, accompanied with the Meg and Margaret, two small Ships and one Caruell; which were set forth at his charges, and manned with 400. Mariners and Souldiers: the Admirall comman­ded 40 by his Lordship, and vnder him Captaine Christopher Lyster: the Meg by Captaine William Mounson Viceadmirall: the Margaret by Captaine Edward Careles alias Write Rereadmirall: the Caruell by Captaine Pigeon. The eighteenth of Iune they set forth from Plimmouth and within three dayes met with three French Ships, Leaguers of New Hauen, and Saint Maloes laden with The League then was ene­my to Queene Elizabeth. New-found land fish: two of them with the Margaret not able to endure the Sea, were sent for England. The thirteenth of Iuly his Lordship met with eleuen Dutch Ships which at first made shew to abide a fight, and after a few shot yeelded and sent their Masters aboord shewing their Pasports from Hamborough, Lubecke, Bream, Pomerland and Callice: who confessed that they had goods aboord to the value of foure thousand & fiue hundred pounds of a Iew of Lisbone; which be­ing deliuered and distributed, his Lordship set saile for the Asores. The first of August he had sight Iew of Lisbone. of Saint Michael, and to disguise himselfe put forth a Spanish Flagge. Espying foure Shippes in 50 the Roade, he resolued that night to cut their Cables and to bring them away: which he accor­dingly The Azores foure Ships taken. performed before he was descried. The Spaniards in three of them leaping into the Sea, with much noise and outcry gaue the alarme to the Town, which made many vaine shots at his Boate in the darke. The fourth was the Falcon of London, vnder the name of a Scottish Ship, ha­uing a Scottish Pilot. The three Spaniards were laden from Siuill with Wine and Sallet Oyle. The Pinnace tooke a small Shippe wherein was thirty tunnes of Madera wines, same Wollen Cloath, Silke and Taffata. The Carracks were departed from Tercera eight dayes before. He manned his Boates and obtained refreshing at Flores professing himselfe a friend to their King Don Antonio. From thence rowing a shipboord, the Boate was pursued two miles together by a monstrous Fish, whose Finnes many times appeared about the gils aboue water foure or fiue yards a sun­der, A monstrous Fish. 60 and his iawes gaping a yard and a halfe wide, not without great danger of ouertur­ning the Pinnace, and deuouring some of the company: but at the last they all escaped. Here his Lordshippe met and accepted into consort Captaine Dauies with his Shippe and [Page 1143] Pinnace, a Shippe of Sir Walter Raleighs, commanded by Captaine Markesbury, and the Barke Lime.

Hauing intelligence that the Carracks were at Tercera, he came vp to the road of Fyall the seuen and twentieth of August, and descrying certaine Shippes at anchor close aboord the shoare; See Linscbot. c. 96. he sent his Boates which boorded a Ship of 250. tunne armed with foureteene cast Peeces, and continued fight till a supply of Boates came from the Fleete to second them, and then recoue­red the prize. The Spaniards (except Iohn de Palma) leapt all ouer-boord to swimme to the shoare, A prize of Port Ricco. which was so neere that the Ship was moored to the Castle, from whence the great Ordinance plaied all the time of the fight: onely it was not a play to the Master of the Caruell, whose calfe of his legge was shot away. This Shippe came laden from Port-Racco with Sugar, Ginger, and 10 Hides. The Ship-boates fetched also out of the Roade some other small Ships laden from Guin [...]ee Guin [...]ee Ship taken. with Elephants teeth, Graines, Coca nuts, and Goate Skinnes: most of which prizes he sent for England. The next day, eight Englishmen prisoners stole from Tercera in a small Boate, hauing no other yard for their maine saile then two Pipe staues. These told his Lordship, that the Car­rackes were departed a weeke before, which moued him to returne for Fyall with purpose to take that Towne.

He arriued, September the tenth, landing his men, the Platforme shot at them in their march, Fyall taken. but they comming vp found it and the Towne ahandoned, and tooke thereof possession. This Towne containeth 500. housholds well and strongly built of Lime and Stone, well stored with fresh water, delicate Fruites and Grapes of diuers sorts. He set a guard to preserue the Churches 20 and Religious Houses, and staid there foure dayes till the ransome was brought him, which was The spoile. 2000, Duckets, most of Church Plate. He shipped from the Platforme eight and fiftie Peeces of Iron Ordnance. The Gouernour of Graciosa sent his Lordship sixtie Butts of Wine, but excu­sed his want of fresh water. A Ship of Weymo [...]h came thither with a Spanish prize worth six­teene thousand pounds, and brought newes of the West Indie Fleete shortly to come; which af­ter three or foure dayes playing to and fro in rough weather (I let passe a Shippe of Saint Malo, Ship of Saint Malo. which he took laden with New-found-land Fish) he espied going into the hauen at Angra in Ter­cera to the number of fifteene saile, being too farre to Leeward to come neere them: and they be­ing strong and fortified with the Castle and Fort, he was forced to giue ouer. And although he le [...]t a Pinnace for aduice, intending to waite for them at Sea; yet she returned with newes that 30 they had taken off their sailes, and downe their topmasts with resolution of longer stay. Where­fore he sailed to Saint Michaels, and being there repelled from watering, went to Saint Maries, where they found two Brasil Ships laden with Sugar, which the Ilanders fought to bring a ground: but Captaine Lyster hastning the attempt in the face of the enemie and danger of con­tinuall Captaine Ly­sters valorous attempt. shoare-shot, borded the vttermost, cut asunder her Cables and Hawsers and towed her away, whiles Captaine Dauies entred the other then a ground and abandoned, and was forced to forsake her. Two men were slaine and sixteene hurt. But a greater losse followed whiles the His audacious enterprise and rash endange­ring the r [...]st. Earle in person sought to get the other ship, Captaine Lyster rashly disvaluing the enemies force, the Barre also detayning them on ground in the midst of danger from the enemie, to the losse and hurt of eightie men. His Lordship receiued three shot vpon his Target, and a fourth on the side, 40 not deepe, his head also broken with stones that the bloud couered his face, both it and his legs likewise burned with fire-balls.

The Meg being leakie was sent with the prize into England, and his Lordship held his course for Spaine. By the way he tooke a Portugal ship laden from Brasil, and after that another which was one of the fifteene which had before entred Angra, being a ship of 400. Tunnes, laden from American ships taken. Mexico and Saint Iohn de Vlhua with seuen hundred hides, sixe chists of Cochenele, certaine chists of Sugar and some Siluer. The Captaine was an Italian, and had in her fiue and twen­tie thousand Duckets aduenture. Thus full of ioy they resolued homewards, but Sea-for­tunes are variable, hauing two inconstant Parents, Aire and Water. His Lordship sent Cap­taine Lyster in the Mexican prize for Portsmouth, which at Helcl [...]ffe in Cornwall was wracked, 50 the Captaine and all his companie drowned except fiue or sixe. Scarsitie of drinke caused by Captaine Ly­ster drowned. contrarie windes, caused his Lordship to seeke to recouer some part of Ireland for reliefe; but wayting for entrance was put off againe, their Beere and Water being all spent. Three spoonfuls of vineger were allowed to each man at a meale with some small reliefe squeezed out of the l [...]es Miserable di­stresse for want of drink. of their wine vessels: which continued fourteene dayes without other supply then the drops of Haile and Raine, carefully saued with Sheets and Napkins. Some dranke vp the soyled running water at the Scupper-holes; others saued by deuise the runnings downe the Masts and [...]arred Ropes; and many licked the moist Boards, Railes, and Masts with their tongues like Dogs. Yet was that Raine so intermingled with the sprie of the foaming Seas in that extreme storme, that it could not be healthfull: yea, some in their extremitie of thirst dranke themselues to death 60 with their Cannes of salt-water in their hands. Notwithstanding this extreme scarsitie, his Salt deadly draught. The Earles equitie and courage. noble charitie caused equall distribution of the small store they had aswell to all his prisoners as to his owne people. By this time the lamentable cryes of the sicke and hurt men for drinke was heard in euery corner of the ship: for want whereof many perished (ten or twelue euery night.) [Page 1144] more then otherwise had miscarried in the whole Voyage. The storme continuing added to their misery, tearing the ship in such sort, as his Lordships Cabbin, the dining roome, and halfe Decke became all one, and he was forced to seeke a new lodging in the hold. His minde was yet vndaunted and present, his bodily presence and preuentions readie. The last of Nouember hee spake with an English ship, which promised him the next morning two or three tunnes of Wine, but soone after vnfortunately came on ground. The next day hee had some supply of Beere, but not sufficient to enable him to vndertake for England. Hee therefore (the winde seruing) put into Ventre Hauen, in the Westermost part of Ireland, where hauing well refreshed, the twen­tieth Ventre Hauen in Ireland. of December he set sayle for England. His Lordship in this Voyage tooke thirteene Prizes, but that which was worth more then all the rest was lost, yet the profit redoubled his aduentures. 10 At his arriuall in London, hee met with the vnfortunate newes of the death of his eldest Sonne Francis Lord Clifford, which died the twelfth of December, 1589. yet was comforted with the The Countesse of Dorset borne Ian. 31. 1589. birth of the Ladie Anne Clifford (borne the last of Ianuary following (his Daughter, and by the death of Robert Lord Clifford, who dyed the fourteenth of May 1591.) his heire, now the ver­tuous wife of the Right Honourable Richard Earle of Dorset.

THis Honourable Sparke was further kindled and enflamed by former disasters, and obtay­ning of her Majestie a new ship called the Garland, a ship of sixe hundred tunnes, added the The fourth Voyage 1591. Samson Vice-admirall, a ship of his Lordships, of two hundred and sixtie tunnes, the Golden Noble Reare-admirall, and to them the Allagarta, and a small Pinnasse called the Discouerie. With these he set forth 1591. at his owne charge to the Coast of Spaine, where hee tooke good Ship of Saint Thome taken. 20 purchase, a ship laden at Saint Thomas with Sugars, which he was forced to cast off by an irreco­uerable leake: another also which after long contrary winds in her course for England, was dri­uen to put into a Spanish Harbour for want of victuals. But in two other hee was more vnfortu­nate. For Captayne Munson being sent to dispatch the goods, and the Golden Noble to accom­pany them (which the nights calmenesse prohibited) the ships beeing thus seuered, were by the Chance of warre: Takers taken. Gallies of Penocha set vpon, his Lordship being within hearing of the shot, but by reason of the calme not able to releeue them: so that the two ships were recouered, Captayne Bayly slaine, Captayne Munson and the rest carried Prisoners to Penecha, and thence to Lisbone. His Lordship wrote to the Archd [...]ke Albert, then Vice-roy, for their good vsage, otherwise threatning requi­tall 30 to theirs of whom he presumed hee should take store. For feare whereof the common sort were returned a few dayes after new clothed, Captayne Munson with sixe others only detay­ned. His Lordship hauing intelligence of a great Armada prepared in the Groyne; to bee sent a­gainst the Lord Thomas Howard then Admirall of her Majesties fleet at the Asores, attending to Aduise. surprize the West Indian fleet, sent the Mooneshine with aduise; otherwise the Lord Howard had runne the fortune of Sir Richard Greenuile, who lost his ship and life, or rather exchanged the one for honor, and for the other made the Spaniards the greatest losers in so deere a purchase. Sir R. Greenuile. Thus weakned by disaduenture, he was forced to returne for England.

HIs Lordship considering the inconuenience of her Maiesties command, not to lay any Spa­nish 40 ship aboard with her ships, lest both might together be destroyed by fire, rather chose Fifth Voyage 1592. to seeke out amongst the Merchants, then to make further vse of the ships Royall. And so hee hired the Tigre a ship of six hundred tunnes, furnished by the Owners for three hundred pounds a moneth wages, in which he went in person, thereto adding his owne ship the Samson, and the Golden Noble, with two small ships.

These in the yeere, 1592. were set forth, but so crossed with winds, as three moneths victu­alls Ill beginnings. were spent in Harbours, before they could get to the Westward of Plymmouth: whereby al­so one of his Lordships principall designes was frustrate, which was the taking of the Carrikes outward bound, as also the meanes to performe his intended Voyage to the West Indies. Where­vpon, not like to satisfie that expectation which might arise from a personall expedition of his 50 Lordship, he transferred the chiefe command to Captayne Norton, and returned to London, lea­uing His r [...]urne, and Captayne Norton substi­tuted. instructions with the Admirall to goe for the Asores. Captayne Norton neere Cape Finister­re, met two of the King of Spaines Gallions, returning from Brest in Brittanie; in fight with whom the Golden Noble receiued a shot in her fore-mast, which made them doubt of her further sufficiencie: but hauing fished it aswell as they could, Captayne Caue her Commander espied an Argosie bound for Lisbone, and gaue chase to her within shot of the Fort of Cascaijs within Argosie taken. fiue fathome water of a shoald called Catchops, and there in sight of the men on shoare laid her a­board, and returned into England with her.

The Admirall with the rest of the fleet arriued at the Asores, and hauing watered and refre­shed at Flores (which that Iland permitted to all men of warre, as not able to withstand them) Flores courte­sie. Santa Cruce a▪ Carrike. 60 put to Sea and spreading themselues, the Santa Cruce was descried, which made all the haste she could for Angra in Tercera. They hasted after, and being within halfe a league of her, they espied Sir Iohn Burroughs in the Ro-bucke, a ship of Sir Walter Raleighs of two hundred tunnes (which had ridden vnseene on the Easterne side of the Iland) standing to crosse the Carrickes way, so that Sir, I Burrough. [Page 1145] now she was forced, the wind being Westerly to luffe vp, & recouer the Road of Lagow [...]a on the South end of Flores. The law and custom of the Sea, making al ships of war then together (though Sea-custome of sharing. not formerly consorted) equall sharers according to their tunnage of the prizes gained, Captayne Norton out of ciuil respect (and not needing help) consulted with Sir Iohn Burroughs, and they a­greed to board her the next morning. But a storme in the night forced them al from their anchors, which the next day being somwhat allaied they recouered the road & found the Carrike warped as neer the shore as they could, hauing indeuo [...]ed also to put ashore such goods as time would per­mit) Portugals fire their Carrike. and fired, with all her sayles and flags vp and Ordnance laden, which went off on euery side when the fire came to them: a sight more pleasing to the Portugals then the English, whom those accounted now the Owners of that consumed substance. The surge also (issue of the late storme) 10 scarsly permitted their Boates to land, to seeke to get wrackes, and what the Portugals had car­ried ashoare: e [...]ry man (for feare of wracking the Boates on the Rockes) being vp to the neck, Auri sacra fa­ [...]s. and some ouer head and eares before they could obtayne the shoare, where also they were forced on hands and knees to climbe vp a steep hill, on the top whereof stood many Ilanders tumbling downe great stones on them. But all difficulties were made easie by resolution and hope, which brought them to the Towne (now forsaken by her Inhabitants) and made them Masters of the wracked goods, which seemed to flye thither for refuge from the fire and water. Towne taken.

Whiles they were thus employed about this burnt Carrike, Sir Robert Crosse Captayne of the Foresight of her Maiesties, Master Tomson Captayne of the Daintie (a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins) Captayne Newport in the Golden Dragon came into this consort. They were much grieued with 20 this spectacle, but comforted that there had but one of the fiue Carrickes passed, this had fallen into this terrible Purgatory, and three were still expected. They spread themselues, & continued expecting from the nine and twentieth of Iune, till the third of August, at which time Master Tomson first had sight of the great Carricke, called Madre de Dios, and comming vp, gaue her a broad-side of Ordnance; & falling a sterne came (hauing laden his Ordnance) again and againe to Made de Dios a great Carrik deliuer his peal [...]s to hinder her way, till the rest of the fleet could come, the Carricke answering with the like. Sir Iohn Burroughes and the Golden Dragon came in about three a clocke, and Sir Iohn receiued a shot of a Canon Perier vnder water in the Bread-roome, which made him beare The fight. vp to stop his leake. Sir Robert Crosse was the next, who to giue her his broad side, came so neere, that becalming his sayles he vnwillingly fell aboard the Carricke, which hauing lashed her fast 30 by the Strowdes, sayled away with her by her side. The Earle of Cumberlands ships, worst of sayle, were the last which came vp, about eleuen aclocke at night, not minding then to boord Queenes ships danger. her: But hearing the Foresight, calling to Captayne Norton, And you be men, saue the Queenes ship: he gaue order to the Samson, to lay her aboord on the one side, and promising to doe the like in the Tigre on the other, which about twelue a clock was performed. The Tigre running stemling aboord, broke her beake-head to the huddings; the Samson laid the Forefight aboord, and entred thorow her into the Carricke, whereby the Forefight without entring any one man, tooke op­portunitie Carrike en­tred. to free her selfe.

And now both ships companies beeing entred into the Fore-cheynes, the Fore-castle was so high, that without any resistance the getting vp bad [...]ne difficult. But heere was strong resi­stance, 40 some irrecouerably falling by the bo [...]rd, a [...] [...]ssault continued an houre and an halfe, so braue a bootie making the men fight like Dragons till the Fore-castle being gained, the Portu­gals Fight and Eng­glish Victorie. stowed themselues in holds. The English now hunted after nothing but pillage, and were readie to goe to the eares about it, each man lighting a Candle, the negligence of which fired a Cabbin, in which were sixe hundred Cartrages of Powder. The rumour hereof made them all readie to forsake the Carrike, when Captayne Norton with some others with buckets of water, aduentured the quenching of that fire: Feare of leake by the fight and neernesse of the shoare Danger by fire. were great parts of his care. All these dang [...]rs freed, contention about so rich a pillage was wel­nigh kindling in the Commanders, beeing so diuersly commanded and employed: but Sir Iohn Burroughes pretending the Queenes name, Captayne Norton yeelded that hee should take care of the Carricke, which he accordingly repayred, lands about eight hundred Negros on Coruo, de­taynes Contention a­bout the boo­tie. In M. Hak. his second Tome, this Carrikes purchase is at­tributed prin­cipally to Sir I. Burgh. there may the Rea­der also see her dimensions & goods, &c. I haue here fol­lowed that Re­lation which I found, and leaue free iudgement to the Reader. My copie also argueth my Lords case, which I ha [...]itted. 50 the ordinary Saylers, commits the Gentlemen to a ship of the Ea [...]le of Cumberlands to goe whether they would, who escaped not a second rifling by other Englishmen of warre, which tooke from them (thus negligently dismissed) nine hundred Diamonds besides other odde ends. The Earle of Cumberland had notice by a Pinnasse sent from Captayne Norton twentie dayes before the Carricke came into England, and had Commission from the Queene for her safe har­bouring. Hardly she escaped the Rockes of Silly (the Tigre also participating in that danger) and came to Dartmouth, being so huge and vnweldie a ship, as shee was neuer remooued out of that Harbour, but there laid vp her bones. His Lordships share would haue amounted according to his employment of ships and men, to two or three Millions, but because his Commission large 60 enough otherwise, had not prouided for the case of his returne, and substituting another in his place, some adjudged it to depend on the Queenes mercie and bountie. Neyther yet by rea­son of some mens imbezelling had her Majestie the account of the fifth part of her value; and [Page 1146] the Earle was faine to accept of sixe and thirtie thousand pounds for him and his, as out of gift.

THe next yeere 1593. his Lorship procured two ships Royall, the Golden Lion Admirall com­manded Sixt voyage. 1593. by himselfe, the Bonaduenture Vice-admirall, and therewith employed the Backe Chaldon, the Pilgrime, the Anthonie, and the Disconerie: which three last when hee came to the Coast of Spaine hee sent for the West Indies. Hee tooke from the protection of fourteene great Hulkes, two French ships of Saint Malowes (which then held for the league, and v [...]re therefore Two French ships very rich taken. reputed in state of Spaniards) of great value, one of which he carried with him, and sent the o­ther into England. The Spaniards hauing intelligence, set forth an Armada against him, which 10 waited for him at the Ilands, and the Earle hearing of their beeing at Flores, and within fiue leagues of them, lighted on a ship which they had sent to descry, which before shee could reco­uer her fleet, he tooke. He learning by these that the Spanish fleet trebled the force of his, hauing Scout taken. kept company with them one day, quitted them and kept tenne or twelue leagues distant from them three weekes. In which space he fell sicke beyond hope of life, without returne or refre­shing His sicknesse and returne. from the shoare. Captayne Monson with much hazard, procured him some refreshing from Coruo; and leauing the rest of the ships (which tooke one Prize after) hee returned for England, this proouing the most gainfull Voyage which he made before or after.

THe Anthonie of one hundred and twentie tunnes, commanded by Captayne Iames Langton, 20 Pilot Antonio Martino a Spaniard, which had long liued in those Indies, and wel acquainted The seuenth Voyage. 1593. with those Ports: the Pilgrime of one hundred tunnes, commanded by Captayne Francis Slings­bie, Diego Petrus a Spanish Pilot, and the Discouerie: these three after fare well solemnely taken and giuen by shot on all hands, shaped their Course for the Antillas, and fell with the Iland of Saint Lucia, there and at Matinnio, refreshing themselues three dayes, they concluded to attempt the taking of the Rancherias, which are the Pearle-fishings of Margarita, contayning sixe or se­uen Pearl-fishings. seuerall small Villages, which for that purpose they inhabit but not aboue one of them at once, when their fishing failes there, remouing to another and so by course, hauing emptie hou­ses standing alway readie for that purpose. The Pearles for more safetie are monethly carried to the Towne of Margarita three leagues from the waters side. They kept out of sight all day for 30 feare of discouerie, and at night landed and visited two emptie Rancherias: but taking a Spaniard which then came thither in a Boate with two Indians, they made him their guide to the inha­bited Rancheria, fiue leagues off, commanding the Boates to row along the shoare, and not to double the point till euening. The two Captaynes with eight and twentie men, marched by land in the heat, which with want of water much annoyed them. They came thither in the beginning of the night, and agreed to assault the place in three places at once, notwithstanding their small numbers, lest they should gather head any where. The Spaniards at first thought it Rancheria as­sau [...]ed and taken. had beene some false alarme of the Gouernour, and bid away with this iesting, but finding it earnest, hastily fled to the woods. Thus did they take the Towne, with some two thousand pounds value in Pearle besides what other pillage the Souldiers gate. Their weapons they brake for feare of 40 pursuite.

In the morning they went aboord the fishing Boats, and tooke their Oysters gotten the night before: and gate aboord their ships (much in suspense for them, not knowing of this sudden en­terprize) the fifth day after they had gone from them. The shippes now comming before the Towne demanded ransome for their houses and Canoas, to redeeme which from destruction they gaue two thousand Duckets in Pearle. But Caruels of aduice hauing euery-where giuen intelli­gence of them, at Cumana they found them on their guard and returned, not without losse. Thence they coasted Terra F [...]ma, till they came to the Ilands of Aruba and Corresao, where they landed and refreshed themselues: Thence to Rio de Hache, which they thought to haue ta­ken, Aruba and Cor­resao. R. de Ha­che. but found the enemy ready for them, with other intelligence that they had carried their 50 goods into the Mountaynes.

They therefore set saile for Hispaniola, came to Cape Tuberone, and thence to the Bay of Saint Strange wate­ring. Nicholas, and thence to Fort Plat, and others on the North side: thence to Mona, and so Sauona, where they watered againe, in this manner. The Iland is low destitute of any Spring, and to the Sea a small fine Sand. Not twenty paces from the wash of the Sea digging a hole and set­ting Estanchas or Stantias. therein a Hogshead (the head knocked out) water is plentifully taken, seeming to be no o­ther then the Sea water, losing the saltnesse in that passage. Thence they went to the Riuer of Socko, about 5. l. Eastward of Saint Domingo, and went in the night 4. l. vp and suddenly surpri­sed an Estanca, that is, a Farme place, where slaues keepe the great mens cattle, make their Cas­saui bread, dresse their Ginger and Fruites, and doe other offices of Husbandry. Being thereof 60 possessed, they came to parlie for ransome of their Houses, and for their Negros, for which they gaue them the flesh of thirtie Beeues with Cassaui and Fruites. Beefe will not keepe in those Beefe how kept there. parts aboue foure and twenty houres, vnlesse first salted, and then dried in the Sunne, being first cut into two sides like Bacon, without any bone left in it, nor any peece of flesh thicker then [Page 1147] a mans hand. It must first be searched with a Knife, then rubbed ouer with Salt, and hauing so remained twelue houres must be dried in the Sunne: and foure hot dayes drying will saue it sufficiently.

Other Estanças being likewise taken yeelded like contributions. From thence they went vp­on Ri. Marracaua. another Riuer called Marracaua, where there was an Ingenio of Sugars which they tooke for their prouisions and caused the owner to ransome it from burning. Thence they went to the mouth of the harbour of Saint Domingo, and rid there at the East side of the same, at Point Tor­rosilio to intercept any Shipping comming forth. The Sergeant Mayor came hither to treat for ransome of some prisoners, and with him an Englishman of Captaine Lancaesters company of Captain Raymunds fleete, whose Ship was newly cast away comming out of the East Indres into Cap. Raymund. those parts, a little to the West of Saint Domingo at Acoa. The Spaniards set forth two Caruels 10 to intercept the Boates, which they did, but the Ships recouered the taken and takers together. They brought foure brasse Falcons of Captaine Lancasters Ship, ten others of Iron they left for the heauinesse being somewhat farre from the water. They tooke also a fine Friggot hidden vn­der the trees, which they brought for England.

Thence they went for Iamaica, and there found two Barkes laden with Hides and Canna­fistula, Iamaica. one of which they manned and sent for England, taken by a French man of warre by the way. Thence they went to Cuba, to Cape Corientes, and Cape Saint Antonio, to expect shipping comming for the Hauana, but in vaine. Thus after eight moneths spent in the Countrey, the Antonie and the Frigot went to the Bay of Honduras; the Pilgrime at Hauana spent some few dayes, and then set saile for England, where they arriued in Plim­mouth, Bay of Hondu­ras. 20 May 14. 1594.

The Antonie and the Frigot within foure leagues of Porto cauallo descried seuen Shippes in the Porto Cauallo. Road, the least of ninescore tun. They anchored within Caliuar shot of the Spanish Shippes and moored their Ships a head and sterne, and bent their broad sides vnto them, and there fought all that day with those seuen Shippes and all night, now and then a shot: Captaine Langton sent The fight. the Boate and Shallop to the shore, from whence they brought a Frigot of twenty tunne. The next morning they fired the Frigot, and with their Boates purposed to bring her crosse the Ad­mirals halfe. But when they saw them comming, they all ranne into the Boates and got ashore. The Admirall let slippe the other sixe, vnhanged their Rudders, and carried them ashore that Ships fired. none should saile away with the Shippes if they were taken. They laded the Admirall with the 30 best out of all the Shippes, and sent ashore to know if they would ransome the rest, which they delaying, they fired one of them laden with Hides and Logwood, and then another laden with Susaparill. But the King of Spaine had forbidden them any ransoming, and they came not. All their Ordnance was heaued ouerboord sauing two or three Brasse peeces, in hope some English­men might be the better for them afterward. One of them was a Shippe of fiue hundred tunnes. They brought away the Admirall of 250. and came into Plimmouth the fifteenth of May, the next day after the Pilgrims arriuall.

ANno 1594. The Earle of Cumberland on his owne charge with the helpe of some aduen­turers The eight Voy­ages 1594. set forth for the Tercera Ilands the Royall Exchange, Admirall of 250. tunnes, com­manded 40 by Captaine George Caue: the May Floure Viceadmirall, of like burden, commanded by Captaine William Antonie: the Samson Rereadmirall, commanded by Captaine Nicholas Down­ton, a Caruell and a small Pinnace. They set forth from Plimmouth, April 6. In the way they tooke a small Barke laden with Galicia wines, &c. Iune the second, they had sight of Saint Michael; After ten dayes they descried the great Carricke of 2000. tuns, called the Cinque LLagas or Fiue Wounds. The May Floure first got vp to her and receiued an vnwelcome salutation. In the night The great Car­riks called Fiue wounds. the Samson came in and continued the fight, and at last the Admirall. They agreed that the Admirall should lay the Carrake aboord in the Prow, the Viceadmirall in the Waste, and the Rereadmirall in the Quarter. But it fell out that the Admirall laying her aboord at the looffe, recoiled a sterne, the Viceadmirall being so neere that she was faine to runne with 50 her bolt sprit betweene the two quarters, which forced the Rereadmirall to lay her aboord Borded. on the Bowe.

After many bickerings, fire-workes flew about interchangeably. At last the Vice-admiral with a Culuering-shot at hand fired the Carrick in her Sterne, and the Reare-admirall her Fore­castle Carraks fired. by a shot that gaue fire to the Mat on the Beake-head, from thence burning to the Mat on the Bolt-sprit, and so ran vp to the Top-saile-yard: they plying and maintayning their fires so well with their small shot, that many of those which came to quench them were slaine. These fires encreased so sore that the Vice-admiralls fore-saile and fore-top-saile were both burnt, the Reare-admirall being in like predicament, whiles the Admirall with much danger and difficultie English Ships in danger. quenched the fires throwne into her from the Carrick. To saue themselues in this heat and furie, 60 the Admirall and Vice-admirall fell off, leauing the Reare-admirall foule of the Carricks sprit­saile-yard in great danger to haue beene consumed with her, had they not helped her off with their Boats.

[Page 1148] In this distresse the companie brought the Commander Don Francisco de Melo to put forth a flagge of truce: but the Carricks Carpenter more desperate, comforted him with hope of quen­ching Pittifull di­stresse of the Carrike. the fire, whereupon he cryed, Coragio, I will neuer yeeld, notwithstanding the protestati­ons, contestations, and obtestations of the lamenting out-crying companie. One ran [...]raged on him, charging him with this foule vncharitablenesse, threatning vengeance on him and his for this obstinacy in suffering so many soules to perish, rather then to accept the English assistance. Some of their chiefest, rich in chaines and jewels, cast off all, and naked as they were borne cast themselues into the Sea to aduenture vpon English mercy; amongst all which, was taken vp by the Reare-admirals Boat, two men of note and three of inferiour qualitie. These three were clothed and set on land: the other two were Don Nuno Velio Periera (who had somtimes bin Go­uernour 10 of Mozambique and Sofala, and returning for Spaine in a Carrick of great value, lost neere Bona Speranza, was now here a passenger) and Bras Carero, Captaine of another Carrick cast away neere Mozambique, here also a passenger. These two were brought into England and ransomed. Three impediments happened to the Assailants, the Reare-admirall hurt with a shot The impedi­ments of ta­king the Car­rike. and made in person vnseruiceable being a valiant man; the Vice-admirall slaine; and the Ad­mirall himselfe Captaine Caue shot at the first thorow both the legs, whereof shortly after his returne hee dyed. The Caruell and Pinnace were accidentally absent: one and twentie were slaine in the fight. In the Carrick were many of qualitie; and before infection had fallen amongst them neere the Cape, their number of white and blacke men exceeded 1100. all which perished but those before named. The burden of this Carrick and her lading in wealth did farre exceede 20 the Madre de Dios, returning after a long voyage fraighted with pearles, jewels, drugs, silkes (her meanest lading pepper) besides the best of the Nazaret (lately cast away) her commodities, the Captaine whereof had beene Bras Carero aforesaid.

They set saile after this disaster for Flores and after some refreshing, on the nine and twen­tieth Another Car­rike. of Iune descryed another Carrick of 1500. Tunnes, which they supposed to bee the Saint Philip one of the King of Spaines men of warre. After some more cautelous fight occasioned by that conceit, they sent their Boat to summon her to yeeld to the Queene of Englands ships vn­der the command of the Earle of Cumberland, or else to vndergoe the fortunes of the Fiue wounds, the sorrowfull witnesses whereof they presented those two former Captaines: to whom the Generall Don Lewys de Costynio answered; As your Generall hath beene at the burning of the Fiue 30 wounds, so I haue beene at the burning and taking of the Reuenge of the Queene of Englands. There­fore let him doe what he dare doe for his Queene, and I will doe what I am able for my King: comman­ding the Boat instantly to be gone. The fight was renewed, but intermitted by the calme, and remitted by the remisser companie, their Captaines being slaine and wounded. Whereupon they gaue ouer and arriued in England in August and the beginning of September, hauing done much harme to the enemie, and little good to themselues.

THe Earle not liking his ill partage in the Madre de Dios, nor this vnhappier losse of two The ninth voyage. 1595. Carricks for want of sufficient strength to take them, builded a ship of his owne of 900. Tunnes at Detford, which the Queene at her lanching named The Scourge of Malice, the best ship 40 that euer before had beene built by any subiect. Shee made his Lordship three voyages, and after was sold to the East Indian Companie, whence shee made many returnes (before in the name of the Dragon related) and proued fortunate against the Portugals in the East. His Lordship had The Dragon a fortunate ship to the East Indian Societie: sur­prised vnlucki­ly by the Dutch: see Ho [...]es rela­tion. To. 1. l. 5. An. 1595. Fight. thought to haue gone in her in person, and prepared the Alcedo his Vice-admirall, commanded by Captaine Monson, the Antonio commanded by Daniel Iarret and the old Frigot. But when he had gone as farre as Plimmouth on his intended voyage, Her Majestie by Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins, sent for him to returne, which commandement his Lordship obeyed, but the ships proceeded to seeke their aduenture, giuing command of the Admirall to Captaine Langton; which Captaine Monson misliking went forth seuerally to seeke his owne fortune in the Alcedo. The Scourge, the Antonie, and the Frigot, went together to the Asores, where first they tooke a 50 Saint Thome Caruell of 100. Tunnes laden with Sugars. After which neere the Iland of Flores in a fogge they espyed a great Ship lying by the Lee, which they conceiued to be a Carrick, but found it to be the Saint Thomas, Vice-admirall of the King of Spaines fleet, lying for the waftage of the East and West Indian fleetes: with whom they fell in so hot a fight that shee was glad to beare vp to recouer her selfe amongst the rest of her Consorts; which after the cleering of the fogge they discerned not farre from them. Thence they went to the Coast of Spaine, where they tooke three Dutch ships of the East-Countries laden with Wheat, Copper, and other mu­nitions and prouisions for the King of Spaine. Hauing spent their victuals they returned.

AN. 1596. his Lordship set forth againe the Scourge of Malice, in which he went in person ac­companied Tenth voyage. 1596. 60 with the Dread-naught of the Queenes, and some other small ships; and about thirtie or fortie leagues from England was incountred with a storme, wherein the Scourge spent her mayne mast, and was made vnseruiceable for that voyage: so that hee was forced to returne for England in the Dread naught.

[Page 1149] THe same yeere perceiuing that the Earle of Essex and the Lord Admirall were to goe to the Coast of Spaine with a great fleet of the Queenes, together with a squadron of Flemmish Eleuenth voy­age. men of warre, his Lordship thought good to a wait some gleanings in so great a Vintage, and set forth the Ascension of 300. Tunnes and foure and thirtie pieces of Ordnance, manned with 120. men, commanded by Captaine Francis Slingsby, chiefly to expect such ships as should come from Lisbone. The Ascension thus furnished, met with such a fret of winde that with all haste they handed in their sailes, and being within the Hooke of Godwine Sands droue with two anchors a­head, Godwine sands: till they were within two Cables length of the Sands. They then let fall their short an­chor, which by Gods grace stayed them till the next day noone (hourely expecting their wrack) and at last cut their Cables. Hauing refurnished themselues at Plimouth they set forwards and 10 comming to the Rocke, say off and on. After some frustrated attempts by the Boat on a Caruell (in which the Captaine was sore wounded) the King of Spaines Admirall Sirago set forth sixe ships against them, and himselfe and another ship laid the Ascension aboard, the one on the Bow, the other on the Quarter, and now the mouthes of the great Ordnance (being neere in place to Sea fight. whisper) roared out their thunders and pierced thorow and thorow on all hands. Which ended, the Spaniards leaped into the fore-chaines and mayne-chaines, thinking to haue entred the ship, but were brauely repelled. The English seeing many Spaniards together vnder the Admirals halfe decke, discharged amongst them a Fowler laden with case shot to their no small harme: To that the Spaniards had enough and were content to fall off. Of ours two and twentie were slaine and hurt, which losse lighted asmuch on them which hid themselues as those which stood to the 20 fight. To preuent the like afterwards, they put safe in hold the Chirurgeon, Carpenter, and Cooper for the publike dependance on them, and made fast the hatches that others should not seeke refuge. But the Spanish Admirall making a brauado, and seeing them readie to receiue them, tacked about and went in for Lisbone without any further leaue-taking. The Ascension conti­nued on the Coast till they had but fourteene dayes victuals left, and then returned with hurts to themselues, and losse also to his Lordship.

AN. 1597. the vndanted Earle hauing furnished and victualled his owne ship the Malice-Scourge, The twelfth voyage. Names of the ships and their Captaines em­ployed in the twelfth voy­age. vndertooke a voyage in person. Vnder him in it commanded Captaine Iohn Wats outward, and Captaine Iames Langton homewards. The Merchant Royall was Vice-admirall, 30 commanded by Sir Iohn Barkley; Captaine Robert Flicke commanded in the Ascension, Reare­admirall; Captaine Henrie Clifford commanded the Samson, after whose death at Porto Rico, Christopher Colthurst was her Captaine; Master Iohn Ley, and homewards Thomas Cotch Cap­taines of the Alcedo; Francis Slingsby Captaine of the Consent; Captaine Iames Langton of the Prosperous, and homewards Captaine Iohn Wats; Captaine Henrie Palmer in the Centurion, and homewards after his death his sonne William Palmer; Hercules Folyambe Captaine of the Gal­lion-Constance; Captaine Flemming in the Affection; Captaine Christopher Colthurst in the Guia­na, homeward Gerard Middleton; Captaine Henrie Iolliffe in the Scout; Captaine Robert Careles, and after his death Andrew Andrewes in the Antonie; Captaine Edward Goodwin in the Pegasus; Captaine Henrie Bromley in the Royall Defence; Captaine Iohn Dixon in the Margaret and 40 Iohn; Master Iohn Lea Captaine of the Barkley Bay; William Harper Captaine of the old Frigot. To make vp the score we may reckon two Barges vsed for landing of men, as occasion required.

For the land Souldiers, Sir Iohn Barkley was Coronell Generall: Captaine William Mesey Lieu­tenant Colonell: Captaine Hercules Folyambe Sergeant Major: Captaine Arthur Powell Lieute­nant Colonell of the Earles Regiment: Captaines, Lewis Orrell, Thomas Roberts, Henrie Gyll, Thomas Coche, Hugh Starkie, Ralph Rookesby, Roger Tirwhit; Captaine Andrew Andrewes Lea­der of the Earles Companie: Captaine Iames Tothill Leader of Sir Iohn Barkleys Companie: Captaines, Iames Euans and George Orrell Corporals of the field: Captaine Iohn Man Prouost Marshall: Captaine Arthur Milles Master of the Artillerie and Prouant Master.

The noble Earle thus attended and furnished (chiefly at his owne charges) set saile with this Fleet from Portsmouth the sixt of March. But you shall haue a better Relator. 50

His Lordship hauing had the spoile of all things at his pleasure, prepared for the sending aboard the Ordnance, Munitions, Bels, Ginger, Sugar, &c. of brasse Ordnance hee tooke aboue sixtie peeces: setting saile for England Iuly 16. In which returne his Lordship lost a Barge, by his commandement sunke in the Hauen to the prejudice of the Enemie. Another Barge cast away in a storme at the Bermudas. The Pegasus wracked vpon Goodwin Sands, and the old Frigot vpon Vshent, with the losse of about seuen hundred men, whereof fix hundred dyed of the bloudie flix and Calenture at Porto Rico: sixtie slaine in fight, and fortie drowned in the wracks of the old Frigot and Pegasus. 60

CHAP. II.

The Voyage to Saint Iohn de Porto Rico, by the Right Honorable, GEORGE, Earle of Cumberland, written by himselfe.

WOrthiest of your Sexe, my chiefe Commandresse, to giue content to your wish in bare plainnesse. I haue set downe the courses and fortunes of my late performed 1596. iourney. The sixth day of March, with my whole Fleet I set saile out of the Sound of Plimouth, the winde being prosperous though much. Wee kept altoge­ther till the when the faire passage put mee in hope that God had pre­pared 10 this an vnlooked for fortune, if it were well handled, in getting vpon the Coast of Spaine sure intelligence whether the Carricks were gone, and how neere they were readie if not gone. The doing of which vndiscouered, though I knew was hard, yet not impossible for him that His purpose frustrated. could well worke: And considering the mightie importance, I tooke the course to doe it my selfe, taking with me the Guiana and the Skout; which two I meant should onely be seene vp­on the Coast, and left the rest of the fleet, appointing them where to lye till I came vnto them. But God whose will is beyond mans resolutions, forced mee to alter this; for my Masts not made so sufficiently as I expected, both now began to shew their weaknesse, especially my mayne Mast, which I continually looked would haue gone ouer board. My Mariners were at their wits Defect in the mayne Mast. end: and I protest I would haue giuen fiue thousand pounds for a new one; the greatest part of 20 my strength both by Sea and Land hauing beene lost, if that ship had returned in this extremitie.

Hearing all that would, I heard many opinions to little purpose, and at length resolued (though many thought it dangerous) lest the winde should with a storme come vp at West North-west, to goe to the Burlings and there ride, till my Masts were fished, my selfe knowing the Roade, though not any else in my ship: the windes they spake of, I feared not; my onely The Burlings. doubt was that I should be discouered, being within three leagues of Penechia; Caruels comming off euery day to fish; but this extremitie forced deuice how to hide what I was. For goe thither Penechia. I must, hopelesse otherwise to repaire those desperate ruines. My ship was black which well fur­thered my deuice, and though shee were great, yet shewed not so afarre off. Wherefore I came in about eight of the clocke at night vpon Thursday, when I was sure all the Fisher-men were gone 30 to sell their fish at Lisbone, and from the mayne they could not make moe: this was the sixteenth of March. Before the morning I had downe my top-masts, my mayne yard vnrigged, and all things readie for my Carpenters to worke. The small ships with mee I made stand off to Sea all day, that not hauing any in my companie I should be the lesse suspected. And thus with a strange Flagge and Ancient vpon my poope, I rid without giuing chase to any, as though I had beene some Merchant, euery day diuers ships comming by me that were both good prize, and had beene worth the taking. Vpon Sunday night the Fisher-men returne to the Burlings; wherefore to goe away vndiscouered of them, and also soone to meet with my fleet, which I had appointed to tarry for mee in that heigth betwixt twentie and thirtie leagues off, and that they should keepe with them what ships soeuer they met, that were outward bowne: I ceased not working day 40 nor night, and by Saturday at night was readie to set saile, when within night I heard the Ord­nance goe off betwixt me and the shoare, and well knew it was a small ship of Hampton and my little Pinnace the Skout, that were in fight with a ship which they chased to windward of mee before might, and fearing their match too hard, as in truth it proued. I, for losing time let slip mine anchor, and soone came to helpe the poore little ones much ouer-matched. At my first comming vp shee shot at me; yet forbare I, and went so neere that I spake to them, and deman­ding of whence they were? answere was made, of Lisbone. Then assuring my selfe shee was a Biscaine, and would fight well, I came close to her, and gaue her my broad side, which shee so Biscainers good fighters. answered as that I had three men killed, fiue or sixe shot, and my ship in sixe or seuen places, some of them very dangerous. So I laid her aboard and tooke her, shee prouing a ship of Hamburgh, 50 laden with Corne, Copper, Powder, and prohibited commodities. I made the more haste to end this fight, for that I would be out of the sight of the Land before day, which as I desired I Ship of Ham­burg taken. was, and there met with a French man laden with Salt going into Lasbone: which small Barke was very fit to serue my purpose. For putting some of my men into her, I sent her into Cales Road, commanding them to fall with it by day in the morning, and keeping themselues close to shew none but the French, and make a waft to call some Portugall to them for Pilotage vp the Riuer. This deuice succeeded well: for betimes in the morning they were fast by a Caruell that was going to fish, which (not suspecting them) came close to them, so as the men I put in shot at them with Muskets so fast, as not any of them durst stirre to handle their sailes till their Boat went aboard, and so brought them off to me. These men came that night from Lisbone, and assu­red 60 me that the next farre winde there would come forth fiue Caracks, with more treasure then e­uer Intelligence from Lisbone. went in one yeere for the Indies, and fiue and twentie ships for Brasil. This welcome newes was accompanied with the meeting againe of my whole fleet, which at that very instant I des­cryed. Fiue Carraks and twentie fiue ships. So none being ioyned, I wished for nothing but an happy houre to see those long-looked­after [Page 1151] Monsters, whose wealth exceedes their greatnesse, yet bee they the greatest ships in the world. My fleet being thus ioyned, I called all the Captaines and Masters aboard, and gaue dire­ctions where and in what order we should lye, and how we would fight, not doubting to meete them being vndiscouered, and well knowing the way they would come. Being drawne from our rests with our ioy in our hope, wee so long continued gasing for that which came not, as I began to feare some vnluckie accident, and leauing my fleet alone, with a Caruell I went in with the shoare, and with her and my Boat got another Caruell, by whom I vnderstood that the very New intelli­gence. same day that I tooke the first Caruell at the Rock, there came into Lisbone a ship that brought Spaniards out of England, and was in Plimouth when I came by, which assured them that I was comne forth, and they verily beleeued was looking for them, so as they sent Caruels of aduice to 10 search euery where for me, one of which when I returned to my fleet, I vnderstood had comne by them to windward and discouered them all. So I feared it was vaine to tarry there any lon­ger; for either they would shift their course or not come at all. So knowing that their seeing of Another at­tempt. me could not hurt, I went to see if they were comne so low downe the Riuer, as that it were pos­sible to lay them aboard in the night where they rode. Now againe I left my fleet at Sea, and (the winde something fauouring me) got in betwixt the Cat-ships, from whence I saw them ri­ding in the Bay of Wiers. Here had I too much of my desire, seeing what I desired to see, but hopelesse of the good I expected by seeing them: for they were where no good could bee done vpon them, riding within the Castle of Saint Iulian, which hath in it aboue an hundred peeces No hope that way. of great Ordnance; so as though I could haue got in (which I verily beleeue I could) it had not 20 beene possible to haue returned, the winde being euer very scant to come forth withall, and hang­ing for the most part so farre Northerly, as that for feare of the Cat-ships, I must of force haue comne close by their platformes. With this vnpleasing fight I returned to my fleet, and that night being the fift of Aprill, wee went altogither for the South Cape. The eight day I went from thence towards the Canaries, and the thirteenth day I came to Lancerota, where by diuers both He comes to the Canaries. Rich Mar­quesse. Englishmen and Spaniards I had beene informed that there dwelt a Marquesse, that was worth 100000. pounds, if he could be taken suddenly: which I doubted not, hauing aboard mee three or foure which had beene prisoners there, who assured me they could bring me into the Road by night: and being on land could guide me to the Castle where he dwelt, how darke soeuer it were. But they fayled in all: for when I came to the land, they knew not where the Road was, so as I Poore perfor­mance of rich promisers. 30 was forced to anchor finding ground, but where it was they knew not. And in truth, it was so neere a ledge of Rocks, as if we had gone any further, the ships had beene in danger. In the mor­ning, though then I had no other hope left me to catch the Marquesse, saue onely that perhaps he would hold his Castle; yet I thought it meete to set all my Souldiers on shoare, for that till this He lands his Souldiers. time I neuer had giuen them any trayning, and well knew many of them to bee very raw and vnpractised to seruice at land. Wherefore my selfe then fearing an ague, tooke physick, was let bloud, and sent Sir Iohn Barkley with them, knowing for certaine that place could make no resi­stance Sir Iohn Bark­ley. against such a force. So being landed they marched to the Towne, which the guides said, was but three miles from the landing place. But it proued more then three leagues, the most wic­ked marching for loose stones and sand that euer I saw. That night I heard not from them, nor 40 the next day till night, when I had word brought that they had taken the Towne and Castle Towne and Castle takers. without resistance. Onely as they marched the people of the Countrie (I meane the Mountay­ners) would watch if any straggled, and would most desperately assault them with their Lances, being so swift of foot, as when once they runne, not any could come neere them. In the Castle was not any thing but some few peeces of Ordnance dismounted. In the Towne (whose houses were most beggarly) some little wine onely, which little was too much; for it distempered so Poore purchase and yet too rich. many, that if there had beene a strong enemie to haue attempted, they should haue found drun­ken resistance; the meaner sort being most ouer-throwne alreadie, and the Commanders, some di­stempered with wine, some with pride of themselues, or scorne of others, so as there were very few of them but that fell to most disorderly outrage one with another. And Sir Iohn Barkley with 50 much griefe told me, if I tooke not some seuere course to remedie those things, he assured himselfe it would be the ruine of our voyage. Whereupon the next day I went on shoare to see my men trayned, and calling all the Commanders before me, rebuked them for those faults, and gaue Ar­ticles The Earles honorable care and wise pro­uision. both for their courses at Land and Sea, reading to them my Commissions, that they might know I had full power to execute those punishments I set downe for euery offence; and assuring them I would not be slow in doing it if they offended. The next day being the one and twenti­eth of Aprill, I set saile, and betwixt the Grand Canarie and Tenerife met with the Royall De­fence, a ship which should haue comne with mee out of England, but being not readie followed me; and thwart the Rocke, after I was comne from thence met with a Caruell, which by ten English men that were prisoners in Lisbone, was stollen forth in the night. They assured me (word Caruell stollen forth by En­glish captiues. 60 being brought thither that I was gone off the Coast) they resolued to send forth the Carracks, and that within a few dayes they would come forth. Which I making knowne to all my Com­manders, they agreed with me that it was fit to spend some few dayes and looke for their com­ming; so did we: but not seeing them, the yeere was so farre spent that I assured my selfe they [Page 1152] were either gone by, or would not goe this yeere, their time for doubling the Cape of Buo­na Speranza being now past; for they neuer went out so late but once, and then were all for­ced Danger of late going forth for the Cape of Good Hope. to returne.

Though many would imagine the missing of this faire fortune should much haue troubled me; I assure you it did not: the reason I will let you know hereafter. Now againe, calling all the Captaines and Masters aboard me, I first asked them whether they thought it was fit to tarry a­ny longer vpon that hope, telling them mine opinion how little reason there was in it, and that longer stay might much hurt our other purposes, to which all agreeing, we resolued to proceede. Then I asked whether they thought the time was not too farre spent to get Farnanbuco? to which many answered; No. And though I well knew what it was, I would not reply till I had called two Portugall Pilots, which I brought with me out of England, old men that had at 10 the least beene twentie times a piece there out of Portugall: And asking their opinions, they Old Portugall Pilots. told vs that they had gone it at that time of the yeere, but diuers times put backe, and at their best passage beene sixe or seuen weekes in getting one degree. To which there were that an­swered, though sometimes it happened so, yet it might fall out otherwise: and if not, though we should be long in getting thither, yet there was assurance to win that place with ease, and Rash aduisers. getting it to haue wealth enough. Till this I kept secret, what now euery occasion gaue mee fit time to vtter. Hauing dispatched from mee a ship that was in Trade at the Canaries and bound for England, and being so farre shot to the Southwards, as I was sure not to meet with any going to the Northwards; so as not any newes where I was could come into Spaine, till it came out of the Indies: which winning of time would giue me so good leisure to fortifie my selfe in the place The Earles m [...]ture and disc [...]eet in­tendments. 20 whither I meant to goe, as hardly I would bee supplanted till either wee honorably quitted the place, or had supply; you may see, too griedie desire is a dangerous enemie, for where I should haue but lightly touched this as yet, I was almost entring into the bowels of my intention, the time ripe I saw to speake more freely then I had done. I told them I had aduisedly considered, of all these things now pleaded, and could, as I thought, before their speech haue giuen them so sufficient rea­sons His speech. for the shaping of some other course then Brasil, as would haue stayed all these pleadings. But I thought it better first to heare euery one speake his minde, and then to vtter my conceit. Which though I assured my selfe was the best for vs, yet if any amongst them could giue reason against it, I would not onely take it well, but be drawne to them. Then layed I before them how our men were alreadie many of 30 them sicke; and that vndoubtedly the crossing the Line would keepe those from recouering, although the passage were as good as man could wish. Besides, I remembred them of intelligence giuen vs both vpon the Coast of Spaine and the Iland, that the King had sent thither to defend the place against me six hun­dred Souldiers; and also it was likely that he had giuen order, that if they saw not themselues strong e­nough to resist, that with their portable goods they should fle [...] into the Mountaines, and set their Sugar and Brasill wood on fire; then were we sure to haue nothing: and lastly, if wee beat long vnder the Line, vndoubtedly the most of our men would fall sicke, and then should we be forced to returne without doing any thing, for to no other place could we goe, once bearing vp vpon that occasion.

With this I pawsed, to heare if there would be any thing said by them: but not any speaking, I told them I well perceiued by their silence the doubts my wordes had driuen into their mindes: but not to conceale any longer from them, that which hitherto I had for all their goods done, the truth was I ne­uer 40 had intention after I found I could not get out of England before Christmas, to goe for Brasil, but onely for the west Indies, where there were many possibilities to make a voyage by: as first, the sacking of His purposes and probabi­lities. Margarita, which they knew was rich; then Porto Rico, after that Saint Domingo, then in Iuly the outward bound fleet would be in the Acoa, where we could not misse them: and if these gaue vs not con­tent, in the end of Iuly or August, wee should meete the fleet at Cape Saint Antonio. Many of these reasons I vttered, more to carry my men with good liking thither, then for any thought I had of diuers of them. And my speech had desired successe, for they all went with greedie desire, and hopefull expectation, I appointing them to make what haste they could to Dominica, where we would stay one for another, thinking it better to goe straggling thither then to goe togither, 50 there being possibilitie to meete some purchase by the way, which we were in most likelihood They proceed. of when we spred furthest. Therefore we spred thus till we met at Dominica, wee straggled all sauing the Alcedon, the Centurian, and two Flemmings, laden with Corne, which I tooke vpon the coast of Spaine, and still carried alongst with me, as chiefe meanes to effect my most desired purpose. These with all the rest came safely to Dominica, where wee carried our sicke people a­shoare They arriue at Dominica. the three and twentieth of May, and tarried till the first of Iune.

This Iland is onely inhabited by Indians that mightly hate the Spaniard, but loue the English very much. They brought vs great store of Potatoes, Pines, Plantins, Tabacco, Mammyes, Indies-pepper, and other of their Countrie commodities to trade. They most desired to haue Swords, Hatchets, or Kniues, and very much Clothes. But if they could get none of these, they would sell their commodities for glasse beades, and such trifling things. From hence I went to 60 the Virgines Ilands which are not inhabited, and there purposed againe to muster my men, the Las Virgines. Iland of Dominica being so wooddie as that there I could not doe it; and in the euening the third day I came there to an anchor. The next morning early I had them on shoare, and after muste­ring [Page 1153] them for many respects, found it meet to speake to them, which as neere as I can remem­ber, was thus: Kinde Countrimen and fellow Souldiers, I am sure there is none here but haue marked, My Lords speech. and the wisest wonder at my light regarding the many grosse faults committed amongst you since my comming to Sea; suffering euery man to doe what he would, vrging no man further then he listed: Ma­ny courses drew me to this patience, onely one I will now vtter, the rest being fitter to conceale to my selfe, then to make so many acquainted with. The great hope of meeting the Caracks made me hope for a short iourney; which hapning, I thought it better to returne with euery mans good word, then by iust punishing of any to haue their ill word at my returne. But that hope as you now see is altogither passed, and now we are settled to another course, which though it may be will not proue altogither so rich, and must of force keepe vs longer abroad; yet I assure you vpon my honour and conscience, I doe constantly beleeue 10 there will spring out of it more glorie to God, more seruice to our Prince and Countrie, and more honour to our selues, then could haue done by the Caracks if we had taken them all. For the better performance we must fall to another course; I in gouerning, you in obeying; I in directing you what to doe, you in fol­lowing my direction. To which end I haue already deliuered you certaine Articles, wherein you may see how the breach of them shall be punished. And though these twentie dayes at the least you haue had them amongst you, yet heare I, there are some which wish they could but light vpon so much as they would conceale from me. Base conditions be hatefull things in men professing Armes, there is none baser then theft; and no theft so base as for a man to steale from his owne companion. And he that concealeth any thing gotten in this iourney, stealeth from euery man in it, all going to haue their part of what soeuer is Basenesse of theft. gotten. This I thought not vnfit particularly to touch, because the speech hath giuen great offence to 20 the whole Armie, and no doubt may encourage some men of lewd and base humours amongst vs to doe the like: but let the warning I now giue you driue those thoughts out of their thoughts that hold them: and be also a warning that they beedfully obserue the rest of the Articles. For I assure you, my ouer-patient and forced sluggish humour is shaken off, and I will neither ouer-see, nor suffer to passe vnpunished ill deseruers.

This deliuered, I presently shipped my men which were by muster and gaue order to set saile. Now hauing set all things in order, and wanting nothing but sure knowledge, where might bee our safest and most commodious landing, there were many of my Masters and Sea Captaines that would willingly haue gone through the Virgines, as Sir Francis Drake did, when Sir Francis Drake. hee was there. But I finding the way though the passages more certaine and safe tooke that 30 course; more desiring to be the first that tooke Porto Rico, then the second that passed through the Virgines. And the fift day in the morning, I sent for Captaine Lanckton, and Knotsford, who was Master of the Gallion, very expert in those Countries, and was Pilot with Iohn Hawkins when hee dyed, and putting either of them into a small Pinnace, sent them before that they might make the landing place before night, and my selfe with the fleet did linger, and so when it was darke, putting out all our sailes, came to them vndiscouered, which was about one of the clocke that night. But they did mee no good, for the place they went to discouer was further They arriue at the Iland. from them then they expected, so as it was darke before they came to it, and for feare of carry­ing me to leeward stayed, and told me they had done nothing. Wherefore I stood close vpon a winde off and on, vntill the morning, when being close by the shoare there was to my seeming Euill surmise [...]. 40 a smooth landing place, which by all them in my fleet that were there with Sir Francis Drake, I was told was impossible to get, the winde ouer-blowing all day out of the Sea. Wherefore I tooke my Boat and Sir Iohn Barkley with me, rowed thither, and found it not onely smooth, but His search. by the view of our eyes a most goodly sandie Bay, to march all alongst by the Sea side till wee came to the Towne. Being well pleased with this sight I returned aboard, and gaue order to all the Commanders presently to land there. But by diuers of them many obiections were made a­gainst landing there. First, that the march seemed to be great: Then, that none knew the way: Obiections. and lastly, if the Towne stood in an Iland, as they often had heard it did, we should be forced to returne to our ships, not hauing meanes to get vnto them. Gentlemen, said I, a willing minde makes long steps with great ease: I haue been sickae and am not now strong; you shall goe no further nor faster The Earles answere. then I will doe before you: for guides wee need no better then our eyes; the Towne standing by the Sea 50 side, and we landing from the Sea see no other but faire sandie Bayes all the way thither: so as much nee­rer we might land if we were sure there were any where to leeward such a head-land as this that maketh smooth landing within it. But that being vncertaine I meane to take this, which I doe assuredly beleeue God hath directed vs vnto; for I am sure, it is better then any euer told me of. And for your last ar­gument, that if it be an Iland we shall not get into it, that reason is nothing; for you see our Boats may row by vs, and when we shall come to any water they may set vs ouer, if it be deepe: in shallow places we shall passe our selues. So all you haue or can say being now throughly answered, let me haue no more spea­king, but get your men all into your Boates, and follow in order as I haue directed you. I will goe before in my Boat, and when you see my Colours displayed, make all the haste you can to land. This doe with 60 good heart and courage, assuring your selues you haue the mayden-head of Porto Rico, and so possesse the keyes of all the In [...]. And though there bee not so many millions in it as there was when a greater force then we went without it: yet assure your selfe the Towne is rich. The last yeere there were eighteene ships laden with Ginger and Sugar from it. I assure you there are mynes of gold in it. And though these [Page 1154] be motiues to draw you to fight, yet haue I not told you of one. You being Souldiers and carrying the mindes of Souldiers, will, I doubt not, carry you beyond all profit. It is thought by men of indgement too strong for this strength to carry, because it hath alreadie resisted a much stronger force: so as we should haue iust cause to be proud of taking it, and (beleeue me) assured we are to take it, now we see where to land quietly, the Indian Souldiers liuing too pleasantly to venter their lines: for if they line two or three yeares, they get with the labour of their slaues (without taking any paines themselues) whatsoeuer they loose; so as they will make great showes, and it may be indure one brunt; but if they doe any more, teare me in peeces.

This said, the Captaines that were there went for their men, telling all the rest my resoluti­on. And as soone as they saw me rowe towards the shoare all followed as I had directed. Thus 10 landed we the sixt day in a most fine place, where not any wet his furniture nor saw any ene­mie. They land the fixt of Iune. By which meanes all our troopes were put in good order, and we made much stronger; then a small resistance before we were martialled would haue made vs. This place was leagues from the Towne, towards which we marched in the extreame heate of the day, the way being sandy, and would no doubt haue tired many, but that going all alongst by the Sea, we at plea­sure marched in it when we listed; and besides had the place wee went to, still in our fight, which standing vpon the top of an hill shewed much nearer then it was. When wee had gone some three leagues, we saw six or seuen Horsemen; which (the forlorne hop [...]) comming within sixteene or twenty score of, presently turned their Horses and galloped away. Not long after there came a Negro willingly offering his seruice, which I was most glad of; assuring my selfe he would haue guided me to the Towne: but he not speaking Spanish nor vnderstanding it, we Negros mislea­ding. 20 were led by him to the entrance of the Sea that maketh the Iland, where I imagined with Boates to get ouer. But of that we were hindred by a bulwarke standing on the Iland side close vpon the mouth of the entrance, and hauing in it fiue peeces of Brasse. The entrance is not aboue sixtie yards ouer, and a little within it is stopped quite ouer with piles driuen in; so as it was not possible to get in there so long as the enemy possessed it. Then were we at our wits end, but I assured my selfe there was some other good way ouer where those Horsemen rid which we saw before; and with much a doe made this dumbe guide vnderstand that I would haue him carry me to the place where they went ouer. When I perceiued he vnderstood me, I followed him through the most wickedest wood that euer I was in in all my life, & at length he brought me to the reare part of all my troope. And for that it grew late, and I was loath to loose any time, I made them 30 march, being Sir Iohn Barkleys Regiment; and gaue order mine owne should come in the reare, not hauing place nor time then to shift them. We had not gone farre, but we crossed the footing of the Horsemen we saw before, and following them were about Sunset brought to a narrow Bridge, whereon three might goe a front about two score ouer, and to our seeming about the A Bridge. midst of it a strong Gate of wood close shut; and at the further side of the water a Block-house with Ordnance, by which there stood fiue Spaniards. When I and Sir Iohn Barkley had viewed this place, we vnderstood by another Negro, that comming thither, at a low water we might passe ouer wading besides the Causie. And he telling vs that it was not low water till two of the clocke in the morning, we returned to a little plaine (that we passed by before) to rest our men and giue them some refreshing, for the better inabling them to fight in the morning. 40

THus farre the same honourable hand hath beene our Actor and Anthour: but here when hee comes to doing, breaks off speaking, and (tam Marte quàm Mercurio) exchangeth words for swords, and Mercuriall arts into Martiall acts; of which we haue another Relator, as of the rest of this Voyage: a man neere in attendance to his honourable Master. But I cannot giue him that which yet this giues hims, a name I haue since heard that his name was Do­ctor Layfield. It is a copious discourse, which we haue somewhat abridged; both in that former part of the Historie, which you already haue from Him which best know it and in the rest, in some superfluities or di­gressions (seeming such at least to me, who hauing so much worke, make my selfe more to make the Reader lesse) prouiding neuerthelesse that not a drop of necessary bloud be lost, or strange iniected, how often soeuer 50 we seeme to open a vaine to our redundant Auhor bleed. It was another cause which made me leaue out a politicall discourse and State-morall mysterie of this History, written by the same Noble Commander, whose worth here we honour. The times are altered, and howsoeuer Planets haue their peculiar course fixed Stars must moue with their Orbe, and follow the first Moueable. The men of Bethshemesh bought dearely their prying into the Arke: and I know not how I may be tolerated to vtter now in publike, those State-mysteries which he then in priuate counselled for his Countries good. I could also be willing, as I know the world would be greedie of such morsels: but Aesops Dogge snatching at the shadow of a mor­sell in the water, lost that which he had in his mouth; and his Crowe gaping to sing to please the Foxe dis­pleased her selfe with losse of all her other wealth and purchase. Euery where in this vaste worke we haue beene wary, and yet scarce wary enough of this danger, in our wariest warinesse; wherein yet (if any such 60 fault be) it is not an itching finger, busie in things aboue vs, but store of businesse in so multiforme a taske perhaps hath occasioned ouersight to eyes, otherwise dimme enough. Once; whatsoeuer the King and State disclaime, I disclaime also as not mine, because I and mine are theirs; and no farther desire to be or see mine owne then in the publike, of which, and for which (vnder God) I am, haue, can, write, do, speake, acknowledge all things. I will pry in the East and West Indies rather then state it at home.

CHAP. III.

A large Relation of the Port Ricco voiage; written, as is reported, by that learned man and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD, his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedi­tion; very much abbreuiated.

§. I. 10

The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine, in the Canaries, and the Nauigation thence to Dominica.

HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foure­teenth An [...]. 1596. Aug. of Ianuary, to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land, came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February, wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday, being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer, his 20 Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company (purposely I name him not) reading of Worthy act of a worthy man. Orlando Furioso; to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice, all the Company being by, and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly, if we serued not him better; bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner, he would cast his Booke ouer-bo [...]d, and turne himselfe out of the Ship. The next day by obseruation it was found, that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape: whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall, that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top, and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee, and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time, should this night winde South and by West; and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South, 30 in the height of the Burlings, till his Lordshippe should come to them. In the meane season him­selfe attended onely with the Guiana, and the Scourges sco [...]t, run to fall in with the North Cape, meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound, The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings.

The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad, and by the violent beating of the Sea, The Burling [...]s or Berlinga. it selfe almost made two Ilands, and within few yeares it will be so; exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure. We found no liuing thing in it, but Lysards and some few Conies.

Vpon thursday, being the thirteenth of Aprill, we had sight of the Ilands. The first that was The C [...]nari [...] Ilands. within kenning, was Alegrança, the most Northerly of the Canaries: we left it on the star-boord 40 side, as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange. In the af­ternoone we had Lancerota, one of the six great Canaries, in cleere kenning. The next morning twixt fiue and six, we were come to an anchor in the Roade, which beareth East South-east of the Iland. His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night, whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning (being good Friday) that he kept his Cabbin, and was glad to take some strong Physicke: He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall, and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies, to the number of betweene fiue and six hun­dred men. They were in their March by ten that morning, and marched the next way (as they thought) to the chiefe Towne of the Iland, but their foremost desire was if they might, to haue surprised the Marquesse, who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura, as 50 his owne possession. The Towne is from the place they landed at, as they coniecture, some ten miles at the least. By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne, which besides the expe­ctation They take the chiefe Towne of L [...]erota. they found clearely quitted of the enemy, and nothing in a manner left, sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese. After the Towne was assured, Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne, called the Castle; a place which the Mar­quesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance. When our Troopes were come vp the Hill, they found twixt 80, and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house, The Cas [...]le ta­ken. but without fight they quitted the place, so that our men entered it without losse or danger. They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse, the least Bases, the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering, and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage. 60 The House it selfe built of squared stone, flanked very strongly and cunningly, both for defence and offence: the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground, but raised about a Pikes length in height, so that without the vse of a Ladder, there [Page 1156] could be no entrance there. I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say, that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore, twenty men victualled might haue kept it a­gainst fiue hundred. The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses, whose The Towne described. building is rude, being commonly but of one Storie; their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine, couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters, and very dirt cast vpon all, which being hardned by the Sunne, becommeth of showre-proofe.

The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies, their stature commonly tall, of swiftnesse (in that Mountainous Countrie) not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels: their Armes Inhabitants. are Pikes and Stones; when a Peece is presented to them, so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall, they cast themselues flat to the ground, and the report is no sooner heard, but 10 they are vpon their feete, their stones out of their hands, and withall, they charge with their Pikes, and this in scattered incounters or single fight (for either they know not or neglect or­derly ba [...]talion) oftner giueth then receiueth hurt. The Iland it is not round, but stretched The Iland of Lançero [...]a. somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west, parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end, as Italie is by the Mountaines-Apennine. These hils are barren, otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of S [...]eepe and Goates. Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse, be­ing Beasts. very sandy and dry, something like Rye-fields in England, and yet they yeelde passing good Barley, and Wheate. Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates, few Neate, many Asses, fewer Camels, but fewest Gennets, and these of no great stature. The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length: of the Temper a man may iudge (besides that it lyeth in 20 28. deg [...]ees, and some minutes) by the complexion of the Inhabitants, which is blackish, and by their Haruest-time, which was past before the middest of Aprill, and looke for a second a­bout One haruest done before the middest of Aprill. Michaelmas, their landing there was vpon good Friday. The next day, the fifteenth of Aprill, Sir Iohn Barkeley, being out of hope to finde the Marquesse, not knowing where to seeke him, whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely, marched backe to the Nauie, without farther [...]arme to the Towne or Castle, then borrowing some necessaries. There is in the Towne The Church. a Church of old, and a Frierie not yet finished. Their Church hath no windowes, nor admit [...]eth light otherwise then by the doores, it hath no Chancell, but is one vndeuided roome, stone seates along the sides, and in the one end an Altar with the appurtenants: for the people see­meth full of ignorant Superstition, many Buls and Pardons being found in diuers houses. The 30 Friery is a prettie square, with more commodities of fresh water and Gardens, then any other place of the Towne, euen the Marquesse his house.

They came that night to the waters side, yet thought it better to lodge abroade then aboord, though there were Boates to receiue them. The next day being Easter day, his Lordship hauing something recouered his strength, after dinner went ashore to the Companies, hauing seene them trained, knowing that the enemy watched for aduantage of scatterers, saw all his men shipt first, and then himselfe tooke Boate. The next day, being Munday, all the Captaines dined aboord the Admirall, and after dinner his Lordship caused his Commission (which was exceeding large in many points) to be openly reade; and Articles of gouernment were giuen for Sea-matters to the Captaine of euery Ship, and for seruice by Land to the Captaine of euery company; besides 40 which Articles to the Sea Captaines, was deliuered a sealed letter, which they should open, if vpon any accident they lost the Fleete, and thereby learne direction where to seeke his Lord­ship. But withall it was expresly articled, that in no other case they should aduenture to open it; and that if they came into any danger of being taken by the enemy, they should not faile to cast the Letter ouer-boord sealed, as it was deliuered; for in no sort would his Lordship haue his purpose disclosed, no not by examination nor torture.

While his Lordship was coasting neere Teneriffa, the breathes rather then windes were so di­uers, that it was doubled on euery side almost and came so close aboord the shore, that we did ea­sily see into Santa Cruz, and some other coasting Townes, and might discerne the men vpon the hils, the rather by coni [...]cture, by reason of the eminencie and height thereof; among which 50 there is one aboue the rest incomprable, generally held to be much higher then the Pyke of the Açores, being then couered with Snow, when the bottome was as hot as at Midsummer it is in Pike of Tene­riffe. England. The Iland though to the Sea a very high land, yet is full of many very fruitfull Plaines, and Vineyards, yeelding to the King yearely (by credible mens report) 28000. Buts of Cana­ry-Sacke. Certaine it is, that in common reputation it is held richer not onely then the rest, but Riches thereof Captain Leighs voi [...]ge to Ore­noque. euen then the grand Canaria it selfe (though it seeme not so goodly a champion Countrie (for we had that also in very neere kenning.) And that the King esteemeth it more, no man can doubt seeing he keepeth a farre greater Garrison there, then in the Canaria.

Captaine Charles Leigh which hitherto had commanded of the Alcedo, on the fourth of May last, the Fleete and in his owne Barke, called the Blacke Lee, runne himselfe alone for the Riuer 60 of Orenoque. His Lordship after diuers consultations determined that the Fleete should goe for Dominico. (His speeches, Captaine Slingsbies employment, and other particulars, are here for bre­uity omitted.

An old Portugall Pilot told his Lordship that he had beene in eight and twentie voyages into [Page 1157] Brasil, but at this time of the yeere onely in one; wherein, hee saith, the windes were so con­trarie, and they had so many other difficulties, that they were forced to put in againe and loose that yeeres voyage; so that the windes being in these parts at set times of the yeere, themselues also constantly set, we might well thinke wee should bee encountred with the same difficulties. All this while we held on our course for the West Indies, running West and by South, and West South-west, but bearing still to the Westward, both because we are likelier to keepe the fresher gale that way (though some were of contrarie opinion) and because the later wee entred within the Tropick, we should bee the likelier to meet with the Brasil fleet, whose course homewards must of necessitie be much to the North. By Wednesday the tenth of May (for till then wee met not with any memorable accident, seeing to tell of the flocks of flying fishes, might iustly 10 seeme triuiall) we were come so directly vnder the Sunne, that none could see euidently the sha­dow Sunne in their Zeni [...]h. of a stile set perpendicularly, but if there were any it inclined rather to the due South. For by obseruation by the Astrolabe (the vse of the staffe now fayling) we were found to haue passed our Tropick three degrees and a halfe, and the Sunnes declination that day was precisely twentie degrees. This was more cleerly perceiued at night by taking the height of the Crosier (a starre which of all other distinctly to be perceiued neere the Antartick Pole, serueth for those Souther­ly The Crosier. parts, as the lesser Beare doth to the Northerly countries.)

It is a long step from the Canaries to the West Indies, which first of all wee had in our kenning vpon Sunday being the one and twentieth of May. But to lay, if it be but a handfull of peeble stones, in this gap. Vpon Saturday being the thirteenth of May, we had the first gust, and it had Gusts. 20 many followers, for few dayes passed without raine. When this raine began, immediately wee all felt a very noysome sauour, it was very sulphurous, and lasted so long as the raine did. Whe­ther Vnwholso [...]e raine. this proceeded of the nature of the water that fell from so neere the Sunne, or from the ship being very drie (as on land after a great drought there will rise a hot sauour) it is not cleerly knowne, nor yet determined, but that others may the better, this obseruation is expres­sed. This sauour was not felt vpon the decks, or any where else besides the Cabbin, or at least not any where so much. The reason whereof may happily bee, that the aire being sud­denly beaten in, and that by narrow passages, came the more violently, and by consequent the more sensibly into the Cabbin, then into other parts of the ship, and therefore what­soeuer qualitie it bore with it, it was there the strongliest felt. In the following of as great gusts 30 as that which came first, there was no such sauour felt, the fleet going still farther and farther from the Sunne. And which may be most to the purpose, not any of them that felt it, found any distemper after it, onely the sense was much displeased therewithall; his Lordship had at this time aken much physick, but still rather to preuent sicknesse, then for to recouer health (for God be thanked, his body was very able to obey his minde) finding no difference in the world in the working of physick there and in England. Nauigators may helpe themselues by his Lord­ships obseruation: That vpon Friday being the ninteenth of May, the colour of the Sea began Colour of the Sea black. sensibly to alter, that whereas before it was of a cleere azure, it then began to incline to a deepe blacke. We were that day a hundreth and sixtie leagues (or thereabouts) from the West Indies and held our selues so certainly in the height of Dominica, that wee runne a due Westerly course. 40 It is not vnlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time. And in such a course, wherein (besides the great difference of Cardes) a man must bee forced to trust to a dead reckoning; this may bee some helpe to a heedfull man. Vpon Sunday in the euening his Lord­ship directed the Master to runne that night with an easie saile, because he tooke himselfe neerer land then most of the Mariners would consent to, being himselfe the first that both spyed and cryed land; they were but few that did assent at the first: some desired it so much, that they durst not let themselues be ouer credulous; others happily would haue had themselues the first discry­ers, but his Lordship still made it land. Wee set saile for the land, and within two houres it was Matinino. D [...]. made to bee Matinino. Leauing it therefore on the larboard side, wee stood for Dominica, and within an houre or thereabouts had it in kenning. 50

§. II.

Description of Dominica and the Virgines. Their landing on Port Ricco, march, fights, and taking the Towne.

BY two in the afternoone wee were come so neere aboard the shoare, that wee were met with many Canoes, manned with men wholly naked, sauing that they had chaines Naked Ind [...] and bracelets and some bodkins in their eares, or some strap in their nostrils or lips; the 60 cause of their comming was to exchange their Tabacco, Pinos, Plantins, Potatoes, and Pepper with any trifle if it were gawdie. They were at the first suspicious that wee were Spa­niards or Frenchmen, but being assured that wee were English they came willingly aboard. They are men of good proportion, strong, and straight limmed, but few of them tall, their wits able [Page 1158] to direct them to things bodily profitable. Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth, but containing one man, yet in some are seene two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder. They are of Their Canoas. diuers length: some for three or foure men that sit in reasonable distance, and in some of them The people described. eight or nine persons a rowe. Besides their Merchandise for exchange, euery one hath common­ly his Bowe and Arrowes; they speake some Spanish words: they haue Wickers platted some­thing like a broad shield to defend the raine, they that want these, vse a very broad leafe to that purpose, they prouide shelter against the raine because it washeth of their red painting, laid so Red painting. on that if you touch it, you shall finde it on your fingers.

That night, hauing with much a doe found land, within a quarter of a mile of the shore, we ankored for that night onely, for though there were a good watering place, and a very sweete 10 riueret fast by vs, yet his Lordship ment to way ankor the next morning, and to beare in to ano­ther watering place, wherewithall we certainly looked for a hot Bathe. Their Oares wherewith they rowe are not laid in bankes as Ship-boates haue, but are made like a long Battledoore, sa­uing Their Oares. that their palmes are much longer then broade, growing into a sharpe point, with a rising in the middest of them a good way; very like they are to blades of bigge Westerne Daggers, that are now made with grauing. The shankes of these Oares are of equall bignesse, and at the top crosset, like a lame mans crutch. These they vse alwayes with both their hands, but indifferent­ly as they finde cause to steere this way or that way. The next morning wee bore in to the North-west end of the Iland, where we found a goodly Bay able to receiue a greater Nauie then hath beene together in the memorie of this age. There his Lordship found the hote Bathe fast by the side of a very fine Riuer. The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kings­bathe 20 at the Citie of Bathe in England, and within three or foure yards runneth into the Riuer, which within a stones cast disburdeneth it selfe into the Sea. Here our sicke men specially found A hot Bathe. good refreshing. In this place his Lordship staied some six dayes in watering the whole Fleete, which in that time was all come sauing the Frigat, one of the blacke Pinnaces, and one of the Flemmings (which we hoped to be before vs, for they haue directions.) It was held conuenient here to take a Muster of our companies, and something better to acq [...]aint euery one with his owne colours; but the weather was so extreamely foule, that in three or foure dayes spent to this purpose, there could be nothing done. Vpon Wednesday therefore, being the last of May, it was resolued to stay no longer there, but to come againe to ankor at the Uirgines, and there be­stow one day in training our men. For that was our way to Saint Iohn de Puertorico, whether The Virgines. 30 his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to goe first of all. By this time (for his Lordship would not haue any thing done in that foule weather) the other blacke Pinnace was taken down for a long Boate to serue for the more conuenient landing of our men.

That euening and the next morning all our men were brought aboord, and on thursday night our sailes were cut for the Virgines. To describe this Iland, it heth North-west and South-east, Description of Dominica. the soile is very fat, euen in the most neglected places, matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich blacke molde: so Mountainous (certaine in the places where we came neere the Sea­coasts) that the Vallies may better be called Pits then Plaines, and withall so vnpassably wood­die, that it is maruailous how those naked soules can be able to pull themselues through them, 40 without renting their naturall cloathes. Some speake of more easie passages in the Inland of the Iland, which make it probable that they leaue those skirts and edges of their Countrie thus of purpose for a wall of defence. These Hils are apparelled with very goodly greene Trees, of many sorts. The tallnesse of these vnrequested Trees make the hils seeme more hilly then of themselues happily they are: for they grow so like good children of some happy ciuill body, without en­uie or oppression, as that they looke like a proud meddow about Oxford, when after some irrup­tion, Tems is againe cooched low within his owne banks, leauing the earths Mantle more ruggie and flakie, then otherwise it would haue bin; yea so much seeme these natural children delighted with equalitie and withall with multiplication, that hauing growne to a definite stature, with­out desire of ouertopping others, they willingly let downe their boughes, which being come to 50 the earth againe take roote, as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors: and yet they doe continually maintaine themselues in a greene-good liking, through the libera­litie partly of the Sunnes neighbourhood, which prouideth them in that necrenesse to the Sea, of exceeding showres; partly of many fine Riuers, which to requite the shadow and coolenesse they receiue from the Trees, giue them backe againe, a continuall refreshing of very sweete and tastie water. For the Inhabitants of this Countrie. A Captaine or two watering neere the place where his Lordship first anchored, found a leasure to rowe vp a Riuer with some guard or Pikes A Town found in Dominica. and Musketers, till they came to a Towne of these poore Saluages; and a poore Towne it was of some twenty cottages rather then Houses, and yet there was there a King, whom they found in a wide hanging garment of rich crimson Taffetie, a Spanish Rapier in his hand, and the modell of 60 a Lyon in shining Brasse, hanging vpon his breast. There they saw their women as naked as wee Wilde Maiesty. had seene their men, and alike attired euen to the boring of their lippes and eares, yet in that nakednesse, they perceiued some sparkes of modestie, not willingly comming in the sight of strange and apparelled men; and when they did come, busie to couer, what should haue bin bet­ter [Page 1159] couered. The Queene they saw not, nor any of the Noble wiues, but of the vulgar many; and the Maidens it should seeme they would not haue so squemish, for the King commanded his Daughters presence, with whom our Gentlemen did dance after meate was taken away. This withdrawing of their wiues seemeth to come of the common ielousie of these people; for (it is Adultery pu­nished with death. reported) that though they admit one man to haue many wiues, yet for any man to meddle with another mans wife, is punished with death, euen among them. And no meruaile if the se­ueritie of law be set instead of many other wanting hinderances. It seemeth that themselues are wearie of their nakednesse, for besides the Kings apparrell, they are exceeding desirous to exchange any of their Commodities for an old Waste-coate, or but a Cap, yea or but a paire of Gloues.

It is pretie that they say is the difference twixt the habit of a Wife and a Maide. The Maide Difference of maide & wife. 10 weareth no garter (and indeede she needeth none) but the Wife is the first night she is married (which is not done without asking at the least the consent of her parents) so straightly gartered, that in time the flesh will hang ouer the list. The haire of men and women are of like length, and fashion. But of all other things it is most memorable, that whereas their Houses are priuate to all other vses, yet they haue one common place, where all their men at least take their diet, Common diet roome. nature teaching them that Law which in Licurgus his mouth was thought strange and perhaps needelesse. The King sitteth in the same great roome with the rest, but withdrawing himselfe Kings state. into some more louely part, accompanied onely with three or foure of the best esteeme; their meates are their fine fruites, yet haue they Hennes and Pigges, but it should seeme rather for delight, then victuall: their drinke is commonly water, but they make drinke of their Ca [...]ain, 20 better of their Pines (and it should seeme that might be made an excellent liquor) but the best and reserued for the Kings cup onely of Potatoes: their Bread is Cassain. The last report of them shall bee what I haue seene in experience, namely their great desire to vnder­stand the English tongue; for some of them will point to most parts of his body, and hauing told Desire to learn English. the name of it in the language of Dominica, he would not rest till he were told the name of it in English, which hauing once told he would repeate till he could either name it right, or at least till he thought it was right, and so commonly it should be, sauing that to all words en­ding in a consonant they alwayes set the second vowell, as for chinne, they say chin-ne, so ma­king most of the monasillables, dissillables. But it is time to leaue them who are already many leagues of. 30

On thursday night his Lordship set saile for the Uirgines, and on saturday morning had They come to the Virgines. them in sight: and in the afternoone we were come to an ankor. On Whitsunday in the mor­ning betimes (for there was a fit place sought out the euening before) our land forces went on My Lords land companies a­bout one thou­sand. shore, and there his Lordshippe tooke a perfect muster of them. The Companies indeede were (though after much sicknesse) goodly, in number one might well say not so fewe as a thousand. When the Companies had bin trained into all sorts, and faces of fights, at length his Lordshippe commanded the Drummes to beate a call, and the troopes being drawne in the nearest closenesse The speech you haue be­fore in his own relation, and therefore here omitted. that conueniently they might be, that he might be heard of all, his Lordship standing vnder a great cliffe of a rocke, his prospect to the Seaward, stept vpon one of the greater stones (which 40 added to his naturall stature, gaue him a pretty height aboue the other company) so commanding audience, made a speech to them.

After which, the Fleete then within one dayes sailing from Puertoricco, his Lordship pre­sently See before the names of the Captaines and Commanders, here omitted. appointed Officers for the field. They all made vp a dozen Companies: whereof if any wanted the full number of 80. they were plentifully supplied, by a large ouerplus of gallant Gentlemen that followed his Lordships colours, borne by Captaine Bromley; and Sir Iohn also had more then 80. so that the whole Armie appointed to Land, was neere vpon a thousand, spe­cially seeing the Officers of seuerall Companies were not reckoned in these numbers. The Of­fices thus bestowed, his Lordship forth with commanded euery man to be shipped in Boates, and to goe aboord, where after dinner it was debated, whether it were better to passe through the 50 Uirgines, a way not clearely vnknowne (for diuers of our company both Souldiors and Marri­ners had gone it before with Sir Francis Drake, in his last voyage) or else to hold the old course Sir Fr. Drake. through the Passages. It was acknowledged that the Virgines was the neerer way, but withall none can denie, but that it was the more dangerous; for the way is very narrow (about the breadth of Thames about London) and we durst not promise our selues the continuance of a lea­ding winde. The way through the passages was found to be farther about, but withall it was without danger, and therefore hauing no great haste choose the safer way by the passages; for (said his Lordship) I choose rather, to be the first that shall take Puertorico, then the second that shall passe the Uirgines. The Uirgines are little Ilands not inhabited; some thinke for want of The Virgines described. water, some thinke that is no cause, and that there is store of water. They are very barren and 60 craggie, somewhat like the Burlings, but being much more sandie, as it is much more hot. A­mong these many scattered Ilands there is one called the Bird-Iland, by reason of the incredible Bird-Iland. store of Fowle. So stored is it with plentie of Fowle, that neuer was English Doue-coat more willing to yeelde her increase then that hillocke, for you may take with your hands onely, as [Page 1160] much as you will to the filling of Bushels and Quarters. That euening we cut sailes, and ranne through the Passages in the night time. Incredible store of Birds.

Vpon Monday afternoone, we made our selues to be not farre from Puerto rico; and our de­sire was to beare in with it in the morning before day, that by that meanes we might least of all be discouered. For this cause therefore the Scout and the Anthony were sent before to make our landing place, and that done to returne, which was about midnight. His Lordships greatest care was and had bin some dayes to set his men safely and well on land, for he doubted not to make them a way, if once they were landed without impeachment. Himselfe therefore hauing commanded that Sir Iohn Barkley should come aboord with him, tooke a Boate and w [...]nt him­selfe no otherwise accompanied then with Sir Iohn and the Cocksons gyng, to discouer a landing 10 place. Without long stay he returned againe, so wet, that he was forced to change his apparell, but withall gaue present commandement that euery Captaine and Ship should put their men in­to Boates, and that they should follow his bloudy colours, which he would haue presently landed.

By eight of the clocke that tuesday, being the sixt of Iune, his Lordships regiment, and most They land vp­on the Ile of Saint Iohn de Puerto rico the si [...]t of Iu [...]. part of Sir Iohn Barkleys were landed, which amounted neere to the number of a thousand men. We began to march as soone as we could be brought into any order, & the forlorne hope drawne out, which was led by Captaine Andrewes the Commander of his Lordships priuate Company, which that day was brought vp in the the Battell by Captaine Powell, Lieutenant Colonell of his Lordships regiment. The way we marched was along the Sea side, commonly on firme, some­time 20 on loose sand, but yet it was a faire march, for three leagues at the least, till we met with a blacke-Moore, who we hoped should haue bin our Guide (and so he was willing to be) but he neither spake good English, nor good Spanish, and besides was affrighted, so that a great while he did mislead vs; for through most vnpassable rocks and clifts he brought vs: for betwixt the clifts where we stood, and the Iland wherein the Towne stood, there we saw an arme of the Sea, in breadth not Calieuer shot, but on the other side was a fort with fiue peece of great Ord­nance, and some, though not many, Musketeers; for both the euening before they had disco­uered our Nauie, and this morning our landing, as we were sure by diuers Horsemen, whom we saw come forth to view our strength. Here there was offer made by some, so to plant a num­ber of Musketeers in these rockes, as that they might beate them in the fort from their Ord­nance: 30 this was thought possible, and afterwards was done but now deferred, because though we had no annoyance of the fort, yet we knew not how to get ouer, for the depth of the passage meerly vnknown, and our Boats yet had not found any landing place neere the fort. And while here we were at a flat bay, euen at our wits end, what course we might take to come to the Towne, there was sent a Peece or two of great Ordnance (but without any hurt) from another fort, which standeth vpon the narrowest part of the same arme of the Sea, and was the onely passage that was vsed from the maine Iland where we were, to the Iland where the Towne is. Here the Nigro was so nething comforted, and brought to the little wit he had; at length, with Negros misgui­ding. much adoe, being made to vnderstand, we tooke our selues to be out of the way, because wee could not passe that way; partly with threatning and partly with promises if he brought vs in­to 40 a better way to the Town; he began againe to leade, and we to follow with as nimble mindes as weary bodies, for we had marched from morning till now that it was euen in the edge of the euening; but we would not be weary.

At length through many vntroden pathes, or rather no pathes, but such wodden holes, as would haue taught the most proud body to stoope very humbly; he brought vs into a beaten Bad March. sandy way. But for all this we were not neere the Bridge which must be passed, and diuers euen of our leaders began after so long and troublesome a march to faint, so that order was giuen to stay the Vantgard, when it pleased God to helpe by one meane or other to as many Horses, as kept vs from staying our march. There might be seene a poore tyred Iade, without Saddle or Bridle, onely with a match in his mouth very welcome to them that commanded the best Hor­ses 50 of England. But at length we ouercame the length of the way, and euen to the Bridge were come, but it was so late, that that night we were out of hope to passe it, being (as we had great reason to thinke) fortified against vs. Onely the Companies were commanded to keepe their guard, till his Lordship in person with Sir Iohn Barkley went as quietly as they could to take view of the place; which they found to be narrow and a long Cawse-way leading to a Bridge reaching from the one Iland to the other. The Bridge they perceiued to be pulled vp, and on the other banke was there a strong Barricado, a little beyond which was a Fort with Ordnance. But how much or what we could not learne, nor by how many men it was held, yet perceiued Bridge and Barricado. they it absolutely not to be passed but at a low water. Our Mariners and Sea-men could say lit­tle to the ebbing and flowing in this Countrie, and therefore the onely way to know the fit 60 time of assault, was to set a continuall watch to giue present information of the ebbe. The meane time the Armie was led backe to repose themselues a while.

In a great Lawne we all sat or lay downe, and with fresh water, which the first Negro, and another, that was afterwards taken in this wood, led our men to, they refreshed themselues; [Page 1161] some had some Bread, his Lordship was no niggard of that he had. His lodging that night was his Target; I lay at his head, and to my remembrance, neuer slept better. In the morning (two houres at least before day) the allarum was giuen very quietly, and was readily taken, for we needed not but to shake our eares. The Companies were streight ranged, and euery man had forgotten how weary he had bin the last night, so forward they were to be in seruice. Euen betwixt his Lordship and Sir Iohn Barkeley there grew a little question; whether of them should haue the point that day. Sir Iohns answer was, that his Lordship might command them all, and therefore it was at his pleasure to haue or leaue the point; but since it had pleased him to Sir Iohn Barke­leys honourable ambition. diuide the Armie into two Regiments, and his Lordshippes Leaders had all the last day had the Point, he tooke it to be neerer the order of the Warres if the other Regiment this day were re­spected. This reason together with request to his honour to remember himselfe to be the Gene­rall, 10 and therefore his place should not be so full of danger, so farre moued his Lordship that Sir Iohns Regiment had the Point; neuerthelesse his Lordshippe would be at the seruice in person. Thus the manner of the enterprize being vpon the present resolued on, his Lordship put himselfe into his Armour, so did all the Commanders, and who else had Armours, for they looked that the seruice should be hot, as indeede it proued.

By and by the enemies Centinell had discouered the approach of our Companies, and they The fight be­tw [...]t the Eng­l [...]sh and Spani­ards. tooke the Alarum. It may be well said it was well fought by the Engli [...]h, and if it had bin day that euery one might haue seene what he did, it is to be thought so many would not haue de­serued so much commendation. The assault continued aboue two houres, during which time the 20 Spaniards were not idle. For though the assalants left no way in the world vnattempted, yet no way could they finde to enter the Gate. The Cawsey, which was the ordinarie way of passage, was purposely made so rugged: that our men to keepe them on their feete, made choise to wade The Earles ac­cidentall dan­ger. in the water besides it. Here his Lordship was (by the stumbling of him that bore his Target) ouerthrowne, euen to the danger of drowning; for his Armour so ouerburdened him, that the Sergiant Maior that by chance was next had much adoe at the first and second time to get him from vnder the water: when he was vp, he had receiued so much Salt water, that it droue him to so great extremity of present sicknesse, that he was forced to lye downe in the very place vp­on the Cawsey; till being somewhat recouered, he was able to be led to a place of some more safetie and ease; in which place the Bullets made him threatning musicke on euery side. His 30 Lordshippe being brought to this little safe place (whence yet he would not be remoued till the fight was done) Sir Iohn Barkeley led on his Regiment, from whom there were not lesse then 3000. English Bullets sent among the Spaniards, who had not so many hands as we, yet were not much behinde vs, in sending these heauy leaden messengers of death. For besides fix peece of great Ordnance, which were bent and played iust vpon the Cawsey, and some pretty store of Musketeers; at a port fast by the gate lay there a fowler, or a cast peece, that did more skathe, then all the rest, for that at once shot many murthering shot, whereupon the peece is also called a murtherer; for all this our Soldiers came to the very gate, and with Bils, some two or three that they had, wanting other fitter instruments, began to hewe it. At their ports and loope holes they were at the push of the Pike, and hauing broken their owne, with their naked hands Valiantassaults at the gates. 40 tooke their enemies Pikes, and perforce brake them.

But for all this no entrance could be got. Sir Iohn Barkeley attempting to discouer if any Sir I. Barkleys courage. passage might be found of either side of the gate, twice waded so farre, that if he could not haue swamme, he had bin drowned. They that were come to the gate called to their owne Companies, that some Pikes should be drawne to them: this word was giuen farther then was intended, for by and by all the Pikes were called for. Then his Lordships colours began to march, and to the Cawsey came, where hee was very exceeding sicke lying vpon the His Lordships perill. ground in a place, no lesse dangerous then if he had bin vpon the Cawsey; a place so peril­lous that it had bin as safe being at the entry of a breach by assault.: but the end was, it could not then bee taken; the tyde came in so fast, that what was at our knees before, was now The tide hin­dereth them. 50 come vp to our middles: and besides the day began to breake, which though some thought would be aduantagious for vs, yet certainely it would haue bin the death of many a man; their Ordnance being bent to scoure the Cawsey, and the ruggednesse which they had made to hinder our approach, had made vs forsake it; which if the day had once discouered to them, they might easily haue bent their Artillery to our much greater losse. But God would not haue more bloud shed, nor ours as yet to haue our wils. The Companies therefore were brought off to the place where we lodged all night, before where the Chirurgians were presently to looke to the hurt, which were not many, and the slaine much fewer, all vnder fiftie of both sorts. No Commander slaine or hurt but two Lieutenants. Lieutenant Cholmley, that had ser­ued excellently well, and Lieutenant Belings. The losse that the enemy had was much like, 60 sauing that of the assaults there were some few more slaine: from this place our Companies marched to the Sea-side, whether his Lordship had appointed victuals to meete them.

His Lordship hauing giuen the Souldiours some time to refresh themselues, in the meane time His Lordship goeth aboord. went himselfe aboord so sicke that in truth he was to be feared, with purpose to r [...]pose himselfe [Page 1162] for that night, but his thoughts were so busied and restlesse, that within few houres he came a­shore againe, and presently put in execution a purpose, which his Lordshippe had this meane time digested: it was to land men at the other Fort. For effecting whereof he gaue direction that one of the Ships should beare in close to the shore, though it were (as indeede at proued) with His returne and second Stratagem. apparent danger of casting her away: But the seruice was to be done whatsoeuer it cost: Withall there were in the rocks on the other side ouer against the Fort (I meane that which we first came to see, but could not come at) some fifty Musketeers placed, to beate the enemy from their Ord­nance: meane while there were shipped in Boates Captaine Coach, and Captaine Orrell with two hundred Pikes and shot to land on the other side the Fort, twixt it and the Town, that they hauing made good the place, might either make a stand till the rest of the forces were landed (if 10 it were thought needefull) or else might march and charge the other Fort on that side, when our men should assault it on this side. This plot tooke very good effect; for within an houre that the Good successe thereof. attempt was giuen, partly the Ship, and partly the Musketeers had so beaten the Fort, that the Boates had good leisure to land; whereupon within short space the enemy quitted the place without losse to be spoken of to our Companies: for of all ours there were not aboue three hurt, and one slain, onely the Ship was driuen vpon the rockes, and finally cast away. Their dire­ction Ship lost. was that the Souldiers should make the place good (for there was no doubt of their sufficient strength) the Boats were commanded to come backe againe to his Lordship, who appointed to The red Fort, called Mata­diabolo. tarry at a Conduit which is in the maine Iland but from whence men might be landed betwixt the point or the Bridge, and the red fort, called Mata-diabolo. 20

Our men were safely landed some pretty distance beyond the red Fort; where the Spaniards were ready to receiue them, and a while they skirmished gallantly, but finding themselues ouer­weake, they made an honorable retreat till they were fallen into the wood, in the edge whereof Spaniards bea­ten. they made their first stand. Ours marched directly to the Fort, which they found quitted, and there lodged all that night. By that time that the Boates were come backe to his Lordship, the The English take the Fort. Moone was growne so light, and the water fallen to so dead an ebbe, that there was no hope of passge till the next floud. There was not so much as a candle or a match to be seene in the Fort, whereupon his Lordship told Sir Iohn Barkeley that he tooke that Fort also to be quitted, the rather because some were seene passing from the Fort to the Frigat. Hereupon himselfe ac­companied with Sir Iohn Barkeley, went to the Cawsey to see if they could perceiue any more Another Fort quitted. 30 certaintie, and Captaine Rukesby was sent and brought certaine intelligence, that the enemy was gone.

By this time it was growne very late, and our men needed some refreshing: the Companies therefore were drawne vp to the place where we had lodged the last night, where hauing eaten something they were within a while brought downe to the point, where meeting with Cap­taine Coach and Captaine Orrell, all began to march directly towards the Towne. And now our men made but little doubt of all hauing once set safe footing in the lesser Iland. It was night when we began to march, and by breake of day we were at the Towne. This day was thursday, They enter the lesse Iland and march to the Towne. Iun. 8. The passage is wooddie on either side, and so narrow that not passi [...]g three at the most can march in ranke; and from the Towne this Fort is a mile and a halfe: yet all this way being so fit for Amb [...]skadoes, or for the Irish manner of charging by sudden comming on and off, there 40 was not a Dogge that barked at vs, so that in great quietnesse wee came to the Towne, The Towne quitted of all people able to beare armes and entred by the English. and found it quitted of all able to make resistance: fo. besides women and men, whom ei­ther age or wounds had disabled for the warres, all the rest had quitted the Towne, and be­taken themselues as to their last hope, to one of their Forts to the Sea-wards, called Mora.

§. III.

The Fort Mora beseeged and taken. The Towne described: the Mines. Pur­pose 50 to hold the place; altered by the death and sickenesse of many.

AFter that the place was assured with sufficient guards, and euery Company quartered: first of all the Spaniards that were left were deliuered to the Prouost, and then his Lord­ship sent a Drum to summon the Fort to be deliuered to him for the Queene of England, The Fort sum­moned. who had sent him thither to take it. The Gouernour made answere [...]hat the King of Spaine had sent him thither to keepe it, and that so long as he liued it should not be deliuered. The Gouer­nors brauado. After this summons his Lordship tooke exceeding care for the taking in of this hold with the least losse of men that possibly might be; for he considered that he was to leaue a strong Garri­son 60 there, and that he must himselfe goe home well guarded. His purpose therefore was to take it without fight, onely with a straight siedge to force them to yeelding: his Lordships speci­all purpose and desire was by hunger to driue them to a yeelding (as in the end hee did) but Care to saue mens liues. [Page 1163] withall he prouided a batterie, if their victualls should last longer then he wished and hoped. At one time therefore he tooke order to cut off all possible meanes of reliefe of victualls, by sen [...]ing Boates, which continually lay twixt the Fort and their Mayne; and withall hee prouided two plat-formes, and seuerall Gabions, that from two place [...] at once their wall might bee beaten. To this purpose there was brought from the Scourge two whole Culuerings, and two Demicul­uerings, and about the Towne were found foure other peeces that would serue for batterie, a­mong the which one was that which had slain Sir Nicholas Clifford there not long before. By Sa­turday Sir Nicholas Clifford. the seuenteenth of Iune the Ordnance was readie to batter. But his Lordship would not haue them begin on the Sabbath day; so that it was deferred till Monday.

All this while the noise of warre was not so great among vs, but that the still voice of Iu­stice His Lordships iustice. was well heard. It is no newes that in such companies there will bee outrages committed, 10 and so was it there: for his Lordship publikely disarmed a very good Souldier, for ouer-violent Souldier disar­med for vn­manly and vn­mannerly v­sage to a wo­man. Churches and Women secu­red. Rauisher exe­cuted. Sacriledg [...] terrified. spoyling a Gentlewoman of her jewels. But because this was not terrible enough to the rest, and he was desirous to arme Iustice with the authoritie of all the Commanders, forthwith hee caused a martiall Court to bee called. Whereupon the Article of defacing Churches or Houses of Religion, and of offering force to Women, there were two condemned to die. Hee that had done violence to a Spaniards wife, was a Souldier, and had giuen very good proofe of his va­lour, so farre, that his Lordship had taken speciall notice of him, but being conuicted of this crime, there was no place left for mercy, but hanged hee was in the market place; the Spa­niards as many as would come, being suffered to be present at the execution. The other fellow was a Sayler and an Officer in the Vice-admirall, for defacing some things in the Church, with­out 20 order from the Generall, hee was brought thrice to the Gibbet, and at length his Lordship was intreated to grant him mercy. These few but indeed notable examples of justice haue since held vs in much better termes of ruly obedience.

Vpon Monday the batterie began to speake very loud: both the Gabions beat vpon a Caua­lero which they had made vpon the Point next to the Towne. The Ordnance which they had planted thereon, by dinner time was iudged to bee dismounted, and though that were the thing specially respected in the batterie, yet because the Wall and the Caualero that stood vp­on it began to nod, they beat that place till towards the euening. All this while scarce was there a Spaniard to be seene vpon any part of their wall, whereas before the Ordnance began 30 to play, there could not within the sight and reach of the Fort, foure or fiue of the Souldiers come together, but there would a shot of great Ordnance be sent to scatter them. In the eue­ning the Canoneers found that they had spent all the Culuering shot, and therefore shut vp that day with the lesser peeces. Against the morning there was more prouided; but in the meane season it was perceiued, that the Caualero was alreadie sufficiently beaten, and that with the next raine (which in that Countrie and time of the yeere, is neither seldome nor little) it Raines. would fall, being (as all the Countrie is) of a sandie earth, it did but crumble into dust. The Canoneers therefore were appointed in the morning to beate the other Point neerer the Sea. For that so flanked the Gate, and the breach alreadie made, that without great danger there could not any approch be made, and his Lordship was growne exceeding niggardly of the ex­pence 40 of any one mans life.

This wrought so with them in the Fort, that about one a clocke, they sent forth a Drum to Parley deman­ded. demand parley. His motion was, that two of their Captaines might be suffered to speake with two of the English. It was granted; and they met in a place of the greatest indifferency that could be found, so that neither partie should discouer others strength. The demands were deli­uered Conditions demanded. in Paper, written in Spanish: the summe whereof was; for themselues they desired that with Colours flying, match in their cocks, and bullets in their mouth be set beyond the Point at the Bridge, to goe whither they would. Further, they demanded all the prisoners to bee de­liuered without ransome, and that no mans Negroes and Slaues should be detayned from them. His Lordship vtterly refused any such composition, but told them because hee tooke no pleasure 50 in s [...]edding Christian bloud, hee would deliuer them some Articles, which if they liked, hee would without more adoe receiue them to mercy. Which Articles were these, deliuered vnder his Lordships owne hand to the Gouernour.

A resolution, which you may trust to.

I Am content to giue your selfe and all your people their liues, your selfe, with your Captaines and Articles offe­red. Officers to passe with your Armes: all the rest of your Souldiers with their Rapiers and Dag­gers onely.

You shall all stay here with me, till I giue you passage from the Iland, which shall bee within thir­tie 60 dayes.

Any one of you, which I shall choose, shall goe with me into England, but shall not stay longer there then one moneth, but being well fitted for the purpose, shall bee safely sent home into Spaine without ransome.

[Page 1164] It was doubted whether there were any in the Fort that spake English, and therefore some were wishing the Articles were translated into Spanish. But his Lordship peremptor [...]ly refused to seeke their language, but would haue them to finde out his; but because it was now growne late, he gaue them respite to thinke what they would answere till eight a clocke the next day, and promise was giuen on either side, that neither should practise to put things out of the state, they now were in. The next morning rather before then after the time appointed, there re­turned to his Lordship, besides the two former Captaines, both hee that now was, and hee that had beene last Gouernour, and withall they brought with them one of good place in his Lordships seruice whom they had taken prisoner, while he was viewing a peece of Ordnance that lay neere the Fort. These also required (as Captaine Lansois and the Sergeant Major before) 10 priuate audience who without much difficultie yeelded vpon the foresaid conditions; and farther desired they might haue two Colours left them, & in lieu hereof they made promise that nothing Spaniards yeeld the Fort. should be spoyled in the Fort. That day the Gouernour and his Companie dined with his Lord­ship, and after dinner the Gouernour went and brought out his Companies out of the Fort (which of all sorts were neere foure hundred) and deliuered the keyes to his Lordship, who The Fort Mora wherein were 400. Souldiers, deliuered vp to the English. immediately brought in his owne Colours, and Sir Iohn Barkleys, and placed them vpon the two Points of the Fort. The Spaniards without being pillaged (for beside all promises his Lordship suffered them to carry their stuffe away) conueyed safely into a strong Castle in the Towne called Fortileza. This Fort was taken in vpon Wednesday being the one and twentieth of Iune, and vpon Thursday our fleet was commanded to come into the Harbour, for all this 20 while it had rid without. This Fort is to the Sea-ward very strong, and fitted with good­ly Ordnance, and bestowed for the most aduantage to annoy an enemie that possibly could bee deuised. It is held absolutely impossible that any shippe should passe that Point without sinking instantly, if the Fort doe not graunt her passage: And the riding without the Har­bour is very dangerous as wee found by the losse of many Anchors and Cables, to the extreme danger of many of the Ships, and the finall casting away of one of them. The Fort to the land­ward is not altogether so strong as towards the Sea, but yet being victualled able to abide a long siege.

The Towne consisteth of many large streets, the houses are built after the Spanish manner, The descripti­on of the citie of Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico. of two stories height onely, but very strongly, and the roomes are goodly and large, with great 30 doores in stead of windowes for receit of aire, which for the most part of the day wanteth ne­uer. For about eight in the morning there riseth ordinarily a fresh breese (as they call it) and bloweth till foure or fiue in the afternoone, so that their houses all that while are very coole, of Fresh aire. all the artificiall day the space from three in the morning till sixe, is the most temperate, so that then a man may well indure some light clothes vpon him; from fixe till the breese rise is very soultering, from fiue in the afternoone hottest of all the rest till midnight, which tim [...] Heat, how or­dered. also is held dangerous to be abroad, by reason of the Screnaes (they call them) which are ray­nie dewes. And indeed in the nights the Souldiers which were forced to lie abroad in the fields, when they awaked found as much of their bodies as lay vpwards to bee very wet. The Towne Great dewes. in circuit is not so bigge as Oxford, but very much bigger then all Portesmouth within the for­tifications, 40 and in sight much fayrer. In all this space there is very little lost ground; for they Greatnesse. haue beene still building, insomuch as that within these three yeeres, it is augmented one fourth part. The Cathedrall Church is not so goodly as any of the Cathedrall Churches in Eng­land, Cathedrall Church de­scribed. and yet it is faire and handsome; two rowes of proportionable pillars, make two allies besides the middle walke, and this all along vp to the high Altar. It is darker then commonly Countrie Churches in England. For the windowes are few and little, and those indeed with­out No glasse windowes. glasse (whereof there is none to be found in all the Towne) but couered with Canuas, so that the most of the light is receiued by the doores, the greatest whereof is iust in the West end The doores, &c. to the Seaward, so that out of it a man walking in the Church may behold the ships riding in a very faire Harbour. The other two doores (besides that which is priuate from the Bishops 50 house) are on either side, a little aboue their Quire. For that of all other things is the most singular and differing from the fashion in England, that their Quire is in the very lowest and Westermost part of their Church, wherein is the Bishops seate raysed three good steps aboue Quire in the lowest part of the Church. the rest, and pompously built. On either side of him seeme to sit sixe Prebends, and vpwards are places for singing men and Quiristers. Their Church wanteth no necessarie implement. On the North side a faire paire of Organs; at either side-doore a poore mans boxe: aboue the Or­gans on the same side, there is a decent Pulpit very conueniently placed; on the other side of the side-doores, there were two Lauers for holy water, to sprinkle the Incommers, and in the South-west corner fast by the great doore is there a place seemly inclosed with Ioyners worke, where is a faire Font placed. This Church is sacred to Saint Iohn Baptist, as is all the 60 Iland; besides his Image there were many other in particular shrines, which the Souldiers could not bee held from defacing vnorderly. There are in the Citie three or foure little Chappels to Chappels. Saint Anne, Saint Barbara, and others.

Besides the Fort, which held out those few dayes, and is of some twice twelue score re­moued [Page 1165] from the Towne: there is in the West and by South side of the Towne a strong Castle, The Castle. built of squared stone, commonly called the Kings house, named before Fortileza, wherein was found good store of Munition. Betwixt this Castle, and the Fort Mora, there is another peece of fortification of squared Stone and battlemented, it also coasteth along the Sea, and may beate the harbour. So that all things considered, it was the mightie hand of God, which with the losse of two men onely at one shot slaine with a peece of Ordnance, deliuered a place of such strength, to so small a troope of men, the rather if it be considered, that we came not thither vn­looked for; for they had particular warning a moneth at least before, and to the waterside where Boates vse to land out of the harbour, they had cast vp a strong ditch to impeach landing there, but God brought vs a better way. There is also a faire Frierie standing on the North side Monasterie. of the Towne, but little distant from it: it is built of Bricke in a good large square, with a 10 Church and Hall, and all necessary roomes for a Pryor and Couent of Fryers, it seemeth not to be perfected yet, for they are beginning of a Cloyster not yet couered. The Couent was fled all, sauing one old Fryer, who in the little broken Latine that he had told me, that they were Dominicani ordinis praedicatorum mendicantium. The scituation of this place is exceeding delight­full: it standeth vpon the easie hanging of a hill, inclosed on three parts well neere by the Sea. The soile sandie and very light, like to our Rye-fields in England: the temper as in that height hot, and yet rather effectually and in operation, then to the sense. There books haue their glewed backs, there melted and loosened; Flowers or Fruites candied in England, there lose their crust, and English Comfits grow liquid. But after some little acquaintance, it is likely it would proue 20 a very healthfull place; for though they speake of some mortality (as what place in the world is alwaies free from that scourge of God?) that hath bin there of late, yet haue I bin told by them that haue liued there, in seuenteene moneths there haue not aboue two bin buried, and those of extreame age. And at his Lordships comming hither people of 80. and 90. yeares old were of good abilitie of body.

The rest of this little Iland (at the least halfe of a league in length) is for the most Woods com­plaining Woods of vn­knowne trees. of the want of dressing and industrie, yet are they all youthfully greene, and none with­out some fruite or other, but so strange as would pose the professors of that skill in England: and in these woods Horses and Oxen grow fat, if they be suffered to rest. Therein be also some large inclosures carefully dressed, not vnlike to our manner of dressing Hop-yards, and euery hillocke 30 laden with the fruites of the Countrie. Lemmons or rather Lymes, and the goodliest Orenges that euer I saw are ordinarily to be found where no man set them. In and about the Towne there is store of Coker-nut-trees, which, beside the excellencie of the Fruite, giue a very delightfull gracing to the Towne. There is not in this little Iland any knowne Riuer or Spring', but hard beyond the point in the other Iland there is an excellent Conduit of very good fresh water, handsomely ouerbuilt with squared Stone; and in the Towne euery house hath a large Well, and some two, so as they cannot want water in such plentie of raine, which is there both often and abundant. And if men will not lose themselues with ouermuch ease and pleasure, there will be no necessarie thing wanting. But the eminent and knowne profits of this place are Ginger, Sugar and Hides, besides the secrets of the Gold Mines, howsoeuer of late yeares neglected. Some 40 reasons haue beene giuen, why the King left working though he knew there were exceeding store of Gold. The first is, the very store of Gold; for say they the sweetenesse he found, made him vnwilling to haue any copartners, and therefore knowing this place to bee the neerest to the Indies to Why those mynes are neglected. those Countrimen, whom he most feared that they would in time become sharers with him, he would not lay such a baite to entice them to set footing there, where being once entered, they would not onely guild their fingers, and pay their Souldiers for the present with his Trea­sure, but would make this their baiting place in the longer iourney to the other Ilands, and con­tinent of the Indies, which are the very coffers whence he feedeth his warres. And if it be ob­iected, that the working in these Mines was ceased before the King had cause to feare the Eng­lish or French inuasions thereinto, there being then no warres twixt him and them; let them 50 rest satisfied, that with the answer made by a Spaniard to his Lordship, obiecting the same, that the warres were then a brewing. Secondly, they say that the King left working in this, because he would haue all not onely this, but the other Mines also; for he saw that all men, as they doe loue wealth, so doe they also seeke after ease, And if with lesse labour they may get the same profit, none will vndergoe needlesse trauell. From which generall, the descent is very easie and direct to this particular. That if in a shorter voyage and lesse time his subiects were sure to make them­selues Masters of as much gold, as if they went farther and should come no heauier home; hee should finde but few that would fetch gold from Peru, or the other more inland parts of the In­dies, when as they might haue it with halfe the trauell, and in halfe the time. Besides, the Spa­niards great lands and pouertie of men will not suffer all workes goe forwards at once. There 60 are among the Spaniards whom God hath deliuered to his Lordships hands, the same Lansois of whom was spoken before. In what reckoning hee is held by the Spaniards, may bee percei­ued, by their imploying him, in time of so great necessitie. Once it is confessed, that hee al­most onely was hee that held the rest from present yeelding, and who after yeelding (which [Page 1166] yet they say was without his consent) taketh the losse of the Spaniards most of all to heart. He seemeth truly to be wise aboue the common pitch of Souldiers which is his profession, yet hath he beene heard say and protest by the faith of a Souldier, that there is not so rich and good a myne in all the Kings Dominions to the Westward, as that of Puerto Rico. Others whose fathers were imployed in the workes, report what their dying fathers told them. But that which maketh most of all to the purpose, is the present preparation which the King is euen now a making, for the reuiuing of these workes afresh in Puerto Rico, by setting two hundreth Negroes to worke, and for that purpose had sent great store of Mattocks and Spades thither, there found in his store-house, and for what other vse they should haue needed, is not well conceiueable. 10

Much time was spent in taking order how the Spaniards might be dispatched to Carthagena; (for thither it was resolued they should bee sent) being a place so farre to the leeward of Puerto Rico, as that they neither could in haste themselues make any head, nor send newes to Spaine, to procure the le [...]ing of any forces thence: and in prouiding victuals for this place, and repayring ships that were first to come for England. Vpon Thursday being Saint Peters day, there was a saile discryed at Sea in the morning, and by noone shee was come into the Harbour, which Saile descryed. with much astonishment shee found turned English. The Spaniards had some few dayes before reported that they looked for a ship to bring from the Hauana much of the Souldiers pay that was behinde. This held vs for the time in great suspence of hope and doubt, whether this might bee shee or no; the rather because this seemed to bee of the same bignesse that they had spoken of, but when shee was fallen into the trap, it was found indeed to bee a very Mouse, 20 where we looked for a Mountaine. For her lading was a number of poore naked Negroes from Angola to bee sold there. Yet was shee a pretie Boat, and of her lading likely to bee made of A ship of Ne­groes. good vse. Within few dayes after there was another saile almost taken after the same manner, yet perceiuing a greater fleete riding there, then shee could hope to finde Spanish shee got her tack aboard, and went away lasking, so that though the Affection was sent away in chace af­ter her, yet shee escaped.

Vpon Friday being the seuenth of Iuly, all things being made readie for their passage, the Spaniards were imbarked in a Caruell, and in another ship, which during the time the ships rode without the Harbour, for feare of them whom shee could not passe, or enuie that they 30 should receiue good by her, ranne her selfe desperately ashoare, but shee and most things in her were saued, and here shee saued the sending away of a better ship. With these two, wherein the baser Spaniards were put, there were two other ships sent to waft them, wherein also went the Gouernour and some few others, who deserued some respect. And for themselues it was permitted them to come directly home for England. The next day being the eighth of Iuly, there came to his Lordship two Negroes from the mayne Iland with a flagge of truce, and a let­ter from one Seralta, an ancient Commander in that Iland, and who vpon a wound receiued in the first fight at the bridge had with-drawne himselfe into the Countrie. The effect of his de­sire was, that being in great distresse through feare of the English, that daily marched vp and downe the Countrie, he desired his Lordship to grant him and his protection to trauell without danger. Whereunto his Lordship made this answere to be written, and sent him. That he must 40 absolutely denie his request, but yet if himselfe, or any of his Nation, or any dwelling with him or them would within eight dayes come vnto him to Puerto Rico, he should by the vertue of that his Letter bee protected from being taken or spoyled, by any of his Souldiers: and this hee willed him to signifie to them neere about him, that they might giue notice of the same throughout the whole Iland. And further, his Lordship promised that to as many as would come, that they should both come safely, and if they so would should bee imbarked, and sent away as the Gouernour with the rest of the Spaniards were alreadie.

His Lordships honorable resolution and intendment was, not to come so farre from home, to take onely or spoile some place in this other world, and then run home againe: but hee had de­termined 50 (by the leaue of God) to keepe Puerto Rico, if it pleased God to giue it into his hands. That was the place he meant to carry, whatsoeuer it might cost him, being the very key of the West Indies, which locketh and shutteth all the gold and siluer in the Continent of America and Brasilia. He knew that Saint Domingo might with much lesse losse bee taken, and would bring much greater profit for the present; in regard whereof, and of the desire hee had his Aduenturers should become gayners, his thoughts sometime tooke that way, but finally they stayed at Puerto Rico, and there setled themselues. As this was his resolution before hee had it, so was it also after Purpose of stay and holding the place. he had it, and then not onely his, but euery man of worth or spirit saw such reason in his Lord­ships designments, that some thought themselues not so graciously dealt withall, that they were passed ouer, when others were named to stay. But God had otherwise disposed. For within a while that his Lordship had beene in Puerto Rico, many of our men fell sicke, and at the very first 60 not very many dyed. The Spanish as well as the English were both sicke and dyed of the sicknesse, as besides Seralta was seene in diuers others. O h [...]rs suspected their bodily labours to haue pro­cured Alteration by sicknesse and mo [...]talitie. it, and both seeme to haue concurred.

[Page 1167] In Iuly and August is their Winter, so called for their great raines at those times, which to bo­dies alreadie rarified by the heat of the Sunne then ouer them, and yet rather where vehement Winte [...] (so cal­led of abun­dance of rain) in Iuly and August. The disease. exercise hath more opened the pores whereby inward heat is exhaled, must needes be very dan­gerous. It was an extreme loosenesse of the body, which within few dayes would grow into a flux of bloud, sometimes in the beginning accompanyed with a hot Ague, but alwayes in the end attended by an extreme debillitie and waste of spirits: so that some two dayes before death, the armes and legs of the sicke would be wonderfull cold. And that was held for a certaine signe of neere departure. This sicknesse vsually within few dayes (for it was very extreme to the number of sixtie eightie, and an hundred stooles in an artificiall day) brought a languishing weaknesse ouer all the body, so that one mans sicknesse (if [...]ee were of any note) commonly kept 10 two from doing duties. And this was it, which rather then the number alreadie dead, made his Lordship first thinke of quitting the place. For though towards the beginning of Iuly, there were not much aboue two hundred dead, yet was there twice as many sicke, and there was no great hope to recouer the most of them. The ships were left weakly manned, for when we lan­ded we landed about a thousand men, of which the greater part was dead or made vnseruiceable for the present. There were aboue foure hundred reported dead when his Lordship left the 400. English de [...] of sick­nesse in Puer [...]o Rico. Towne, and surely as many so sicke, that most of them could not bring themselues aboard, before his Lordship left the place. After that it was once openly giuen out what his Lordship purposed, then was order taken to make readie the ships, in which time these things happened. Vpon Fri­day the seuenth of Iuly, there was a saile discryed, which being come in was found to bee one of 20 our owne, though made ours by purchace. Heretofore it was noted, that at our comming from the Canaries, wee wanted the Frigat and one of the black Pinnaces, which being sent vpon a piece of seruice with Captaine Slingsby in the Consent, had left him, and were gone after a chace, but how farre or whither none knew till this saile came in, which told vs that they had taken that chace, whose lading was Muttons onely and Hennes, passing from one Iland to another, but withall they had so irrecouerably lost the fleet, that after they had there stayed fiue or sixe dayes, beating vp and downe to finde vs againe, but withou [...] effect. Captaine Harper that commanded the Frigat, was forced to breake open his Letter, to know his direction whither his Lordship had appointed him to come to him. According whereunto they first stood for Margarita, where not finding his Lordship, nor hearing any newes of the fleet; they put off againe for Puerto Rico, 30 according to the direction they had receiued. But by reason of the violence of the Current there not so well knowne to them, they were driuen to the leeward of Puerto Rico, and so had beene at Domingo before they came to vs. There they heard newes of his Lordships being at Puerto Rico, and that he had taken the Towne, but the Fort held out still. Making therefore all the haste they could, bearing vp as high as the Passages, they got thither at last. The men in this ship were they which had beene in the black Pinnace, but because shee began to bee leakie, and not to brooke Black Pinnace sunke. these Seas, they had sunke her, and put themselues into the prize, which being of better saile then the Frigat, had out-gone her some dayes sayling, for they told vs shee would also bee there within few dayes, and so shee was on Tuesday next after, hauing lost one man of their compa­nie, all the rest were very strong, and in good liking. Vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of Iuly, 40 there came into this Harbour a Caruell: Shee was found to bee of Margarita, laded onely with passengers that were bound for Spaine. There were also found some rags and medicine pearle, to the value of a thousand Duckets; the men were not many, and it should seeme they had not A thousand Ducats worth of pearles [...]ound. further furnished themselues, then might prouide them necessaries at their arriuall in Spaine, and to present their friends. Vpon interrogatories therefore he found it very certaine by the agree­ing confession of them all, that they were so farre from hearing of any fleet of the English in these Westerne parts, that in much securitie the Kings Chist was yet remayning in Margarita, with no more then the ordinarie guard. For besides the old Garrison of about thirtie Souldiers, there The Kings rich Chist of pearls in Margarita. was not any new supply. Onely they had receiued direction from the King, that seeing the Chist was very rich, they should not aduenture to send so great treasure without assured strength; and therefore his pleasure was signified to be, that it should attend his sending of some Gallions 50 or Frigats for the safe wafting of the same. The Chist had not beene stirred some yeeres, and therefore rich it must needes be, in a place which so plentifully yeelded pearle. Triall was made by his Lordship with three ships; but Margarita lying South-east or South-east by South from Puerto Ricco, and the windes at that time of the yeere constantly blowing East South-east or South-east by East, they were forced backe frustrate of their hopes. 60

§. IIII.

Purpose of returne. Treatie with the Spaniards. His Lordships departure. Description of the Iland, the Beasts, Fruits, Plants, &c.

HIs Lordship after he saw it was not Gods pleasure, that this place should yet bee kept by the English, had made some offers afarre off to the Teniente, and other chiefe men that were in the mayne Iland, for ransomming their Iland and Citie. To this pur­pose he vsed one Antonio Robles, a Licenciate in physick, that had beene taken in the ship of Angola, whereof I noted something before. This Robles is a man, whom some learning 10 and much experience added to his naturall wit, had made very subtile and craftie. Hee once re­turned, but soone after gaue the slip, as also did two others. By reason of this accident, the old Gouernour and the rest of the Spaniards, were restrayned of much libertie they had, and were kept in closer durance: which wrought with them in such sort, that at his Lordships returne in­to the Harbour, the Gouernour Pedro Suarez made offer to his Lordship, that if it would please [...]im to send one Vincent Lopez (that was in restraint with him) againe to negociate with the Teniente touching the ransome of the Citie and Stansies, he would become suretie for his returne. His Lordship refused to write any more to men so vnworthy of his curtesie, which they had much abused; Marry if you, said my Lord, doe see likelihood that any thing would bee ef­fected, and would your selfe and as from your selfe write to them to perswade them for their 20 owne good, I would vpon your word and suretiship, be content that the said Lopez should passe. Lopez sent with Letters. Thus vpon Tuesday the first of August, was Lopez dispatched with one Letter to the Bishop, and another to the Teniente, both from Pedro Suarez. Vpon Thursday the third day, Lopez re­turned. And brought his Lordship a Letter in shew from the Licenciate in physick, Antonio Robles, but indeed it was an answere from the Teniente, Pedro Garcia, and the rest, into whose hands the gouernment fell, vpon the sending away of the present Gouernour Antonio Muschere. In this Letter, besides many idle excuses for his owne treacherous breach of promise (the conue­nient doing whereof was in likelihood the cause, that he specially was deputed to write for the rest) there was offer made, that if it would please his Excellencie, to set downe and send them a definite summe, which he would accept, they would looke into their present abilitie, and accor­dingly 30 would send his Lordship assurance, that within seuen dayes it should be sent to him, to be receiued at the Point, where hee held continuall guard. Concluding, that in these sendings they sought nothing but delaies, his Lordship determined not to send them any more, but withall speed to make himselfe and the fleet readie for a happy, and by many much desired returne, since it was cleere, that it was not Gods pleasure, that yet this Iland should bee inhabited by the English. All the Hides therefore, and Ginger and Sugar, which either was alreadie readie or in time could be gotten, was forthwith shipped, and so was all the munition in the Towne, all the Ordnance in any place of that Iland, which amounted in all and of all sorts very neere the full number of fourscore cast peeces, some of them the goodliest that euer I saw. But when they saw his Lord­ship 80 peeces of brasen Ord­nance brought from Puerto Rico. resolute to send no more to them for negotiating touching the ransome of their Citie; they 40 now begin to send againe and againe to him. His Lordship neuer meant to deface their Citie, or to make it vnfit to be inhabited. But withall he tooke the likeliest wayes, to conceale this from the knowledge of the enemie, whom hee could not so well rule with any other bit, our owne strength being now growne so weake. His Lordship therefore entertayned their offers, and so farre granted their desires, that some in the name of them all, might with his Lordships Passe come to the Citie to goe through with his Excellencie. There came two, Imma [...]el Corder [...] and Don Pedro de Pantoia, who without the Bishops consent, they said, offered fiue hundred kintals of Ginger; at whose returne (which should bee within three or foure dayes) they did thinke that thrice so much would be giuen. The fleet was not yet altogether readie, and Sir Iohn Bark­ley not yet so well recouered of his the common disease, as that it was deemed fit hee should pre­sently 50 commit himselfe to the Sea, being to bee so long without a bayting place; and hee by his Lordships directions left him, might dispatch the matter. These two therefore were licensed to returne to Luisa to their friends vpon Saturday being the twelfth of August, with promise to be againe with vs on the Tuesday following. But before their appointed day his Lordship set saile: yet it is not vnlikely his returne was something hastened, by an accident that fell out. The old man Pedro Suarez had a countenance that promised an honest minde, and in regard of his age and weaknesse, he was not so narrowly looked to, as for sometime hee had beene. This old sicke man found a meanes to escape the Sunday-night after they were gone to Luisa, certainly not without practice with his Countrimen; and it is thought with the priuitie of his Keeper. Now this mans departure onely therefore misliked, because it was traiterous and without leaue, did 60 more and more confirme his Lordship in his opinion that the Spaniards dealing with vs was trai­terous, and for some other end, then was pretended. And therefore seeing his owne stay should not be needfull (for he knew Sir Iohn very sufficient to dispatch any thing that was to bee done) he presently commanded that his owne ship should weigh, and with her, of great ships onely [Page 1169] the Samson; of the lesser, the Royall Defence, the Frigat, the Scout, the Elizabeth, the Guiana, and two little ones that were found in the Harbour, one a Frenchman, and the other a Spanish Fri­gat, which were rigged during our aboad there. So that his Lordship left with Sir Iohn the Ships left with Sir I. Barkley. strength of the Nauie, the Ascention, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Consent, the Pegasus, the Centurion, two strong flie-boats, and the Anthonie. The true reason of his Lordships desire to be gone from Puerto Rico quickly, was indeed a longing he had to be quickly at the Ilands. For hee had so plotted the voyage, that still hee would haue a string left in store for his Bow. And now hee had intelligence that the fleet of Mexico, which hee knew was to goe this yeere, was euen Cause of the Earles quick departure: now vpon their dispatch. For vpon very good aduertisements he was giuen to vnderstand, that the fleet meant to disimbogge the first light Moone in their September, which falleth out to bee the seuen and twentieth of our August, and his desire was to be at the Ilands before them, which 10 he might well hope for being in the height of the Bermuda by that time they should put forth of the Bay. Besides this he had reason to looke for the meeting of a Carack, if by the middest of September hee were at the Ilands. For though they, which are homewards bound hauing made their voyage in the East Indies, ordinarily haue timelier passage, and are at home by August, yet if any of them, which this yeere were to goe from Lisbon, should be put backe againe, September is the moneth, wherein they were to bee expected at the Açores. And for their more certaine meeting againe with his Lordship, that so all the fleet might come home together, his Lordship left them this direction, which was giuen to euery ship vnder his hand. You shall steere in with the Southward part of Flores: if you finde me not in that course, then seeke me betwixt ten and four­teene 20 le [...]gues of Fayal, West South-west. If there you finde mee not, then come through betwixt Fayal and the Pike; and seeke me in the Road at Gra [...]iosa; if you finde me in none of these places, you may be assured I am gone from the Ilands for England. And for the Towne, Sir Iohn had order giuen to leaue it vndefaced, sauing that the Fort Mora should bee razed to the landward. Thus wee left Puerto Rico, and steered as directly to the Ilands as the windes would suffer vs, which are there continually Easterly, yet serued vs so fauourably, that blowing much at East South-east, wee tooke our selues to hold a North North-east course, allowing our ships to driue one point to the leeward; which course it we could hold, we hoped to weather the infamous Iland of Bermuda, notorious with vnmercifull and incredible stormes of fearfull thunder and lightning. It was the The Ear [...]e de­parted from Puerto Rico the 14. of August. sixt day after our departure from Puerto Rico, being Saturday the nineteenth of August, when I 30 writ out this note, then were wee a great way from the height of the Bermuda, which lyeth in thirtie three degrees.

Now we are in the way from Puerto Rico to the Ilands of Açores, which must needes be found a long passage, and the way being not much beaten with resort of the Passengers, puts me in hope that this may be a leisurefull place, to pay a piece of a promise that I made before, to say some­thing more of the nature and qualitie and largenesse of the mayne Iland of Puerto Rico. The meanes which I did most wish and hope for, to enable mee the better for the payment of this debt, I could neuer with conueniency come by. For I alwayes waited if his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne. For without him I had no great desire, and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed, seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things, which were The Authors employment with the Earle. 40 to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand. So that whatsoeuer I shall say here, I must be content to report vpon the report of others; and I will not tell you any thing, which (mee thought) my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue. The plat and figure of the Iland is a square, Of the n [...]ture, qualitie, [...]nd largenesse of the mayne I­land of Saint Iohn de Pue [...] Rico. altera parte longius, the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure; for it is told me, to be sixe and thirtie leagues long, and twentie leagues broad, bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance. It lyeth East and West: at the West end the two corners doe so jut out, that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them, but yet not so profitable, because a goodly Riuer, which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay, is choaked with sands, which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer, which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land, is within a stones cast of losing his old name, and being called the Sea, made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen. There are indeed in the same Bay other 50 lesser Riuerets, whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water, as Sir Francis Drake did, after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico, and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland, which is commonly called La Aquada, in English, The watering place, the greatest Commander, and of largest possessions, is, or of late hath beene, one Chereno; whose proper land, is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues. The other end, the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan, in English Saint Iohns head. The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme: and the South side about the Countrie of Choama (whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe) will be answer­able to the left side or left arme, as being lesse fit for action, and his feet is the watering place. The 60 most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond, the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico; whereof Toa is by much the greater, and falleth more with Riuer Toa. the West of the Towne: This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine, called Guiamo, being on the South side of the mayne Iland, some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Puerto Rico [...]o the Eastward; [Page 1170] from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame, till it come to another Mountaine, called Cawas, and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it, yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name, for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had, as they say; but here parteth it selfe into two streames, the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa, a Towne not great but somewhat fortified, standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer, it is vnknowne. But well knowne it is, that they haue both one name. The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa, runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico, where it is cal­led Toa.

Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa, and runneth a Northerly, but more Ea­sterly Riuer Baia­mond. 10 course withall, till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers, and Riuerets and Springs without number, or names, but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vp­on them, for the most part runne Northerly. For besides Guiamo, which riseth in the Countrie of Coama, and runneth into the Southerly Sea, and the Riuer whereon Saint German (which al­so is called Salamanca and Guadianilla) is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo; all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland, and fall into the Norther­ly Sea. As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward, the Riuer and Towne of Sa [...]uco: next to it Guiamo, then the Recibo, twixt which and the Laguada is another, whose name I could not learne. The Laguada, whereof I spake before, and which giueth name to the Westerly end of 20 the Iland, where Sir Francis Drake (as I said) watered, is next vnto the choaked Bay before men­tioned; in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba, which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation, so that the passage to Saint Domingo, and the other leeward parts of the West Indies, are most ordinarily from the Laguada, if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way. For as Saint Germans or Salamanca, though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne, yet I am told so much to the contrarie, as makes me doubt of the former report, though I dare not absolutely assent to this later, though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me. Now, in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is Gold found ordinarily [...]n the Riuers of Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico. there gold found ordinarily before it be sought. And (I know it to bee true) when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico, that hee went not away 30 without purpose to returne, one of them told his Honor in plaine termes, that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers, and many other besides these, but hee should finde gold. This certainly is true, and I haue seene the experience, that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich, when triall was made, onely by washing away the sand and grauell, there was cornes of very good gold found in it, and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure. Where, because we are againe fallen into this ar­gument, I will report vnto you a certaine truth, whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed. One Ioancho de Luyando, a Mint-master in this Iland, dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans, or at the least hauing workes there, tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure, as it needed no further triall, that being sent to the King it was found worth three 40 thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets, and diuers times he found such plates, that onely splitting them, he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on. This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care; for it is certainly reported, that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold, hee did not know them to be his owne, till themselues told him so; and yet this man dyed so very rich, that he left euery of his three sonnes a hundreth thousand Duckets; insomuch that the youngest of them being in Spaine vpon the dispatch of some businesse, which his father had left vnsettled, was there thought of state so good, that a Marquesse thought his daughter well bestowed vpon Vanitie of riches. him in marriage, But see how nothing will last where God with his preseruing blessing doth not keepe things together. For at this day, scarce is there any remainder left of all his riches, and 50 this now most poore though great Lady, not being able to proportion her selfe to the lownesse of her fortune, and besides vexed with her husbands ill conditions, hath by authoritie left him, and hauing entered religious profession, is at this present in a Nunnerie in Saint Domingo.

I haue beene very inquisitiue of the best obseruers, and most able to judge among ours, that haue vpon occasion trauailed into the inparts of the Iland. They doe agreeingly tell me, first that their wayes are very myrie, or rather dirtie, as proceeding of mold rather then grauell or sand; The soile. now, the prouerbe in England is, that that Countrie is best for the Byder, that is most cumbersome to the Rider. Secondly, the grasse and herbage they meet withall euerywhere is very proud and high, though somewhat course, which argueth a lustinesse, and strength of fatnesse in the soile, and which wanteth onely store of mouthes to ouer-come that luxuriant pride, and to bring it to 60 the finenesse which we most commend in England, which is made most probable, by that, which in the third place they report of their experience, that the soile is a black mold, vnderlaid with­in some two foot, with a laire of reddish clay, which is one of the most infallible marks by which our English Grasiers know their battle and feeding grounds. The whole Iland is delightfully and [Page 1171] pleasurably diuersified with Hills and Vallies. Among the Hills there is one eminent aboue the rest, called the Loquilla, commended with the greatest plentie and riches of mynes. And yet M. Loquilla. none of the Riuers that I can heare of, haue their heads from thence, which perhaps may bee the reason, why it aboue the rest is lesse wasted. For they say that in the other Hills also there are veines found, of whose pouertie no man needeth to complaine. This Hill which they call Lo­quilla, is placed Easterly aboue Luisa. The Vallies are much wooddy, but in very many places interlaced with g [...]odly large Playnes and spacious Lawnes. The woods are not onely vnderlings Woods and Timber. (as in the lesser Iland for the most part they are) but timber trees of goodly talnesse and stature, fit for the building of ships, and of euery part of them. For not to speake of a ship which wee our selues found here a building towards the burthen of a hundreth, the great Bougonia; a ship of a 10 thousand, hauing lost her Masts at Sea, had them all made here of the timber of this Iland, her mayne Mast being of two trees onely, and being there and all other wayes fitted for Spaine, was euen vpon the point of putting forth of this Harbour, when Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Haw­kins came hither with an honorable intent to take her and the foure Millions, which shee brought hither from the Hauana. For this ship was the Admirall of the fleet, which that yeere went from Tierra firma; and being taken with a storme at Sea, and hauing lost her Masts, with much adoe recouered this Harbour, and here was againe fitted. But the Queenes Nauie (vpon aduertise­ment Great ship sunke with foure mi [...]ions and a halfe of treasure. of this accident) came so just in the nick, that they were forced to sinke her in the Harbour, and that with so great haste, that the passengers had not time to fetch their clothes, but lading and victuals and all was lost. Some of the ribs of this great Beast we found here, but the marrow 20 and sweetnesse of her was gone; for shee brought in her foure millions and a halfe of treasure, for the wafting whereof those Frigats, which Sir Francis burned in this Harbour, were purposely sent. For while Sir Francis was watering at Guadalupe, some of his fleet discouered the passage of these Frigats by Dominica; which good newes (as truly they were very good) assured Sir Fran­cis (as he openly told the fleet) that the treasure was not yet gone from Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico, for as much as he assured himselfe that these ships were going to fetch it home. The Playnes and The playnes. Lawnes of the mayne Iland [...]re graced with much varietie of many kindes of fruit: for besides the great Countries of ground where their Heards roame with such vncontrolled licence, as that Herds almost wilde. they grow almost wilde, the champaine which they haue chosen to place their Stancies and In­genios vpon, are richly laden with Ginger and Sugar-cane. Their Ingenios are commonly vpon Ginger and Sugar. 30 some Riuer, or neere some moore-marrish and waterish places, for in places of that qualitie doe their Sugar-canes prosper best. And besides, there is much vse of water for their Mills, and other works, though most commonly their Mills goe with the strength of men and horses, as I vnder­stand, like our Horse-mills in England, which if I had seene my selfe I should haue beene better able, and conseq [...]ently more willing, to haue reported to you the manner and cunning of the same. They that haue beene eye-witnesses, doe with great wonder and commendation speake of them. Their Stansias are more inwardly placed in the Countrie, and yet a conuenient neere­nesse Stansias for Ginger. to some Riuer is desired, for more conuenient carriage of their Ginger to Puerto Rico, whence they vent their commodities into other Countries; which I take to bee some part of the cause why more follow Ginger then Sugar workes, because their Stansias doe not need such choise of 40 place, and therefore the poorer may more easily come by them, which yet also more easily they set vpon, because much needeth not to set vpon the commoditie of Ginger. I haue heretofore said Ginger and Sugar their richest com­modities. Hides. in generall, that Sugar and Ginger are the greatest knowne commodities of this Iland.

A third commoditie of the Iland besides Ginger and Sugar, I did before note to bee Hides. Whereof without contradiction there is very great store. I haue beene told by the Spaniard, that that same Chereno, whose Countrie is neere to the Laguada of the quite contrarie side to Cape Roxo, is generally reported to feede to the number of twelue thousand head of Cattle. Where­vpon One man ha­uing 12000. head of beeues which vsually are greater then the En­glish. we may easily coniecture, how infinite the number of Cattell in this Iland is, seeing in the Westerly end thereof, which is held farre worse for feeding then the Easterly, neere Saint Iohns head, there is so incredible abundance. Once, it is generally spoken and beleeued, that by rea­son of this ouer-flowing of Beeues, it is lawfull for any man to kill what he needeth for his vse, 50 if onely hee bee so honest as to bring the skins to the proper owners. Now, these Hides must rise to a huge summe of riches, considering that their Cattell are farre larger, then any Countrie that I know in England doth yeeld. For their Kine that I haue seene here, are for goodlinesse both of heads and bodies comparable with our English Oxen. And I wot not how that kinde of beast Beeues pros­per there bet­ter then hor­ses. Their horses hath specially a liking to these Southerly parts of the world, aboue their Horses, none of which I haue seene by much so tall and goodly as ordinarily they are in England. They are well made, and well metalled, and good store there are of them, but me thinks, there are many things wan­ting in them, which are ordinarie in our English light horses. They are all Trotters, nor doe I remember that I haue seene aboue one Ambler, and that a very little fidling Nagge. But it may 60 be, if there were better Breeders, they would haue better and more goodly increase, yet these are good enough for Hackneys, to which vse onely almost they are imployed. For Sheepe and Goates I cannot say that there are any great flocks, and of the two, fewer Sheepe then Goates. For I haue seene and tasted of many Goates, but to my remembrance, I did not see one Sheepe, [Page 1172] yet (say they) that the Iland is not without reasonable flocks: and I haue beene told so, by them who haue receiued information from their owne eyes. Neither can this scant of sheepe be Goates. laid vpon the nature of the soile, as being vnfit or vnwilling to feed that sober harmlesse creature, Why she [...]pe are scarse. but it proceedeth rather of a wooluish kinde of wilde Dogs which are bred in the woods, and there goe in great companies together. This commeth to passe, by reason that these Dogs finde Wolu [...]sh Dogs. in the woods sufficient sustenance, and preferre that wilde libertie before domesticall, and to themselues much more profitable seruice. These Dogs liue of Crabs; I meane not fruits of trees: The wild dogs liue of Crabs. but an Animal, a liuing and sensible creature, in feeding whereupon, euen men finde a delight, not onely a contentednesse. These woods are full of these Crabs, in quantitie bigger then euer I saw Description of th [...]se land­crabs quere if they b [...]e not Tortoi [...]s. any Sea-Crabs in England, and in such multitudes that they haue Berries, like Conies in English 10 Warrens. They are in shape not different from Sea-Crabs, for ought I could perceiue. For I speake not this out of report, but of my owne sensible experience. I haue seene multitudes of them both here, and at Dominica. The whitest whereof (for some are vgly blacke) some of our men did catch and eate with good liking, and without any harme, that euer I heard complaint of. At our first comming to Puerto Rico, the Dogs of the Citie, euery night kept a fearfull how­ling, and in the day time, you should see them goe in flocks into the woods along the Sea side. This wee tooke at first a kinde bemoaning of their Masters absence, and leauing of them: but Their experi­ment. when within a while they were acquainted with vs, who at first were strangers to them, and so began to leaue the howling by night, yet still continued their daily resort to the woods, and that in companies. We vnderstood by asking, that their resort thither was to hunt, and eate Crabs, 20 whereof in the woods they should finde store. This then is the sustenance which the wilde Dogs of Puerto Rico finde in their woods; which either fayling them sometimes, or our of a wooluish disposition they get by liuing apart from men, they fall vpon the sheepe, whereof they haue made great waste; but which easily might be repayred, if the Spaniards would bee content, to sweat a little, or to be a little wearie in killing of these Dogs. Their Goates liue more securely, because they loue cliffes of Rocks, or the tops of Hils, and therefore they are out of the ordinarie Goates more safe then Sheepe. haunt of these murderous Dogs, by reason that their ordinarie foode the Crabs are most vsually in bottoms, and along the Sea side. Besides Sheep and Goats there is reasonable good store of Swine, which in these Westerly and Southerly Ilands yeeld most sweet Porke. I doe not remember Swine. that I haue seene here either Hare or Conie, but here is store of excellent Poultrie, as Cocks and 30 Hens and Capons, some Turkies and Ginny-hens, Pidgeons in meruailous abundance; not in Fowles. Pidgeons in Trees. Doue-houses as with vs, but which breed and build in Trees, they are both of great number and goodnesse. For besides other places, there are two or three little Ilands hard by Puerto Rico, neere to the mouth of Toa, where a Boat may goe in an euening or morning, and suddenly take nine, ten, or a dozen dozen; the chiefest of these three is called (as I haue heard) the Gouernours Iland. I haue not marked any store of Fowle vpon this little Iland, nor haue I heard of more by any that haue beene in the mayne Iland. Parrots and Parrachetoes are here, as Crowes and Dawes in England; I haue ordinarily seene them flie in flocks, and except it bee some extraordi­narie Parrots as Crowes. talkatiue, they are not here much regarded, as it should seeme.

Now, fruits of the Iland are abundant in number and measure, very excellent; Potatoes are 40 ordinarie. Their Pines are in shape like a Pine-apple, and of this likenesse, I thinke, these had Fruits. Pines. their names, but neither in feeling or taste are they any thing like; for that wherewith this Pine is inclosed is not wood, but soft, that you may squease it in your hand, and so apt to bee mellow, that it will not keepe long, whereas a wooddie Pine-apple is of an exceeding durance and la­sting. The taste of this fruit is very delicious, so as it quickly breedeth a fulnesse. For I cannot liken it in the palate to any (me thinks) better then to very ripe Strawberries and Creame, the rather if a man haue alreadie eaten almost his belly full: for then they much resemble a Pine; I haue seene some a quarter of a yard long at least, and in proportionable thicknesse, to bee like a Pine-apple; it groweth vpon an hearb like an Artichoke. Their Mammeis are of the colour of a very darke russitting apple, or a leather-coat, of the bignesse of a great Costard, the rinde of it as Mammeis. 50 thicke or thicker then the barke of a Sallow, which being easily pulled off discouereth a yellow, but well tasting meat, something like a Carrot roote, but much better. Within this meat, there are two or three great rugged ill-shaped stones, which (as I remember) haue kirnels in them. Their Guiauas are a lesser fruit, as bigge as a Peach, and without not much vnlike, but within not solid as the Mammeis, or as an Apple is, but full of such little seedes as a Goose-berry hath, Guiauas. not so greenish, but inclining to a sanguine colour, the taste of this is (me thought) like to a very ripe great white Plum: this fruit is (which a man would not thinke) a remedie against the flux, and so are their Papaies, a fruit like an Apple of a waterish welsh taste. They haue Plums blacke and white, their stones much bigger, and their meat much lesse then in England, and these also That and Pa­p [...]es good a­gai [...]st flux. P [...]ums. Wilde grapes. stay the flux. And so doe their wilde Grapes, which are a fruit growing in Clusters, and therein 60 onely (me thinkes) like Grapes, they are round, and as great as a good Musket-bullet, and yet haue they very little meat vpon them, for their stone (if that which is not hard may bee called a stone) is exceeding great for the proportion of the fruit, insomuch that the meat seemeth to bee but the rinde of this stone. A stone I call it though you may put it together with your finger, but [Page 1173] it hath a bitterish kirnell in it, and that which is without: it is meat, and that of a del [...]ightfull sa­porous taste. Their Plantines are a fruie which grow on a shrub betwixt an hearb and a tree, but Planti [...]. it is commonly called, a tree of the height of a man, the stem of it as bigge as a mans thigh, the fruit it selfe, of the bignesse and shape of a Goates horne, it groweth yellowish and mellow: be­ing ripe either vpon the tree, or with keeping, and then eaten raw or roasted, it is a good meat, comming neere to the rellish of an Apple-Iohn, or a Duson that hath beene kept till it is ouer­ripe, sauing that me thought I still found some taste of a roote in it, the meat of it is lapped vp in a thin skin, which being, scored the long way with a knife, easily deliuereth what is within it. Their Coker-trees please the eye, as well as their Nuts doe the taste. The body of them is but Cocos. slender, no where so bigge as a mans middle, and vpwards growing proportionably lesse, till they 10 are risen some thirtie or fortie foot high without sprig or bough, then breake out their boughs all at once, euery one whereof is iust like a goodly Ostridge feather; their leaues are so cunningly set together, euery one whereof alone is something like a Sedge or the leafe of a wilde Lilly. Vn­der this bush which is the head of the tree, doe the Coker-nuts grow, some fortie on a tree round about the Bole, some yard downward from where the branches breake out. These trees are a ve­ry great grace to the Citie of Puerto Ric [...], and very many there were found in it: and he that hat [...] seene this may somewhat conceiue of the forme of a Palme to tree, for in shape they are not vn­like. This Palmeto tree, while it is young (and yet of good yeeres) is much of it selfe meat, and Palme [...]os. tasted (me thought) like a Wall-nut, but some what bitterish; when it is old they say it beareth fruit, the Date, one of the best fruits in my iudgement; I saw not any fruit vpon any of the Pal­metoes 20 that I saw, and therefore this shall be said onely vpon the report of others. Besides these fruits the Iland yeeldeth Figs, Pomegranates, Muske-millions, Po [...]e-cit [...]ons very [...] (as my Other fruits. selfe saw) but it is incredible almost that is reported of them by men of good credit; that their Pome-citrons grow to so huge greatnesse, as that a very little number three or foure of th [...] will Huge Citrons. lade a horse. Limons I did not see any, yet they say there are some, but of Limes the number is numberlesse; and as for Oranges, truly I thinke they are the best tasted, and most goodly in the Oranges. world. For both their sweet and sowre Oranges are full of most delicate and [...]-pleasing juyce, and besides they are the goodliest both in colour and greatnesse, that euer I saw. They haue Pepper also growing vpon trees, the Pepper it selfe is a little seede of colour [...]ixt white Pepper. and yellow, and inclosed in a bagge which sometime is round like a B [...]ll, sometime it runneth 30 o [...] in a picked length like a fruit, which we gather in our Gardens in England, and eate as a sal­let with Mutton. This pepper is much hotter and stronger then the blacke pepper vsed with vs in our Countrie. These fruits and many more grow vpon trees, and common to them all it is, and I thinke to all the fruits of the Iland, that the same tree at once beareth buds, greene fruit, Trees diue [...] ­fied in fruits, greene & ripe, and buds at once. Ca [...]auy bread. and ripe fruits, and often withall seedeth.

Now if any man thinke that wee haue found meates in good store, but yet want bread and drinke, it may at one word bee answered, that the industrious and [...] can want [...] of either. For first of all their Cassauie specially new, and carefully dressed is good bread [...]ead [...] [...]ll keepe so well that ships that goe hence to Spaine are victualled with it to the good lik [...] of [...]s­sengers. This Cassauie is the roote of a small tree, like, me thought, to an ouer-growne Hyssope Cassauie de­scr [...]. 40 stalke, or a young Sallow, but that the leaues are not so broad, but by much [...]ker vpon the branches of Cassauie: this roote is very full of liquor, which must be carefully pressed forth, be­fore the dryer part bee fit to make bread. For the roote eaten with the juyce, or the juyce by it selfe, bringeth a painfull swelling in the belly, whereof death doth oft [...]n follow. Wher [...]fore the The iuyce not poyson. Spaniards generally hold it for a kinde of poyson. Yet our men (I am told) meeting with the rootes vnpressed, and mistaking them for Potatoes (whereby you may coniecture their shape) haue eaten them without after feeling any mortall distemper. And to a body whose naturall heat is able to ouercome their cruditie and rawnesse, there is happily no present danger, for they tell me that of this juyce sodden, there is made a prettie kinde of drinke somewhat like small Ale. The bread which they make of this roote is very passing white, not [...]neaded into loaues, but rolled out in Cakes of a reasonable thicknesse, yet may they be better called thin, and of [...]h 50 breadth that they lap them in [...]oldes one vpon another. Besides their Cassauie, they haue Mais, May [...]. which maketh a much [...]ner bread, and vsed of the better sort. There are two sorts of Maiz, the lesser they say not vnlike to Rice, in proportion and bignesse and taste; this I neuer saw either growing or raw, but I haue seene it in the dish, and at first did take it for Rice, sauing that mee thought it was something ouer-swollen; they that eats it said, it tasted like Rice. The bigger sort of Maiz I haue seene growing, and it is either the same or exceeding like to the graine which we call Ginny wheat; it groweth vp with a knotted stalke like a Reed, with large scattered leaues; it riseth to a fadome and a halfe at least in height, and at the very top shooteth out the graine. Besides Maiz and Cassauie, there is good store of Rice growing in the Iland, and where Ric [...]. 60 Rice will grow, who will make a question of Corne. But to put it without contrad [...]on, that Corne will come vp with good increase, experience hath determined the question. For that same Mulato Cheren [...] (whom I mentioned before) did make experience [...]nd did sow Corne, which he reaped with good increase. But because it was painefull to follow husbandrie and til­lage, [Page 1174] and (forsooth) Cassauie and Maiz would serue, the Spaniards would none, nay this Molato halfe borne a slaue, would not bee at the paiues to continue tillage. For drinks, the Drinkes. Spaniard doth here, as in Spaine hee doth, vse water for most of his drinke, which in so hot a climate, would well agree with the English after some acquaintance; yet the Spaniard hath two other sorts of drinke, the one called G [...]acapo, made of Molasses (that is, the coursest of their Sugar) and some Spices; the other kinde, and vsed by the better sort of them, is called Al [...]: which is a kinde of Bragget made with many hot spices. And if both these fayled, yet haue they good store of wines, indeed brought in from other Countries; not that this Iland will not nourish Vines: for I haue seene some grow here in P [...]erto Rico very flourishingly. But I haue heard the King will not suffer them to plant and dresse Vineyards, as a matter of policie. 10

I might here, and so would I make an end of speaking of the fruits of this Iland (for me thinks what hath beene said, sheweth it to be selfe sufficient to liue well and happily) but their Yerua vina will not haue me forget it. This hearbe is a little contemptible weed to looke vpon, with a Sen [...]iue plant. long woodden stalke creeping vpon the ground, and seldome lifting it selfe aboue a handfull high from ground. But it hath a propertie, which confoundeth my vnderstanding, and perhaps will seeme strange in the way of Philosophers, who haue denyed euery part of sense to any plant; yet this certainly seemeth to haue feeling. For if you lay your finger or a sticke vpon the leaues of it, not onely that very piece which you touched, but that that is neere to it, will contract it selfe, and run together, as if it were presently dead and withered, nor onely the leaues but the very sprigs, being touched, will so disdainfully withdraw themselues, as if they would slip them­selues 20 rather then be touched, in which state both leafe and sprig will continue a good while, be­fore it returne to the former greene and flourishing forme. And they say, that so long as the par­tie which touched it standeth by it, it will not open, but after his departure it will, this last I did not my selfe obserue: and if it be so, it must be more then sense, whence such a sullennesse can proceed; but for the former, I haue my selfe beene often an eye-witnesse to my great wonder, for it groweth in very many places in the little Iland. His Lordship made some of it bee put in pots with earth, and yet it liueth, and how farre it will so continue is vncertaine. There hath beene Cinamon and something else giuen me as fruits of the Ilands, but: I doe thinke they are but Cinamon. rarities at the most, and therefore they shall not come in my bill. But now to returne to the slow steps we made towards the Ilands of the Açores. 30

§. V.

Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there.

ON Saint B [...]es eue wee had store of lightning and thunder, which besides the obseruation, put vs more out of doubt of our neerer approach to the Bermuda. The next day about noone wee began to steere East North-east and better. Vpon Friday the fiue and twentieth, wee were melted with a greater and more smothering calme 40 then any time before; and yet (which made it strangest) wee had out of the North-west higher High [...]. Seas, then before that time I had euer seene, in the greatest windes that we had had. The huge­nesse of this Sea was perceiued not onely by the view of our sight, but rather by the extraordina­rie heeling of our ship, certainly as much or more impatient of a high Sea in a calme, as of any o­ther weather. This calme was so extremely hot, that wee were in hope it would bee like other Hot calme continuing thirteene dayes. extreames, of no long continuance; but behold it lasted obstinately thirteene dayes, sauing that sometimes there would be some shew of a gale, but it would so instantly and frowardly leaue vs, as if it had beene come onely to let vs see wee needed not to despaire. There had beene often spench of a Current, that wee were to haue, and some thought that they had found it, the most durst not be [...]pprehensiue. But vpon Wednesday the thi [...]tieth; it began to be cleere: for though 50 the winde was not worthy to be called so, nor scarce by the name of a breath, and besides so nar­row, that we stood vpon abowling, yet we were found in that last passed artificiall day, to haue run aboue fiftie leagues at the least. For whereas vpon Tuesday wee were by obseruation found to bee almost precisely in thirtie two: vpon Wednesday at noone, wee had the Sunne in thirtie An apparent Current in 32. degrees. three, and two terces, and eight minutes. So that in foure and twentie houres we had raysed one degree and fortie eight minutes, which if we had run due North or South; had risen to about foure or fiue and thirtie leagues. But seeing our course was three parts of the time at East North-east, and East and by North, the ship could not bee allowed lesse way, then fi [...]tie leagues at the least; and this being without winde, argueth a violent Current, and the rather because for the time we had a hard Sea. This was made yet more certaine by obseruation of the Pole-star vpon Thursday 60 at night. This opinion for a Current, was vpon Saturday Sept. 2. made vndoubted, for the substance of the thing, I meane that there was a Current, but the circumstance seemed [...]o varie somthing. For the Current was then iudged to set rather to the East & by South, though this would fill the former obseruations with greater difficulties. This was perceiued by many drags, which howsoeuer [Page 1175] the ship scaped, yet they still runne or were carried to the East Southerly. And then many other things purposely cast into the Sea to make further triall, all went the same way and that a good pace though directly ahead the ship. And yet farther if there were any breath at all, it was at South-east, so that they went against the winde that was.

And now I come to that the remembrance whereof rather then present apprehension yet ma­keth me quake, like the man that dyed vpon the fearfull knowledge of how great danger he had passed at Rochester bridge. It was a fearfull storme, which I truly not knowing how dangerfull it was, feared not much while we were in it, but since hearing old Sea-men and of long experience speake of it, I perceiue it is good to be ignorant sometime. Vpon Thursday the seuenth of Sep­tember, Ignorance be­neficiall. the gale began to be very fresh and to keepe the sailes stiffe from the Masts, and so conti­nued 10 all that day. Vpon Friday it began to speake yet lowder, and to whistle a good in the shrowdes, insomuch that our Master made the Drablers bee taken off, and before night it had A terrible stormes blowne the fore-top-saile in pieces by the board; this was taken for the beginning of a storme, and the storme it selfe was looked for: which came indeed about the shutting in of the day, with such furie and rage, as none could say it stole vpon vs vnawares. For I am out of doubt that I had neuer heard any winde so high. One of our Bonnets had beene taken in in the euening, and the other was rent off with the furie of the storme. And thus (for our mayne-top saile was taken in and the top-mast taken downe) bearing onely a bare corse of each, if the ship had not beene ex­ceeding strongly sided, shee could not haue indured so rough weather. For oftentimes the Sea would ship in waues into her of three or foure Tunne of water, which (the ship being leakie 20 within board) falling often, was as much as both the pumps were able to cast out againe, though they went continually all night, and till noone the next day were neuer throughly suckt, so that if any leake had sprung vpon vs vnder water, it could not haue beene chosen, but shee must haue foundered, seeing the pumpes were hardly able to rid the water that was cast in aboue hatches. The Missen-saile had beene in the euening well furled (for the winde came vpon the starboard quarter) and yet the storme had caught it, and with such violence and furie rent it, that with much adoe the Misse [...] yard was halled downe, and so the quarter decke and poope saued from danger of renting vp. All this was in the night, which made it much more hidious, specially in the fore-end of the night before the Moone got vp. The winde continued in this excesse of vio­lence till midnight, and then abated hee something, but then began the effect of his blowing to 30 shew it selfe, for then the Sea began to worke, and swell farre higher then before. His Lordships ship is a very goodly one, and yet would shee bee as it were in a pit, and round about vast moun­taines High-swolne Sea. Vndi (que) pontus. of water, so that a man might leaue out the rest of the verse, and say onely vndi (que) pontus. For I protest, besides that which was ouer our heads, our prospect any other way was quickly determined, with waues, in my conscience, higher then our mayne-top. And that (which is strangest) round about vs: for the Sea came vpon euery point of the Compasse, so that the poore ship, nor they that directed and cunned her, could not tell how to cunne her to bee safe from the breaking of these vast waues vpon her. This continued all night: and though the winde fell by little and little, yet the Sea was so light, that all Saturday it was not quieted, so that though out of a storme, yet were wee still in a stormy Sea, insomuch that our mayne-top mast was broken. 40 By Sanday we were come to haue reasonable weather, and rather too little then too much wind. And vpon Monday being the eleuenth of September, wee were not much from a new calme, which wee could not with much more patience haue endured then a good storme; for then wee began to looke out for land, and now to come so neere, what so long wee had longed for. After the storme, the Admirall found himselfe all alone, and so were we the most part of the next day, but towards euening, came the new Frigat to vs. And a sterne her there was a ship seene, which within a day or two afterward, the Samson came and told vs, was her selfe. With day the fif­teenth Flores descried. of September, we had the South-west side of it in sight, and bore in therewith till noone. His Lordship had no meaning to make any forcible attempt against it, nor to stay longer, then to take in some fresh victuals; for which purpose, hee sent the Boat off with an old Portugall, 50 and an African of Mozambique, who bearing a flagge of truce, should giue the Ilanders to vn­derstand what his Lordships pleasure was, that if they would let him haue things for his money, he would not vse them worse then in former times, they had had experience of him. Withall he gaue the Boat commandement, that shee should bring him answere to the East North-east side of the Iland, where he meant to come to anchor, and tarry for the newes they could learne either English or Spanish. This stay in hoysing the Boat out, gaue the Samson time to get a head vs, and within awhile shee was at anchor. When, behold, at the opening of the Point, first there came one saile, then two, and then three sailes, and within a little the fourth was seene; it was not at first knowne what these might be, yet because the Samson being much neerer, made no haste to weigh, we thought shee made them to be friends. And within awhile we perceiued them to 60 haue pendents in their fore-top-mast heads: this put vs out of doubt, that they were of our owne fleet. For his Lordship at his departure from Puerto Rico, had giuen them direction that euery ship should so beare a pendent, for a marke to be knowne of their friends, and which would make stra [...]gers neuer a whit the wi [...]er. These foure were the Merchant, the Ascention, the Consent, [Page 1176] and the Pegasus, which by and by came to an anchor with vs. Now were wee growne a prettie strong fleet againe, either part receiuing new strength of other, each hauing formerly lost their owne. For the storme had scattered Sir Iohns companie as well as ours, though it should seeme not to haue beene altogether so great with them, as vs. Of Sir Iohns we had not yet, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Centurion, the Anthonie, the Kesar, and the Doue, which were the Flemmings. The first newes that the Boat brought vs, made these though friends yet more welcome if that might be. For the Boat hauing told his Lordship that they could not be suffered to land, yet had promise that his Lordship should haue any thing that the Iland would affoord. Mary (said they) we are ill prouided, by reason of the Kings men of warre, nine and twentie of them haue within these few dayes beene here, and taken almost all our prouisions, for they were great ships, and full of gallants, fiue of them being the fiue Caracks, that should this yeere haue gone for the East 10 Indies, but being by the Condes lying on the Coast kept in till it was too late for them to haue a­ny hopefull passage, they were of Merchants made men of Warre, and with the rest or rather the rest with them, were sent to these Ilands to waft the Caracks which were looked for at home this yeere. But the Caracks (said they of Flores) were gone by, before their comming hither, for the safetie whereof, they had commandement to stay if need were, till the end of this moneth. Whither this Armada was gone they said they knew not, nor whither it would returne, but the very last day a great Gallion was within kenning. These newes, as they gaue great cause of circumspection and care, not to meet with them, whom we could not doubt to be too strong for vs, and therefore made vs wish they were finally gone from the Ilands; so on the other side, if 20 knowing that the Caracks were passed, if yet they staid, it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable. And therefore if this were the cause of their stay, our hope to make some purchace of it, made vs more willing, to haue their neighbourhood. Mary, it might bee, they were sent to looke for our comming home, which they might thinke would be straggling and weake, and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way, made this something vnlikely. His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby (a fine Gentleman) to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet, and why they came. This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz: but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late, was from Uilla de la punta Delgada, ano­ther Towne of the Ilands. The summe of his report (for I was by when he made it) was, that 30 his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice, and if it would please him to come ashoare, they would take it as a great fauour. For the Kings men of Warre, they said, that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home, for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before. The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks, which all foure were gone by, before the Kings fleet came hither, with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this mo­neth for them. But since the Caracks were come home, there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them. As for the Mexico fleet, there was not at the Ilands any newes of their com­ming this yeere. This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night, was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place (a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable.) But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça, came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship, and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him, which hee 40 knew hee should not giue for nothing, though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing. He hauing beene sometime with my Lord, and told all the newes hee remembred, was licensed, hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe, and a Protection for the Ilanders, to keepe them from spoile by ours. His Lordship granted his suit, and (which hee farther desired) that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen Earle of Essex his Iland voyage. 1597. him, within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth; and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since.

When this fellow was gone, the flagge of Counsell was hanged out, &c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid, I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this The rest (as needlesse) is omitted. 50 discourse. They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded, and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue: and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France, by the Master and others iudged otherwise: whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course; all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks. For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie. 60

CHAP. IIII.

The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen, Sir SEBAS­TIAN CABOT, Sir THO. PERT: also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS, and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, and many others: collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN, Master HAKLVYT, and other Writers.

SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke, as a great Discouerer of that, which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina, and a 10 great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America, neither Ue­sputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be (yea, the Continent was discouered by him, when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands) this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before, naming him an Englishman: and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered. A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabo­ta, Sir T. Pert set forth by King Henrie the eighth. were set forth with a fleet to America, by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne, the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned, of an English ship at Hispaniola, and other American Ilands, in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts: as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant, and Iohn Field, Master Tom­son &c. See Hak. tom. 3. pag. 448. 20 which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Ca­diz, all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola, and thence to Mexico in New Spaine, where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman, who had dwelt there twentie yeeres. At Mexico, Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian, were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition, and Spanish Inqui­sition. then brought out in a Saint Benito (or fooles coat) to doe penance, a thing neuer seene there be­fore; which caused much concourse of people, giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God, and expecting to see some Monsters of vncou [...] shape. They were much pitied by the peo­ple Monstrous lies. seeing such personable men, but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine, where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil. Boatio found the meanes to escape and 30 dyed after in London. Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire. The historie at large and his description of Mexico, with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images (his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price, each pezo being A pezo 4 [...]. 8d. Master Boden­ham. Master Chilton. Chiltons seuen­teene yeeres trauels in New Spaine, and Peru. Ecantepec a hill supposed nine leagues high. I suppose it should be nine miles. Good out of Euill. Henrie Hawkes. Sir Iohn Haw­kins his third voyage to Gui­nea, and thence to the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake. Saint Iohn de Vllua. The opinion of lawfulnesse to doe any in­humaniti to Sauages pu­nished: God vsed Christians vnchrist [...] dealing to pu­nish [...] [...] ­uagenesse to Sau [...]g [...]s. foure shillings and eight pence of our money) the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt.

Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico: also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Bisca [...]a, and to the Port of Na [...]idad on the South Sea: to Sansonate in Guatimala, to Tecoantepec, to S [...]conusco, to Nicaragua, to Nombre de Dios; to Potossi. Cusco, Paita; to Vera Paz, Chiapa, three hundred leagues from Mexico. From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec, that is, The Hill of winde, in the end of that Prouince, supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered, from the top whereof are seene 40 both the North and South Seas; deemed nine leagues high. They which trauell vp it, lye at the foot ouer-night, and about midnight begin their iourney, that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day, because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to goe vp. From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues. From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco, and there fell sick, which sicknesse in his returne benefited him: for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which afraid to eate him for feare he had the pox, let him goe. Hee went to R. de las Palmas, and to the Mynes of Sacatecas, the richest in all the Indies. After his returne to Mexico he trauelled to other parts, spending seuenteene yeeres in his American peregrinations. Henrie Hawkes liued fiue yeeres in those parts, and his obseruations are recorded by Master Hakluyt. 50

AN. 1567. Master Iohn Hawkins Generall in the Iesus, departed from Plimouth with fiue o­ther ships, the Minion, of which Master Iohn Hampton was Captaine; the William and Iohn, Thomas Bolton Captaine; the Iudith, of which Master Francis Drake was Captaine; the Angel also and the Swallow. Hauing on the Coast of Guinea taken some fiue hundred Negroes, they sayled with them to the Ilands of the West Indies, to sell them to the Spaniards. By tem­pest they were driuen to the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua, where the Spanish ships with 200000. pounds in treasure were at his mercy, but hee dismissed them; which they repayed him with treacherous dealing, the Spaniards perfidiously setting on the English contrarie to the Couenants betwixt them concluded. For after that, when as the whole fleet with their new Vice-roy com­ming 60 thither had perished, if Master Hawkins had not permitted them to enter the Hauen, out of which he could easily haue kept them: they practised secretly and against agreement to certaine Articles, assaulted the English perfidiously and treacherously, vsing both fraud and scorne, in which fight two ships of the Spaniards were sunke, and one burnt; Some of ours were [Page 1178] slaine, others taken and dispiteously tortured, all distressed; all their ships also sunke and burnt, sauing the Minion and Iudith, which were by a storme ensuing be trayed to famine at Sea, which forced the Generall to set 114. men on shoare to the cruell mercies of the Sauages and Spaniards. Yea, one Boat not being able to get to shoare, two were drowned, the rest getting a mile thorow the Sea thither as they could, as Miles Philips one of that forlorne companie hath recorded. Miles Philips. Some were dead in seeming two houres space with abundant drinking of fresh water, others swolne exceedingly with salt water and fruits they found; a shower also leauing them not one drie thread, as if Heauen had pursued the Seas challenge, without; and partly hunger, and part­ly the water and fruits of the Earth, within their bowels, had conspired against this poore crue.

The Chichemici Indian Sauages added their inhumanitie, killing eight of their companie in 10 the first onset, but they yeelding (hauing neither weapons nor hearts to resist) the Sauages per­ceiuing them not to be their Spanish enemies pointed them to Tampice, saying, Tampice Christia­no, Tompice the Po [...]t of Panuco▪ Dauid Ingram. which they vnderstood not: but diuided themselues into two companies, one going West­ward, of which Philips was one, the other Northward, and with them Dauid Ingram, which re­couered his Countrie. After the stingings of flies, deaths by Indians, and manifold miseries, this Westerne companie got to Panuco where the Gouernor stripped them of the little which they had, and of their libertie, calling them English Dogs and Lutheran heretikes, and when they de­manded Spanish gouer­nours crueltie. helpe of their Surgeons for such as the Indians by the way had wounded, hee said, they should haue none other Surgeon but the Hangman: and after foure dayes sent for them out of the Prison, and with many new Halters (wherewith they expected hanging) bound and sent them 20 to Mexico ninetie leagues distant West and by South, with a great guard of Indians. At Mèstitlan they receiued kind vsage. One of their keepers vsed them kindly, the other would strike them to the ground, and bid them, March, march English Dogges, Lutherans, enemies of God. Thus marching they came within two leagues of Mexico, where was our Ladies Church, and therein her Image of Siluer guilt as large as a tall woman, and before it as many Siluer Nuestra Sennora de Guadalupe. Lampes as are dayes in the yeere, which on high dayes are all lighted. Neither Horseman nor Footman will passe by this Church without entring and praying. After their comming to Mexi­co many dyed, the rest had kind vsage in the Hospitall, Thence they were carried to Tescuco, to be vsed as slaues, but by one Robert Sweeting (sonne of an Englishman by a Spanish woman) were holpen much from the Indians, or else had all perished. 30

After this they were put to Spaniards as seruants, and had meanes to get somewhat for them­selues, till they became a prey to the Inquisition, which seised their goods and persons, shutting them asunder in dungeons a yeere and halfe. By frequent examinations they would haue pumped Deuillish in­quisition. somewhat out of them in matters of faith, and not being able, they yeelding to their Assertions in that kind, crauing mercie as men which came into that Countrey by distresse of foule wea­ther: they neuerthelesse racked them to extort confession that way, which made some to say that which cost their liues. After solemne Proclamation that all might come to this sight, they 63. Englishmen sentenced at once. Anno 1575. besides. Three Marryrs were brought in fooles Coats, with ropes about their neckes and candles in their hands to the Scaffold. George R [...]nely, Peter Mo [...]frie, and Cornelius an Irishman were burnt, others condemned to 200. or 300. blowes on Horseback with long whips, and to serue in the Gallies, sixe, eight, or 40 ten yeeres: others to serue in Monasteries, in the S. Benito, fooles-coates, diuers yeeres, of which Philips was one. The whipping was cruelly executed on Good Friday, two Cryers going before proclaiming, behold these English Lutherans, Dogs, enemies of God: the Inquisitors themselues and their Familiars, crying, Strike, lay on those English Hereticks, Lutherans, Gods enemies. All bloudie and swolne they returned to prison to bee sent into Spaine to performe the rest of their Martyr­dome. Philips and the rest hauing serued their times (in which hee learned the Mexican tongue) they had their fooles-coats hung vp in the chiefe Church. The rest married there Philips escaped a second imprisonment and after many trauels in the Countrey and dangers in Spaine, returned to England 1582.

Iob Hortop another of this company hath related like aduentures. He saith, that he and some Iob Hortop his 23. yeeres mi­sery. Sceleton of a huge Giant. 50 others were sent Prisoners into Spaine, by the Vice-roy with Don Iuan de Uelasco de Uarre, Admirall and Generall of the Spanish fleet, who carried with him in his ship to bee presented to the King of Spaine, the Anatomie of a Giant, sent from China Vnderstand it of the Phi­lippinae ships. to Mexico, to the Vice-roy Don Martin Henriques. The skull of his head was neere as big as halfe a bushell; his neck-bones, shoulder-plates, arme-bones, and all other lineaments huge and monstrous; the shanke of his skull from the ankle to the knee, was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his waste, and of bignesse accordingly. At this time were also sent to the King two chists ful of earth with Ginger growing Ginger how it groweth. in them: The Ginger runneth in the ground like to Liccoras; the blades grow out of it in length & proportion like to the blades of wild Garlick, which they cut euery fifteen daies, and water them twice a day. They put the blades in their pottage, and vse them in other meates, of pleasing taste 60 and good for appetite.

When they came in the height of Bermuda, they discouered a Monster in the Sea, who shewed himselfe three times vnto them from the middle vpwards: in which parts he was proportioned Sea Monster like a man. like a man, of the complexion of a M [...]llato, or tawny Indian. The Generall commanded one of [Page 1179] his Clerkes to put it in writing to certifie the King thereof. Presently after for the space of six­teene dayes, the weather proued very foule. Offering to make an escape they were descried and seuerely stocked, and imprisoned a yeere in the Contractation house in Siuill, and breaking pri­son were taken, and by the Inquisition were sentenced: Robert Barret and Iohn Gilbert to bee Second sen­tence of Inqui­sition. burnt, Iob Hortop, and Iohn Bone to the Gallies for tenne yeeres, and after that to perpetuall pri­son. Others were adiudged to the Gallies some eight, some fiue yeeres. Hortop serued twelue yeeres in hunger, thirst, cold and stripes, and after foure yeeres imprisonment in his Fooles coat, was redeemed to the seruice of Hernando de S [...]ria, from whom after three yeeres seruice more, he stole away and landed at Portsmouth in December 1590. after three and twentie yeeres mi­serable bondage. 10

As for Dauid Ingrams perambulation to the North parts, Master Hakluyt in his first Edition Dauid Ingram. published the same, but it seemeth some incredibilities of his reports caused him to leaue him out in the next Impression, the reward o [...] lying being not to be beleeued in truths. And for Sir Iohn Sir I. Hawkins his 3. voyages. Hawkins himselfe, he had made one Voyage with three ships and three hundred Negros gotten on the Coast of Guinea to Hispaniola, 1562. and other Ports; and returned with a rich gaine: This encouraged him to a second Voyage with the Iesus, Salomon, Tigre, and Swallow, 1564. And hauing visited diuers Ports be returned by Florida. Anno 1567. their vnfortunate Voyage before mentioned was set forth, in which his vniustice to Sauages was chastised by vniustice of Christi­ans, in manner as you haue heard. Himselfe with his remayning company were first endangered with an extreame storme, after that with famine his men dying continually, so that the rest 20 being not able to manage the ship, and the winds crossing, seeking to releeue themselues at Pon­te Vedra, with fresh meate, they grew diseased and many of them died, and thereby were also in danger of a second Spanish betraying, which they hardly escaping arriued in England, Ianuary the twentieth 1568.

The Spanish indignities and treacheries were deeply lodged in the wronged minds both of Sir Iohn Hawkins, and of Captayne Drake: men borne for the honour of the English name and Na­tion M. Wil. Hawkins. in Marine affaires. Sir Iohn Hawkins was sonne to Master William Hawkins of Plimmouth, a man much esteemed by King Henry the Eighth, as a principall Sea-captaine. Hee had long be­fore armed a ship of his owne of two hundred and fifty tunnes, called the Paul of Plimmouth, wherewith he made two Voyages to Brasill, one in the yeere 1530. and the other 1532. in the 30 first of which he brought a Brasilian King (as they tearmed him) to present him in his wilde ac­cou [...]rements to King Henry. It seemed, that Sea affaires and arts remayned an Inheritance, from the Father to the Sonne; and from him also to the Nephew, as shall after be seene: neither did the West of England yeeld such an Indian Neptuni [...] paire as were these two Ocean Peeres, Haw­kins Sir Richard Hawkins. and Drake.

A briefe Historie of Sir FRANCIS DRAKES Voyages.

OF Sir Francis Drake Master Camden reports that he hath heard him say of himselfe, that he was borne in the County of Deuon, of meane condition; his God father was Francis Russell Sir Francis Drakes birth. 40 afterwards Earle of Bedford, who gaue him his name Francis. Whiles he was young, his father being called in question for Religion, by reason of the sixe Articles set forth by King Henry a­gainst Camdeni Eliza­betha, pag. 301. & s. His education. the Protestants) was driuen to shift, and withdrew himselfe into Kent. After King Hen­ries death, he obtayned a place in the Nau [...]e Royall to reade Seruice, and soone after was orday­ned Deacon, and made Vicar of the Church of Vpnor on the Riuer of Medway: where by rea­son of his pouertie he put this his sonne to serue a Neighbour Mariner which traded with a small Barke into France and Zeland, who brought him vp in the Mariners art, and tooke such liking of him, that at his death he bequeathed (being a B [...]chelour) vnto him his Barke. This Barke, vpon the report of Sir Iohn Hawkins his preparations for that disastrous Voyage 1567. hee sold His first foun­ders. and ioyned to him in societie aforesaid, and at Saint Iohn de Vllua lost all, and hardly brought 50 himselfe backe. Hereupon seeking by his Mariners practice to repaire his losses, and thereby, and as a man of warre, hauing gotten store of money together, he made a second Voyage to reco­uer in the Spanish Indies what there he had lost (quod licere Theologus classiarius facilè persuaserat) Ex operana [...]tic [...] & piratica. Drakes second Indian voyage. This discourse was written by Lopez Vaz who was taken by the Earle of Cumberlands ships 1586. with his dis­course about him. and with a ship of warre called the Dragon, and another ship and a Pinnasse, none knowing it but his owne consorts, Anno 1572. sayled to Nombre de Dios, which Towne he suddenly surprised and lost. For hauing landed one hundred and fiftie men, and leauing seuentie of them in a Fort, with the rest he went to the Market place, and there discharged his Calieuers and sounded a Trumpet, answered in like manner from the Fort. The Townesmen hereby terrified, fled into the Mountaynes. But fourteene or fifteene would backe with their Harquebuses to see what the matter was, and discouering the Englishmen, shot and by hap killed the Trumpeter. Hereupon 60 they in the Fort not seeing their Trumpet answered, after they had heard the Calieuers, suppo­sed all those which had entred were slaine, and fled to their Pinnasses. The Captayne comming and seeing his men all gone, was surprized with a new feare, and leauing their furniture they swamme and waded to their Pinnasses and departed the Port. In the Sound of Dariene heehad [Page 1180] intelligence by certayne fugitiue Negros of Mules comming Ioden with treasure from Panam [...] to Nombre de Dios; and guided by them, intercepted two companies of Mules, and carried a­way Negro fugi­tiues. the Gold only; for they were not able to carrie the Siluer thorow the Mountaynes. Two dayes after he came to the house of Crosses, and burnt aboue 200000. Duckets in Merchandize, and so departed. When he trauelled ouer those Mountaynes hee beheld thence the South Sea; and thereby inflamed with desire of glory and wealth, was so rapt with desire of sayling there­in, that he fell there on his knees, and begged of God, and besought the fauour of God to assist Camden. vbi sup. Drakes vow for the South Sea. him in that exploit, and made a solemne vow to that purpose, one day to sayle on that Sea, which euery day and night lay next his heart, pricking him forwards to the performance.

Whiles hee was musing and hatching these haughtie Designes, Iohn Oxenham, who in the for­mer Iohn Oxenham. 10 Nauigations, had serued vnder Captayne Drake, both Souldier, Mariner, and Cooke, be­came a Captayne also, and with a ship of one hundred and fortie tunnes, and seuentie men came to the said Sound of Dariene, Anno 1575. and had conference with those Negroes. But hearing that the Mules were now conducted with Souldiers, hee resolued on a new Enterprize, which His audacious enterprize. neuer any had attempted, and landed in that place where Captayne Drake had had conference with the Negros: and hauing brought his ship aground, and couered her with boughes, and hid his Ordnance in the ground, he tooke two small Peeces of Ordnance and Calieuers, with store of victuals, and went twelue leagues with sixe Negros into the mayne Land, to a Riuer which runneth into the South Sea. There he cut wood and made a Pinnasse fortie fiue foot by the keele, and therewith went into the South Sea, to the Iland of Pearles, fiue and twentie leagues distant 20 from Panama, to watch for shippes comming from Peru thither: he tooke a Barke with 60000. Pezos of Gold, comming from Quito: and staying sixe dayes longer, tooke another which came His prizes. from Lima with 100000. Pezos of Siluer in barres, and delaying somewhat long sent away his Prizes, and went with his Pinnasse vp the Riuer. This delay gaue opportunitie of intelligence, and Iohn de Ortega was sent to pursue him: at a partition of the Riuer into three, when he was taking vp the greatest, feathers of Hennes which the English had plucked, diuerted him vp the lesser streame, whereby hee lighted on the treasure first, Oxenham beeing gone to get Negros to Discord cau­seth destructi­on. Delay breeds danger. helpe him carrie his treasure, his owne men quarrelling for larger pay. Some of the English were taken, which bewrayed the ship, and the rest were betrayed by the Negros, whiles they were making Canoas for the North Sea, there to take some Barke. They confessed that they had no 30 license from the Queene, and were all executed, but two Boyes. Thus perished Oxenham a man, if his Case had beene iust, worthy of lasting memory for an attempt so difficult, Quem sinon tenuit, magnis tamen ex [...]idit ausis. The King of Spaine sent Souldiers to take those fugi­tiue Negros, which had assisted the English, and two Gallies to guard the Coast. This and Cap­tayne Barkers frustrated attempts giue greater lustre to Drakes glory.

Andrew Barker of Bristoll, much wronged by the Inquisition, Anno 1576. sought to right Captaine Bar­ker of Bristoll. himselfe in those parts, and came with two ships to Nombre de Dios, and the Riuer of Chagre, eighteene leagues distant to the North-west, landed ten men to seeke intelligence of Negros, which they could not find, and most of the men also died of the Calentura. Betwixt that and Ve­ragua he tooke a Prize, and another in the Gulfe of Honduras. Mutuall quarrels betwixt Coxe 40 and the Captayne betrayed them to the Spaniards, which assayling them, slue the Captayne and Coxes quarrels. eight men at the Ile Francisco. After this Coxe went with his Pinnasse, and tooke the Towne of Truxillo, but eight men were (by reason of men of warre chasing the ship, thus forced to shift for themselues) left there to their fortunes. Fourteene others and the Frigat with the treasure were cast away. Diuers of the rest after their returne were long imprisoned.

These indeed are pettie things to Captayne Drakes expedition in December 1577. wherein Drakes happie Circumnaui­gation, see sup. Tom. 1. l. 2. c. 3. he encompassed first of any Generall, and except Candish more fortunately then all of them to­gether, this whole Terrestriall Globe. He set forth with fiue ships, and one hundred sixtie three Mariners. The whole Voyage you haue before at large. The Carkasse of the shippe; or some bones at least of that glorious Carkasse, yet remayne at Deptford, consecrated to Fame and Poste­ritie; 50 in which Queene Elizabeth being feasted, Knighted this noble Mariner: at which time a bridge of boords made for her Maiestie to passe, fell with one hundred men thereon, of which none were hurt, as if Good Fortune had both sayled abroad, and feasted at home in that ship. The goods taken were sequestred by her Maiestie, for answere to the Spaniard if need should bee. Some principall Courtiers are said to haue refused the offer of some of this, as Piratically gotten. Bernardine Mendoza made demand for the King of Spaine, (whose Embassadour hee was) and receiued answere from the Queene, that the Spaniards had vniustly prohibited com­merce See Camd [...]i Eliz. pag. 309. to the English, that Drake should legally answere if any thing were prooued against him, the goods being to that purpose sequestred, howsoeuer the Spaniard had put her Maiestie to grea­ter charges against the Rebels, which the Spaniard had raised in England and Ireland: Neither 60 did she know why her subiects and others were prohibited the Indies, which she knew no reason to thinke proper to the Spaniards, by vertue of the Popes Bull (which could nothing oblige Princes which owed him no obedience) nor by reason that the Spaniards had arriued here and there, had directed Cottages, and giuen names to Capes and Riuers. Neither might these things [Page 1181] hinder other Princes from commerce, or to transport Colonies to places not inhabited by the Spaniards (the Law of Nations not infringed hereby, seeing prescription without possession is nothing worth) the vse of the Sea and Aire being exposed to all. Nor might any people or per­son challenge right ouer the Ocean, whereof neither nature, nor course of publike vse permit­ted possession. Yet a great part of the money was repaied after to Peter Sebura the Spanish A­gent, which he repaid not to the owners, but made vse thereof against the Queene in the affaires of the Spanish Netherlands, as was afterwards found. Thus farre briefly collected out of Master Camden and Lopez Vaz a Portugall. Men noated to haue compass [...]d the world with Drake, which haue come to my hands are Thomas Drake, brother to Sir Francis; Thomas Hood, Thomas Biacco­ler, Iohn Gripe, George a Musician, Crane, Fletcher, Cary, T. Moone, Iohn Drake, Iohn Thomas, Ro­bert 10 Winterly, Oliuer the Gunner, &c.

A little before this the Prince of Orange had beene murdered, and Parry had vndertaken the same on her Maiestie, hauing the Cardinall Comensis instigation, and the Popes absolution to that purpose. The Spaniards had giuen great distaste in English and Irish rebellions, and had lately arre­sted the English Ships and goods in Spaine, with other vnkindenesses in Belgian businesses. The Belgi­ans had offered the confederate Prouinces to her Maiesties Protection and dominion. This she refused, but their Protection she accepted, hauing discouered the Spaniards hatred to her Religion and Nation, which how easie were it to put in extreamest execution, if the Low-Countries were subdued to his full power (their ancient priuiledges being all swallowed vp) and so England should be exposed to Spanish machinations with such opportunities of neighbouring Forts, Forces, Harbours, and Shippings. She 20 therefore to remoue present warre and future perils from her owne Countrie, with masculine magna­nimitie aduentured, not for vainglory but necessitie, to vndertake a businesse which made the world to wonder; being little lesse then denouncing warre to so mighty a Monarke. She agreed with the States to minister to their aide 5000. foote, and 1000. horse at her owne charge, to be by them after repayed, the first yeares charges in the first yeare of peace, the rest in the foure following, Flushing and the Rame­kins and Brill to remaine [...]ers in caution, &c. Her Maiestie set forth a Booke also for her iustificati­on by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Prouinces for mutuall defence, the Spanish crueltie on the poore Belgians, and their nefarious deuises against her: neither had she any intent in administring these aides, but that the Low-Countries might enioy their ancient liberty, she and her subiects their securitie, and both Nations peaceable commerce. And to the end that warre might not first be brought home to 30 her owne doores, she set forth a Fleete to finde the Spaniard worke abroad.

Hereupon An [...]o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleete of fiue and twenty saile, and 2300. Souldiers and Sailers was set forth from Plimmouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlile his Lieutenent Sir Fr. Drakes to Domingo, &c. Generall, Anthonie Powell Sergeant Maior, Captaine Matthew Morgan and Iohn Samson Corpo­rall of the field: Land Captaines Anthonie Plat, Edward Winter, Iohn Goring, Robert Pen, George Barton, Iohn Merchant, William Ceuill, Walter Bigs, Iohn Haman, Richard Stanton, Captaine Mar­tin Frobisher Viceadmirall in the Primrose, Captaine Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester, Captaine Thomas Venn [...]r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Captaine Ed­ward Names of the Captaines and Commanders by Sea & Land Winter in the Aide; Christopher Carlile in the Tigre, Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon, Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas, Thomas Seely Captaine of the Minion. Captaine Bayly 40 of the Barke Talbot, Robert Crosse of the Barke Bond, George Fortescue of the Barke Boner, Edward Carelesse of the Hope, Iames Erizo of the White Lyon, Thomas Moone of the Fancis, Iohn Riuers of the Vantage, Iohn Vaughan of the Drake, Iohn Varney of the George, Iohn Martin of the Benia­min, Richard Gilman of the Scout, Richard Hawkins of the Ducke, Captaine Bitfield of the Swallow. They tooke a Shippe of Saint Sebastians laden with fish, entred the Iles of Bayon, and sent to the English Ship [...] arrested, the cause of the breaking out of Hostility. Citie to know whether there were warres betwixt England and Spaine, and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spaine were embarged or arrested. The Gouernour professed his ig­norance in both, and that this later was the Kings pleasure. After some spoiles done about Vi­go, they fell with Hierro, but the Iland being poore, departed without harme. Thence they went to the Iles of Cape Verde, and at Saint Iago entred betwixt the Towne called Playa or S. I [...]go taken. Praya and Saint Iago, landed 1000. men, and (the men being fled) entred the Towne and shot off 50 all their Ordnance, being 50. peeces, answered from the Ships to honour the Queenes day, the 17. of Nouember. No Treasure was found but Wine, Oyle, Meale, &c. They possessed it foure­teene dayes. Nouember the foure and twentieth, they marched to Saint Domingo, twelue miles within land, and found the people fled.

After foureteene dayes they departed hauing burned the Towne of Playa, none of the inhabi­tants hauing offered to intercede, which seemed to happen from their guiltinesse towards old Voyage of old Master William Hawkins. Dominica. Master William Hawkins, whose men perfidiously they had murthered foure or fiue yeares before, against their promise, putting off to the West Indies, they could not put off the effects of the aire of that Iland, which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men. The first I­land 60 which they fell with was Dominica, the next Saint Christophers, and hauing there spent S. Christophe [...]. their Christmas, they resolued for Hispaniola: and hauing receiued intelligence by a Frigot which they tooke in the way, they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domin­go on New yeares day. About noone they approached the Towne vnder the conduct of Master [Page 1182] Carlile, and 150. horsemen presenting themselues from the Citie being retired, they diuided their forces to assault both the Westerne gates at once. The Ordnance being discharged on them, they Saint Domingo assaulted and taken. ran in to preuent a second charge and entred with them pell mell into the Gates, the enemy al­tering their fight into flight, which they made by the North gate. Both troopes met in the Mar­ket-place and there barricadoed themselues. The Castle was abandoned the next night. They held the Towne a whole moneth. They burned many houses before they could bring the Spa­niards to a price for the ransome of the rest, for which at last they paid after much spoile 25000. Duckets. The pray was not much. In the Towne-house were the Kings armes, and in the low­er part of the scutchion was painted a globe of the Sea and Land, a horse standing thereon with his hinder legges, the forepart without the globe, with this motto ascribed to his mouth, Non Ambitious Armes. 10 sufficit Orbis.

From Saint Domingo they set saile for Carthagena on the Continent, landing some Compa­nies with Captaine Carlile fiue miles of, which were led on by night, the Generall with this Cartagena as­saulted and ta­ken. Fleete presenting themselues before the chained Port: and hauing gotten the Citie, held the same six weekes. They tooke Alonso Brauo the Gouernour. After many houses burned 11000. Duckets were paid for ransome of the rest from burning. The Calentura continued, killing some Mortality by a Calentura. The Cause. (being a pestilent spotted Feuer) and spoyling others of their strength and memory for a long time. The Serena or Euening ayre is said to cause it to them which are then abroad, if not of that Countrey: so that by holding their watch, the English were thus infected. This forced them to giue ouer their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios, and Panama, sailing therefore alongst Other Townes taken. the coast of Florida, they tooke and fired two garrison Townes of the Spaniards, Saint Anthonie So Camden. others, Saint Augustin. First vse of To­bacco: and (as may be thought) of the foolish looke at the left eare which the Vir­ginians say the Deuill (so ap­pearing to thē) taught them. 20 and Saint Helena, and the Fort of Saint Iohn. Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they tooke home the English Colonie there remaining with Master Lane their Gouernour, sent by Sir Wal­ter Raleigh. These are said by Master Camden to haue beene the first bringers in of the vse of Tobacco, since so frequently abused by our Nation. They arriued at Portsmouth the 28. of Iu­ly 1586. They got Ordnance of Brasse aboue 200. peeces, and about 40. of Iron. They prey was valued at 60000. li. English. There dyed (most of the Calentura) 700. persons. The industry of the Generall in all places is remakeable, whose vigilance and bodily presence, and labour in all businesse was much, that had he beene in the meanest he had merited the highest place. To 30 this is fittest in next place to adde his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Ca­racke, called Saint Philip.

HEr Maiestie being informed of that inuincible Armadas preparing in Spaine (which did come and was ouercome the yeare after) sent a fleete of 30. saile vnder the command of Sir This voyage is printed in Master Hak. Tom. 2. part. 2. but fincing this written Relation, I thought good to insert it. It was written by one Tho. Pinner Francis Drake: the Bonaduenture, the Lyon, the Dread-naught, and the Rainbow were out of her Nauy Royall chosen to this seruice. The 16. of Aprill two Shippes of Midleborough which came from Cadiz (with whom we met in 40. degrees) gaue him to vnderstand that there was great prouision in Cadiz and thereabout prouided to come to Lisbone, whereupon the Generall with all possible speede bending himselfe thither to cut of the forces and prouisions, the 19. of Aprill, one houre before the Sunne setting, entred the harbour of Callz, and the Spanish Fleete there checked vs, at the entring thereat with the Towne Galleyes, but in short time retired vnder 40 the Fortresse.

There were in the Roades 60. Ships, and diuers other small shipping vnder the fortresse. There fled 20. French Shippes to port Riall, and some Spaniards, which could not be hindred of the Fleete by reason of the sholdnesse. There were sunke by vs at our comming in with shot, one Orgasey of 1000. tun, furnished with thirty peeces of Brasse, and richly laden. There were two Gallies more came presently from port Riall, and two other from Saint Mary port, but all in vaine the expenses of powder and shot, the greatest gaine to themselues.

There were to the number of 38. Shippes taken before night, and the English victours of the Roade: the Galleyes retyring vnder the Fortresses. Twenty Hulcks Hollanders confiscated to 50 the King, and their goods sold to the Kings vse: foureteene of them were fired the other six were at port Riall laden with Wines and Bread, and to be presently full laden for Lishburne one Car­ricke of foureteene hundreth tun appertaining to the Marquesse of Saint Cruce; fiue great Bis­kainers fired, foure of them lading and taking in of victuals for the Kings prouision for Lishburne, the Saint was a Ship of 1000. tuns, bound for Lishburne hauing in her great store of Pikes, much Caricke of 1400. tuns. Iron, Nailes, Spikes, Iron hoopes, and such like, fired. One Shataya laden with Wines of 250. tuns for the Kings prouision, which we brought to Sea with vs, and discharged at Sea a part of their Wines, for the prouision of the Fleete, and there fired her. Three Flye-boates of foure hundreth tunnes laden with Bisket whereof the one being of two hundred tuns and vpwards, we halfe vnladed and then fired her, the other two are yet with vs in company. Some tenne 60 Barkes more laden with Wines, Raisons, Figges, Oyle, Wheate, with such like, fired. By sup­position the eight and thirtie Shippes and Barkes fired, sunke, and brought away with vs, amoun­ted in iudgement to thirteene thousand tuns of shipping. There rid in sight of vs at port Riall, by estimation, aboue fortie saile, besides those that fled from Callz roade.

[Page 1183] They gaue vs little ease during our aboade there, which they shot from the Galleyes, as also from the Fortresses and from the shore, where continually they planted new Ordnance at pla­ces conuenient to offend; notwithstanding their Ships we continually fired as the floud came, thereby to bee cleared of them, which terrible fire was pleasant vnto vs to behold, and mittigated the continuall burthen of trauaile, which lay vpon vs day and night in dis­charging, firing, and vnlading, such prouisions, with obseruations for good and gardable de­fence of the enemie. It pleased the Generall, after his great care and paines day and night, to finish this happy Action in her Maiesties seruice, in one day and two nights, and hee came forth againe the Friday in the morning, with very little losse, thankes be to God.

Of twelue Galleyes, and those that came from port Riall, and Saint Mary port, tenne of them came forth after vs, as it were to make some pastime with their great Ord­nance. 10 At length, the winde standing, wee cast about againe and strooke in for the shoare, and came to an anker within a league of Cales, where their Galleyes suffered vs to ride quietly. There were also three Flye Boates more at Mallegai laden with By [...]ket, bound for Calez, and so for Lishborne. We vnderstood of their great prouisions and forces prouided with­in the straights. We doubt not, but as God hath begunne this worke in great happinesse, to the daunting of the enemie: so God will blesse this Armie in cutting daily their forces shorter, to the great annoyance of the enemy, and to the honour of our Prince and Countrie.

Wee haue had the experience of Galley fights (wherein I can assure you) that these onely Gally-fight. foure of her Maiesties Ships wil make none accompt of twenty Galleyes; so as they were alone, 20 and not driuen to guard others.

There were Galleyes had place fitter for their aduantage in fight vpon shot they recei­ued, they had present succour to ground vnder the towne, which they sundry times did waye, riding in a narrow gutter, the place yeelding no better, in that wee were dri­uen to maintaine the same vntill wee had discharged, and fired the Shippes, which could not conueniently be done but vpon the floud; that thereby they may driue cleare of vs.

We rest now victualed with Bread and Drinke, for six moneths in our Ships, and Bread be­sides in two flye Boates to maintaine a good Armie three moneths. We rest all in good loue with 30 our Generall and vnitie in all the whole Fleete.

After this, they came before the hauen of Lysbon, where the Marquesse of Sancta Cruz was with his Gallies, whom the Generall inuited to some exchange of Bullets, but he refused. Thence they sailed to the Azores, and met with a Portugall Carracke, called Saint Philip, which had in her voyage outward carried the three Iaponian Princes into the Indies. This Carracke he tooke, the first of that kinde taken by the English, ominous in the name: and so it proued not onely by the losse of so great wealth to King Philip, both in leading the daunce to others after taken, and in opening the eyes of the English to visite the Indian fountaines, whence such wealth issued; wherein also the Hollanders quickly imitated them.

To omit other braue exploits neerer home, as that most glorious of 88. and the rest: our pur­pose Sir Francis Drakes last voyage. 40 is to giue you the remote Voyages of this worthy Sea-man; and now lastly that last and fa­tall expedition Anno 1595. with sixe of the Queenes Ships and one and twenty other Ships and Barkes, containing 2500. men and boyes, intended for some speciall seruice in the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins were ioyned in Commission. They set saile from Plim­mouth the eight and twentieth of August. Nouember the twelfth, neere the Eastermost end of Saint Iuan de Puerto Rico, Sir Iohn Hawkins died. The hauen of Saint Iohn they found strongly Death of Sir Iohn Hawkins. S. 10. Port Rico. fortified against them, but yet they fired their fiue Shippes each of 200. tunnes, hauing in euery of them twenty Peeces of Brasse, and richly laden. Much harme was done on both sides. The fiue and twentieth they passed by Mona. In the beginning of December, they tooke Rio de la Ha­cha. R de la Hacha taken: and They tooke also the Rancheria or fisher towne for Pearles. The Spaniards offered to ransome 50 their Towne at 24000. Ducates which they brought in Pearle so dearely rated, that the General sent them backe, and both were burnt. The seuenteenth they tooke Tapia, and after that Saint Tapia. Martha, and the Spanish Lieutenant Generall. The seuen and twentieth Nombre de Dios was ta­ken, a Towne subiect to raine, and very vnhealthfull: the roade faire, hauing on each side as you S. Martha. Nombre de Dios. S. Th. Baskeruile. come a ledge of rocks. The nine and twentieth, Sir Thomas Baskeruile with 750. Land-soldiors went for Panama, a sore march thorow the woods, the way cut out of the woods and rocks, very mirie, the Spaniards playing on them out of the woods. After ten leauges march, they came to a fort on the top of a hill: two such more were betwixt that and Panama, that also strongly forti­fied, March for Pa­nama. the enemy hauing knowledge before of this designe. Hereby was he forced to returne. Ia­nuary the eight and twentieth. Sir Francis Drake died of a fluxe. He made his brother Thomas 60 Drakes sonne his heire. Sir Thomas Baskeruill succeeded. The six and twentieth of February the S. Fr. Drakes death. Spaniards fleete of twenty sailes, and the English met; a fight followed, & continued two houres, and then they parted. A great Ship of the Spaniards that night was burned. In Aprill following Sea. fight. they arriued at Plimmouth.

[Page 1184] In this Voyage I haue followed the printed Relation: but because another hath comne to my hands, written (as it seemes) by one offended therein, I haue to thy other eare permitted him to speake, that freedome of iudgement may remayne to euery Reader.

THe seuen and twentieth of August, hauing our dispatch from her Maiestie, wee brought all our fleet into the Sound of Plimmouth, and the eight and twentieth day wee set sayle for our pretended Uoyage. I [...] our course alongst the Coasts of Spaine, was diuers meetings with our Generals, where pas­sed Quarrell be­twixt the Ge­nerals. many [...]nkind speeches, and such as Sir Iohn Hawkins neuer put off till death. In this tract was put on a resolution with Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Thomas Baskeruile to take the Grand Canaria, where­vpon a counsall was held, and therein propounded by Sir Francis, how great a benefit, much honour, and Reason for and against the Ca­nary exploit. 10 good refreshing was offered vs, and therefore would stand on most voyces. Sir Iohn Hawkins to whom hee spake this vtterly refused, with these reasons following. First, there could bee no need considering our small time out. Secondly, not possible to carrie it without hazarding all, and Thirdly, not good to lose time, which would neuer be recouered. To this last reason Sir Thomas Baskeruile answered. First, for time, hee would require but foure dayes in this manner, In foure houres he would take it, and in the rest would hee burne it downe, except they would compound, thus the fourth day would he be shipped readie for our Voyage.

In this controuersie Sir Francis would goe for the Canaria with such as would follow him, and Sir Iohn Hawkins with the rest for the Indies, yet after this hard debating, at the earnest request of some friends, Sir Iohn Hawkins vpon the confessing of need, was content to assist them, yet in his iudgement 20 labour lost with much hazard of all. Thus altogether standing alongst, the sixe and twentieth of Sep­tember we came to anchor afore the Fort that guards the landing place at Grand Canaria, where were The Grand Canaria. put into our Boates and Pinnasses, all our land men vnder the conduct of Sir Thomas Baskeruile Co­lonell Generall, who drew head neere the middest of the Beatche. Betwixt the Fort and the Towne, as most safely for our landing. To this place euen then did the Spaniards draw two or three very small Pee­ces of Ordnance, with which, and with some companies of Souldiers made some shew of resistance, where­vpon notwithstanding most of our smaller shipping, who accompanied our Boats with their Artillery, Sir Thomas made his retraite without putting foot on land, and then to know, as it was reported, if our Ge­nerals would put their Voyage thereon or no. With this better consideration were all our men shipped a­gaine, and stood alongst to the Westermost end thereof. Here went many ashoare some for water, some for 30 pleasure, amongst whom, the eight and twentieth day was Captayne Grimstone with two more in his company slaine, and by Peasants as was thought? with this euill beginning, this night wee weighed and stood alongst for the Indies.

The eight and twentieth of October, wee came faire by the Southermost end of Dominica: and the Dominica. thirtieth day we came all to safe anchoring at Guardalupa, onely the Delight and the Francis, two of our smallest Pinnasses, who being to leewards out of fight, was there chased by fiue Spanish ships, in which chase the Francis was taken, the other escaped with this newes. The last of this moneth Sir Iohn Haw­kins Sir I. Hawkins sickneth. not able to beare his griefes out longer, sickned. Here we built seuen Pinnasses. The fourth of No­uember were they lanched, and we stood of for Porto rico, the eight day in the way we anchored among the Ilands Virgins, where all our Souldiers were appointed to their land Captaines. The twelfth day 40 we came to anchor afore the Harbour at Porto rico, where dyed Sir Nicholas Clifford, by a shot from At Porto rico. a platforme, sitting at supper in the Defiance, with this shot was likewise Master Brewt Browne hurt, who liued but few dayes after, and this day also died Sir Iohn Hawkins, whose death of many was much He dyeth. lamented.

In this Harbour rid those fiue Frigats of the Kings, which came for the treasure. This place beeing well viewed by our Generall, and Colonell Generall, a counsell was held and therein agreed, That first and most necessariest these Frigats should bee burned; and for that seruice was named out the next night thirtie of our Boates and Pinnasses with fire-workes, and with warlike weapons, these Frigats were so well defended aboard, and with the Ordnance ashore, that our men returned with consuming onely one of them, out of which were saued some of the Spaniards, who reported certainly, that there the Treasure of Treasure lost. 50 two Millions was, and so were our men taken in the Francis.

Notwithstanding all these quickning newes after some few dayes, we weighed and stood alongst to the Westermost end of this Iland, where we contented vs with some refreshing of water, Oranges and Plan­tanes, here were built foure Pinnasses more. At this place sent hee aboord me with his Warrant fortie Souldiers out of the Defiance. The foure and twentieth day we weighed and stood alongst for one Iland, called Knaw-saw, with which wee fell the nine and twentieth day, but stayed not; thus standing alongst. Know-saw. The first of December we arriued at Cape dela Vela, the second in the morning was put into our Boats and Pinnasses, all our Souldiers for Rio dela Hatcha. This was taken, the people being all fled, yet here Rio dela Hatcha. with search in the Woods, and intelligence of some Negros, was found great store of Pearle, Plate, Iewels, Rials of Plate, Bolts of Silke, rich apparell, with much other luggage. The sixt of this moneth 60 brought in Sir Francis from one other Towne called Rancharia, great quantitie of Pearle and luggage. The ninth day came in some Spaniards, with intent to ransome their houses, Negros, and some Spa­niards Prisoners, and concluded for 24000. Pezos, euery Pezo worth fiue shillings sixe pence. The thirteenth day, came in the same all in Pearle, and the fourteenth day came in their Lientenant for the [Page 1185] deliuery. But in the valuing, their quantity and quality would not be taken, wherefore departed they with foure houres respite for further answere from their Gouernour Don Francisco Manso, his answere was himselfe would come to conference, which hee did the sixteenth day. After dinner our Generall and Colonell Generall, with the Spaniards had secret conference about this Ransoms, whereupon concluding, they absolutely broke of, and therefore in all haste was fire put [...] some of the houses, and the Gouernour had two houres time to cleere him of our Army.

Thus hauing burnt Rio dela Hatcha, Rancharia, and Tapia. The eighteenth day wee weighed and stood alongst for Sancta Marta, to which we came thetwentieth day, here we onely tooke some fiue Pri­soners, whereof one was the Lieutenant there. The one and twentieth, it was put to fire, and we set sayle Santa Marta. for Nombre de Dios, to which we came the seuen and twentieth day, where in like manner the people had acquited the Towne, yet here was found by intelligence of some Negros, as I heard, two and twentie 10 Sowes of Siluer, Gold in Bullion, some Iewels, great store of Plate, and Riall of Plate, with much o­ther luggage. The nine and twentieth day, Sir Thomas Baskeruile, Colonell Generall with all his a­blest Sir T. Baskeruils i [...]u [...]ney for Pa [...]ama. Captaines and Souldiers tooke their iourney for Panama, now the marke of our Voyage: who neere the mid-way being empea [...]hed by some Spaniards and Negros, made their retreite to the Ships at Nom­bre de Dios, at this encounter were few of our men slaine, some hurt, some of the which there left to the mercie of the Spaniards.

The fifth day of Ianuary, all our men being shipped, the towne and Galliots put to fire, we set sayle then by the aduice of a Spaniard, for the Riuer Nicorago, in which way we fell with one Iland called Escudo, a place which affordeth nothing good, yet here wee stayed from the tenth day vntill the three and twentieth, Escudo. when we set sayle and plied to the Eastward, which by Gods speciall fauour, the eight and twentieth day 20 we came in with Porta la [...]bella. This morning died our Generall Sir Francis Drake. This is the place where the people of Nombre de Dios meaneth to dwell at. Here found we a beginning of a strong plat­forme Sir F. Drakes death. with three Brasse Peeces vnmounted. In my opinion, this was our best remoue, for if God had not preuented our Generals purpose for the Riuer Nicorago, it would haue hazarded all her Maie­sties Ships, farre with the rest. Here tooke we in ballast, water, mended our sayles, and calked our ships, such as had need.

The eight of February, Sir Thomas Baskeruile taking vpon him Generall, we all set saile for Santa Marca homewards, but not able to recouer higher then Carthagena, as wee ghesse in the Bonauenture, with the splittng of all our sayles, put ouer for Iamaica. In this course lost we the Fore-sight, the Su­san Parnell, the Helpe, and the Gregory. The fiue and twentieth day came we faire by Canaria gran­da, 30 which bore ouer vs in the morning East North-east, and this day was all our flesh and fish spent. The second of March, making this our miserie like to be known to Sir Thomas Baskeruile, who hath giuen mee his promise to relieue mee at my need, his answere was carelesly for vs, and with all said, hee would goe in with the Iland Pinos to water, which I vtterly misliked, the winde then being good to stand alongst, very ill to lose, and more for that no Englishman in our fleete either knew or euer heard of any watering or other good there.

In this reasoning betwixt vs, we descried twentie sayle of ships a head vs, who were the Kings men of Warre, wayting our home comming, it was my fortune in the Bonauenture to take to taske the Vice-admirall, one of the twelue Apostles of the Kings, for so I thought by a great golden Saint, which manned her Poope. The manner of our fight and my deseruing, I leaue euen to the report of mine enemies, 40 yet thus much vnderstand, their Admirall with the rest, all the next day being in the winde, was content we should passe in peace. Thus being quietly, and we all disimbogued some two hundred leagues, I made a second demand of Sir Thomas, his promise for victuals, which he vtterly refused, wherefore aswell in regard of our Generals lacke as mine owne danger, with a shot in our fight, wherein it was indiffe­rent with mee to liue or die, I told him I must make more haste home then I presumed hee would, yet wee stayed with him two dayes longer, when in a storme I left him, and this was the fourteenth day of March.

Now for these two English Sea-worthies, as wee haue begunne their American Aduentures, and ended them together, so I haue thought good to insert this following censure of a Gen­tleman in a Letter of his, touching them both, as an Epitaph dedicated to their memory. 50

SIr, I haue according to your request, and my owne plainnesse sent you here the comparison betweene those two Commanders Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins. They were both much giuen to trauell in their youth and age, attempting many honourable Voyages alike; as that of Sir Iohn Haw­kins to Guiny, to the Iles of America, to Saint Iohn de Vlua. So likewise Sir Francis Drake after many Discoueries of the West Indies, and other parts, was the first Englishman that did euer com­passe the World, wherein, as also in his deepe iudgement in Sea causes, he did farre exceed not Sir Iohn Hawkins alone, but all others whomsoeuer. In their owne natures and disposition they did as much dif­fer; as in the managing matters of the Warres, Sir Francis beeing of a liuely spirit, resolute, quicke, and sufficiently valiant: The other slow, iealous, and hardly brought to resolution. In Councell 60 Sir Iohn Hawkins did often differ from the iudgement of others, seeming thereby to know more in doubt­full things, then he would vtter. Sir Francis was a willing hearer of euery mans opinion, but common­ly a follower of his owne: he neuer attempted any action, wherein he was an absolute Commander, but hee [Page 1186] performed the same with great reputation, and did easily dispatch great matters; Contrariwise Sir Iohn Hawkins did only giue the bare attempt of things, for the most part without any Fortune or good suc­cesse therein. Sir Iohn Hawkins did naturally hate the Land-souldier, and though hee were very po­pular, yet he affected more the common sort, then his equals; Sir Francis contrarily did much loue the Land-souldier, and greatly aduanced good parts, wheresoeuer he found them. Hee was also affable to all men and of easie accesse. They were both of many vertues, and agreeing in some. As patience in enduring labours and hardnesse, Obseruation and Memory of things past, and great discretion in sud­den dangers, in which, neither of them was much distempered, and in some other vertues they differed. Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him mercie and aptnesse to forgiue, and true of word; Sir Francis h [...]rd in re­conciliation, and constancie in friendship; he was withall seuere and courteous, magna [...]imious, and libe­rall. They were both faultie in ambition, but more the one then the other; For in Sir Francis was an in s [...] ­tiable 10 desire of honor▪ indeed beyond reason. He was infinite in promises, and more temperate in aduersity, then in better Fortune. He had also other imperfections, as aptnesse to anger, and bitternesse in disgracing, and too much pleased with open flattery: Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him malice with dissimulation, rude­nesse in behauiour, and passing sparing, indeed miserable. They were both happy alike in being Great Commanders, but not of equall successe, and grew great and famous by one meanes, rising through their owne Vertues, and the Fortune of the Sea. Their was no comparison to bee made be­tweene their wel-deseruing and good parts, for therein Sir Francis Drake did farre exceede. This is all I haue obserued in the Uoyages, wherein I haue serued with them.

R. M. 20

A briefe recitall or nomination of Souldiers, other English­mens Voyages related at large in the printed Works of Master HAKLVYT.

OTher Voyages might here be inserted, made by Englishmen into the Bay of Mexico, as that by Captayne W. Michelson, and William Mace of Ratcliffe, in the Dogge 1589. Captaine Mi­chelson. which there tooke three shippes. They held fight with a Spanish man of Warre, who by fraud 30 sought perfidiously to obtayne that which they could not by vnspotted Fortitude. They put out a flagge of Truce, and after kinde entertaynment aboord the English, inuited them to their shippe, where they assaulted them, stabbing Roger Kings [...]old the Pilot to the Heart, Treachery of Spaniards. staying others, and forcing the rest to trust God and the Sea rather then the Deuill and the Spaniards; thus swimming to their ship.

The valiant fight of the Content, a small ship of Sir George C [...]reys, (Lord Hundsdon, Lord Sir G. Careys. Chamberlaine) 1591. Iune 13. with three great Spanish ships, each of six or seuen hundred, and one small shippe and two Gallies, farre more beeing slaine of the enemies then the English had to fight: I leaue to Master Hakluyts report: as also Captayne Christopher Newport his Voyage Captaine New­port. with three ships and a Pinnasse the same yeere, which tooke and spoyled Yaguana and Ocoa in 40 Hispani [...]la, and Truxillo, besides other Prizes, and in the way homeward, were at the taking of the Madre de Dios.

The next yeere Captayne Lane Gen. of Master Wats his fleete, Captayne Roberts in the Exchange of Brist [...]ll, and Captayne Beniamin Wood with foure shippes set forth by the Lord Earle of Suf­folke. Thirteene sayles English before Hauana. Sir R. Dudley. Thomas Howard, Captayne Kenell of Lime-house, and Captayne King of Ratcliffe Road, with thirteene sayles before Hauana, wayting for purchase.

Anno 1594. the Honourable Sir Robert Dudley set forth with two ships and two Pinnasses, and made his Voyage to Trinidada, and the Coast of Paria, returning by the Iles of Granata, Santa Cruez, Santa Iuan de Puerto Rico, Mona, Zacheo, and Bermuda. In which Voyage he and his company tooke or sunke nine Spanish ships; of which one was a man of Warre of sixe hun­dred 50 tuns. The particulars are related by himselfe in Master Hakluyt. Captaine A­m [...]as Preston. Captaine Sum­mers. Sir Antonie Sherley. Captaine Par­ker. Sir W. Raleigh. M. W. Hawkins. M. Reniger. M. Pudsey. M. Hare. Sir I. Lancaster. Fenton and Ward. Iohn Drake.

In him also the Reader may find the victorious Voyage of Captayne Amias Presten, and Cap­tayne George Summers (both since Knights) Anno 1595. in which the Iles of Puerto Santo, and of Coche neere Margarita, the Fort and Towne of Coro, the Citie of Saint Iago de Leon, were sac­ked and burnt; the Towne of Cumana ransomed, and Iamaica entred.

Sir Antonie Sherley. Anno 1596. set forth from Hampton, with nine ships and a Galley, to Saint Iago Dominica, Margarita, Iamaica, Bay of Honduras, and homewards by New foundland. This and Captayne Parkers Voyage 1596. to the same parts and Ports, with his taking of Cam­peche the chiefe Towne of Iacatan, and bringing thence a Frigat, laden with the Kings Tribute: Also the Voyages of Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana, and other intelligences of that Nation: likewise Master William Hawkins his Voyages to Brasill, and those of Re [...]iger and Borey, Puds [...]y, Stephen 60 Hare, Sir Iames Lancasters taking of Fernambuc: Fenton and Ward, and Iohn Drakes Voyage after his departure from Fenton vp the Riuer of Plate, and liuing fifteene moneths with the Sa­uages, Anno 1582.

[Page 1187] All these I referre to the painfull labours of Master Hakluyt, who hath well deserued of the English Nation, and of these Neptunian Heroes; that I mention not the many Voyages of others in those times of difference betwixt England and Spaine, which here and there you shall finde mention of in these Relations. Also, Anno 1589. three ships were set forth by Master Chidlie and others for the Magellan Straites, one of which arriued there and tooke there a Spaniard, one of the foure hundred which had beene sent thither to inhabit, which had long liued there alone, the rest being famished. They spent sixe weekes there with contrary winds, and sixe only of their company teturned, they also being racked on the Coast of Normandie, as W. Magoths one of the sixe hath related.

These I doe but summarily mention, as an Index rather to Master Hakluyt [...] labours, then with any intent to giue the discourse thereof. But the strange fortunes of Peter Carder (not hitherto 10 published) compell me to take speciall notice thereof, which himselfe hath thus related.

CHAP. V.

The Relation of PETER CARDER of Saint Verian in Cornwall, within seuen miles of Falmouth, which went with Sir FRANCIS in his Voyage about the World, begun 1577. who with seuen others in an open Pinnasse or Shallop of fiue tuns, with eight Oares, was separated from his Generall by foule weather in the 20 South Sea, in October, An. 1578. who returning by the Straites of Magellan toward Brasill, were all cast away, saue this one only afore named, who came into England nine yeeres af­ter miraculously, hauing escaped many strange dangers, aswell among diuers Sauages as Christians.

AFter Sir Francis Drake had passed the Straites of Magellan, the sixt of Septem­ber 1578. and was driuen downe to the Southwards in the South Sea, vnto the latitude of fiftie fiue degrees, and a terse, with such accidents as are mentioned in 30 his Voyage, and returning backe toward the Straite againe. The eight of Octo­ber we lost sight of the Elizabeth, one of our Consorts, wherein Master Iohn Win­ter Captaine Win­ters returne. With this Cap. Winter I haue had cōference in Sept. 1618. at Bath: which told me that solemne pos­session was ac­tually taken of those parts, to the vse of her Maiesty and her successors: which he de­sired also should be pub­lished to the World. The names of his compani­ons. They lose their ship. Their returne to the Straits: and thorow them to the North Sea. Penguin Iland. Port Saint Iu­lian. Riuer of Plate. Seales. Foure English taken by Saua­ges, the rest wounded. was, who returned by the Straites againe, as wee vnderstood afterward at our comming home into England; according to his Voyage extant in print. Shortly after his se­paration from our company, our Generall commanded eight men to furnish our small Pinnasse or Shallop with eight men, whose names were these, my selfe, Peter Carder aforesaid, Richard Bur­nish of London, Iohn Cottle and another, both seruants to Master Iohn Hawkins, Artyur a Dutch Trumpetor, Richard Ioyner, seruant to Vincent Scoble of Plimmouth, Pasche Gidie of Salt Ashe, and William Pitcher of London. 40

This company was commanded to waite vpon the ship for all necessary vses, but hauing not passed one dayes victuals in vs, nor any Card nor Compasse, sauing only the benefit of eight oares, in the night time by foule weather suddenly arising we lost the sight of our ship, and though our ship sought vs and we them, for a fortnight together, yet could we neuer meet together againe. Howbeit within two d [...]es after we lost them, we recouered the shoare, and releeued our selues with Muscels, Oysters Grabs, and some sorts of Roots in the Woods, and within a fortnight af­ter the losse of our con [...]s, wee returned backe into the Straites of Magellan, and in two pla­ces came on land on the mayne of America, to relieue our selues in certaine Bayes, where wee found Oysters, Muscels and Crabs as before, and filled our Barricos with fresh water, and in one of these places we found Sauages, but they fled from vs.

Afterward we came to Penguin Iland in the Straites, and there wee salted and dryed many 50 of the Penguins for our sustenance. Thence we shaped our course for Port Saint Iulian, where Sir Francis Drake not many moneths before had beheaded Captayne Doutie: In this Port we stayed a day or two, and tooke fish like Breames and Mackerils, with hookes and lines. Then costing the land for some fortnight, some hundred leagues beyond the Riuer of Plate, wee found a small Iland three leagues from the mayne full of Seales, whereof wee killed good store to our suste­nance, the young ones we found best and eate them roast. Then passing ouer the Riuer of Plate to the North side, we put into a small Riuer, and went vp into the Woods sixe of vs: other two remayning on the shore to looke to the Boat.

While we were thus seeking food in the Woods the people of the Countrey, called Tapines, some sixtie or seuentie armed with Bowes and Arrowes shot fiercely at vs, and wounded vs all 60 very grieuously, and foure of vs were taken by them, and neuer recouered: the rest of vs they pursued to our Pinnasse, and wounded vs all: but in the end we put them to flight. Thence we went to an Iland some three leagues of in the Sea, not aboue a league in compasse. Where wee [Page 1188] cured our selues as well as we might, yet so, that two of vs died of our late wounds, and that, which was worse for want of helpe. Through foule weather our Pinnasse was dasht against the Two dye. Their P [...]nasse [...]st P [...]cher & Car­d [...]r remayne. Rockie shoare and broken, and now there remayned aliue of vs eight, no more but my selfe, Pe­ter Carder and William Pitcher.

Here we remayned the space of two moneths, in all which time for our victuals, wee had a fruit somewhat like vnto Oranges, growing vpon a high Tree, the leafe whereof was somewhat like the Aspen leafe, and small; white Crabs creeping vpon the sand, and little Eeles which we found vnder the sands, but in all this Iland we could not find any fresh water in the World, in­somuch that we were driuen to drinke our owne vrine, which we saued in some sheards of cer­taine No fresh water They drinke v [...]ine. Iarres, which we had out of our Pinnasse, and set our vrine all night to coole therein, to drinke it the next morning, which thus being drunke often, and often auoyded, became in a 10 while exceeding red, in all this time wee had no raine, nor any good meanes to saue it, if it had Red vrine. fallen, whereupon, seeing our selues in so great extremitie, wee deuised how we might get vn­to the Mayne, and by good fortune, found a planke of some ten foot in length, which of likeli­hood had driuen from the Riuer of Plate, whereunto with withes, wee bound some other wood, and furnishing our selues with the foresaid fruit, Eeles and Crabs, wee committed our selues to God; hoping with the setting in of the tyde, and with the helpe of two poles, which we vsed in stead of Oares to attayne vnto the Mayne, which was some three leagues off, but wee made Pa [...]ag [...] to the Mayne. it three dayes and two nights before we could come to the Mayne.

At our comming first on land, we found a little Riuer of very sweet and pleasant water, where William Pitcher my onely comfort and companion (although I diswaded him to the contrary) o­uer 20 dranke himselfe, being pinched before with extreame thirst, and to my vnspeakeable griefe Pitcher breakes with drinking fresh water. and discomfort, within halfe an houre after dyed in my presence, whom I buried aswell as I could in the sand.

The next day following, as I trauelled along the shoare towards Brasill, hauing mine Arming Sword and Target with me, I met with some thirtie of the Sauages of the Countrey, called Tup­pan Tuppan basse Sauages. Basse, which being armed with Bowes and Arrowes, and hauing two or three great Rattles with stones in them, and a kind of Tabrets that they vsed in stead of Drummes, they went dancing before me about a Musket shot off, and then they stayed and hanged vp a piece of a white Net of Cotton-wooll, vpon a sticks end of foure foote high, and went from it about a 30 Musket shot off: then I comming vnto it, tooke it in my hand, viewed it, and hung it vp againe, then many of them, beckning and weauing with their hands, cryed vnto mee, Iyorie, Iyorie, He goeth with them. which (as afterward I vnderstood, by liuing long among them) was as much as Come hither, Then I came to them, and they friendly led me a long some halfe a mile, all the way dancing, aswell men as women, whereof there were some eight in the company, vntill we came to another Ri­uer side, where they hanged vp their Beds, tying them fast to a couple of Trees, being a kinde of white Cotton Netting, which hanged two foot from the ground, and kindled fire of two sticks, which they made on both sides of their Beds, for warmth, and for driuing away of wilde beasts, and hauing fed me with such as they had: we tooke our rest for that night.

The next day earely in the morning they tooke downe and trussed vp their beds, crying ti­asso, tiasso, which is to say, away, away, and marched that day towards Brasill some twentie 40 miles, and came to their Towne where their chiefe Gouernour was. This Towne was built foure square, with foure houses onely, euery house containing aboue two Bowe shot in length, and the houses made with small trees like an Arbour, being thatched ouer downe to the ground Sauage towne described. with Palme tree leaues: they haue no windowes, but some thirtie or fortie doores on euery side of this squadron, by which each Familie passeth in and out; their chiefe Lord, whose name was Catou, being a man of some forty yeares old, had nine wiues; but the rest haue onely one wife, ex­cept such as are counted more valiant, then the rest which are permitted two wiues, one to looke Caiou their Lord. to their children at home, and the other to goe to the warres with them. This Towne contained very neere 4000. persons of all sorts. The next day the Gouernour sent diuers of his people a­broad to bring in all sorts of victuall which the Countrie yeelded, and offered them vnto me to 50 see which of them I liked best, among which there was great store of fish, as well Sea-fish as Hospitall en­tertainment. fresh water-fishes, many sorts of Fowles, many sorts of Rootes, and diuers Land-beasts, as Ar­madillos, which afterward I found to be very good meate. Of all these at the first, I onely tooke one Fowle, and a couple of fishes, and bestowed the rest among their children, which procured me no small good will among them.

Here I stared among them (being well entertained) for certaine moneths, v [...]ill I had learned most part of their language, in which meane space I noted their manners, which were as fol­loweth. He learneth their language They went out to the warres armed at my first comming, onely with Bowes and Ar­rowes, some three or foure hundred at a time, and when they had the victory of their enemies, Their warres. Captiues. they tied one of their Captiues to one of their company with Cotten cords fast arme to arme, 60 and bringing them home, within two or three daies after they would tie them to a poast, and with a madie club of red wood one of the strongest of the company (after they haue drunke a certaine strong drinke with dancing round about him) at one blow slits his head a sunder: this Man-eating. [Page 1189] drinke is made by their women of a certaine roote called I. P. which first they seeth, and after­ward chew in their mouthes, and then spit it out againe into a long trough and mingle it with Their drinke and drunken­nesse. water, and there let it worke two or three daies, and gat [...] yeest vpon it, like to our Ale: which done, they take the liquor and put it into broad mouth Iarres of earth, and of this both their men and women doe drinke at their feasts, till they be as drunke as Apes.

I could obserue no Religion amongst them, but onely that they reuerence and worshippe the Moone, especially the new Moone; whereat they doe reioyce in leaping, dancing; and clapping Religion. their hands. The Merchantable commodities of this Countrie, are Brasill-wood, Tobacco, red Pepper, and Cotten Wooll. They haue also great store of Apes, Monkies, Armadillos, Hogges without tailes as bigge as ours; their Birds are Parrats, Parraketos, blacke Fowles as bigge as He teacheth them to make Targets and Clubs. Doues, and Ostriches as high as a man. After I had liued about halfe a yeare among stithem, and 10 learned their language, the King requested me to goe to the warres with him against his ene­mies the Tapw [...]es, which I granted, but before we set out, I shewed them a way for making of certaine Targets of the barke of a Tree some three quarters of a yard long for defence against Arrowes, whereof we made some hundred; and withall I wished them to make some two hun­dred of Clubs. Which being done we marched forward some 700. in number, which by mine ad­uice were all marked with a red kinde of Balsome from the knee downeward vpon one legge, to be known from our enemies (by the way it is to be noted that there are three sorts of Balsamum in that Countrie, to wit, White, Red and Blacke very odoriferous and excellent good for a Three kindes of Bals [...]me. greene wound, and the White I esteeme to be best.) In three dayes march we came to another Towne built foure square, as before I haue declared, but much lesser; we set vpon the Towne 20 about foure of the clocke in the morning, the enemy standing vpon defence of their Arrowes, were much deceiued by reason of our Targets, which being seconded by our Clubbes, wee im­mediately knocked downe to the number of two hundred, the rest, except some twenty priso­ners escaped into the woods. Here the King staied one day, and caused many of thir carkases to be broyled vpon the coales and eaten. The chiefest riches which we found here was their drinke Man-eating. which they vsed to make themselues drunke withall; their Cotten Beddes and their Tobacco. As for Gold and Siluer they neither seeke, nor make any accompt thereof. This is to be noted, Spoiles. that how many men these Sauages doe kill, so many holes they will haue in their visage, be­ginning first in their nether lippe, then in their cheekes, thirdly in both their eye-browes, and lastly in their eares. Those twenty prisoners which we brought home, were afterward kil­led, Notes of gen­trie. 30 rosted and eaten.

While I remayned here amongst these people, certayn Portugals accompanied with certayn Ne­gr [...]s and Brasilians, came within some ten leagues of our town, to see whether they could surprise any of our Sauages, and to harken what was become of me, for that they had heard by this time that some of Sir Francis Drakes company were east ashoare amongst the Sauage people, but there comming was not so secret, but that two of the Portugals and certayne Negros were taken, and after their confession, of the intent of their comming thither, they were brained with clubs, Portugals ea­ten. broyled and eaten. These things thus passing, I became sutor to the King to giue mee leaue to de­part his Countrey, and to goe to some Riuer of Brasill not planted by the Portugals, to see if I 40 could spy out any English or French ship to passe me into my Countrey, which hee in the end fa­uourably granted; and sent foure of his people with me to furnish me with victuals, which they His departure. did very plentifully of Birds, Fish, and Roots, for the space of nine or ten weeks, all which time they did accompany me, and I desiring to goe toward the Line, they brought me into the towne of Bahia, Detodos los Sanctes.

But about foure or fiue miles before we came to the towne, I yeelded my selfe to a Portugall, He yeeldeth himselfe to a Portugall. called Michael Ionas, declaring vnto him that I was an Englishman, and enquired whether there were any Englishmen dwelling in the towne, hee told me that there was one Antonio de Paua in the towne which could speake good English, and was a louer of our Nation, and brought mee directly vnto his house. This Antonio de Paua, pittying my case, and aduising mee not to bee knowne, that I vnderstood the Portugall Tongue, brought mee to the Gouernour, whose name 50 was Diego Uas, this Gouernour told me by Antonio de Paua, which became my Interpreter, that seeing I was found in the Inland of their Countrey Westward, being a stranger, contrary to their Lawes, he could doe no lesse then commit me to Prison, and send me into Portugall to be committed to the Gallies for tearme of life, to this I answered by the aduice of my good friend Autouio de Paua, that I came not willingly into those Dominions, but beeing by casualtie once come there, I was not taken Prisoner, but sought them out and came and yeelded my selfe into their hands, laying downe my weapons at one of his Nations feet.

Neuerthelesse he sent me to Prison, whereby the meanes of Antonio de Paua, and other of His imp [...] ­ment. his friends, I was sufficiently relieued, and within one fortnight after brought againe publikely to the barre in the Towne-house to mine answere. There I answered the second time by Auto­uio 60 de Paua, my Interpreter, that I thought it sufficient, that when I might haue kept our, yet of mine owne free will I had made a long journey, with great hazard of my life through the Coun­tries of Sauages, being Man-eaters, which fauoured me to seeke the Portugall Christians out, and [Page 1190] peaceably to put my selfe into their hands. Hereupon the Gouernor and his assistants consulted and concluded together, that I should be committed to the house of Antonio de Payue, & there re­maine Deliuerance. vntill they might write into Portugall to know the Kings pleasure concerning me. With­in one yeare they receiued answer from Lisbon concerning me, that I should be forth comming, and that hereafter the King would send further order for my transporting into Portugall. But a­boue two yeares passed before this order came: In which meane space, first I spent part of my time in going into the fields as ouerseer of my friends Negros and Sauages in their planting and His employ­ments. dressing of their Sugar Canes, and in planting of Gingers, which grow there exceeding well, but is a forbidden trade to be transported out for hindering of other places, and in cutting downe of Brasil-wood, and in bringing it downe by Riuers vpon rafts vnto the Port where the Ships doe 10 lade it, and in seeing them gather their Cotten wooll, and picking the seedes out of it, and pack­ing the same, and in gathering of the long Pepper both white and red.

After I had spent, some yeare and an halfe in this businesse, my friend Antonio de Payue ha­uing a small Barke of his owne, which he employed in carrying of wares from Port to Port, and for bringing of Sugars to places where Ships should lade, vsed me, knowing I had bin brought vp to the Sea, in these his businesses. Our first Voyage was to Ilheos, where we left some wares, His coast voy­ages to IIheos. Puerto Seguro. Spirito Sancto. S. Vincent. R. Ie [...]ero. Dauide Leake an English Sur­geon. and staied there some moneth: then we went to Puerto Seguro, and there tooke in some Sugars for Linnen Cloath, Bayes, Wine and Oyle. Then returning home, shortly after we were set forth againe in the same Barke to Spirito Sancto, and Saint Vincent, and the Riuer Ienero, where discharging our wares to certaine Factors, and receiuing Sugars and Cotten Wooll aboord, we re­turned 20 safely home. In my first Voyage one Master Dauid Leake an English Surgeon, lost there out of an English Shippe in the Countrie, being much sought for because of his skill, had passage with vs from Bahia to Spirito Sancto. Vpon my returne of my second voyage, my good friend Antonio de Payue aduertised me, that a Shippe was shortly to arriue there to carry me into Por­tugall prisoner, telling me that he should not be able any longer to helpe me, and therefore wish­ed Honest Portugal me to looke to my selfe; but kindely offered me his helpe to conuay me away: whereupon I tooke his Boate and foure of his Negros, pretending to goe on fishing to the Sea; and so of purpose going much to Leeward of the place, I put in to Feruambuc: where the Negroes being examined whence we came, and for what cause, being vtterly ignorant of mine intent, answered that they Fernambuc. were drawn thither by force of weather, and for their Masters sake were well intreated, and re­turned 30 home with the next winde, my selfe remaining secretly behinde them.

Within certaine moneths there came thither a Hulke with eight English men and foureteene Portugals, who after some three moneths had laden the same with English and Portugall goods to Hulke with eight English. come for England. The English goods belonged to M. Cordal, M. Beecher, and M. Sadler, worship­full Merchants of the Citie of London; which had bin left in the Countrie before by the Mer­chant Marchant Royall. Cap. Raymond. Captain George Drake. Royall. Thus passing homeward in our course as far as the Iles of the Açores, within sight of the Ile of Pike, being fiue Portugall Ships in consort, we met with Cap. Raymond, and Cap. George Drake of Exeter, with two English Ships of warre, who because the peace betweene England and Spaine was broken the yeare before, commanded vs to yeelde our selues to them as their lawfull prises, which we did al fiue accordingly without any resistance. But by contrary weather we 40 were driuen into Baltimore in Ireland, and within a while after we arriued in the narrow Seas in the hauen of Chichister, in the end of Nouember 1586. nine yeares and foureteene dayes after my His arriuall in England. departure out of England with Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the World.

My strange aduentures, and long liuing among cruell Sauages being known to the right hono­rable the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, he certified the Queenes Maiesty The Q. rewar­deth him. thereof with speede, and brought me to her presence at White-hall, where it pleased her to talke with me a long houres space of my trauailes and wonderfull escape, and among other things of the manner of M. Dowties execution; and afterward bestowed 22. angels on me, willing my Lord to haue consideration of me: with many gracious words I was dismissed; humbly thanking the Almighty for my miraculous preseruation, and safe returne into my natiue Countrie. 50

CHAP. VI.

Master THOMAS CANDISH his discourse of his fatall and disastrous voyage towards the South Sea, with his many disaduentures in the Magellan Straits and other places; written with his owne hand to Sir TRISTRAM GORGES his Executor.

MOst louing friend, there is nothing in this world that makes a truer triall of friend­ship, 40 then at death to shew mindfulnesse of loue and friendship, which now you shall make a perfect experience of: desiring you to hold my loue as deare dying poore, as if I had beene most infinitely rich. The successe of this most vnfortu­nate action, the bitter torments thereof lye so heauie vpon mee, as with much paine am I able to write these few lines, much lesse to make discouerie vnto you of all the aduerse haps, that haue befallen me in this voyage, the least whereof is my death: but because you shall not be ignorant of them, I haue appointed some of the most sensiblest men that I left behinde me, to make discourse vnto you of all these accidents. I haue made a simple will, wherein I haue made you sole, and onely disposer of all such little, as is left.

The Roe-bucke left me in the most desolate case that euer man was left in, what is become of The Roe-bucke. 50 her I cannot imagine: if shee bee returned into England, it is a most admirable matter; but if shee bee at home, or any other of my goods whatsoeuer returne into England, I haue made you onely Possessor of them. And now to come to that villaine that hath beene the death of me, and the decay of this whole action, I meane Dauis, whose onely treacherie in running from me, hath Captaine Da­uis blamed. beene an vtter ruine of all: if any good returne by him, as euer you loue mee, make such friends as he of all others, may reape least gaine. I assure my selfe you will bee carefull in all friendship, of my last requests. My debts which be owing be not much, &c. But I (most vnfortunate vil­laine) was matched with the most abiect minded and mutinous companie, that euer was carried out of England by any man liuing. For I protest vnto you, that in going to the Streits of Mutinous companie. Magellan, after I was passed to the Southward of the Riuer of Plate, and had hidden the furie of 60 stormes, which indeed I thinke to bee such as worser might not bee indured: I neuer made my course to the Straits-ward, but I was in continuall danger by my companie, which neuer cea­sed to practise and mutinie against me. And hauing gotten the appointed place called Port De­sire, Port Desire. I met with all my companie, which had beene there twentie dayes before me: and had not [Page 1181] my most true friends beene there (whom to name my heart bleedes) I meane my cousin Locke, I had been constrayned either to haue suffered violence, or some other most disordered misse-hap. I came into this Harbour with my Boat, my ships riding without at Sea: where I found the Roe­bucke, the Desire, and the Pinnace, all which complayned vnto mee, that the Tyde ranne so vio­lently, as they were not able to ride, but were driuen aground, and wished me in any wise not to come in with my ship, for that if shee should come on ground, shee would be vtterly cast away: which I knew to be most true.

And finding it to bee no place for so great a ship without her vtter ruine: I forthwith com­manded them, to make themselues readie to depart: they being fresh, and infinitely well relee­ued with Seales and Birds, which in that place did abound, and my companie being growne 10 weake and feeble, with continuall watching, pumping, and bayling. For I must say truly vnto you, there were neuer men that endured more extremities of the Seas, then my poore companie had done. Such was the furie of the West South-west, and South-west windes, as wee were Tempests. driuen from the shoare foure hundred leagues, and constrayned to beate from fiftie degrees to the Southward into fortie to the Northward againe, before wee could recouer neere the shoare. In which time, we had a new shift of sailes cleane blowne away, and our ship in danger to sinke in the Sea three times: which with extremitie of mens labour wee recouered. In this weaknesse, wee departed for the Straits, being from that Harbour eight leagues, and in eighteene dayes, The Streits. wee got the Straits: in which time, the men in my ship were growne extreamly weake. The other ships companie were in good case, by reason of their late reliefe. 20

And now we had beene almost foure moneths betweene the coast of Brasile, and the Straights, being in distance not aboue sixe hundred leagues, which is commonly run in twentie or thirtie dayes: but such was the aduersenesse of our fortunes, that in comming thither wee spent the Summer, and found in the Straits, the beginning of a most extreame Winter, not durable for Extreme win­ter. Christians. In despight of all stormes and tempests, so long as wee had ground to anchor in, and Tydes to helpe vs, we beate into the Straits some fiftie leagues, hauing (for the most part) the They enter fiftie leagues. windes contrarie. At length being forced by the extremitie of stormes, and the narrownesse of the Straits (being not able to turne wind ward no longer) we got into an Harbour, where wee rid from the eighteenth day of Aprill, till the tenth of May: in all which time, wee neuer had other then most furious contrarie windes. And after that the moneth of May was come in, no­thing 30 but such flights of Snow, and extremities of Frosts, as in all the time of my life, I neuer saw any to be compared with them.

This extremitie caused the weake men (in my ship onely) to decay; for in seuen or eight dayes, in this extremitie there dyed fortie men, and sickened seuentie, so that there were not fif­tie Death of men. men that were able to stand vpon the hatches. I finding this miserable calamitie to fall vpon me, and found that besides the decay of my men, and expence of my victuall, the snow and frost decayed our sailes, and tackle, and the contagiousnesse of the place to bee such, for extremitie of Miserable distresse. frost and snow, as there was no long staying, without the vtter ruine of vs all. What by these extremities, and the daily decay of my men, I was constrayned forth with to determine some course, and not (for all this extremitie of weather) to tarrie there any longer. 40

Vpon this, I assembled my companie together, and shewed them that my intention was to Consultation, goe for China, and that there were two wayes thither, the one through the Straits, the other by the way of Caput bone spei; which course shewed them, as was well knowne to mee, as the way I had vndertaken. And although that fortune had denyed vs this passage, yet I doubted not, but soone to recouer to this Cape, where I shewed them, I made no doubt, but we should releeue our selues, and performe to their contents our intended voyage. These perswasions with many others, which I vsed, seemed to content them for the present: but they were no sooner gone from me, but forthwith all manner of discontents were vnripped amongst themselues, so that to goe that way, they plainly and resolutely determined neuer to giue their willing consents. Some of the best and honestest sort hearing this their resolution, wished them rather to put vp a supplica­tion to me, then thus priuately among themselues to mutinie and murmur, which course might 50 cause an vtter ruine to fall vpon them all: affirming, that they knew me to be so reasonable, as I would not refuse to heare their petition. Vpon this, they framed an humble supplication vnto me (as they termed it) the effect whereof was: That first they protested, to spend their liues most wil­lingly for my sake, and that their loue was such to me, as their chiefest care was for mee, and they grieued very much to see mee put on a resolution, which (as they supposed) would be the end of my life, which was their greatest griefe. And next their owne liues would immediately follow, both by reason of the length of the course, all which they must performe without reliefe. And further, we had not left foure moneths victuall, which might very well be spent in running a course not halfe so long. But if it would please me to returne againe for the Coast of Brasile (where they knew, my force being together, was able to take any 60 place) there we might both prouide victuall to returne againe, and furnish our selues of all other such wants, as these extremities had brought vpon vs, and at a seasonable time returne againe, and so per­forme our first intention.

Now, I knowing their resolution, and finding, that in some things their reasons were not [Page 1194] vaine, began more seriously to looke into all my wants. First, I found my greatest decay to bee in ropes, and sailes, wherein (by meanes of such mightie extremities) I was vtterly vnfurnish­ed, for I lost a new shift of sailes comming thither; and further the Desire had bidden the like extremitie, which I furnished: so as I had left no store at all: for no ships carry three new shifts of sailes, all which, had beene little enough for me: and last of all, our victuals to be most short, I was to fall into consideration what to doe. I knew well that the windes were such, and so con­tinually against vs, as by no meanes it was possible to passe through: for the violent snowes were such, as in two dayes together we should not be able to see fiue houres, the place not a league Windes and snows violent. ouer in breadth, our ships not to be handled in such extremitie of winde: no, nor Canuas to hold the furie of the winde, our men so weake, as of one hundred and fiftie men, I had not in my ship 10 fiftie in health. And this ship comming with all her companie, was like three times to haue been vpon the shoare, by reason of her vnyarie workings. These causes made mee vtterly despaire of any passage at this season: so I resolued the companie I would put out of the Harbour, and beat to get through, so long as the furious and westerly windes would suffer vs: but if they came vpon vs, so as we could not hold it vp, wee would then beare vp againe, and so (according to their request) goe for the Coast of Brasile, which they so much seemed to desire, and I so much hated.

But in truth I was forced to take that way, for that there was no place, where this ship could come into, to tarry out a winter. For Port Saint Iulian is a barred Harbour, ouer which two of my ships would not goe; and Port Desire hath neither wood, nor water: and besides that, the Port S. Iulian. Port Desire. 20 Tyde runneth so extremely, as it is not possible for anchors to hold, the ground being so bad. But the last cause of all to be considered, was the sicknesse of my men, hauing no clothes to defend them from the extreme cold. These causes, and their ardent desires of being out of the cold, moo­ued me to goe backe againe, for that most wicked Coast of Brasile, where I incountred all manner of misfortunes, which as I haue vnripped these former, so I will briefly declare the latter.

We were beaten out of the Strait with a most monstrous storme at West South-west, from which place we continued together, till we came in the latitude of fortie seuen, in which place His returne from the Strait. Dauis in the Desire, and my Pinnasse lost me in the night, after which time I neuer heard of them, but (as I since vnderstood) Dauis his intention was euer to run away. This is Gods will, that I should put him in trust, that should be the end of my life, and the decay of the whole action. For 30 had not these two small ships parted from vs, we would not haue miscarried on the coast of Bra­sile: for the onely decay of vs was, that we could not get into their barred Harbours. What be­came of these small ships, I am not able to iudge, but sure, it is most like, they went backe againe for Port Desire, a place of reliefe, for two so small ships. For they might lye on ground there without danger, and being so few men, they might releeue them selues with Seales, and Birds, and so take a good time of the yeere, and passe the Streits. The men in these small ships were all lustie, and in health: wherefore the likelier to hold out. The short of all is this: Dauis his onely intent was vtterly to ouerthrow me, which he hath well performed.

These ships being parted from vs, wee little suspecting any treacherie, the Roe-bucke and my selfe, held our course for Brasile, and kept together, till wee came in the latitude of thirtie sixe, 40 where we incountred the most grieuous storme, that euer any Christians indured vpon the Seas to liue, in which storme we lost companie. Wee with most extreme labour, and great danger, Grieuous storme. got the Coast of Brasile, where we were fifteene dayes, and neuer heard of the Roe-bucke. Wee came to an anchor in the Bay of Saint Vincent, and being at an anchor there, the Gentlemen de­sired mee to giue them leaue to goe ashoare, to some of the Portugals Farme-houses, to get some Saint Vincent. fresh victuals, which I granted: willing them to make present returne, knowing very well, the whole Countrie was not able to prejudice them, if they willingly would not indanger them­selues. They went to a Sugar mill hard by mee where I rode (for that was my speciall charge, that they should neuer goe a mile from the ship) where they got some victuall, and came aboard againe very well. 50

The next day in the morning betimes, an Indian came vnto me with Captaine Barker; which Indian ran away from his Master, at my last being there: this Sauage knew all the Countrie. He came vnto me, and said, that beyond a Point, not a Culuering shot off, there was a very rich farme-house, and desired ten or twelue men to goe thither. Captaine Barker being one whom I most trusted in the conduction of men, and (who euer was the most carefull in such matters of seruice) I appointed to goe, and to take some twentie or thirtie men with him: and willed him (as he had any respect or regard of my commandement) not to stay, but to come presently away, finding any thing or nothing. He forth with tooke fiue and twentie men of the most principall men in the ship, and then your cousin Stafford would by no meanes bee left behinde. They de­parted by foure of the clocke in the morning, so as I did not see their companie. But what should 60 I write more then this vnto you? they were all such, as neither respected me, nor any thing that I commanded. Away they went, and by one of the clocke, they sent my Boat againe with Ginny wheat, and sixe Hennes, and a small Hogge. I seeing no returne againe of the companie (for they had sent away the Boat onely with men to row her aboard) was very much grieued, and [Page 1195] presently returned the Boat againe with message: That I much maruailed they would tarry at a place so long, with so few men; and further, that it was not a Hogge, and sixe Hennes could re­leeue vs: and seeing there was no other reliefe to bee had, I charged them straightly to come a­board presently. Thus hauing dispatched away my Boat for them, I still expected their present comming aboard: all that night, I heard nothing of them, the next morning I shot Ordnance, yet I saw no Boat come. Then I waighed anchor, and made aboard into the Bay, yet for all this, I heard nothing of them: then I doubted with my selfe very greatly, knowing there were no meanes left to make any manifester signes to them to hasten away. All that day I heard nothing of them, in the euening I set sailes againe, and ran into the shoare: all that night I heard no newes of them. 10

The next morning, I saw an Indian come downe to the Sea-side, and weaued vnto the ship: we being desirous to heare some newes, caused a raft to be made, for Boat wee had none, and sent it ashoare, and set the Indian aboard. When we saw him, we found him to bee our owne Indian, Captaine Bar­ker and foure and twentie others slaine. which had escaped away, being soare hurt in three places: who told vs, that all the rest of our men were slaine with three hundred Indians, and eightie Portugals, which (in the euening) set vpon them suddenly. Then I demanded, why they came not aboard? the Indian answered mee, that some were vnwilling to come, and the rest, did nothing but eate Hennes and Hogs, which they had there in abundance, and that they minded nothing to come aboard. I leaue you to iudge, in what griefe I was, to see fiue and twentie of my principall men thus basely and wilfully cast away: but I leaue you to inquire of others, the practises of these men, lest in writing vnto you 20 it should be thought I did it of malice, which (I protest) is farre from me, they being now dead, and my selfe looking imminently to follow them.

Thus I was left destitute of my principall men, and a Boat, and had I not (by great hap the day before) taken an old Boat from the Portugals, I had beene vtterly vndone. This Boat I sent to an Iland fifteene leagues off, to see if they could heare any newes of the rest of my ships: shee returned within eight dayes, all which time I remayned without a Boat. Thus I was sixe dayes before I heard newes of any of my consorts. The seuenteenth day came in the Roe-bucke, hauing The Roe-bucke commeth in. spent all her Masts, but their Mison, their Sailes blowne cleane away, and in the most miserable case that euer ship was in: all which misse-haps falling vpon me, and then missing my small ships wherein (vpon that Coast) consisted all my strength, hauing no Pinnaces nor great Boats left to Brasilian Coast full of shoalds and barres. Mast [...]r Candishes high spirit. 30 land my men in, for they were all cast away going to the Strait. I (notwithstanding the want of Boats and Pinnaces) determined rather then not to bee reuenged of so base Dogs, to venture the ships to goe downe the Riuer afore their Towne, and to haue beaten it to the ground, which forthwith I put in execution. And hauing gotten downe halfe the way, wee found the Riuer so narrow by reason of a shoald, as all the companie affirmed plainly, it was both desperate and most dangerous. For the Riuer is all Ose, and if a ship come aground, it is vnpossible euer to get off, for there riseth not aboue a foot water, and no anchors will hold to hale off any my ships, in so narrow a place, as we were almost aground in wending.

Seeing this apparant danger, I forthwith bare vp out of the Riuer, where we escaped no small danger to get well out, for we had not little more water then we drew: and if shee had come a­ground, 40 it had beene vnpossible euer to haue gotten her off. By these meanes of not passing the Riuer, we were constrayned to let our reuenge passe: for our Boats were so bad and small, as wee durst put no men in them. Notwithstanding wee landed, and did them much spoile vpon their Farme-houses, and got some quantitie of fresh victuals. This place being not for vs, considering our ships were not able to passe to their Towne; and further our great wants did constraine vs to seeke some course of reliefe, which being not to bee had there, both for that wee had spoyled it a little before, and also for that we could not conueniently come to doe them any preiudice, with­out most losse to our selues: I determined to part from thence, and to goe to a small Iland some His intention. twentie leagues off, and there to haue fitted all my necessaries, and to haue cast off the Roe-bucke, for that by no meanes her wants could by mee bee furnished, and so at a seasonable time, to haue gone for the Straits of Magellan againe. 50

Which intention (I must confesse) I kept most secret, for feare of some mutinie, but shewed His pretence. the whole Companie, that I would goe for Saint Helena, where wee should meet with the Car­racks: which course I well knew did not much please them; for they desired nothing more then returning home into England, and if I had but named the Straits, they would forthwith haue fal­len into a most extreme mutinie: for such were the miseries and torments they had indured, as all the best sort had taken an oath vpon a Bible, to die rather then euer to yeeld their consents to goe backe that way againe. I knowing this, seemed to speake nothing of that course, but com­forting their despairing mindes as well as I might, seeing their greatest griefe was for the wants of the small ships, without which, they all affirmed (and that truly) wee were able to doe no­thing. 60 For the Ports where their Townes stand, were all barred Harbours, and that it was not Necessitie [...] small s [...]ps [...] the BSpan [...] c [...]ast. poss [...]ble to get any of these ships ouer them, whereby we could releeue our selues of such wants, as we were in. These things being alleaged, I seemed to passe ouer as slightly as might be, but yet comforted them, that we would presently seeke some place of reliefe with all speede.

[Page 1196] There was a Portugall aboord me, who tooke vpon him to be a Pilot, who came vnto me, and told me vpon his life, that he would take vpon him to carry both my Shippes ouer the barre Portugal Pilots vndertaking for Spirito▪ Sancto. at Spiritus Sanctus, a place indeede of great reliefe, and the onely place in Brasile for victuall, and all other wants, that we were in. I knowing very well, that if I could bring my Shippes within shot of the Towne, I should land my men, and further, it could not be in them to make resi­stance. The whole company desired this course, affirming that there was no way left to relieue all our wants but this: and that there they were in hope to finde some Shippes, to repaire the Roe-bucke againe. I finding their willingnesse, and charging the Portugall vpon his life, to tell me truely, whither the Ships might passe ouer the barre without danger; he willed me to take his life, if euer the Shippes came in lesse water then fiue fathome, with such constant affirmations 10 as he desired not to liue, if he should not performe this. I considering the greatnesse of our wants, and knowing right well, the place to be the onely wished Towne on all the coast to relieue vs, forthwith gaue my consent, and thither we went, leauing all other intentions. We anchored before the barre, and sent my Boate to sound the barre, and found the deepest water to be but fifteene and seuenteene foote (the Portugall himselfe going with them, all ouer the bar) the most water to be but three fathome. They comming aboord, brought me word of the truth, I cal­led His ignorance. for the Portugall, [...]nd demanded of him why he had so lied vnto me? who affirmed that he neuer sounded the barre before, and that he had brought in Ships of 100. tuns, and that he made accompt, there had not bin lesse water then fiue fathome.

This mis-hap was no small amazement to me, and all the company, considering our distresse for water and other necessaries, and that the roade was so ill, as we were scant able to ride there, so 20 as we could neither take in water, nor doe any other businesse. In this meane time while wee were scanning of these matters, the Roe-buckes Boate rowing further into the Baye, saw where three Shippes were at an anker, not farre from [...]he Towne, and came aboord, and brought mee word thereof: at which newes the Companie seemed much to reioyce, and all affirmed Three Ships. that they would goe with our Boates, and bring them out of the harbour. I shewed them how much the taking of them imported vs, and told them, that although the day was spent, yet I thought the night not to be altogether inconuenient, if they would put on mindes to performe it. Resolutely my reasons were these: first they were not so sufficiently prouided to defend 30 themselues at that instant, as they would be in the morning; and further I told them, that if His couns [...]ll not followed. they were not able to defend them, they would take the principall and best things out of them, being so neere the shoare, and that if they had where with to defend themselues, it would be lesse offensiue to vs in the night, then in the day, and we in greatest securitie, and more offensiue to the enemy, especially this exploit being to be done on the water, not landing.

These perswasions seemed a little to moue them, for they all desired to stay till morning: yet some of them prepared themselues. Comming amongst them, I found them, all, or for the most part vtterly vnwilling to goe that night: vpon which occasion (I confesse) I was much moued, and gaue them some bitter words, and shewed them our case was not to make detractions, but to take that opportunitie which was offered vs, and not to feare a night more then a day, and told them plainely, that in refusing of this, I could stay there no longer, for ouer the barre we could not goe, and the roade so dangerous, as neuer Shippes rid in a worse. And further, we saw 40 all the Countrey to be fired round about, and that to land we could not without vtter spoile to vs all, for our Boates were naught; and further, we could by no meanes be succoured by our Shippes, so as I intended to depart. The next morning, there was almost an vproare amongst Their vnseaso­nable eagernes them, the most of them swearing that if I would not giue them leaue, they would take the Boats and bring away those Shippes of themselues. I comming among them, beganne to reprehend them for their rashnesse, and told them that now all opportunity was past, and that they must be contented, for goe they should not. They much importuned me, and some of the chiefest of them desired me with teares in their eyes, that they might goe, affirming, that there was no danger to be feared at all; for if they were not able to take them, they would returne againe, 50 and that to depart without attempting to doe this, was a thing that most greatly grie­ued them.

I knowing right well, that if they landed not they could receiue no preiudice: for if their Ships had beene able to withstood them, it was in their power to goe from them, being starke calme. And further I knew that no Shippes vse Brasile that be able to defend themselues from a Cock-boate: much lesse that they should be of force to offend those Boates, wherein there were so many Musketteeres as could sit one by another. I seeing their great importunitie, was con­tented to giue them leaue to goe: and this was my charge to Captaine Morgaine (to whom at that present I left my directions) that first, vpon paine of his life, he should not land at all what opportunitie soeuer was offered; and that if he saw any danger in comming to these Shippes, 60 he should attempt no further, but returne aboord againe; but contrariwise, if he saw that the His instructi­ons to Captain M [...]gan. place was such, as we might land without too much disaduantage, and if we might land on plain ground, free from woods or b [...]shes, hard before the Towne, that then he would presently repaire vnto me againe, and I, and so many as these bad Boates would carrie, would presently land vp­on them.

[Page 1197] Thus my Boates departed from me, hauing some eightie men, as well furnished with wea­pons, as it is possible to sort such a number withall. Now you shall vnderstand, that in the night the Portugals had hailed the Shippes hard afore the Towne: the Riuer where the Towne stood was not aboue a Bird-bolt-shot ouer, and halfe a mile from the Towne where the Shippes rode: the night wee came in, they had new cast vp two small trenches, on each side the Riuer one, The place de­scribed. where they had planted some two small bases a peece vpon an hill. Right ouer them were thicke woods, and great rockes, so that if any were possessed of them, they might but tumble stones downe, and beate away 1000. men. The trench on the Wester-side of the Riuer shot at our Boats, once or twice; vpon that they began to thinke with themselues what to doe, Captaine Mor­gan affirming the place to be verie narrow, and that they could not well passe it without danger, considering the many men in their Boats, and also the charge which I had giuen, was such, if 10 they saw any danger, they should presently repaire aboord, and certifie me, and not to passe any further, till they had vnderstood my further determination: This Master Morgan made knowne Mad Mutiners. amongst them, whereupon some of the harebraine Sailers began to sweare, that they neuer thought other, but that he was a coward, and now he will shew it, that durst not land vpon a bable ditch, as they tearmed it. Vpon this, the gentleman was very much moned, and answe­swered them, that they should finde him to be none such as they accounted him, and that, come what could happen him, he would land.

Vpon this, in they put the Boats betweene the two sconses (that on the Easter-side they had They land not seene) and the Boats being hard vpon it, were shot at, and in the biggest Boat they hurt two, and killed one with that shot. Vpon this, they determined, that the smallest Boate with their 20 company should land on the Wester-side, and the other to land on the Easter-side. The small Boate landed first, and that place hauing but few in it, they being not able to defend themselues, ranne away, so that our men entred peaceably without hurt of any. The other Boate drawing much water, was aground before they came neere the shoare, so as they that landed, were faine to wade aboue knee high in water. Now the place, or Sconse, was in height some ten foote, made of stone (Captaine Morgan more resolutely then discreetely) scaled the wall, and ten more with him, which went out of the Boate together. Then the Indians and Portugals shewed themselues, Captaine Mor­gan slaine. and with great stones from ouer the trench, killed Morgan and fiue more, and the rest of them be­ing sore hurt, retired to the Boate, which by this time was so filled with Indian arrowes, as of 45. men being in the Boate, there escaped not eight of them vnhurt, some hauing three arrowes stick­ing Many others slaine or hurts 30 in them, some two, and there was none which escaped without wound. The furie of those ar­rowes comming so thicke, and so many of them being spoiled, they put the Boat from the shoare, leauing the rest on land, a spoile for the Indians.

By this time, there came two Boates full of lustie Portugals, and some Spaniards, who know­ing the sconse on the Wester-side to be weakely manned, came with their Boates to the forts side: one of them ran ashoare which was fullest of men, then our men let flye their Muskets at them, and spoiled and killed all that were in that Boate. The others, seeing their fellowes speede so ill, rowed backe againe, with all their force, and got the Town againe. In this meane time the great Boat being gotten of, they called to them in the Sconse, and willed them to forsake the Fort, and to come and helpe them; for they told them that all their men were spoiled & slaine. 40 Vpon this they strait came out of the Sconse againe, and retired to their Boat; who rushing in all together into the Boat, she came on ground, so that off they could not get her, but some must goe out of her againe: tenne of the Iustiest men went out, and by that time the Indians were come downe into the Fort againe, and shot at our men. They which were a land (perceiuing the ar­rowes Ten braue men lost. flye among them) ranne againe to the Forts side, and shot in at the lower hold with their Muskets. By this, the Boat was got of, and one that was the Master of the Roe-bucke (a most cow­ardly villaine that euer was borne of a woman) caused them in the Boat to rowe away, and so Cowardly basenesse. left those braue men a spoile for the Portugals, yet they waded vp to the necks in the water to them, but those mercilesse villaines in the Boate, would haue no pitty on them. Their excuse was, that the Boat was so full of water, that had they come in, she would haue sunke with all them 50 in her; thus vilely were those poore men lost.

By this time, they which were landed on the other side (the great Boate not being able to rowe neere the shoare to relieue them) were killed with stones by the Indians, being thus wil­fully and vndiscreetely spoiled, which you may well perceiue, if you looke into their landing, especially in such a place, as they could not escape killing with stones. They returned aboord a­gaine, hauing lost fiue and twenty men, whereof tenne of them were left ashoare, in such sort 25. men slaine, others woun­ded. as I haue shewed you. When the Boates came to the Shippes side, there were not eight men in the biggest Boate, which were not most grieuously wounded. I demanded of them the cause of their mishappes, and how they durst land, considering my strait commandement to the contrarie; they answered mee, that there was no fault in Captaine Morgan, but the 60 greatest occasion of all this spoile to them, happened vpon a controuersie betweene the Cap­taine and those Souldiers that landed with him, and were killed at the Fort, for their ill speeches and vrging of Captaine Morgan, was the cause that hee landed contrary to my com­mandement, [Page 1198] and vpon such a place, as they all confessed fortie men were sufficient to spoile fiue hundred.

I leaue it to your selfe to iudge, what a sight it was to mee, to see so many of my best men, thus wilfully spoiled, hauing not left in my Shippe fiftie sound men: so as wee were no more then able to waye our Ankers, which (the next morning) wee did, and finding it calme wee were constrained to come to an Anker againe; for my onely intention was, to get out of that bad roade, and to put of into the Sea, and there to determine what to doe, for that place was not for vs to tarrie in, for the roade was so bad, as wee were not able to helpe our selues with a Boates loading of fresh water, whereof wee stood in no small want. In this dayes stay in the Roade, I comforted these distressed poore men, what I might, and found most of their desires, to returne againe into England. I let them vnderstand, 10 how wee would goe backe againe to the Iland of Saint Sebastian, and there wee would water, and doe our other necessary businesses, and there make a resolute determination of the rest of Purpose for S. Sebastian. our proceedings. This course seemed to like them all very well, but the companie in the Roe-bucke, instantly desired nothing more, then to returne home, all affirming, that it was pittie such a Shippe should be cast of. But in truth, it was not of any care of the Shippe, but onely of a most cowardly minde of the Master, and the chiefest of the company to re­turne home.

Now you shall vnderstand that the Captaine was verie sicke, and since the time that the Ship lost her Ma [...]s, she became the most laboursome Ship that euer did swimme on the Sea, so as he was not able to indure in her, and at that present he lay aboord my Shippe, so as there was none 20 of any trust, or accompt left in her. But such was the case of that Shippe (being without sailes, masts, or any manner of tackle) as in the sense & iudgement of any man liuing, there did not liue that desperate minded man in the world, which (in that case she was then in) would haue ven­tured to haue sailed in her halfe so farre as England: and if she doe returne, it is (in my opinion) the most admirable returne that euer Ship made, being so farre of, and in her case. These villaines hauing left in my Ship, all their hurt men, and hauing aboord of them both my Surgeans, I, ha­uing not one in mine owne Shippe, which knew how to lay a plaster to a wound, much lesse to cure any by salues: and further, hauing in their Shippe three times the proportion of my victuall (wherein consisted the onely reliefe and comfort of all my company) these most 30 hard harted villaines, determined that night amongst themselues, to loose mee at their next conuenient time they could espie, and in this case to goe for England, leauing vs in Da [...]able de­signs. the greatest distresse that euer one Christian left another in: for wee had all her hurt men in vs, and we had taken out of her the best part of her men not long before: so as in running from vs, they not onely carried away our Surgeans, and all their prouision, but also our victuall, wherein consisted all our reliefe and comfort: hauing in them at their departure but six and fortie men, carrying away with them the proportion for six moneths victuall of one hundred and twenty men at large.

I leaue you to consider of this part of theirs, and the miserable case I was left in, with so many hurt men, so little victuall, and my Boate being so bad, as sixe or seuen men continually bailing 40 water, were scant able to keepe her from sinking; and mend her we could not by any meanes, before we recouered some shoare: for had not these villaines in the Roe-bucke (that night wee rode in this Baye) suffered their Boate to run ashoare with Irish men (which went to betray vs) I had taken her Boate, and sunke this great naughtie Boate. Such was the greatnesse of our mis­haps, as we were not left with the comfort and hope of a Boate to relieue our selues withall; we not hauing left in the Ship scarse three tuns of water for 140. men, the most part whereof being hurt and sicke. We putting out of the road the next day, they, the same night in this case left vs, The Roe bucke forsaketh him. and (as I suppose) they could not accompt otherwise, then that wee should neuer againe be heard of.

The next morning looking for the Roe-bucke, we could no where be seene. I leaue to you to 50 iudge in what plight my companie was, being now destitute of Surgeans, victuals, and all other reliefe; which in truth was so great a discomfort vnto them, as they held themselues dead men, as well whole as hurt. The scantnesse of water made vs that we could not seeke after them, but were inforced to seeke to this Iland, with all possible speede, hauing to beate backe againe thither two hundred leagues: which place, God suffered vs to get with our last caske water, the poore He commeth to S. Sebastians. men being most extreamly pinched for want thereof. Where (after we had a little refreshed our selues) we presently mended our Boat in such sort, as with great labour and danger, we brought fortie tunnes of water aboord. And in the meane time searching our store of ropes, tackle, and sailes, we found our selues vtterly vnfurnished both of ropes and sailes: which accident pleased the company not a little, for by these wants, they assuredly accounted to goe home. Then making a suruay of the victuall, we found to be remaining in the Shippe (according to the rate we then Their mani­fo [...]d wants. 60 liued at) foureteene weekes victuals large.

Hauing rigged our Shippes in such sort, as our small store would furnish vs, which was most meanely, for we had but foure sailes (our sprite-saile, and foretoppe-saile being wanting) [Page 1199] which two, the Ship (most principally loueth) and those which we had (except her maine saile) were more then halfe worne. In this poore case being furnished, and our water taken in, my com­pany knowing my determination (which was to haile my Boate a ground, and build her a new) they forth with openly began to murmure, and mutinie: affirming plainely, that I neede not Mutinous murmuring. mend the Boate, for they would goe home, and then, there should be no vse of her. I, hearing these speeches, thought it was now time to looke amongst them, calling them together, and told them, that although we had many mishaps fallen vpon vs, yet (I hoped) that their mindes would not in such sort be ouercome with any of these misfortunes, that they would goe about to vndertake any base, or disordered course; but that they would cheerefully goe forward, to attempt either to make themselues fa­mous, His perswasi­ons. in resolutely dying, or in liuing, to performe that, which would be to their perpetuall reputation: And the more we attempted, being in so weake a case, the more (if we performed) would be to our ho­nours. 10 But contrariwise, if we dyed in attempting, we did but that which we came for, which was either to performe or dye.

And then I shewed them my determination, to goe againe for the Straits of Magellanus: which words were no sooner vttered, but forthwith they [...]ll with one consent affirmed plainly, they would neuer goe that way againe; and that they would rather stay ashoare in that desart Iland, then in such case to goe for the Straits. I sought by peaceable meanes to perswade them, shewing them that in going that way, we should relieue our victuals, by salting of Seales, and Birds: which (they did well know) we might doe in greater quantitie, then our Ship could carry. And further, if we got through the Strait (which we might now easily performe, considering we had the chiefest part of Summer before vs) we could not but make a most rich Voyage, and also meete againe with the two small 20 Ships which were gone from vs: and that it was but six hundred leagues thither; and to goe into England they had two thousand. And further that they should be most infamous to the world, that being within six hundred leagues of the place, which we so much desired, to returne home againe so farre, being most infamous and beggerly. These perswasions tooke no place with them, but most boldly, they all af­firmed, that they had sworne, they would neuer goe againe to the Straits; neither by no meanes would they.

And one of the chiefest of their faction, most proudly and stubbornely vttered these words to my face, in presence of all the rest: which I seeing, and finding mine owne faction to be so weake (for there were not any that fauoured my part, but my poore cousen Locke, and the Master of the Mutiner pu­nished. Ship) I tooke this bold companion by the bosome, and with mine owne hands put a rope about 30 his necke, meaning resolutely to strangle him, for weapon about me I had none. His companions seeing one of their chiefe champions in this case, & perceiuing me to goe roundly to worke with him, they all came to the Master, and desired him to speake; affirming they would be ready to take any course that I should thinke good of. I, hearing this, stayed my selfe, and let the fellow goe: after which time, I found them something conformable, at least in speeches, though among themselues they still murmured at my intentions. Thus hauing something pacified them, and per­swaded them, that by no meanes I would take no other course, then to go for the Straits, I tooke ashoare with me thirtie Soldiers, and my Carpenters, carrying foureteene dayes victuall with me for them. Thus going ashoare, I hailed vp my Boate, to new build her in such sort, as she might 40 bee able to abide the Seas, leauing aboord all my sailers, and the rest, to rigge the Ship, and mend sailes, and to doe other businesse.

And now to let you know, in what case I lay ashoare among these base men, you shall vnder­stand, that of these thirtie there were v [...]rie few of them, which had not rather haue gone to the Portugals, then to haue remained with me; for there were some, which at my being ashoare, were making rafts to goe ouer to the maine, which was not a mile ouer, where the Portugals had con­tinuall watch of vs, looking but for a fit opportunity to set vpon vs: being in this case, alwaies expecting the comming of the Portugals, against whom I could haue made no resistance, and fur­ther the trecherie of some of my companie, which desired nothing more, then to steale ouer, so to betray me, I protest, I liued hourly, as he that still expecteth death. In this case I made all the speed I could to make an end of my Boate, that we might be able to rowe her aboord, which in twelue 50 daies we mainely finished, which being done, I came aboord, and found all my businesse in good forwardnesse: so I determined with all possible speede to dispatch, and be gone for the Straits of Magellane.

But ere euer we could get in all our water, and timber-wood, and other necessaires an Irish man (a noble villaine) hauing made a raft, got ouer to the maine, and told the Portugals which An Irish rascall and trai [...]or to his fellowes. were there (watching nothing but an opportunitie) that if they would goe ouer in the night, they should finde most of our men ashoare, without weapon, and that they might doe with them what they would: vpon this, the next night, they came ouer, and hauing taken some of our men, they brought them where the rest lay, which they most cruelly killed, being 60 sicke men, not able to stirre to helpe themselues. Those which were ashoare, more then the sicke men, had stolne out of the Shippe, for it was all my care to keepe them aboord, knowing well, that the Portugals sought to spoile vs, the place being so fit for them, all ouergrowne with woods and bushes, as their Indians might goe and spoile vs with their arrowes at their pleasures, [Page 1200] and we not be able to hurt one of them. In the morning perceiuing their comming, I sent my Boate ashoare, and rescued all my healthfull men, but fiue, which they found out in the night, without weapons to defend them: whereof (besides the losse of our men) we hauing but foure sailes, left one ashoare, which was no small mishap among the rest.

The Portugals went presently againe ouer to the maine, but left their Indians to keepe in the bushes. About the watering-place, our men going ashoare, were shot at, and hurt, and could by no meanes come to hurt them againe, by reason of the wood, and bushes. Wherefore finding my men hurt, and that by no meanes I could doe any thing there, without more losse of men Cap. Candishes weakenesse. (whereof I had no neede) for I had not abou [...] ninetie men left, or little ouer, notwithstanding my wants of wood and water, and my Boate (not being sufficiently mended) was in no possibilitie 10 to doe me pleasure, in this case was I forced to depart; fortune neuer ceasing to lay her greatest aduersities vpon me.

But now I am growne so weake and faint, as I am scarce able to hold the penne in my hand: wherefore I must leaue you to inquire of the rest of our most vnhappy proceedings, but know this, that (for the Straits) I could by no meanes, get my company to giue their consents to goe. For after this misfortune, and the want of our sailes (which was a chiefe matter they alleadged) and to tell you truth, all the men left in the Shippe, were no more then able to weigh our ankers. But in truth I desired nothing more, then to attempt that course, rather desiring to dye in going forward, then basely in returning backe againe; but God would not suffer me to dye so happy a man, although I sought all the wayes I could, still to attempt to performe somewhat. For, after 20 that by no meanes I saw they could be brought to goe for the Straits, hauing so many reasonable reasons to alleadge against me, as they had: first, hauing but three sailes, and the place subiect to such furious stormes, and the losse of one of these was death: and further, our Boate was not suf­ficiently repaired, to abide the Seas: and last of all, the fewnesse, and feeblenesse of our company (wherein we had not left thirty sailers) these causes being alleadged against me, I could not well answere: but resolued them plainely, that to England I would neuer giue my consent to goe, and that (if they would not take such courses as I intended) I was then determined, that Shippe and all should sinke in the Seas together. Vpon this, they began to be more tractable, and then I shewed them, that I would beate for Saint Hellena, and there, either to make our selues happy, by mending, or ending. This course (in truth) pleased none of them, and yet seeing my determinati­on, His purpose for. S. Helena. 30 and supposing it would be more danger to resist me, then in seeming to be willing, they were at quiet, vntill I had beaten from 29. degrees, to the Southward of the Aequator to 20. At which time, finding that I was too far Northerly, to haue good winde, I called them to tacke about the Shippe to the Southward againe. They all plainely made answere, they would not, and that they had rather dye there, then be starued in seeking an Iland, which (they thought) that way we should neuer get.

What meanes I vsed to stand againe to the Southward, I leaue you to inquire of themselues: but from the latitude of 20. I beate backe againe into 28. with such contrary windes, as (I suppose) neuer man was troubled with the like, so long a time together. Being in this latitude, I found the winde fauourable, and then I stood againe to the Northward, willing the Master & his com­pany 40 to saile East North-east, and they in the night (I being a sleepe) steered North-east, and meere Northerly. Notwithstanding all this most vile vsage, we got within two leagues of the I­land, and had the winde fauoured vs so, as that we might haue stemmed from 18. degrees to 16. East North-east, we had found the Iland: but it was not Gods will so great a blessing should be­fall Sailors disobe­dience. me. Being now in the latitude of the Iland, almost eighteene leagues to the Westward of it, the winde being continually at East South-east, the most contrary winde that could blow: I presently made a suruay of my victuall, and found, that according to that proportion (which we then liued at) there was not left in the Ship eight weekes victuall; which being so farre from re­liefe, was (as I suppose) as small a portion, as euer men were at in the Seas. Scarsity of victuall.

Being so vncertaine of reliefe, I demanded of them, whether they would venture (like good minded men) to beate to the Southward againe, to get this Iland, where we should not onely 50 relieue our selues, but also to be in full assurance, either to sinke, or take a Carracke: and that by this meanes, we would haue a sufficient reuenge of the Portugals, for all their villanies done vn­to v [...]: or that they would pinch, and [...]ate halfe the allowance they had before, and so to goe for England. They all answered me, they would pinch to death, rather then goe to the Southward againe. I knowing their dispositions, and hauing liued among them in such continuall tor­ment, and disquietnesse; and now to tell you of my greatest griefe, which was the sicknesse of my deare kinsman Iohn Locke, who by this time was growne in great weakenesse, by reason whereof, hee desired rather quietnesse, and contenteduesse in our course, then such continuall disquietnesse, which neuer ceased mee. And now by this, what with Desperate thoughts. 60 griefe for him, and the continuall trouble I indured among such hel-hounds, my Spirits were cleane spent; wishing my selfe vpon any desart place in the world, there to dye, rather then thus basely to returne home againe: which course, I had put in execution, had I found an Iland, which the Cardes make to be in 8. degrees to the Southward of the line. I sweare to you, I sought [Page 1201] it with all diligence, meaning (if I had found it) to haue there ended my vnfortunate life. But God suffered not such happinesse to light vpon me, for I could by no meanes finde it, so as I was forced to goe towards England: and hauing gotten eight degrees by North the Line, I lost my most dearest cousin. Master Locke [...] death.

And now consider, whether a heart made of flesh, be able to indure so many misfortunes, all falling vpon me without intermission. I thanke my God, that in ending of me, he hath pleased to rid me of all further trouble and mis-haps. And now to returne to our priuate matters, I haue made my Will, wherein I haue giuen speciall charge, that all goods (whatsoeuer belong vnto me) Cap. Candishe [...] Will. be deliuered into your hands. For Gods sake, refuse not to doe this last request for mee, I owe little, that I know of, and therefore it will be the lesse trouble: but if there be any debt, that (of 10 truth) is owing by mee, for Gods sake, see it paid. I haue left a space in the Will for another name, and (if you thinke it good) I pray take in my Cousin Henrie Sack [...]ford. hee will ease you much in many businesses. There is a Bill of Aduenture to my Cousin Richard Locke (if it happen the other ship returne home with any thing, as it is not impossible) I pray remem­ber him, for he hath nothing to shew for it. And likewise Master Heton the Customer of H [...]p­ton, which is 50. pounds, and one Eliot of Ratcliffe by London, which is 50. pounds more, the rest haue all Bills of aduenture, but the ruine in the victuall, onely two excepted, which I haue written vnto you. I haue giuen Sir George Cary the Desire, if euer shee returne, for I alwayes promised him her, if shee returned, and a little part of her getting, if any such thing happen, I pray you see it performed. 20

To vse complements of loue (now at my last breath) were friuolous, but know: that I left none in England, whom I loued halfe so well as your selfe: which you, in such sort deserued at my hands, as I can by no meanes requite. I haue left all (that little remayning) vnto you, not to be accomptable for any thing. That which you will (if you finde any ouerplus of remayned, your selfe specially being satisfied to your owne desire) giue vnto my sister Anne Candish. I haue written to no man liuing but your selfe, leauing all friends and kinsmen, onely reputing you as Mistris Ann [...] Candish. dearest. Commend me to both your brethren, being glad, that your brother Edward escaped so vnfortunate a voyage. I pray giue this Copie of my vnhappy proceedings in this Action, to none, but onely to Sir George Cary, and tell him, that if I had thought, the letter of a dead man would haue beene acceptable, I would haue written vnto him. I haue taken order with the Ma­ster 30 of my ship, to see his peeces of Ordnance deliuered vnto him, for hee knoweth them. And if the Roe-bucke bee not returned, then, I haue appointed him to deliuer him two brasse peeces, out of this ship, which I pray see performed. I haue now no more to say but take this last fare­well. That you haue lost the louingest friend, that was lost by any. Commend mee to your wife, no more, but as you loue God, doe not refuse to vndertake this last request of mine. I pray forget not Master Carey of Cockingto [...], gratifie him with some thing: for hee vsed mee kindly at my departure. Beare with this scribling: for I protest, I am scant able to hold a pen in my hand.

CHAP. VII. 40

The admirable aduentures and strange fortunes of Master ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with Master THOMAS CAN­DISH in his second voyage to the South Sea. 1591.

§. I. 50

What befell in their voyage to the Straits, and after, till he was taken by the Portugals.

WE departed from Plimmouth with fiue saile of ships, determining to goe for the South Sea (the names of our Ships were these) the Gallion Leicester, which was our Admirall; the Roe-bucke, Vice-admirall; the Desire, the Da [...]tie, and the Blacke Pinnasse. Sixe or seuen dayes after that wee were departed from the 60 Coast of England, we met with nineteene saile of Flemmings in the night. Not regarding what they were, our Vice-admirall tooke one of them, and all the rest escaped. In Flemmish prize satisfied with English price. the morning the Master of our Flemmish prize was brought before the Generall, and of him wee had newes of a fleet of ships, that was departed out of Lis [...]one for Brasile, the which newes we [Page 1202] were very glad of. The Flemmish sh [...]p was laden with Salt, whereof the Generall tooke three [...]unne for his prouision. This Flemming also shewed vs a licence that hee had to passe the Seas, vn [...]er her Maj st [...]es hand and seale, the which as our Generall had seene he presently comman­ded, that euery man should returne all such things as they had taken from the Flemming, and hee himselfe payed for the Salt that he had taken, and so we departed from them with a sa [...]e winde, holding our cour [...] from the Coast of Portugall to the Ilands of Canaria. Thus in twen [...]ie dayes we had sight of the said Ilands, which when our Generall knew of [...]roth to be the same, he co [...] ­m [...]nded his two smallest ships, the Daintie and the Blacke Pinnasse, to be sent along the shoare, to see if they could espie any Caruels fishing, or any ships betweene the Ilands, and not discrying any thing, the next morning they returned backe vnto vs. 10

Vnder the Equinoctiall [...]ne, we lay seuen and twentie dayes driuing too and fro without puffe of winde: In which time most of our men fell sicke of the Scuruie by reason of the extreme heat of the Sunne, and the vapours of the night; notwithstanding our great danger of sicknesse did S [...]orbuto. not appause the hardnesse of our hearts, being in as great extremitie as euer men were, it happe­ned that two men of Iapon which the Generall had taken in his first voyage (be [...]ring enuie to a poore Portugall that went with vs from Plimmouth, accused him to the Generall) hauing before Iapand [...]rs. conspired his death in this sort: The Generall being at dinner, these two Iaponers came to his Cabb [...]n, telling their tale so loud that euery one might heare the report (which was thus) that the Portugall of the ship was a Traytor, and that he had often giuen them counsell to run away wi [...]h him at Brasil: moreouer (quoth he) if it so had pleased God wee had taken the Towne of Portugall han­ged. 20 Santos, as our Generall had pretended, from thence that hee would guide them to the South Sea, where they should be well rewarded for their intelligence; vpon the which accusations, the poore Portugall was hanged. And as for his going from Santos by land through America, to the South Sea, had beene a thing impossible, for the Countrie is all Wildernesse, and full of Sauag [...]s.

After we had beene so long becalmed vnder the Line, we had a faire North-west winde, and in twentie dayes saile we had sight of Land on the coast of Brasile, but no man knew certainly what part it should be. At length comming neere the shoare, we espied two small ships, the one Brasil. of them we tooke, the other escaped; that wee tooke was laden with Blackamores, and some merchandise; they came from Fernambaquo, and were determined to [...]aue gone to the Riuer of Plate. By the Pilot of this ship we knew we were at Cape Frio, that is, Cold Cape. This Cape Cape Frio 30 lyeth twelue leagues from the Riuer of Ienero, and thirtie leagues from Santos, which was the Towne we meant to take. In this ship we tooke a Friar that hid himselfe in a Chist of meale; the night following by the directions of our new taken Pilot, wee came to a place called Ilha Grande, twelue leagues from Santos, at this place we tooke fiue or sixe houses with Portugals and Sauages of the Countrie. Here wee had good store of Potatoes, and Plantons, diuers kindes of Ilha Grande. good rootes, with some Hogs and Hennes, which was very good and comfortable for the refresh­ing of our men. Here we had such disorder amongst our selues, that if the Portugals had beene of any courage, they might haue killed many of vs, for our men would fight for their victuals as if Po [...]tentuous pr [...]sage [...] of ill [...]nd from so ill beginning. they had beene n [...] Christians but Iewes, and they that got the best, would get them into some 40 hole, or into the Wildernesse vnder some Tree, and there they would remaine as long as they had meat. For mine owne part (there was such sha [...]king) I could in that place get neither meat nor mony, and pure hunger compelled me to goe into the Woods, to see if wee could kill any thing with our p [...]eces, or if we could finde some Potatoes. And as wee went, wee encountred with se­uen or eight of our co [...]panie, that were together, by the [...]es abou [...] a Hogge they had killed, and the st [...]ife was, who should▪ haue the best share, we comming in at that time, when euery one vsed their fists, stole away a quarter, and went a good way into the Wildernesse, where we were merry for that night; the next day wee came backe [...]g [...]ine with good store of Potato rootes; and going into the house where the Generals musicians were, wee found them dressing of eight yong Whelpes for their dinner; wee giuing them of our rootes they were contented that wee 50 should dine with them.

In the afternoone we set fire on a new ship, and burned all the houses, leauing the Merchant and all his Moores ashoare, we departed from thence, and hauing a faire winde about sixe of the clocke we came to the Iland of San Sebastian, where wee anchored, being fiue leagues from San­tos. Saint Sebastian. As soone as the ships were in the [...], euery Master and Captaine came aboard of the Generall, to know how hee pretended to take the Towne of Santos, and they all resolued that our long Boat and our Shallop onely with one hundred men was enough for the taking of it. F [...] the Portugall Pilot told vs, that it was of no strength. On Christmas-eue about ten a clocke in the night, when the Boats were to goe ashoare there were so many that would ha [...]e gone, that wee began to fight and cast one another ouer-board into the Sea; but as soone as our Generall Vnruly demea­nour. heard the noise, he commanded euery man to come aboard the ship againe. I fearing the General, 60 and being desirous to goe ashoare with the first (for I had seene before that they which came last got nothing) crept vnder the seate of our Shallop, where I was for the space of two houres, and the Boat being full of men, I could not get out, but there had beene smothered, if it had not [Page 1203] beene for William Waldren that was our Boatsman, and steered the Boat, who hearing me crie vn­der him, tore vp the boords, and saued my life. About three a clocke in the morning, wee met with a Canoa (which is a Boat that they make of a whole Tree) in which wee tooke foure Por­tugals and two Women; the one of them was going to be married that morning. After we had taken this Boat we went close to the shoare; and hauing tarried for our Boat an houre, we heard the Portugals ring a Bell, presently Iasper Iorge the Portugall Pilot told vs, that now was the time to land, for he knew by that Bell that they were in the middle of their Masse, and at that instant the Friar was holding vp the Bread of Sacrament before the people to worship it.

He had no sooner spoke, but we were all on shoare, and so marching to the Church, we tooke Santos take [...]. euery mans sword without resistance, and there we remayned till it was seuen of the clocke, for the comming of our long Boat, and the rest of our companie (for we were but twentie three in all) 10 and we durst not take sack of the Towne with so few. By that meanes some of the Portugals that were in their houses escaped with their persons and mony. Here was good store of victuall and great store of Succats, Sugars, and Cassauie meale, of the which wee made very good bread. In the Church there were three hundred men beside women and children. Assoone as wee had ta­ken the sack of the Towne, and placed all our men in order, word was sent to our Generall of all that had beene done. After the Generall had sent answere againe to the Towne, all the Portu­gals were set at libertie, and we fortified our selues in the Towne, keeping onely seuen or eight of the chiefest and principall prisoners, Master Cooke Captaine of the Vice-admirall, went Cap­taine of all the companie that went a [...]hoare; he fauoured me very much, and commanded mee to take a Friars Cell to lodge in, in the Colledge of Iesus, where hee himselfe lodged with many 20 Captaines and young Gentlemen. It was my chance going vp and downe from Cell to Cell, that I looked vnder a bed standing in a darke hole, where I found a little chist fast nayled, and the Ho [...] Anthonis Kniuet found a chist of siluer. seames thereof were white with wheat flower. I drew it forth, and finding it of great waight, broke it in pieces, wherein I found 1700. R [...]als of eight, each whereof contayneth foure shillings English. This hole I tooke for my lodging, and no man knew of my good purchase; cloth, shirts, blankets, and beds, and such stuffe no man regarded.

The next day following, being S. Steuens day, the Portugals gaue vs a false alarum; the Ge­nerall came also with all the ships into the Road, and presently landed with two hundred men, and commanded all the outward part of the Towne to bee burned. Then hee gaue order for the 30 building of a Pinnasse to row with twentie Oares, and commanded all the ships that were in the Harbour to be set on fire. At this Towne we tooke an English man, called Iohn King, which had Iohn King En­glish man. Iesuites Col­ledge. beene there fifteene yeeres. Our Generall lay in the Colledge of Iesus all the time that we were at Santos. This Colledge had many back-wayes to the Sea-side, and it happened one night, that two Sauages being abused by the Portugals ran away, and knowing the passages of the Colledge, came in the night to the Generals bed-side, and brought with them Turkies and Hennes: The The Generall by two sauages first scarred, and after in­structed. Generall being awaked by them cryed out for helpe. One of them that could speake Portugall, fell downe on his knees, and said, that hee came to cra [...]e his fauour; and not to offend him. The morning following the Generall had discourse with these two Sauages, and by them he knew of what strength the Portugals campe was, and how that at his going out of the Towne they were 40 determined to giue battaile: likewise they told him of three great bags of mony, and a jarre, that was hid vnder the roote of a Fig tree, and guided vs where we had three hundred head of Cattel, which serued vs all the time we were there.

The Daintie being a small ship made a good voyage to Santos, for shee came in before any of our fleet, by the which meanes they laded her with Sugar, and good commodities of the Portu­gals ships that were in the Harbour; this ship went voluntarily with vs, and hauing made a good voyage, the Captaine told the Generall that he would returne for England, the Generall answe­red, The Daintie would haue re­turned from Santos to Eng­land. that he was determined to send him into the Riuer of Plate, and then with all his heart hee should returne. We continued two moneths at Santos, which was the ouerthrow of our voyage. In the time that we were there many Canibals came vnto vs, desiring the General that he would 50 destroy the Portugals, and keepe the Countrie to himselfe, protesting to bee all on his side; the Generall thanked them for their kindnesse, and told them that at that time he had a farther pre­tence. We found store of gold in this Towne, that the Indians had brought from a place, called by the Indians, Mutinga, and now the Portugals haue mynes there. Many of our companie coun­selled Mutinga mynes. the Generall to winter at this Towne, but he would not by any meanes.

From our first setting forth from England, till we came to Santos, I had great loue to Christo­pher the Iapon, because I found his experience to bee good in many things. This Indian and I grew into such friendship one with another, that wee had nothing betwixt vs vnknowne I [...]panders pe [...] ­fidie. together. I a long time hauing found him true, I told him of the money I had found vnder the Friers bed; with that hee told mee of some money that hee had got, and wee swore to 60 part halfe from thenceforth whatsoeuer God should permit vs to obtaine: some foure dayes af­ter that, when we were ready to depart, he told me that that time of the yeare was past, where­fore it was best to hide our money in the ground, and remaine in the Countrey. I beleeuing his perswasions, agreed to doe what he thought best; thus we determined both, that the same [Page 1204] day we were to goe a shipboord, that then he should take all the money in a Canoa, and hide it by a Riuer side; in the morning I deliuered all the money into his hands, and he swore that in lesse then two houres he would returne, but I staied aboue fiue houres, and might haue tarried all my life, for he was gone aboord the Ship, afterward by good meanes I got mine owne againe, and so our former friendship was parted. Our men marched by Land from Santos, to another Towne called San Uincent, and in the way our men burned fiue Engenios, or Sugar-mils, the disorder of our men was such at their imbarking, that if the Portugals had beene of any courage, S. Vincent. they might easily haue cut our throates, the two Indians which came at night to the Generals chamber went with vs to the Straits.

We departed from Santos, with a faire winde for the Straites of Magellan, fourteene dayes we had faire weather, the fifteenth day all the Masters and Captaines of the fleete comming aboord, 10 the Admirall wonne a great summe of money. Two dayes after wee were becalmed, and the Pilotes taking their height, found it to be in the altitude with the Riuer of Plate. And we being farre from the shoare did beare roome for Land, determining to send the Daintie, the Blacke Pin­nasse, and the into the aforesaid Riuer of Plate, but it was not the will of God that we should execute our pretence. For the same day wee thought to haue descried Land, the winde beganne to blow South-west, and the Seas were very darke, swelling in waues so high, that we At the riuer of Plate we had a great storme. In this storme the Crow a smal Boat of 20. tun sunke before our eyes, with twelue men & a boy. The Roe-bucke lost her boat with two men, and wee lost ours with three men. And at the Straits we took the Desires long Boat for the Admirall. Murmuring. could not perceiue any of our accompanied ships, although we were very neere one to another, the Seas brake ouer the Poope of our shippe, and washed our men astonisht with feare into the Skippers, the Roe-bucke in this storme ranne her against our Poope, and brake downe all our Gallerie: all things were cast into the Sea that stood aboue Hatches, heere miserable For­tune 20 began to frowne on vs all, especially on mee, for all that I had, both in clothes and money, were cast into the Sea, all our ship with the Seas that brake ouer her sides. Here our Generall shewed himselfe to bee of a noble courage, for hee did nothing but runne vp and downe encouraging his men which were all amazed, thinking that to bee their last houre, this storme continued three dayes, in which time wee lost most of our sayles blowne away from the yards.

It was the will of God, that after we had been three dayes in the storme, the wind ceased, but the Seas continued so great, that wee were not able to beare any sayle. We lying thus tost with Seas, without sight of any of our fleet, the company murmured, and wished themselues againe at 30 Santos, and indeed we al thought that the rest of our company were driuen back with the storme to the Coast, thinking it best for vs to returne againe. The Generall hearing what speeches passed in the shippe, came forth vpon the halfe decke, and commanded all the company to come before him, and after he had heard them speake, he answered that he had giuen directions to all the Ma­sters and Captaines of the fleete, that what weather soeuer should part them, that they should vse their indeuour to take Port Desire, and that they should tarry a fortnight, so if none of the company came, they should leaue some marke on the shoare, and goe on their Voyage, with that euery man was satisfied, the Generall promising twentie pounds to whomsoeuer could first spie a sayle, we made our course to Port Desire, and in ten dayes we safely arriued at our desired Port, where we found all our fleet but the Daintie, which was no little comfort to vs all, because the Port Desire. time of our yeere was almost past, we stayed here but two dayes taking a few Penguins, from an 40 Iland right before Port Desire.

When we came to the mouth of the Straits wee found the winde contrary, and were forced to lye beating before the Harbour of Port Famine, three dayes ere wee could double that Cape, Magellan Straits. Port Famine. for many times we did cast anchor without the Cape in twentie fathomes water, but on a sud­den, the current would carrie away the ships with Cables and Anchors afloat in the night, in this current the Roe-bucke driuen with the current, fell crosse ouer the haze, there wee had no o­ther Current. remedy, but were forced to cut our cables, and so lose our Anchors. In the end with much adoe we doubled the Cape, and got into Port Famine, where wee lay a seuennight for want of winde and weather to goe forward. It the time that wee were at Port Famine, euery day our 50 men went on shoáre, to get Muscles and Fruits of the Countrey to eate, and the barke of a tree that was like Sinamon. One day the Boate being ashoare, there came to vs aboue a thousand Canibals naked, with feathers in their hands, but they would not come so neere vs, as we could Barke like Si­namon. Naked Saua­ges. touch them. If we offered them any thing, they would reach to vs with a long Pole, and what­soeuer we gaue them, they would returne vs feathers for it, wee made our signes to them for vi­ctuals, and they would shew vs by signes, that they had none, but what they could kill with their Darts. I haue told you how my chist, and all my clothes were cast ouer-boord, now com­ming to this cold Climates, and wanting clothes my hope of life was little, for here men were well at morning, and by night frozen to death. It was my fortune to goe ashoare to get some food, for the allowance of our ship was little, and comming aboord againe with my feete wette, and wanting shift of clothes, the next morning I was nummed, that I could not stirre my legs, Miserable co [...]d 60 and pulling off my stockings, my toes came with them, and all my feete were as blacke as soote, Anthonie Kni­uet lost his toes in the Straits. and I had no feeling of them. Then was I not able to stirre.

[Page 1205] Thus I continued for the space of a fortnight, till wee came into a faire Bay, where there were many faire Ilands, and on the rockes of some of these Ilands, wee found Scouts made of the barkes of trees, and afterwards wee found many Indians, but none of them would come to vs. On the South-west side of the Mayne we found a Riuer, which wee thought had gone to the Strait and deepe Riuer. Muscles with Pearles. South Sea: Our long Boate was sent vp this Riuer, and found it to be very straite and deepe. On the sides thereof they found great Muscles, and in them good store of Pearles, and we named it the Riuer of Pearles; the Bay had the name of the Master of our Pinnasse, because he first found it and did discouer it, called it Tobias Bay. From this place wee went further into the Straites hauing the winde against vs, and with the cold there died euery day out of our ship eight or nine men. Here one Harris a Gold-smith lost his Nose: for going to blow it with his fingers, cast it Harris his hard hap. 10 into the fire. This Iohn Chambers, Caesar Ricasen, and many that are now in England can testi­fie. The Generall hauing experience, that the wind would tarry at the least two moneths, his men died so fast, that hee thought best to returne for the Coast of Brasill, and there to separate our fleete to the Hauens, of Santos that lye on the Coast, Riuer of Iennary, Spirito Santo, determi­ning by this meanes, to furnish himselfe with Ropes, Sayles, and Victuals of such prices as hee How we retur­ned from the straits of Ma­gellan. Generall Can­dish commeth againe to Port Famine, where bee setteth eight men on shoare and would haue set mee on shoare with them, had it not beene for Captain Cocke. How I got fee­ling againe of my limmes af­ter we came out of the straits. did not doubt but to take, and likewise determining to take Santos againe.

The Generall came backe with this pretence for Brasill, came to Port Famine, where wee an­chored two dayes, and there tooke a note of all his men, that were liuing, and finding some of them very sicke, commanded them to be set on shoare, I was so ill in the Straites that no man thought I would haue liued, and twice I was brought vpon the Hatches to bee cast into the Sea; 20 but it was the will of God, that when they had said Prayers, as they accustomed when any man died, and that they laid hands on me to cast me ouer-boord, I spake, desiring them not to cast me ouer-boord, till I was dead. At this Port Famine comming backe, the Generall would haue set me on shoare, but Captaine Cocke entreated for me; so I remayned in the ship. I had very sorie clothes, the toes of my feet full of Lice, that (God is my record) they lay in clusters within my flesh, and of many more besides my selfe; I had no Cabbin, but lay vpon a chist. Now we come out of the Straits with all our fleet, but the Dainty that lost vs in the Riuer of Plate, in the storme that we had, and the Crow that was sunke. After that we came out of the Straits, wee came be­fore Port Desire againe, and there our Boats went to Penguin Iland for Penguins; at this place the Generall tooke a Chirurgion who cured with words; This man comming aboord our ship, said 30 some words ouer my feet, and I had feeling in my legges and feete which I had lost before, for the space of a fortnight, many times before this man came, I had hot Irons laid to my feet, but I had no feeling were they neuer so hot.

That day that we departed from Port Desire, the Generall sent for all the Masters of the ships, and commanded them that till midnight they should keepe there course with him, and that when he should shew them two lights, then they should cast about and beare in with the shoare, but Dauis which was Captaine of the Desire, and Tobie Master of the Pinnasse did deceiue vs, and went for the Straits, as I was enformed afterwards by some of there men that were taken at How the Desire and the Blacke Pinnosse goeth away from vs. Brasill, after that I was taken. Three or foure dayes after this wee had a great storme, in the which the Roe-bucke lost her mayne Mast, and we lost her. Now were wee all alone in a great 40 ship, and we knew not what wee were best to doe, but in the end wee determined to come for Santos, hoping there to find the rest of our company. In this storme I sate on a chist, and was not Of a great storme we had cōming backe. able to stirre, for still as the ship seeled on one side, the chist went from starboord to larboord, and it was the will of God, that it fell betweene a piece of Ordnance, and the Carpenters Cabbin on the one side, and on the other side betweene another Peece, and the Chirurgions Cabbin. Thus all the night I lay very cold, and it was the will of God that the chist neuer turned ouer, for if it had, I could not haue escaped death, the next day the storme ceased, and most of our young Saylers, which we call men of top a yard, being wearied with their nights worke that was past, were vnder Hatches asleepe, and would not come vp to doe some businesse that was to bee done. With that the Generall came downe, with the end of a Rope as bigge as mine arme, and one of the Saylers hid himselfe behind me; the Generall spying him, strooke at him, and hit me on the 50 side of the head, and halfe an houre after, finding me in the same case that the Generall had left How the Ge­nerall st [...]ooke mee dead a­gainst his will. mee in, they tooke me, and would haue cast mee out of one of the parts of the ship, but it was the will of God that I spake and was saued. Here one of the Indians that came to the Generall in the night at Santos, fell ouer-boord by a mischance and was drowned.

Wee with much adoe in the end got to the Harbour of Santos, where wee found none of our company, we anchored right before a Sugar-mill, that stood hard by the Sea side, the Generall as­ked They come to Santos againe. if there were any that would goe ashoare, then Captaine Stafford, Captaine Southwell, and Captaine Barker offered themselues to goe on shoare, and twentie more with them, the Boate that they went in was made of Sugar chists and barrell boords, they landed and tooke the Sugar-mill, 60 at the which they tooke a great Barke, and sent it laden with victuals, aboord our shippe, which was more welcome vnto vs then if it had beene gold. Here wee continued all that day, and the next day they sent the great Boate againe laden with Sugars and Guinee Wheate, then the Generall sent them word that they should come away, but they sent him word againe, that [Page 1206] they had more prouision on shoare, and before all was aboord they would not come. The third day, that our men were on shoare, the Portugall set on them. They had the little Boate ashoare, The Portugals kill our men. See Cap. Can­dish before. but the wind being from shoare, the great Boat went not from the ship side that day, the next day that our men were slaine, our long Boate went ashoare, and brought vs newes how the little Boat was broke and how all our men were gone. One of the Indians that I haue told you of landed here with our men, and hauing experience of the Countrey, when our men were in the hottest of their fight ranne away, hauing one Arrow shot thorow his necke, and another in his mouth and out at his poale, this Indian swamme aboord vnto vs vpon a logge, and told vs that all our men were slaine.

The Generall thought good to goe from hence to the Iland of San Sebastian, and there if he S. Sebastian. 10 did not meete with some of the ships, that then he would returne for England, the same day that we were to depart from Santos, the Roe-bucke past by the mouth of the Riuer of Bertia: where The Roe-bucke come to vs at Santos. we were, and shot a Peece, and we answered with another, then the Roe-bucke came into vs with her Masts broken. After the Roe-bucke came to vs, we went neerer the Towne, determining to haue beaten downe the Towne with our Ordnance, but wanting water, the Gallion Lecester toucht ground, and we had much adoe to get her cleere againe. Then wee landed eightie of our men, at a small Riuer neere the Towne, where we had great store of Mandiora Roots, Potatoes, Plantons, and Pine Apples. The Portugals seeing our men going into the Riuer, sent six Canoas to meete them, we seeing them, made a shot at them with the chaine of our Pumpe, with that they returned, and our Boats came safely aboord with good store of the aforenamed Roots. In 20 our ship there was a Portugall whom we tooke in the ship taken at Cape Frio, this Portugall went Portugals ad­uice. with vs to the Straits of Magellanus, and seeing of our ouerthrow, told vs of a Towne called Spirito Sancto, this Portugall said that we might goe before the Towne with out ships, and that without danger, we might take many Sugar-mils, and good store of cattle.

The words of this Portugall made vs breake off our pretence that wee had for San Sebastian, and we went to Spirito Sancto, in eight dayes we got before the mouth of the Harbour; at length Spirito Santo. we came to an Anchor in the Roade, and presently we sent our Boats to sound the Channell, and we found not halfe the depth that the Portugall said we should finde, the Generall thinking that Portugall han­ged. the Portugall would haue betrayed vs without any triall caused him to bee hanged, [...]he which was done in a trise. Here all the Gentlemen that were liuing, desired that they might go ashoare 30 to take the Towne. The General was very vnwilling, & told them of diuers inconueniences, but all would not suffice them, they were so importunate, that the Generall chose out one hundred and twentie men, of the best that were in both the ships, and sent Captaine Morgan a singular good Land-souldier, and Lieutenant Royden, for choise Commanders in this action. They lan­ded before a small Fort with one of the Boats, and draue the Portugals out of it, the other Boate went higher, when they had a very hot skirmish, and their liues were quickly shortned, for they landed on a Rocke, that stood before the Fort, as they leaped out of the Boate, they slid all armed into the Sea, and so most of them were drowned. To be short wee lost eightie men, at this place, and of the fortie that returned, there came not one without an Arrow or two in his body, 80. men slaine: 40. wounded. and some had fiue or sixe. 40

When we saw we could doe no good at this place, wee determined to come againe for the I­land of San Sebastian, and there we meant to burne one of our ships, and from thence we deter­mined to goe for the Straits againe, the company that was in the Roe-bucke, hearing of it, in the Ro-bucke fleeth. night runne away from vs, and we were left alone againe, well we came to San Sebastian Iland, all this while I lay vnder Hatches lame, sicke, and almost starued: I was not able to stirre, I was S. Sebastian. so weake. After we came to this Iland, the first thing that was done, the sicke men were set on shoare to shift for themselues, twentie of vs were set on shoare, all were able to go vp and downe although very weakly, but (I alas!) my toes were raw, my body was blacke, I could not speake nor stirre. In this case I was layed by the shoare side, and thus I remayned from fiue of the clock Anthony Kniuet left for dead. in the morning, till it was betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke, that the Sunne came to 50 his highest, and the extreme heate of the Sunne pierced through my bodie, whereby I came to my selfe, as a man awaked from sleepe; and I saw them that were set on shore with me, lye dead and a dying round about me: these men had eaten a kind of Pease, that did grow by the Sea side Venemous Pease. which did poyson them. When I saw all these men dead, I praysed God that had rid them out of their miserable estate, and cursed my hard fortune, that Death it selfe did refuse to end my tormented and most miserable life. I looked towardes the shoare, and saw nothing but these Pease, and if I did eate them, I was sure of death, if I did not eate them, I saw no remedie but to starue.

Seeing in this manner, I looked towards the ship, to see if the Boate came ashoare, but (alas) all my hopes were with speed to end my life, but that it was the will of God, I saw things stirre 60 by the Sea side, and it was a great ebbe: then I went creeping on my hands and my feete like a childe, and when I had gotten to the Sea side, I saw many Crabs lye in the holes of the mudde. I pulled off one of my stockins, and filled it with Crabs, and as well as I could, I carried them to a hollow figge tree, where I found a great fire made, so casting them on the coles, I did eat them, [Page 1207] and so I lay downe to sleepe till the next day; and then I watched for the ebbe to get some more meate. Thus I liued eight or nine dayes without sight of any man, the stinke of some of the dead men that the Sea came not to, was so noysome that I was faine to remooue from that place, and as I went along the shoare to seeke some place to abide in, I passed by a faire Riuer that went into the Sea; where I thought it good to make my abode because of the fresh water, I had not beene there scarce the space of halfe a quarter of an houre, but I saw a great thing come out Anthony Kniuet [...]er [...]d w [...]ha [...] [...]st [...]me [...]ut [...] the water. of the water, with great scales on the backe, with great vgly clawes and a long tayl; this beast came towards me, and I had not the power to shun it, but as it came towards me I went and [...]et it, when I came neere it, I stood still amazed to see so monstrous a thing before me. Hereupon this beast stood still and opened his mouth, and thrust out a long tongue like a Harping-Iron. I 10 commended my selfe to God, and thought there to haue bin torne in pieces, but this beast tur­ned againe, and went into the Riuer, and I followed to the Riuers [...]ide.

The next day I went farther into the Iland, fearing to tarrie in this place, and I found a great Whale lying on the shoare like a ship with the keele vpwards, all couered with a kinde of short mosse with the long lying there. At this place I made a little house, and fed on the Whale for the space of a fortnight. In this time the Generall set forty men more ashoare, at the place where I Whale. was set first on land, likewise the Generall trimmed his Boate at this place, and had a Net con­tinually a fi [...]hing, of which Iohn Chambers his Cooke had charge, who is this day liuing in London. After that these men came ashoare, I left the place where I was with the Whale, and came to our men and liued with them, beeing at this time reasonable well, and able to goe very well, for the 20 vse of going into the Sea did heale my toes. After these men had beene on shoare seuen or eight dayes, we had taken wood and water for the ship, the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary, landed on the North point of the Iland hard by the Whale, they took two of our men and one escaped, who came to vs in the night, and told vs that the Portugals and the Sauages were landed. That day wee had taken a great Tortois ashaore, and wee did bid the Sayler to bee of good cheere, for if it were true, it was the better for vs, for wee were sure, that the Generall would not take vs a­gaine into the ship, with that we all commended our selues to God, and dranke to our friends in faire water, and so we determined to march along the shoare with a white shirt instead of a flagge of truce, but the Sea was so high that we could not, then we determined to watch quarterly, till such time as we could espie them, I had the first watch, and watched till I was wearie, so called 30 one of my fellowes, to watch, and lie answered angerly, Tut, tis a lye: with that I lay downe by the fire as well as the rest. Before I was asleepe, the Portugals were at our doore, then I started They are taken and slaine. vp, and one of them tooke me by the legge, presently wee were all led to the shoare side, there all that were taken with me, were knocked on the heads with fire-brands, the Indian that had hold of me, strooke twice or thrice at me with a short Bill, but I striuing, cryed out in Portugall, He escapeth. That if they would saue mee I would tell them newes, with that a Portugall passed by, an I caught hold of him, so well as I could I told him a Tale which saued my life at that time, this Portugall gaue me againe to a Sauage, & I cryed to him that I would go whersoeuer he went then he bid me not fear, for that Sauage was his slaue, and that he would carrie me to the Captayn, so I was content perforce to goe I knew not whether, this Caniball carried me along the ashore, and 40 when wee came where any Rockes reached into the Sea; hee would take mee on his backe, and swimme with mee round about the Rockes, till wee were free from the Rockes, thus we went almost all night, til at length we came by a great Cliffe that stood by the shore. Then the Sauage whistled, and another Sauage answered him from the Cliffe, wherupon fiue or six Portugals came forth, and amongst them came the Captaine with a piece of bread and Marmallet in his hand, and as soone as he saw me, he asked me what newes, I answered that I was very hungry, and desired him that hee would giue mee some meate, and then I would tell him all the newes that I could, with that all the Portugals brake out in a laughter, and gaue me bread and fish to eate, after I had eaten that which they had giuen me, I told them the truth of all that they asked me, heere they killed eight and twentie of our men, and saued only my selfe, and Henrie Barrawell, who was saued by my meanes. 50

§. II.

ANTHONY KNIVET his comming to the R of Ianero, and vsage amongst the Portugals, and Indians: his diuers trauels thorow diuers Regions of th [...]se parts.

THe next day our ship weighed Anchor, and whether shee went I knew not, wee were 60 carried by the Portugals to the Riuer of Ianero, I went with a Mestizo, which is halfe a Portugall, and halfe a Sauage that saued my life in the night w [...]en I was taken. When we came to the Citie of San Sebastian in the Riuer of Ianero, the Portugals in the Ca­noas, made such a noyse, with Pipes and Drummes, that all the people of the Citie came to shoare [Page 1208] to see vs, with that the Canoas going round, as if they were in fight, two Portugals tooke mee, and cast me towards the shoare, saying, here is our prize; the tyde being strong carried mee to the mayne, where I had beene drowned had it not beene for a woman, who seeing the tyde carry me away, sent two or three slaues, and they saued mee. When I came ashoare, all the Portugals were at the Church of our Lady, and I would haue gone into the Church, but the Portugals would not let me, saying, that I was not a Christian. Then I was brought before the Gouernour, and he gaue me to the man that had saued mee, and I was very well contented, for hee vsed mee very kindly as I came with him from the Iland of San Sebastian. For the space of three moneths that I was with this man, I kept a house, and went to the Sea-side with his Hogs, and there I e­uery day brought him home a basket of great Crabs that lie in the holes of the mud, as deepe as 10 you can thrust in your arme. This w [...]s a good life, my Master called me sonne, and I dined and supped with him: also I had a hanging Net to lie in, and lay in the same roome which hee lay in.

It happened one day being by the Sea-side washing of little Dogs, there came a Canoa full of Portugals, and they tooke me to the Towne with them, but as soone as I landed I remembred my Masters house and ran to it. As I went I met with Henrie Barway: the next day the Gouernour Henrie Barway. sent for mee and examined me what I was, I told him that I was a poore ship boy, with that Henrie Barway reproued me, asking what I meant to say so to the Gouernour; I replyed, that I was no other but what I had told him, then the Gouernour commanded mee to bee carried to the Sugar mill, where I was three moneths, till all the clothes that I had were torne in peeces, with He is sent to a Sugar-mill. working in a Barke going day and night vp and downe for Sugar canes and wood for the Mill; 20 the miserable life that I was in made me carelesse what I did. I had neither meat nor clothes, but blowes as many as Gally slaues. Then I determined to run away into the Wildernesse, for I was ashamed to be seene naked of the Portugals. I made me a Cottage in a great Caue in the Wilder­nesse, He fleeth. where I was seuen moneths. In the day I fished for to liue, and in the night I came to some Indians houses, and for fish they gaue me Cassauie meale, and many kindes of Rootes, that serued me for bread. In the end the Gouernour caused me to be sought out, and gaue mee a sute of blue clothes, and commanded me to worke in a Garden, where I carried earth, and digged the ground to plant Cabidges and Turneps.

After that I was commanded againe to take charge of the Sugar boat, where I was worse vsed 30 then euer I was before, for the Factor was a man that hated English men, and would vse me more like a Dogge then a Man. When I had continued foure moneths in the Barke, it happened that one of the Gouernours sonnes, called Martin de Saa, came from Spirito Santo. This man pitty­ing my poore and miserable life, desired his father that he would giue mee vnto him, which his His new Ma­ster. father granted, and I was very well vsed of my new Master, two yeeres after I had serued him. It happened that hee and his Mother in law fell out, whereupon the Gouernour his father sent him to a Towne, called Wyanasses, which were in peace with the Portugals, and for Kniues and Wyanasses. Hatchets, they sell their Wiues and Children. This iourney I went with him, and we came to a Towne called Iawarapipo (that is to say) Is this the Dogge? He seeing me forward to doe him ser­uice, Iawarapipo. sent me from this Towne with eight of his slaues laden with Hatchets and Kniues, to ano­ther 40 kinde of Canibals, called Pories, which had beene likewise friends with the Portugals, but it was long before any Portugall had beene there, I came to the Towne of Pories, where I was Pories. saluted in this sort.

As soone as I came into a great house, which I thought was their Kings, which they call Mo­rouichaua; presently, they had hanged vp a faire Net betweene two postes, in the which I was commanded to sit downe, and as soone as I was set, there came at the least twentie women, and Strange enter­tainment of strangers. some laying their heads on my shoulders, and others on my knees, they began to crie out making such a pitious noise, that I was amazed: yet I determined to sit still till they had done. As soone as the women were gone, an old man came in, all painted with red and blacke, and hee had three great holes in his face, one in the vnder lip, and one on either side of his mouth, and in euery hole 50 stood a faire greene stone. This Caniball came through the house where I was, with a woodden sword in his hand, and as hee came hee spake very loud, and looked as though hee had beene mad, striking his hand on his breast, and on his thighs; still crying out, he walked vp and downe. Af­ter this Sauage had ended his speech, he stroke me on the head, and bad mee welcome; and com­manded such things as were in his house to be set before me to eate. After I had beene there two or three houres, newes went through all the Towne of my being there, and from this Towne to others that were bard by.

Whilest I continued in this Towne a Sauage called Way [...]buth, who bare a great grudge to His danger by a Sauage. the Portugals, came where I was, with two women, and when hee came into the house where I was, he laid his hands on their necks, and so came dancing before mee, thus after hee had danced some quarter of an houre, he spake to me, saying, Doest thou see th [...]se women, by my valour I g [...]t 60 their loues, and now their desire I am sworne to fulfill, which is to kill thee, as I haue done many more. I answered him that I came not as an enemie against him, or any of his, but as a friend that brought him many things that I was assured hee wanted, and that if nothing would satisfie him but my [Page 1209] life, I assured him, that hee and all his Countrie would pay for it. To this hee made no answere, but went to separate my things that lay by mee to his Concubines, withall I started out of my bed, and tooke my sword in my hand, and thrust the Caniball from my things, that I had almost ouerturned him, and he durst not touch them nor me any more, but stood rayling, and threatning to kill mee, and with the noise that hee made, the old man came into the house, and seeing mee stand with my sword in my hand, asked mee what was the matter, and I told him all that had passed betwixt mee and the foresaid Caniball. After hee had heard mee, hee turned to the Caniball that had offered me abuse, and asked him what reason he had to doe him so great a discredit, and to meddle with any friend of his in his Towne, and ange [...]ly commanded him to auoid his Town, if not he would make him repent that euer he came thither; with that, for feare of afterclaps, he went away with his Concubines: the next morning newes came to the Towne, that Wa [...]ambuth 10 was comming with three hundred Canibals, and that perforce he would haue me to his Towne, and that there I should be killed according to the order of the Countrie; and how hee left order with his wiues to prepare wine through all the Townes in readinesse.

When the old man heard of this, hee presently commanded all his people to take their wea­pons, and desired them to goe with him into the field to meet them that were comming to wrong him; whereat they all gaue a great hoope, saying, that they would all die rather then they would bee disgraced. The old man embraced mee many times, and desired mee that I would Hospitall fide­litie in Sa­uages. tarry in his house. I thanked him for his loue, and told him that in any wise I would not tarry behinde him; so I went with him to meet the Caniball in the field; we being a great many more then they, they sent three or foure vnto vs as messengers, that they came to be merry, and to buy 20 and sell such things as they had, then the old man gaue leaue for them all to come into his Town, except the Caniball that had mis-vsed him the day before; that night I gaue all my merchan­dise to the old man, and desired him for it, that hee would cause mee to bee conducted out of his Countrie: the next day following the old man gaue me seuentie slaues, and caused three hundred Bow men to goe with me till I was past the Riuer of Paraeyua; from whence they returned to Riuer Paraeyua. their Towne, and in forrie dayes iourny with ease I came againe to Ilha Grande, where I found my Master, Martin de Saa, who was v [...]ry glad of my returne, and for recompence of my paines, he promised me one of them to bee my slaue, bu [...] when hee came to the Riuer of Ianero, hee sold them, and gaue me nothing.

After wee had beene at home two moneths, hee would haue sent mee againe into the sauage 30 countrie for more slaues, but I knew that thereby I should get nothing and refused to goe. Where­vpon hee returned me againe to his father, thinking I would rather choose to goe then serue his He returneth to his o [...]d Ma­ster. father in the Sugar boat. But I was contented to goe againe to his father, hoping to be better v­sed then I was before: then his father commanded me to goe a fishing in a small boat, for to make oile for the Sugar m [...]ll. One night being vpon a Rocke fishing for Dog-fish, which the Portugals Endangered by a Sharke. call Tubarones; I tooke my line, laid it vnder me and fell asleepe: about mid-night with the be­g [...]nning of the floud a Dog-fish tooke my hooke, and the line being vnder mee, I awaked, tooke the line in my hand, and running about the Rocke (I know not how) the line tangled about my [...]egge, and the fish drew me into the Sea; and assoone as I fell into the water the Sharke swam at me as if he would haue deuoured me, but assoone as I saw him come neere mee, I caught hold on 40 the hooke that was in his mouth, and striking downwarke with my hand the Sharke swam a­way againe. I now remembred a knife, that I had about my necke tyed with a string, as the Ca­nibals vse, and there with cut the cord, or else there had I ended all my miseries; all my body was torne with the Crags of the Rocke, so that for the space of a fortnight I was not able to stirre.

After I was healed the Gouernour commanded mee againe to goe a fishing: wee had newes in the R [...]uer of Ianero that Master Hawkins was at Cape Fri [...], which made me the more desirous to Master Haw­kins at Cape Fri [...]. be on the Coast in hope to get to him. It happened that one day being a fishing by an Iland that lay two leagues from the shoare, Master Hawkins passed by the Sea as farre as well hee could bee descryed, but it was a very faire day: assoone as I saw the ships I set the Indians that were with 50 me on shoare on the Iland, commanding them to seeke prouision for vs for that night I did assure my selfe that Master Hawkins would refresh his men at the Iland of San Sebastian, and seeing the Another dou [...] ble dis [...]ster of sense and loss [...] winde faire, and all the Indians ashoare, I hoysted saile, and tooke my course towards the Iland of San Sebastian, but fortune was so crosse to me, that being in sight of the ships, a contrarie winde blue with such a storme, that perforce I was driuen vpon an Iland so full of Rocks, that my Boat was broken all in peeces, and my selfe all cut and bruised with the Rocks. Getting to the shoare vpon this Iland I remayned three dayes without meat, or meanes to get away from the Iland, the Indians that landed vpon the Iland where we were a fishing, got to the Towne and told the Gouernour how I had beguiled them. Presently vpon that newes the Gouernour sent two Ca­noas to descrie the ships, these Canoas came on shoare at the Iland where I was, and there they 60 found me almost starued, and all my face hurt beaten vpon the Rocks.

From this place they went to the Iland of San Sebastian, and Master Hawkins was gone; then they returned againe to the Riuer of Ianero, and I was brought bound with my hands behind me, [Page 1210] all the Towne rayled at me, calling me Run-away, then I was brought before the Gouernour, and he looking very angerly vpon me sent me to prison, where I was vsed like a Dogge for the space His imprison­ment. of a fortnight: for I lay on the ground, and had no meat giuen me, but Cassaui meale and water. After I had endured this miserie, I was condemned to be hanged for a Run-away and a Lutheran, Condemnati­on to be han­ged. Iesuites saue him! and as I was going by the Colledge of Iesus, all the Friars of the Colledge came forth with a great Crucifix, and falling on their knees before the Gouernour they craued pardon for me, and I was carried againe to prison, where I remayned three dayes longer, then I was brought forth on a Market day, with my hands and feet bound, and there in publike beaten with cordes, that I had not a whole spot of skin on all my body. After they had punished mee, as you haue heard, I was commanded to be put againe in prison, where I was for the space of a fortnight, with no meate Imprisoned againe. 10 but Cassaui meale and water, my lodging was the earth, my body was all bruised and full of wormes with lying on the ground.

After this the Gouernour commanded great hoopes of Iron to bee clinched to my legge, of thirtie pound weight, the which I carried nine moneths, continually working in the Sugar mill like a bond-slaue. The Factor vsed me more like a Dogge then a Man, for his hatred was so much to me, and to all strangers, that I neuer came by him but I was sure of blowes. Now was my life so intolerable, that I grew desperate and carelesse what I did to end my life. Many times I would tell the Gouernour [...]ow like a Tyrant the Factor vsed me, but for all that he saw my body black, and bruised with blowes, he had no compassion on me. I had no meanes nor hope of any release of my miserable life, but to kill the Factor. Now occasion came fitly to execute my pretence, and Dissolute reso­lution. 20 it happened thus; I comming in the night with a Barke laden with Sugar canes, after the Ba [...]ke was vnladen, the night being cold, I lay vpon the boards before the F [...]rnaces, and had not rested halfe an houre, when the Factor came into the Sugar house, so finding me asleepe (as you haue heard) hee strooke mee with a withe on the naked ribs, with such force, that I thought hee had broken all the bones of my body. I started vp, and seeing him before mee readie to second his malice with another blowe, I embraced him in mine armes, and with a great knife that I had, I hurt him in the side, the backe, and the arme; hee cryed out I had slaine him.

I thinking no lesse ran away into the chiefest of the wood, and the fauourable night being He fleeth againe. darke, no man knew which way to follow mee. When day came I went wandring vp and downe, praying to God to send some Leopard, or Lion, to deuoure mee, rather then to bee 30 taken againe by the Portugals, for I knew if the Gouernour once got mee againe, I should en­dure the most extreame torture that euer was inuented for man. Wandring in the Wildernesse, I did heare a great noise of people, then I was amazed, knowing not what to doe to saue my life, sometimes I run like a mad man, then would I sit downe and listen if I could heare any noise, and which way soeuer I went I heard still the noise of people neerer me. Thus seeing my selfe at the last cast, I espyed a great Tree, in which grew a thing of thick long leaues, cal­led Danger o [...] ta­king in a Cara­uala. by the Indians, Carauala; as bigge as the nest of an Eagle, I got me into that, hauing not beene there a quarter of an houre, many Indians came to seeke mee, and shot many times with their arrowes at the thing where I was, when they saw that I did not stirre, they went their wayes, and I remayned all that day in the Tree, the night following, and the next day and night, 40 I came downe very weake, for in two dayes I had eaten nothing, then the night being darke, I came to the Sea side, so going along by the shoare side, I espyed a Canoa drawne to shoare, and hard by it on the ground lay three Sauages asleepe, by them lay bowes, arrowes, and rootes, with hookes to fish with, of those things I tooke what I thought best, and went along the Sea side till I came to a Point of the Iland, where I found a Sa [...]age asleepe vpon the sands, when I had viewed him well I knew him to be one of my Masters slaues, who killed one of his fellowes, Sol [...]men miser i [...] soci [...]s h [...]b [...]isse dol [...]ri [...]. wherefore hee d [...]rst not goe home, I tooke his bow and arrowes lying by him and awaked him, when he saw me he began to lament, and desired that I would not carry him home to my Ma­ster, I answered him that my cause was ten times worse then his, and desired him to tell mee if he knew any place whither wee might goe to saue both our liues, and with that told him what 50 had befallen me.

This Sauage was a great man in his Countrie, his name was Quarasips iuca, that is, the yellow Sunne. Neuer man found truer friendship of any then I did of him. This Caniball and I after ma­ny discou [...]ses determined to swim from the Iland to the mayne. When we had escaped the dan­ger of passi [...]g the arme of the Sea, at least two miles in breadth, we both landed very feeble, with His wandrings. the long being of our naked carkasses in the water. Now wee are at the foot of the Mountaine called Paranap [...]aca [...]o, a desart, where many haue beene deuoured with Leopards, Lions, Croco­diles, and Surococous, and diuers other Serpents. Notwithstanding all these fearfull inconue­niences, we chose rather to fall into the pawes of a Lion, and the clawes of the Serpent, then in­to I suppose by Le [...]pards he [...]ean [...]th th [...]t sp [...]ted b [...]st, w [...]ch oth [...]rs call a Tigre. 60 the bloudie hands of the Portugall. Seuen and thirtie dayes we two trauelled through this de­sart, euery day we were in danger of our liues, for we met many Leopards, Lions, and huge Ser­pents, but God deliuered vs from them. In this iourney we eate wilde Honie and Palmetos, and a kinde of Snakes, called by the Canibals, Boa [...]yua. After we had passed this desart, we came into [Page 1211] a champaine Countrie, where we had great store of Pine nuts. Wandring vp and downe in this Countrie, one morning we espyed smoke in a wood not farre from vs. Then wee trauelled that wayes, and comming neere, I knew where we were, and presently I told Quarisisacupa, that the Towne was called Pianita, and that this was the place where Iawaripipo had vsed mee so well, when Wana [...]buth would haue killed me. Now come we to the Towne, where we are very kind­ly Pianita. receiued, especially of mine old friend Iawaripipo. Hee commeth to his old host.

After we had rested a little while among these Canibals, I desired them that they would ioyne themselues together; for in publike I would rehearse somwhat vnto them of my comming into their Countrie. Now when they were all together, I began to rehearse vnto them, how cruelly Senate of Sa­uages. the Portugals did vse their Nation, in making them bond-slaues, marking them like Dogs, whip­ping 10 and tormenting them, as if they were not of flesh and bloud. I rehearsed vnto them the course of mine owne life, and desired them to remember how my Countrimen had vsed them in former times, encouraging them to bee valiant, and to pull vp their spirits, and perswading to defend themselues against such Tyrants, who vnder the colour of friendship vsed them most vil­lainously. Then I told them that I had killed a Portugall, and that I was determined to end my life with them, if they would promise to defend mee and themselues from the Portugals. With that many of them embraced me, all together giuing a great hoope, saying, as long as their liues lasted, and their Bowes brake not, that they would defend themselues and me. Here I continued nine moneths, till it happened that Martin de Saa came againe to buy more slaues. He came to a Towne hard by the Iland of San Sebastian, called Iaquerequere, where vsing the Canibals kindly, Iaquerequere. 20 and giuing them Kniues and Hatchets and Beades, hee won their hearts so much vnto him that they gaue him their Sonnes and Daughters to bee his slaues; and moreouer told him, that I and Quarisisacupa was at a Towne hard by. Then Martin de Saa sent foure Portugals and twentie Sauages for me to the Towne. When the Sauages of Iaquerequere came to Pianita, they gaue such Sauage faith. Antonie Kniue [...] is bound by the Canibals and brought to his Master. report in all the Towne of the liberalitie of Martin de Saa, that without any deliberation they bound my hands, and brought me backe againe to my Masters sonne.

When the Canibals brought mee before Martin de Sa [...], all those that protested before most friendship vnto mee, are now become my greatest and most mortall enemies, and with hoo­ping and hollowing deride mee, striking mee on the head, and declaring to the Portugals, how I vsed great perswasions to haue them become their enemies. Martin de Saa made no an­swere 30 to all their exclamations, but commanded certaine Portugals and Indians to see that I runne not away. Being brought the next morning before him, hee told mee that hee did pit­tie my hard fortune to come to so bad an end as I was like to come to, making mee beleeue that the Factor was dead, and therefore hee thought that the Law would condemne mee. When hee had spoken, I desired him to bee fauourable vnto mee, and that hee would consider what seruice I had done him and his father, and to thinke how vnreasonably the Factor had vsed mee a long time. Then hee promised mee, that wherein hee might hee would stand my friend; then I entreated him to giue mee leaue in that desart to end my life amongst the Canibals, where hee might well bee assured I could neuer hurt him nor any of his Nation: hee would not condescend thereunto, but promised hee would saue my life, if I would but goe to a place in that Countrie, 40 called Paraeyua Wereob, and there to trafficke with the Canibals for Women, Boyes, and Girles. Paraeyua We­reob.

Although the danger of going into the Countrie of wild Man-eaters where I neuer had beene, was no lesse then the value of my life, yet considering with my selfe that my offence deserued death among the Portugals, I chose once againe rather to stand to the Heathen mercy of [...]auage Man-eaters, then at the bloudie crueltie of Christian Portugals. And seeing my selfe in such extremitie, I shewed my selfe very willing and diligent to doe the Captaine seruice; but God His next ad­uenture tho­row the de­sarts. knowes, my hope was neuer to haue seene him againe. Now goe I alongst in the Wildernesse, with twelue Sauages, I know not whither, but as they guide mee ouer huge Mountaines, and many great Riuers, passing many dangers of our liues by land of Lions, Leopards, diuers great Snakes: in the Riuers, Crocodiles, Iararaquas, and Capucaras, with many other Serpents that vse the water. After wee had trauelled fiue and twentie dayes in the Wildernesse, wee 50 came to a faire Riuer as broad as the Thames, and the Canibals that went with mee said that the A faire Riuer. Towne stood by that Riuer side, where wee were to trafficke, but certaintie they knew not where about. Then wee made vs a Boat of the barke of a Cedar Tree, going downe the streame in it. Wee had not beene there long a going with the swiftnesse of the Current, before wee espyed a Boate of the same fashion that ours was, with two Canibals in it, who as soone as Two Sauages. they had espyed vs would haue runne away, but wee beeing better manned then they ouer­tooke them before they got to the shoare. With mee there went one of their owne Nation, by name Morosoeij, who had beene taken by the Wayanasses, and they sold him to the Por­tugals. This Morosoeij spake the language of the Taymayas, which I vnderstood very well. 60 The two Canibals that wee tooke in the Boate, were amazed to see men apparelled, inso­much Apparell strange. that they knew not their owne Countriman that was with mee, when they saw him apparelled like a Portugall; if they were amazed at vs, I was no lesse at them, for in all my trauell I neuer saw the like fashion of Canibals. For when I saw them first I thought Their strange habit [...]. [Page 1212] they had beene borne with feathers on their heads and bodies, like fowles of the aire, they had ano [...]nted their bodies with gumme of the oiletusees of Balsome, and couered themselues so arti­fi [...]lly Stranger [...]a­k [...]d [...]esse. with f [...]athers of diuers colours, in such order, that you could not haue seene a spot of their skins but their legs: after wee had beholden them well and they vs, I commanded Morosoeij, their Countriman to disclose himselfe to his Countrimen, and to tell them the cause of our com­ming, desiring them to goe to their Towne, and tell of our being there, lest our sudden comming should raise an vprore among them, the which they were very willing to doe; so giuing either of them a knife, and a few b [...]ades, they departed very ioyfully.

Two houres after that they were departed from vs, there came at the least fiue hundred of His entertain­ment. them singing and rejoycing, shewing themselues very glad of our comming to traffick with them, 10 entreating vs to goe to then Towne, the which we did, where wee were receiued with dancing and singing of great and small, and in euery house I was receiued with great ceremonies, and long speeches of the chiefest that were in the Towne. The next day I began to traffi [...]k with them for slaues, and I bought ninetie, all which I brought to Martin de Saa, who remayned at Ilha Grande till I returned [...]gaine. Assoone as I came vnto him, I deliuered all vnto him, desiring him to stand my friend, and to giue mee leaue to ta [...]rie among the Canibals, till such time as hee had spoken with his fat [...]er in my behalfe. Laughing, hee answered that I neede to feare to His returne. goe home, for the man was recouered, and gone to the R [...]uer of Plate, and that his father was ve­ry sorry, thinking I had beene eaten by some Serpent, Leopard, or Lion. When I came before the Gouernour, he blessed himselfe to see mee, meruailing where I had beene so long, and sent me againe to his Sugar mill, where I continued a twelue-moneth, and I had the charge to ch [...]stall 20 the Sugar, in which time I got two hundred crownes. I determined to goe to Angola in Aethio­pia; and the Gouernour gaue me his word that I shoul [...], and that what fauour he could-shew me, I should bee sure to haue, but when the ship was readie to depart, the Gouernour sent mee out of Towne on a sleeuelesse errand, and I remayned ashoare, and lost all that I had scraped together for my voyage.

A monet [...] or two after this, it happened that the Wayanasses were set on by a kind of Canibals, called Taymayas, the Wayanasses haue traff [...]ck and friendship with the Portugals▪ and the most mor­tall enemies that the Portugals haue in all America, are the Taymayas. The Wayanasses hauing lost Ambi [...]ious ma­lice in sauages. a great many men in a battell, not being able to make any head againe of themselues, craued 30 succour againe of the Portugals. My Master being Gouernour of the Towne, sent his sonne Martin de Saa with seuen hundred Portugals, and two thousand Indians. The Wayanasses cer­tified Exp [...]dition a­ga [...]st the Tay­mayas. vnto vs that the most that wee should bee, before wee come to the Taymayas, would bee a moneth.

Thus the fourteenth day of October 1597. we departed on our way with sixe Canoas by Sea, some thirtie miles from the Riuer of Ianuarie, for a Port called Paratee. The first day that we de­parted, we had a great storme, where we thought we should all haue beene drowned, but it was the will of God to saue our liues, with the generall losse of all we had, the Canoas turned vpside Danger of drowning. downe with the storme, wee holding fast on the bottom of them, were driuen on shoare with great hazard of our liues. From the place where we droue on shoare to the Riuer of Wareteena it 40 was three miles, which we went by land, and sent the Canoas to the Riuer of Ianuarie for vi­ctuals. We tarried two dayes at Wareteena till the aforesaid Canoas returned, the third day wee went to a place of Great Iland, called Ippoa, where there dwelt two or three Portugals. Here we Ilha Grande. had great store of Po [...]ato [...]s & Plantons to eat. At this place we remayned fiue dayes for fiue hun­dred Canibals, that were to come from an Iland called Iawaripipo. When these Indians were come we dep [...]rted in our Canoas for our desired Port called Paratee. As we went in the night wee cut a great Bay of the Sea, where a Whale did ouerturne one of our Canoas, notwithstanding wee Whale ouer­turneth a Ca­noa. tooke the men that were in the Sea, and went on for the Harbour aforesaid. The next day the Captaine commanded all the Canoas to be pulled out of the water, and to couer them well with boughes, determining immediately to depart by land. 50

That night that we came to Paratee, there came a Caniball to vs, called Alecio, from a Towne called Iequerequere, this Town lyeth by the Sea-side right ouer against the Iland of San Sebastian. A Caniball cap­tai [...]e with eightie fol­lowers. This In [...]ian brought eightie Bow-men with him, offering himselfe with all his companie to goe with our Captaine. The next day we departed on our voyage, through the Mountaines, at night the Captaine seeing Alecio the Caniball lying on the ground, tooke away the Net that I had to sleepe in, and gaue it to the Caniball, I being faine to lie vpon the earth. I complayned to some of the Portugals of the wrong that the Captaine did vse vnto mee: they answered, that his father sent me in that voyage onely to be made away; I replyed, Gods will be done. After wee had gone on our iourney three dayes, we came to the bottom of a great Mountaine, called by the In­dians, Paranapeacano, that is in our language▪ The sight of the Sea; this Mountaine is so high, that Three dayes ascending a Mountaine. 60 wee were three dayes going vp, and three dayes also going downe. Two dayes after wee were descended we came into a faire champaine Countrie like meadow ground with long grasse, and great store of Pine trees, where we lodged that night in a bottom, in which we killed aboue sixe hundred Snakes; it was the will of God that one Indian, called Ieronimo, was bit by them, and Snak [...]s very venemous. [Page 1213] not any more. This Indian presently swelled, and his bloud sprung out of his eyes and his nailes, and so he died.

After that we came to trauell againe through the Mountaynes some forty dayes, then wee came to a great Riuer called Paracuona; which Riuer wee passed with things made of Canes tyed R. Paracuona how passed. together with withes, which the Portugals call Iangathas. We were foure dayes before we pas­sed ouer this Riuer it was so great, and ranne so swift. After that, wee tr [...]uelled againe some 20. dayes till we came to a great Mountayne called Panaç [...] y [...]aw [...] [...]pacon [...], we were foure dayes go­ing vp this Mountayne by reason of the great showres of raine that we had, besides wee were very weake, and all our victuals were done. But hoping to find our enemies very soone, we did Mountayne of foure dayes iourney. our best [...]o hold out comming vp this hill, from sixe of the clocke in the morning, till it was two 10 of the clocke in the afternoone on a rainie day, the Captaine commanded euery man to make his abode for that night; whereupon I set downe my burthen, and went into the Mountaynes to cut some boughes of a Tree called Sa [...]ambaya, to couer vs from the raine, the weather was so cold, and I hauing trauelled all day without meate was so feeble, that going to cut a bough, my His danger of death. sword fell out of my hand, and I sate vnder a Tree, where I had made mine end, if it had not bin for my deere friend Henry Barrawell; who seeing that I tarried long came to seeke me, and found me in such case, that I was not able neither to speake nor stand. After he had brought me to the Campe, he layed me by the fire, I recouered and was very well.

After we had passed this Mountayne of Pareena▪ wee trauelled in a kind of low wash ground; there were great store of Canibals called Pories. Vpon a sudden there would come one 100 of 20 them out of the Wood, and assoone as they had gotten any thing from vs, would be gone, wee knew not whether: and presently there would come as many more. There we kept very good order, and had alway very good watch, for feare they should worke vs any Treason; for all our men were very weake; within foure dayes iourney from the aforesaid Mountayne, we came to the Riuer of Par [...]ua, where we had great store of fish, but nothing else to eate withall. At this Riuer, one day I going a fishing, being a very rainie day, three Indians that went with mee retur­ned R. P [...]a [...]a. againe, and left me alone. As I would haue come backe, I lost my way that I had gone with the Indians through the Wildernesse, then I returned againe to the Riuer side, knowing thereby I could not misse my way, still going by the Riuer sid [...] homewards where the Captaine was, being somewhat late, suddenly I came to a place where there were at least a 100. men and wo­men He loseth hi [...] way. of those Pories. I thought I should haue died no other death, but these Canibals did mee no 30 harme, but only tooke away my Knife and my fish-hooke, and gaue me of their meat they were eating, which was rosted Monkeyes. After I had eaten as much as I would, they made mee a thing of dry Canes that they had to swimme vpon the water, which in a meane space carried me where the Campe lay by the Riuer side. These Canibals told vs of a Towne within two dayes iourney, where we might get Pease and G [...]nie Wheate, and some Roots of Cassam.

In one day we passed Paryeua; and the next day wee came to trauell towards the Towne that the Pories had told vs of. We were seuen dayes betweene the Riuer and the Towne, and when we came there, we found almost nothing but women, and asking for their Husbands, th [...]y told vs that they had gone to warre against the Taymoyes, and that they had killed them all at this Towne. We found a little Ginnie Wheate, but it was not ripe, of the which we fed a weeke be­ing 40 there, these Canibals are called Tapuyas. Wee went forward to other Townes of a kinde of Tapnyas. Waanawasons. Canibals, called Waanawasons, that were hard by the [...]apuyas. Comming to one of their Townes, there came twentie old men with woodden Swords in their hands, whooping and reioycing, which is (as I haue said) their manner of bidding welcome. After they had done, they asked what was our determination; wee told them that wee came to warre against the Tamoyes, then there came an old man vnto vs all painted with red and blue, with Bow and Arrowes in his hand, and a paire of slippers on his feete, and with one of his Daughters that had beene captiue to a Portugall of Santumsence, which had runne away from her Master, with other Captiues, and so came againe to her father. This old man, by name Carywason, came before our Captaine, and at this Poysonous fruit. Towne, all our men both Indians and Portugals fell sicke by eating of a kinde of sweete pleasant 50 fruit that was poyson, and had it not beene for a Gentleman called Enefrio de say my Master [...] Kinsman, who had a piece of Vnicornes horne, we had all died. At this Towne we had nothing to eate but a few Potatoes. As we came through this Towne, all the Canibals Waanass [...]es ranne a­way from vs, with all our clothes. Now the old man with tenne lustie young men went with vs, and guided vs betweene two Mountayns▪ continually vp a Riuer [...] from morning till night, for Fortie dayes iourney vp a Riuer. the space of forty dayes, we were neuer out of the water from morning till night that we should make our abode, and entred in the morning againe.

Our men were very weake, and almost starued with hunger. The Indians died, amazed (as Of Spirits that possessed the Indians. and killed them. Master Kniue [...] told mee that he heard one Indian vpon occasion of such possession, conferring with the Spirit and threatning, if the Spirits vsed them so ill they would turne to the Christians: and thereupon the Spi [...]i [...] left the person so possessed. some of them said) with a Spirit which they call Coropio, which did kill them, many would complaine that they were possessed with Spirits called Auasaly. Those that were tormented 60 with this Spirit, would command themselues to be bound hand & foot with their Bow strings, [Page 1214] and then desire their friends to beat them with the cords, that they hang their beds withall, but for all their Ceremony, I saw not one of them escape after they came to that estate. The most of our Indians died with a kinde of sicknesse, that is common in all hot Countreyes, that is, with a sweate and wearinesse of the body; with Wormes in their fundament, that consume their guts, and they so consume away, knowing not what hurteth them. Against this the Indians do take slices of Lemons, and greene Pepper, and put it in their fundament, likewise Salt-water is good, questionlesse all our Englishmen that died on the Coast of Guin [...] and Brasill perished of this Dis­ease: it breedeth with head-ache and burning Feuers, then wee presently let bloud, and that killeth vs.

After we had done trauelling vp the aforesaid Riuer, wee came into a faire Champion Coun­trey, Strange disease. 10 all full of Pine Trees, but the Apples were not ripe, and we could find nothing to eate, but here and there a little wilde Honey; wee trauelled at least a moneth; the Portugals beganne to dispaire, and threw away their Peeces, being not able to carrie their clothes. In all this misery, the Captayne made me carry two Muskets (as I hope to be saued) and I was faine to waite vpon Hard serui [...]ude him euery day to helpe to make his lodging, and my friend Henry Baraway, was so ill, that I was many times faine to carry him on my backe, and continually to leade him by the hand. In this march wee were forced to eate all our Targets, which were made of raw Hides of Buffe; M [...]serable fa­mine. likewise we did ea [...]e a Cowes skinne, which the Frier carried with him (as he went with vs) to couer his things which [...]ee said Masse withall from the raine, happie was hee who could get a Toad or Snake to eate. After wee had passed those Champion Countreyes, where wee lost [...]80. 180. men lost. 20 of our men, we came againe into the Mountaynes, and trauelled a great Hill called Etapuca; that is to say, the Mountaine of long stones, for there we found blacke stones of a yard long, as round Mountaine of blacke round stones. as if they were made of wood. When we came to the top of this Mountayne, wee were not a­ble to goe downe, but as you shall heare. In those Mountaynes there are great store of withes that hang from the sides and the Iaquety [...]a Trees, wee tooke of those withes, and making them fast to a great Tree, wee were faine to slide by them at the least one hundred fathomes. In Steep descent. those Mountaynes, we had great store of Palmitos and wilde Honey, and many kinde of Fruites.

The Canibals that guided vs told vs, within foure dayes wee should bee with our enemies the Tamoyes, but wee were aboue twentie dayes, wee came into a dry blacke Champion Countrey, 30 not hauing in it almost any grasse, there we found good store of Honey that the Bees made in Ground Hony. Ant▪ beare. the ground, likewise we found a kind of great Beast as bigge as a Beare, and like a Beare in the bodie, but it hath a nose of a yard long, and a faire great tayle all blacke and gray, this beast put­teth his tongue through Ant-hils, and when the Antes are all vpon his tongue, hee swalloweth them vp. After we had passed this place, we came to a Mountayne called Etaowb [...], that is to say, the Mountayne of greene stones; we were in as great misery as euer we were. Then the Portugals M. of greene stones. assembled together, and told the Captayne that they thought that the Canibals did leade them vp and downe of purpose to destroy them. The Captayne called the old Caniball, and told him how long we had followed him, and how he told vs before, that in twenty dayes we might ea­sily goe from his Towne to the Towne of our enemies the Tamoyes. The old man answered, that 40 within two dayes he would bring vs to the Towne of our enemies, if not he would lose his head, and that all his company should be our slaues.

Within two dayes according as the old man said, wee came before the Towne by a Riuer side, which Riuer is called Iawary, it taketh the head from the Mountayne Potosin in Peru, the Towne R. Iawa [...]y which floweth from Potoss [...]. was on the farther side from vs, and on the side that we were on, they had good store of Man­dioqua and Peasen. Wee came before the Towne in the Euening, and lay all night in ambush, thinking to take some of them the next morning comming for their meate. That night our men eate so much Mandioco, that when we thought we should haue had some skirmish, they lay all vomiting that they were not able to stand, and thirteene of them died. The next morning, Vomits and death. when we saw no bodie stir, we maruelled, thinking that they were in ambuth for vs, the Portu­gals 50 durst not goe ouer the Riuer, for feare thereof. Then the Captayne commanded me to passe ouer the Riuer, the which I did vpon a woodden Target, when I came into the Towne, there was nothing but a few great pots that the Canibals had left full of greene Wheate, great store of Pumpions, and two great Estridges, I tooke most of the prouision that I found, and layed it alto­gether The enemies town forsaken. for the Captayne, then I called for the company that they might not feare, for there was no body. At this place wee remayned two moneths, here the Captayne reaped the grounds, that the Indian [...] had planted with Mandioque, commanding euery man to make meale for his prouision homewardes, for hee said that from thence hee would returne. Wee had nothing to eate at this place but Potatoes and Casa [...]i Meale that wee made our selues, and of that very little. 60

By this Towne there was a bogge, and when it rained, there would bee great store of Frogges, of them wee would take in the night with Torches of Waxe to light vs, It fell out one night that I should haue beene Sentinell at midnight, and about eleuen of the clocke it rained, then I sayd to my friend Henry Barrawell, I would to God that one night you would goe and take [Page 1215] some Frogges, for you know presently I shall bee called to watch, with that hee went and presently returned againe without any thing, and told vs, that a great Snake was by the bogges, and that it leaped vp and downe after him. Then the Indians said, that it was a kinde Snake which leapes at the fire. of Snake that flyeth at the fire, I asked Henry Barraway where I might finde the Snake, hee told me at such a place, then I tooke the handle of an Axe beeing of a heauie blacke wood, and a little Waxe Candle in a guard, because the Snake should not spie mee, and made it very readie. When I came to the place that my friend had told mee, I lighted my Torch, and was so neere the Snake, that if I would, I could not shunne her, this Snake had a great Frogge in her mouth, and assoone as shee saw the fire, shee put the Frogge out of her mouth, and raysing vp her skinne like the scales of a great fish with her mouth open, shee offered to flye at mee, as soone as her mouth was open, I strooke at her, and hit her on the head and the teeth, that I 10 crushed her braines. Assoone as I had strooke her, I threw my Torch one way, and ranne halfe a doozen steps another way, the Snake made a great noyse in the water, but I looked still to­wards my Torch, to prooue if it were true that they would flye in the fire, but when I saw no such thing, I went and tooke my Torch againe, and very warily went to the place, where I had strooke the Snake, where I saw all her head bloudie, and her eyes broken, and so I killed her. When I had done, I tooke a withe and bound it to her forequarters, and dragged her home to the house where I [...]ay, when I came home I asked if I had beene called to watch, the Portugall The Snake kil­led. and Henry Barraway said that no man had asked for me, then I tooke a Knife, and beganne to cut a piece of the Snake for the Captayne, and would haue parted the rest among the rest. As I was parting, the Ensigne of our company came to the doore, I went and opened the doore, and 20 as [...]oone as hee came to mee, hee strooke mee with a cudgell. I not knowing why hee should vse mee so, came and closed with him, so both of vs went to the ground, with that the Por­tugals Worse Snakes aliue. that were in the house came and parted vs, and asked him wherefore hee strooke mee, then the ensigne answered that the Captaine had risen and found no body in the watch, to that they all answered, that no man had called mee, then hee commanded mee to goe before the Captaine; hee without hearing me speake, commanded two Indians to binde mee to a poste, and commanded them to take the cords of their beds and whip me, I desired that the Captaine would heare the truth, and if hee found any fault in mee, I would according to Marshall Law bee hanged. Before the Indians had vntyed their beds, there came in an ancient old man, by name Iohn de Soso, Captaine of our Rere-guard, and with him some twentie Portugals, 30 that lay in the same house where I lay. When they saw mee bound they told the Captaine that I was not in fault, for no man had called mee. Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee vn­tyed, and bade mee goe to my Watch, I went home and fetched my Sword, and presently came againe where I should haue watched, and when I came there, I found him that had gone his way before, and said to the Captaine before my face, that hee had called mee, and that I made him no answere, when I saw him there, I asked him if hee was not asha­med to auouch that which was a Lye? with that hee beganne to abuse mee in vile words, calling mee English Dogge and Heretique, when I saw my selfe disgraced by a paultry Me­stizo, I tooke my Sword with both my hands, and strooke him on the head with the Hilts, that 40 I made a great wound.

Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee set in the Stockes, and bound my hands, where I He is set in the Stockes. lay all that night, and the next day in the afternoone, there came two Portugals and read cer­taine Articles against mee, which the Captaine had caused to bee made, saying, that I had kil­led many sicke Indians when I had found them alone, and that I had deserued death by making a mutinie in the Court of Guard by striking, that was sufficient to make an vprore. After they had read all this, they bid mee prepare my selfe for death, and so went their wayes. Within halfe an houre after the Frier came to mee, and asked mee whether I would confesse or no, I told him that I had stolne nothing from no man, and as for my sinnes God knew the secrets of all hearts, wherefore I had nothing to confesse to him. With that after many Orations that hee made to mee, hee went his way. All the Portugals went to the Captaine entreating him to pardon me, 50 but hee would not heare them, desiring God that he might neuer come into Christian Countrey if hee did not hang mee. I lay all day and night in the Stocks, till it was foure of the clocke the next morning. Then the Frier came to me againe, and told mee that my houre was very neere, and desired mee to prepare my selfe to dye like a Christian, I told him I hoped the Lord would haue mercie vpon me.

Betwixt six and seuen of the clock, there came the ensigne, and a Scriuener, and two or three Portugals with them, and an Indian with a cord in his hand, and by the command of the Por­tugals He is brought to execution. put it about my necke, then I was carried to the place of execution: all the Portugals being about me, I said, Gentlemen, the Captaine putteth me not to death for the offence that 60 lately I haue done, but a grudge he holdeth against me falsely rumered by his Cosen, who is now present, because I would not saue him; and for that, and no other matter I am condem­ned at this present. As I was speaking, the Indian that should haue beene my executioner, came from the top of the house, where I should haue bin executed, and thrusting me on the side of the [Page 1216] head said, What doest thou prate, knowest thou not that the Captaines Father sent thee hither, that thou mightest neuer returne? with that the Portugals checkt the Indian, and Iohn de soso standing with Honest Portu­gals intercede. Graned del Galbo, and [...]ost [...]o Abanos, yea, a great many Portugals said, what authoritie hath the Captaine to hang this man, we come not in the Kings seruice, but for our owne profits, and he is but the Gouernours bastard Sonne; so they commanded the execution to be staied, then Iohn de Soso went to the Captaine, and told him, Sir, we know not where we are, and many of our men are dead, wherefore it is not conuenient at this time, that we should weaken our selues, for we know not if any of vs shall returne againe or not, wherefore wee desire you to pardon this Englishman, for he is as good a Souldier as any of vs, and the man that is hurt is not in danger. The Captaine swore a great oath, that I should dye; then Iohn de Soso, and the rest of the Por­tugals, bid him shew what authoritie he had to put me to death, and if he shew not authoritie 10 from the King, I should not dye at that time, for they were to answere for me as well as he. The Captaine came out very angerly, and made great protestations against Iohn de Soso, that hee was an vpholder of mutinies. Iohn de Soso said, that he would answere to all that he alleadged, and so I was released from death.

After we had beene at this place, two moneths making our prouision, we went forward to another Towne, we found great store of Ginnie Wheate newly planted; here we remained three moneths, till the Wheate was ripe, from thence all the Company returned home but my selfe, and twelue yong men; we asked leaue of the Captaine to goe to seeke our aduenture, the A new aduen­ture. Captaine gaue vs leaue to doe what we would; for mine owne part, I asked leaue onely for feare to goe homewards, lest the Captaine should worke me some mischiefe; likewise wee did all 20 thinke we should hardly get home, for we knew not where we were, and the way that we did come, we durst not returne againe, for feare of the Pories, and Lepos Tominenos, and other Cani­bals, left they seeing vs weake, should betraie vs.

§. III.

His strange trauailes with twelue Portugals, whom the Sauages did eate. His life with the Canibals: and after that with the Portugals, from whom hee fleeth to 30 Angola, is brought backe, and after manifold chances, is shipped to Lisbone.

I And the twelue aforesaid, tooke our leaue of the Captaine, determining to goe to the South Sea, rather then returne againe without any thing. The names of the Portugals were these, Francisco Tauares, Lewes de Pino, Gonsalo Fernandes, Tomas Deluare, Lewis Loello, Matheas del Galo, Iohn de Siluesa, Petro de Casta, Antonio fernandes Gorgedias, Manuell Caldera, and my selfe Anthony Kniuet. After we had departed from our Captaine, we made a great Canoa of a barke of a tree, and went downe the Riuer called Ianary for the space of a weeke, that we came where we found a little Village of sixe houses, and it seemed it had beene 40 a long time sithence any inhabitants were there; when we came to this Village we left our Ca­noa, and determined to goe by land. In this Towne we found great store of earthen Pots, and in some of them peeces of Gold tied at lines that the Indians fish withall; likewise we found Fishing with golden hooks. Stones as greene as grasse, and great store of white glistering Stones like Christall, but many of them were blew and greene, red and white wonderfull faire to behold: when we saw the pee­ces Faire Ston. 5. of Gold and those Stones, we made accompt that we were very neere Potasin, then we tooke our way South-west, and went vp a great Mountaine of Wildernesse. After that, we came to a place of dry Browne earth, full of hils, rocks, and many small Riuers at the head; by many of Golden Riuers these Riuers we found little peeces of Gold, as bigge as an Hasell nut, and great store in dust like sand. After which, we came into a faire Countrie, and we saw a great glistering Mountaine be­fore 50 vs, ten daies before we could come to it, for when we came into the plaine Countrie, and were out of the Mountaines, and the Sunne began to come to his height, wee were not able to Glistering Mountaine. Tamandros are the Ant-beares. trauaile against it, by the reason of the glistering, that dazeled our eyes. At the last, by little and little we came to the foote of this Mountaine, where we found great store of Tamandros.

We went along by this Mountaine at the least twenty daies, before we could finde any way to passe ouer it; at last we came to a Riuer that passed vnder it, here we determined to make some shift to get through, some of our company said that they thought it best to goe still along by the foote of the Mountaine, rather then to venture to goe through; for they said, if this wa­ter goe not through, we are all cast away, for it is impossible to returne againe against this cur­rent. 60 Then I answered, friends, we may as well aduenture our liues now as we haue done here­tofore Hideous ad­uenture. in many places, if not, we must make accompt to liue here like wilde Beasts, where we shall haue life as long as pleaseth God, without credit, name, or Religion: wherefore I thinke that our best way is to goe through if we can, for no doubt but God that hath hitherto deliue­red [Page 1217] vs from dangers infinite, at this time will not forsake vs, and questionlesse if it be our fortunes to passe on the other side, we shall finde either Spaniards or India [...], for I am sure, that each of you haue heard, that on a faire day it is to be discerned from the top of Potasin to this Mountaine. After I had thus spoken, the Portugals determined to venture to goe through; we made a great thing of great Canes, three yards and a halfe broad, and six yards long, that we might lye downe and sleepe vpon it: we killed good store of Tamandroes, and rosted them very dry for our proui­sion, for we knew not how long we should be in the vaute.

After we had made all ready, taking good store of wood with vs, commending our selues to God, we put our selues into the vaut, which made such a noise with the running of the water, that we thought it had beene some inchantment. We went in on munday morning, and we C [...]arons F [...]r [...]y. came out on a morning (whether we were two dayes or one in the vault I know not.) As soone 10 as we perceiued light we were very glad, but when we came out, we saw on euery side houses, then we tooke counsell what was the best for vs to doe, to hide ourselues, and see if we could passe the Townes in the night, or to goe and submit ourselues to the Indians: we all agreed, that the best was to goe to them; then I said, well friends, sithence we haue agreed, let vs fully deter­mine here what we shall doe and say, for questionlesse, they will examine vs what we are, and from whence we came; then the Portugals said, we will tell them that we are Portugals, then I answered, I will tell them that I am a French man. We went towards their houses, who as soone as they had perceiued vs came out hooping and hollowing with their Bowes and Arrows; and when they came vnto vs they bound our hands, and tied cords about our middles, and so led vs to their houses: presently there came two or three old men, and asked what we were, then 20 the Portugals answered, that they were Portugals, and I, that I was a French man.

Within two houres after they had examined vs, they tooke one of the Portugals, and tied a The Indians kils the Portu­gals, and after eate them. new roape about his middle, and carried him into a yard, with three Indians holding a cord on the one side, and three on the other side, and the Portugall in the middest, there came an old man, and bid him looke on all things, that he liked, and told him that he should bid them farewell, for hee should see them no more: then there came a lustie yong man, with his armes and face died red, and said vnto him, doest thou see me, I am he that hath killed many of thy Nation, and will kill thee. After he had spake all this, he came behinde the Portugall, and strooke him on the nape of the necke, Diuellish Butchers. that he felled him to the ground, and after hee was downe gaue him another that hee killed him; then they tooke the tooth of a Conie and opened all the vpper skinne, so they tooke him 30 by the head and the feete, and held him in the flame of the fire: after that, rubbing him with their hands, all the vpper skin came of, and the flesh remained white, then they cut off his head, and gaue it to him, they tooke the guts, and gaue them to the women, after which they iointed him ioint by ioint, first hands, then elbowes, and so all the body. After which, they sent to eue­ry house a peece, then they fell a dancing, and all the women made great store of Wine: the next day they boiled euery ioint in a great pot of water, because their wiues and children might eate of the broth; for the space of three dayes they did nothing but dance and drinke day and night: after that they killed another in the same manner as you haue heard, and so serued all but my selfe. 40

When I saw all the Portugals dead, I looked for the same, but after the Indians had done with Hatred of the Tamoyes to the Portugals. the Feasts, they came vnto me and said, Feare not, for your ancestors, haue beene our friends, and we theirs, but the Portugals are our enemies, and make vs slanes, wherefore we haue done with them as you haue seene. After I had heard what they said, I told them I had no reason to feare, for I knew they were my friends, and not mine enemies, and that I had bin a long time prisoner to the Portugals.

When I had bin two moneths with these Indians called the Tamoyes, they went to warre a­gainst Tomominos, and comming to fight, we had almost lost the field, for the Tamominos were a Tamominos. great many more, so that we were faine to take the Mountaine: when I saw the rusticall manner of their fight, that without any order they would set vpon their enemies like Buls, I taught them how to set themselues in Battaile, and to lye in ambush, and how to retire and draw their ene­mies 50 into a snare: by this meanes, we had alwayes the vpper hand of our enemies, and I was He teacheth them to fight. held in great accompt amongst them, for they would neuer goe to the field, except I went with them: in a short time we gaue so many battailes to the Tomominos, that we made them leaue their Countrey, and flye further from vs: so wee liued in peace. The Tamoyes offered mee many wiues, but I refused, saying it was not our custome to take wines out of our Coun­trey. After wee had conquered the Tomominos, wee liued in peace for the space of foure moneths, and then there came another kinde of Canibals, called Topinaques. These made their Towne very neere vs, at a Mountaine called by the Indians Tamiuua (that is) the Mountaine Topinaques. of Gold.

When we heard of them, we prepared to make warre against them, wee went fiue thousand Mount [...]ine of Go [...]d. 60 strong, in fiue dayes iourney we came before the Towne; but we being espied, they left their Towne and fled, we followed them tenne daies, taking many old men and women, which as we tooke them we killed: we followed them till we came to a great Riuer side, where we durst [Page 1218] not passe for feare lest the enemy should ouercome vs at the landing, so we returned home againe, from the Riuer called Morgege, where we remayned still in peace, for the space of eight moneths till we remoued our selues.

At this place I went all naked with out any thing, onely a few leaues I tied before mee for shame. One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake, I sat downe remembring my selfe in His rich appa­rell. what state I was, and thinking what I had beene, I began to curse the time that euer I heard the name of the Sea, and grieued to thinke how fond I was to forsake my naturall Countrey where I wanted nothing: then was I out of all hope either to see Countrey or Christian againe; sitting by the Riuer in these passionate thoughts, there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them, and beganne to talke with me saying. It was a good time with them when they dwelt at Cape Frio, for then they had trade with the Frenchmen, and wanted nothing, but now they had ney­ther 10 Kniues nor Hatchets, nor nothing else, but liued in great necessitie, with that I answered I did heartily wish, that he and his company would goe and dwell by the Sea-coast, without He perswades them to seeke new habitati­ons. danger of Portugals, whereupon hee and I went home together, and the Indian reported in the Towne what I had said vnto him: the next morning there came (at the least) twenty of the chie­fest of them into the house where I lay, and asked me if I knew my Place certaine, where they might finde any French Ships: I told them that I was sure betwixt the Riuer of Plate, and a Ri­uer called by the Portugals Dos Patos, we should finde French men, and if we did not, that here the Portugals could not hurt vs. Moreouer, it were better to dwell by the Sea side, where we should haue plenty of al things, then where we did, where we had nothing to liue vpon but roots. These old men went and told the people, which all desired to see the coast, so they resolued, and 20 making prouision, we departed from our abode, being thirty thousand of vs.

After we had passed many a Hill, all Wildernesse and Riuers, where wee found many precious stones, we came to a faire sandie Countrie, through which we trauelled some twentie dayes, and New discoue­ries of this wandering Na­tion. we went Northward for feare of comming into the Countrie where there are great store of Spa­niards, and this Countrie is it selfe very populous, and are friends with the Spaniards. Therefore we changed our course and trauelled all Northward, till we came into the Countrie of the Ama­sons, which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas, then we tooke our course Southward againe. I would haue perswaded the Tamoyes to haue warred against the Amasons, but they durst not, for they said, we know that their Countrie is very populous, and we shall be all killed. After wee came Amazons, not a on [...] breasted Nation, but warlike wo­men. 30 to the head of the Riuer, called Patos, there we found Canoas of barkes of trees that came downe the Riuer some eight dayes, then wee found the Riuer very broad, and many trees cut by the Ri­uers side, whereby we suspected that we were neere the Sea side, or some Town of the Waanasses, for the Waanasses neuer inhabit far from the coast. When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance; they asked me what I thought was best to doe: I answerd, I thought it best to hide our selues, and to send some nine or ten yong men to see if they could spie any Towne, so we to circle them in their houses in the night: to that they all agreed, and ten of them were sent, they returned again at night without sight of any Towne, but they said there went a great path by the Riuer side, and brought peeces of Cords that they found in the way with them. Hence we iudged that we should finde some Towne by the Riuer side, and determined to goe downe the Riuer in the night with our Canoas, to see if we could finde the Towne. 40

About foure of the clocke we came to a faire Bay, and saw the Sea; and doubling a point of the shoare we espied a Towne, then as fast as we could we landed our men, and the day began to be cleare, and one of the Town comming out to the Sea side, espied vs, whereupon all the Town Battell of Sa­uages. rose vp in armes, and we had a great skirmish. We were many more in number, and had farre better order, so we put them to flight killing a great many of them: wee tooke three hundred prisoners men and women, which the Tamoyes killed and did eate afterwards. These Indians are called Carijos. After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land, and craued Carijos. succour of the Portugals. At this Towne of the Carijos we found great store of prouision, Cassaui, Ginnie Wheate, Potatoes, Plantons, Pumpions, and all other such like that the Countrie yeeldeth, and in great plenty: there likewise we found great store of Ryals of eight, for there had beene a 50 Caruell cast away in that place not long before, and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Ayres in the Riuer of Plate: with these Indians the Portugals had peace, but now they are in warre with them againe.

Some of the Carijos went to the Riuer of Plate to craue succour, others, as I said before, came to the Town of Saint Vincents: from Saint Uincents, newes was sent to the Riuer of Ianero, from They are assai­led by the Por­tugals. thence the Portugals made a Nauie of Canoas and Caruels, of the which the Gouernours sonne Marten de Sasa (which was come home from the Riuer of Iauary, where I departed from him) was come againe as Captaine of all the Portugals, and comming vpon vs in the night, they sei­zed our Towne: about three of the clocks, an Indian that came with the Portugals beganne to speake very loud to the men of the Towne, that they should not stirre, for if they stirred they 60 should be all put to the sword. When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speake, they began to russell with their Bowes and Arrowes, making a great noise, with that the Portugals shot of a Peece, then they all lay downe in their beds, like men without liues or soules; when the day was [Page 1219] cleare, and my Masters Sonne saw me aliue, he blest himselfe, and asked me what was become of my companions, I told him that the Indians had killed them, and eaten them. After that, about He returneth to his M [...]ster. ten of the clocke, all the Indians were brought out of their houses, and being examined, some of them said that I bid them kill them, & if many of them had not been, I had died for it, but it was The Portugals kill 10000. and captiue 20000. Indians. Gods will to discouer the truth by their own mouthes: then the Portugals killed all the old men and women, and all those that had beene particuler actors of the Portugals deaths, which were in all 10000. and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaues.

I came againe to my old Master, and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made. There I went still to the woods with the slaues to draw out great peeces of Timber for the space of three moneths: then was newes brought from Cape could, that the Ca­nibals 10 called Vaytacasses, were come to make their abidance a little Southward of the Cape, in Vaytacasses. certaine places, where before the Tamoyes had inhabited. The Saluador Coria de Sasa sent his Sonne Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, vvith vvhom I vvent against my vvill. We trauelled eight dayes by the Sea side, vvhere vve had alwayes great store of Fish. After that vve came to a place, called Etaoca, that is to say, the Stone house, as strong a thing as euer I saw, for it vvas a great huge rocke, and it hath an entrance like a great doore, vvithin it, as any Hall in England: the Indians say that Tale of Saint Thomas, sauou­ring like Saint Francises Le­gend. there Saint Thomas did Preach to their forefathers there: hard by standeth a Stone as bigge as foure great Canons, and it standeth vpon the ground vpon foure stones little bigger then a mans finger, like stickes; the Indians say that vvas a miracle vvhich the Saint shewed them, and that that Stone had beene Wood: likewise by the Sea side there are great Rockes, vpon them I saw 20 great store of prints of the footing of bare feete; all vvhich prints vvere of one bignesse. They say that the Saint called the Fishes of the Sea, and they heard him.

From thence we went through the Wildernesse, foure dayes till we came to a great Moun­taine, called Abousanga retam; by the Sea side of that Mountaine, we found a small Towne of Tamoyes, that had escaped in the time of the first conquest, that Saluador Corea de Sasa made a­gainst that kinde of people, and neuer were heard of till now that wee found them by chance. Old Captaines The Captaine of them was (as they shewed by signes) one hundred and twenty yeares old, and yet was very lustie: he had in his lippe a great hole, and on either side of his cheekes a great hole, and in either of them a faire greene Stone. After we had taken this small Towne, wherein there were fiue hundred soules, we asked if they knew where the Waytacasses were, they told vs all that 30 they knew very well, so in three dayes they guided vs into a low seggie Countrie, where the Waytacasses were: when we came to their habitation, this Abousanga came among the thickest of the Portugals, and said these words; He that neuer saw Abousanga let him looke on me now, and they that dare follow me shall see my valour: and so with his Bowe and his Arrowes, he ran amongst the thickest of the enemy, where he was shot with one and twenty Arrowes. In that enterprise we all saw him kill three of the Waytacasses. When we came to the fight, all the Wayta­casses ranne away, & we tooke but one of them: for all that Abousanga was so hurt, he liued foure houres: the Portugals asked him why he had beene so desperate? he told them that he had liued all his life a free man, and that he had beene a great warrier, and would rather dye then be their Captiue. Then he asked Baptisme, and desired them that they would tell him somewhat of God, High spirit of a Sauage. 40 for he said whatsoeuer they told him he would beleeue; the Portugall Frier told him that God was the sauer of soules and the giuer of life, and that if he truely repented and would be Bapti­sed he should be saued; he answered, that all that was told him he truely beleeued, and de [...]red that with speede he might be Baptised, and so died, calling to God for mercy till his last houre: from this place we returned home.

After we came home again, his son Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, reported so well of me, that his father commanded me to waite on him whither soeuer he went: newes came at that time from Portugall of a Nauie of Shippes out of England, that were come to Brasil; whereupon the Gouernour com­manded a Fort to be made of his owne cost vpon a rocke that standeth on the mouth of the ha­uen, so neere the Riuer side, that three moneths after it vvas done, the Sea carried it away, with all the Ordnance in it. I haue told you before that three moneths after I was taken, the Desire What became of the 13. men (so many M. Iane recko­neth) lost out of Cap. Dauis his Ship. 50 came from the Straits to a great Iland, where sixteene of her men were slaine, and one taken, by name Andrew Towers: this man was a Phisitian, and did many cures, the Portugals tooke him for a Sorcerer, for he would prognosticate many things; he had but one eye, and the Portugals said that in his eye which was out, he had a familier: this man tooke vpon him to make a deuise to take the peeces of Ordnance out of the Sea, which was this; he caused to be made a suite of Leather all greased and pitched, that no water could enter into it, then he caused a great head to be made all pitched, with a great nose, & at the nose were three bladders, and at the mouth two; he intised me to vndertake to goe down into the Sea in that, saying it was very easie to be done. I told him, that if I might be well recompensed, I vvould venture my life to doe it; then he made Andrew Towers deuise. 60 it knowne to the Gouernor, that if I were well paid, I would venture my life, then the Gouer­nour called me and said, I vvill giue you ten thousand Crownes, and a Pasport to goe for your Countrie, or vvhether you vvill, if you put a Ring into the eare of one of the Peeces. I told him, I would doe my best by Gods helpe.

[Page 1220] After the deuise of Leather was made, most of the Portugals went to the place, where the pie­ces were lost with great solemnitie, praying to God to send me good lucke. Putting on the sute of Lether, I was cast into the Sea in eighteene fathome deepe, with a mightie great stone tyed about me. The head was so bigge, all pitched and tarred, that the weight of the stone (for it was His mad ad­uenture. great only) carried me downe, and it was a great paine vnto me, for the weight of the stone car­ried me downeward, and the water by reason of the head bare mee vpward, that I thought the cord I was tied withall, would haue cut me in pieces. When I felt my selfe so tormented, I tooke a Knife that was tyed in my hand, and cut the cord, and assoone as I came aboue water, I tore the bladders from my face, and cut my sute before, for I was almost stifled, and for the space of a moneth, I knew not what I did. 10

Continually I desired my Master, to giue me leaue to get my liuing, intending to come into my Countrey, but the Gouernour, would not let me goe from him. When I saw no meanes to get leaue of my Master, I determined to runne away to Angola; for to serue the King as a Soul­dier in Massangano, till such time that I might passe my selfe to the King of Anyeca, which war­reth Massangano a Portugall Fort in Africa. [...]ee And. Battell. H [...] escape to Angola. against the Portugals, and so haue come through Prester Iohns Countrey into Turkie. On the seuen and twentieth day of Iune 1597 I embarked my selfe vnknowne to my Master in a small ship of one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for Angola. In this Voyage wee were driuen so neere the Cape of Good Hope, that we thought all of vs should haue beene cast away, the Seas are there so great; and by reason of the current they brake in such sort, that no shippe is able to endure. There we brake both our mayne mast and our Mesen. I [...] pleased God to send vs the wind East­ward, which brought vs to our desired Harbour Angola. Wee had beene fiue monethes in our 20 Voyage, and by that meanes other shippes that departed two monethes after vs were there be­fore vs, when I heard that there were ships of the Riuer of Ienero, I durst not goe ashoare for feare of being knowne of some of the Portugals, the next day after that wee came into the Har­bour; there came a great Boate aboord vs, to aske if wee would sell any Cassaui meale, wee told them we would, and asked them whether they went with their Boate, they answered, that they tarried for the tyde to goe vp to the Riuer of Guansa Tomasongano, then I thought it a fit time for my purpose, and so embarked my selfe in the Barke, the Portugals maruelled to see mee goe willingly to Masangono; for there men dye like Chickens, and no man will goe thither if he can choose. 30

Nine dayes we were going vp the Riuer of Guansa, in which time two Portugall Souldiers dyed, the Countrey is so hot that it pierceth their hearts, three dayes after I had beene in Ma­sangano, Don Francisco de Mendosa Fortado, the Gouernour of the Citie of Congo, hauing re­ceiued a Letter from Saluador Coria de Sasa, who was his great friend, sent a Pursuiuant for me, who brought me by Land through the King of Congos Countrey, and in sixe dayes we came to a Towne called Saint Francis, (where the Gouernour was) hard by the Kingdome of Mani­congo, when I came before the Gouernour hee vsed mee very kindly in wordes, and asked mee, what I meant to cast my selfe away wilfully in Masangano, then I told him, how long I had serued Saluador Coria de Sasa; and in how many dangers I had beene for him and his Sonne, without euer hauing any recompence of any of them, and there­fore 40 I thought it better to venture my life in the Kings seruice, then to liue his Bond-slaue. The He is taken & sent backe to Brasill. Gouernour commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a paire of bolts to bee put vpon my legges, because I should not runne away. About a fortnight after I was sent backe againe in a Car [...]ell of Francis Lewes, and in two moneths we arriued in the Riuer of Ienero, and I was car­ried Nil habet insoe­li [...] paupertas du [...]ius [...]se. Q [...]ám quòd ri­dicnlos hom [...]es facit. Captain Cocke. with my bolts on my legges before the Gouernour; when he saw me, hee beganne to laugh and to ieast with mee, saying, that I was welcome out of England. So after many ieasts hee spake, hee bade pull off my bolts from my legges, and gaue mee cloth, and vsed mee ve­rie well.

After I had beene with the Gouernour againe some two monethes, then came a small man of Warre to great Iland, the Captaines name was Abram Cocke, he lay in waite for the ships of the 50 Riuer of Plate, and had taken them if it had not beene for fiue of his men, that ranne away with his Boate, that discouered his beeing there, for within a seuennight after hee was gone, three Caruels came into the same Road where he was. These fiue men were taken by a Frier that came from San Uincents, and were brought to the Riuer of Ienero, I being at this time in some account with the Gouernour, fauoured them aswell as I could, especially one of them, by name Richard Heixt, because that they all said, that hee was a Gentleman, after that wee had beene in the Towne together about some three moneths, one of them called Thomas Cooper, being married, had his house by the Sea side, where he vsed his Trade, we were then nine Englishmen, and three Dutchmen, and wee determined when the shipping came from the Riuer of Plate, that wee would take one of them comming into the Harbour, this Heixt alwayes went with me to a Por­tugals 60 house where I was very well beloued. One night hee comes into the house, and steales a­way Heixts perfidi­ousnesse to his Countrimen. a boxe; that had sixtie Rialls of eight in it, and two or three pieces of Holland, I desired him to restore the same, but this Heixt being a swaggering companion vsed me most vilely in words, and went and told the Gouernour, what wee all had determined, and said that wee were Here­tickes, [Page 1221] and that he himselfe was a Catholicke, that day at night I should haue stolne the Key of the Kings Store-house to haue taken Muskets and Powder, and haue carried it to Thomas Coopers house, but it was Gods will that he had accused vs before I had done it, or else we had beene all hanged for it. We being all before the Gouernour, and denying that we had euer meant any such matter, Heixt said, Sir, send to Thomas Coopers house, and you shall find 20. Muskets and powder, that Anthony hath stolne out of the Kings Score-house for that purpose, if your Worship find it not so, say that I am a lier, and a false dealer. Then the Gouernour sent vs all to Prison, & himselfe and Heixt, went to T. Coopers house, where they found no such matter. He went to the Kings Store-house and saw that nothing was stirred: whereupon hee was some what angry with Heixt, because he had taken him with an vntruth, and said, that he neuer saw men of so peruerse and vile condition as we were to seeke the destruction of each other. Vpon occasion of this Heixt Heixts misera­ble dea [...]h. 10 his ill demeanure not long after, the Gouernour sent him to Angola, and from thence Don Fran­cisco sent him to Masangano, where he dyed in a miserable es [...]te. Presently after that Andrew Towres, was accused for eating flesh on the Friday, and for that was put in prison, and paid 100. Rials of eight, and was set at libertie, within a moneth af [...]er he had bin out of prison, he ran away to Fernambucke, the Gouernour being informed of it sent two small Caruels after him to bring him back againe: in one of the small Caruels went his sonne Gonsalo Coreade Safa, and the High Priests Nephew, and a great many more young Gentlemen. After they were out on the Mayne, and almost aboord of the ship that Andrew Towers was in, on a sudden, there came a great storme, that the small Caruell that the Gouernours sunne was in, could not endure the Sea, but was fain to run on shore on the Coast, where three of their company were cast away, one of them beeing 20 the High Priests Nephew, and I thinke that they had bin all drowned, if it had not bin for Mar­tin de Safa, that was at that place with 100. slaues making Brasill ready for a ship of his Fathers, the other Caruell followed him to Fernambuquo, and brought him backe againe to the Riuer of Ienero, where hee was put in prison and should haue bin hanged, but that all the Towne begged him, he was sent to Masongona where he dyed.

Anno Dom. 1598. there came two Dutch, ships being Captaine of them, Iasper Fernandes a Two Dutch ships. Dutchman, and leaue of the Gouernour after he had shewed his Licence out of Portugall, set all his goods on shore, and had bought and sold for the space of three monethes in the Towne, and made great store of money. At the time of his going away, the Kings Officers said that his Li­cence was not good, and would haue stopped his ships, then the Gouernour said, why looked 30 you not to that before, seeing I gaue them leaue to come in vpon your words, saying, that his dispatch was good, answere it how you can, for seeing he came in with leaue and vpon my word he shall goe out without any hearing, and so he departed for Angola.

After that, the Gouernor General of all the Coast of Brasil, Don Francisco de Sasa, came to the Riuer of Ienero, with two Hulkes, and being enformed that Iasper Fernandes was at Angola, hee sent a Caruell thither, that his ships should bee kept for the King, hee hearing of it went aboord his ships, and went away in spight of the Portugals; the same yeere there came Francisco de mon­dunsa de vesconsales for Gouernour to my Masters place, that day the Hulke which the new Go­uernour was in, came to the mouth of the Hauen, the Gouernour Saluador Corea de Safa; was at a Sugar-mil that he had newly finished. The aforesaid, when she came to the mouth of the Hauen 40 beganne to shoot off her Ordnance, the Gouernour not knowing what it should bee, presently caused a great Canoa to bee made readie, for immediately, hee would goe to the Towne to see what was the matter, within halfe an houre after we had [...] out at Sea, to come to the Towne, a great tempest rose and ouerturned the Canoa, there my Master had bin cast away, if God first, and I had not laid hands on him, for all his slaues swamme away to the shore, and Henry Barra­way He saueth his Master. with them, only I, and Domingos Gomes a Molato slaue that my Master carried with him in the Sea, and betweene vs, we got him to the Canoa, where he held fast, till wee drew neere the shore, where the Sea brake like Mountaynes, there we had like to haue bin all cast away, for the Sea would cast vs against the Hils of sand, and carrie vs backe againe to the Sea; after I had got my selfe ashore, I looked towards the Sea, and saw my Master come in a great waue, and as 50 the waue brake, I and my deere friend Domingos Gomes tooke hold of him and dragged him out of the Sea; but we both thought that hee would haue dyed, for hee could not speake, then wee tooke him betweene vs by the legges vpon our shoulders, and made him vomit a great deale of water, and so recouered him, when I saw him well, I told him that the Sea knew no Gouernours better then other men, the next day the Gouernour went home by land, and found the other Gouernour in the Towne, for whose comming I did not a little reioyce, for then I thought the time was come that I long had desired, hoping shortly to come into my Countrey.

In the same yeere there came foure Hollanders, and anchored before the Citie in the mouth of the Hauen, then all the Towne rose vp in Armes, my Master was at his Sugar-mill, and I re­mayned Foure Hollan [...] ships. 60 in the Towne to wayte on my Mistris. When shee saw the Portugals runne vp and downe with their Armes, she commanded me to take a Musket, and bade mee goe to one of the Forts, the which I did according to her command: the new Gouernour came to the Fort where I was, and viewed the men that were in the Fort, and commanded one of his men to giue vs [Page 1222] Powder and shot. After I had spoken with the new Gouernour (who liked mee very well, be­cause he said I was ready with my Peece, and praysed the English Nation to be very good Soul­diers.) One Iohn de Seluera told him, that he were best take heed of me, that I ranne not away to the Hollanders, for I had done greater matters then that, and that he knew I made no account to swim aboord of them in the night vpon any piece of wood, and rehearsed many things that I had aduentured in the time that my Master was Gouernour. The new Gouernour came and tooke me by the hand, and carried mee to Prison, where I lay 27. dayes, till the Hulkes were depar­ted from the mouth of the Hauen, and went to Great Iland, then I was set at libertie. After that the Gouernour Generall had beene at San Uincents some two moneths, there came a great Hulke of Amsterdam, called the Golden World, and a Captaine that was called Lawrence Bitter, the Hulke had beene at Saint Thomas Iland, and an Iland called the Prince, and from thence to the 10 Straits of Magellan, where many of her men dyed, and by contrary wind they were compelled to returne to the Coast of Brasill, this Hulke comming to San Vincent, sent her Boate to tell the Gouernour that they were Merchants, and that if they would giue them leaue, they would traf­fique Perfidiousnes of Portugals. with them, the Gouernour Generall made them a Certificate vnder his hand and Seale, that they should haue no wrong, but pay the Kings Custome and goe their wayes when they would, and whether they would: with that the Captaine of the Hulke put into the Harbour; & comman­ded his goods to be set on shore. Euery day he was visited by the Gouernour Generall aboord his ship, and promised him great courtesie. After that the Captayne had landed all his goods, and most of all the Hollanders were ashore, a great many Portugals went aboord the Hulke with Git­ternes singing and playing. When the Flemmings saw them come in that sort they mistrusted no­thing, 20 the Portugals danced in the ship and dranke with the Flemmings, and vpon a sudden when the Flemmings thought least of them, they drew their Swords and killed two of them, and pos­sest Flemming ta­ken treche­rously. themselues of the Hulke for the King.

In the beginning of the yeere of the Lord 1599. there came nine Hulkes before the Citie of Bacia, but they could do no good. After the Gouernour Generall had been some foure moneths at San Vincents, my Master had some businesse thither, and I went with him, when we came to San Uincents the Gouernour Generall was departed fiftie leagues within the land, at a place where he was enformed of some Mynes of Gold, but when he came thither, he found that they were not worth the working, then he determined to send farther into the Land to a place called Etapusick, 30 I being there, and knowing the place was commanded by the Gouernour Generall to goe thi­ther, when we came to the aforesaid place, we found very singular good Mynes, and wee brought Mynes of gold. of the soyle to the Gouernour Generall, and many small peeces of Gold that we found in ma­ny places where the water washed away the Earth, the Gouernour Generall tooke it, paying vs for it more then it was worth, and sent it to the King with a Sey, for to consider whether it should be wrought or not, the Gouernor Generall sent likewise 40000. pounds worth of Plate, that he had wrought out of the Myne of Saint Paul, which is twelue leagues from San Vincents, Siluer Myne. In the time that I went to Etapusicke, my Master was gone home, then I serued as a Souldier for the space of three moneths, that shipping went to the Riuer of Ienero; then the Gouernour Ge­nerall requited my paines very honourably, and sent me backe againe to my Master. After that 40 my Master sent to a place called the Organs, which Hill is to bee seene from the Riuer of Ienero, The Organs. where we found a little Myne of Gold, and many good stones. There came a Hulke out of Spaine that brought a Bishop, and a Spanish Gouernor to goe from thence in small shipping to the Riuer of Plate, and from thence to Somma. A little after that, this Hulke arriued at the Riuer of Ienero, Mortalitie. Diuers frayes, dangers of the Author, which here followed, as in other pla­ces of the Hi­storie, for bre­uities sake are omitted. Legge swolne with the aire. where fell a disease in the Countrey like the meazels, but as bad as the plague, for in three mo­neths their dyed in the Riuer of Ienero, aboue three thousand Indians and Portugals: this disease was generally in all parts of the Countrey. At this time going vp and downe from the Sugar­mill to the ship, in the night with a Barke lading of Brasill for the Hulke, with the Ayre one of my legges swelled, that I could not stirre: it is common and very dangerous in those Countries when a man is hot, to come in the Ayre, especially in the night, for being a hot Countrey, it hath 50 a piercing ayre, and suddenly striketh in any part of the bodie. I was very ill for the space of a moneth.

The fourteenth of August 1601. Saluador Corea de Sasa; Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianuary, embarked himselfe in the aforesaid Hulke with his Wife Donenes de Soso, determining to make his Voyage to Fernambuquo, we sayled East to Seaward. The fifteenth day wee kept still East­ward to the Sea. The sixteenth day we kept North-east, and about tenne of the clocke we had sight of the Cape

The seuenteenth, eighteenth and nineteenth, hauing the wind North-west, we kept stil East­ward for feare of the sands and cliffes called Aborollas, they lye betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo. The twentieth day hauing the winde South, wee sayled our course North-east. This course we kept till the fiue and twentieth of the moneth, then the winde turned Northward, 60 we made East to Sea; this course we were faine to keepe till the last day of the moneth, the first of February, the winde being at South-west wee sayled North-east along the Coast, till the se­uenth day of the moneth. The eight day the Master and the Pilot tooke the height of the Sun, [Page 1223] and were ten degrees and an halfe Southward of the Line. As the Master and the Pilot were talking together concerning the Voyage, there came a Sea-foule, and sitting vpon the backe stay, cast out two or three little fishes, with that a Spaniard called Iasper Conquero, who had some ex­perience of the Coast, said to the Master take heed, for I am afraid you are neerer the shoate, then you take your selfe to bee, for you know not how the current driueth you Westward vpon the Coast, the Flemmings bade him meddle with his owne businesse, and that they knew what to do without his counsell, the Pilot made himselfe forty leagues from the shore, & directed his course North. The ninth day at midnight wee descried Land, the Pilot presently cast his Lead, and found but eight fathomes water, then he commanded the Saylers to cast about, the which they Danger at Sea. did, the wind being at North-east, and wee being neere the shore, could not beare vp to Sea; for 10 wee saw Clifts both on the starboord and larboord side of vs, and before wee could get out our Anchor, we were driuen so neere the Clifts on the lee side of vs, that wee had no other remedie, but to runne vpon the Rockes, where we had beene all cast away, but that it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs, for wee lay with the Prow of our ship vpon one of the Rockes for the space of halfe an houre, and we were faine to cut off both our Masts, and to cast many chists ouer-boord, thinking it had beene impossible to saue any thing, but it was the will of God when wee least thought of it, that a great Sea brake ouer the Rocke, and put vs into eight fathomes water, be­tweene the Rockes and the Cliffes, so by the prouidence of God, wee were deliuered out of the aforesaid danger.

The next day we saw Canibals along the shore, then the Gouernour commanded mee to be set 20 on shore to talke with the wilde people, and to know of them vpon what Coast wee were, or if we might goe to Fernambuquo by land, the Captaine commanded a Mamaluke, called Antonio Mamaluke. or Mestizos. Fernandes to goe with me ashore, but when we came to land, this Mamaluke durst not goe on shore, for feare of the wilde Canibals, so I went alone, and saluted them according to the fashion of the Countrey, then I enquired of them, how they called the place where they were, they told me that it was called Cororeyespe, which is the Riuer of Toades, likewise they said that we were very neere the Riuer of Saint Francis, and Northward, we had the Riuer called Saint Michell, and Riuer of toad [...]. that they were slaues to the Portugals of Fernambucke, hauing driuen cattle to Baya; and now they returned home againe. One of these bond-slaues went aboord the shippe with mee, and tal­ked with the Gouernour, the next day, the Gouernours Wife entreated her husband, that hee 30 would leaue the Hulke, and goe by land, the which he did at his wifes request, so commanding all his Treasure to be set on shore, we left our ship, the Gouernour commanded the Master to take Fernambuquo if it were possible, if not that he should goe to Baya, and from thence into Portu­gall, with any ships that should depart from thence, this Hulke had nine tunnes of Siluer in her, Nine tuns of siluer. the which incharged to Diego de Guadro, by the Gouernour Generall Don Francisco de Sasa; and at Fernambuquo, the charge of it was giuen to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa, from the place where we were driuen on shore to Fernambucke, is fortie leagues. In this iourney from the Riuer of Toades, or from the Clifts called Bayshas Deamrobrio did I and Domingos Gomes alway carrie a Boxe of pure Gold of my Masters, some twelue leagues, from the aforesaid Riuer of Toades to a place called by the Indians Vpauasou; are three leagues, this Vpauasou; is a very singular good place 40 to take flesh water, from Vpauasou to another Riuer called Casuays, is one league from the Ca­suayes, Places on the Coast. to the Riuer of Saint Michell are foure leagues, at this Riuer dwelleth a very rich Mama­lucke, Iohn de Recho, at this Riuer we rested three dayes. The Gouernour Generall fraughted a small fisher Boate at this place, and determined to goe to Fernambuquo in it.

The same day that wee made sayle in the smal Barke from the Riuer of Saint Michell, there arose a great storme from that North-east, and we were faine to take the Riuer of Saint Michels againe with great hazard of our liues, for the winde being very great, wee were driuen vpon a A storme. Rocke that lyeth South-west from the mouth of the Riuer very neere the shore, all those that could swimme leaped into the Sea; and so the Barke was lighter, and swamme off the Cliffe, then the Gouernour and his Wife said that they would goe by Land, so the day after we depar­ted 50 from the Riuer of Saint Michels to another great Riuer called Vno, this Riuer is three leagues from Saint Michel, heere my small ship may enter and take fresh water, and kill great store of fresh fish, from thence we went to another Riuer called Iaquareaficke, from this place the Gouer­nour sent me and Antonio Fernandes before to a small Village to prouide some prouision against his comming, there was in our company a Portugall called Rafiel Penera, that perforce would go with vs, we told him that we had many great Riuers to passe, and that it were better for him to tarrie with the Gouernour and his Wife, he not regarding our words went with vs, so we de­parted all three of vs, the next day after wee had departed from the Gouernour, wee came to a very faire Riuer called Saint Antonio, that which we passed vpon a Iangarie made of Canes, from thence wee went to a place called by the Indians Amrecuua Prisema, this is the Harbour of 60 Frenchmen, from thence wee came to a great faire Riuer called Camarijiuua, wee went on to the Riuer of Stones. We departed from thence vp the Riuer on a Mangada, made of three dry posts pinde together, the next morning we landed in a faire Champaine Countrey, where we saw great store of Cattle, and a Sugar-mill grinding of Canes, to which wee went, the Owner of the Mill [Page 1224] was a high Dutchman, to whom we deliuered the Gouernours Letter, the which as soone as hee had read, presently he commanded two Beeues to be killed, and sent away with tenne bushels of Cassaui meale, and many Hens and Turkeyes, and wee two were very honourably vsed for the space of a weeke that we were there, from thence wee departed to a place called Porto do Calu [...], three leagues from the Aresee [...]e, this is an excellent Hauen for all weathers, and all the yeere long, there is at the least two thousand chists of Sugar. At this place Manuell Masquerennas met vs with two hundred Horse, and then after two dayes rest we came to Fernambuquo.

Twentie dayes after we had beene in the Towne Ielisiano Cuello, sent word to Manuell Mas­querennas, how that he was beseeched in Rio Grande, by the Putewaras, and that if he were not presently ayded by him, he should be forced to lose the Kings Towne, with the losse of all their 10 liues, Masquerennas presently determined to goe himselfe, and left the Towne of Fernambu­quo in charge to my Master Saluador Corea de Saa; and thus we departed from Fernambuquo with foure hundred Portugalls, and three thousand Indians, and in seuen dayes iourney we came to Rio Grande, hauing many a braue skirmish, with diuers Canibals in the way. As soone as wee were come before the Towne our Captaine made a long speech to all the Portugals and Indians, incou­raging them against those Infidels whose Armie was at the least fortie thousand strong, and desired Army of Sa­uages. them all to confesse to their Ghostly Fathers and to take the Communion, for the next morning he was resolued to giue the onset on his enemies, the which was very brauely performed, for the Canibals the [...]ay before in a skirmish that they had, did take two hundred prisoners, and hauing killed many of them to eate, not expecting our comming in the chiefest of their feast, and their 20 drinking we set vpon them, the people of the Towne on the other side, hearing the rumour, is­sued for [...]h, thus taking them on the sudden, wee made such slaughter among them, that they were forced to remooue their siege, with the losse of three thousand prisoners, and fiue thousand that were slaine. The King of these Canibals was called Pirai [...]wath that is to say, the [...]inne of a fish, when this Heathen Prince saw himselfe ouerthrowne with so small a number as wee were, in comparison of his multitudes, he sent certayne of his men to Manuell Masquarennas to treate of peace, vpon these conditions, that if he would release all those prisoners, and admit him and all his Nation to liue as free men, that then hee and all his would submit themselues as subiects vnto him and be baptized, which offer indeed was accepted of by Masquarennas, and thus one of the greatest Prouinces of all the North part of Brasilia, became subiect to the King of Spaine. 30 This conquest beeing ended, our Captaine Generall Masquarennas presently built two strong Forts hard by the Towne, on the Riuer side, and sent to Fernambuquo for forty cast Peeces of I­ron, placing twentie in either Fort, many Souldiers, got at this conquest very rich stones, both Diamonds, Rubies, and great store of blue Saphires, in some small Villages that stood by the Sea side. We found great store of Ambergreece, which the Indians call Pi [...]apoun Arep [...]ty, here fortune was somewhat fauourable vnto me, for I got aboue fiue hundred Crownes in this iourney. Ambergreece.

After this co [...]quest was ended, Manuell Masquarennas returned againe to Fernambuquo, where I found my Master Saluador Corea, de Saa, readie to ship himselfe for Portugall, in the same ship that brought him from the Riuer I [...]nero, which by this time was come from B [...]yey [...], after wee were set ashore at the place, called Ous Busshos de don Rodrigo, where we had all like to haue beene cast away, at my returne from Rio grand [...] to Fernambuquo, I met with two Englishmen, the 40 one of them a Gentleman called Thomas Turner, the other Musgraue, Pilot of a Fly-boate of Master Newtons a Merchant of London, Master Turner by my aduice, went to the Riuer of Iane­ro, This Thomas Turner I was acqu [...]ed with, and re­ceiued of him some notes, which follow after M. Kn [...]uet and from thence to Angola, where he made great profit of his Merchandize, for which hee thanked me after we met in England. Now to my storie. The thirteenth of August 1596. Sal­uador Corea de Saa, Lord Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianero, Captaine Generall of Spir [...]to Santo, Porta Segura, Santos, and San Vincent, departed from Fernambuquo, with fifteene Hulkes of Hamborough, seuen Fly-boates of Omd [...]n and Hamborough, and at the least twentie Caruels, all of them being laden with Sugars. The old Mary of Hamborough wherein the Gouernour came was Admirall, a ship of seuen hundred tunnes, the Owner whereof was called Hans Burgo, the 50 new Mary Vice-admirall a ship of fiue hundred tunnes, the Owner called Adrian Cornelias, Rere-admirall a ship of fiue hundred tunnes, the Owner called Conrado, likewise another great ship came with vs, called the George of one Ha [...]s Duke, the Dauid and others, with this fleete we departed from Fernambuquo, the fifteenth of August 1599. and in two monethes sayle wee arriued at Lisbone, where I continued with the Gouernour in his house for the space of nine moneths, after which time I fell very sicke, and by this time hauing spent all that I brought with me from Brasill, my misery great, and had beene a great deale greater, had it not beene for a vertuous English woman, which I met withall in a Nunnery, and in that time that I was there, shee made her approbation. By God first, and by her meanes I was saued from dying a most A. Kni [...]et ar­riueth at Lis­bon [...]. His sicknesse. miserable death. 60

After my comming to Lisbone, I fell very sicke in my Masters house, where I lay in a backe roome hauing only a piece of an old mat for my bed, thus I lay for the space of sicke weekes, in the greatest misery that could be, for first I was sicke of a burning Feuer, none came at mee but a poore slaue of my Masters, for before this time my deare friend Domingos G [...]mes was dead, this [Page 1225] slaue in loue to me, sometimes would bring me meate and water, sometimes I was two daies without either meate or drinke: in the end of this sixe weekes, Thomas Musgraue and Master Thomas Turne [...] came to me with some Dutchmen, and they amongst them gaue me twelue shil­lings: I had receiued so many bountifull gifts before of my vertuous friend Mistris Foster, that I would haue chosen rather to haue died, then she should haue knowne my want; but Thomas Musgraue of Ratcliffe, knowing how much she fauoured me, did perswade me to write vnto her, the which (although vnwillingly) I did; presently vpon the receit of my letter, I receiued from her fiftie Crownes, and euery day was visited from her, yet for all this my sicknesse grew to be such, that those that saw me thought that I could not escape, except I had the helpe of some Doctor, then by her meanes, reporting that I was her kinsman, I was carried to the Kings 10 Hospitall, where in two moneths I recouered, being one and twentie times let bloud, and short­ly after that I was past all danger, I was very kindely discharged out of the Hospitall, with ten shillings in my purse.

After I came forth of the Hospitall, I thought with my selfe, that the best way was to leaue my Masters house, and determine how to get my liuing by some other meanes: with this deter­mination I went to the Kings Custome house, where I met with many men of all Countries, there I met with some Scotchmen, seeking of one that could speake the language; I hearing them, offered my seruice, & after that, I had as many customers as I could turne my hands vnto, and got by them for interpreting verie good maintenance: many Dutch Merchants would haue had me gone backe againe in their affaires for Brusil, and the Indies, but I still had a desire first to come 20 to England, thinking that there I should finde some meanes to set forth my selfe in some good fa­shion, but alas I finde that want hath no preferment: now for my comming into England, my de­termination was to haue tarried somewhat longer then I did, but that my fortunes were and are euerlike to be crost, for liuing as I haue told you in verie good fashion, maintaining my selfe ve­rie well by foraine Merchants, that could not speake the Spanish tongue: one day amongst the rest in the Kings Custome house I met with one who told me that my Master Saluador Corea de Saa, did command me to come to him againe, if not, that he would make me be brought whi­ther I would or no: in briefe, I made little account of his message, and held on my course with them by whom I liued, but now my old friend, imprisonment, and miserie comes againe, and I am as farre from my long desired home as euer I was, for Saluador Corea de saa, seeing I would 30 not come at him, incenst the Viceroy Christopher de Mouco against me, telling him what harme I might doe if I got into my Countrie, I presentl [...] vpon this was taken in the streete as if I had beene some notorious villaine, carried to prison, cast in a dungeon, where I lay (God be my wit­nesse) three daies without meate, or sight of light; in the end I espied a little glimpse of the light, and clambering vp the wall, in despaire and halfe madde, I broke downe a peece of a boord that stood before an Iron grate, there I cried out in such sort that a great many came to the window, where many pittied me, but none could helpe me, &c.

§. IIII. 40

The diuers Nations of Sauages in Brasil, and the adioyning Regions: their diuersities of Conditions, States, Rites, Creatures, and other things remarkeable, which the Author obserued in his many yeares manifold peregrinations.

THe Petiuares are not of so wilde and barbarous conditions as many other Prouinces are The Petiu [...]res described. in Brasil; for if you come as a Merchant vnto them, they will trafficke with you, if as a Warrier, they will fight very valiantly. They are men of good stature, their bodies 50 are all carued with very fine workes, and in their lips they make a hole with a Roe-bucks horne, and when they come to mans estate, they cut the hole of their lippes with a Cane, and then the hole being bigge they weare a greene Stone therein, and he that hath not this fashion is counted a pesant. These Canibals haue no religion, they may take as many wiues as they will, or as they No set forme of Religion. can get: the women can take no more husbands but one, except her husband giue her leaue in publike before them all, then she may take whom she will. When these Indians goe to the wars, Warres. Region. Diet. their wiues carry all their prouision in Baskets on their backes: these Canibals goe all naked, and inhabit on the Northerne parts of Brasil from Baya to Rio Grande: they haue no certainty of meate but rootes, and if they kill any wilde Beast or Foule in the Mountaines, when he comes 60 home, looke to which of his wiues he giueth that which he bringeth, with her he will lye that night; then she presently goeth to the water, and washeth her selfe, and lying downe in a net, commandeth all the rest of her husbands wiues to serue her; which they doe very obediently for that day. When the time commeth that any woman is to be deliuered of Childe birth, she R [...]t [...] of childe▪ birth. [...]

[Page 1228] with any kinde of Nation, but doe eate all kinde of people, Frenchmen, Portugals, and Blacka­moores. Many times whilest I was at the Riuer of Ianuarie, some ships were cast away at this Cape, and all the Portugals and Blackamoores were eaten. I haue seene them take great dog-fishes by the taile, and dragge them ashoare. In this place I haue seene very great water Aligartos Sharkes de­ [...]oured by Sharkes. Crocodiles, how and why taken. (which we call in English Crocodiles) seuen yards long. This Crocodile hath great scales, and long clawes very vgly to be seene. The Portugals, when they know where any of these great ones are, doe fish for them with a c [...]aine, and a great Iron hooke, and for bait they tie a Cock or a Hen to the hooke, they take this paines to take him because his Cods are very great, and better then any muske. At this place, the Mountaines are so full of Crab-lice, that wee knew not what to doe, Crab-lice. they would stick in our skins that we could not get them off, but were faine to take drie straw and singe our selues, as you would singe Hogs, and so rid our selues of them. Here also wee had 10 great store of wilde Hogs, and a kinde of wilde Fowle as bigge as Turkies, called Mutas.

Abausanga, is the name of a valiant Caniball, that is adioyning hard by the Wataquazes, these Abausangare­tam. Canibals are a kinde of the Tamoyes. Some twentie yeeres agone there was a Gouernour among them, called Mendesaa, in the Riuer of Ianuarie, who made warre against the Tamoyes, and in the end ouer run all their Countrie or Prouince; onely this Abausanga remayned hidden in Dun­geons and gr [...]at Holes with some fortie or fiftie of his Cou [...]trimen. It was our chance going to warre with the Wataquazes to come through this Towne, and there we had newes by Abausan­gas people, that he was at warre against the Wataquazes; whereupon we made Spies to see if we could take him, before that we would set vpon the Wataquazes. One euening, we heard a great 20 noise of Canibals, then the Captaine sending out some Spies, my selfe being one, wee saw that it was Abausanga, and his companie, that had taken fiue Wataquazes, and with great stirre were killing of them to eate. Assoone as we had espyed all that we could, wee returned againe to the Captaine, and told him what we had seene, and that night cir [...]led Abausanga, and tooke him pri [...]oner, with sixtie young men of his companie; wee asked of him our best course, to warre a­gainst the Wataquazes, he told vs, that he was rather to take our aduice, then we to aske his, that he vsed no policie but to fight in open field, and if we would, we should see how he made warre ag [...]i [...]st his enemies: the nex [...] day, we being hard by the Inhabitants of the Wataquazes; Abau­sanga See the for­mer §. came forth, and ioyned all his companie together with leaue of our Captaine, and assoone as they were all readie vvith their bowes and arrowes, hee ran into the thickest of his enemies, 30 with all his companie, where eighteene of his companie were presently killed, and most of them sore hurt, he himselfe being shot in one and twentie parts. In our sight he killed three Wataqua­zes before hee fell; the Portugals kept still by the woods side, and with their peeces killed one hundred and thirtie Wataquazes, the wilde people were so amazed when they heard our peeces goe off, that they thought the Deuill had beene amongst them, and euery one began to flie as fast as he could, the Portugals following them, found Abausanga in the field hurt, as you haue heard. This Abausanga assoone as he perceiued the Portugals to stand amazed at him, desired them to tell him somewhat of God, for he said, that Frenchmen had told him that there was a God, and that he which beleeued in him should be saued. The Portugals telling him of their faith, hee said that hee beleeued in that God, and desired to bee baptised, and had his name giuen him Iohn. For the 40 space of two houres that this Indian liued, hee did nothing but call vpon God, and so ended his life, being one hundred and twentie yeeres of age, as he shewed vs by signes.

The Wayanasses, inhabite eighteene leagues Southward of the Riuer of Ianuarie, at a place cal­led The Wayanasses. by the Portugals, Ilha Grande, that is to say, The great Iland. These Canibals are of low sta­ture, great bellies, and broad feet, very Cowards, of a reasonable good complexion. They doe not carue their bodies, neithe [...]r doe they glorie so much to eate mans flesh, as the Tamoyes, the Tomymenos, and other Canibals doe. The Women are bigge in the body, and very vgly, but they haue very good faces. The Women of this Countrie doe paint their bodies and faces with a thing Painting. called in their language Urucu; it groweth in a round Cod like a beane, and that maketh a red inke like Oker; which maketh them seeme most vgly. The haire both of men and women 50 groweth long by the sides, and on the crowne all shauen like Franciscan Friars. These Canibals lye in Nets made of barkes of trees, and likewise when they trauell through the Wildernesse, such prouision as they haue, they carrie in little Nets at their backs; they are neuer without Tabacco, Tabacco, they esteeme it more then any thing that they haue in their Countrie, and with it do heale their wounds, when they are hurt. When the Portugals doe stand in need of slaues, they doe come to Ilha Grande, and there they shall be sure to meet with some of the Wayanasses a fishing, then they shew them Kniues, Beades, and Glasses, telling them what they would haue for merchandise, and presently they will goe to a place called in their language Iawarapipo, which is their chiefest Towne, and from thence bring all such as they meane to sell to the Sea side, and as good cheape as you can you may buy of them. 60

The Topinaques inhabite at Saint Vincents, they are men of good stature, and of reasonable good complexion; their women are all painted with diuers colou [...]s, and on their heads, they The Topin [...] ­ques. weare a thin barke of a tree like a Ribband: the Canibals eate mans flesh as other Canibals doe, they adore no Idoll, neither haue they any kinde of Religion, onely when they kill any man, [Page 1229] they all paint their bodies with a kinde of fruit, called Ianipauo, and all their heads are set with feathers, and great stones in their vnder-lips, with Rattles in their hands, and thus they will dance for three dayes together. I was amased to see how they would drinke a filthy drinke with­out breaking of their bellies, and asked them how they were able to stand so long and drinke so much of that filthy drinke: they answered me, that Tabacco did make them as fresh as if they had done nothing. Among these Canibals there is great store of gold in many Hills hard by the Sea side, and now the Portugals haue some of those places, I would wee had the rest. Here I end to discourse any farther of the Canibals that dwell by the Sea side, till I haue told you of such Nati­ons as I met withall when I went through the Countrie, and how I came againe to the Sea; I haue told you in the first booke of my trauell, how that fiue or sixe yeeres after I had beene 10 taken by the Portugals, I went to warre against the Canibals with the Portugals. Now by the grace of God, as neere as I can I haue told you of all the Nations, that I saw, and conuerst with in nine moneths, that I trauelled through the Wildernesse with the Portugals, and a yeere and eleuen moneths that I passed with the Canibals themselues.

THe Canibals called Pories, inhabite at the least one hundred miles within the land, they are Canibals called Pories. Small Cocos. most like vnto the Wayanasses, men of low stature, they liue onely on Pine nuts, and small Cocos that are as bigge as Apples, but they haue sh [...]lls like Wall-nuts, somewhat harder, the In­dians call them Eyrires. They are of good complexion, and esteeme very much of clothes if they can get them; the women are all painted with diuers colours, as red, blue, and yellow; they are 20 in peace with the Portugals, and warre with no Nation, neither will they eate mans flesh, if they haue any other meate; they lie in little Nets made of barkes of trees, they haue no houses but two or three boughs tyed together, couered with Palme leaues if it happe [...] to raine. In this part of the Countrie I saw great store of Leopards, and Lions; the Indians call the Leopard, Iawaryle, and the Lions, Iawarosou; and many great Cats of mountaine, which the Indians call Mar­cayahite, here you may haue of the Indians for a Knife or a Combe, fiue or sixe Gallons of Bal­some oile.

After you haue passed the famous Riuer of Paraeyua, you shall come into a Countrie of Cani­bals, The Molopa­ques, bea [...]de [...] Sauages, and ciuiller then others. called Molopaques; they are much like vnto Dutchmen in bignesse, very faire of complexi­on, they haue all beards like other men; so hath not any other kinde of Canibals, except it bee here and there one. Most of them doe couer their priuie parts, they are very ciuill in their beha­uiour: 30 their Townes are very strong, all circled with walls made of earth and great logs, they haue houses seuerall euery man with his familie. They haue one amongst them whom they call Houses seuer [...] Morouishaua, which is their King, but we saw no difference betweene him and the rest, but on­ly the name, and he had (as I remember) thirteene wiues, and no other had so many. Amongst these Canibals we found good store of gold, the which they doe not esteeme, neither doe they vse Gold. it for any thing, but to tie on their fishing lines, when they goe a fishing in the Riuer of Para, where they take great store of good fish. Para is beyond Paraeyua eightie leagues: these Indians Riuer Par [...]. doe not worke in the mynes for gold, as the Spaniards doe, but onely take such peeces as they Mynes. finde when the raine hath washt away the earth: for where the mynes of gold are there are no trees, but are drie Mountaines of black earth, which the Indians call Taiuquara; and the Moun­taine 40 where the Molopaques doe finde this great store of gold, is called E [...]epararange: if these Ca­nibals had the knowle [...]ge of God, I might bol [...]ly say, that there are not any in the world like them. The women are goodly of person, faire of complexion, as our English women are, they Faire wome [...] are very modest and ciuill in their behauiour, you shall neuer see them laugh, they are people very capable to conceiue any thing, they haue their haire so long, that they tie it about their middles with the barke of a tree, wherewithall they couer their nakednesse, they esteeme very much of it. Their haire is of colours like our English women, some yellow, some white, some browne: the women that haue not long haire, to couer their nakednesse, doe weare a kinde of Furre, which they call Sawyathwaso [...]. These Canibals doe eate mans flesh, I was not past nine or ten dayes among them, therefore I cannot resolue you further of their customes. In that time 50 I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them, they doe keepe very good order, ob­seruing times to eate their meate, at noone, and at night, and that doth not any other Nation a­mongst M [...]le [...] them, they are very cleanly in whatsoeuer they doe.

Then wee came to a faire champaine Countrie, where wee found a kinde of Canibals, called The Motay [...]. Motayas. Assoone as these Canibals heard of our being in their Countrie, they all left their hou­ses, and came to meet vs dancing and singing, telling vs that they were very glad of our comming into their Countrie; they brought Ginny Wheat, Pepper, and diuers kinde of rootes to present vs, and craued our friendship, desiring vs, that we would aide them against the Tamoyes. We de­siring nothing more, told them that to that purpose we were come. Assoone as wee came to the Weeping w [...] come. 60 houses of these Can [...]bals, all the women would sit about vs, and laying their hands on our bodies, they would weepe most bitterly. After that, euery one of them would bring such victuals as they had; some brought boyled Frogs, others brought Serpents, and Snakes, which wee found very good; other some brought Munkeis, and a kind of wilde Dogge that they kill in the Moun­taines. W [...] D [...] [Page 1230] The men brought vs mans flesh rosted, drie, as black as a coale, and told vs that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed, and desired vs that we would eate of it, thinking they had presen­ted vs a great and daintie dish. When they saw that wee refused to eate mans flesh, they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat. These Canibals are men of small stature, browne of complexion, they goe all naked, they weare their haire (as now we doe in England) below their eares, and so doe the women. As their haire g [...]oweth long, they burne it with fire, making it equall so artificially, that you cannot perceiue but that it was cut with Sizors. They will not haue any haire grow on their eye-browes, nor on their chin, but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell: their food is Ginny wheat, and Roots, Frogs, Snakes, Serpents, Crocodiles, Monke [...]s, Dogs that they kill in the Wildernesse, Leopards, and Cats of 10 Mountaine; all this [...]s good meat amongst them, and we found them very good, and were very glad when we could get them to eate.

Then we came to a kinde of Caniball, called Lopos, the Portugals call them Bilreros, these Ca­nibals The Lopos. are alwayes in the Mountaines of Pine trees, and haue not any other thing to liue on: I neuer saw any houses that they dwell in, but boug [...]s tyed together with rines of trees, these Ca­nibals would come to vs, and tell vs of many things, and would goe with vs two or three dayes, and then would run away from vs, and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians, or our Portugals, they would take away such things as they had about them, and send them away without any hurt to their persons. As wee went through this Countrie we found many mynes of gold, and amongst these Indians our Captaine got good store of it, and many good stones. In Gold in plen­tie. 20 all America, there is not a richer part then this, but it is so farre within the Land, and that Countrie is so populous that as yet neither Portugall nor Spaniard can inhabite there. They are men of small stature, and very browne of complexion, their bodies are all painted as the other Canibals before named. The women are as browne of complexion as the men, and very rude and shamelesse, for in their behauiour they differ not from wilde beasts, but in all things liue like them.

After we had passed this Prouince, we came into the Prouince of the Wayanawasons, where we The Wayana­wasons, simple sauages. found them in small Townes built by a Riuers side, and found these the simplest Nation of all o­ther: for these Canibals would stand and gaze vpon vs like herds of Deere, and neuer say any thing vnto vs. Here we found great store of Gi [...]ny wheat, and pompions that wee did eate. In 30 many Bogs hard by their Towne we killed good store of Crocodiles, and did eate of them, for in this iourney we were almost starued. These Canibals are of a good stature, bigge, and tall of bo­die, and very cleane made of their lims, very sufficient to behold; but they are a kinde of lasie people, that care not for any thing, but will lie all day lasing in their houses, and neuer goe abroad but for their victuals. The women are of good stature, they are of a dunne pale complexion, and they doe prouide Pompions and Rootes for their husbands. Here we were all, or most of vs very sicke with eating of a kinde of fruit, which the Indians call Madiopuera, this fruit is as bigge Venemous plum. as a Horse plum, as yellow as gold, the kirnell of it is as sweet as any Almond, of this fruit did most of our companie eate, and of them dyed sixteene, and many others sicke for a fort­night after. 40

Assoone as our companie had recouered we went on our way to seeke out the Tamoyes, hauing for our guides sixe of the Motayes, who carried vs at the least two moneths vp and downe the Wildernesse, euery day making vs beleeue, that we should come vnto our enemies Countrie. They brought vs at last to the sight of two Townes along by a Riuer side. The Portugals after they had seene how great the Townes of the Canibals were, durst not aduenture to passe ouer the Riuer, for feare lest the Indians had espied vs, and were layne in ambush. There was not any of all the com­panie, Portugall nor Indian, that durst to goe ouer the Riuer; the Captaine and the chiefest of the Portugals agreed together and made me goe to the Towne, whether I would or no. When I saw that there was no remedie, I tooke my leaue of them all: for I thought verily that I went to the slaughter house, or at least to haue liued a Caniball with them during my life. With these M [...]ny straits. two extremities in my thought, commending my soule and bodie to Almightie God: I swam o­uer 50 the Riuer vpon a little Target made of Corke, and assoone as I had landed I went straight to the Towne, where I found nothing but two tame Estridges: he people had espyed vs, and were run away. When the Portugals had newes from me that there was no body, then they were so T [...]me Estrid­ges. Riuer Iawary. Menua [...]e. valiant as Lions, striuing who should get first into the Towne, this was the Riuer of Iawari [...], the Towne is called Menuare. Here it was that I should haue beene hanged, for striking of An­tonio Martines in the Court of guard, after I had killed the great Serpent, called Sorocueu. In this Towne we found great store of Gi [...]y wheat, and Pompions dried in the smoke. In this Towne likewise we had great store of drie Tabacco, and Potato rootes: wee found great store of gold in peeces, and also store of Cristall, and many other good stones; some found Diamonds, and a kind Gold, Cristall and Iemm [...]s. The Serpent Sorocueu de­scribed, his st [...]ange forme and qualities. 60 of blue stones that the Portugals did esteeme of very much, and called them Pedras de Sangua, bloud-stones.

The Serpent that I killed was thirteene span long, it had foure and twentie teeth, as sharpe as any naile, about the necke it had greater shels then the other parts of her body; the shels were [Page 1231] blacke and russet like a coller, and on her body they were russet and darke greene; vnder her belly all speckled with black and white. It had foure sharpe feet, no longer then a mans finger, it had a tongue like a harping Iron, her taile was like a straight Bull horne, all black and white listed. From one of these did the Lord defend me, and permitted me to kill one of them with the helue of an axe in the night. The Indians dare not goe to kill one of them except they goe fiue or sixe of them with bowes and arrowes. All kinde of wilde beasts, Lions, or Leopards, all kinde of Snakes, but only this, doe feare the fire, and if they come where the Indians leaue any fire trauel­ling through the Wildernesse, if any of these Serpents doe finde it, they neuer leaue beating them­selues in it, till they either kill themselues or put out the fire. These Serpents when they seeke their prey will stand about a small tree or a bough, and when any wilde beast passeth, hee falleth 10 vpon him, thrusting his taile into the fundament of whatsoeuer it seizeth on.

After we had remayned at this place a fortnight, or three weekes, the Portugals did resolue to come back againe without any purchase, there the Captaine gaue vp his authoritie, and ioyned himselfe with his friends to seeke the neerest way home, then did I and twelue young men of the Portugals determine to goe to the South Sea by land, for we knew by the Notes of the Motayes, that we were not farre from Peru, and Cusco, and we knowing how poore our estates were, and the great famine we had passed comming to the Towne of Menuare, made vs afraid to goe back againe, that way which we had come, and for mine owne part, I encouraged the twelue young Portugals all that I could to goe forward, for I had surely beene knocked on the head if I had gone back in my Captaines companie. With much adoe, wee thereon resolued to seeke our fortunes in 20 the Wildernesse. After we were departed from our companie, wee came to many Mountaines, where we found good store of gold, and many precious stones; when wee came into this Coun­trie, wee thought wee had beene in the Prouince of Peru, wee had such plentie of mynes, and there was not one of vs but had store of stones, that those which we tooke as to day, wee would throw away to morrow to take other better then them which we had before. Thus wee trauel­led some two moneths in the golden Countrie, till at the last wee came to that great and most Two moneths trauell in a golden Coun­trie. Cristall moun­taine. Vault-straits. strange Mountaine of Cristall. This Mountaine is of a huge height, that it seemeth to be within the cloudes, and so steepe that it is impossible to goe ouer the top. Here it was that wee passed through the Vault, and in truth it was one of the greatest dangers, and the most desperate that euer I was in. 30

Assoone as we had passed this danger, it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs into the hands of our mortall enemies the Tamoyes, where my twelue companions were killed and eaten, onely my selfe remayned among these Canibals a yeere and eleuen moneths, in the which time I went many times to warre against other Prouinces that were ioyning vpon the Countrie of Tamoyes, and (I thanke God) prospered so well that I was very much esteemed of them, and had a great comm [...]nd ouer them when they went to the field. These Tamoyes be as proper men as any bee in all Europe; they vse to make holes in their vpper-lips like the Petewares; most of them are of a Tamoyes proper men. very faire complexion. The men haue their heads alwayes set with feathers of diuers colours which sheweth very pretily, they goe starke naked. The women are as proper as any Nation can be, tall, comly, well legd, cleane made of body, very small in the waste, very faire of com­plexion, 40 fine handed, and very comly faces. They vse a kinde of caruing ouer their breasts, which becommeth them very well. Here the Canibals esteeme not any more of gold, or precious stones, Store of gold. then wee doe of any stones in the streets: if the Spaniards had knowne of this Countrie, they needed not to haue gone to Peru, there is not like vnto this for all kinde of rich metals, and many kinde of precious stones. In this place I liued eighteene moneths, and went naked as the Cani­bals did. After I had liued with these Canibals the time that you haue heard, I was in great fa­uour and credit with them, insomuch that they would not doe any thing before they had made me acquainted withall: I haue told them many times of the comming and going of our English ships to the Straits of Magellan, and how well we did vse all kinde of Nations, and what kinde of all things necessarie wee had for their vse. These wordes made the Canibals desire to come to the Sea coast, and asked of mee how it were possible for them to come to dwell by the Sea with­out 50 being slaues to the Portugals: I told them that I knew many places where English men and French men did vse to come, but that neither Portugall, nor Spaniard was neuer there. After I had His iourney with the Sa­ges. Tocoman. Pigmeys dwel­ling in Caues told them what I thought best, we all agreed to come through the Prouince of Tocoman, and so to the Sea, betweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Countrie of Tocoman is all san­die, and in it inhabite the Pigmeys; I haue seene many of them amongst the Spaniards at the Ri­uer of Plate. They are not altogether so little as wee speake of them here in England: their inha­bitation in Tocoman is in Caues of the ground. In this Countrie the Inhabitants in many places haue such Wheat as we finde in England, and Cassaui meale.

This Tocoman is iudged by the Spaniard to be the end of Brasill, and the entring into Peru; for 60 in Tocoma there are all kinde of Brasila Rootes, and all kinde of Corne, aswell as Peru; this Countrie yeeldeth nothing to the Spaniards, but wilde Horses, and the Indians of Tocoman are mortall enemies to all the Inhabitants of Peru; therefore the Spaniards doe keepe this Countrie because they keepe the Prouinces of Peru in feare, or else they would rise vp against the Spa­niards. [Page 1232] After we had passed this Countrie, we came to a Riuer that runneth from Tocoman to Chile, where we tarried foure daies making Canoas to passe the R [...]uer, for there were so manie Riuer running to Chile. Crocodiles, that we durst not passe it for feare of them: after we had passed this Riuer, we came to the Mountaine Detodas Metalas, that is, of all Mettals. At this pl [...]ce diuers Spaniards and Por­tugals haue beene, and certain lawlesse men were set on shoare on this coast by one Pedro d [...] Cha­ramento, Mountaines of a [...] Mettals. which came to this place, and set vp a great Crosse, and on it writ, that the Countrie was the King of Spaines; the which I put out, and w [...]t that it was the Queene of Englands. This hill is of diuers kinde of Mettals, Copper and Iron, some Gold, and great store of Quicke-siluer. It is verie high, and all bare wit out any Trees. Here likewise was a little Church made, where we found two Images, one of our Lady, and another of Christ crucified. When the Tamoyes 10 saw those signes, they thought that I had betraied them, and (indeede) I was amazed, thinking that we had beene in some part of the Riuer of Plate, and because the Indians should not be dis­couraged, I shewed my selfe to be very glad, and told them that I knew those were signes tha [...] my Countrie men vsed to make when they came into strange Countries: with these perswasions I made the Tamoyes to come on their iourney to the Sea; where otherwise if I had told them it had b [...]n set vp by the Spaniards, the feare that the poore Canibals stood in of them had bin enough to haue made them all returne againe from whence they came. At the last we came to the Sea, as I haue told you, to the Towne of the Cariyohs: this Towne standeth in a fine pleasant place, hard by the coast in a faire Bay, where one hundred Ships may anker without any danger. And in this place you shall alwaies haue great store of fish. In this Countrie, for a Knife or a [...]sh hooke, 20 you may buy a dozen of skinnes of very good Furre; and if you will, these Indians will goe (for any tr [...]fle) and fetch two or three baskets of Mettals, and some haue had such good lucke, that for two or three Glasses, and a Combe or two, with some Kniues, they haue got the value of foure or fiue thousand Crownes in Gold and Stones. The Towne stood vpon a hill, but we puld it down. But when we were taken by the Portugals, and that the Cariyohs were restored againe to their Countrie, they did scituate againe with in the same place where they were when we draue them out of their Countrie. Here the Portugals did binde mee, and would haue hanged mee for the twelue Portugals that the Canibals had killed and eaten:

The Caryi [...]hs are men of good stature, and very valiant: they make holes in their vnder lippe as the other Canibals doe. These Canibals likewise eate mans flesh, and speake the same language The Caryiohs. 30 that the Tamoyes doe: the women are very comely, the most of them are o [...] a faire complexion; they weare their haire loose about their eares, and all their bodies are died with blacke, and their faces withered, and yellow, their brests are all carued with diuers colours, which be seemeth ve­rie well. Here is the end of my trauell through America, with the Canibals, from whence I returned againe to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa; where I was worse then euer I was before.

The Giants of Port Desire, and inhabitants of Port Famine: also Angola, Congo, and Massangana, and Angica, Countries of Africa.

AT Port Desire, which is the next hauen to the straits of Magelan, inhabited Giants of fif­teene 40 or sixteene spans of height. I affirme, that at Port Desire I saw the footing of them, by the shoare side, that was aboue foure foote of one of our mens in length; and I saw two of them that were bur [...]ed newly, the one of them was foureteene spannes long. After I was taken with the Spaniards, the Desire, one of our Shippes that had beene all alone at Port Desire, lost nine men and a boy, and two or three of them that had beene taken on the coast of Brasil, said that these Giants did throw stones of such bignesse at them out of strings, that they were faine to weigh anker, and to lye further from the shoare. I saw another of these in Brasil, that was taken by A­lonso Dias a Spaniard, that with foule weather was driuen out of Saint I ul [...]ans; this was but a A youth 13. spans high. young man, yet aboue thirteene spannes long. This Port Desire is a faire pleasant Countrie, it hath many fine Riuers, and the Spaniards doe affirme, that from this place it is easie to goe to 50 the Indians Chele, which is a very rich Countrie. In Port Desire, in many small Riuers there is Chile. great store of Pearle, and Currall. Here you may haue great store of Penguins and Seales at an Iland that lieth a mile Southward of the mouth of the hauen. These Giants whereof I haue spo­ken, goe all naked; they weare their haire long to the shoulders. He whom I saw at Brasil, was Giants habit­lesse habit. a man of faire complexion, and very well proportioned according to his long stature: and this is all that I can report of them, for I know not their behauiour, but as the Portugals and Spaniards iudge, they are no better then the Man-eaters of Brasil.

At Port [...]amine the Generall would haue left mee. Here inhabit a kinde of strange Canibals, Port [...]amine in the S [...]r [...]its of Magelan. Wide mou­thed men. short of body, not aboue fiue or six spans high, and very strong and thicke made: their mou [...] es 60 are verie bigge, and reach almost to their eares; they eate their meate in a manner raw, for they doe nothing but scorch it a little in the fire, and so eate it, and with the bloud that runneth from their mouthes, they smeare all their faces, and their breasts, and lay yong feathers on their bo­dies to the bloud that clingeth to their skinnes like Glue. When we were at the straits in this [Page 1233] place, there came aboue foure or fiue thousand vnto vs of them, but they neuer brought vnto vs any thing but Feathers and Pearle as much as we would (for there is great store in this Port Fa­mine) all the while that we were at it. These Canibals would neuer let vs come so neere them, as to touch any of them, for feare we should take them; when they would giue vs any thing, they would tie it at the end of a long staffe, and so likewise we did to them. Here our Generall left seuen sicke men ashore: the Snow lyeth all the yeare on the Mountaines, and it is so cold in Iune, and Iuly, that our men did freeze, and many of them lost their toes, as I my selfe for one, for in Extreame cold and naked people. one night that I lay moist of my feete, I lost three of my toes on one of my feete, and foure of the toppes of the other foote; some had their feete frozen, some their noses, as Harris a Gold-smith, Henry Barrawell, that was taken with me, lost his haire from his head, and was all bald for a yeare or two in Brasil: yet for all this cold, all the Inhabitants goe naked, except here and there Harris the Gold [...]mith. H. Barrawell. 10 one weare seale skinnes, or the skins of some wilde E [...]asts, of the which there are many, as Leo­pards, Lions, and a kinde of Beasts bigger then Horses, they haue great eares aboue a spanne long, Beasts bigger then Horses at the M [...]gellan st [...]ai [...]s, called Tape [...]ywason, in Ethiopia: whe­ther he mea­neth Zebra or Dantec [...], see Tom. 1. p. 1002. and their tailes are like the tailes of a Cowe; these are very good, the Indians of Brasil call them Tapetywason: of these Beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdome of Manicongo, the Portugals call them Gombe: farther within the Straits at Tolisbay, we found many barkes of trees, that the Indians of the Straits doe fish in, these Indians would not come neere vs, but still as they spied our Boates they would runne away, but we plainely saw that they were men of good stature, and of white skinnes; they goe all naked both men and women. And thus I end my trauell of America. 20

Angola is a Kingdome of it selfe in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did begin to inhabit: the Countrie of Angola commeth along the coast, as Portugall doth vpon Spaine, so doth Angola Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil, as is before deli­liuered. runne vpon the Kingdome of Longa and Manicongo. In Angola the Portugals haue a Citie, called the Holy Ghost, where they haue great store of Merchandise, and the Moore doe come thither with all kinde of such things as the Countrie yeeldeth, some bring Elephants teeth, some bring Negro slaues to sell, that they take from other Kingdomes which ioyne hard by them: thus doe they vse once a weeke, as we keepe Markets, so doe all the Blackamoores bring Hens and Hogs, which they call Gula, and Hennes they call S [...]ng [...], and a kinde of Beast that they take in the Wildernesse l [...]ke a Dogge, which they call Ambroa: then they haue that Beast which before I haue told you of, called Gumbe, which is bigger then a Horse. The Blackamoores doe keepe good Lawes, The Kings pompe. 30 and feare their King verie much: the King is alwaies attended with the Nobles of his Realme, and whensoeuer he goeth abroad, he hath alwaies at the least two hundred archers in his guard, and ten or twelue more going before him singing and playing with P [...]pes made of great Canes, and foure or fiue yong Moores comming after him as his Pages, after them follow all his Noble­men. When there falleth out anie contro [...]ersie among them, they craue battell of the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the King and fall flat on their breasts, then Rites of the people. they rise vp and kneele on their knees stretching out their armes, crying Mahobeque benge, benge; then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a Horse-taile, then they goe to the Campe, and with their Bowes they fight it out, till they kill one another. After the battell is done, if any liueth, he that liueth falleth downe before the King in the same manner as he did when he 40 went to the field, and after a long oration made, he taketh the Horse-taile from the Kings shoul­der, and waueth it about the Kings head, and then l [...]eth it on his shoulder againe, and goeth a­way with great honour, being accompanied with all the Nobles of the Court: the Moores of Angola doe know that there is a God, and doe call God Cari pongoa, but they worship the Sunne and the Moone.

The Countrie is Champain plaine, and drie blacke earth, and yeeldeth verie little Corne, the most of any thing that it yeeldeth is Plantons, which the Portugals call Baynonas, and the Moores call them Mahonge, and their Wheate they call Tumba, and the Bread A [...]ou; and if you will buy The Countrie. any Bread of them, you must say Tala C [...]na a [...]en t [...]mbola gimbo, tha [...] is, giue me some bread, here is money. Their money is called G [...]llginbo, a shell of a fish that they finde by the sh [...]are side, and from Brasil the Portugals doe carrie great store of them to Angola. These Moores doe esteeme ve­rie 50 much of red, blew, and yellow cloathes, they will giue a slaue for a span of cloath in breadth I meane, and the length of it of the breadth of the peece, those peeces of cloth they weare about their middles, and vnder it they hang the skin of a great Weasell before them, and another be­hinde them, and this is all the garments that they weare. A Weazell in their language is called P [...]cc [...]. You can doe a Blackamoore no greater disgrace, then to take away his Skinne from be­fore Wezels s [...]i [...] affected. him, for he will dye with griefe if he cannot be reuengéd: the Portugals doe marke them as we doe Sheepe with a hot Iron, which the Moores call Crimbo, the poore slaues stand all in a row one by another, and sing Mundele que sumbela [...]e Carey [...]a belelelle, and thus the poore rogues Branded be­guiled slaues. are beguiled, for the Portugals make them beleeue that they that haue not the marke is not accounted a man of any account in Brasil or in Portugall, and thus they bring the poore 60 Moores to be in a most dam [...]able bondage vnder the colour of loue. The Countrey of An­gola yeeldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moores doe make their houses all couered with earth; these houses are no bigger then a reasonable Chamber, and within are many partitions, [Page 1234] like the Cabbins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand vpright in them. There beds are made of great Bulrushes sowed together with the rindes of a Tree. They doe make cloth like Sparke of Veluet (but it is thinner) of the barke of a Tree, and that cloth they doe call Mol­lelleo. The Elephants doe feed in the Euening and in the Morning in low marishes as there bee Taking of Ele­phants. many. The Moores doe watch which way they come, and assoone as the Elephants are at meat, they digge great holes in the ground, and couer them with sticks, and then they couer the pits with earth, and when they haue made all readie they goe to the Elephants, and shoote at them with their Arrowes, and assoone as the Elephants feele themselues hurt, they r [...]nne at what soe­uer they see before them, following after the Blackamores that chase them, then they fall into the deepe pits where after they are once in, they cannot get out. The Moores of Angola are as blacke as [...]et; they are men of good stature, they neuer take but one Wife, whom they call Mo­casha. 10 These Moores doe cut long streakes in their faces, that reach from the top of their eares to their chinnes. The women doe weare shels of fishes on their armes, and on the small of their legges. The Law amongst them, is, that if any More doe lie with an others wife, hee shall lose his eares for his offence. These Moores doe circumcize their children, and giue them their names, as wee doe when we baptize. Angola may very easily be taken: for the Portugals haue Circumcision. no Forts to defend it of any strength.

The King of Congo is the greatest King in all Aethiopia; and doth keepe in the field continual­ly sixtie thousand Souldiers, that doe warre against the King of Vangala▪ and the King of Angola; Of Congo. this King is a Christian, and is brother in Law of Armes with the King of Spaine, his seruants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and hee doth fauour them very much. The King is of a 20 verie liberall condition, and verie fauourable to all Trauellers, and doth delight verie much to The King. heare of forreigne Countries. He was in a manner amazed to heare how it was possible her Ma­iestie had liued a Maiden Queene so long, and alwaies reigned in peace with her subiect. When I was brought before the King, and told him of my Countrie; what plentie of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would shew himselfe verie angrie, and tell them that euerie man was best able to speake of his Countrie, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true. The King of Congo, when hee goeth to the Campe to see his Armie, rideth vpon an Elephant in great pompe and maiestie, on either side of the Elephant he hath six slaues two of them were Kings, that he himselfe had taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were brothers to the King of Ancica, and 30 some of them were of the chiefest bloud of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaues at eue­rie command of the King of Congo; doe fall flat on the ground on their brests. When the King doth ride as you haue heard, they carrie a Canop [...]e as it were a cloth of State ouer his head. His two Secretaries, the one a Nobleman of Spaine, the other a More, doe ride next after him. Be­fore him goeth at the least fiue hundred Archers, which are his Guard, then there followeth a More, which doth nothing but talke aloud in praise of the King, telling what a great Warriour he hath beene, and praising his wisdome for all things that hee hath accomplished verie honourably to his great fame of such as knew him. When this King of Congo commeth to his Host, all the Souldiers as he passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He neuer commeth into his Host after any battell, but hee dubbeth at the least twentie Knights Portugals, and as many Moores, gi­uing 40 them verie great liuing according to their callings, and the seruice that they haue done. The brother of this King was in Spaine, at my comming from thence for Ambassadour from his brother.

Here the Portugall Captaine would haue taken mee perforce, to haue beene a common Soul­dier, but the King commanded that they should let mee goe whether I would, and my deter­mination at that time was to haue gone for the Countrie of Prester Iohn, for I had a great desire to see the Riuer of Nilo and Ierusalem (for I accounted my selfe as a lost man, not caring into what Countrie or Kingdome I came) but it was not the will of God, that I should at that time obtaine my desire. For trauellin [...] through the Kingdome of Congo, to haue gone to the King­dome of Angila, It was my fortune to meete a companie of Portugall Souldiers that went to a 50 Conquest, that the King of Spain had newly taken, called Masangana; which place is on the bor­ders Masangana. See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres. of Anguca. Here they made me serue like a Drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and [...]ime to make a Fort. It lieth right vnder the Line, and standeth in a bottome in the middle of foure hils, and about are many fogges, but not one Riuer. It is the vnfirmest Countrie vnder the Sunne. Here the Portugals die like Chickens; you shall see men in the morning verie [...]ustie, and within two houres dead. Others, that if they but weat their legges, presently they swell bigger then their middle; others brake in the sides with a draught of water. O, if you did know the intollerable heate of the Countrie, you would thinke your selfe better a thousand times dead, then to liue there a weeke. There you shall see poore Souldiers lie in troupes, gaping Sickly disposi­tion of the place. 60 like Camelians for a puffe of winde. Here liued I three moneths, not as the Portugals did, ta­king of Physicke, and euerie weeke letting of bloud and keeping close in their houses when they had any raine, obseruing houres, and times to goe abroad morning and Euening, and neuer to [Page 1237] to eate but at such and such times. I was glad when I had got any thing at morning, noone or night, I thanke God I did worke all day, from morning till night, had it beene raine or neuer so great heate. I had alwaies my health as well as I haue in England. This Countrie is verie rich, Gold. the King had great store of Gold sent him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a great Citie at Masangana; which Citie Paulas Dias, gouernour of Angola, tooke Paul Di [...] and scituated there, and finding hard by it great store of Gold, fortified it with foure Forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round about it, and within that wall, now the Portugals doe build a Citie, and from this Citie euerie day they doe warre against the King of Angica, and haue Angica. burnt a great part of his Kingdome.

The Angica [...] are men of goodly stature, they file their teeth before on their vpper Iawe and Anzicans vali­ant. 10 on their vnder Iawe, making a distance betweene them like the teeth of a Dogge; they doe eate mans flesh, they are the stubbornest Nation that liues vnder the Sunne, and the resolutest in the field that euer man saw; for they will rather kill themselues then yeelde to the Portugals: Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circum­cision; which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks, with Mahumetans. they inhabit right vnder the line, and of all kinde of Moores these are the blackest; they doe liue in the Law of the Turkes, and honour Mahomet, they keepe manie Concubines as the Turkes doe, they wash themselues euerie morning vpwards, falling flat on their faces towards the East. They weare their haire all made in plaits on their heads, as well men as women: they haue good store of Wheate, and a kinde of graine like Fetches, of the which they make Bread: they haue great store of Hennes like Partridges, and Turkies, and all their feathers curle on their backes: their houses are like the other houses of the Kingdomes aforenamed. And thus I end, shewing 20 you as briefe as I can, all the Nations and Kingdomes that with great danger of my life I trauel­led through in twelue yeares of my best age getting no more then my trauell for my paine. From this Kingdome Angica, was I brought in Irons againe to my Master Saluador Corea de sa sa, to the Citie of Saint Sebastian in Brasil, as you haue heard. Now you haue seene the discourse of my trauels, and the fashions of all the Countries and Nations where I haue beene, I will by the helpe of God, make you a short discourse in the language of the Petiwares, which language all the Inhabitants of Brasil doe vnderstand, especially all the coast from Fernambucquo to the Riuer of Plate, the which I hope will be profitable to all trauellers, and of them I trust my paines shall be well accepted of.

First, you must tell them of what Nation you are, and that you come not as the Portugals doe, 30 for their wiues and children to make them bondslaues.

We are Englishmen, as you all know that in times past had peace with you.

Now knowing the neede and want that you haue of all such things as before your Fa­thers had, for the loue that both your ance­stours and ours did beare one to another, and for the loue and pittie that we haue of your want, we are come to renew our anciēt amity. 40

Ore aqureiuua que se neering peramoya werisco Catadoro wareuy orenysbe beresoy.

Coeu pecoteue Cowauere pipope pewseua bare­sey opacatu baye berua oweryco coen pecoteue sou se-Core mandoare peramoya waysouba, ore ranoya waysonua reseij eteguena rescij pecoteue pararaua, oro in ibewith ore ramoya pereri socatumoyn go pacum.

§. V.

The description of diuers Riuers, Ports, Harbours, Ilands of Brasil: for instruction of Nauigators.

RIo Grande, is called by vs the great Riuer, lately was conquered by a Portugall, called Rio Grande, Manuell Masquarenhas. It is aboue two leagues broad in the mouth, and on the South-east side standeth a great Fort made by the foresaid Manuell Masquarenhas: that Coun­trie is plaine and sandy in many places, especially neere the Sea, and yeeldeth Sugar Canes in 50 abundance. On the coast are many great Bayes, where the Indians doe oftentimes finde great store of Ambergreese: within this place, there is also store of Wood, Pepper, Ginger, and Waxe. Ambergreese. Here inhabit a kinde of Canibals, called Petywares: these Canibals haue had trafficke a long time with France, and amongst them there are many that can speake French, which are Bastards, be­gotten of Frenchmen.

On the coast of Brasil there are three Riuers of Paraeyua: one is this that lieth next to Rio Para [...] [...] Riuers. Gande, the other is a great Riuer that runneth through the Countrie almost as farre as Lymo, and commeth out betweene Cape Frio and Spirito Sancto: the third is a faire Riuer that lieth be­tweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Pareyua whereof we speake, is a faire great 60 Bay, where shipping being neuer so great may enter, within this Bay vpon a hill, you shall see a faire Citie, and on the Sea side standeth two small Forts. You may anker neere the shoare, at the entrie of this Bay, you shall see three hils of red earth on either side of the harbour, which the Portugals call Barer as Mermeth [...]es.

[Page 1238] Guyana, is a small Riuer that lieth by Paracua, it belongeth to Iasper Desiquerd, who was chiefe Iustice of all Brasil. In the mouth of this Riuer standeth a great rocke, which is continu­ally A Riuer called [...] [...] [...]an [...] Sir [...] [...]wly. couered with Sea Foules. This Riuer hath two fadome water in the mouth, a quarter of a mile within this Riuer, on the South-west side, you may take fresh water, and great store of Cattell: vpon this Riuer there are great store of Sugar Mils, and continually you shall haue in this Riuer small Caruels that fish, and carry Sugar from thence to Fernambuquo: likewise here is great store of Brasil, Pepper, Ginger, and Cotten, Cocos, Indian Nuts, here likewise inhabit Pe­tywares.

Etamariqua in the Indian language is a bed, it is a point of the land like a Cape: the point runneth halfe a mile into the Sea, and vpon it the Portugals haue built a Towne, you may anker The descripti­on of a place, called by the [...]. 10 very neere the shoare, both on the South-west and on the North-east side of the Towne, in seuen and eight fadome water. All the Countrie till you come to Cape Augustin, is low land, and to saile from thence to Fernambuquo is no danger, but the clifts which lye along the coast, as farre as the Riuer Saint Francis, which are alwayes seene, the Seas when there are any Spring tides, doe ouerflow the land behinde: moreouer if any winde blow from the East, it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts, that it maketh a great noise. Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars, and great store of Coco Nuts.

On the North side of Fernambuquo, you shall see white Downes, and when you are past all the Downes on the South, you are by Capignramirinij, which is a place where alwaies you shall [...]n [...]mbuq [...]o and [...] Citie o [...] [...]. see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades; and from thence to Fernambuquo, are fiue or six miles, 20 and so if you be vnder 8. degrees, you shall see a flat land euen and bare, called Capituya; then you must take heede you runne not Southward, for then you runne vpon a point of the land, called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda, which is foure leagues from the Cape, and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin. As soone as you haue doubled this point, you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda, which you shall see; for if you doe, you will runne vpon the Sands, called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio, which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea, being neere the shoare, you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts, called by the Portugals Arecias: this place is a league from Fernambuquo, being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue: from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts, as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers, no higher in one place then in another, but all 30 euen. The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill, and very strongly entrenched round about, on the Sea side euery twelue score, standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers, with foure cast Peeces, and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias, where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda, which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards, from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land, a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast, and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East, which maketh the Towne almost an Iland, all but a little part of the North side.

The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles: Cape of Saint Augustine. from the Sea you shall see three hils, called by the Petiwares, Aquare Wason Remitum, they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell, and now you may easily know it, for you may see 40 a Church that the Portugals haue built; and halfe a league towards the South, you shall see the I­land of Saint Aleyxo.

The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow: it lieth within a league of the shore, and stretcheth North-east and South-west, you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers, I [...]. of S. Aleyxo. for the Iland hath very faire Baies, where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water. Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water.

Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo, it is a flat land, you neede not Porto Docalo [...]. feare the comming in by the rockes, for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater. Here you shall haue great store of Cattell, and Sugars. This Countrie is plaine low land, and all planted with Sugar Canes: you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of 50 the Iland Saint Aleyxo, for when it ebbeth, you shall see a faire Bay, and all the shore bare almost to the Cape, being blacke ground.

Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno, is the Riuer of stones. Southward of it you Riuer of stones shall see three great red Hills, which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysu [...]a, which is a league from this Riuer, you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land, and before the mouth of it many great Rocks, to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side, and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West, and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues. In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals, that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays, but they are of no strength. Here you may take water at plea­sure, and alwayes in those houses, that stand in the mouth of the Riuer, you shall haue good store 60 of Cassaui meale. If you be of any strength, that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars, for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely, an other on the Riuer side; likewise here is good store of Brasill, and Pepper, Cotton, and many o­ther merchandise.

[Page 1239] Camaryi [...] (as I haue said) lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones, to know it Camaryi [...]. you shall see three Hills of red ground, called by the Portugals, Bare [...]s Vernellios, this place is not inhabited: the mouth of this place is narrow, and hath not aboue fiue foot water, but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer, and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger, or to fish with your Net, for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes.

The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryi [...]a, it is a faire great Riuer, ly­eth The Riuer of Saint Antoni [...]. some fiftie leagues within the Land, hath foure fathom water at the comming in, but is so narrow that no ship can come in. It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede (hauing salt) to make your prouision, for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish, especially of Salt. Fish Var [...]. a kinde of fish, called by the Indians, Vara [...], which is as bigge as an Oxe. After you are within 10 this Riuer, you shall haue high land on both sides, and you must be carefull and keep good watch, for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people, called Caray [...], these people if they see you vnpro­uided will fight with you, but if they see you able to defend your selues, then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick.

The Harbour of French-men, called by the Indians, A [...] pi [...]s [...]e, lyeth two leagues South­ward A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen. from the Riuer of Saint Antonio. It is a small Bay, that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it, which is all full of Brasill trees. To enter into this Harbour, you must marke the Cliffes, and when you are to the North of them all but one, you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare. When you haue landed if you want fresh water, you must seeke on the South side of the Hill, and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Ci­sterne 20 of stone, which is made out of a Rocke, you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it, for all the way you shall see small Rocks, and mens names written in them.

This Riuer in our language is called the Riuer of Crocodiles, for in it there are many, which the Riuer called Iaquareasicke. Indians call Faquares; it is narrow, and in the mouth of it standeth a white Rocke. To enter it you must take heed you keepe on the North side of this Rocke, and you shall finde nine and ten foot water; after you be within it you shall come to a great Bay, and on the North-east side you shall finde a small Riuer, where you may take fresh water, but let euery man take heed how hee leapeth into the water, for the Crocodiles lie by the banke-side hidden, and if any thing fall into the water presently they kill it. Here is nothing to bee had vnlesse you will fish for the Croco­diles, and take the Bladders or Cods of muske from them: here you need not feare any Inhabi­tants, 30 except you be espyed by some passengers that goe to Fer [...]ambuqu [...].

Alaqua is a very faire Riuer, that lyeth foure leagues Northward from the Riuer of Saint Alaqua. Michael, and three leagues Southward from the afore said Riuer of Crocodiles. On either side of it you shall see a great Hill, called by the Portugals, Os Cai [...]. You shall finde but seuen or eight foot water at the comming, and very cleere from any Rocks, but after you bee within, you shall finde many bankes of sand, where you shall kill good store of fish, and alwayes you shall bee sure to haue Caruells fishing in this place, at the comming in on both sides you may take fresh water.

Before the Riuer of Saint Michael you shall see the Cliffes like Arecines of Fernambuquo; you Riuer of Saint Michael. must enter at the end of the Cliffe, hard by the shoare on the South-west: and you must marke a 40 small Cliffe that lyeth betweene the mouth of the Riuer and the shoare, this Cliffe you leaue be­tweene you and the shoare, and betwixt this Cliffe and the great Rocks you may enter it; three fathom water. But take heed when you enter, that you saile not towards the North-east, al­though you see the Bay great, for you shall run vpon many great bankes of sand, therefore you must keepe West still within a stones cast of the shoare, so shall you be sure to keepe in the Chan­nell. Thus you must saile till you discouer a house, that you shall see doubling a Point full South from you, then your best is to anchor, for if you goe farther, you are in danger except you know the Channell very well. In this place dwels a Portugall, called Iohn de Rocho: and vp a Riuer that you shall see runne into the Land dwell many Portugals, where they haue a Church with Friars to say Masse. Here you shall haue good store of Cattell if you need, and Brasill wood, Cas­saui 50 meale: and in this Riuer you shall haue good store of Oisters, and in them you shall find ma­ny great Pearles: likewise here is good store of Balsom oile, and trees of All Nesico, which is a very precious and rich wood, singular good for bruises, or old hurts: also here is good store of Ta­bacco. This place is eight leagues from the Riuer of Toades, where we were driuen on the Rocks, because we knew not where wee were, for it is a singular good Harbour to enter, if a man know the comming in betweene the Rocks, called, Os Bayos de Don Rodrigo.

Because the Indians indeed doe kill many Toades, therefore they call it Cororoen, that is to The Harbour, called The Ri­uer of Toades. say, the Riuer, or water of Toades, I tell you the name in the Indian language. Because in all pla­ces you shall haue of them, and so you may know when they tell you where you are. When you are in ten degrees and an halfe Southwards of the Equinoctiall Line, you shall see fiue hils and 60 the three that standeth on the North side of this place whereof wee speake are round and high, the other two that stand on the South, not farre in distance one from another, are long and lower then the other, if you come neere the shoare, you shall see a great many of small Rockes, and a great Bay which is the place I speake of, right before this Bay you shall see two great Rockes, to [Page 1240] goe into this Harbour, you must passe betweene these Rockes which are called Bayos de don Ro­drigo, when you are [...]ntred you may anchor hard by the Rockes, and sound the Channell, which will lye Nor [...]h-east from you. Here you may haue fresh water vp the Riuer, but it will be hard for you to find therefore your best is to goe a quarter of a mile by the Sea side, and you shall see a fa [...]re Riuer, where you may take water at pleasure, and kill good store of fish. At this place comming from the Riuer of Ienero, in the night we were driuen vpon the Rockes for want of a Pilot that knew the Coast.

I doe not set downe the places betweene this and the Cape Frio, because I know them not, but by report of other Trauellers, and therefore I leaue it to them, for I will write no more but what I haue seene, and am able to proue when time shall serue, and thus▪ I end shewing you all that I 10 haue seene on the Coast Northward of Cape Frio, which is in our Language Cape Cold.

Cape Frio is a point of the Land that runneth into the Sea at least twelue mile, it lyeth vnder 22. degrees. At this Cape you may haue sight of a great Mountaine, that you may see ouer it called Abausango Re [...]ambuera, here you may anchor on the East-side of this Cape in a Harbour called Aba [...]a formozo. Here you may haue great store of Brassell-wood, and in this Bay you shall find oftentimes good store of Ambe [...]-greece, and on the North side of this Bay you shall see a great Riuer called vparason, where you may kill good store of many kinde of fishes, and in the mouth of this Riuer you shall haue great store of Corall, if you will dragge for it.

Saquarema is a Riuer, where the Frenchmen did traffique with the Canibals called Tamoyes; it floweth foure leagues Southward from the Cape. This Riuer is n [...]rrow at the comming in, you R. Saquar [...]ma. 20 shall find twelue foote water, till you be three or foure leagues vp the Riuer. You shall find fresh water on either side of the Riuer, and great store of Brassell-wood, all along the Riuer side. On the South side of this Riuer you shall [...]ee a great hill which the Indians call Boype [...]a, that is, The rotten Whale, for you shall see the top of it like a dead Whale. If you want refreshing, you may haue good store of Potato Roots there, Plantons, Lemons, Orenges, and many other good Roots as bigge as great Tu [...]nips, which the Indians call Carauasou.

Etioca is a league Southward of the Riuer of Saquarema, It is (as I haue said in the descripti­on Eti [...]ca. of my trauell) a great and huge Rocke, hollow within, where the Indians say that the seruant of God did preach vnto them, which they call Topa [...]uayaper [...], before the mouth of this Rocke to­wardes the Sea standeth another flat Rocke, that reacheth somewhat into the Sea; vpon it 30 you shall see the prints of bare feet, here if you fish with Lines, you may quickly lade your shippe. A little behind this stone house, you shall see a fine Riuer of water, where you shall finde many pretie greene stones that Indians doe vse to weare in their lips. You may anchor within a Musket sho [...] of the shore, but it is verie dangerous if the wind be in the East.

Piratening [...] is fiue leagues to the Southward of Etioca, right before it standeth a small Iland, it is inhabited by the Portug [...]ls, It is a Bay that runneth betweene two Mountaines a mile and Pir [...]teninga. more within the Land. There I haue seene a Mermaid and many other strange fishes. You may M [...] mayd [...]een by the Author. lie with your shipping at the Iland, and send your Boates ashore, where you shall find great store of Cattle; and you may take good [...]ore of all kind of fishes i [...] you will, either with Hook or Net. Here you may haue Oranges, Lemmons, and Cassaui Meale, and all other such things that the 40 Countrey yeeldeth, but you must be alwaies sure to keepe good watch, for feare of the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary, which are hard by you.

The Riuer of Ianuary lieth three leagues from Pirate [...]inga, it is a great Arme of the Sea, that runneth into the Land at the least fourteene miles; on the mouth of this place, stand foure Ilands, The Riuer of Ienero, and Ci­ [...] o [...] Saint Sebastian. and now the best marke that it hath to be knowne, is a Fort that standeth on the North side of the comming in of the Harbour, vpon a Rock. On the South side standeth a Hill that reacheth into the Sea, which the Portugals call C [...]o, that is, The top of a ship, for it seemeth like the maine top-saile of a ship from Sea. Hard by the Sea side on the foote of this Hill on the North side of the Hill as you saile into the Harbour; standeth a Rocke of great height made like a Sugar-loafe, and is called by the Portugals the Sugar-loafe. In the midst of the going in, in the mouth 50 of this Riuer lieth a Rocke plainly to bee seene, to goe in you must keepe betweene the Rocke and the Fort, that standeth on the North side of you. When you are entred the mouth of the Riuer and are past the Fort, you shall see an Iland lie right before you, and euen with a Church cal­led Santa Lucia, this Iland is called the Iland of Brigalion. You must be sure to passe on the North side of this Iland, and assoone as you haue passed it, you shall see all the Citie both on the Hill, and on [...]he Sea side. Then you must take heed that you goe not right to the Towne, for you shall run vpon certaine shelues of sand, that lie right before the Towne all along to a small Iland called the Iland of Saint Bent, this Iland l [...]eth a quarter of a mile from the Iland of Bragalion, and East­ward Iland of Bri­galion. of this Iland of Saint Bent, standeth a great Rocke, you may saile betweene the Rocke and the Iland, and assoone as you haue entred, betweene them you may anchor hard by the Iland, and 60 then you shall see a Church standing vpon a Hill which is called Saint Bent, then you need not Iland of Saint Bent. feare to goe right before the Towne, within a Caleeuer shot of the shore from the Towne, you shal see on the North-east shore a towne of Canibals, called Saint Lorenzo, which is in peace with the Portugals, and within the Bay you shall finde many Riuers and Sugar-mils, where there is great profit to be made.

[Page 1241] Waratiua lieth three leagues from the Riuer of Ianuary, you may know it by two Ilands that lie right before the mouth of the aforesaid Riuer. At the mouth of the Riuer likewise standeth a The Riuer c [...]l­led Warati [...]. high Hill, and on either side both on the South-west and North-east is low Land, in this place you cannot enter with any ship, but you may anchor betweene the Ilands, and send your Boats ashore. If you goe vp, you shall find good store of Potatoe Roots, Plantons, great store of Oran­ges and Lemmons, and many other kind of f [...]uits, which are very good to releeue sicke men. If you will fish with you [...] Net, heere you shall kill all kinde of good fishes, but alwayes bee sure to keepe good watch, for the Portugals are very neere you.

From the Riuer of Warati [...] for the space of foure leagues is all s [...]ndy low Land, you shall see Certaine I­lands called by t [...]e [...] ▪ gr [...]; Grea [...] Ila [...]. a high Hill which the India [...]s call M [...]rambayap [...], that is in our Language, the end of Warre; right ouer against this point you shall see a great Iland at the comming in of this Harbour, you 10 need not feare, for hard by the shore, you shall haue tw [...]nt [...] fathome wate [...]. When you are in the mouth of this Harbour right before, you shall see a whi [...]e Rocke, which will lie full West from you: you must leaue the Iland Southward from you, then shall you descrie another great Iland called Ep [...]oya; at a point of this Iland that lieth full West, towards the firme Land, you shall see two small Ilands, and when you are right against those two Ilands you shall see a faire Bay, where you may anchor at pleasure to come into this Bay, you must enter between those two Ilands that I haue spoken of. I doe describe this Harbour vnto you aboue many good Harbours that you may find, because you may depart from hence with any wind, for the mouth of Marambaya lieth So [...]th-ea [...] [...]rom you, when you are in this Harbour, then you haue another going out that lieth North-east from you, from this Port where you shall anchor called Epeoya. If you want victuals 20 for your ships, you may take your Boat or your P [...]nn [...]sse, and goe out betweene the two Ilands that you entred, and when you are betweene those Ilands you shall see a flat broad Iland, which will lye f [...]t South-west from you; this Iland the Indians called S [...]peawera; that is, the morning, and this is the Iland that I was driuen vpon, when I runne away to Master Hawkins, as I haue told you in the discourse of my troubles, you must come with your Boat to this Iland, and you must be sure to passe betweene the West shore and the Iland; and assoone as you haue passed the point of this Iland, you shall see three Hils of red Earth one hard by another. You must leaue one of them West from you, then may you land your men at pleasure, when you haue landed, you must goe through a little Copps, for the sp [...]e of a Harquebusse shot, then shall you come into a 30 faire Lawne, where you shall find great store of Cattle, and a house or two that standeth vpon a Hi [...]l where you shall haue alwayes good store of C [...]ssa [...]i meale, if you will haue Rootes and Planton [...] vpon the Iland where you anchor there are good store, but there is an Iland called the Long Iland, where you shall haue of all these things in abundance. To know this Hand, [...]ow with your Boate to the Iland of Epeoya that lieth full South from your ship, and then you shall see a long Iland hard by the firme Land, which is this whereof wee speake, and because you shall bee sure not to misse it, be attentiue. When you come neere the shore, beholding a Rocke that lieth a quarter of a mile from the shore, vpon which Rocke standeth a Crosse, this is the place where a Portugall called Manuell Antones dwelleth, but now there is no bodie, but a kinde of Canibals that come and goe, therefore be sure alwaies in those parts to keepe good watch and be carefull; 40 if you can speake their language you may haue many things. From this Iland Southwards you shall see two small Ilands halfe a league from you, these Ilands are called Am [...]buq [...]o, right against them lieth a faire Riuer, where you shall haue alwaies great store of fish, and by the Riuer side you shall see the Mandioca plainly, and many other Roots very good to refresh your compa­nie. Southward from this place some two leagues you shall see a faire Bay called P [...]rat [...]y there dwelleth a kind of Canibals called V [...]asses, of them you may buy skins of diuers wilde beasts, and sometimes they haue good store of Amber, which they call Pira p [...]ni [...] ergaty.

Saint Sebastian lieth some three leagues from Great Iland, It is a long and a faire Iland, you The Iland of [...] ▪ Sebastian. may anchor betweene it and the shore. After you haue entred at the North point of this Iland, you shall see a great white Rocke, right ouer against this Rocke, you shall see a point of the fi [...]me Land runne into the Sea, and right before this point lie three Rockes, where commonly 50 you shall see Indians shooting fishes with their Bowes and Arrowes, if you goe with your Boate to that point, you shall see a great Bay called by the Indians Iequerequere. There like­wise standeth a great Towne of Canibals, such as those that dwell at Great Iland, halfe a league from Saint Sebastians standeth a small Iland right into the Sea, called by the In­dians Uraritan, and by the Portugals Alquatrasses, heere you shall finde great store of Sea­foules and Seales, Alegators that liue on the Land called by the Indians Fisew [...]so [...]. Right o­uer against the South point of the Iland of Saint Sebastian standeth a great white Rocke called by the Portugals Paidemilio, that is, the life of Ginnie Wheate; then shall you see an Iland hard by the shoare call [...]d by the Indians Bo [...]souconga, that is, the Whales head, this Iland standeth in the mouth of Pertioqua, which is, the Riuer that goeth to Saint Vincents, as you goe to this place after 60 you haue passed the Iland, you shall see North-east from you certaine houses where there dwell a kind of Canibals called Ca [...]oses, there you may haue good store of Cattle, Orenges, Lemmons, and many kinds of R [...]ots and Fruits.

[Page 1242] Right against this Towne of Canibals called Caryhos, standeth the Towne of Saint Uincents called by the Indians Warapiu [...]ama; as you goe farther vp the Riuer you shall see a small Iland The descripti­ [...] o [...] S. Vin­ [...]s & Sa [...]tos. Southward, where you shall see a Sugar-mill of the Captaines of Santos called Ieronimo Let [...], where our Gentlemen were slaine. Farther vp the Riuer, you shall see a Castle stand at the foote of the Hill▪ then you come to the Towne of Santos, which standeth ha [...]d by the water side. Right behind the Towne of Sa [...]os standeth a Hill wher Brascubas had a house, from the top of this Hill did Iohn Dauies make a Plate of the Countrey. Now the Portugals haue found Mynes of siluer in this place.

The third Pariena is a good Harbour for ships, and here are great store of Canibals and Carij [...]os, The descripti­on of the third [...]; no [...] called by the P [...]tugals O [...] pa­to [...], and by the Indian [...] V [...]son. The descripti­on of the Ri­uer of Plate. which very lately are inleagued with the Portugals, you may buy of them great store of Pep­per 10 and Ginger, very rich Furres, and Cotton-wooll, and Waxe, this is the place that I came vn­to after I had beene taken by the T [...]m [...]y [...]s within the Land. Here the Tamoyes were taken by the Portugals, and I was giuen againe to be my Masters slaue, when 10000. of the [...]oyes were slaine, and 20000. of them parted among the Portugals for slaues.

The mouth of the Riuer of Plate is wide, and within it there are many Downes of sand, you must bee sure to keepe very neere the North shoare, till you shall see a high Mountayne white at the top; then must you saile Southward at least foure leagues, and shall you see another small Hill on the Northside, you must saile right with it; then shall you come into a faire Bay, where you must be sure to keepe still along the shoare, and after you haue passed the Westerne point of this Bay, you shall haue the Riuer Maroer; then you need not feare any shallowes till you 20 come before the Towne of Bon [...]s Ayres. There the Riuer runneth full Southward, and along the Riuer side from Bonos Ayres is a small Village built by the Spaniards of Lime and stone that they brought from Brasill, for all the Countrey is sandie: the Indians doe make their houses all couered with earth. Here are great store of wilde Horses and Cattle, sheepe and Goats, but for siluer and gold, there is none but that which commeth from Cordi [...]a and Potasin. Here likewise the Indians haue great store of Wheate, twentie leagues within Land lyeth a Prouince called Tocoman, now it is a Bishopricke, this Countrey is the diuision of Brasill, and all the Prouinces of No [...]a Hispania. Here the Indians haue Wheate and Cassa [...]i, Apples, Peares, Nuts, and all other fruites of Spaine, likewise they haue all the fruites of Brasill. But after you trauell Southward of this Countrey, you shall not find any thing that groweth in Brasill, nor any wild beasts, as Leo­pards, Note. Beasts of Brasil. 30 or C [...]pi [...]ras, Iawasenings, Cat of Mountaines, Aq [...]eq [...]es, Wari [...]s, M [...]r [...]q [...]ies, Ioboyas, Su­r [...]c [...]o [...]s, [...]rarcas, Boy [...]e [...]a, Boyseninga, Boybeua. Brasill is full of all these wilde and dangerous beasts, and diuers others; But the Prouinces of Peru are cleere of them, except it bee some chance. From T [...]coman to Saint I [...]go is eightie leagues, and you shall trauell it as you doe by Sea with a Compasse, for the Countrey is all sand, and as the wing bloweth, so shall Traueil by Compasse on sands. you haue the Mountaynes of sand, to day on one side of you, to morrow on the other, in this passage you shall passe through many Riuers, which to your thinking are not aboue a foote deepe, but if you haue not good guides and great experience, your waggons and horses will quick­ly be cast away in them, and at an instant be couered with quicke sand. After you haue passed this Countrey, you shall come to Saint Iago, then till you come to Potosin, you shall trauell 40 through great Mountaines and Valleyes, and all the way as you goe, you shall haue great Townes of Indians, who are all in peace with the Spaniards, you shall haue fiue hundred of these Indians by the way as you trauell readie with Nets to carrie you, tyed one a Cane from Towne to Towne, for a fish-hooke or a few beads of glasse, or any such trifle; and there is no trauelling in the World so easie as this, for you may lye, or sit, and play on a Gitterne all the way if you will, for so the Spaniards doe; you shall passe by many Mynes of Gold and traffique with the Indians for Gold, and diuers kinds of precious Stones, but not in that plentie as you shall at Po­t [...]sin, by reason that there the Mynes are open and wrought on, and those betweene Santiago and Potossin are not. At Potossin there is no want of any thing, although the Countrey of it selfe bee very barren, but by reason of the great traffique that they haue from Lyma, and all the Townes 50 of the South Sea; they haue alwayes prouision enough, for from those Townes, they bring Oyle and Wine in great Iarres of earth vpon great sheepe, which are called sheepe of fiue quarters, for their tailes haue almost as much as a quarter. To tell the particulars of the Mynes, would bee a new Storie, only this: they find the Oare like blacke Lead, then they grinde it in Ingines, then they wash it through fine Sieues in paued Cisternes that are made for the purpose; the Moores are all naked as long as they worke, because he shall not hide any precious stone. The Spaniards her [...] are all very rich, and in truth as gallant fellowes as can be. The Francisco Friers carrie a great sway in this Countrey, by reason that they were the first that preached in this part of India. 60

CHAP. VIII.

Relations of Master THOMAS TVRNER who liued the best part of two yeeres in Brasill, &c. which I receiued of him in conference touching his Trauels.

IN Saint Michael one of the Açores, they ascend vp in a forenoones iourney vnto Saint Michaels. a hill into a Chappell, wherein they need a fire in Summer for the cold: there being a little off three Springs, the one whereof casteth vp waters in a continual boyling with a terrible noise, and of great heate, the second of heate intolera­ble, 10 which in short time scaldeth any liuing thing to death, the ground also hote to stand on: but the water calme. The third is warme, and a fit Bathe. In these Ilands in Caues bee found men buried before the Conquest, whole, &c. Brasilian Indians are Ca­nibals, Brasill. and not for reuenge only, but for food also deuoure mans flesh. The Portugals make not slaues of them, nor can enioyne them worke, by reason of a commission to the contrarie obtai­ned Iesuits Sauages friends. by the Iesuites: neither doe they winne of them ought but by faire meanes. They are most excellent Archers, goe starke naked, the womens haire long and blacke, barsh as a Horse-taile. He Ciants. did see vp the Riuer of Plate, one twelue foot high, and report was of higher in that Countrey. Their Weapons are two massie bowles at the two ends of a string cast, &c. He saw also men there with the hinder parts of their heads, not round but flat, (and a little before this Relation, about 20 Anno 1610. he said that at London he had seene carried to the Court a thigh bone of a man a yard Flat heads. and halfe in length.)

Their beasts in Brasill are great Apes with beards and Mustachioes. Kine like vnto ours of both sexes, but liuing in the waters and resorting to land to feed. Hauing no Vdders, nor hornes, long legs, harmelesse, lesse somewhat then ours, their flesh like beefe, but eaten in the name of fish. Strange Kine.

Tigres like Grey-hounds spotted like Ounces exceeding swift, the force of whose paw at a blow killeth his prey. Their beast by some called Hay, which yet he saith, eateth leaues of trees and not Aire only: the louely prettie Segouin. The Serpent Cobrus: whereof he saw one almost See before in Ouiedo. Strange Ser­pent. as bigge as himselfe, twentie foot long, killed by their Indian boy, of colour like an Adder. Of 30 whom they report (and a Father gaue him instance of the proofe) that watching his prey', that is whatsoeuer commeth by, it windeth about and getteth the taile into the fundament drawing the guts after it: and so preyeth on the same, deuouring all, till that it be not able for fulnesse to stirre, but rotteth as it lyeth, the flesh quite away, the head and bones remaining, in which the life continuing recouereth at last his former [...]ate. One was thus found in the rottennesse, and being bound for proofe by the Portugals, with a withe to a Tree, at their returne was so found repaired. The beast that baggeth vp her young ones, &c. (as in others Relations, heere therefore omitted.)

The Indian is a fish in the Sea, and a Foxe in the Woods, and without them a Christian is nei­ther for pleasure or profit fit for life or liuing.

Out of Angola is said to bee yeerely shipped eight and twentie thousand [...]his num­ber may per­haps seeme in­credible and iustl [...]: veth [...]e tels the report, which in some one yeere after some great battle, may al­so be probable: but the gene­ral report is of diuers thou­sands shipped thence yeerly: the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other. slaues and there 40 was a Rebellion of slaues against their Masters, tenne thousand making a head and barraca­doing themselues, but by the Portugals and Indians chased, and one or two thousand reduced. One thousand belonged to one man, who is said to haue tenne thousand slaues, Eighteene Ingenios, &c. his name is Iohn de Pa [...]s, exiled out of Portugall, and heere prospering to this incredibilitie of wealth.

There are Apples called Ananas, pleasant in colour and exceedingly in taste, and holesome, but eating Iron as Aquafortis.

Brasill is full of Mines, if the King would suffer the digging them.

CHAP. IX. 50

The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, by Captaine WIL­LIAM PARKER of Plimmouth, the seuenth of February 1601.

IN the beginning of Nouember 1601. I departed from Plymmouth with two ships, one Pinnasse and two shallops in quarters toward the West Indies. My chiefe ship wheie [...]n I went my selfe as Admirall was named the Prudence, of an hundred 60 tuns, wherein I had an hundred and thirtie tall men, the second was the Pearle, a small ship of sixtie tonnes, wherein went as my Vice-admirall Master Robert Rawlin, accompanied with sixtie lustie fellowes, my Pinnasse of twentie tuns was manned with eighteene men. In this Consort were Master Edward Giles, and Philip Ward [Page 1244] Gentlemen Captaines by Land, with Captaine Antonie Fugars, Captaine Loriman, Captaine Ashley, and diuers other Gentlemen of much towardlinesse and valour as they made good proofe in the successe of this Voyage. In our passing by the C [...]pe of Saint Vincent in Spaine, commonly called the South Cape, I was encountred with such a terrible Ternado or gust of winde that my Pinnasse with fifteene of our men, to our great griefe was vtterly cast away, wee being not able Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado. with the vttermost of our endeauours to saue aboue three of the rest. From thence I shaped my course to the Iles of Cape Verde, and immediately vpon my arriuall there, I set vpon one of them called Saint Vincent, with an hundred men, and tooke the Iland and the Towne thereof, which Iles of Cape Verde. The Ile and Towne of S. Vincent [...]. The Ra [...]chera in Cubagua, w [...]h diuers [...]oners ta­ken and ranso­med. was a prettie place, the spoile w [...]e [...]eof I gaue to my Souldiers, which after they had pillaged it, set the same on fire. 10

Hence we haled ouer to the Coast of Tierra firma, and arriued first at the Ile of Margarita, and comming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearles in the small Iland of Cubagua, we found the Go­uernour of Cumana, there with a company of Souldiers: neuerthelesse we made bold to land, and in our landing we receiued a great fight wherein diuers of our men on both sides were wounded; but in the end I tooke the place with diuers of the stoutest of our Enemies Prisoners, and thir­teene Periaguaes and Canoes, which are Barkes and Boats of the Countrey: for ransome of all which I receiued fiue hundred pounds in Pearle. This done I proceeded on my iourney, sayling directly for Cape dela Vela, and there meeting with a Portugall shippe of two hundred and fiftie A great ship with [...] Ne­gros taken. tuns laden with three hundred and seuentie Negros, brought from Congo or Angola, and going to Cantagena with little resistance I tooke the same. And sayling along with my prize West­ward, 20 not able to double the Iles, called Las Cabeças; I was driuen farre downe to the Southward Las Cab [...]zas. into the Gulfe of Acle, in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle, where we landed all our Portugals and Negros, keeping only the Captaine which afterward paid [...]e fiue hundred pounds for his owne and their ran [...]omes. Within a while after we stood Westward with our shippes, and went into the Iles called the Cabeças, where I embarked an hundred and fiftie of my men in two small Pin­nasses and two fine shallops, and went for the Iles de Bastimentos, and landing there vpon the said Ilands which are peopled and very fruitfull, I tooke sixe or seuen Negroes for guides, and so pre­sently They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos. R. of Puerto bello. with our Pinnasses and Boates entred the mouth of the Riuer of Porto bello, the seuenth of Februarie about two of the clocke after midnight, the Moone shining very brightly.

At our first entrance into the Hauen, which is aboue twelue score ouer, and very deepe at the 30 mouth and farre vpward, we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip, hauing thirtie fiue great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fiftie Souldiers in the same, to know whence The great Ca­stle of S. Phi­lippe, with 25. pieces of brasse, and 50. Souldiers. we were: wee hauing aboord vs such as could speake Spanish excellent well, answered that we were of Cartagena: then they commanded, vs to anchor, which we did accordingly. About one houre afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses, and some thirtie of my principall men, I went vp the Riuer hauing some of the smaller Fort, called the Fort of Saint Iago, which is directly ouer against the great Castle of Saint Philip, running still on the shoare, and crying out on me to stay: but neglecting their out-cryes, I landed at the first Towne called Triana, where the alarme was presently giuen: which neuerthelesse I set on fire, and marched o­uer The Towne Triana Porto bello. a little Brooke into the great rich Towne of Porto bello; and comming directly vp to the 40 Kings Treasure-house, which is very faire and large, we found a squadron of souldiers (whereof there are two hundred and fiftie alwayes belonging to the Towne and another company of the Inhabitants) with two brasse Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages, which we presently possessed, and fiercely set vpon the Souldiers.

At which alarme Captaine Antonie Fugars, and Captaine George Lawriman of Ratcliffe, came vp with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twentie men to my rescue, which was very hardly laid vnto. At this house at our first comming into the Towne, my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head, and through his eare, and Captaine Giles comming to se­cond him, was likewise shot ouer the brest and through his arme. In this meane space Pedro Me­lendes Pedro Melendes the Gouernour of the Towne, had gathered sixtie Souldiers together, and was comming 50 toward a certaine bridge to encounter me, I hauing not then aboue eight or nine men with mee to withstand them: but God did prosper our proceedings mightily. For the first two shot that went from vs, shot Melendes through his Target, and went through both his armes: and the o­ther shot hurt the Corporall of the field. Whereupon they all retired to the house, which they made good vntill it was almost day. Against whom I sent Captaine Ward with some Souldiers, who entred the house, killing diuers of them, and wounded Melendes in eight places more: himselfe being shot through both his thighes in entring, and some of his men hurt: but in the Melendes the Gouernour ta­ken prisoner. end he tooke Melendes Prisoner, and became Master of the house.

My selfe with others went to the Kings house, wherein were many of the Souldiers, who would not come to any composition, but stoutly defended the same against Captaine Giles and 60 our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet: who in the end flue diuers of them and hurt many others, ta­king the Kings Scriuano prisoner. This fight endured for the space of foure or fiue houres. The fight being ended, and we being Masters of the Kings Treasure-house and all the Towne, and ha­uing the Gouernour Melendes, and the Scriuano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners, [Page 1241] except the Alcalde which fled out of the Towne with a chaine of Gold about his necke. Such Treasure as was found in the Kings house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Duckets, I reserued to my selfe, which was nothing to that which wee did expect (that being the receite at one time of the yeere of all the Treasure that commeth from Peru and Chile, amounting at least to fiue or sixe Millions of Duckets) and had I come but seuen dayes sooner, I had taken heere an hundred and twentie thousand Duckets which were newly laden in two Frigats for Cartagena. The rest of the spoile of the Towne, which came to no small value in Money, Plate, and Mer­chandize, I gaue wholy to my Souldiers: which being done, I disposed my Corpses du guard in diuers places, for keeping the Towne all that day: and at the end of the streete leading toward Panama on the South Sea, being full of all Artificers, we made a barricado where Captaine Giles stood with another Corps du guard being diuers times assaulted by the enemy? whom still hee va­liantly 10 repulsed and put to the worse.

Pedro Melendes the chiefe Gouernour of the Towne being my Prisoner, in regard that he had valiantly carried himselfe in making resistance vntill he had tenne or eleuen wounds vpon him, I Braue spirit & liberall minde of Captaine Parker. did not only at length dismisse without any peny for his ransome, but also caused my Chirurgion very carefully to dresse and trimme his wounds: vsing him and his, farre otherwise, then Pedro Melendes his great Vncle vsed Iohn Ribault, Landoniere, and the French Nation in Florida, whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands vpon.

Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Towne of Porto bello, Porto bello de­scribed. which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished, and sixe or seuen faire streets, whereof two 20 were full of all necessarie Artificers, and of Merchants, with three small Forts on the Townes He at [...]ineth from [...]tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire. sides, besides the great Fort of Saint Philip on the other, when I might haue speedily haue con­sumed it all with fire, I willingly abstained from the same: knowing that though I could haue done the King of Spaine exceeding great hurt, and haue vndone a number of the Inhabitants, yet the good that I should haue done my selfe, and mine thereby should haue beene very small in comparison of their damage. Only certaine out houses wherein their Negros dwelt, I caused to be burned to amaze and put them in feare: I also tooke two Frigats of theirs which roade far Two Frigats taken and brought away. vp within the Riuer, the one of them hauing in her three pieces of Ordnance, the which I like­wise tooke and brought away from thence with mee, with the which Ordnance we beate vpon the enemy marching vnto vs from the Wester Fort. 30

The day being spent, at the beginning of the night I embarked my men, enriched with the Their depar­ture. chiefe spoile of the Towne, and set saile to depart with my owne two Pinnasses and two shallops and the foresaid two Spanish Frigats which I had wonne: but in going out I was shot in at the elbow, and out at the wrist with a Musket shot which came from the Wester shoare, whereof there were many shot ouer vs: besides eight and twentie great shot from the chiefe and Easter Fort, which did endanger vs often. But God so wrought for vs, that we safely got forth againe contrarie to all our enemies expectation, who made full account to sinke vs in going forth. Be­ing safely come forth wee rode with our Pinnasses, and shallops behind a small Iland which lay betwixt vs and the Wester most Fort of Saint Iago, vntill my Vice-admirall Captaine Rawlins brought two ships thither, which rode somewhat to the Eastward of the Castile of Saint Phi­lip, Sir Fr. [...] buriall. 40 vnder the Rocke where Sir Francis Drake his Coffin was throwne ouer-boord, all the while that we were busied in gaining, sacking, and possessing the Towne. Our whole fleet beeing assem­bled together in the place aforesaid, I set the Kings Scriuan [...], and the rest of my prisoners on shore, suffering them to depart without paying any kind of ransome.

And the next day being the ninth of February, I set saile and stood off to Sea, leauing the goodly Hauen and beautifull Towne of Porto bello, which standeth in ten degrees of Northerly latitude: and directed my course backe againe toward Cartagena, and about twelue leagues to the Eastward thereof, I came into a good Bay called Sambo, where I watered and staied some twelue or thirteene daies, and riding there tooke certaine Frigats which were bound for Cartage­na. Whereupon the Gouernour Don Pedro de Coronna, armed out two Gallies and a Brigandine, Sambo. with some two or three Frigats, with a purpose to assault vs; but beeing better aduised they 50 would neuer come neere vs. When he heard that I had taken Porto bello, one of the chiefest pla­ces of the West Indies, with so small forces, he pulled his beard, and sware that he would giue his Mules lade of siluer, but to haue a sight of mee and my companie. From this Bay of Sambo wee Virtu [...] in [...] laudanda. stood ouer for the Iland of Iamaica, and so doubled the Cape of Saint Antonio, beeing the most Westerly part of Cuba, and disimboked through the Gulfe of Bahama, the last of March 1602 and came with good weather to the Iles of the Açores, where victualling my Vice-admirall and two Pinnasses ou [...] of mine owne ship for two moneths, and leauing them at Sea to take some far­ther purchase, with mine owne ship I tooke my course for [...]limmouth, and arriued there in safetie the sixt of May 1602. 60

CHAP. X.

Certaine Notes of a Voyage made by mee DAVID MIDDLETON into the West Indies with Captaine MICHAEL GEARE, An. Dom. 1601.

THe fiue and twentieth day of May, wee set saile from the Lyzard, and the tenth day of Iune we fell with the Grand Canarie: the Towne standeth on the North-east Grand Canarie. point of the Iland, and the Road is one league to the Northward of it. 10 That night we stood of South South-west. And the fiue and twentieth day of Iune we were in the latitude of twentie two degrees thirtie minutes.

The sixe and twentieth day of Iune wee came in companie of seuen saile of Hollanders, that were bound for the West Indies, to Punta delaraya to lode Salt, and the seuen Punta delaraya. and twentieth day we lost sight of them.

The second day of Iulie we fell with Saint Vincent. When you came from Saint Uincent to the S. Vincents. Testogos, you must make the way South-west by West, or else you shall not fetch it, for the Cur­rent sets North and by West from them.

Being to leeward from Caracus, two leagues we stood ouer North North-west, the wind be­ing at East North-east, we fell twelue leagues to the Eastward of Boinara, beeing the twelfth of Iulie. If you stand ouer from Boinara to Qurasao, minded to goe to the South ward of the Iland, [...]oinara. 20 you must stand South and by West, or else you cannot get about, because there is a Current that sets North-west, and may set you vpon the Iland.

The three and twentieth day of Iulie wee anchored to the Westward of Qurasao, and there the Land lies North and South.

The nine and twentieth of Iulie we landed vpon Aruba, for to get fresh water, and there we Aruba. Seuen men killed. had seuen men slaine by the Indians of the Iland: and we rid with our ship in fiue fathomes wa­ter, halfe a mile from the shoare. One point of the Land bare North, the other South-east and by South, and there is an high Hill in the mid [...]le of the Iland, and that bare East and by South. Betwixt Coque and the Maine the course is East and West.

The shoale of Puntall lieth two leagues off: the best of the Channell betwixt that Point, and Puntal. 30 Coque is in eight, nine and ten fathomes.

From Bracheo to the Parretaes is fiue leagues course West and by South.

From the Parretaes to Cape Caldera is twentie fiue leagues course North-west and by West, Bracheo. Cape Caldera. and betwixt the Parretaes and the Maine, you shall haue foure, fiue, six and seuen fathoms water,

The Road of Morecapana lieth betwixt the Maine and Boracheo, within the Ilands.

The eight day of August we set saile from Aruba, and we stood ouer South for the Maine, the Morecapana. wind being at East and by South, wee fell with Mecola, being nine leagues from Aruba. Saine Ann is an high Hill vpon the Maine neere vnto Mecola. M. S. Ann.

The seuen and twentieth day of August we came to anchor at Portete, that is to the Eastward 40 of Cape La uela, foure leagues. The Cape bare West a little to the Southwards, at the going to Portete. Portete. And on your Larboord side going into Portete, there is a round Hill: being in the offing it sheweth verie blacke. The going into this Harbour is verie narrow, but within it is a verie broad Sound, and two thousand saile of ships may ride there in verie good ground, and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie, but wee ridde in three, a little within the point, on our Lar­boord side going in.

The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony, and set saile for England, in a Prize, a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes, laden with Campe­che Cape S. An­tony. Wood and Hides, the Master of the Prize, was William Goobreath: and from Cape Saint An­thony we stood off North-west and by North. 50

The nine and twentieth day at noone, we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes, being East South-east from vs, and then we stood North-east, and the twentieth day we were in Organes. latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes, the winde being at East North-east, we stood off North, and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North, and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes, then we stood to the Eastward.

The two and twentieth day, we were North-west and by North, from the Crowne in Cuba, Cuba. fourteene leagues, then we stood to the North-ward: these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly. The three and twentieth day, wee were in la [...]itude of 24. de­grees no minutes, the wind being at East North-east, and we lay North with the stemme, and this night we came in twelue fathomes, being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes, the 60 winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward. The fiue and twentieth day, wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana, and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east, and by South from vs Cobey. some sixe leagues, the winde being at East, and we stood North North-east three Watches, and [Page 1247] brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs: the winde being at East North-east, we stood to the Northward, for so we made the ships way. The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone, wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs: then wee stood off Martyrs. South-east and by South three watches with a low saile, and so cast about, and stood North-east and by North three watches, and then obserued, and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts, being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three Cape of Flori­da. leagues: the winde being at South-east and by East, we stood off South and by West three wat­ches, and then cast about, and stood North-east two watches, and then obserued, and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie, 1602. and then two watches North and by East, and foure North North-east: and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues: by 10 supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes, the winde being at South, wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea. The eighteenth day of March at noone (be­ing Thursday) wee fell with Silley, and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles, the Silley. winde being at West South-west, wee stood for the Lizzard, and the twentieth day of this mo­neth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth, this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies.

CHAP. XI. 20

The description of the Ile of Trinidad, the rich Countrie of Guiana, and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco, written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine, and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute. 1602.

The description of the Ile of Trinidad. 30

POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east. The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians. Anap [...]rima is the name of the Riuer, which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne. The North part is very mountainous. The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names. 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios. 2. Those of Punta, Carao Aruacas. 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages. 4. Those betweene Punta Carao, and Punta de la Galera, Nepoios. But those which are seruants to the Spaniards, name them­selues Carinapag [...]tos. The chiefest of the Indians, I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past, named themselues Acarewanas, but now Captaines.

The description of Guiana, and of the great Riuer Orenoco. 40

GViana beareth directly East from Peru, and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line. The The Riuer of Capuri. entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water, and at the ebbe but fiue foot. The water floweth but a small time, but increa­seth much; and the ebbe goeth but slowly: for it continueth sixe houres. In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana, which leadeth into Orenoco also. In this The Gulfe of Guanipa. The Riuer Amana. Orenoco. Riuer, which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse, wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco.

The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes, which lye on the North-side of the mayne land: but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side. So that betweene I­lands 50 and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all. The Ilands are somewhat bigge, so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side. At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans, which hold warre one with the other con­tinually: Tiuitiuas. The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos, and the other of Hororotomaca. He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan, cannot possibly returne the same way hee came, by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents, but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land, which is called Macurio. The Riuer Macurio. Toparimaca a Gouernour. Arwacan. Carapana lyeth in the Pro­uince of Eme­ria.

To goe from the Ile of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South: But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco. Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari, of the entrance of the Eastermost part of 60 the Riuer Orenoco. The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan. These are friends to the Carapanans, Tiuitiuans, and all Nations, the Caribes excepted. Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria: and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria.

[Page 1248] Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco: it is but small. The second Iland is called Iwana. There is another entrance into Orenoco, which I discouered not: but the Indians name it Arraroopana. [...] Iland. Iwana Iland. Arraroo [...]ana. Europa Riuer. Ocawit [...] Iland. Morrequito. Arromaia. Putapaima I­land. O [...]e. The Playnes of Samia. Cumana. Aroami Iland. Aio Iland. Manoripano. A omaio. Th Riuer Caroli. Cassipagotos. Mor [...]equito. [...]a [...]ma Iland. Epuremi. Great Fall. Ca [...]uri. Store of gold among the E­puremians. Cas [...]ipagotos. E [...]ar [...]o [...]os. Arawagotos. Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa. Store of gold. Riuer Arui. Riuer Cassipa. Riuer Atoica. Riuer Caora. Riuer Casnero. Amapaia. The Riu [...]rs Ca­ri, Limo, Paoo, Caturi, Voari, Capuri. The Prouince of Amapaia. Bad water. Guicar. Goauar. Papemena. The Iland of Amazones. The Iland A­thul. Riuer Vbra. Eregoodawe. Oromona. Tapiawary. Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco; but the head of it I know not. In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland, which is somewhat mountainous; and the name of it is Ocawita. One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari, in the Confines of Morrequito, which ly­eth in the Prouince of Arromaia. The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Ore­noco, and standeth right against the high Mountaine, called Oecope. Ouer this Mountaine lye the Playnes of Samia. Through these Playnes you may goe to Cumana, or to the Caraca [...]; which are at least one hundred and twentie leagues iust North. In these Playnes are foure Na­tions, which are held for great men. The Samias, the Assawais, the Wikeries, and the Arroras. 10 These Nations are something blacke.

On the left side of this Riuer Orenoco are two small Ilands, a small distance the one from the other. The one is called Aroami, the other Aio. In the morning before the Sunne bee high the winde is still Easterly in this place. Manoripano lyeth in the middle of Orenoco. Aromaio is the name of Morrequito. Orenoco reacheth to the Mountaines of Wacarimoc, which is to the East in the Prouince of Emeria, or Carapana. The Vallies are called Amariocapana, and the people by that name also. Vpon this Riuer Orenoco there is a pleasant Riuer for many kindes of victuals, which is called Caroli, and the people Cassipagotos.

This Countrie of Morrequito lyeth in some fiue or sixe degrees to the North of the E­quinoctiall Line. At the Point of the Riuer Caroli is the small Iland called Caiama. The 20 Inhabitants of this Iland Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi. Here is a very great fall of Land water. Canuri lyeth in the Prouince of Morrequito. The Gouernour is called Wanuretona.

The Epuremians are richest in gold onely. These people called Epuremi haue many ene­mies, but three especially which are very strong: which are these; the Cassipagotos, Epari­gotos, and Arawagotos. Hee that will passe the Mountaines of Curaa shall finde store of gold; which is farre to the West.

The Riuer Arni runneth continually North, and so to the Riuer Cassipa, and from thence into Orenoco: neere vnto the Riuer Arui are two Riuers, the one is called Atoica, the other Caera: and also one branch which is called Caora. To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth Ri­uer, 30 which is called Casnero: it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia.

The first Riuer that falleth into Orenoco from the North, is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the Riuer Limo: to the West of it is the Riuer Paoo: and beyond that are the Ri­uers Caturi, and Voari; and another called Capuri, which is dangerous to enter. To the Westward of Capuri in the Prouince of Amapaia, is most vile, vnwholsome, and bad water to drinke: it is of a bad tawnie colour; it hath killed many a man, both Indians and others. They say this water commeth from Anebas.

On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco, as I haue heard by the Indians. The first place whereby they are to passe, is called Guicar: the second Goan [...]; and so to the Riuer of Papemena; which is the Riuer that runneth toward the Iland of the Amazones. Neere 40 vnto the Iland of the Amazones is the famous Iland of Athul.

The Riuer Ubra, beating to the West of Carthagena, beareth to the Southward of the Iland of the Amazones. This Riuer Vbra, if you stand to the South-west, leadeth to a part of Aro­maijo, which is called Eregoodawe. This Countrie of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous, and no­thing fruitfull: it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes. They haue Ginny wheat but no store, and very little Cassaui: Venison, Hogs, and Conies they haue in great abundance. The King or chiefe Gouernour of this Prouince or part of Aromaijo, which is called Eregoodawe, is one which beareth great sway in those parts, whose name is Oromona. But all are chiefly com­manded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito.

In mine vndertaking the discouerie of the North part of Orenoco, I was aduertised by cer­taine 50 Indian Pilots, that I should finde a perfect and readie way to goe to Peru. In which my trauell, I fell, by reason of a great storme, into a Riuer, which is called by the Indians Salma. This Riuer is not great: in three dayes I passed through this Riuer, and entred into the Riuer Riuer Salma. of Papemena. This Riuer of Papemena is more in my iudgement then fiue or sixe Leagues Papemena a great Riuer. broad.

North North-west of this Riuer is the Iland of the Amazones. But leauing that course, I came to the most sweete, pleasant, and temperate Iland which is called Athul. If I had had Athul, a most sweet & plea­sant Iland. companie to my liking, I could haue found in mine heart to haue stayed there and spent my life. Athul is not rich in mettals: but some stones I found in the fresh-water Riuers: for there are great store of fresh-water Riuers; and no want neither of Fish, Tortoyses (which the Indians 60 name Catsepames) Foules, nor other good things. It hath Wood great store, Fruites all the yeere in abundance, many good places to make a Towne if you will, Cotton, and Balsamum, Brasill, Lignum vitae, Cypresses, and many other sweete trees. The earth of this Iland doth pro­mise to the eye to be good, it is very sad, and much like to Oare, which I found in diuers pla­ces. [Page 1249] I cannot report of the goodnesse of the stones, because my knowledge in them is no­thing. Athul is not inhabited by any. The Iland is small, and for feare of the Caribes, there is no body.

I returned from this good Iland Athul toward the Riuer of Orenoco, because I found my la­bour He returneth from Athul. was lost: For to finde the way to Peru that way was impossible. And to make my iour­ney the shorter, I returned by the Riuer Papemena, but left the Riuer of Salma cleane, and Papemena. came my directest way to Orenoco: which mine Indian Pilots held to bee through the Riuer of Limo; and so I came into the Riuer of Orenoco. Then I went from Orenoco, and held my course Limo. Orenoco. altogether Westerly: because I found the West most rich; although it was most dangerous to trauaile thither, I meane farre into the Countrie, by reason of the Epuremi, which liue con­tinually 10 in armes, and hold warres against many Nations, but against three Nations especial­ly. These are, as I wrote before, the Cassipagotos, the Eparigotos, and the Arawagotos. My desire was to goe to Curaa; and from Orenoco I first entred into the Riuer of Cosnero, and so Cosnero Riuer. Amapaia. coasted to Amapaia, where is the bad tawnie water, which before I mentioned: from thence I went to the Riuer Paoo; and within sixe weekes after I departed out of the Riuer of Orenoco Paoo Riuer. The rich coun­trie of Curaa six weekes tra­uell from Ore­noco. Manoa. Gold in abun­dance. Gold in grains found in Ri­uers. Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land, keepers of gold. Tulahe. Bad pearles. Top asses. Camalaha, Women-Faire and yet no fair women. Eight women for a halfe-pe­ny knife. Tar or Taroo, an Iland. I came to the rich Countrie of Curaa.

The Countrie of Curaa is in the Prouince of Guiana, or Manoa, where are the mynes of white stone; in which mynes is much naturall and fine gold, which the Indians call Callicurij. The gold in this place, I say in Manoa, or Guiana, runneth betweene the stones like veines; of which gold I had some store: but now the Spaniard is the better for it. In Curaa is also gold 20 in small graines, which lye in the sands in the little Riuers or Brookes. I alwayes tooke those graines for the finest gold. In these Riuers where gold lyeth, are many Aligattos or Crocodiles. I heard by the Nation of the Tiuitiuans, that a place called Tulahe, had many good things in it: but I found it nothing so. Some bad fresh-water pearles I found there: which were nothing round, Orient, nor very great. I brought of them with me to the Spaniards; and they said they were no Pearles, but Topasses.

Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certaine times, in the manner of a Faire. And there you shall buy colours, such as the Saluages paint themselues with. In this Faire, which is called Camalaha, which is to the South of Orenoco, I bought eight young Wo­men, the eldest whereof I thinke neuer saw eighteene yeeres, for one red-hafted knife 30 which in England cost mee one halfe-peny. I gaue these Women away to certaine Saluages which were my friends, at the request of Warituc the Kings Daughter of Murrequito.

Tar or Taroo is an Iland, which is to the South South-west of Orenoco. To which place I went, because they said there was neuer any that inhabited in this Iland, but that it was in the manner of a bayting place for the Caribes, when they had stollen people, which they meant to eate. One Captaine Caramatoij was my guide to this place: whither we went some­what strong, with intent, if wee could finde any Caribes on this Iland, to kill them; but wee found none. Many houses wee found there couered with straw, which wee set on fire. And there I found close by the water side, going about the Iland, which was but small, many stones of diuers colours. 40

To the West of this Riuer and Iland, which is called Tar or Taroo, is a Riuer, which is called Habuc: There are about this Riuer in most places eight, ten, seuenteene, and thirtie Habuc a Riuer. fathomes water. This Riuer of Habuc commeth from the Sea. The entrance of this Riuer at the mouth is barred; but at a full Sea you shall haue fourteene and fifteene foot water; but in the Channell in which the Canoas enter, which is but narrow; there is more then sixe fa­thoms: but I doubt that ships cannot enter there. This Riuer Habuc is the best and surest har­bour Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco. Europa Riuer. that I could finde for our ships, and freest from the danger of the enemie; and is not full eight dayes iourney from Orenoco.

The Riuer Europa lyeth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad: you may, as I certainly know, going some twentie leagues in the Riuer of great Amana, discouer the great and high Mountaine which is called Oecopa: being there you shall plainly see the Playnes or Oecopa Moun­taine. 50 Downes of Samia; through which Playnes you may safely march ouer the Land within ten or twelue leagues of Cumana, or to the Caracas.

From Orenoco also it is very easie to goe to the Towne of Santo Domingo, which beareth Santo Domingo. North North-west directly: but you must passe of force the Riuer Amapaia, leauing the Iland Amapaia Riuer. Amazones I­land. called Amazones South: and beare your course as neere as you can North-west, or North North-west. By this course you shall passe and escape the force and danger of the Towne, and land some sixe dayes iourney from Santo Domingo.

The Riuer Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco. To goe into this Riuer, which is little worth, Wiaumli Riuer. Maccah Riuer. Woripur. Carrabouca. Guiana or Manoa. you may goe in the Land till you come to another small Riuer, which is called Maccah: dire­cting 60 your course South, you shall within two dayes, if your Canoa bee good, enter the Ri­uer of Wiaumli. The Land taketh the name of the Riuer. The Gouernours name is Woripur Wor­rok Halaha. Carrabouca is in the firme Land of the great Iland, called Murrequito: it is the common trade to goe to the rich Guiana or Manoa.

[Page 1250] Drano is a faire Riuer, but it is dangerous to goe farre in it, by reason it lyeth due South-east from Orenoco: and the Southermost part of the Moores of Anebas is very low, so that the tanie Drano Riuer. waters issue in great abundance into this Riuer of Drano. The danger for entring this Riuer is nothing, but the doubt is onely of the bad water, and most terrible dewes which fall from the A [...]bas Moores. Moores, which are vnhealthfull, and kill the Indians daily; for that continually when they tra­uell Vnhealthfull dewes. they lie in the open aire.

The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria. There is a small Riuer, which lyeth farre East in Emeria, and beareth North North-west. Through this Riuer called Capurisol is a sure, a Emeria. perfect, and most safe way to goe to Peru: but the iourney will aske eight or ten weekes to fi­nish it. Through these Riuers of force wee must passe with Canoas or Ship-boats, or such like: 10 for there is alway very little water.

The Riuer of Capurisol lyeth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctiall Line. But the North starre keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces. In this Capurisol Riuer. Riuer is still a fine small brise of winde, which lightly bloweth at West: but at noone you shall hardly finde any winde.

CHAP. XII.

Captaine CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and 20 plantation there.

THe one and twentieth of March, 1604. Captaine Charles Leigh in the Oliue Plant, a proper Barke of some fiftie Tunnes accompanied with six and fortie men and boyes, departed from Wolwich with intention to discouer and inhabit some part of the Countrie of Guiana, where he had beene in a former voyage, they stayed in the Downes vntill the eight and twentieth of the said moneth, and passing thence they touched in the Ile of Mogador on the coast of Barbarie in the moneth of Aprill, where we stayed about some fiue dayes, and watered on the mayne land in despite of the rebell Moores, which would haue had money for our watering. Thence with prosperous Canoa of wa­ter. 30 winde coasting the Iles of Cape Verde, we passed ouer to the West Indies, and vpon the tenth of May comming in change of water, which shewed thicke and white, by the next day we were in fresh water, and the next day following about fiue in the morning wee saw two Ilands in the mouth of the Riuer of Amazones, making account that we were fortie leagues vp the Riuer, and Riuer of Ama­zones. came to an anchor in three fathoms vnder them, which wee found low land couered with high Trees. Then the Captaine with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shoare, and finding many Indians comming toward them they returned aboard, and found the ship al­most aground, but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channell which they found ve­ry narrow.

Within awhile after foure Indians in a small Canoa shewed themselues vnto vs, to whom we 40 sent our Boat with some of our commodities, as Hatchets, Kniues, Glasses, Beades, they had no­thing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots, for which we gaue them some of our triffles. Not long after another Canoa comming out, our Boat clapt betweene them and the shoare to take some of them, to learne the state of the Riuer by them, but they freed themselues all saue one youth, which was brought aboard, which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelue leagues as we iudged from land. Thus we tooke our leaue of the Riuer of Amazones, and hauing vncertaine shoaldings all the way in our way, about ten a clocke in the night wee strooke vpon a sand before we could let fall our anchor, where wee beat off a piece of our false keele, before wee could get off. Being gotten off, wee came to an anchor in foure fathom and a halfe water, and rode there vntill the next morning, where wee descryed the land sixe leagues from vs with 50 the entrance of a Riuer:

The two and twentieth of May, wee arriued in the Riuer of Wiapogo, in the latitude of three degrees and a halfe to the North of the Line, where wee found the people readie to giue vs the Riuer Wiapogo. best entertainment they could, bringing vs Hony, Pines, Plantons, Potatoes, Cassaui (whereof they make their bread and wine) Fish of many sorts, Hennes, Conies, Hogs, and such like. This day he tooke an oath of all his people to be true to him as long as he abode in the Countrie. Then after diuers conferences with the chiefe Indians, and namely with two of their Countrie, which had beene before in England, and could speake some English, he found them very willing to haue him and his people abide in their Countrie: who pretending want of many necessaries, whereof indeed he stood in need, and especially of victuals, hee went vp the Riuer in his Boat with some 60 fourteene men to take perfect view of a fit place to inhabit in, and to sound the depth of the Riuer as they went. At his returne he caused his ship to be brought vp hard vnto the falls of the Riuer: but after they had stayed there one day, finding sundrie inconueniences, they came backe The Falls. againe to their first road; with a determination to plant and seate themselues vpon the first [Page 1251] Mount or high ground, at the entrance of the North side of the Riuer. But the Iayos and Sapayos seeing him and his company come downe the Riuer againe, entreated him earnestly to stay a­mong them, offering him their owne dwelling Houses and Gardens alreadie planted to their hands, whereof he accepted: to wit, of two Houses and of as many Gardens as they thought conuenient to serue his turne, with condition that he should ayde and defend them against their enemies the Caribes and others. Hereupon they made a great Feast, desiring our Captaine to bee at it, and they demand of their generalitie of the staying of our men in the Countrey or no. Whereunto they gaue their free consent, and desired him withall to send into England, for men They desire to learne religion to teach them to pray. This done, the next day he brought all his furniture on shoare, and be­stowed it in the aforesaid houses. And for the better assurance of the performance of the Saluages promise, he demanded pledges of them to be sent into England: whereunto they willingly con­descended: 10 which where in number fiue, whereof two were of good account. Hee retayned thirtie fiue Englishmen and Boyes with him, sending the rest home in Iune, with the fiue Salua­ges which were plentifully furnished with their Country victuals, with Letters to the right Wor­shipfull Sir Olaue Leigh his brother, of his successe and desire to supply his wants, which he most kindly twice supplied to his great charge, within short time after.

The Caribes in eight warlike Canowes came to surprize them as farre as the Mount Comaribo: Caribes. whereof the Indians being aduertised by our fishers, desired Captaine Leigh to aide them: which he did with some foure and twentie of his men in eight Canowes. But the battell being begun after they had heard the sound of our Trumpet and Musket, they fled to Sea-ward, our Canowes chasing them: but the enemy being swifter escaped with casting of one of their Canowes which 20 are able to carry twentie men and victuals for ten dayes, which Canowe they brought home.

Within a sennight after our Captaines returne, hee made a Voyage in an Indian Canowe ha­uing A Canowe ta­ken. R. Aracawa. Indians to rowe him, accompanied only with Thomas Richardson, his Refiner of Metals, and Iohn Burt his Chirurgion 90. miles by water vp the Riuer of Aracawa, to a Nation called the Maurauuas, where he traded for Tabacco and Cotton yarne, and Cotton-wooll. There he left his Chirurgian being sicke, and with his Refiner and three Indians (whereof one William was his Interpretour) went vp to a Nation called Marraias the space of thirtie miles, where they pas­sed thorough a goodly Plaine foure miles broad of much stonie ground, wherein they saw Deere. At length meeting with the people, they were kindly entertayned and fed with such as they had; as dried Tygres flesh, dried Hogges flesh, and small fish. Then after some discourse, they 30 enquired for Gold shewing a Ring. An old man spake vnto him and pointed vp into the Coun­trey, and the Captaine asking the Interpreter what he said, he told him that he said there was no such that way. The Captaine perceiuing the falshood of his Interpretor would goe no further, and so returned home, where he found vs for the most part sicke, and the Indians not so kind vn­to vs as they had promised: which he much maruelled and grieued at.

Within three dayes after his returne, his shipwright Richard Haward died before hee could make an end of his shallop. And in September our Captaine himselfe began to droope, partly of griefe to see the weake estate of his people, and the ill performance of the Indians promises: yet neuerthelesse he ceased not to take order for the Indians bringing in of victuals and such Mer­chandize as could be gotten, as Waxe, fine white long Feathers, Flaxe, Tabacco, Parrots, Mon­keyes, The Commo­dities of the Countrey. 40 greene and blacke, Cotton-yarne and Cotton-wooll, sweet Gummes, red Pepper, Vra­po, and Apriepo woods, Spleene stones, matiate stones, Roots and Berries, which we thought to be medicinable, Anato a Berrie or Cod, such as the Indians paint themselues red withall mingled with Oyle, Vrapo which is the heauie wood whereof they make their Swords and Bowes, A­priepo, a wood that the Frenchmen and Hollanders fetch away, a wood which they call Ayard, which they kill fish withall.

The fishers beate this wood with another piece of wood, till it shiuer into flakes, which smel­leth exceeding strong like Garlicke, wherewith in sundry places of the creekes going in accor­ding Strange fishing. to the depth of the water, they beate it vp and downe often in the Riuer, which the fish tasting, are intoxicated, and so distempered with all, that they flote and tumble vpon the vpper 50 part of the water, and then with Bats and Poles they knocke them on the heads. Their bread they make of Cassauia, a white Roble commonly a span long, and almost so thicke, which the women grate in an earthen panne against certaine grates of stone, and grate three or foure bus­shels Cassaui [...] in a day: The iuyce thereof they crush out most carefully beeing ranke poyson raw, in a hose of withe, which they hang vp vpon an hooke, and afterward with a weightie logge which they hang at the other end they squeeze out the water into an earthen pan or piece of a Gourd, The iuice. and then seethe the same iuice with their red Pepper whereby it becommeth holesome, and if they will haue it sweete, they will seethe it but ordinary, if they will haue it sowre, they will seethe it extraordinarily, and vse it in manner of sawce, and when they be sicke they eat the same 60 and bread only. The women also make drinke of this Cassaua bread, which in their Language they call Arepapa, by baking of it blacke, dry, and thinne, then chewing it in their mouthes, they put it into earthen pots narrow in the bottome and broad aboue, contayning some a Fir­kin, some a Kilderkin, some a Barrell, set in a small hole in the ground, with fire about them. [Page 1252] Being well sod, they put it out into great Iarres of Earth with narrow neckes, and there it will wo [...]ke a day and a night, and keepe it foure or fiue dayes till it be stale, and then gathering toge­ther an hundred and more, they giue themselues to piping, dancing and drinking. They make drinke also of Cassaua vnchewed, which is small and ordinary in their houses. They vse also to make drinke of Potatos which they paire and stampe in a Morter being sod, then putting water to it, drinke it.

Before and after the sicknesse of our Captaine, many of our men fell sicke, some of Agues, some of Floxes, some of giddinesse in their heads, whereby they would often fall downe: which grew Sicknesse. chiefly of the excessiue heate of the Sunne in the day, and of the extreame dampe of the earth, which would so moysten our Hamackas, or Cotton beds, wherein wee lay a yard from the The cause. 10 ground, that we were faine to imitate the Indians in making fires on both sides vnder them. And for all that we could doe, some nine of our company were dead before our ships arriuall. Besides The remedie. we were mightily vexed with a kinde of Worme, which at first was like to a Flea, and would creepe into the feet especially, and vnder the nayles, and would exceedingly torment vs, the Ni [...] little. [...]mes, great torture. time it was in, and more in the pulling out with a Pinne or needle, if they were few. But one of our men hauing his feete ouer-growne with them, for want of hose and shooes, was faine to submit himselfe to the Indians cure, who tying one of his legges first with his feete vpward, powred hot melted Waxe which is blacke vpon it, and letting it lye vpon it till it was through­ly cold, they forcibly pulled it off; and therewithall the Wormes came out sticking in the same, seuen or eight hundred in number. This man was named Iohn Nettleton a Dier of London, which Terrible cure. 20 afterward was drowned.

In the middest of all these extremities our Captaines Interpretor which hee had threatned for his false demeanour in his Voyage to the Marraios before mentioned, gaue counsell to his Master named Anaccauri, an ancient Captaine among them, to make a motion among the Indians at their next meeting to say, it is the best way for vs now to make an end of them while they are sicke either by staruing or otherwise. For when the ship commeth, hee will kill vs for keeping him without victuals now. This motion being made at their meeting, which was in Carisaua his Trecherie of a S [...]e. house, and among his and Martins kinred, (which then remayned pledges for our mens safetie in England) their wiues hearing the Interpretors Master Anaccauri broaching this matter ranne fu­riously vpon him and tare his clothes such as hee wore from him, and mightily beate him, the 30 other of their kindred, keeping those Indians off from the women, which would haue taken his part.

Some of our owne men lying at the next house where this was done, inquired of an Indian which owed this Anaccauri a grudge, what the cause was of the said tumult: who imparted the whole truth vnto them. Our men comming suddenly to the Captaine, acquainted him with the whole matter: who suddenly bethought himselfe and sent for all his men that were neere him; and for Eperiago and Pluainma an Indian that had beene in England: which were two of the chiefest, and caused him to send for his trayterous Interpretor, which came bringing Hens, drinke and bread: Assoone as he came, shewing what hee had heard, requiring them to declare what wrong he had done them. Who answered, none. Then said he, this fellow, meaning the 40 Interpretor hath sought my life; and therewith commanded his men to bind him hand and foot, which done, he dismissed them, desiring them to returne the next morning. In the meane time he caused his Prisoner to send for a Canowe to fetch three of his men. which were vp in the Ri­uer, who immediately did so. Now hauing all his men together, hee caused them to haue all their Furniture readie: appointing one William Blake to see the same diligently fulfilled, the watch carefully to be kept in the night, and two to ward at the doores all day with their Fur­niture, to take the Indians weapons out of their hands at their comming in at the doore.

This being ordayned, the Indians came the next day, to whome the Captaine said, In regard that I haue beene so carefull to punish the wrongs done vnto you, I would haue you readie to re­uenge the wrongs done vnto mee, who seemed very vnwilling to doe any farther Iustice, estee­ming 50 his binding a sufficient punishment. At the which the Captaine beeing very much vexed, commanded the two foresaid Indian Captaines to depart, charging them to send him in, fish and other victuals for his company. In the meane time he and the chiefe of his men, consulting what course to take with the Malefactor, they thought it best that hee should lye so bound vntill the next day being the third of his bondage, and to send for the chiefe of the Indians, and vpon con­fession of his fault, and crauing pardon thereof, to be dismissed before them.

Captaine Charles Leighs Letter to Sir Olaue Leigh 60 his Brother.

MOst louing Brother, I did write vnto you from Muggador, where I stayed vntill the ninet [...]enth of Aprill, and on the fourteenth of May I had first sight of Guiana, in the mouth of the Riuer A­mazones, [Page 1253] The two and twentieth, I arriued (praysed be God) in safetie in the Riuer Caroleigh, hereto­fore called Wyapoco, and the same day, I tooke possession of the Countrey in sight of the Indians. The Indians which doe inhabit this Riuer are about one thousand fiue hundred men, women, and children, and they are of three Nations, viz. Yaioas, Arwarkas, and Sapayoas, which beeing chased from other Riuers, by the Caribes haue combined themselues together in this place for their better defence, and are now at deadly warres with the Caribes. After that I had stored my selfe with Bread and Roots sufficient vntill the Earth with Gods prouidence might yeeld me supply, I did then send for the chiefe Captaine of the Yayoas aboord, whom with gifts and good vsage, I easily entreated to stay aboord my ship vntill such time as by his meanes I was prouided with all kind of Plants, which their Gardens doe affoord, yet all this while he knew not my purpose. The day before I purposed to make my intent knowne, their came ano­ther chiefe Captaine of the Yayoas aboord to dine with me, who together with the former after Dinner 10 desired to speake with me, whereupon I sent for an Indian who had beene in England, to bee Interpreter, and tooke them into my Cabbin. The two Captaines told a long Storie of the wrongs the Caribes had done them, how they had driuen them from their ancient dwellings in other Riuers, killed many of their friends, carried their women and children away Captiues, and hurt many of their men, and thereupon they called one of their men to shew me how he was lately hurt in three places with their Arrowes, to con­clude, they told me, how they purposed the next Moone to goe against the Caribes, with twentie Canoas, and earnestly entreated me if I stayed so long to goe with them to their Warres. Vpon this good occasion, I told them that I purposed to stay in the Countrey, seuen or eight moneths, to seeke out and make triall of Mynes. And in the meane time that I purposed to build Houses ashoare at the head of the Riuer, and there to plant Gardens, that my men might haue victuals of their owne labours, which done, I would 20 build a shallop, and send twentie men in her with them to fight against the Caribes, withall this they see­med wonderfull well content, and thereupon they promised Indians to helpe mee to build and to plant, and the chiefe Captaine promised himselfe to goe vp with me. The next day being the third of May, I set sayle from the mouth of Caroleigh, and cast Anchor in a Bay vnder Mount Oliphe, where I purpo­sed to plant, and make my habitation: but my men discomforted with the sight of the Woodes which they were to fell, grew generally discontented, and omitted no practices to ouerthrow the Voyage, being sub­orned vnder hand, by my vnfaithfull Seruant, the Master, his lewd consorts he brought with him, being the only publike maintayners of the mutenie. How I haue beene troubled with him and his consorts, (who intending spoyle and purchase in the West Indies) haue from the beginning sought the ouerthrow of this Voyage, this Bearer can certifie you at large. And vndoubtedly hee made full account with his head­strong 30 companions at such a time to haue commanded the ship at his pleasure. To conclude, amongst o­ther their practices, they so consumed the victuals which should haue mayntained vs vntill the earth had yeelded supply as that in sixe dayes, our Potatoes which should haue lasted vs two monethes, were wholly spent hereupon being farre distant from the Indians, who inhabit at the mouth of the Riuer, fortie miles from the falls, and it being very doubtfull, how wee should bee furnished with victuals from them in our extremitie, I gaue consent that the ship should returne to the mouth of the Riuer, with this condition: that after I had refurnished them with victuals and other things sufficient that then they should plant vp­on Mount Huntlay, two leagues to the West of Caroleigh: which being neere the Indians, and betweene them and their enemies they would be readie and willing to furnish vs with victuals, vpon any extremitie, to which condition they generally consented, that place being first motioned by some of them. The shippe 40 being returned, they had then brought mutinie to such a head, as that to my face, they stood in defiance of the Voyage, and told me plainly they would not stay doe what I would or could, I vrged them with their promise to plant on Mount Huntly, one of them who seemed most forward of all men to yeeld to that motion: answered that he promised in policie, to draw me from Mount Oliphe. But in the end it plea­sed God, what by faire meanes and what by foule, I brought them all to consent to stay one whole yeere, thorow all extremities, if it were possible to make a full triall both of people and Countrey, and to plant vpon Mount Huntley, according to their promise. This agreed vpon, I went ashoare to the Indians, to prouide victuals, and other necessaires for our Plantation, who being exceeding glad of my returne; of­fered me to choose the best of their houses and gardens, to dwell amongst them. For they were very vn­willing that I should goe to any other place, to conclude, iudging their offers by many likelihoods, to be with­out 50 deceit, I resolued to abide with them vpon this condition: that they should send foure principall In­dians for England as pledges, for our safetie with them whereunto they willingly condescended, and if I would, I might haue twentie. For they make daily suite to me to goe for England. Beeing in conference with an assembly of two or three hundred, purposely met to craue my abode amongst them, and demanding of them vowes and protestations, according to the custome of all people, for the more securitie of our peace and amity: their answere was that they knew not how to make vowes and protestations, and therefore ge­nerally they desired (sundry of their Captaines speaking it together, with a low and humble voice) that I would bring them men to teach them to pray. Which motion of theirs, proceeding from themselues and in that humble manner, strooke me I assure you into an admiration of ioy, to thinke that it hath pleased Al­mightie God after so many dangers heretofore, and troubles in the Voyage, to preserue me to be a meanes 60 to this simple-hearted people of the knowledge of Christ. Vndoubtedly, it was the wonderfull worke of Gods Spirit in them, where at all Christian hearts ought to reioyce. And I am perswaded, the like in­stance hath neuer beene before by any people in the World: I beseech Almightie God to giue a blessed and to this hopefull beginning.

[Page 1254] The foureteenth of Iune, concluding with the Indians vpon sundry conditions, I purchased of them the same day for a few Hatchets, Houses and Gardens planted with Cassaua, and Potatoes sufficient for all my company: the scituation of our Houses is in the pleasantest and most fruitfull place of all their ha­bitations. And because it is a small Village of six or seuen houses; and the first place of our setled aboade I haue named it Principium: the Hill on which it standeth being part of the Mountaine on the West side of the entrance of the Riuer, I haue named Mount Howard, to honour the remembrance of my Lord Admirall, of whom heretofore I haue receiued many fauours: on the East side of the entrance of Caro Leigph, lieth the Riuer O [...]iuoleighe heretofore called Arrikowarye: and on the West side of Mount Howard runneth the Riuer Iotrameleighe, by the Indians called Wanarie. The commodi­ties which this Countrie doth yeelde, and through industrie will abound in, are these; Sugar Canes, Cot­ten 10 and fine Flaxe; also it would yeelde great store of long Pepper, if there might be vent for it in Eng­land: here is sundry sorts of Gummes, of Woods, and of Dies, which I hope will proue good commodi­ties, of all which I haue sent you samples by Master Huntlie, especially one sort of Gumme, which I am perswaded will proue very rich. Also I haue sent vnto you a peece of a Stone taken out of a Manuate or Sea Cowe. I am giuen to vnderstand that a little thereof beaten into powder, and drunke in Wine or Ale, will in few houres cure any man that is troubled with the Stone, they say it dissolueth it instantly. I doubt not but to get a dosen of them before this time twelue moneths: my refiner hath made triall of sun­drie Minerals, but cannot yet finde any Mettals. At my arriuall here I found a Dutch Shippe, and sithence here hath arriued another, they buye vp all the Flaxe they can get, and pay so deere that I can get none; they haue not gotten so little I thinke as ten tunnes of Flaxe within these two moneths. 20

I doubt not but I shall be able to returne a Shippe laden with Flaxe and other commodities the next yeare; the Flaxe yeeldeth a wonderfull encrease, and will grow any where, but especially in low moorish grounds: the Indians report that the Roote yeeldeth increase euery moneth, and euerie yeelde may be some foure ounces, by this accompt an acre of ground planted with these rootes, and distant three foote a sunder, will yeelde 17280. li. euerie yeare, which amounteth at sixe pence the pound to 432. li. I doubt this will not proue answerable to their reports, but I verily beleeue it will yeelde halfe the encrease they speake of the Dutch men haue reported that it is worth in Holland but six pence the pound, but they confesse that Holland will vent 500. tunne thereof. Some of the Dutch men haue reported that it is worth in Hol­land sixteene pence the pound, which I rather beleeue, for my Weuers tell me that they will warrant it to dresse exceeding well, and then it must needes be excellent fine grounds for any stuffe; for Cotten here is 30 little, not worth the speaking of, yet the Countrie will yeelde abundance, and in sixe weekes the seede will yeelde Cotten, and it beareth continually and plentifully. I pray you sir send me more Weauers, for I know not how to get any thing spunne for them, for the women here are put to that extreame labour, that they haue no time to spinne, for they onely fetch water, cut wood to burne, and bring it home vpon their backes, they gather all their rootes and bring them out of their Gardens, they make all their Bread which is ve­rie laboursome, they dresse all the victuals, make all the drinke, attend vpon the men while they are at meate, and besides, they dresse vp their houses in their kinde, and nurse their owne children: so as they are alwayes toiled with labour, and haue little or no time to spinne. For Sugar Canes the world doth not yeelde better soyle for their encrease, and whereas in Barbarie it is fifteene or sixteene moneths before they come to perfection, here they grow vp in ten moneths. And in Barbarie they are planted onely in 40 two Uallies, where they are watered euery weeke, but here they grow vpon the Mountaines, and neuer watered but with raine onely. A few yeares I doubt not will afford plentie of Sugars, if wee shall haue meanes to make them. My loose commodities, as Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, Looking-glasses, &c. are almost all gone; a great part in buying of victuals, but the most part to stoppe the mouthes of my Muti­nors and monstrous Sailours; to whom also I haue promised two third parts of my Iron.

Now for the prosecuting of this voyage, in such sort as that we be not preuented by the Spaniard nor any other Nation; I would entreate you with as much speede as possibly you can to send me a supply of one hundred men at least, to abide here, all labouring men and Gardners, for such are the fittest here for a time, with a few Carpenters; and with them three or foure good peeces of Ordnance with shot and powder: also fiftie Caliuers for the men that stay here: if you can send these men in two Shippes, I doubt not but to 50 lade one of them backe in three moneths after arriuall, and the other which I wish may be the Oliue plant, I would keepe here and fit her for a Frigot to keepe and command the Riuer. I haue written to my brother Iohn Leighe to deliuer vnto you such monies as he hath receiued of Gifford, who I hope hath ere this time paid his debts. I hope you shall get store of voluntarie men to ease the charge of the Uoyage, and looke what you shall disburse in my behalfe for the accomplishment of the Uoyage, I will, God willing, see you honestly paid with aduantage; or else if it please you to put it in aduenture, it shall be accomplished in any sort to your owne desir [...]. As I doubt not of your loue and forwardnesse, especially in so good an action so also I make no question, but this Countrie will in few years yeelde you satisfaction beyond your expectation. If my wife haue not alreadie attained her suite of the Kings Maiestie, I hope she will the sooner speede vp­on this newes, which if she doe, my desire is, that all shall be imployed vpon these proceedings; and to that 60 effect I haue written to her. I haue written a Letter to the Kings Maiestie; another to the Lords of the Counsell, and one to m [...] Lord Admirall.

The bearer hereof, Captaine Huntlie is the worthiest yong Gentleman that euer went to Sea, vpon any dangerous enterprize, he was neuer dismaid, neither with extreame dangers at Sea, nor with all the Mu­tinies [Page 1255] aboord, which had beene able to haue discouraged an old experienced Souldier; besides, I found him alwaies a most true, faithfull, and loyall friend, and therefore I pray accompt him for a right honest man, I have made him my Lieftenant generall of these Countries during life, and therefore I pray let him re­turne chiefe commander in the first supply. I would pray you also to procure to come with him some honest and discreete men whom I might relie vpon as trustie friends, and vse as companions both for aduise and societie, for I am now very vncomfortably matched, hauing no worldly strength to trust vpon but my selfe onely. I haue sent vnto you foure Indians, principall men in their Countrie, which were deliuered vnto me as pledges of our safeties here and they are to returne again the first, but I thinke some of them will be more willing to stay longer. The English man which was left here by Captaine Lea, is dead, I pray you pro­cure Captaine Le [...]. Sir Walter Rawleighes Indian or my Lord Admirals, for I want an Interpreter exceedingly, here 10 is but one, and he vnderstandeth but little to any purpose. I pray forget not to send Preachers, sober and discreete men, and such as are well perswaded of the Church gouernment in England, &c. From Prin­cipium, or Mount Howard this second of Iuly 1604.

CHAP. XIII.

A true Relation of the traiterous massacre of the most part of threescore and seuen English men, set on land out of a Ship of Sir Oliph Leagh, bound for Guiana, in Santa Lucia an Iland of the West Indie, the three and 20 twentieth of August, written by IOHN NICOL.

SIr Oliph Leagh, a worshipfull Knight of Kent, sending a supply of good numbers of men in a Ship called the Oliph blossome to his brother Master Charles Leigh, which was planted in the Riuer of Wiapogo, within three degrees and an halfe Northward of the Equinoctiall line in the West Indies, which departed from Wolwich the foureteenth of Aprill 1605. vnder the conduct of Captaine Cata­line, and Captaine Nicholas Sainct Iohn, I being desirous to see the world, con­sorted my selfe with that co [...]pany. But by contrary windes and vnknowne currents of the 30 Sea, and the vnskilfulnesse of our Master Richard Chambers, wee were put to leeward of our port, without any hope of recouering the same in any due time: And being not victualled, as it Saint Barbudos. Sancta Lucia. Captaine Ni­ch. Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men. seemed for aboue foure or fiue moneths, after consultation had, we were faine to touch first at the Isle of Barbudos, and then at Santa Luzia in the West Indies. Where fearing to perish at Sea for hunger before we should be able being so many aboord to reach England; Captaine Nicolas Saint Iohn, with the rest of the passengers, which purposed to haue staied with Master Charles Leagh at Wiopogo in Guiana, resolued to stay and take their fortune in the aforesaid fruitfull Iland.

Thus sixtie seuen of vs at our owne seeking were left on shore in the aforesaid Iland of Santa Luzia the three and twentieth of August 1605. with our Swords, Muskets, and Powder, and one 40 Falcon, and one barill of Biscuit onely for all our food. The next day our Ship departed from vs with some discontentment, because we had seased vpon her Boate to serue our turnes. After our Shippe was departed from vs, we liued very peaceably, daily trading with the Indians for victu­als; which were Cassaui, Potatos, Plantans, Pinas, Popayes, Pompions, Calabassus, Tobacco, Pappies, Mammeyes, all very pleasant to eate. Also they brought vnto vs Hens and Guls, and some Pelicanes, Woodcocks, and Snipes: we our selues did kill with our Peeces many of them likewise. And euery night we sent out sixe vpon the sands to seeke for Tortoyses, whereof we neuer missed night without one or two, and many times three, which was the greatest suste­nance Tortoises. we found: for they are very large and great. I haue often taken out of one of them to the number of seuen hundred egges. Also the Indians had great store of Roan linnen cloathes, Serges, 50 and other Stuffes, and Spanish wollen cloath: and iarres of Oyle which they tooke and saued at Sea with their Periagnas. For three Spanish Shippes had beene there cast away a little before our arriuall, if we had had a Pinnesse there we could haue laden her with many good commodities, which they had hid in their houses in the woods. All which we could haue bought for Hatch­ets, Kniues, Beades, Thimbles, Fishhookes, and other such trifles.

Thus for the space of fiue or sixe weekes wee went not much abroad; till our Captaine seeing certaine foure square Plates, which the Indians ware on the small of their armes, asked Browne, a Gold finer, his opinion, what he thought of them? who told him, that three parts thereof was Shew of Gold. Gold. And asking the Indians where they got them, they pointed vnto an high Mountaine on 60 the North-west part of the Iland. This caused Captaine Nicholas Saint Iohn, and Iohn Rogers, who was our interpreter for the Spanish tongue, with as many of our chiefe men as could well goe in the Boate vpon a Munday to goe thither, promising his Brother Alexander Sainct Iohn, Master Garret, and Master Tench, whom he left to gouerne the rest at home, to returne the next Saturday. [Page 1256] The Indians for three dayes after did not come vnto vs with victuals, for they perceiued when the Boate went, and as we thinke, they were then at the slaughter of our men at the Moun­tayne. The Captaine and his men slaine. Indian trea­cherie. Vpon Thursday morning we killed two Tortoyses on the sands: where wee found a great company of the Indians gathered together, for what purpose we knew not: And lest wee should suspect them of any bad intent towards vs, they willingly offered themselues to bring home our Tortoyses, which they tooke into their Periaguas, and brought them to our Houses.

All that forenoone wee kept good watch: for there were very many that came both by Sea and Land to the number of two or three hundred; and diuers of them were very merrie with vs, drinking of Tabacco and Aquauitae, vntill ten of the clocke, and then they departed all saue 10 one which was a Captaine of the Ile of Saint Vincent, called Augramert, and an old man which was his Father: who promised vs, if wee would goe to their houses, that wee should haue any thing that they had. For the day before I had beene at their houses with other two of my fel­lowes to haue bought victuals: yet they would not part with any, no not for any commoditie that wee had: and yet they had more store of victuals then euer I saw them haue before. But wee perceiued afterwad, that it was prouided for them, that came to take their parts against vs, whom they kept secret in the Woods. So we three returned, and trauelled farre into the Iland, and passed through sixe or seuen Gardens very full of Cassabe, Potatoes, and many other rootes Faire gardens. and fruits, and by the way saw many tall trees of so huge bignesse, that wee three could not at twice fathome one of them about; and they were so hard, that wee could not cut them with our Great Trees of hard wood. 20 Kniues, and the Barke of them was white like Ash. Then we returned to our Sconce againe.

Vpon Thursday after dinner, Master Alexander Saint Iohns, Master Francis Kettleby the el­der, Master William Tench, my selfe, and diuers others, to the number of eighteene, went with Augramert and his father, hauing neither Bowe nor Arrow, onely his father had a Brasill sword. They went thus meanly armed lest wee should suspect them. Augramert also promised Master Alexander Saint Iohn, that he should see his wife, and we should haue Hamaccos, which are In­dian Hamaca beds. beds of net-worke made of cotton yarne to lye in. So we trauelled along the Sands very se­curely, young Saint Iohn going a little space before playing and jesting with the Indian Captain, till they came within sight of their houses, where in the woods they had placed an ambush of three hundred Caribes: when suddenly Augramert tooke hold of his Rapier with the one hand Treacherous ambush. 30 and of his Poniard with the other, and the old man his father with his Brasill sword strooke him downe to the ground. Then out of the woods came the Arrowes so thicke about our eares, that wee had not the time to put our matches in our cocks. And many of our companie had their match to light, which gaue a great encouragement vnto the enemie; insomuch that we dischar­ged not sixe peeces against them, which caused diuers of our companie to flie into the Sea vp to their necks, and some along the sands as amazed, seeing such a huge companie against so small a number; vntill young Saint Iohn recouering againe, encouraged vs to make a stand at a point of Land which went corner wise into the Sea.

But all was in vaine: for before wee could make our peeces readie, there came another com­panie on the back of vs, and filled our bodies full with arrowes: and then wee betooke vs to our 40 swords and so runne through them: but still they encreased out of the woods, shooting their ar­rowes in great abundance, not daring to come neere vs vntill they saw vs fall; and then with their great Brasill swords they strooke out our mens braines. I my selfe being all this time run­ning with young Saint Iohn, and Master Kettleby, who behaued themselues most gallantly, ha­uing at the least one hundred arrowes a piece before they fell, came at the last into the entrance of a narrow path, where fiue of my fellowes were gotten before I came, and thinking to haue passed through, there was another ambush who killed them all. I onely with three arrowes in me, by running into the wood and swimming ouer a standing Lake escaped home, giuing them warning before they came to assault them: and vpon my comming they all came in sight vpon the Sands, whom we soone sent away by shooting off our great Peece, so they came not in three 50 dayes after.

Vpon Monday there came to the number of thirteene or fourteene hundreth both by Sea and Land, and there beset vs round, wee hauing nothing but our Chists to defend vs from their ar­rowes: thus for the space of seuen or eight dayes we fought with them, and of nineteene men which were left of all our companie, twelue were sore wounded with their arrowes. And the first day at twelue a clocke they shot fire in their arrowes and burned our houses, thinking then to haue entred in vpon vs, but with our Falcon wee droue them backe with most horrible cryes. After that our houses were burned, and all our Chists which before were our Fort, wee fortified our selues with the remnants of the stakes and thatch which we had saued from burning, setting them in the ground slopewise, couering it with sand and earth, which saued vs euer after from 60 their arrowes.

The next day after they all departed in their Periaguas. And the Lord seeing what need wee had of food, contrarie to our expectation, mooued the hearts of our very enemies to bring vs food. For when all the rest were out of sight, one returned very well prouided of victuall, and [Page 1257] three or foure comming out of their Piragua with asmuch as they were able to carry of Cassaui, Potatoes, and Plantans, cryed vnto vs to exchange with them, first holding vp their bowes and arrowes, and after laying them on the ground againe in signe of peace. Which wee perceiuing, sent out three likewise to bargaine without weapons, with Kniues and Beades, and other trifles: which traffick being done, they departed and we returned, giuing praise to God, for this mira­culous feeding of vs. For we had no meanes of our selues to get any food: for they had bereft vs of our Net, with which we had wont to catch as much fish of many sorts as would suffice vs for a whole day. Thus they continued daily for the space of seuen dayes; and then our victuals be­gan to faile againe, which caused vs to hold out a flagge of truce: which they perceiuing, came in peaceable manner vnto vs. 10

Then one Francis Brace, which could speake French, made them vnderstand that our desire was to giue them all that we had, if they would let vs haue a Piragua to carry vs away. Which one Captaine Antonie willingly consented vnto (contrarie to the will of his brother Augramert, Captaine of Saint Vincent) and the next day brought it, drawing it on shoare within the com­passe of our Fort; for which we gaue them Hatchets, Kniues, and Beades, vntill they were con­tented: and to please them the more, we gaue them euery one a Shouell or a Spade, wherewith they were fully contented, and so departed. Then with all speede we went all to worke, some vpon the Saile, which we made of very good Roan-cloth, and some to make the Mast; and eue­ry one did labour all he could to be readie against night. For Captaine Antonie, which was Cap­taine of Santa Lucia, told vs, that his brother Augramert would come the next day from Saint 20 Vincent with twelue Periaguas all laden with arrowes; whose words we alwayes found true.

Thus on a thursday, the sixe and twentieth of September, at one of the clocke after mid­night, hauing amongst vs all but one Barrico of fresh water to drinke, and one small Firkin of Rice, we embarked our selues being nineteene in the whole number, not one hauing skill in the Mariners art, and without Carde or Compasse to direct vs: wee sayled by the Sunne in the day­time, Blind hungrie voyage. and by the Starres in the night, going alwayes betwixt South-west and by West. The vi­ctuals that wee had were not sufficient to serue that companie for three dayes. For wee had not aboue twentie Biscuits, three Cassaui cakes, a dosen Plantans, and some thirtie Potatoes, and some foure or fiue gallons of water, and a little barrell halfe full of Rice. And as it pleased the Lord he had saued it vntill this our great necessitie, for the preseruation of our liues: for all our o­ther 30 victuall was gone in two dayes, and our water in three dayes. And then Master Garret gaue to euery two of vs a pottage dish of his Rice twice a day, which wee washed in salt water and so eate it raw. Thus we continued at Sea seeking for Land, for the space of ten dayes, where wee endured one great tempest, although to our great perill, looking alwayes when wee should A storme. be drenched. The raine which then fell, was vnto vs in the middest of our danger a great com­fort: for we saued it with great ioy, and dranke it, thanking God for that good refreshing; who likewise did send the very Fowles of the aire to feed vs. For being wearie of their flight they would rest them vpon the side of our Boat, so that we tooke them and dryed them in the Sunne with a little gun-powder, and eate them. Our Boats brimme was so neere the water, that eue­ry waue came ouer it, readie to sinke vs, but that foure of vs continually did lade the water forth 40 by courses. Now, on the tenth day one Thomas Morgan dyed, not being able to liue of that Thomas Mor­gan dyeth Land. small allowance, and at noone we threw him ouer board. Within an houre after it pleased God to glad vs (who were likewise readie to follow our fellow) with a ioyfull sight of Land, vnto the neerest part whereof we made as fast as we could.

But the winde being calme we were benighted before we could come to it. And so wanting the light of the day, we were vpon the shoare before wee were aware, and there split our Boat Boat split. to the middest, and all our men were turned out saue my selfe, which held the helme, thinking the next waue would set her off againe, not knowing her to be split. But the breach was so great that it turned me vnder, putting me in great danger to be grinded to pieces with her weight ly­ing vpon me against the great Rocks; yet at the last wee all recouered our selues, some sitting vpon the Rocks, others on the rootes of great Trees, thinking there to saue our selues vntill the 50 morning. William Picks, and my selfe, went and haled the Boat on shoare, which was split to the very middest, and so farre with our Swords we cut off, and put in an head in the middest, and fastened it with our Daggers, Kniues, and Bodkins; stopping all the leakes with our shirts, and sent fiue of our companie ouer to the mayne land; which were Miles Pet, William Picks, Francis Brace, William Kettleby, and William Butcher. They haled their Boat foure or fiue dayes along the shoare, crossing diuers Riuers with their Boat, being sometimes pursued by Alligatos or Crocodiles, and Sharkes.

God pittying their poore estate, guided them to a place, where they found a great earthen Iarre full of wheat flower set in a little Caue, which they boyled in the Iarre with fresh water, 60 and satisfied their hungrie appetites, with thanks vnto God for the same. And within two dayes after they met with three Spaniards, with halfe a dosen Indians and Negroes, trauelling Three Span [...] ­ards. from Caracas to Coro, driuing Horses and Mules laden with merchandise: who seeing their weaknesse for want of victuals, vnloded their Horses to feede on the grasse, while they refreshed [Page 1258] our hungrie men with plentie of their good cheere, and shewed themselues very courteous suffe­ring them to ride, and went themselues on foot two or three dayes, till they came to a Towne of ciuill Indians, called Tocoya, where they stayed to refresh them, for they were very weake, And there they let the Spaniards know in what miserable case they left vs in a desolate Iland; Miserable fa­mine. Vse of Ta­bacco. where we endured the greatest miserie, that euer men did with life. For wee continued fifteene dayes hauing no kinde of meat but Wilks, falt Water, and Tabacco; which did nothing at all nourish vs, yet neuerthelesse it tooke away the desire of hunger, and saued vs from eating one an­other. In those fifteene dayes fiue of our companie pined to death, because they could not take Tabacco; Iohn Parkins, Edward Greene, Thomas Siubbes, Andrew Swash, and an old man called Fiue died in the Iland. Iohn. By noting two or three of our men to die, we knew by those tokens when we drew neere 10 our death: which were these, first they would swell very bigge, and shortly after fall to the very bones, and wanting strength to hold vp their heads, they would fall downe, and droope into their bosomes, and in twelue houres after yeeld vp the Ghost.

At the fifteene dayes end, Francis Brace hauing more strength then the rest, guided the three Spaniards with sixe Indians to the Iland where we were, and they brought victuals with them: which when we had eaten had almost killed vs, by reason of the weaknesse of our stomacks, be­ing so farre spent that we could not digest it, although we fed thereof very sparingly. The next [...]ood almost kils aswell as penurie. Tocoya. day they carried vs to the mayne land, where wee had horses brought vs to carry vs: and the goods wee had they tooke all to the King of Spaines vse, and so conueyed vs to Tocoya; where wee which were weake remayned fifteene dayes, and those which were strong went with the 20 three Spaniards to Coro, which is some fiftie leagues from Tocoya: and at the fifteene dayes end, Co [...]o. one of the Spaniards, whose name was Sennor Coraianal, came for vs with horses, who shewed Kind Spaniards himselfe as carefull of vs, as if we had beene his owne Countrimen and friends, and brought vs to Coro to our fellowes: where we were brought before the Gouernour; and by a Flemming which Good Flem­ming. could speake a little English, which had beene a prisoner there sixteene yeeres, we were examined of the cause of our comming thither; who excused vs very well. For hee knew, that if we had confessed whether we were determined to goe, they would haue either put vs to death, or con­demned vs to the Gallies. But he told them, that we neuer purposed to come thither, but were by misfortune and tempest of winde and weather driuen on that Coast, and told them of all the dangers which we had endured, which draue them into such great admiration, that some said, 30 verily wee were Deuils and not Men: others, that we deserued to bee canonized, but that wee were Lutherans.

All the chiefe Sennors of the Towne beeing there, euery man was desirous to take one of vs. After we were deuided among them, they did not vse vs like prisoners, but were as carefull of vs as of their owne children, not suffering vs to want any thing necessarie for the procuring of our Spanish gentle­nesse. healths. My lot fell out to bee entertained by one whose name was Sentor Francisco Lopez: and being extreamely sicke of a Calenture, or hot Feuer, one Captaine Peroso which had married his daughter hauing good skill in Phisicke, came daily to my Chamber, and there let me bloud, die­ted me, and purged me, giuing his owne Wife in charge, not to let me want any thing that was there to be had. Thus by the will of God, and their tender care ouer vs, wee recouered our 40 healths and strengths againe; only two dyed there, which were Thomas Fletcher. and Fulke Iones a shoomaker. In Coro eleuen of vs remayned aliue (being all that were left of sixtie seuen, which were put on shore in the Iland of Santa Luzia) for the space of fiue moneths, euery day going to Two more dic. one another when wee pleased: and wee rid often into the Countrey, where the Indians tooke great delight in our company. For against our comming, they would prouide all kind of delicious fruits: which were in most abundance in that Countrey, and would kill Deere and wild Hogs for vs; and would bring vs Apes, Monkeyes, Parrots, and any thing that they thought wee Commodities of the Coun­trey. delighted in.

The Countrey about Coro doth yeeld abundance of Sugar, Honey, Ginger, and Pitch. Also they haue very good Wheate growing there: but the bread is for the most part made of Maiz, 50 whereof they haue great plentie, for they reape it three times in one yeere. This Maiz they do mingle with the iuyce of the Sugar-cane, which maketh an excellent kinde of bread, and it will keepe like Bisket. Also they make their drinke of this Maiz and of Potatoes; which is very Drinke made of Maiz. sweet and strong: for the Indians will be quickly drunke with it. While we were there, a Spa­niard rode to a Farme of his in the Countrey with his brother, where he had many Indians dwel­ling to make Tabacco. One of his chiefe Indians, which vsed to be familiar with him, tooke vp a new Hatchet, which his Master had brought him, asking him what it cost, and suddenly cloue his head therewith: which his brother perceiuing ranne for his Rapier: but the Indian women The treason of the Indians. had stolne it away before; and so they killed him also with their Bowes and Arrowes, and three or foure Negroes, which seemed to resist them, and thereupon flied to the Mountaines, gathering 60 a great company vnto him, promising them, that if they would aide him against the Spaniards in Coro, he would giue them the Spaniards wiues and daughters in marriage. But before they put this conspieacie in practise, Captaine Peroso by a Policie tooke him feasting among his fellowe and women, and tooke thirtie with him, and brought them all to Coro; where they were to suf­fer [Page 1259] death with great torments, to terrifie the rest. And of some they cut off the thumbes, and cut the sinewes of their two fore-fingers, whereby they wanted the benefit of [...]hooting.

Our entertainment there was such, that we could not desire to part from th [...]m to come into our owne Countrey without offending them. For a Frigat being readie at Coro [...] goe for Car­thagena, foure of vs made intreatie for passage, which were Philip Glastocke, Richar [...] Garret, Wil­liam Picks, and my selfe, (Iohn Nicols) for all the rest were in the Countrey vpon pl [...]sure, some in one place, and some in another. And when the ship was readie to depart, they per [...]aded the Gouernour not to let vs goe. For they told him that there were many ships of Holland [...]on the Coast; and that if we went all in the Frigate, we would betray it vnto them, causing the Fa­thers of their Churches to tell vs, That if we would stay, wee should be as themselues, ar [...] they would willingly bestow both their daughters and their goods vpon vs. Yet notwithstanding all 10 their allurements, our desire was for our owne Countrey; and so three of vs procured me [...]es for to goe, and William Picks was stayed, by meanes his Master told the Gouernour, that fo [...]e were to many to venter in the Frigat. Thus we departed from Core about the twentieth of A­prill, leauing all those with whom wee dwelt very sorrowfull for our departure: who gaue vs great store of prouision for our Voyage. They were very loth to let vs go to Carthagena, for feare we should be put into the Gallies: And the Gouernour of Coro himselfe, wrote vnto the chiefe men of Carthagena in our commendation, as to Don Pedro de Barres, who was his Sonne in Law; but it tooke small effect. By the way wee touched at Santa Marta, and watered there.

Within three dayes after we arriued at Carthagena, we were committed to Prison by the Te­niente, for the Gouernour was dead not three dayes before we came in. Yet we brought our Let­ter 20 from Coro, from one Sennor Gasper Sanchio Contador, or in our behalfe to one Sen­nor Antonio Cambero, who prooued a speciall good friend vnto vs. For we had not beene an houre in Prison, but hee came to vs and comforted vs, and bade vs not to feare, for wee should not want any thing. So he went to the Teniente, and proffered three of his Negroes to set vs at li­bertie, and if we made an escape, he should haue those Negroes for his owne vse. (The worst of those Negroes was worth three hundred Duckets.) But hee would not, neither would he allow vs any victuals. But this Cambero sent vs euery day at noone one very good meales meate. Also there were three Englishmen, who serued as Mariners in one of the King of Spaines Gallions which carrie his Treasure: which after that they were at Sea were by forcible tempest driuen back againe to Carthagena, in a great danger to be sunk: for she had twelue foot water in her. Some 30 escaped to Hauana, and fiue of the richest ships were sunke on the shoalds betwixt Carthagena and Hauana. These three Englishmen did allow vs twelue pence a day so long as wee remayned in Prison. Euery Saturday, the Teniente with his Alcaldies doe sit in iudgement within the Prison where the Teniente commanded that we should be sent to the Gallies. Then one Alcaldie, who was alwayes found to bee a fauourer of Englishmen, whose name was Sennor Francisco Lopez de Moralis, called for our Examination: which when hee had perused, hee told him, that hee could not with Iustice commit vs. Who answered againe, Then let them remayne in Prison vntill the Gallions come from Spaine, for the treasure.

Within two moneths after a Deputie Gouernour was chosen: vnto whom we framed a Peti­tion; which was deliuered by Iohn Frendgam; whose answere was to him, that if wee could 40 procure any Spaniards to bayle vs for our forth comming, we should be at libertie. Which Sennor Francisco Lopez and Antonie Cambero no sooner heard, but they entred into bond of a thousand Duckets for our forth comming, And at our deliuery, the Teniente told vs, that although by or­der of Law, they could iustly haue put vs to death; yet seeing God had so miraculously saued vs, and that we had endured so many miseries to saue our liues, and that we came to them for suc­cour and reliefe, they were content to set vs at libertie. So Francisco Lopez brought a discharge from the Gouernour to the Iaylour for our deliuery out of Prison, and brought vs all three to his owne house: where was prouided for euery one of vs a seuerall bed: For the Countrey is so hot, that we cannot lie but one in a bed. Our entertainment was very great, and all our seruices in plate, with great varietie of meates, and of all the most delicious Indian fruits: and yet he thought 50 we neuer fared well enough, without hee sent vs one extraordinary dish or other from his owne Table. Also many Gallauts resorted to his house to play at Cards, who would bee very liberall vnto vs at their winning, and would giue vs sixe or seuen pieces of Eight at a time.

There we continued vntill the Gallions were readie to goe for Spaine with the treasure: then hee procured vs passage euery one in a seuerall ship. The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fa­thers goods and his l [...] withall. And the day before wee embarked which was about the first of August, there came two more of our company from Coro, which were Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne, who were both placed with Philip Glastocke, in the shippe called Saint Baotholomew, Richard Garret went in the ship called La Madre de Dios, and my selfe in the Santa Cruz. So we were a moneth in sayling to Hauana, where wee stayed another moneth to 60 trimme the ships. The Gouernour there was Don Pedro de Valdes, Prisoner in England 1588. So we liued all on shoare with eighteene pence a day for our diet, and about the end of Septem­ber departed, leauing that shippe, wherein Philip Glastocke, Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne were, with another ship called the Saint Vincent for want of prouision of bread.

[Page 1260] We shot the channell of Florida, in eight dayes against the winde, and came along by the Ile of Bermuda, and were nine weekes in sayling betweene Hauana and the Coast of Spaine. The tempests and stomes which we had, were wonderfull great. Insomuch that all the fleete were dispersed, and [...]ot aboue two ships did hold company together. Which put them in great feare lest they shoul [...] haue met with the Hollanders; who might with three good ships haue taken all their trea [...]re with small adoe for euery little Carauell did put them in feare, thinking her to be a man of Warre.

Vpon [...]e second day of Februarie 1606. Master Barwicke landed safely, thanked bee God, at Downes i [...] Kent, and gaue me money to bring me to London.

CHAP. XIIII. 10

The Relation of Master IOHN WILSON of Wansteed in Essex, one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana 1606.

CAptaine Charles Leigh and his Brother Sir Olane Leigh, did furnish to Sea the good ship called the Phenix with Commodities for the Countrey of Guiana; and ne­cessaries 20 for the Voyage, with fiftie persons to inhabit Wiapoco, of sundry Trades who directing their course towards Wiapoco, on the Coast of Guiana, which the Spaniards call the Riuer of Canoas, arriued on the twentieth of May following, They ariue at Wiap [...]. where he found a ship of Amsterdam, trading with the Indians. They perswaded the Indians, that our Nation came to inhabit among them, only to oppresse them as the Spaniards doe in other parts of the Indies, which the Indians themselues confessed vnto Captaine Leigh not­withstanding they offered our Nation no vnkindnesse, but vsed them in all the kind manner they could. For they prouided whatsoeuer our Company wanted which they could get them. In so­much the Gentleman was like to haue done right wel, if it had not happened that his Company had not mutined, which did partly arise because of the climate, which is much hotter then ours. 30 And for that they were vnprouided of victuals or other necessaries, therefore constrained to liue Causes of their mutinie. in such manner as the Indians themselues doe; for that they did see at their landing only Moun­taynes and Hils couered with Woods. And for that the most part of them had beene housholders in England, not accustomed vnto such a strange Countrey or Nation, nor such a diet; for which causes they were so much discontented, that they cried to their Captaine, home, home. Thus the Captaine and his whole company was discontented, and also the Master of his ship called Mar­tin Prinx, who shipped himselfe shortly after their arriuall into the Amsterdamer, which they found there, whereupon the Captaine placed his Mate Richard Pets of Weymouth, to bee Master of the Phenix, furnishing him with such victuals as the Countrey affoorded, as Cassaui for their bread, and Potatoe Roots, with fish, water, and such prouision as they had of their owne aboord, 40 appointing Edward Huntly to be their Captaine, to goe for England, who departed from Wiapoco about the first of Iuly 1605. by whom Captaine Leigh aduertized his Brother Sir Olaue Leigh.

After whose arriuall Sir Olaue Leigh, hee withall speed furnished the aforesaid ship, called the Second voiage of the Phenix. Phenix to Sea, with Commodities for the Countrey and other necessaries, with thirtie men of sundry Trades, appointing the aforenamed Richard Pets to be Master, and Edward Huntly to bee Captaine, they departed from Woollage, one the towards Wiapoco, who arriued at their Port one the fifteenth of Ianuary following, who expected with the rest of their company aboord, to haue found the Generall and his company on Land, to haue beene in farre better case then they were, for that they found them for the most part extreame sicke [...], and some of them dead: and presently after their arriuall three or foure men of them died, and the Generall him­selfe 50 was very weake and much changed, which partly proceeded by reason of their great want of victuals, for that the Pidians could not at all times prouide them that they wanted. And chief­ly Captain Leighs weaknesse. for that the company were perswaded that the ship would neuer haue returned vnto them a­gaine, which plainly appeared amongst them, for that at the arriuall of our ship, some of them which had not in three monethes time beene a stones cast from their houses, came aboord of vs, a mile and more from their houses in weake estate, which caused very much discontent amongst Deiected minds. our fresh water, Souldiers aboord, and they were the more discontented, because they could not aduertize them of any commodities the Country yeelded which would affoord them present be­nefit, insomuch that they wished themselues in England again. During which parley, our Generall came not aboord of vs, for that he was at his house called Mount Howard, a mile and more vp in­to Mount Howard 60 the Land, which stood on a hil very pleasantly situated, but according to the Country manner, by reason that their enemies should not wel find their houses nor suddenly assault them, haue there fore very rough passages vnto them, inuironed all with Mountaines, Woods, and Hils. Where­fore the Generall sent one Sidney Harrington vnto Captaine Huntly, M. Tederington Preacher and [Page 1261] to the Master of the ship to land their company in Possession Bay, a place which the Indians gaue vnto our Generall, and therefore by him so named. Possession Bay.

At whose landing according vnto the Generall his Commission, they were all sworne vnto certaine Articles, as that they should acknowledge Captaine Charles Leigh to bee their chiefe Generall of Guiana, vnder King Iames our King of Great Britaine, and that they should not be hurtfull vnto the said Generall his proceedings, but to ayde and assist him to their vttermost powers. Which being effected, our Generall came vnto vs, and after kinde salutations, ha­uing taken order for our Lodgings, for that time hee departed from vs. The Indians in like manner after their Countrey fashons kindly entertained vs, and after further conference had with our Generall, hee related at large vnto vs what had happened vnto him and his company 10 in their absence; that by reason of his company their discontent and sicknesse, they had not tra­uelled vp into the mayne Land; and therfore of his owne knowledge hee could not certifie them of any other commoditie the Countrey did yeeld, then such as hee knew of before their departure, but the Indians had informed them, that there was vp in the Mayne very rich com­modities, Gold & siluer. R. Caliane. as also Gold, and siluer, and especially in the Riuer of Caliane, where the Caribes in­habit, who are enemies vnto our Indians of Wiapoco, and so called by them. Vpon which in­formation our Generall thought it would haue beene best to haue peaceably traded with the Caribes: But our company misliked thereof, insomuch that the Generall altered his determi­nation, and agreed to ioyne with their friend Indians against the Caribes their enemies. Whereof hauing aduertized the chiefest of them, they most kindly embraced their offer pre­sently 20 made eight of their, Canoas in a readinesse, furnishing them with Bread and Drinke, and Victuals, which for the most part are Crabbes and Fish, with some hundred of them­selues all naked in their Canoas, whome our Generall accompanied with some eight and thirtie of our company, leauing the rest to keepe our Shippe and Houses, shipping the most part of them in a Pinnasse that was built by one named Howard, the Keele whereof hee made of a Canoa, which prooued a very fitting Pinnasse for those parts Expedition a­gainst the Ca­ribes. and Riuers. This Pinnasse after our Generals death the Indians did breake a pieces because they thought wee would haue stolne away from them in her vnto the Spaniards. And the rest of our company were placed in their Canoas, all of vs furnished with our Caleeuers: and so wee departed on our Iourney and Voyage on the sixe and twentieth of February, on 30 which day at night wee came to a place which wee named Mount Huntly, where wee lod­ged Mount Huntly. in the Woods that night, our Generall commanding vs to keepe a good watch; which wee need not to haue done, for the Indians themselues were very watchfull, and wonderfull carefull of our Caleeuers, and for to keepe our Powder drie, after we had beene acquainted with them, and very diligent for to please vs.

The next day at night we came to a place called the Cou, and there wee lodged, and the next Cou. R. Wia. day following we came into the Riuer of Wia; and there we found two or three of the Caribes Canoas, but all their men were runne vp into the Woodes, and from thence our Generall went vp farther into the Riuer, where wee burned certaine of their houses, not finding any people in them. From whence our Generall purposed to haue gone farther into the Riuer of 40 Caliane. But the Indians did aduertize him, that there was an English ship there, whom the Ge­nerall knew to bee one Iohnson of Plimmouth, that had beene some fourteene dayes before at English ship. Wiapoco, and came thither in the way of Trade. But our Generall would not suffer him so to doe, for that he would not hinder himselfe and his company, which our Generall at that time called to minde, and therefore thought it not good to proceed in the Riuer, because hee doubted that there would haue risen contention betwixt his company and Iohnsons, and for that hee also misdoubted wee should haue wanted Bread and Drinke if hee should haue proceeded in his iourney, and therefore returned to Wiapoco, where we arriued all, except one Canoa. About the fourteenth day of March.

Our Generall sent with foure of our Nation named Blake, Owen Goldwell, William Crandall, and Henry Powell, with commodities vp into the Countrey, some thirtie leagues to a place called 50 Urake to the Inhabitants there named Arwakes, to trade with them. And after our iourney by Vrake. Arwakes. reason of such Raine and foule weather as wee had in the same, most of our company fell sicke, and for that they had no comfortable drinkes, nor any comforts tha [...] sicke persons doe want, di­uers of them died of the Fluxe; which the Indians (as also the Disease called the Calenture) Mortalitie. know right well for to cure, yet concealed it from our Generall. But vnto vs after his death they did reueale, which sicknesse amongst the company caused no small griefe vnto our Gene­rall, and chiefly to see such wants amongst them; wherefore hee resolued with himselfe to goe for England, which hee acquainted the company with, promising them to returne as spee­dily as hee could with prouision. 60

Presently after he had shipped his prouision, and such Commodities as hee had gathered toge­ther in the Countrey, and was in a readinesse to depart for England, he sickned of the Fluxe, and The Captains sicknesse and death. died aboord his ship, and was by Captaine Huntly secretly buried on the Land, the twentieth of March, whose death was so secretly kept by the Captaine, and the Master of the ship, that [Page 1262] most of the company knew not thereof. The reason was, because there was prouision too little for them which were shipped, and others of the company, if they had knowne thereof, would haue pressed to haue come with them. Wherefore Captaine Huntly with Master Tederington our M. Tederington. Preacher and others set saile from Wiapoco towards England, on the second of Aprill 1605. pro­mising a ship to returne vnto vs within seuen moneths, God not hindering their intents, which had happened, for Sir Olaue Leigh to his great charge had prouided a great Fly-boat of the bur­then of one hundred and seuenty tunnes furnished for to haue come for Wiapoco, as I haue heard since my being here in London, before Captaine Huntly his arriuall in England, but it pleased God 35. persons lost that she neuer came to Wiapoco, so that we had no comfort of her, being in number, left at Cap­taine Huntlies departure out of the Countrey thirtie fiue persons, of whom one named Richard 10 Sacksie was by Captaine Leigh in his life time, appointed to bee chiefe amongst vs, who shipped himselfe into a ship of Middleborough, who came into the Riuer about the first of May 15. depart. Kindnesse of a Dutchman. 1605. and fourteene more of our company with him, and more that Zelander would haue car­ried if Sacksie would haue suffered him, such was his kindnesse towards our Nation. Hee gaue vnto vs such wine and other comforts as he had, vnto our great reliefes. His comming vnto vs to Wiapoco, was to haue sold vnto our Generall Negroes, whose kindnesse we did requite in helping him to such commodities as wee had, and did get the Indians to prouide Cassaui and Guinea Wheate for bread, with Potato Roots for his Negroes to eat, who departed on the one and twen­tieth of May (after he had bin some three weekes in the Riuer of Wiapoco) for Point de Ray, where he shipped of our company into his Countrimens ships, some in one ship and some into others for 20 Holland, of which ships we heard that some of them were taken by the Spaniards, and they were cast ouer-boord with the Hollanders.

The same day the Hollander departed, which was the one and twentieth of May, came vnto French ship. vs a French ship of Saint Mallors, who dealt very kindly with vs, wherefore wee did suffer him to trade with the Indians, who did remayne there some two moneths, vnto whom many strange Ten more de­part. Indians did bring their commodities, and at his departure hee shipped ten of our men; hee tooke Powder, and other commodities of vs which we had, for their passage into France, leauing tenne of vs behind him, of which two died before the ship was out of ken of vs, Nicholas Wilkins and Andrew Vnderhill. But within some fourteene dayes after, two of those foure which our Gene­rall had sent to trade vnto Urake, came vnto vs not expecting euer to haue seene them; the o­ther Two returne out of the Countrey to them. They plant Flaxe, &c. 30 two were drowned by the way. These two named Owen Goldwell, and William Candall, which came to vs, reported they had beene some fortie miles vp into the Land, in a very plaine pleasant Countrey, and brought commodities hereafter written of.

About the middle of Iuly, our number of ten were all in good health, spending our time in planting of Carow called Flaxe, whereof we planted about twentie English Acres of Land, and some Tabacco, obseruing the manners and conditions of the people, the nature of the Land and what commodities it yeeldeth, and what commodities of ours are in most request with them. A­bout the third of October, the Indians did request vs for to accompany them in their warres a­gainst the Caribes, whereunto wee willingly did agree. They prouided seuen Canoas furnishing them with men, and bread and drinke, and their victuals (for the most part Crabs, and fish of di­uers 40 sorts, which they take euery day fresh and fresh as they trauell in the Riuers.) We went in­to the Riuer of Caliane, which is some thirtie leagues from Wiapoco, where wee rowed vp and downe, but we could not find any of the Caribes in the Riuer, we perswaded them to land which they did, and marched vp some two miles vnto the Caribes houses, as wee marched to their hou­ses, the Caribes came to the water side where our Canoas did lye, but finding my selfe therewith my Caliuer, they had no great desire to come very neere vnto vs; and so after wee had burned some of their houses, and killed diuers of them, our company returned to our Canoas, hauing lost one of the Indian Captaines named Macato, others of the Indians were shot with three of our Surge [...]ie. company, whom they healed as they did themselues, with a leafe, very speedily.

They are armed in their warres with naked skins, and their Artillery are Bowes and Arrowes, 50 their Weapons woodden Swords and Bucklers. They choose their Captaines at their drunken Feasts; he is placed in the middest of the whole company, holding his hands on his head. After Indian Armes. Mad choice of a patient Cap­taine. they haue made an Oration vnto him to be valiant, and not to be treacherous vnto them, with such like speeches; they whip him with a Whip which maketh the bloud spring out of his bodie at euery stroke, and he neuer once mooueth thereat. By these meanes they try his patience and courage. After we had shipped our selues into our Canoas, wee rowed vp and downe the riuer of Caliane, some eight or ten dayes, which wee noted for to be a very faire Riuer and nauigable. It R. Caliane sear­ched. runneth diuers wayes from the mayne Land; and great store of such commodities hereafter spe­cified, which the Countrey yeeldeth is to be had in the said Riuer. We returned vnto our houses at Wiapoco, about the first of Nouember. In this Iourney we were kindly vsed of our consorts our 60 Indians, and highly respected of them for our seruice which we did.

After a few dayes rest at Wiapoco, the Indians aduertised vs of three Ships which were in the Riuer of Amasons, and that one of them would come vnto vs to the Riuer of Wiapoco some two Three ships in R. of Amazons. moneths after, which proued to be true, but by what meanes they knew it I could not imagine, [Page 1263] except it were by their diuels meanes, which they call their Peyar, with whom the men haue Peyar-diuining often conference, and it will answere them, but the women neuer that I could perceiue; when the men will conferre with their Peyar, they suffer not a childe to be in the house, and when a­ny of them are sicke, they know by him whether they shall liue or dye; if he saith they shall dye, they will giue the sicke person no physicke; but if he say that he shall liue, then they will giue him any thing they haue for his comfort. After our company was aduertised of a Shippes com­ming vnto vs, we went with the Indians in their Canoas, some into the Riuer of Wiapoco, and Riuer of Ar [...] ­cow. some into the Riuer of Arocow, to make away such commodities as we had left which were not many, reseruing some of them to giue to our Indians for our victuals, although their kindenesse towards vs was such, that if we had not had any commodities, they would not haue suffered vs 10 to haue wanted. In which our iourney we noted the Riuer of Aracow to be a very pleasant Ri­uer, and yeeldeth such commodities as other Riuers doe; also the Riuer of Wiapoco is a very faire Riuer, and nauigable, which entreth the maine more then fortie miles. And at the end thereof there is a very great fall of water which commeth ouer great hils and mountaines; some of our Fall. company were on the tops of them, for some moneths in the yeare the Mountaines are drie, and we were informed that on the other side of those great hils, there is a Riuer which is inha­bited with many Indians, and hath the like commodities that Wiapoco hath, and that there is Gold in that place, which the Indians calleth Carocor [...]e but we neuer went to see the same Riuer, by reason we had very small store of commodities.

At our returne to Wyapoco we gaue to the Indians for their paines, and prouiding of vs victuals 20 in our iourney an Axe, for which they would haue trauelled with vs two or three moneths time if occasion had required. And for an Axe they found vs victuals two moneths time at our hou­ses, as Bread, and Drinke, and Crabbes, and Fish, and all such kinde of flesh as they killed for themselues, for the same price: but if we desired any Hennes or Cockes of them, then we were to haue giuen them some small trifles, as Beades; so likewise if they brought vs in our trauell to any of their friend Indians houses, we must doe the like as at our departure, to giue them some trifles, as Kniues and Beades. So that we liued very good cheape. Three Nations.

There are of the Indians three sorts which inhabit at Wyapoco with whom wee were, whose houses be scituated as neere the Riuers mouth as they well may be, they are named the Yayes, The Yayes. the Arwalkes, and the Suppayes. The Yayes are a people very proud, and vse much flouting and 30 mocking of others, much giuen vnto dansing, and are full of merriment, very ingenious, and ve­ry The Arwakes, kinde of nature. The Arwackes are a people of better carriage, and did vse our company with better respect then the Yayes. These two kindes of Indians come out of the West, wherefore they doe know all those Coasts, and they hate the Spaniards as deadly as they doe the Caribes. Suppayes. The Suppayes are a people more craftie in their dealings, for they will not part with any thing, but will haue commodities for commodities. They are not many of them, and wee could not Nakednesse. learne from whence they are come. The men and women goe all naked, without any couerture Men and wo­men how they liue. at all; they are very well limmed and proportioned of body. They neuer company together all the day time, but as the women doe bring them their victuals, they doe eate vsually euery day; they haue doores at each end of their houses, the men remaine at the one end of the house, & the 40 women at the other. The women are very neate in making of their Bread, which they call Aripo, and their drinke Passhe: they make their Bread and Drinke of a roote which they call Cassaui, which maketh good Bread, and very strong drink, very pleasant to drinke after one is vsed to it.

Their houses are built after the manner of our barnes in England, but much longer, for we haue Their houses. measured some of them which were one hundred and fiftie paces long, and some twenty paces broad, one hundred persons keepe together in one of those houses; they are most artificially buil­ded and thetched, so that no raine commeth into them: although in Aprill, May, and Iune, and most of Iuly very extreame raine doth fall there. Also they make Pots of earth, which shew Faire earthen Pots. as if they were guilded, and some of them will hold thirtie or fortie gallons of liquor, they are very faire to behold, and very sweete to keepe any thing in. They make Baskets of diuers sorts Baskets. Hamakes. 50 most artificially, and their beds which they call Hamakes; they are some of them made of Cot­ten wooll, and some of barkes of trees, they vse to lye in them hanging. They haue a great de­light to paint themselues both men and women, and especially when they goe to any Feast. Painting.

The women against their day of trauell in childe bearth, make for that time a roome apart in Childebirt [...]. the house, whereunto they goe all alone, and are deliuered without any helpe at all; and present­ly after the childe is borne, she calleth for her husband, and deliuereth him the childe, who pre­sently washeth it in a pot of water, and painteth it with sundry colours, which seemed very strange vnto me, that I did not heare the women, once so much as to groane, or to make any moane at all in all her time of her trauell: if any one of them dieth they doe vse to make great moane for them some ten or twelue daies together after his death or longer, according as the par­tie Funerals. 60 was beloued in his life time.

And touching such kinde of Beasts as are in the woods as well about Wiapoco as in other pla­ces Beasts of those parts. of the Countrie. There are great store of Deere, Hares and Conies, Hogges and many Mon­kies great and small, blacke and greene, which sorts are called Marmosites, and great red ones as [Page 1264] bigge as Baboones (those the Indians doe kill and eate) and there are Leopards, and Porcupines, and Lyons; for in one place we did see a Lyon which the Indians had killed; they brought all their boyes they had, and did lay them on the Lyons backe, and with a whip did giue euery of them three lashes, wherefore they did so we could not learne, but imagined it was because they should remember the place where the Lyon was killed: also there are great store of Otters, and a beast which is called an Aligator, he hath a cod that smelleth like the Muske cod.

Of Foules, I haue seene Cockes, Hennes, Duckes, and Geese; Partridges, Wood-doues, Herne­shaws, Shouellers, and a foule of a crimson colour, called Passeray Fiemingo, & great store of white Fowles. foules, which the Indians call Wakcrouses, & great store of Parrats, and Parrakeits, which flye there in sholes like Starlings here in England: also there is a Parrat there as bigge as a great Hen, blew 10 and red, very beautifull to behold, and multitudes of foules of other sorts, and Hawkes of diuers sorts in the woods and Riuers.

And of fish there are great abundance of all sorts both of fresh water fish, and Sea fish, and Crabbes great store; and the Indians take their fish with a kinde of wood which they beate Fishes and fish­ing as before. against some stone or other tree, vntill one end thereof be all bruised, and putting that into the Riuer, presently the fish become drunke, and run themselues on the shoare, and swim aboue wa­ter, as our Haddockes doe in England.

There are store of good Rootes and Plants with Fruites, as the Pina and Plantine, Potatoes, Nappoyes, and a fruite called of the Indians Poppoyes, it is bigger then an Apple and very plea­sant Fruites. 20 to eate, and sundry sorts of Plums, and other sorts of fruites whereof they make drinke ve­ry pleasant to be drunke.

There are these commodities at Wiapocco, and in other places of the Countrie where I haue Dying woods & other com­modities of the Countrie. trauelled, Woods of blacke, red and yellow colours, Tobacco, Guinie pepper, Cotten wooll, Ca­row (of vs called Flaxe) Anoto, Berrie [...] which dye a very faire Stammell colour, Spignard, where­of a precious Oyle may be made, Gummes of diuers sorts, Bee-waxe, Feathers of the best sorts, such as Ladies doe weare in their hats, and other Feathers abundance. There grow naturally in many places Sugar Canes, and great abundance of Carow of it selfe, called of vs Flaxe, and of the Spaniard Pero. Also they make Oyle which they paint themselues with of a kinde of Nut big­ger then a Chestnut, whereof are great abundance growing; and the Manety stone is to be had in the Aracores Countrie, and in no other place of the Indies that I haue heard of. These things 30 I noted, but if so we had expected certainely for to haue had a Ship of our owne Nation to haue come vnto vs, I my selfe, and the rest of vs should haue beene encouraged to haue obserued more then I haue done. Neither had we any store of commodities to trade vp in the Maine, as the two Hollanders hath which are there, and were left there at our comming from thence by Iohn Sims, Master of a Ship called the Hope of Amsterdam, of the burthen of one hundred tuns Fraughted by the Merchants of Amsterdam, and by their Charter partie was bound to lye in the Riuer of Wiapoco, and of Caliane six moneths time, which he did, for he lay with vs at Wyapoco from the twentieth of December vnto the twentieth of May following, trading with the Indians, and sought most after the Manit [...] stone and Carow, which we call Flaxe. They furnished there two Factors very well with Commodities, which they left at Wyapoco. They dealt very kindely with 40 vs, for he shipped all our whole company, which were nine of vs. Their returne.

Taking our leaues of the Indians (who were as vnwilling to part from our companies, as we were willing to goe into our owne Countrie, saying vnto vs, that if any of vs euer came to them againe to trade with them; No other Nation should trade there but we. And after they knew of our departure; whilest we remained amongst them, they brought their children vnto vs for Sir Walter Raw­leigh. to name after our great mens names of England, which we did. They had often speech of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and one came farre out of the Maine from Orenog [...]e to enquire of vs of him, say­ing he promised to haue returned to them before that time, After we had prouided our necessa­ries, and such commodities as we had, and had giuen the Indians great charge of the Hollanders Factors, we shipped our selues and departed from Wiapoco on the last of May 1606. And from 50 thence we went into the Riuer of Caliane, where our Master Iohn Sims traded some thirtie dayes with the Caribes, and other of the Indians. This Sims was Masters mate of the Holland Shippe which Captaine Lee found in the Riuer of Wiapoco at his first arriuall there: also he was Master of the Ship which the Indians aduertised vs was in the Riuer of Amazons, and according to their saying, God be thanked he came to vs to our Comforts.

After his departure out of the Riuer of Caliane, he sailed vnto Trinidado, where the Spaniards Trinidado. entertained him and his companie very kindely, for they gaue them Tobacco for all such com­modities as they had, and suffered them to lade Pitch which goeth out of the ground there, for Fountaine of Pitch. that our Master durst not goe to Point de Ree to lade Sault there as he determined, because hee heard that the Spaniard did lye there with their men of warre, and had taken certaine Holland 60 Shippes, and had flung ouer boord all the men that were in them: our Master tooke his course from Trinidado to Amsterdam, where he arriued on the [...] of [...] and were in number of vs eight besides my selfe, named Owen Go [...]ldwell, Robert Gardner, William Crandall, Robert Becke, Richard Pren, William Frier, Gilbert Browne, and Richard Bonocke. Since my being here I vnder­stand [Page 1265] that one of our company which we left at Vlishinge, named William Crandall is gone in a Shippe of Holland for Wyapoco, which voyage they would haue hired my selfe and others to haue gone with them, by reason we haue the Indians languages: such is the diligence of that Nation, vnto whom I wish well for the great kindenesse they shewed my selfe and others of our Nation.

CHAP. XV.

Part of a Treatise written by Master WILLIAM TVRNER, Sonne to Doctor TVRNER of London a Phisitian, touching 10 the former Voyage.

THe foureteenth of August, The large iournall of their voiage to this place, is for breuity o­mitted; as also their course homewards. about two in the afternoone, we had sight of the Bar­bados, which bore of vs South South-west. The Land hath two points bearing East and West one from another; and from the middle of it, it riseth like Tene­rife, and is tenne leagues broad, and is barbarous without any inhabitants, hauing great store of Hogges, Piggeons, and Parrats. We bore for the▪ Westermost part of this Iland, and so wee steered away West North-west, and North-west and by West amongst for Saint Lucia. 20

The fifteenth day, being thursday, we had sight of Saint Lucia, bearing West North-west of vs. This Iland of Saint Lucia is a very fertile Ile, bearing many sorts of fruites, as Plantons, Potatoes, Pinos, The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting, for their nature is, if one eat a ripe one, it sets one a scouring, and eate a greene one, it will stay a scouring. Probagum. Guanos, Pompins, Cassado, and many other fruites. It hath also great store of Cotten wooll, and Tobacco, but their Tobacco is not very good. It hath also many wilde Beasts in it, as Tygars, Guanes, Alagartos, and other Beasts, which time would not permit vs to see. It hath also great store of Pigeons, Parrats, Pellicans, Cats, and Dogges. The people goe naked, hauing very long haire, and are very honest, kinde hearted people. In this Iland wee set our passengers ashoare, and furnished them with all things necessary that our distressed Shippe could afford them. But they like treacherous idle disposed people, not regarding our kindenesse, nor pittying our necessitie, betraied our Boate from vs one morning as wee went ashoare, my 30 selfe and three or foure other Gentlemen being in her; and then they detained three Saylers which were drawing in the Boate keeping them for their owne vse, and afterward sent vs a­boord in a Canoa, which we were faine to buy of them for Kniues. The Master and the Captaine seeing this their treacherous dealing, and being out of all hope to get their Boate againe, about thursday in the euening, being the three and twentieth of August, gaue them a Peece of Ord­nance with intent to beate downe their houses. We had no sooner let flye at them, but present­ly they shot at vs againe, the bullet whereof came betweene our maine Mast and our Poope, but it hurt no body. So that night we waied, and went to a Baye some two leagues to leeward of this roade where we first ankored. In this Bay there are halfe a dosen of Indian houses very plea­santly scituated vpon the top of a hill, with a fresh water Riuer at the foote of the same hill; 40 and in this Baye we had very good trafficke of linnen cloath, and many pleasant fruites, for our Hatchets and Kniues. After we had roade here some sixe houres, we might plainly discerne our Boate vndersaile, whereupon we presently fitted our small shot, hoping that their intent was to come aboord, and betray our Shippe, but they tacked in, and rowed alongst the shoare, till they came to the very Bay where we roade, and there they stopped, and we were in good hope to recouer our Boate againe, but they tarried there trading for their commodities in the face of our Ordnance: whereupon we seeing their daring boldnesse to be so great that they presu­med En quo dise [...] ­dia Ciues Per­duxit miseros. to trafficke in our owne Boate before our noses, and to goe about as it were to stop vs from trafficke; we let flye at them sixe peeces of Ordnance, and a vallie of small shot; but what harme we did amongst them, we know not, for they rowed away, and got out of sight of vs. We tear­med Roagues Bay. Cape Knaue. Riuer of Rascals▪ the Baye where we put these men a shoare Rogues Baye, & the Cape we called Cape Knaue, 50 and the Riuer, Riuer of Rascols.

This very same day being the foure and twentieth of August, we waied anchor, and steered a­way South South-east, and South-east and by South amongst for Saint Uincents. And vpon Satur­day, the fiue and twentieth day, in the afternoone we arriued at the Iland of Saint Vincents, where Saint Vinc [...]ts. we came within a Ships length very nigh the shoare, which put vs all in great feare, for if God had not sent vs a gale from the shoare, we had runne a ground, and we had had all our throates cut by the Indians of that Iland. So that night we tried it off at Sea with our fore-top-saile, and fore-saile, intending next day, being Sunday, to stand it in againe for the shoare (because we had good hope of good trafficke there.) But the current had driuen vs so farre off at Sea by the next 60 morning, and the winde blew so vehemently from the shoare, that we could by no meanes fetch the land; whereupon being foure leaues from the shoare of Saint Vincents, we steered away South South-west, and South-west and by South amongst for the Testigoes. And the next morning be­ing Testigos. Granados. monday, we had sight of the Granados, bearing of vs South-east, but we could not fetch the [Page 1266] Testigos. The nine and twentieth being Wednesday morning, we had sight of fiue small Rocks, which bore of vs West and by North some fiue leagues off: wee had also sight of the Iland of Blanco, whereby wee found that the Current had set vs, and doth set to the North-east, and therefore your best course to goe from the Granados to the Testigos, is to steere away South-west. Current.

The first of September being Friday morning wee had sight of Margarita, and at night wee Margarita. cast anchor at the Westermost Point of this Iland, called Point Macanao. The second day the next morning wee went ashoare with our Canoa, to see if wee could meete with any Spaniards, with whom wee might bargaine for some Beeues. But wee could neither see Spa­niards, Beeues, nor fresh-water, onely we found the dung of Beeues. In this Iland of Marga­rita also there are great store of Pelicans. This morning wee weighed; and as soone as wee had 10 doubled the Point of Macanao, we had sight of the Rangeria, which is as it were a little towne, contayning in it some fortie or fiftie houses. Here wee did not land because wee saw no people, but stood it away South South-east and South and by East amongst for the Burdones. About mid-night wee came close aboard the shoare by an Iland, called F [...]bacco, and then wee sounded, and had ground at fortie fathome.

The third day being Monday morning, wee were becalmed, some three leagues off from the mayne. About twelue at noone the same day, wee had sight of Point de Ray. The winde and breeses blew so strongly of the shoare, that we could not come to anchor that night to the Bur­dones. These Burdones are no Towne, nor hath any houses, but belongeth to the Towne of Comana. 20

The fourth day being Wednesday, at foure in the afternoone, wee came to an anchor at the Burdones; so that wee were three dayes in getting to the shoare, being in sight of it all the while. About twelue at mid-night the same day, wee put out our sayne-Net into the Sea for to catch some fish. And about foure in the morning wee found a great Sword-fish shut into the Net, Sword-fish. which was fourteene foot long, and he had a sword some three foot long. The sword is square, and blunt at the end, hauing great prickles vpon each side, of the bignesse of a wilde Bores tuske. We sent our Canoa ashoare here, to parley with them hauing a flagge of truce. The Gouernour of Comana perceiuing our Canoa comming ashoare, sent a Molato to parley with our men, who saluted them very kindly, inquiring of vs, what newes in England, and whether the Con­stable of Spaine were gone home into Spaine or no; we told him he was gone into Spaine, before 30 we set out of England: we asked of him what newes in Comana of any English men, and when any had beene here; hee told them about a moneth agoe, and that one of them had like to haue beene taken by a French Pirat, if a Flemming had not tooke his part. This night there came foure Spaniards aboard our ship from a Caruell which was at an anchor halfe a league from vs. These Spaniards burged with vs some Tabacco, and told vs, that Captaine Lee had a Towne built for himselfe, and that the Pinnasse had beene here a moneth agoe.

The seuenth of September in the afternoone, there came the Aide of Master E [...]dreds to an anchor in the road where we rode, and then we welcommed them with a shot, and they gaue vs three for one: after these our salutations, the Captaine of the Aide, called Squire, came aboard vs, and told vs, that Sir Oliph Lee his Pinnasse was come home, before they set out of England, 40 and that Captaine Lee dyed in the Pinnasse comming into England: others of his companie said, that they heard he was betrayed, and killed in his Hamaca in Wiapoco. He also told vs, that he Cap. Leighs death. had left some thirtie men behind him which were in great miserie and extremitie, both for lacke of health and scarcitie of victuals.

The nineteenth of September, Captaine Squire weighed, and left vs going for Comonagota. The Spaniards dare not trucke with vs for any thing, but when that they steale aboard in the night; for if that they should be espyed they should be hanged: Cloth of Tissue and Gold, cloth of Siluer, Veluet, Sattins, Silkes, fine woollen cloth and linnen, as Cambrick, Lawne, Holland; new Trunkes, Pistols, Fowling peeces, and Muskets, are very good commodities to truck with the Spaniards, and all other places in the Indies. I noted one thing amongst many things, con­cerning 50 the nature of that climate of Comana. It is monstrous hot all the day long till it be noone, and then there blowes a coole breese: and at noone you shall alwayes haue thundering and lightning without any raine for the most part. The towne of Comana stands two miles from the Sea-side, and cannot be seene by reason of the trees which couer the sight of it, but you Comana. may see the Gouernours house, for it stands vpon the top of a Hill, looking ouer the trees, which eouer the towne.

The eight and twentieth of September being Saturday, wee espyed seuen faile of Flemmings Seuen saile of Hollanders. bound for Ponitra. The thirtieth day being Monday, we weighed for Loyntra; and wee steered away North and North and by West for Ponitra from Camana; and about sixe of the clocke in the morning we arriued there safely. 60

The fourteenth of October, Captaine Catlin and two other Gentlemen, went out of our ship vpon some discontentments, misliking of the Master of our ships vsag [...] towards them, and had their passage in two Hollanders, that were riding at Ponitra. The fiue and twentieth, about eight a clocke at night wee weighed at Ponitra, hauing two Flemmish ships our consorts with vs. On [Page 1267] the thirtieth we had sight of the Westermost end of Porto Rico, called Cape Roxo, and of a little Iland some foure leagues off, called Echro. Here we stayed till Friday and Saturday, hoping for to haue gotten the shoare for fresh water, and Oranges; but we had no winde at all to serue our turnes. About Saturday at noone, there came vnto vs a Flemmish boat with a dozen men in it; these men told vs, that vpon Sunday the seuen and twentieth day of this moneth, there came nineteene saile of Spaniards, and that they had taken all the ships which we left behinde vs, in number ten, sauing two ships of Captaine Mogerownes, which scaped by their swift sayling, and that they themselues being ashoare with their Boat made an escape from Ponetra, and so came to vs at Porto Rico, which is one hundred and threescore leagues, where wee refreshed our selues with fresh water and Oranges. 10

The ninth of Nouember being Saturday, wee disembogued from Porto Rico. The two and twentieth of December we saw Flores, one of the Ilands of the Asores.

CHAP. XVI.

A Relation of a voyage to Guiana performed by ROBERT HARCOVRT of Stanton Harcourt in the Countie of Oxford Esquire. To Prince CHARLES.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1608. and the 23. of March, when I had furnished my 23. March, 1608. 20 selfe with one ship of fourscore tunnes, called the Rose; a Pinnasse of sixe and thirtie tunnes, called the Patience; and a Shallop of nine tunnes, called the Lil­ly, which I built at Dartmouth; and had finished my other business: there, and prepared all things in readinesse to begin my voyage, the winde reasonably ser­uing, I then imbarked my companie, as followeth.

In the Rose, I was accompanied with Captaine Edward Fisher, Captaine Edward Haruey, The Rose. Master Edward Gifford, and my Cousin Thomas Harcourt: and besides them, I had of Gentlemen and others one and thirtie Land-men, two Indians, and three and twentie Mariners and Saylers. In the Patience, my brother Captaine Michael Harcourt, had with him of Gentlemen and o­thers The Patience▪ 30 twentie Land-men, and eleuen Mariners and Saylers. In the Lilly, Iasper Lilly the Ma­ster, The Lilly. had one Land-man, and two Saylers: so that my iust number (too great for so few sh [...]ps of no greater burden) was in all fourscore and seuenteene, whereof threescore were Land-men. Be­ing Land-men sixtie. They set saile the 23. of March. thus imbarked, wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March; but the winde altering vpon a sudden, put vs backe againe that euening; and about two of the clocke the next morning (it comming better for vs) we weighed anchor, and put to Sea: the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard, and steered away for the Canaries.

The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote, two Ilands of the Canaries: They arriue at Alegranza. we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof; that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare: in this Iland wee 40 found no Inhabitants, nor fresh water, neither fruitfull Tree, Plant, Herbe, Grasse, nor any thing growing that was good, onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle, which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull, and a few wilde Capritos, or wilde Goats, which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands, and hungrie mouthes.

The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza, and directed our course for Tenerife, ano­ther Tenerise. of the Ilands. The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse, and the Shallop to water at the Calmes, and there to attend my comming; but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo, a Towne on the other side of the Iland, in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there; but not be­ing able (by reason of a contrarie winde) to double Punta de Nega, wee altered our course from Wine to Water. And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz, and watered that euening at 50 the Calmes.

This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands, and is thus to bee An excellent watering place. found; there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it, the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it. There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place, which is a short Sandie Bay. When you are landed, you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side.

Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana, hauing a prosperous winde, faire weather, and a smooth Sea. The ninth day of May, wee fell into the Current of the great The Riuer of Amazones. Fresh water in the Sea 30. leagues from land. Ioseph Acosta. Hicron G [...]raua Tarraconensis. and famous Riuer of Amazones, which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water, that being thirtie leagues from land, we drunke thereof, and found it as 60 fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole.

This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth (contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues) is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds, and by Hi [...]ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis: it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India, but also of [Page 1268] the whole world; and for the greatnesse, is called of many the Sweet Sea. It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru, and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vn­der the Equinoctiall, for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more: although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred. When we entred into the aforesaid Current, we sounded, and had fortie foure fathome water, sandie sounding. The tenth day the colour of the water changed, and became muddie, whitish, and thicke; then we soun­ded againe at noone, and had thirtie fathome; and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone. The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land, the vttermost Point thereof The eleuenth of May they made land in Guiana. The Patience in danger of wrack. bearing West from vs, and came to anchor in fiue fathom water.

At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare, came to anchor in two fathome and a 10 halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe, and left her drie vpon the Oaze, and the next floud comming in, did so shake and beate her against the ground, that before shee could get off, her rudder was beaten away, and her ribs so rent and crased, that if Almightie God had not preserued her, shee had beene wrackt: but (God be thanked) with much adoe shee came off into deeper water, and mended her Rudder, as well as the time and place would afford means. Then we followed on our course, coasting along to the North North-west, the Land so trending. It is very shoale all along this Coast, the ground soft oaze, but no danger to be feared, keeping our ship in fiue fathom water.

When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe, wee anchored in a goodly Bay, by certaine Ilands, called Carripapoory, I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast, intending (if God spare me life) to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Ilands called Carripapoory. 20 Amazones, and of her seuerall branches, and Countries bordering vpon it, and of all this tract of land from the Amazones, vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco, which contayneth many goodly Pro­uinces, and Signiories, which are in this discourse, but briefly mentioned: For at this time I pur­posed onely to prosecute my first proiect, which hastened me vnto another place.

From hence I stood along the Coast, and the seuenteenth of May, I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco: where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes, as well to learne of what The Bay of Wiapoco. Indian boats. Nation we were, as also to trade with vs; who vnderstanding that we were English men bold­ly came aboard vs, one of them could speake our language well, and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian, that sometime had beene in England, and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many 30 yeeres: they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth; as Hens, Fish, Pinas, Platanaes, Potatoes, bread of Cassaui, and such like cates, which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie: In recompence whereof, I gaue them Kniues, Beades, Iewes trumps, and such toyes, which well contented them. But when I had awhile entertayned them, and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian, Martin, their Countriman, whom I brought with mee out of England, they seemed exceeding ioyfull, supposing that he had beene dead, being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them.

The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert (whose name was Iohn) whilest he liued (for he is now dead, and dyed a Christian) was a great helpe vnto vs, because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee, and was euer firme and 40 faithfull to vs, vntill his death. By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco, and was called Caripo: that the Indian, Martin, was Lord thereof, and that in his absence his brother was chiefe. Moreouer, hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana (who by good fortune) was then at Caripo, and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment, they A village cal­led Caripo. tooke their leaue, and departed for that time. I sent one of my companie with them to giue no­tice to Carasana, and the rest of the Indians of Caripo, that I had brought home their Country­man Martin, whom they all thought to bee dead, and another of their Nation also, who had kindred and friends amongst them: to desire him to come aboard my ship, and to bring with him the principall Indians of Caripo, that I might declare vnto them the cause of my comming into 50 their Countrie, and conferre with them of other matters intended for their good. The next day A messenger sent to the Indians. I came into the Riuer of Wiapoco, and anchored ouer against the Sandy Bay.

The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired, and brought vs good siore of their Countrie prouision: Carasana, and one or two more of them were attyred in old clothes, The Indians came aboard. which they had gotten of certaine English men, who (by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh) had traded there the yeere before; the rest were all naked, both men and women; and this I ob­serued amongst them, that although the better sort of men (especially the Yaios) doe couer their The chief men of the Nation of the Yaios couer their priuities. The women generally goe all naked. priuities, by wearing ouer them a little peece of cotton cloth, pretily wouen after their man­ner; yet did I neuer see any of their women couered in any part, either aboue or beneath the waste, albeit they daily conuersed amongst vs, but were all (as the plaine prouerb is) euen starke 60 belly naked.

At their comming aboard my ship, first Carasana as the principall amongst them, and after him the rest, saluted and welcommed vs after their rude manner. I vsed them with all curtesie, and entertayned them as well as the straight roome would giue me leaue, giuing them good store [Page 1269] of Aquauitae, which they loue exceedingly: I presented to their view their two Countrimen, Martin the Lord of their Towne, and Anthonie Canabre, who was a Christian, and had liued in England fourteene yeers, both which I had brought home vnto them: when they beheld them, and after salutations, and some conference, knew to bee the same persons, whom they supposed had beene long since dead, they expressed much ioy and contentment: and vnderstanding (from their owne mouthes) how well I had vsed them, they seemed to be better pleased with our com­ming: and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrimen were ended, I tooke them apart, and thus declared the cause of my comming.

First, I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their Their confe­rence with the Indians. Sir W. Raleigh [...] acts in these parts. See Hak. [...]. 3. Countrie, in the reigne of our late Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, when (to free them from serui­tude) 10 he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado: burned their Towne, tooke their Gouernour Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner; deliuered fiue of the Indian Kings imprisoned, and bound by the necke with collers of Iron; and with great labour and perill discouered the Riuer of Orenoque, and the Countries adioyning, as farre as the Prouince of Aromaya, the Countrie of Topiawary, and the Riuer of Caroli beyond it. And that their Countrimen called the Orenoque­poni (who are the borderers of Orenoque) did then most willingly submit and render themselues The Orenoque­poni rendred themselues sub­iects to Queen Elizabeth. vnder the subiection of the late Queene; all which they well remembred, and said, that Sir VValter Raleigh promised to haue returned againe vnto them long since.

Then I excused his not returning according to his promise, by reason of other imployments of great importance imposed vpon him by the late Queene: shewing them moreouer, that when 20 he could not (for that cause) returne himselfe, hee sent Captaine Keymis to visit them, and to Cap. Keymis his voyage to Guiana. bring him true intelligence of their estate (supposing that hee had left no Spaniards behinde him at Trinidado of power to molest them) to the end that reliefe and aide might bee prepared for them, according to their necessities, and oppression of their enemies. Then I told them of the death of the late Queene, whereby that businesse of theirs was againe hindered.

Moreouer, I declared vnto them, that our gracious Soueraigne Lord King Iames, who now reigneth ouer vs (being the onely right and lawfull Heire, and Successor, to the Crowne and Dignitie of the Realme of England, after the death of the late Queene) was throughout the whole Land proclaymed King of England; and so comming to reigne ouer vs, hath beene euer since busied in ordering the State and affaires of the Kingdome, which being (by his great wise­dome) 30 setled in tranquillitie and peace, like a good, gracious, and worthy King, doth now per­mit his Subiects to trauell abroad into forraine Countries, and Nations, to aide and assist all such as are vniustly molested by their enemies. Whereupon, I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends, hauing intelligence by some that had beene followers of Captaine Charles Lee (who was a man well knowne amongst them, and heretofore had taken Possession of the Countrie taken at Wia­poco, by Cap­taine Lee to his Maiesties vse. possession of their Countrie to his Majesties vse, and was planted diuers yeeres in Wiapoco, where hee lyeth buried) of the great variance and discord depending betweene them the allied Nati­ons, the Yaios, Arwaccas, Sappaios, and Paragontos; and their enemies the Charibes (all inhabi­ting betweene the Riuers of Amazones, and Dessequebe) haue made a long and dangerous voy­age into those parts, to appease their dissentions, and defend them against the Charibes, or other 40 enemies that shall molest or oppresse them: and now being there arriued, doe intend to make search in those Countries for conuenient places, where such of our Nation, as shall hereafter come to defend them, may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them; that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturbe the quiet liuing of their Neighbours, they may haue store of English friends at hand and amongst them, that will not spare their paines to appease their dis­cords, nor their liues to defend them from harme.

When I had thus declared vnto them the cause of my comming, they made this answere; that with our comming they were well pleased; but our number of men they thought too great, that they wanted meanes to prouide vs bread sufficient for them all, hauing but a small Towne, few Gardens, and slender prouision for their owne companies, because since Captaine Lee his 50 death, and his mens departure from them, they neuer made prouision for any strangers.

I replyed, that albeit their Towne was small, and their Gardens few (for the grounds where­in they plant their Cassaui, whereof they make their bread, they call their Gardens) yet their Countrie was full of Inhabitants, and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread, and was plentifully stored with other prouisions sufficient for a greater number, which I desired might be weekely brought vnto vs, as neede required, for that I meant not to take it without recompence, but would giue them for it such commodities as should well please them, which they wanted: as Axes, Hatchets, Kniues, Beades, Looking-glasses, Iewes trumps, and such like things wherein they most delight.

Then they desired to consult amongst themselues, which I permitted, and expected their an­swere The Indians go to counsell. 60 aboue two houres, which time they spent in debating the matter after their manner, and drinking Aquauitae, and in the end desired my presence, and made me this answere.

That they were contented and well pleased we should liue amongst them; that they would Their answere. furnish vs with houses to lodge in, and prouide all necessaries for vs in the best manner they [Page 1270] could. But whereas I said our King would permit his people to liue and abide amongst them, and defend them against their enemies: they answered, it was a thing they greatly desired, and had expected long, and now they made much doubt thereof, and said they were but words, hauing heretofore beene By Sir Walter Raleigh, and Captaine Lee. promised the like, but nothing performed. To resolue that doubt, and make good my speeches, I told them what I had spoken should certainely be performed, and to that end I would leaue my brother in their Country, and some of my company with him, to dwell amongst them, vntill a greater supply might be sent from England for their better defence. Then they seemed to giue credit to my words: And so after much talke, and many complements to please the naked people, I gaue to Cara sana a Sword, and to the rest some other things, which pleased them well: and then after their manner taking their leaue, they departed. The next The Indian Martyn goeth ashoare. 10 day the Indian Martyn went ashoare, and seemed ioyfull that he had againe recouered his owne home.

The day following I tooke land, with my companies: in armes and colours displayed, and went vp vnto the Towne, where I found all the women and children standing at their doores to be­hold The English take land. vs. The principall Indians came out vnto me, and inuited me into the Captaines house, which vntill the returne of Martyn belonged vnto his brother, as chiefe Lord in his absence: I went vp with them and was friendly feasted with many kindes of their Countrie cates: when The English feasted by the Indians. The gratefull offer of Mar­tyn. I had well eaten and refreshed my selfe, Martyn tooke me by the hand and said, that he had not any thing wherewith to requite my kindenesse towards him, in such manner as he desired; nei­ther had he such delicate fare, and good lodging for vs, as in England heretofore we had beene v­sed 20 vnto: but humbly intreated me to accept of his house in good part for my selfe, and the Gen­tlemen of my company; and the rest should be lodged in other Indian houses adioyning: and that such prouision as the Country yeeldeth, should be prouided for vs. His speech was approu­ed by the rest of the Indians present, who tooke me by the hand one after another, and after their manner bad me welcome. I gaue them many thankes, and some rewards for their kinde enter­tainment; and then disposed my company in conuenient lodgings: but yet I kept a continuall guard, as in time of warre.

When I had thus setled my company at this village, I went out to view the scituation of the place, and the aduantages for defence thereof. It is a great rockie Mountaine, not accessable by The English setled at Caripo in Wiapoco. The strength of the place. reason of fast woods, and steepe rockes, but onely in certaine places, which are narrow foote­paths, 30 very steepe and easie to be defended: whereby we were lodged as in a Fort, and most con­ueniently in respect the harbour was so neere, for our Ships did ride at anchor vnderneath vs, ouer against the foote of the hill.

Being thus arriued vpon the Coast, I found the time of the yeare so vnseasonable for our pur­pose, that (by reason of continuall raines) we were constrained to lye still and doe nothing for the space of three weekes, or a moneth: in which idle time I conferred with the Indians, some­time continuall raines. with one, sometime with another; and by helpe of my Indian Anthony Canabre, and the Indian Iohn aboue mentioned (whom I vsed for my interpreters) I gathered from them as well as I could, the State of their Countrie; the manner of their gouernment and liuing; how they stood with their neighbours in tearmes of peace, and warre; and of what power and strength 40 they were. I inquired also of the seasons of the yeare in those parts: of their diuision, and account of times, and numbers; of the prouisions of their Countrie for victuals, and other necessaries: and made a diligent inquiry of all the commodities their Country yeeldeth, and what things were of most estimation amongst them: all which I haue briefely declared vnto your Highnesse in this following discourse.

THis goodly Countrie, and spacious Empire, is on the North part bounded with the Sea, and the great Riuer of Orenoque, wherein Sir Walter Raleigh performed his worthy and memo­rable The bounds and limits of Guiana. discouery, on the East and South parts, with the famous Riuer of Amazones: and on the West part with the Mountaines of Peru. 50

The westermost branch of the Riuer of Amazones that falleth into the Sea, is called Arrapo­co: vpon which Riuer are seated many goodly Signiories well deseruing a particular discouery, Arrapoco a branch of A­mazones. which shall (by Gods permission) be performed hereafter. To the North of Arrapoco is the Ri­uer of Arrawary, which is a goodly Riuer, discouering a gallant Countrie. From Arrawary vnto the Riuer of Cassipurogh extendeth the Prouince of Arricary; containing the Signiories of Arra­wary, Arrawary. Maicary, and Cooshebery; of which Anakyury is principall, who by Nation is a Yaio, and fled from the borders of Orenoque for feare of the Spaniards, to whom he is a mortall enemy. He Maicary. Anaky-v-ry chiefe of the Yaios. Morooga. Con [...]ini. hath seated himselfe in the Prouince of Arricary, and now dwelleth at Morooga in the Signiory of Maicari. To the North North-west of which, there falleth into the Sea a Riuer called Cona­wini, whereupon the Signiory of Cooshebery bordereth; whereof an Indian named Leonard Raga­po 60 is Chiefe, vnder the subiection of Anaki-v-ry. This Indian is christened, and hath beene here­tofore in England with Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom he beareth great affection: he can a little Cooshebery. Leonard Rapago Lord of Co­ [...]shebery. vnderstand and speake our language, and loueth our Nation with all his heart. During my a­boad at Wiapoco, hauing intelligence of him, and of his Country, and that certaine stones were [Page 1271] found therein, supposed to be Diamonds: I sent my Cozen, Captaine Fisher to discouer the same, and fetch some of those stones, to be resolued of the truth.

At his comming thither, Leonard entertained him with all kindenesse, not after the ordinary rude manner of the Indians, but in more ciuill fashion, and with much respect and loue, he fur­nished him with guides to conduct him through the Country to the place where the Stones were found, being fifty miles Southward vp into the Land: beyond which place there is an high Mountaine appearing in sight, called Cowob, and on the top thereof (as the Indians report) a great Lake or Poole; full of excellent fish of diuers kindes. The Countrey was as pleasant and de­lightfull, A Mountaine called Cowob. as euer any man beheld; but the Stones not Diamonds: yet they were Topases, which being well cut, and set in Gold by a cunning workman, doe make as faire a shew, and giue as Topases in Coo­shebery. 10 good a lustre as any Diamond whatsoeuer: which yeelde good hopes of better to be found here­after: For where the Topas is found on the Mountaines of Tenaseren, in the East Indies, the grea­test store of Diamonds are also found.

When my kinsman returned, Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco (being aboue an hundred miles from his owne Country) onely to visite me and my company; for the great loue he did beare to Sir Walter Raleigh, and our Nation. I much maruelled to see him, for assuredly he is the brauest Indian of all those parts. After he had beene with me a day or two, he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Countrey, which he greatly commended for the wholesome ayre, and plenty of victuals, alleading that the place where then wee liued (by his owne experience) was very vnhealthfull, that our men would there be subiect to sickenesse 20 and die: and for an instance he named Captaine Lee, and his company, who formerly were planted there, and almost all dyed by sicknesse in the same place: But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good ayre, pleasant, and healthfull; that there they might haue roome sufficient to build English houses in (for those were the words hee vsed) that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing. Much he perswaded to draw me to his desire, which by his importunity I granted, and accordingly performed it; finding his Country answe­rable The quality of the Prouince of Cooshebery. to his report; being for the most part champian ground, naturally intermixt of plaine fields, fruitefull meadowes, and goodly woods, in such admirable order, as if they had beene planted artificially by handy labour. The fields appearing aboue the meadowes in pleasant and delightfull manner, presenting here and there vnto the eye, from stately Mounts, most beautifull 30 and liuely prospects: the meadowes bordering on euery side betweene the fields and woods, the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadowes, and commonly are [...]watered with sweete and pleasant fresh streames running through them: which strange and rare mixture of Mounts, Valleyes, Meadowes, Fields, and Woods, afford as excellent and healthfull habitations as can be wished or desired, but is not greatly peopled.

From the Riuer of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the Riuer of Arracow, and vp further into the Land towards the West, and South-west, as farre as the Riuer of Arwy (which falleth into Wia­poco aboue the ouerfalles) extend the Prouinces of Arracoory, and Morownia, which also to the Arracoory and Morrownia. landward (by the relation of my Brother, Captaine Michael Harcourt, and Captaine Haruey, who haue trauelled and discouered those parts) are pleasant and delightfull plaine Countries, like 40 vnto Cooshebery. The Arracoory Countrie is well pleopled, and their chiefe Captaine is called Ipero. Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty loue and friendship, yet in outward shew they hold good quarter. In Morrownia, there is also store of people, which are friendly Indians. In that Prouince there is a very high Hill called Callipuny, fashioned like a Su­gerloafe, An exceeding high Hill cal­led Callipuny. or a Pyramis, which oueruieweth and discouereth all the Territories adioyning aboue an hundred miles.

Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the Riuer of Arwy, is the Pro­uince of Norrak: the people thereof are Charibes, and enemies both to the Morrowinnes, the in­habitants Norrak. of Morrownia, and to the Wiapopoories; who are also vnder the subiection of Anaky-v­ry, the principall and greatest Lord, or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Prouinces, bordering vp­on Anaki-v-ry. the Sea betwixt the Amazones, South-eastward, and Dessequebe North-westward. 50

From the Riuer of Amazones to the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea these Riuers fol­lowing: Riuers falling into the Sea, betweene A­mazones and Wiapoco. Wianary a creek. Arrapoco (a branch of Amazones) Arrawary, Micary, Conawini, and Cassipuroph: In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said Riuer, there falleth into the Sea the Riuer of Arracow; and into Arracow falleth the Riuer of VVatts. To the North of VViapoco there is a small creeke called Wianary, which letteth into the Sea a dayes iourney Westward vp into the land: some take this creeke to be a Riuer, but they doe erre in that opinion, it hauing neither Spring nor Foun­taine from whence it falleth, To the North and North-west of the said creeke, there is a ridge of high Mountaines running towards the Riuer of Apurwaca, the soile whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco, and beareth the best of all those parts; so are the Sugar-canes there growing 60 the best and fairest that are found vpon the Coast: and all the tract of Land betwixt the Riuer The Prouince of Wiapocoory. of VViapoco, and Apurwaca, is accounted the Prouince of VViapocoory, containing the Signiories of VViapoco, and VVianary. Beneath the ouerfals in VViapoco (which are forty miles distant from the Sea) there is much people, both of Yaios, and Arwaccas: of the Yaios in this Riuer Cara­sana [Page 1272] is chiefe. Of the Arwaccas, Arriquona is principall. In Wianary there are few Indians, and [...]rasana. A [...]riquona. C [...]suriao. Riuers fa [...]ing into the Sea▪ t [...] the North-west of Wiapoco Casurino is their chiefetaine.

To the North-west of the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea the Riuer of Apurwaca, Cowo, Wio, and Caiane. Apurwaca is a goodly Riuer, and well inhabited: Cowo is voide of inhabitants: Wio is a faire Riuer and leadeth many dayes iourney into the high land, [...]and discouereth a fertile and hopefull Countrey. At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden, which heretofore by Captaine Lawrence Keymis was called Port Howard: On the Starbood side, as you enter this harbour, there is an Iland of low land, called Muccumbro, scituate betwixt the Riuer of Caiane and Meccoria, containing in circuit about sixteene leaues. In this Iland there are two hils, the one called Muccumbro, whereof the Iland taketh the name; the other called Muccumbro an Iland. 10 Cillicedemo: from these hils the greatest part of the Iland may be oueruiewed, which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadowes intermixt with some Woods, and is full of Deere, both red and fallow.

On the Larboord side, as you enter Caiane there is another Iland of high Land, called Mat­toory, in quantitie much like vnto the first: this Iland for the commodious scituation, is of great Mattoory an I­land. eff [...]ct for the defence of the harbour, affording naturally two such notable conuenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose, as no industry of art could deuise better, or more auaileable.

The Inhabitants of this Prouince of Caiane, are Charibes, their principall commander is called Arrawicary, who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned: we haue found him trusty and faith­full Arrawicary chiefe Cap­taine of the Caiane. Foure or fiue men placed at Caiane. 20 to our Nation but; to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery, he is a mortall enemy. At this mans house I left foure or fiue of my company, thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Cha­ribes, to learne their language, and to keepe peace betweene them and the Yaios, Arwaccas, and other Narions their allies. To the South-westward of these Prouinces aboue mentioned towards the high land, there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discouery.

These Prouinces & Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited, the greatest num­bers of people are seated neare vnto the Riuers, & trauell from place to place in Canoes. There is no setled gouernment amongst them, onely they acknowledge a superiority, which they will o­bay The manner of their go­uernment. as farre as they please. In euery Prouince or Signiory there is a chiefe Cassique, or Cap­taine, 30 commanding all: So likewise in euery Towne and Village, they commonly chastise mur­der and adultery by death, which onely are the offences punished amongst them, and certaine Murder and Adultery pu­nished [...]y death The Indian [...] by nature iealous ouer their wiues. The Indians haue many wiues. persons are appointed by them to execute those punishments. The Indians take wiues, ouer whom they are extreame iealous, and expect great continencie in them; for if they take them in adultery, they presently cause their braines to be beaten out. The better sort of persons haue euery one of them two or three wiues, or more, the rest but one; accounting him that hath most wiues, the greatest man. Their wiues (especially the elder sort) are as seruants vnto them, for they make their bread and drinke, dresse their meate, serue them at meales, and doe all the other businesse about the house.

These Prouinces are peopled with diuers Nations of seuerall languages, namely, Yaios, Ar­waccas, 40 Sappaios, Paragotos, and Charibes. The Charibes are the ancient inhabitants, and the Diuers langua­ges in Guiana. The Charibes most ancient vpon the Sea coast. other Nations are such as haue beene chased away from Trinidado, and the borders of Orenoque. And forasmuch as they haue vnited themselues in those parts, the Charibes haue held them in continuall warres, but the Yaios and the other Nations their Allyes, are growne so strong, that they haue constrained the Charibes of the Sea-coast to contract a peace with them, yet beare no hearty loue the one Nation to the other: but with the Charibes inhabiting the in-land parts vp­on the Mountaines, they haue as yet no peace at all; for they doe often times come downe vpon them in great numbers, spoile and burne their houses, kill their men, and carry away their wo­men, which is the greatest cause of warre and hatred amongst them; whereof our men haue seene The Indians make war for their women. experience in Cooshebery, where happened an accident worth the obseruing, which I will here 50 declare vnto your Highnesse. The Indian Leonard Ragapo, before mentioned, is a Yaio, who finding the Countrey of Cooshebery slenderly inhabited, hath seized vpon it for his owne Sig­niorie; and at his earnest request, I sent foure Gentlemen of my company to remaine there with him. The naturall inhabitants that dwell vpon the vttermost bounds thereof, towards the South, and West, are Charibes, and enemies to him, and to his Nation: for while our men vnknowne to the Charibes) staied at Cooshebery, they assembled themselues together to the num­ber of two hundred or more, and came dome into his Signiorie, burned and [...]poiled houses, roa­sted The Charibes warre vpon Leonard. one woman, tooke many prisoners, and intended to assault him also: which to preuent he armed about fiftie of his Indians, with their vsuall weapons; which are Bowes and Arrowes, long Staues sharpened at the point, and with fire hardened: wodden Swords and Targets very artifi­cially The vsual wea­pons of the Indians. Leonard desi­reth aide of the English. 60 made of wood, and painted with Beasts, and Birds: He requested also our men to aide and assist him with their Muskets, which I commanded them to doe, vpon all such occasions offered: And so being all in readinesse, Leonard (as their captain) led them on to intercept his enemies; and as I haue heard by Master Henry Baldwin (who then was prsent, and (to obserue the manner [Page 1273] of their warres, gaue him leaue to command all) he brauely performed that exploit, in good order after their manner, and with great iudgement and resolution. For in the Front, he first placed our foure Englishmen, by two in a ranke; next to them, two Indians armed with woodden Swords The manner of ordering then men in the warres. and Targets; then two Archers; and after them two men with sharpned staues, instead of Pikes: and in like manner ordered, and ranked all his Company. Being thus prepared, hee marched against the Charibs, who (neere at hand) were comming in the same order towards him; but when they approached, and (vnexpected) perceiued our English men amongst the Taios, they were much amazed, and made a sudden stand: which Leonard perceiuing, gues­sed rightly at the cause, and instantly did make good vse of that aduantage. Hee commanded his owne company to keepe their Station, himselfe with a Sword in his hand (which I had The Charibes amazed at the sight of the English. 10 giuen him) and a Target of his owne fashion, went boldly towards them to parley with their Captaines. And hauing called them out, hee reproued them for comming (as enemies) into his Signiory, for burning and spoiling his houses, and his people: hee demanded satisfacti­on for the hurt done, and restitution of the prisoners taken, and warned them forthwith to Leonard speak­eth to the Cha­ribes. depart out of his Signiory, and desist from warre: which if they refused to fulfill, he was there ready with his friends the Englishmen to fight with them, and reuenge his wrongs: and said further, that if in the conflict any of the English men were slaine, or hurt; hee would then fetch all the rest from Wiapoco, and returne to burne their houses, and cut them all in peeces. Thus hee boldly spake, with such a courage, shewing also our men vnto them (who had their The Charibes agree to peace for feare of the English. match in cocke ready to discharge) that hee strooke such a feare into them all, by reason of our 20 mens presence, that they presently agreed to peace, performed what conditions he required, and then departed home with all their company. Here may your Highnesse note the facti­ons among the Indian Nations: the discipline and order they hold in warre: the feare the Charibes conceiued at the sight of our English men, and the policy of the Indian Leonard, to take aduantage by their feare, and make our men his Guard, and chiefe protection against them. These things in time will much auaile vs, being well obserued, and rightly applied according to occa­sion. But to our former discourse.

The power and strength of these Countries (being so thinly peopled) is not very great to withstand the might of forraine enemies. The vsuall weapons of the Indians, are before descri­bed, sauing that their Arrowes are oft times poisoned. But since our trade and commerce with 30 them, they haue gotten a few good Swords, Muskets, Caliuers, and some small quantity of shot and powder; and haue learned to handle their Peeces very orderly, and some of them are good shot.

The seasons of the yeare vpon this coast, and in this climate are diuers, for in the East parts of Guiana towards the Amazones, the dry weather, which we call their Summer beginneth in Au­gust; The season of the yeare in Guiana. The Summer beginneth in August. The winter be­ginneth in Fe­bruary. and the violent raines and tempestuous winde, which we count their winter, doe begin in February: But in the Westerne parts, towards Orenoque, the dry season beginneth in October, and the raines and windes in Aprill. There is little difference of heate and cold in this diuer­sity of seasons being so neere the Equinoctiall, where the day and night are alwayes equall: for in those parts wee finde, that when the Sunne declineth furthest from them towards the 40 Tropicke of Capricorne, the ayre is then clearest, and the season of the yeare most dry; as in the Easterne parts of Guiana in August, September, October, Nouember and December: and when the Sunne returneth towards the Tropicke of Cancer, then doe the raines begin, in­crease, and decrease, from Frbruary to Iuly: but sometimes they begin to fall, and the Riuers to rise, swell, and ouerflow sooner or later by a moneth; and the yeare is sometimes more or lesse windie and wet, according to the disposition of the heauens, and of the Planets: and as the Sun approacheth, or declineth little, or much, euen so the earth wanteth or aboundeth with water and moisture.

They haue no diuision or account of times or numbers; they onely reckon by the Moones, as Their account of times and numbers. one, two, three, foure, or fiue Moones: or by dayes in like manner. Their numbers they reckon 50 thus, one, two, three, and so to ten: then they say ten and one, ten and two, ten and three, &c. And to shew their meaning more certainly, they will hold vp one, two, three, or more of their fingers, expressing the numbers, still making signes as they speake, the better to declare their meaning: when they will reckon twenty, they will hold downe both their hands to their feete, shewing all their fingers and toes, and as the number is greater, so will they double the signe▪ When they appoint or promise any thing to be done by a time limited, they will deliuer a little bundle of sticks equall to the number of dayes, or Moones, that they appoint, and will themselues keepe another bundle of the like number: and to obserue their appointed time, they will euery day, or Moone take away a sticke, and when they haue taken away all, then they know that the time of their appointment is come, and will accordingly performe their promise. 60

As touching Religion, they haue none amongst them, that I could perceiue, more then a cer­taine Religion. They vse no sacrifice, not religious wor­ship to any thing. obseruance of the Sunne and Moone, supposing them to be aliue, but vsing no religious worship towards them, nor offer sacrifice to any thing; vnlesse they vse a superstition in their drinking feasts, by sacrificing Iarres of drinke: for at the death of any of their Cassiques, [Page 1274] Captaines, or great friends whom they esteeme, they will make a solemne feast (their chiefest prouision being of their best and strongest drinke, which they call Parranow) which feast shall The manner of their drink­ing feast at the death of their Captaines. continue three or foure dayes, or as long as their liquor lasteth, spending their time in dancing, singing, and drinking excessiuely: in which vice they exceede all other Nations whatsoener, accounting him that will be drunke first, the brauest fellow: during this solemnitie of their drink­ing, some women being neerest of their kin vnto the party dead, doth stand by and cry ex­treamely: thus their manner is vntill their drinke be spent, and then the feast is ended. Whether they vse any superstition in this custome I know not; time will reueale, and also reforme it. It is most certaine that their Peeaios (as they call them) Priests, or Southsayers, at some speciall Their Peeaios or Priests haue conference with the diuel. Their opinion of the dead. At the death of a Cassique, they kill an In­dian to serue him in the o­ther world. times haue conference with the Diuell (the common deceiuer of mankinde) whom they call 10 Wattipa, and are by him deluded; yet not withstanding their often conference with him, they feare and hate him much, and say that he is nought: and not without great reason, for hee will oftentimes (to their great terror) beate them blacke and blew. They beleeue that the good In­dians when they dye, goe vp, and will point towards the heauens, which they call Caupo; and that the bad Indians goe downe, pointing to the earth, which they call Soy. When any Cassique, Captaine, or chiefe man dieth amongst them, if he haue a slaue or prisoner taken from their ene­mies, they will kill him; and if he haue none such, then will they kill one of his other seruants, that he may haue one to attend him in the other world.

The qualitie of the Land in those Countries, is of diuers kindes; by the Sea side the Land is low, where the heate would be most vehement, if it were not qualified and tempered by a The quality of the Land. 20 fresh Easterly winde or Brieze, most forcibly blowing in the heate of the day: in many pla­ces this low land is very vnhealthfull, and little inhabited, by reason of the ouer-flowing of the waters: but for the most part it hath goodly nauigable Riuers, a fertile soyle, much peo­ple, and is a healthfull habitation. Vpon the Mountaines there is a high land, where the ayre is coldest, in some places it is fruitfull, in others not: but generall is full of Minerals, and mines of mettals, and yeeldeth as many as any part either of the East, or West Indies, both of the best, and of the basest whereof, we shall (by Gods permission) giue good testimony, to the benefit of our Countrey, and honour of our Nation in time conuenient: and in most places vpon the Mountaines there is sound and healthfull dwelling. There is also a middle sort of land, which is of a meane height, and is most temperate, healthfull, fertile, and most inhabited of all 30 other; it aboundeth in Meadowes, Pastures, and pleasant streames of fresh water, in goodly woods, and most delightfull Plaines, for profit, pleasure, sport, and recreation: and also is not void of Minerals.

The prouisions of this Countrey for victuals, are many: First, of the roote of a tree, called The prouisions for victuals. The roote of Cassaui maketh their bread and drinke. Cassaui, they make their Bread, in manner following; they grate the roote vpon a stone, and presse out the iuice thereof, which being rawe is poyson, but boiled with Guinea Pepper, where­of they haue abundance, it maketh an excellent and wholesome sawce, then they drie the grated roote, and bake it vpon a stone, as we bake our Oaten cakes in England. This Bread is very ex­cellent, much like, but farre better then our great Oaten cakes, a finger thicke, which are vsed in the Moorelands, and the Peake in Staffordshire and Darbyshire. 40

There is a kinde of great Wheat, called Maix, of some it is called Guinea Wheat, which graine is a singular prouision in those Countries, and yeeldeth admirable increase, euen a thousand or fif­teene Maix, or Guinea wheate. hundred for one, and many times much more. It maketh excellent meale, or flower for Bread; and very good Malt for Beere or Ale, and serueth well for sundry other necessary vses for the reliefe of man. Of the aforesaid Cassaui bread, and this Wheate the Indians make drinke, which they call Passiaw: it will not keepe long, but must be spent within foure or fiue dayes: they make another kinde of drinke of Cassaui, called Parranow, very good and strong, much like vnto our best March beere in England, and that kinde of drinke will keepe ten Their diuers kinds of drinke An excellent drinke made of Cassaui. dayes; many sorts they haue which I haue tasted, some strong, some small, some thicke, some thin, but all good, being well made, as commonly they were amongst the Yaios, and Arwaccas, which 50 are the clenliest people of all those Nations.

There is great store of hony in the Country, and although it be wilde (being taken out of trees and buries in the earth) yet is it as good as any in the world; of which may be made an excellent Store of hony. drinke much vsed in Wales, called Meath. The hony and the waxe, are also good commodities for merchandise.

There is no Vines in that Country, but the Soyle being rich and fertile, and the climate hot, if The soyle ex­cellent for Vines. they were planted there, they would prosper exceedingly, and yeelde good Sackes, and Canary wines, which in those parts we finde to be very wholesome.

Many other necessary prouisions sufficient for the sustenance of man, doe there abound in plen­ty: Namely, Deere of all sorts, wilde Swine in great numbers, whereof there are two kindes, the Sundry kindes of Beasts in Guiana. 60 one small, by the Indians called Pockiero, which hath the nanile in the backe; the other is called Paingo, and is as faire and large as any we haue in England. There be store of Hares, and Conies, but of a kinde far differing from ours: There be Tigers, Leopards, Ounces, Armadils, Maipuries, Swine which haue the Na­uile in the back which are in taste like Beefe, & wil take falt: Baremoes or Ant-Beares, which taste like Mutton, & [Page 1275] other small beasts of the same taste, coloured, like a Fawne, Elkes, Monkies, and Marmosites of diuers sorts, both great and small: of these beasts there bee innumerable, and by experience we haue found them all good meate. Many other kindes of beasts there are of sundry and strange shapes, which hereafter shall be figured in their true proportion according to the life with their names annexed.

Of Fowles there bee diuers kindes; namely, Wild-ducks, Widgins, Teales, Wild-geese, He­rons Great variety of Fowles. of diuers colours, Cranes, Storkes, Pheasants, Patridges, Doues, Stock-doues, Black-birds, Curlewes, Godwits, Woodcokes, Snites, Parrots of sundry sorts, many other kindes of great and small Birds of rare colours; besides great rauenous Fowles; and Hawkes of euery kinde.

Of fish the varietie is great, first of Sea fish, there is Sea-breame, Mullet, Soale, Scate, Thorne­backe, Diuers kinde [...] of fish. 10 the Sword-fish, Sturgeon, Seale, a fish like vnto a Salmon, but as the Salmon is red, this is yellow; Shrimps, Lobsters, and Oysters, which hang vpon the branches of Trees: There is a rare fish called Cassoorwa, which hath in each eye two sights, and as it swimmeth it beareth the Oysters hang vpon trees. lower sights within the water, and the other aboue: the ribs and back of this fish resemble those parts of a man, hauing the ribs round and the back flat, with a dent therein, as a man hath; it is A fish hauing foure eyes, and the [...]i [...]s and backe like a man. somewhat bigger then a Smelt, but farre exceeding it for daintie meate; and many other sorts there be most excellent. Of fresh-water fish many kindes vnknowne in these parts, but all ex­ceeding good and daintie: And I dare be bold to say, that this Countrie may compare with any other of the world, for the great varietie of excellent fish both of the Sea, and fresh Waters. There is also a Sea-fish which vsually commeth into the fresh waters, especially in the winter 20 and wet season, it is of great esteeme amongst vs, and we account it halfe flesh, for the bloud of it is warme; it commeth vp into the shallow waters in the drowned lands, and feedeth vpon grasse and weedes: the Indians name it Coiumero, and the Spaniards, Manati, but wee call it the Sea-cow; in taste it is like beefe, will take salt, and serue to victuall ships, as in our knowledge The Sea cow like beefe. hath beene proued by our Countrimen: Of this fish may bee made an excellent oile for many purposes; the fat of it is good to frie either fish or flesh; the hide (as I haue heard) will make good buffe: and being dried in the Sunne, and kept from wet, will serue for Targets and Armour against the Indian arrowes: In the wet season the store of them are infinite; some of these hides were heretofore brought into England, by Sir Walter Rawleigh.

The seuerall kindes of fruits are many, the Pina, Platana, Potato, Medler, Plums of diuers Sundrie kinde a of fruits. Pina. 30 forts, the Nuts of strange kindes. The excellency of the Pina I cannot expresse, for I dare bold­ly affirme that the world affoordeth not a more delicate fruit: In taste it is like Straw-berries, Claret-wine and Sugar. The Platana is also a very good fruit, and tasteth like an old Pippin. Platana. Potato. M [...]dler. Plummes, The Potato is well knowne. The Medler exceedeth in greatnesse. The Plums I cannot com­mend, for to eate much of them doth cause fluxes, which in those Countries are dangerous. The Nuts are good being moderately eaten.

HAuing thus (most excellent Prince) declared the seuerall sorts of prouisions for victuals and Nuts. necessarie foodes, it remayneth that I now make mention of the varietie of commodities, found in the Countrie for the trade of merchandise, which in few yeeres, by our paines and in­dustrie, 40 may be brought to perfection, and so setled in those parts, that not onely the vnderta­kers may receiue reward for their indeuours, but our Countrie also may grow rich, by trading for the fruits of our labours.

The first and principall commoditie of estimation, are the Sugar-canes, whereof in those parts The varietie▪ of commodi­ties. Sugar Canes. there is great plentie; the soile is as fertill for them as in any other part of the world: They doe there grow to great bignesse in a short time; by orderly and fit planting of them, and by erecting conuenient workes for the boyling and making of Sugars (which at the first will require some charge and expence) may be yeerly returned great benefit and wealth: the long experience of the Portugals and Spaniards, in Brasil, and the Iland of the Canaries; and of the Moores in Bar­barie, may giue vs certaine assurance, and full satisfaction thereof.

The Cotton wooll is a generall commoditie, beneficiall to our Merchants, and profitable to Cotton wooll. our Countrie, by making of Fustians, and seruing for Bumbaste, and other vses: for making of 50 Hamaccas, which are the Indian beds, most necessarie in those parts, and also of a fine cotton cloth for clothing of the people. There is a naturall Hempe or Flax of great vse, almost as fine Naturall hemp or flaxe. cloth it is most excellent.

There bee many rare and singular commodities for Dyers, of which sort there is a red berrie, Diuers com­modities for Dyers. Annoto. called Annoto, which being rightly prepared by the Indians, dyeth a perfect and sure Orange­tawnie in silke; it hath beene sold in Holland for twelue shillings starling the pound, and is yet of a good price. There is another berrie that dyeth blue. There is also a gumme of a tree, where­of 60 I haue seene experience, that in cloth dyeth a sure and perfect yellow in graine. There bee A gum which dyeth a yello [...] in graine. leaues of certaine Trees, which being rightly prepared, doe die a deepe red. There is also a wood which dyeth a purple, and is of a good price; and another that dyeth yellow. There is yet another wood which dyeth a purple when the liquor is hot, and a crimson when the liquor [Page 1276] is cold. Many other notable things there are (no doubt) not yet knowne vnto vs, which by our diligent labour and obseruation in time will be discouered and found.

The sweet Gummes of inestimable value and strange operation in physicke and chirurgerie, are innumerable; there is yellow Amber, Gumma Lemnia, Colliman or Carriman, Barratta, and many more which I omit. The Collman hath beene proued by Master Walter Cary of Wictham Sweet gums. in Buckinghamshice (a Gentleman of great iudgement and practice in physicke) to be of speciall regard for many purposes: this gumme is black and brittle, much like in shew to common pitch; The vertues of Colliman or Car­riman. if you put a little of it vpon burning coales, it filleth all the roome with a most sweet and plea­sant sauour. He further reporteth of it, that certainly if you hold your head ouer the fume there­of three or foure times a day, it cureth the giddinesse of the head, and is also a most excellent 10 comfort and remedie for a cold, moist, and rheumatike braine: it is also good against the resolu­tion (or as the common sort call it) the dead palsie, whereof the giddinesse of the head is often a messenger, and the fore-teller of that most pernicious griefe. It is also of great vse for the paine that many women haue in the lower part of their backs: which is very common to such as haue had children: for remedie whereof, it is to be melted in a pewter vessell with a gentle fire, then with a knife it must be spread lightly vpon a piece of leather, and laid warme to the place grie­ued, vntill it come off of it selfe. This plaister is also very good for aches, and doth greatly com­fort and strengthen the sinewes. Thus much hath Master Cary written and reported of it, and The Colliman helpeth the gowt. hath proued by his owne experience. This gumme is also approued to bee an excellent remedie against the gowt; and of singular vertue in the cure of wounds. 20

The Barratta is a most soueraigne Balsamum farre excelling all others yet knowne: which by Barratta a rare Ballamum. the same Gentlemans experience is of admirable operation in the cure of greene wounds: and be­ing burned vpon coales, is of a sweet and odoriferous sauour.

There bee many other sweet gummes of great vse for perfumes: whereo [...] one doth make A perfume like sweet Marge­rum. a very rare perfume, much like vnto the sent of sweete Margerum, very pleasant and delectable.

For physick there be also many excellent Drugs; namely, Spiknard, Cassia Fistula, Sene; and Drugges and simples for physicke. the earth yeeldeth Bole-Armoniack, and Terra-Lemnia, all which are knowne vnto vs. There be other Drugs and Simples also of strange and rare vertue, in these parts vnknowne; of which sort there is a little greene Apple, by the Indians called in their language, The sleeping Apple; 30 which in operation is so violent, that one little bit thereof doth cause a man to sleepe to death: An apple which prouo­keth sleepe to death. the least drop of the juyce of it, will purge in vehement and excessiue manner, as dangerously was proued by my cousin Vnton Fisher, who first found it: for biting a little of it for a taste, and finding it to burne his mouth in some extremitie, did sodainly spit it out againe, but some small quantitie of the juyce (against his will) went downe into his stomack, which for two or three dayes space did prouoke in him an extraordinarie sleepinesse, and purged him with sixtie seates. This Apple, for the purging vertue in so small a quantitie, is like to bee of good price, and great estimation in the practice of physick; for the learned Physicians doe well know how to correct the sleeping qualitie thereof wherein the danger resteth. There is a berrie in those parts very ex­cellent against the bloudie-fluxe, by the Indians it is called Kellette. The juyce of the leafe called A berry curing the bloudie fluxe. A leafe curing the wounds of the poysoned arrowes. A leafe curing the head-ache. A wood that maketh fish drunke. 40 Vppee, cureth the wounds of the poysoned arrowes. The juyce of the leafe called Icari, is good against the head-ache. Many other Drugs and Simples are there found of singular properties both in physick and chirurgerie, which if they should bee seuerally described according to their value and worthinesse, would containe a large Volume.

Moreouer, the Tree wherewith they take their fish, is not a little to be esteemed, but chiefly the great goodnesse of God therein is highly to bee praysed and admired, who amongst so many admirable things by him created, and planted in those parts, hath vouchsafed to bestow vpon those barbarous people so great a benefit, and naturall helpe, for the present getting of their food and sustenance. These trees are commonly growing neere vnto the places of their habitation for their present vse: for when, at any time, they goe to fish, they take three or foure little 50 sticks of this tree, and bruise them vpon a stone, and then go into certain smal creeks by the Sea­shoare, which at a high water are vsually full of very good fish of diuers kindes, which come in with the tyde; and there they wade vp and downe the water, and betweene their hands rub those small bruised sticks therein, which are of such vertue, that they will cause the fish to turne vp their bellies, and lye still aboue the water for a certaine time: In which space they presently take as many as they please, and lade them into their Canoes, and so with little labour returne home sufficiently prouided.

There is also a red speckled wood in that Countrie, called Pira timinere, which is worth thir­tie or fortie pounds a Tun: It is excellent for Ioyners worke; as chaires, stonles, bed-steds, pres­ses, cupboords, and for wainscot. There are diuers kindes of stone of great vse, and good price, 60 as Iasper, Porphyrie, and the Spleene-sione.

There is yet another profitable commoditie to bee reaped in Guiana, and that is by Tabacco, which albeit some dislike, yet the generalitie of men in this Kingdome doth with great affecti­on Tobacco. entertaine it. It is not only in request in this our Countrey of England, but also in Ireland, the [Page 1277] Neatherlands, in all the Easterly Countreyes, and Germany; and most of all amongst the Turkes, and in Barbary, The price it holdeth is great, the benefit our Merchants gaine thereby is-infinite, and the Kings rent for the custome thereof is not a little. The Tabacco that was brought into this Kingdome in the yeare of our Lord 1610. was at the least worth 60. thousand pounds: And since 60000. worth of Tabacco in a yeere. that time the store that yeerely hath come in, was little lesse. It is planted, gathered, seasoned, and made vp fit for the Merchant in short time, and with easie labour. But when we first arri­ued in those parts, wee altogether wanted the true skill and knowledge how to order it, which now of late we happily haue learned of the Spaniards themselues, whereby I dare presume to say, and hope to proue, within few moneths, (as others also of sound iudgement, and great ex­perience doe hold opinion) that onely this commoditie Tabacco; (so much sought after, and de­sired) 10 will bring as great a benefite and profit to the vndertakers, as euer the Spaniards gained by the best and richest Siluer Myne in all their Indies, considering the charge of both.

The things which the Indians desire from vs by way of trade in exchange for the aboue named The comodi­ties most estee­med by the In­dians. commodities, (whereby wee hold societie and commerce with them) are Axes, Hatchets, Bill­hookes, Kniues, all kinde of Edge-tooles, Nailes, great Fish-hookes, Harping-irons, Iewes Trumps, Looking-glasses, blue, and white Beads, Christall Beades, Hats, Pinnes, Needles, Salt, Shirts, Bands, linnen and woollen Clothes, Swords, Muskets, Caleeuers, Powder, and Shot: but of these last mentioned, we are very sparing, and part not with many, vnlesse vpon great oc­casion, by way of gift to speciall persons.

When the raines ceased, which was in Iuly, I beganne to trauell abroad in search of those gol­den 20 Mountaines, promised vnto vs before the beginning of our Voyage, (by one that vndertooke Leaden minds, minde nothing but golden Mynes. to guide vs to them) which filled my company so full of vaine expectation, and golden hopes, that their insatiable and couetous mindes (being wholy set thereon) could not bee satisfied with any thing but only Gold. Our guide that vainly made those great promises, beeing come vnto the wished place to make performance, was then possessed with a shamelesse spirit of ignorance, for hee knew little, and could performe nothing. What other intelligences of Mynes al­readie found) I had from other men in England, and from the Master of my ship, who had beene heretofore in those parts, I found them by experience false, and nothing true concerning Mynes, that was in England reported vnto me.

Our greedie desire of Gold being thus made frustrate, diuers vnconstant persons of my vn­ruly Disorders by mutiny. 30 company began to murmure, to bee discontented, to kindle discords and dissentions, and to stir vp mutinie, euen almost to the confusion and ruine of vs all: and were vpon the point to shake off all obedience to their commanders; to abandon patience, peace, and vnitie, and wilfully to breake out into all mischiese and wretched disorder, onely because they were deceiued of their golden hopes and expectations: but with good words, and comfortable perswasions, I pacified them for the time, and made them acquainted with my better hopes conceiued of the commodi­ties aboue mentioned. I perswaded them in generall from idlenesse, to trauell abroad, to search and seeke out amongst the Indians, what other nouelties they could (though Gold were wan­ting) Good to bee doing some­what to pre­uent the deuil. whereby we might hereafter benefit our selues; and still I employed them some one way, and some another, to occupie their minds by doing something, the better to preuent dissention, 40 which commonly is bred of idlenesse, the slouthfull Mother of all filthy viees.

As I daily conuersed amongst the Indians, it chanced one day, that one of them presented me with a halfe Moone of Metall, which held somewhat more then a third part Gold, the rest Copper: another also gaue me a little Image of the same Metall; and of another I bought a plate The high Countroy of Guiana aboun­deth with ima­ges of Gold. of the same (which he called a spread Eagle) for an Axe. All which things they assured mee were made in the high Countrey of Guiana, which they said did abound with Images of Gold, by them called Carrecoory. These things I shewed to my company to settle their troubled minds, which gaue much contentment to the greater part of them, and satisfied vs all that there was Gold in Guiana. Shortly after that my Indian Anthony Canabre, brought me a piece of a Rocke, The Rocks of the purest white Sparre are Mynes of gold or siluer. of white Sparre, whereof the high Countrey is full: And if the white Sparres of this kinde, 50 which are the purest white of all others, (for euery sort of Myne hath a Sparre, and for the most part white) be in a maine Rocke, they are certainly Mynes of Gold, or Siluer, or of both. I made triall of a piece of Sparre, which the same Indian discouered vnto mee, and I found that it held both Gold, and Siluer, which (although it was in small quantitie) gaue me satisfction that there be richer Mynes in the Countrey to be found: but the best lie deeper in the earth, and wee had not time nor power to make search for them.

I trauelled vp the Riuer of Wiapoco, to view the ouer-fals, but the waters being high and strong, I could not passe them. In August when they are fallen, with some labour they may bee passed. Many ouer-fal [...] in Wiapoco. This Riuer hath very many ouer-falls, lying one a good distance beyond another, euen to the head thereof. Aboue some of the first falls there dwelleth an Indian, called Comarian, who is an 60 old man of a free disposition; by him I learned that a certaine distance aboue the first falls, the Ri­uer Arwy falleth into Wiapoco; moreouer that certaine dayes iourney beyond him towards the high Land, vpon the borders of Wiapoco, there is a Nation of Charibes hauing great eares of an extraordinarie bignesse, hard to bee beleeued, whom hee called Marashewaccas: amongst these [Page 1278] people (as Comarian reporteth) there is an Idoll of stone, which they worship as their God; they haue placed it in a house made of purpose for the greater honour of it, which they keepe very People hauing great eares; perhaps these eares are made large by art, as diuers East In­dians vse. The proporti­on of their Idoll. cleane and handsome. This Idoll is fashioned like a man sitting vpon his heeles, holding open his knees, and resting his elbowes vpon them, holding vp his hands with the palmes forwards, looking vpwards, and gaping with his mouth wide open. The meaning of this proportion hee could dot declare, although he hath beene many times amongst them, and hath often seene it. What other Nations were beyond these he did not know, hauing neuer trauelled so farre, but he saith, they be Charibes, and also enemies vnto them. It seemeth there bee many Nations of those great eared people: for in the Riuer of Marrawini, I heard also the like, who dwell farre vp towards the high Land, as hereafter you shall heare, and I suppose, by the trending of the Ri­uers 10 of Wiapoco, and Marrawini, are all one people.

Vpon the fourteenth day of August I went vnto a Mountaine, called Gomeribo, beeing the vt­termost point of Land to the North-ward in the Bay of Wiapoco; I found the soile of it most ex­cellent for Tabacco, Maix, Cotton-trees, Annoto-trees, Vines, and for any other thing that should bee planted there. When I had taken good view of the place, and found it commodious for many purposes; then in the presence of Captaine Fisher, diuers Gentlemen, and others of my Possession ta­ken for the King at Gome­ribo. company, and of the Indians also, I tooke possession of the Land, by Turfe and Twigge, in the behalfe of our Souereigne Lord King Iames: I tooke the said possession of a part, in name of the whole Continent of Guiana, lying betwixt the Riuers of Amazones, and Orenoque, not beeing actually possessed, and inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State; wherewith the Indians 20 seemed to be well content and pleased.

In like manner my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt, and Captaine Haruey, (whom I left as his associate, and he esteemed as an inward friend) in a notable iourney, which (to their great honour) they performed, to discouer the Riuer of Arrawary, and the Countrey bordering vpon it, (neere adioyning to the Riuer of Amazones) did take the like possession of the Land there, to his Maiesties vse. The like pos­session taken at Arrawary.

The dangers and great difficulties which they in that attempt incountred, were memorable, and such, as hardly any of our Nation in such small Canoes (being onely some-what longer, but not so broad as our Thames Wherries, and flat-bottomed) euer ouercame the like. First the num­ber of their owne attendants besides themselues, was onely one man, and a Boy: Their troope 30 of Indians sixtie persons. Their iourney by Sea vnto the Riuer of Arrawary was neere one hun­dred leagues: wherein (by the way) they met with many dreadfull plunges, by reason of a high going Sea, which breaketh vpon the flats and shoalds; especially, at the next great Cape to the North of Arraway, which, in respect of the danger they passed there, they named Point Peril­lous. Point Perilow. Then their Discouery vp the Riuer, was fiftie leagues more: where they found a Nation of Indians, which neuer had seene white men, or Christians before, and could not be drawne to any familiar commerce, or conuersation, no not so much as with our Indians, because they were stran­gers to them, and of another Nation. The Discouery of this Riuer is of great importance, and speciall note, affoording an entrance more behouefull for the searching and Discouery of the In­land parts of Guiana, then any other Riuer yet knowne vpon the Coast; for trending Westward 40 vp into the Land, it discouereth all the Countreyes and Nations to the Southward of Arricary, Cooshebery, Morrownia, and Norrack, which I haue mentioned before.

Many weekes they spent in this Aduenture, still taking vp their Lodgings in the Woods at night. Prouision of meate they wanted not, for fish were euer plenty, and at hand: and the Woods yeelded either Deere, Tigres, or Fowle: their greatest want was of bread and drinke, A great argu­ment of plen­tie in the Countrey. which onely defect did hinder (at that time) the accomplishment of that Discouery. For when the Indians perceiued their bread to be neere spent, and their drinke to be corrupted, they could not be perswaded to proceed, hauing no meanes to supply their wants amongst the Arrawaries, the Indians of that Riuer who would not freely trade with them vpon this first acquaintance, but alwayes stood vpon their guard, on the other side of the Riuer, where they inhabited: yet 50 desiring to obtaine some of our English commodities, and make triall of our Indians friendship, af­foorded some small Trade for their present reliefe during their abode in that Riuer: So that of force they were constrained to breake off their Discouerie, and hasten homeward.

But here their dangers ended not, for as they returned, arriuing at certaine Ilands called Car­ripoory, and passing betweene them and the mayne Land; much against the wils of all the Indians, who knowing the danger of the place, and more respecting their safetie, then their owne (being themselues all expert Swimmers) would haue disswaded them from that hazard: but they being ignorant of the perill, would needs passe on, and at the last met with such a Boore (as the Sea­men A dangerous Boore at Car­vipapoory. terme it) and violent encounter of two tydes comming in, which like two furious inraged Rammes, or Bulles rushed together, and oft retired backe, to returne againe, with greater vio­lence, 60 vntill the one by force had ouer-borne the other: that if next vnder God) the diligent care and paines of the Indians had not preserued them, they had been there destroyed, and swal­lowed vp by that mercilesse Boore or breach of waters; which (God be thanked) they escaped, and returned home in safetie.

[Page 1279] When I had (as before) taken possession at Gomeribo, in presence of the said parties, I deliue­red Gomeribo deli­uered to an Indian as the Kings tenant. the possession of that Mountaine to my Indian Anthony Canabre, To haue, hold, possesse, and enioy the same, to him, and to his Heires for euer, of our Souereigne Lord King Iames, his Heires and Successors, as his subiect; Yeelding and paying yeerely the tenth part of all Tabacco, Cotton­wooll, Annoto, and other commodities whatsoeuer, which should hereafter be either planted or growing within the said Mountaine, if it were demanded. The Indian most gladly receiued the possession vpon these conditions, and for himselfe, and his posteritie, did promise to bee true Subiects vnto the Kings Maiestie: his Heires, and Successours: And to pay the duties imposed vpon them: and so that businesse being finished, I returned againe to Wiapoco.

Now (most worthy Prince) there came vnto my knowledge, an inconuenience happened by the carelesse negligence of the Master of my ship, who had the charge of prouiding and laying in The only cause of losse by the voyage. 10 the prouisions and victuals for the Voyage, which was the cause that I gained no present profit by it, but left off all my Discoueries in the first beginning. I had a purpose at that time to per­forme a businesse, which might haue proued profitable, and honourable vnto vs, if I had beene able to haue stayed the time, but it was not my chance to bee so fortunate: for the Master, his Mates, and the Steward of my Ship, came vnto me, and told mee plainly, that if I made any longer abode in that Countrey, I would neuer in those ships returne into England: or if I did ad­uenture it, my selfe, and all my Company would starue at Sea for want of Beere, Syder, and Water, for all my Caske was spoyled, because it was not Iron-bound; the woodden hoopes flew off, by reason of the heate of the Climate; and our Beere, and Syder, (whereof wee had good store) did leake about the ship, that we could hardly saue sufficient to releeue vs, if wee made a 20 longer stay vpon the Coast; which was the Masters fault, hauing had a speciall charge to be care­full of that onely point. By this default, I was constrained to make a vertue of necessitie, and prepare my selfe for England, and leaue my former purposes to be accomplished hereafter, which shall be done (God aiding me) in time conuenient.

Then disposing of my company, I appointed my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt to Cap. Michael Harecourt left Commander of the compa­ny. remayne in the Countrey, as chiefe Commander in my absence, and to continue the possession on the Kings behalfe; I gaue him directions to trauell abroad, as (occasion serued) to discouer the Countrey, to spend sometime at Cooshebery, and sometime also in other places; but to make his chiefest residence at Wiapoco, (the onely Rendeuouz for shippes that trade vpon that Coast) and there to plant good store of Maix, for our releife of bread and drinke, which is the chiefest thing 30 to be respected in those parts; for other victuals wee need not take much care being alwayes ea­sily prouided. He performed his charge with great reputation, discouered many goodly Prouin­ces, Possession continued 3. yeeres. and spacious Countreyes; and worthily continued the possession full three yeeres compleate. I left with him for his assistance, Captaine Haruey, who hath nobly vowed his time and fortune to be employed in the prosecution of this honourable action. For his Lieutenant I appointed Twentie men left with Cap­taine Harcourt at Wiapoco. Master Edward Gifford, a valiant and worthy Gentleman; and I left also with him of Gentle­men and others, about twentie more, with all such necessaries as I could spare, and thought con­uenient for them: and so commending them to God, the eighteenth day of August I departed from Wiapoco, and the day following arriued at Caiane. 40

At my comming to Caiane my Pinnasse receiued a leake, which would haue proued dangerous, if we had beene farre at Sea; whereby enforced to attend the stopping thereof, and new trim­ming The Pinnasse receiued a leake at Caiane of the Pinnasse; and vnwilling to be idle in the meane space doing nothing, I left my ships there to repaire theire defects, and in my ship-boate departed thence, the twentie three of Au­gust: taking with me Captaine Fisher, who hath euer beene (since we first crept into the world) my chiefe companion, both in Armes and trauels; I tooke also with mee his Brother Unton Fi­sher, Master Cradle the Masters mate of my ship, and about sixe more. I followed the Coast to R. Meccooria, R. Courwo. the Westward steering during West, and passing by the Riuer of Meccooria, I lodged that night in the mouth of the Riuer Courwo: which hath a narrow deepe entrance, and within affoordeth a good Harbour, which may in time to come (for some speciall purpose) be of great vse.

The next day, and the night following I proceeded Westward with full saile, and passing the 50 Riuers of Manmanury, S [...]nammara, Oorassowini, Coonannonia, Vracco, and Amanna; I arriued the Riuers to the West pf Cour­wo. twentie fiue day at the Riuer of Marrawini, which openeth a faire Riuer, but is shoale vpon the Barre, which lieth two or three leagues off at Sea, hauing but two fathome water: within the Barre, the Channell is three, foure, fiue, and sixe fathome deepe. Fiue leagues within the riuer we passed by certaine Ilands called Curowapory, not inhabited, for at the rising of the waters they Ilands called Curowapory▪ are alwayes ouer-flowne, of which sort the Riuer hath very many: we lodged that night a lit­tle beyond these first Ilands at a Village called Moyemon, on the left hand, the Captaine thereof is called Maperitaka, of the Nation of the Paragotos, a man very louing and faithull to our Nati­on, whereof we haue had good proofe. The next day wee proceeded vp the Riuer three leagues, 60 and stayedat a Towne called Coewynay on the right hand, at the house of Minapa, the chiefe Charib of that Signiorie) to pouide two Canoes to prosecute our iourney for the Discouerie of this Riuer.

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[Page 1280] The twentie eight day we went forward passing many Villages any Townes, which I for­beare to name, and hauing gone about twentie leagues from the Sea, wee found the Riuer in a They proceed in discouery of Marrawini The Riuer full of ouerfals. manner barred vp with Rockes, ouer which the water falleth with great violence, yet notwith­standing we aduentured to proceed, and the further wee went, the more dangerous wee found the ouer-fals, and more in number; but when wee had passed the first Mountaine, towards the high Countrey of Guiana, called Sapparow, and discouered farre off before vs other high Moun­taines called Matawere Moupanana, and had proceeded sixe dayes iourney vp the Riuer (which They went sixe daies iourney vp the Riuer. was more then fortie leagues) we met with such shoale rockie streame, and great ouer-fals, that there to our griefe our iourney ended.

Being thus for that time debarred from our intended Discouerie, we prepared our selues with 10 patience to returne towards our ships, and the third day of September we turned downe the Ri­uer, shooting the ouer-fals with more celeritie then when we came vp, dispatching three dayes iourney in one, and the fifth day returned safe to Moyemon; but before I departed thence, Cap­taine Moyemon. Fisher told me of certaine Plants which hee had then found, much like vnto Rose-trees, growing about halfe a yard in height, whereof (for the strangenesse of them) I cannot forbeare to adde a word or two.

These Plants or little trees had assuredly the sence of feeling, as plainly appeared by touching Trees which had the sense of feeling. These grow both in the East Indies & in Guinne. See 10. Gom [...]. 1. l. 9. them: for if you did but touch a leafe of the tree with your finger, that leafe would presently shrinke, and close vp it selfe, and hang downe as if it were dead; and if you did cut off a leafe with a paire of Cizzers, then all the other leaues growing vpon the same tree would instantly 20 shrinke and close vp themselues, and hang downe as if they were dead and withered, and within halfe a quarter of an houre, would by degrees open themselues againe, and flourish as before; and as often as you did either touch or cut off any of them, they would doe the like; which did eui­dently shew a restriction of the Spirits, inuincibly arguing a Sense. Howsoeuer this may seeme strange and incredible to your Highnesse, and to them that haue not seene it, yet forasmuch as Scaliger, and Bartas make mention of the like, I dare be bold to affirme it vpon my credit, hauing Scaliger Exercit. 181. sect. 28. Bartas, Eden, 1. day, 2. weeke. seene and shewed it to fortie others: I gathered two of the Plants, and did set them in pots in their owne earth, and carried them aboord my ship, where I kept them fairely growing almost a fortnight, vntill they were destroyed by certaine Monkeyes that brake loose, and pulled them in pieces: which might haue beene preuented, but that I was constrained to set them in the o­pen 30 aire, the better to preserue them.

The seuenth day, I went to Wiawia, a great Towne of Paragotos, and Yaios, foure leagues to the West of Marrawini, whereof Maperitaka aboue mentioned, and Arapawaka, are chiefe Viawia, a Towne of 20. houses. M. Vnton Fisher and two others left at Wiawia. Captaines. At this Towne I left my Cousin Vnton Fisher, and Humfrey Croxton an Apothecary, to beare him company, and one seruant to attend him called Christopher Fisher, hauing first taken order with Maperitaka for their diet, and other necessaries both for trauell, and other wise: who euer since (according to his promise) hath performed the part of an honest man, and faith­full friend.

I gaue directions to my Cousin Fisher to prosecute the Discouerie of Marrawini, and the in­land parts bordering vpon it, when the time of the yeere, and the waters better serued; and if it 40 were possible to goe vp into the high Countrey of Guiana, and to finde out the Citie of Manoa, mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh in his Discouerie. He followed my directions to the vttermost of his abilitie, being of a good wit, and very industrious, and enabled to vndergoe those imploy­ments, by obtaining the loue, and gaining the Languages of the people, without which helpes, there is little or no good to be done in those parts.

When the waters of Marrawini were risen, and the Riuer passable, (much differing from the M. Fisher tra­uelled eleuen daies iourney vp the Riuer of Morra, viz. 100. leagues. The Prouince of Moreshegoro, Indians with rough skinnes like Buffe. Riuer of Wiapoco, which is not to be trauelled, but in the lowest waters.) Hee began his iourney for the Discouerie thereof, in company of the Apothecarie, his seruant Fisher, the Indian Mape­ritaka, and eighteene others, and proceeded eleuen dayes iourney vp the Riuer, to a Towne of Charibes, called Taupuramune, distant from the Sea aboue an hundred leagues; but was foure 50 dayes iourney short of Moreshego, which is also a Towne of Charibes, situate vpon the Riuer side in the Prouince of Moreshegoro: the chiefe Captaine thereof is called Areminta: who is a proud and bold Indian, much feared of all those that dwell within his Territories, hauing a rough skin like vnto Buffe Leather, of which kind there be many in those parts; and I suppose proceedeth of some infirmitie of the bodie.

He vnderstood by relation of the Indians of Taupuramune, and also of Areminta, that six dayes iourney beyond Moreshego, there are diuers mightie Nations of Indians, hauing holes through their Eares, Cheekes, Nostrils, and neather Lips, which were called Craweanna, Pawmeeanna, Diuers mighty Nations of In­dians far vp in Marrawini, to­wards the high Land. Quikeanna, Peewattere, Arameeso, Acawreanno, Acooreo, Tareepeeanna, Corecorickado, Peeaunca­do, Cocoanno, Itsura, and Waremisso: and were of strength and stature farre exceeding other In­dians, 60 hauing Bowes, and Arrowes foure times as bigge: what the Indians also report of the greatnesse of their eares, I forbeare to mention, vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof. Moreouer, hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers, called [Page 1281] Arrenne, Topannawin, Errewin, Cowomma, Poorakette, Arroua, Arretowenne, Waoune, Anape, Riuers falling into Marrawini Twentie daies iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marraw. The Countrie aboue the head of Mar. is plaine, and Champian ground. Aunime, and Carapio: whereof some he hath seene himselfe, That it was twentie dayes iourney, from Taupuramune, to the head of Marrawini, which is inhabited by Arwaccas, Sappaios, Para­gotos, and some Yaios: and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine, and Champian ground, with long grasse. Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouer­fals of water, and many of them very dangerous: of some of them I had experience the yeere before. He proceeded no further at that present, being vnprouided for so long a iourney, suppo­sing that it had beene neerer (then he found it) to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell: and so returned backe in sixe dayes space, intending better preparation for a second iourney: but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death: for shortly after hee was drowned by misfor­tune; 10 whereby we see, that man determineth, but God disposeth.

THe tenth day of September being Sunday, I left the maine of Guiana, and in my ship-boat The tenth of September they left Guia­na. They were in danger to bee cast away. stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships, which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore, by reason of the shoales; but as we passed ouer them, we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea, which verily had sunke our Boat, if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her, by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread, of Cassain, Maix, Pinas, Platanas, Potatoes, and such like prouision, wherewith our Boat was loden; by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction, and to bring vs safe vnto our ships.

When I came aboord, we weighed anchor, and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado, and 20 vpon the eighteenth day in the morning, we arriued at Punta de Galea, where wee found three They finde 3. English ships at Punta de Galea. English ships at anchor, which was no small comfort vnto vs, considering our great defects and wants. One of these shippes was called the Diana, belonging to Master L [...]l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London. The other two, the Penelope, and the Indeuour, belonging to Master Hall, a Merchant also of London. We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske, and to take fresh water: during which time I was kindly intreated, and feasted by the Merchants, and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of; which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present.

Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor, so likewise did the Diana (the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs,) but the winde shifting to the 30 North-east, inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed. The twentie fiue we weighed againe, and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea, about three leagues. This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth, whereof there is Pitch gotten in the earth, which melteth not with the Sunne. such abundance, that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with. It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries, for it melteth not with the Sunne, as other Pitch doth.

The twentie sixe day we stood along againe, the winde being still contrarie and variable, in­termixt with many calmes, and so continued vntill the second of October, when we arriued at They arriue at Port de Hispania Don Sanches de Mendosa com­meth aboord their ship. Port de Hispania. Within two daies after our arriuall there, Don Sanches de Mendosa, the Te­niente for that yeere, with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs: wee gaue them the best en­tertainment 40 that our meanes, the time, and place would affoord, and had much friendly confe­rence together. They told me, that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes, where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men, and had many others hurt and wounded, whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there. And they plainly The Spaniards much mole­sted by the Charibes. confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes; and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them.

We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day, in hope to get some good Tobacco a­mongst the Spaniards, who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words, but in truth they had none good at that present for vs, which we perceiuing, departed thence vpon the seuenth day, about They depart from Triaidad [...] one of the clocke in the morning, leauing the other ships to attend their trade, and stood away for the passages, called Les sciot boccas de Drago, and disembogued about eight of the clocke 50 the same morning. Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues, and leauing the Ilands of Granado, Saint Vincent, Guadalupa, and Monserate, in our starboord side, wee arriued They arriue at Meues. there the twelfth day, where we stopped to take in ballast, and more water, for our ships were very light.

In this Iland there is an hot Bath, which as well for the reports that I haue heard, as also for An excellent hot Bath at Meues. that I haue seene and found by experience, I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World. I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie, and that one of the same persons now, or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames, by whom the truth may be knowne, if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein. As for my owne experience, although it was not much, yet the effects that I found it worke both in my 60 selfe, and others of my company in two daies space, doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it. For An extr [...]ame cough cured by the Bath. at my comming thither, I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough, which I much feared would turne me to great harme, but by bathing in the Bath, and drinking of the water, I was [Page 1282] speedily cured: and euer since that time, I haue found the state of my body (I giue God thankes for it) farre exceeding what it was before, in strength and health. Moreouer, one of my compa­ny, named Iohn Huntbatch (seruant to my brother) as he was making a fire, burned his hand with A mans hand burned with Gunpowder, and by the Bath cured in 24. houres. Gunpowder, and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers, which were shrunke vp with the fire, but he went presently to the Bath, and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein, which soopled his fingers in such manner, that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out, and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twen­ty foure houres, by twice or thrice washing and bathing it, the sorenesse thereof was cured, one­ly the eye-sore for the time remained. Furthermore, two or three other of my company hauing Swellings in the legges cu­red in a day. swellings in their legs, were by the Bath cured in a day.

Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October, in the afternoone, and leauing the Ilands of They depart from Meues. 10 Saint Christopher, Saint Martin, and Anguilla on the Starboord side, we dissembogued through the broken Ilands on the North side of Anguilla vpon S. Lukes day, where I thinke neuer Eng­lishman dissembogued before vs: for we found all our Sea-charts false concerning that place, those broken Ilands being placed therein, to the Southward of Anguilla, betweene it and Saint Mar­tins, and we found them scituate to the Northward thereof.

On the eleuenth day of Nouember wee had sight of Fayal, one of the Ilands of the Terceras, They fell with Fayal. which we left on our starboord side, and fleeted away for England, the winde continuing faire vntill the twenty foure day. But then it changed, first to the East by North, and then to the East South-east, and became so violent and furious, that for three dayes space we were not able 20 to beare our saile, but did driue before the winde at the least three leagues, a watch out of our course; and the first land we made was Cape Cleere, in the South-west part of Ireland, where a­gainst They are dri­uen bya storme into Ireland. our wils we arriued at Crooke Hauen the twenty nine of Nouember.

During the time of my Voyage, we lost but one Land-man, who died in Guiana; and one Sai­ler, and an Indian Boy, who died at Sea in our returne: and during the space of these three yeares last past since the voyage, of all the men which I left in the Countrey, being in number about The number of those that died. thirty, there died but six, whereof one was drowned, another was an old man of threescore years of age, and another tooke his death by his owne disorder; the rest died of sicknesse, as pleased God the giuer of life: for such small losse, his holy name be blessed now and euer.

The names of the Riuers falling into the Sea from Amazones, 30 to Dessequebe, and of the seuerall Nations inhabiting those Riuers.

RIVERS.NATIONS.
  • 1 Amazones.
  • 2 Arrapoco, a branch of A­mazones.
  • 3 Arrawary.
Charibs.
  • 4 Maicary.
  • 5 Connawini.
Yaios and Cha­ribes.
  • 6 Cassipurogh.
  • 7 Arracow.
Arracoories.
  • 8 Wiapoco.
  • 9 Wianary, a creeke or in­let of thesea.
Yaios and Ar­waccas.
10 Cowo, not inhabited.
  • 11 Apurwacca.
  • 12 Wio.
  • 13 Caiane.
  • 14 Meccooria.
  • 15 Courwo.
  • 16 Manmanury
  • 17 Sinammara.
Charibs.
18 Oorassowini, not inhabited.
  • 19 Coonannoma.
  • 20 Uracco.
Arwaccas.
21 Marrawini.Paragotos, Yai­os, Charibs, Ar­was. 40
  • 22 Amanna.
  • 23 Camo [...]re, or Comawin, a branch of Selinama.
  • 24 Selinama, or Surennamo.
  • 25 Surammo.
  • 26 Coopannomy.
  • 27 Eneccare. 50
Charibs.
  • 28 Coretine.
  • 29 Berebisse.
Arwaccas and Charibs.
  • 30 Manhica.
  • 31 Wapary.
  • 32 Micowine.
  • 33 Demeerare.
Arwaccas.
  • 34 Motooronnes
  • 35 Quiowinne, branches of Dessequebe.
Charibs. 60
36 Dessequebe.Arwaccas and Charibs.

[Page 1283] Euery house hath Cocks, Hennes, and Chickens, as in England: and the variety of fish is won­derfull, without compare; but the chiefest comfort of our Country-men is this, that the Beast called Maypury and the fish called the Sea-Cow (being seuerally as bigge as a Heifer of two years A beast and a fish like Beefe▪ old, and of which kinde there are very many) are in eating so like vnto our English Beefe, that hardly in taste we can distinguish them, and may as well as Beefe be salted, and kept for our pro­uision. There is also a Beast in colour like a Fawne, but fuller of white spots, in stature somewhat A beast like Mutton. lesse then a small Sheepe, and in taste like Mutton, but is rather better meate: the Baremo is also of the same taste, I haue the Copie of Master Harcourt his Patent, and he published also certaine Articles for the Aduenturers, &c. which for breuity are omitted.

CHAP. XVII. 10

A Relation of the habitations and other Obseruations of the Riuer of Marwin, I found this fairely written amongst M. Hak. papers, but know not who was the Author. and the adioyning Regions.

Townes in the Riuer of Marwin.

INprimis, Marracomwin a little Village so called where the Arwaccas dwell, 20 whose chiefe Captaine is Coretan, and is at the foot of the Riuer of Marwin in a creake on the left hand going vp the Riuer. Secondly, Russia a little Village so called where likewise Arwaccas dwell being likewise at the foote of the Riuer on the right hand going vp the Riuer. Thirdly, Moyyemon, a large Towne where are some twentie houses all builded very lately, inhabited by Parawagotos and Yaios, whose chiefe Captaine is Maperitacca (being the Captaine with whom the Generall left vs, and with whom we continue) being on the left hand of the Riuer. Fourthly, Kiawarie, a Towne inhabited by Careebees, almost right against Moyyemon, whose Chiefetaine is—Fiftly, Tonorima, a little Village aboue Kiawary inhabited by Careebees, being on the same side of the Riuer, who be gouerned by the Captaine of Quuenow. Sixtly, Quuenou, a Towne some quarter 30 of a mile distant from Tonorima, inhabited by Careebees, whose Chiefetaine is Vcapea, hauing a lame hand. Seuenthly, Arowatta, a Towne situate on the same side of the Riuer (whose inhabi­tants be Careebees but a good prettie way beyond, whose Chiefetaine is Seepane. Eightly, Co­murraty, a Towne situate beyond Arowatta, on the other side of the Riuer, whose Inhabitants be Careebees, and Chiefetaine is Parapane. Ninthly, Pasim, a Towne situate beyond Comurrati [...] on the same side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants bee Careeb, and Chiefetaine is Tanatweya. Tenthly, Paramaree, a Towne situate beyond Pasim on the other side of the Riuer, inhabited by Careabees, whose Chiefetaine is Iuara. There is beyond Paramaree a lone house, beeing situate some dayes iourney from Paramaree on the same side of the Riuer being inhabited by Careebees. Eleuenthly, about some eleuen daies iourney beyond the lone house there is a towne called Tau­paramunni, 40 whose Inhabitants be Careebees. Twelfthly, a daies iourney from thence is another Towne called Moreesheego, whose Inhabitants be Careebees. About some twentie daies iourney beyond Moreesheego is a Towne called Aretonenne, whose Inhabitants bee Careebees hauing ve­rie Long eares, perhaps made by art, with hanging weights there­on, as is vsed in the East In­dies. long eares hanging to their shoulders, and they are reported to bee a very gentle and louing uing people. Some twentie daies farther is the head of the Riuer Marwin, where dwell Para­wagatos, Arwaccas, and Suppay, and after a daies iourney in the Land, they report the way to be very faire, and Champian ground with long grasse.

Townes from the foot of Marwin on the Northside along the Sea. 50

FIrst, Equiwibone, a Towne inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos. Secondly, Caycooseoo­ [...]ooro, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Woaccomo. Thirdly, Amypea inhabited by Arwaccas. Fourthly, about six mile within Land is Careebee, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Aramea, Fiftly, Wia Wiam, about two miles from the Sea, a Towne inhabited by Yaios, Parrawagotos and Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Araponaca. Sixtly, Soorry Soorry, some two mile directly farther toward the Sea side, inhabited by Parawagotos, whose Chiefe­taine is Resurrima. Seuenthly, Amiebas, a little distant from Soory Soory, inhabited by Parawa­gotos. Eightly, Uieguano, some sixe mile beyond Soory Soory, inhabited by Yaos and Parawago­tos. Ninthly, Vrarinno adioyning to Vicguano, inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos, 60 Tenthly, Surarer a daies iourney beyond Wia Wiam vp into the Land inhabited by Arwac­cas. Eleuenthly, Simarra, some sixe miles distant from Wia Wiam, inhabited by Arwaccas. Twelfthly, Ca [...]ri, a Towne adioyning to Simarra, inhabited by Arwaccas. Thirteenthly, Con­ [...]oere, a Towne adioyning to Cauri, inhabited by Parawagotos, and Arwaccas.

[Page 1284] To most of these places there can be no passage but by Canoas in the Winter being marsh-me­dowy grounds, ouerflowne with swelling Tides. But in the Summer it is faire, and then they Waters ouer­flowing. hide their Canoas in the Woods by the Sea-side.

As for the Riuer of Marwin, there are no other Riuers which fall into it: but there be many Ilands, and some very great. The passage to the head thereof from the men with long eares is very dangerous, by reason of the passage through hollow and concaue Rockes, wherein harbour Bat-mise of an vnreasonable bignesse, which with their clawes and wings doe wound the Pas­sengers Great Bats. Darke and dangerous pas­sage. shrewdly: yea, and oftentimes depriue them of life. During which passage (which is some quarter of a mile, and very darke; for the Rockes are close aboue, and in fashion like an Indian house) they are inforced to make great fires in their Canoas, and put ouer their heads some 10 of their Crab-baskets [...]o defend them from the force of their clawes and wings, and so they safe­ly passe.

There is a Chareebee (with whom I am very well acquainted) whose name is Carouree) who assured me of certaine transparent stones, both of a greene and red colour, which hee described Stones trans­parant. See A. Kniuet. by a greene eare-ring which I shewed him, affirming they were somewhat bigger, and that they lay in a little gutter at the head of the Riuer, which ran in a Valley betweene two Hills.

I was further informed by a Yaio, an ancient man (who came downe from the head of the Ri­uer Selinama in a little Canoa, with foure other, and a boy; three of which were Arwaccas, and one Yaio, who was borne in Oreno (que), and as I iudge, about the age of foure score yeeres, or little lesse) who reported to mee, that hee was one of them which with Morequito and Putimay, was 20 at the killing of nine Spaniards, and a Spanish Pedas; and how Morequito was put to death, and a greatmany of his Indians hanged: himselfe was taken prisoner, and pinched with Pinsers Spaniards killed. for his punishment, and his eares nailed to wood, which I coniecture was a Pillourie. Besides, they rubbed his body ouer with salt mixt with Vrine, after they had pinched him, and fetcht bloud, and after tyed him vp in chaines. The reason why they put him not to death, was be­cause hee had beene a great Traueller and knew the Countries well, and so they kept him for a Guide.

It so chanced, that the Spaniards, vpon his informing them of the Cassipagotos Countrie, and how rich they were, and how he would be their guide, went with some companie to conquer it: the Captaine of the Spaniards was called Alexander, as he saith. But the Cassipagotos knowing 30 his crueltie, thought it better to fight it out, then trust to his clemency, and so ouerthrew him and his companie, driuing them to their Canoas, in which fight he escaped: But yet afterward it was his mishap to be againe in the hands of his aduersarie by the meanes of Caripana King of Emeria, and put in chaines, and handled cruelly. His body was besmeared, as he said, with a Spanish deuises of torru [...]es. Sir Fr Drakes at Guatulco on the South Sea found a Negro in iron chains 20. yards long: senced to be whipped till al his flesh was raw, and so to be set in the Sunne, to be tortu [...]ed to death by Mus­kitos. Golden hopes. Sir W. Ral. yellow stone; for so he called it, which I take to be Brimstone, and so set on fire on his body, and after that he was well, and his skinne smooth and faire, they anointed him with honie from top to toe, and so scattered dust vpon him, in which which were millions of Pismires, tying him in chaines to a great tree, where Muskitos flockt about him like moates in the Sunne, and did piti­fully sting him, then which death had beene better, as hee said. Within some small space hee with another Yaio, and three Arwaccas were chosen to goe a fishing some two dayes iourney 40 from the Towne. Likewise there went as ouerseers ouer them foure Spaniards, three of which, while they were a fishing went into the Wood a fowling, and the fourth which was left for the ouerseer by chance fell asleepe, which they espying, agreed to release themselues and to slip from the shoare with their Canoa, and went vp Selinama seuen dayes iourney within land from the head thereof to a Towne of the Arwaccas, called Cooroopon, where he now dwelleth, whose name is Weepackea; and the chiefe Arwacca which came with him is called Edaddeawa, and the Captaine of Cooroopon is called Naushickeban. This Yaio told mee of a Mountaine at the head of Dissikeebee which is called Oraddoo, where is a great Rocke of white Spar, which hath streams of Gold in it about the breadth of a Goose-quill; and this he affirmeth very earnestly. Also he speaketh of a Plaine which is some seuen or eight dayes iourney from the Mountaine where is 50 great store of Gold in graines so big as the top of a mans finger, and after the flouds be fallen they finde them, which Plaine is called Mumpara.

Further, he spake of a Valley not farre distant from thence, which is called Wancoobanona, which hath the like: and he said, they gather them the space of two moneths together; which two moneths are presently after the great raines which wash away the sand and grauell from the grasse which groweth in turfets, and then they may perceiue the Gold lie glistering on the ground. And of these they are very charie. And the Captaines and Priests or P [...]ays doe charge the Indians very strictly. yea with punishment of the whip, that they be secret, and not reueale it to the Spaniard. But it seemeth they are willing the English should haue it, or else hee would neuer haue related so much of the state of his Countrie.

He spake very much of Sir Walter Raleigh: he likewise knew Francis Sparrow, and the boy 60 which Sir Walter left behind him at Topiawary his house. He further said, that Topiawary won­dred that he heard not from Sir Walter, according to his promise: and how Topi [...]wary did verily thinke, that the Spaniard had met with him, and so had slaine him. Further, hee saith how To­piawary [Page 1285] is dead, and how one Roponoyegrippo succeeded in his roome. Likewise he sayth Caripa­na Topiawary dead the King of Emeria, who was very subiect to the Spaniard, and did once betray him to the Spaniard, is now dead: at which he seemed not a little to reioyce; and how one Dothronias is in his place, and is a good King, holding Armes against the Spaniard with the Cassipagotos, and and giuing him many ouerthrowes, so that now hee hath cleare left Dissikeebee and not a Spa­niard there. He likewise said, how Topiawary had drawne in the Indians of Wariwackeri, Ama­riocupana, Aromaya, Wickery, and all the people that belonged to Wanuritone, Captaine of Canu­ria, and Wacariopea Captaine of Sayma against Sir Walter Raleigh his comming to haue warred against the Yeanderpuremei: And as yet Wanuritone and Wacariopea doe expect his comming. He addeth further, how he knew the two Nations of Tiuitiuas, called Ciawana and Warawitty, Tiuitiuas hou­ses on trees tops. who are forced in the flouds to build their houses on the top of trees. And now he saith the Spa­niard 10 hath for the most part destroyed them, keeping diuers of them to make and mend his Ca­noas. Further hee knew Toparimacca, and sayth hee is yet liuing, and Captaine of Arawaca a Napoy, who likewise doth expect Sir Walter his comming, and had drawne a companie of In­dians for the aide and assistance of Sir Waltor. Likewise, how Putimay is yet liuing, and how the Spaniards haue layd great waite for him, but could neuer finger him to bee reuenged for his part of killing the nine Spaniards. Further he addeth, how the Spaniards were killed at a Mountaine called Riconeri in Putimay's Countrie, and how Putimay expected long for Sir Walter Raleigh. Likewise he saith, how the Epeuremei haue now two very faire Townes, one called Aruburgua­ry, and the other Corburrimore: and saith, they are not good people, yet they dare not warre 20 with them. He further affirmeth of the men whose shoulders are higher then their heads, which Men with shoulders higher then th [...]i [...] heads. Crystill Rock. he called Wywaypanamy, and offereth to goe with me thither if I come vp in their high Countrie. For since the death of Topiawary they are friends, and bend their forces against the Spaniards. He further spake of a white, cleare, high and huge Rocke vnder a Mountaines side, which is called Mattuick, that on a Sun-shine day if a man looked on it, it would dazle his eyes exceedingly. Hee shewed mee before his departure from me, a piece of metall fashioned like an Eagle, and as I ghesse, it was about the weight of eight or nine ounces troy weight, it seemed to be Gold or at leastwise two parts Gold and one Copper, I offered him an Axe, which he refused; to which I Images of gold. added foure Kniues, but could not get it of him: but I imagine the Dutch at Selinama haue bought it of him, for their only comming was for Axes, as he said, hearing that the Dutch were 30 at Selinama. I demanded where hee had that Eagle, his answere was, hee had it of his Vncle, who dwelt among the Weearaapoyns in the Countrie called Sherumerrimary neere the Cassipago­tos Countrie where is great store of these Images. Further he said, that at the head of Selinama and Marwin there were great store of the halfe Moones, which hee called by the name of Vn­naton. He likewise spake of a very faire and large Citie in Guiana, which hee called Monooan, Monooan great Citie in Guia­na. which I take to be that which Sir Walter calleth Manoa, which standeth by a salt Lake which he called Parroowan Parrocare Monoan, in the Prouince of Asaccona the chiefe Captaine or A­cariwanuora, as he called him, was called Pepodallapa. He further said, that after that a man is vp at the head of the Riuer and some ten dayes iourney within the Land, euery childe can tell of the riches of Monooan. Further he addeth, how that once in euery third yeere all the Cassiques or Lords and Captaines some seuen dayes iourney from Manooan doe come to a great drinking, 40 which continueth for the space of ten dayes together, in which time they goe sometimes a fish­ing, fowling, and hunting, their fishing is in the salt Lake, where is abundance of Canoas, and those very great. They haue many fish-pooles of standing water, wherein they haue aboundance of Fish. They haue store of wilde Porkes and Deere, and other beasts, which are very good meate. Their Houses be made with many lofts and partitions in them. but not boorded, but with Houses with lofts. barres of wood, onely the lower floore on the ground is spread with clay very smooth, and with fires hardned, as they doe their pots, then presently they build their houses, as is before spoken of. Also he affirmeth, that within the Citie at the entring in of their houses they hang Carocoore on the posts which I take to be Images of gold.

Directions to the Towne of Cooropan from 50 Marrawin.

FRom the head of Marrawin to Itshuerwa, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Caperocca, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to a Mountaine called Payen: from thence to Una, a Moun­taine: from thence to Youwalprenay, a Charech Towne: from thence to Tetatttecoomoyneto, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Tunstoorito, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Soynoon, a Pa­rawag Towne: from thence to Crooroorere, a Suppay Towne: from thence to Macatana a Sup­pay Towne: from thence to Pipicorwarra, a Mountaine: from thence to Shadden, an Arwacca 60 Towne: from thence to Lonnoo, an Arwacca Towne: from thence to Horurra a Mountaine: from thence to Habittebin, a Plaine: from thence to Warooca, an Arwac. Towne: from thence to Hardoo an Arwacca; and from thence to Coorepon, where he dwelleth, which he saith is but ten dayes iourney from the head of Marrawin.

Directions from the head of Selinama to Cooropan, which is but seuen dayes iourney.

FRom the head of Selinama to Kiarno a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Pommaro a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Scooadoddepon an Arwac Towne: from thence to Sickene a Moun­taine: from thence to Shuhurway an Arwac Towne: from thence to Hadarinner a Suppay Towne: from thence to Weeatoopona, Arwac: from thence to Ruttrahar, Arwac: from thence to Caboyetitte, Arwac: from thence to Heeanannerre, Suppay: from thence to Wabockeyaway, Ar­wac: from thence to Hanamob, Arwac: from thence to Muttuggabee, a Mountaine; and so to 10 Cooropon, which is but seuen dayes iourney from the head of Selinama.

He likewise saith it is but a moneths iourney by land, from the head of Marrawin to the head of Dissikeebee, and from the head of Dissikeebee to the head of Oreno (que) a moneths trauell.

Riuers from Brabisse to the Amazones.

RIVERS.
NATIONS.
Brabisse.
Chareebees.
Winniepa.
Chareebes.
Arew.
Napoys.
Mannapoo.
Napoys.
Mucca [...]reu.
not inhabited.
Morecoose.
Napoys.
Arawon.
not inhabited.
Orenoco.
Yaios Arwac.
Emataccoo.
Chareebes.
Eparramoo.
Chareebes.
Aratooree.
Chareebes.
Amockooroo.
Chareeb.
Pareema.
Chareeb.
Wine.
Chareeb.
Moroka.
Yaios.
Paurooma.
Arwaccas.
Wacapwhou.
Arwaccas.
Dissikeebee.
Arwac.
Quiowinne. Matooronee.Branches of Dissikeebee.
Chareeb.
Marrawin.
Para. Ya. Cha. & Arwa.
Amanna.
Chareeb.
Vraco.
Arwac.
Coonannoma.
Arwac.
Oorassowinni.
not inhabited.
Sinomarra.
Chareeb.
Mannomanury.
Chareeb.
Ecaurwa.
Chareeb.
Canrooroo.
Chareeb.
Muccurrie.
Chareeb.
Kiam.
Chareeb.
Wia.
Chareeb.
Kowo.
not inhabited.
Apoorwacca.
Chareeb.
Wannase.
Yaios.
Wiapoco.
Yaios.
Aroocona.
Areecola.
Casippooroo.
Areecoole.
Connawin.
Yaio.
Miocaree.
Areecool.
Demeerare.
Arwac.
Miconine.
Arwac.
Wapary.
Arwac.
Mauhica.
Arwac.
Keribisse.
Arwac.
Coretine.
Chareeb. Arw.
Eneecare.
Chareeb.
Coopanomi.
Chareeb.
Soorammo.
Chareeb.
Surennamo, alias, 40 Selinama.
Chareeb.
Camouree, alias, Commawin.Branches of Selinama.
 
Arowaree.
Chareeb.
Arapoco.
 
Amazone.
 

Topaniwinni, a Branch of Marwin, at the head thereof going toward Orono (que), in which dwell a wilde People called Vrokere, which are swift in running. Swift foot­men. 50

The Chareebees with long eares are called Nooraco. Ekinnicke, a kinde of worme, which poi­soneth the water.

And thus much of Guianian affaires. Some other Voyages thither haue beene at large published by by Sir W. R. and Master Keymis, recorded by Master Hakl. A later also with great noise, prepara­tion and expectation hath happened, written alreadie in bloud, therefore, and for the latenesse needlesse and vnworthie, that I say not too dismall and fatall for our Relations. 60

CHAP. XVIII.

A Description and Discouery of the Riuer of Amazons, by WILLIAM DAVIES Barber Surgeon of London.

THe Riuer of the Amazons lieth in the highest part of the West Indies, beyond the Distant from England 1600. leagues. This is a part of a Booke [...]et forth by the said Dauies of his m [...]serable captiuitie. Equinoctial Line; to fall with this Riuer fortie leagues from Land you shal haue 8. 6. & 7. fathomes water, & you shal see the Sea change to a ruddie colour, the wa­ter 10 shall grow fresh, by these signes you may run boldly in your course, and com­ming neere the Riuers mouth, the depth of your water shal increase, then you shal make Discouerie of the Trees before the Land, by reason the Land is very low, and not higher in one place then another three foote, being at a Spring tide almost all ouerflowne, God knowes how many hundred leagues. It flowes much water there with a verie forcible tide. In this Ri­uer I continued tenne weekes, seeing the fashion of the people and Countrie there. This Coun­trie is altogether full of Woods, with all sorts of wilde Beasts: as Lions Beares, Woolues, Leopards, Baboones, strange Boores, Apes, Monkeies, Martins, Sanguines, Marmosets, with diuers other strange beasts: also these Woods are full of Wild-fowle of all sorts, and Parrats more plentifull then Pidgeons in England, and as good meate, for I haue often eaten of them. 20 Also this Countrey is very full of Riuers, hauing a King ouer euerie Riuer. In this place is con­tinuall Tempests, as Lightning, Thunder, and Raine, and so extreame, that it continues most commonly sixteene or eighteene houres in foure and twentie. There are many standing waters in this Countrie, which bee full of Aligators, Guianes, with many other seuerall wa­ter Serpents, and great store of fresh fish, of strange fashions. This Countrie is full of Muskitas, which is a small Flie, which much offends a Stranger comming newly into the Countrie. The manner, fashion, and nature of the people is this: They are altogether naked, both men and women, hauing not so much as one threed about them to couer any part of their nakednesse, the man taketh a round Cane as bigge as a pennie Candle, and two inches in length, through the which hee puls the fore-skinne of his yard, tying the skinne with a piece of the rinde of 30 a Tree about the bignesse of a small pack-threed, then making of it fast about his middle, hee continueth thus till hee haue occasion to vse him: In each Eare hee weareth a Reede or Cane, which hee bores through it, about the bignesse of a Swannes Quill, and in length halfe an inch, and the like through the midst of the lower lippe: also at the bridge of the Nose hee hangs in a Reede a small gl [...]sse Beade or Button, which hanging directly afore his Mouth, flies too and fro still as hee speakes, wherein hee takes great pride and pleasure. Hee weares his Haire long, being rounded below to the neather part of his Eare, and cut short, or rather as I iudged pluckt bald on the c [...]owne like a [...]rier. But their women vse no fashion at all to set forth them­selues, but starke naked as they were borne, with haire long of their Heads, also their Breasts hang verie low, by reason they are neuer laced or braced vp: they doe vse to anoint their Bo­dies, 40 both Men and Women, with a kind of redde Earth, because the Muskitas, or Flies shall not offend them.

These people are verie ingenious, craftie, and treacherous, verie light of foot, and good Bowemen, whose like I haue neuer seene, for they doe ordinarily kill their owne food, as Beasts, Fowle, and Fish, the manner of their Bow and Arrowes is this. The Bow is about two yards in length, the Arrow seuen foote. His Bow is made of Brasill-wood verie curious, his string of the rinde of a Tree, lying close to the Bo [...], without any bent, his Arrow made of Reede, and the head of it is a fish bone [...] a Beast in this manner: standing behinde a Tree, hee takes his marke at the Beast, and wo [...] [...] he followes him like a Bloud-hound till he fall, oftentimes seconding his shoot: then for any Fowle be he neuer so little, he neuer misses him: 50 as for the first, hee walkes by the water side, and when hee hath spied a fish in the water, hee presently strikes him with his Arrow, and suddenly throwing downe his Bow, hee leapes into the water, swimming to his Arrow which hee drawes aland with the fish fastened to it, then hauing each kild his owne food, as well flesh, and fowle, as fish, they meete together, to the number of fiftie or sixtie in a company, then make a fire after this fashion: They take two stickes of Wood, rubbing one hard against another, till such time as they bee fired, then making of a great fire, euery man is his owne Cooke to broile that which he hath gotten, and thus they feed without Bread or Salt, or any kind of drinke but Water and Tobacco, neither doe they know what it meanes: In these Countries we could find neither Gold nor Siluer Oare, but great store of Hennes. For I haue bought a couple for a Iewes Harpe, when they would refuse tenne shil­lings 60 in money. This Countrie is full of delicious fruite, as Pines, Plantines, Guaues, and Pota­to Rootes, of which Fruits and Roots I would haue bought a mans burthen for a glasse Button or Bead. The manner of their Lodging is this: they haue a kinde of Net made of the rinde of a Tree which they call Haemac, being three fathome in length, and two in breadth, and gathered [Page 1288] at both ends at length, then fastning either end to a Tree, to the full length about a yard and halfe from the ground, when hee hath desire to sleepe, hee creepes vnto it. The King of euerie Riuer is knowne by this manner. He weares vpon his head a Crowne of Parrats feathers, of se­uerall colours, hauing either about his middle, or about his Necke, a Chaine of Lions teeth or clawes, or of some other strange beast, hauing a woodden Sword in his hand, and hereby is he knowne to be the King: Oftentimes one King warres against another in their Canowes, which are Boats cut out of a whole Tree, sometimes taking one another, the Conquerours eates the Captiues. By this time ten weekes were spent, and being homewards bound, but not the same way that we came, for we sailed vnto the Riuer before the winde, because it blowes there continually one way, which forces all shippes 10 that come thither to returne by a con­trarie way.

The end of the sixth Booke. 20 30 40 50 60

VOYAGES TO AND ABOVT THE SOVTHERNE AMERICA, WITH MANY MARINE OBSERVATIONS AND DISCOVR­SES 10 OF THOSE SEAS AND LANDS, BY ENGLISHMEN AND OTHERS.
THE SEAVENTH BOOKE.

REader, I here present thee the exactest Treatise of Brasil which I haue seene written by any man, 20 especially in the Historie of the multiplied and diuersified Nations and customes of men; as also in the naturall Historie of Beasts, Serpents, Fowles, Fishes, Trees, Plants, with diuers other remarkeable rarities of those Regions. It was written (it seemeth) by a Portugall Frier (or Iesuite) which had liued thirtie yeares in those parts, from whom (much against his will) the written Booke was taken by one Fran­ces Cooke of Dartmouth in a U [...]yage outward bound, for Brasil, An. 1601. who sold the same to Ma­ster Hacket for twenty shillings; by whose procurement it was translated out of Portugall into English: which translation I haue compared with the written Originall, and in many places supplied defects, amended errours, illustrated with notes, and thus finished and furnished to the publike view. Great losse had the Author of his worke, and it not a little of his name I finde at the end of the Booke some me [...]cinall receipts, and the name subscribed Ir. Ma [...]el [...]sta­on E [...] e [...]ro do Colagi [...] da [...]: whom I [...]magine to haue beene Author of this Treatise. Cooke re­ported that he had it of a Friar: but the name Ie­sus diuers times on the top of the page and often mention of the Fathers and soc [...] ­etie maketh me thinke him a bro­ther of that or­der, besides the state-tractate fol­lowing., which I should as willingly haue inserted as worthy much honour for his industrie, by which the great and admirable workes of the Creator are 30 made knowne; the visible and various testimonies of his inuisible power, and manifold wisedome. Sic vos non vobis. In this and other written tractates the Spaniards and the Portugals haue taken paines, and (which was denied to Spaine and Portugall) England as here entred into their labours, and hath reaped an English haruest of Spanish and Portugall seede. Another Treatise was taken by the said Frances Cooke, written more fairely, but it seemeth with the same hand, part of which I haue added for better knowledge both of the ciuill-vnciuill dealings of the Portugals with the Indians; and of the vn­christian christianitie in their owne practise and conuersion of the Indians, and that by Iesuiticall testi­monie. I may well adde this Iesuite to the English Voyages, as being an English prize and captiue.

CHAP. I. 40

A Treatise of Brasil, written by a Portugall which had long liued there.

§. I.

Of the beginning and originall of the Indians of Brasil, and of their Customes, Religions, and Ceremonies. 50

IT seemeth that this people hath no knowledge of the beginning and creation of the world, but of the deluge it seemeth they Their opinion of a floud. haue some notice: but as they haue no writings nor characters such notice is obscure and confused; for they say that the waters drowned all men, and that one onely escaped vpon a Ianipata with a sister of his that was with childe, and that from these two they haue their beginning, and from thence began their multi­plying and increase. Of the know­ledg that they haue or the Creator, and of the Soule, Paradise, Di­uels, 60

This people hath not any knowledge of their Creator, no [...] of any thing of heauen, nor if there be any paine nor glory after this life, therefore they haue no oderation nor ceremonies, nor diuine worship, but they know that they haue soules, and that they dye not; and they say that [Page 1290] the soules are conuerted into diuels, and that after their death they goe to certaine fields where are many figge trees along by a faire Riuer, and all together doe nothing but daunce. This is the cause why they are g [...]tatly afraid of the Diuell, whom they call Curupira, Taguain, Pigtangna, Mach­chera, A [...]hanga: and their feare of him is so great, that onely with the imagination of him they dye as many times already it hath happened: they worship it not, not any other creature, nei­ther haue they Idols of any sort, onely some old men doe say that in some waies they haue cer­taine Posts where they offer him some things, for the feare they haue of them, and because they would not die. Sometimes the Diuels appeare vnto them, though very seldome, and among them Diuels feare. are few possessed.

Th [...]y vse some witchcrafts, and there are some Witches, not because they beleeue in them, or 10 doe worship them, but onely they giue themselues to the Chupar in their sicknesses, seeming to them that they receiued their health but not because they doe think they haue any diuinity, and they do it rather to receiue health, then for any other respect. There arise sometimes among them some Witches whom they call Caraiba, and most commonly it is some Indian of a bad life; this doth some witchcrafts and strange things to nature, as to show that he raiseth some to life, that Caraibas iug­ling. makes himselfe dead, and with these and other l [...]ke things he carrieth all the Countrie after him, deceiuing and saying to them that they shall not cultiuate, nor plant their Pulse and their proui­sion, neither digge nor labour, &c. for with his comming the time is come that the Mattockes themselues shall digge of their owne accord, and the Beasts goe to the fields and bring the pro­uision, and with these falshoods he leades them so deluded and inchanted, that not looking to 20 their liues, and to get their foode, they die for hunger, and these companies are diminished by lit­and little, till the Caraiba remaineth alone, or is murthered by them.

They haue no proper name to expresse God, but they say the Tupan is the thunder and light­ning, No proper name of God. and that this is he that gaue them the Mattocks and the foode, and because they haue no other name more naturall and proper, they call God Tupan.

There are mariages among them, but there is a great doubt whether they be true, as well be­cause Of the Mari­ages. They giue no dowries to their daughters or to the sous, but they serue their mother in law. they haue many wiues, as for the easie forsaking them for whatsoeuer quarrell, anger, or any other disgrace hapning among them; but either true or not, among them they were made in this sort. No yong man did vse to marrie before he had taken an emenie, and he continued a virgin till he tooke and slew him, holding first his feasts for the space of two or three yeares, the 30 woman in like sort did not marrie nor know man, till she had her tearmes, after the which they made her great feasts; at the time of the deliuerie of the woman they made great drinkings. And the feast being ended, the marriage remained perfect giuing a net cleane washt; and after they were said, the father tooke a wedge of stone and did cut vpon a post or stake, then they say hee Tailes. did cut the tailes from the grandchildren, and therefore they were borne without them, and af­ter they were married they began to drinke, for vntill then their fathers did not suffer them, teaching them that they should drinke heedefully, and should be considerate and wise in their Drinkings. speaking, that the wine might doe them no hurt, and that they should not speake bad things, and then with a vessell the old ancient men did giue him the first wine, and hold his head with their hands that he might not vomit, for if he doth vomit they hold to themselues that he would 40 not be valiant.

This people eateth at all times by night and by day, and euerie houre and moment, and when Of the manner th [...]y keepe in their eating and drinking. they haue any meate they keepe it no long time, for they haue no prouidence for the future, but presently they eate all that they haue, and deuide it among their friends, in sort that of one fish that they haue they diuide it to all, and they hold for a great honour and gallantrie to be libe­rall, and thereby they get great fame and honour: and they hold for the greatest iniurie that Liberality, and opinion of niggardi [...]e. they can doe them, to hold them for niggards, or call them so: and when they haue nothing to eate, they are very patient in hunger and thirst. They haue no flesh or fish daies, they eate all manner of flesh, euen of vncleane creatures, as Snakes, Toades, Rats, and such like wormes; they eate also all manner of Fruites, sauing some that are poisonous. This sustenance is ordinari­ly 50 of that which the Countrie yeeldeth without husbandrie, as wilde fowle, flesh and fruites, Their diet. but they haue a certaine kinde of foode of a good substance, and healthfull, and many other pul­ses, whereof hereafter shall mention be made. Ordinarily they drinke not while they eate, but after meate they drinke water or wine which they make of many kindes of fruites, and rootes, as hereafter shall be said, of the which they drinke without measure or order, euen till Drinking. they fall downe.

They haue some particular daies wherein they make great feasts, and all ends in drinking, and they last two or three daies, in the which they eate not but onely drinke, and there be men that Feasts. emptie a whole great vessell of wine. That these drinkings may be more festiuall, some goe a­bout singing from house to house, calling and inuiting all they finde for to drinke and be merrie. 60 These dancings last with musicke all the time of the drinking, in the which they sleepe not, but passe it all in drinking, and when they are drunke they play many disorders, and they breake Daunces. one anothers head, and take other mens wiues, &c. They giue no thankes before nor after meate Rudenesse. to God, nor wash their hands before meate, and after meate they wipe them at their haire, on [Page 1291] their body, or a poste. They haue no towels nor tables, they eate fitting, or lying in their nets, or cowring on the ground: they eate their meate throwing it with their hand into the mouth; and I omit many other particularities that they haue in their eating and drinking, because these are the principall.

All this people haue for their beds certaine nets made of Cotten wooll, and they sleepe in Of the man­ner that they haue in their sleeping. them hanging in the ayre. These they make some wrought, others of sundry colours and as they remaine in the ayre, and haue no other couering or cloathes al waies in summer and winter, they haue fire vnder them: they rise not very early, and goe to bed by times, and in the mornings there is one chiefe man in their houses, One House containeth many Fami­lies. that lying in his net doth preach vnto them for the space of an houre, how they are to goe to labour as their forefathers did, and he appointeth them the time, telling them what they are to doe; and after he is vp continueth his preaching, running 10 through the Towne. They tooke this custome from a bird which is like a Hawke, which sing­eth in the morning, and they call it the King and Lord of the other Birds; and they say that euen as that Bird doth sing in the mornings to be heard of the rest, so the principall should make those preachings and speeches to be heard of theirs.

All of them goe naked as well men as women, and haue no kinde of apparnll, and are nothing Nakednesse. ashamed: rather it seemeth that they are in the state of innocencie touching this behalfe by the great honestie and modestie they doe keepe among themselues; and when any man speaketh Modesty. Painting. with a woman, he turneth his backe to her. But to make themselues gallant they vse diuers in­uentions, painting their bodies with the iuice of a certaine fruite wherewith they remaine black, 20 making in their bodies many white stroakes, after the fashion of round hose, and other kinde of Galantry. garments. They enplume themselues also, making Diadems and Bracelets, and other very fine inuentions, they esteeme very much all manner of fine Feathers: they let no haire grow in the parts of their body, but they pull them out, onely the head excepted, which they cut in many fashions, for some weare them long with a halfe Moone shauen before, and they say they tooke Neatnesse, this vse from Saint Thomas, and it seemeth that they had some notice of him, though confused­ly; others make certaine kinde of crownes and circles that they seeme Friers: the women all doe weare long haire, and ordinarily blacke, and the haire of the one and of the other is smooth: when they are angrie they let their haire grow long: and the women when they mourne, doe Mourning. cut their haire, and also when their husbands goe a farre iourney, in this they show their loue and loyaltie to them: the vanitie they haue in their poling is so much, that by the head the Na­tions 30 are knowne.

Now alreadie some doe weare apparell as well men as women, but they esteeme it so little Apparell. that they weare it rather for fashion then for honesties sake, and because they are commanded to weare it; as it is well seene by some, that sometimes come abroad with certaine garments no further then the nauell, without any other thing, and others onely with a cap on their heads; and leaue the other garments at home: the women make great accompt of Laces and Combes.

These Indians doe vse certaine Cottages, or houses of timber, couered with Palme tree leaues, Of their Hou­ses. and are in length some of two hundred and three hundred spans, and they haue two or three 40 doores, verie little and low. They shew their valour in seeking timber, and verie great posts, and of great continnance, and there be houses that haue fiftie, sixtie or seuentie roomes of twentie or fiue and twentie quarters long, and as manie quarters long, and as many in breadth. In this house dwelleth one principall man or more, whom all the rest doe obey, and ordinarily they are kinf­men. In euery roome of these dwelleth a houshold with their children and family without any repartition betweene the one and the other, and to enter in one of these houses is to enter into a laberinth, for euery roome hath his fire, and their nets hanging, and their [...]stuffe, so that comming in, all that they haue is in sight, and some house hath two hundred persons and more.

The women when they are brought to bed (they are deliuered on the ground) doe not Childebirth. take vp the childe, but the Father taketh it vp, or some other person whom they take for their Gossip, and in friendship they are as the Gossips among the Christians. The Father doth cut the Nauell string with his teeth, or with two stones knocking the one with the other, and then 50 they set themselues to fasting vntill the Nauell string falleth off, which is ordinarily to the eight day, and till it doth fall they leaue not their fasting, when it falleth, if it bee a man childe he maketh it a Bow with Arrowes, and tieth it at the end of the Net, and at the other end manie handfuls of hearbes which are the enemies which his sonne shall kill and eate. These ceremonies being ended, they make drinkings where with they all are merrie. The women when they are deliuered, doe presently goe and wash themselues in the Riuers, and they giue the childe sucke ordinarily a yeere and an halfe, not giuing it any other thing to eate. They loue their children extraordinarily, and beare them in certaine pieces of Nets which they call Tupiya, and carrie Loue and e [...] ­cation of chil­dren. them to their plowings and to all kind of labours on their backes, through cold and heate, and 60 they carrie them like the G [...]p [...]ies stradling about their hips; they giue them no manner of corre­ction, that their children may not crie. They haue manie Southsayings, for they put Cotton­clothes; vpon their head, birds teathers, and stickes: they lay them one the palmes of their [Page 1292] hands, and rocke them by them that they may grow. They esteeme more to doe good to their children then to themselues, and now they esteeme and loue the Fathers verie much because they Friers and Ie­suires paines with Indians children. bring them vp, they teach them to reade, write, and cipher, and singing, and to play on an Instru­ment, a thing which they doe much esteeme.

When any guest doth come to the house, the honour and entertainment they make him is to Of the custom they haue in harboring, or entertayning their guests. bewaile him; Now the guest being come into the house they set him in the Net, & after he is set without speaking any word to him the wife and the daughters, and the other friends do sit them downe round about him with their haire loose, touching with the hand the partie: they all be­ginne to weepe with a high voice and great abundance of teares, and there they tell in a versified prose all things that haue happened since they saw one another to that houre, and manie other 10 which they inuent, and the troubles that the guest hath suffered in his journie; and all things else that may prouoke pitie and teares. The guest all this time speaketh not one word, but after they haue bewailed him a good while thy wipe the teares, and remaine so quiet, so modest, so pleasant and merrie that it seemeth they neuer wept, and then they salute one another, and giue their Ereiupe, or welcome, and they bring him meate, &c. And after these Ceremonies ended, the guest telleth wherefore he commeth. The men likewise bewaile one another, but it is in some weightie matters, as deaths, misfortunes in wars, &c. They hold it for a great courtesie to entertaine all men and to giue them all things necessarie for their sustenance, and some gifts, as Bowes, Arrowes, Birds, Feathers, and other things according to their pouertie without any kind of reward.

These Gentiles doe accustome to drinke the smoake of Petigma, by another name the holy herbe, Of the custom they haue of drinking of smoake. 20 this they drie and make of a Palme-tree leafe a Coffin like the joint of a Cane, and filled with this herbe, they fire it at the small end putting the biggest in their mouth, and so they sucke or drinke that smoake, and they hold it for a great daintie and fauour, and lying in their Nets they spend part of the daies and of the nights: to some it doth much hurt, and maketh them dizzie and drunke, to others it doth much good, and maketh them voide a great deale of fiegme at the mouth. The women also doe drinke it, but they are such as are old and sickly, for it is verie me­dicinable vnto them, especially for the cough, the head-ache, and the Disease of the stomacke, and hence come a great manie of the Portugals to drinke it, and haue taken it for a vice or for idlenesse, imitating the Indians to spend daies and nights about it.

This Nation hath no monie where with to satisfie the seruices that are done to them, but they Of the man­ner of pay­ments and husbandrie. 30 liue with bartering one thing for another, and principally in change of wine they doe all that they will, and so when they haue any businesse, they make wines, and aduising the Neigh­bours, and assembling all the Towne, they desire them to helpe them in their Husbandrie, which they doe with a good will; and labouring till tenne of the clocke they returne home againe to drinke their wines; and if that day their tillage be not ended, they make other wines, and so goe another day till ten of the clocke to make an end of their businesse. And in this sort doe the wise White men or Portugals vse, that know the vse and fashions of the Indians, and how much they do for wine; they make wines for them, and call them to their Husbandries, and to their Sugar­canes, and with this they pay them. They vse also ordinarily to change some things for white beades, which are made of Wilkes: and in change of some Nosegaies they giue euen their wiues; 40 and this is the ransome wherewith they vse ordinarily, that is, the White men, for to buy of them the slaues, as well men as women that they haue for to eate.

These Indians vse ordinarily, chiefly in their Feasts, Collars which they make of Wilkes, Diademes of Feathers, and certaine Brooches, (that is, stones which they put in their lower Of their Iewels and Brooches. lip) some greene, white, some blue, and verie fine, and are like Emeralds, or Christall, they are round, and some of them so long that they reach to their breasts, and it is ordinarily among the Filthily fine. great and principall men, to haue them of a span, or more in lenght. They vse also white Brace­lets of the same Wilkes, and they put in their eares certain white stones of a span long and more; and these and other like are the ornaments wherewith they adorne themselues in their Feasts, whether they be of slaughters of the enemies: or of wines; and these are the Riches that they 50 esteeme aboue all that they possesse.

These Indians doe vse to intreate their Wiues well, they neuer strike them, neither quarrell Of the vsage of their wiues, and how they man them. with them, except in the time of their drinkings, for then ordinarily they reuenge themselues of them, giuing for an excuse afterward, it was the wine they had drunke, and then they are friends as before, and the hatreds betweene them last not long. They goe alwaies together, and when they goe abroad, the woman commeth behind and the man before, that if any ambush bee laid, the wife may not fall into it, and may haue time to flie while the Husband fighteth with his ad­uersarie, &c. But at their returning home from their fields, or from any other place the wife commeth before, and the Husband behinde, that if any mischance shall happen, the wife may flie home, and the Husband fight with the enemies, or any other thing. But in a safe Countrie 60 and within the Townes the wife alwaies goeth before, and the Husband behind, for they are ve­rie jealous, and will haue alwaies their wife in sight. Iealousie. Of their dan­ces and their songs.

Though they be melancholike they haue their Games, especially the children verie diuers and pleasant, in the which they counterfeit manie kinds of Birds, and with so great feast and [Page 1293] order as may be. And the children are joyfull and giuen to play, and they play with such quiet­nesse and friendship, that among them is no bad name heard, or any scurrilitie, or calling any nickname one to anothers Father or Mother; and seldome doe they disagree when they play, nor disorder themselues for any thing, and verie seldome doe they strike or fight one with ano­ther. The Fathers doe teach them from their cradles to dance and sing, and their dancings are not sundrie changes, but a continuall stamping with the feet standing still, or going round about, or stirring their bodie or their head, and they doe it all by such compasse, and pleasantnesse as can be desired, at the sound of a Timbrell made after the fashion of those which the children vse in Instruments. Spaine with manie smal stones within or certaine seeds whereof they make also verie good beads: and so they sing dancing altogether, for they doe not one thing without the other, in such com­passe 10 and order that sometime an 100. men dancing and singing together in a row one behind the other doe end all at one stroke, as if they were altogether in one place. The singers aswell men as women are much esteemed among them, in so much that if they take an enemie a good singer, and an Inuenter of Verses, they therefore spare his life, and doe not eate him nor his children. The women doe dance together with the men, and make many gambolls and gestures with Womens dan­ces. their armes and bodies, especially when they dance alone. They keepe among themselues differencies of voices in their Consort: and ordinarily the women doe sing the Treble, Coun­ter, and Tenours.

They are verie wicked, especially in weeping for the dead, for when any one dieth, the Kin­dred Of their bu­rials. doe cast themselues vpon him in the Net, and so suddenly that sometimes they choake him 20 before he dieth, seeming to them he is dead. And those that cannot cast themselues with the Coarse in the Net doe cast themselues on the ground with such falls and knockes that it seemeth Lamentations to be lamen­ted. a Miracle they doe not end their liues with the dead, and of these falls, and mournings they re­maine so feeble that sometime they die. When they mourne they speak manie pittiful and dolo­rous words, & if he die at euening all night long they weep with a high voice, that it is a wonder they are not wearie. For these mournings they cal the Neighbours, & kinsmen, and if he be one of the principall, all the Towne doth meete to mourne, and in this they haue also their points of honour, and they curse with plagues those which weepe not, saying, that they shall not bee mourned for. After he is dead they wash him and paint him verie brauely, as they paint their e­nemies: and after this they couer him with Cotton Yarne that nothing is seene of him, and put 30 a couering ouer his face, and sitting they put him in a great tinnage or vessell that they haue vn­der the Earth for that purpose, and doe couer it in such manner that no Earth may come to him, and the vessel they couer with earth, making him a house where euerie day they carrie him meat. For they say that when he is wearie with dancing he commeth thether to eate, and so they goe for a certaine time to bewaile him euerie day all his Kindred, with him they burie all his Iewels or Brooches, that none may see them and grieue thereat. But if the dead had any Peece, as a Sword, &c. that had beene giuen him, it returneth to him that gaue it, and hee taketh it againe wheresoeuer he findeth it; therefore they say that when one dieth he loseth all the right of that which was giuen him. After the Coarse is buried, the Kinsmen are in continuall weeping night and day, the one beginning as the other endeth, they eate not but by night, they hang their 40 Nets neere to the roofes, and the women after twentie daies doe cut their haire, and this lamen­ting lasteth a whole Moone, the which being ended they make great Wines or Drinkings to put away their mourning. The men doe cut their haire, and the women doe paint themselues with blacke, and these Ceremonies and others being ended, they beginne to communicate the one with the other, aswell the men as the women. After their companions are dead, some neuer doe marrie againe nor enter into the Feast of Wines, neither paint themselues with blacke; but is verie seldome among them, because they are much giuen to women, and cannot liue with­out them.

Before they had any knowledge of the Portugals they vsed tooles and instruments of stone, Of the Instru­ments they do vse. bone, wood, Canes, and teeth of Beasts, &c. and with these they hewed downe great Woods, with wedges of stones, helping themselues with fire; and they digged also the ground with cer­taine 50 sharpe stakes, and they made their Brooches, Beades of Wilkes, Bowes, and Arrowes, as well as now hauing Instruments of Iron, but they spent a long time in making of whatsoeuer thing; wherefore they esteeme the Iron verie much, for the facilitie or ease which they finde in making their things with it. And this is the reason wherefore they are glad of Commerce with the Portugals or white men.

The weapons of this people ordinarily are Bowes and Arrowes, and they boast themselues of Of the wea­pons they doe vse. them, and they make them of verie good wood, and verie faire interlaid with Palme-tree of sun­drie colours, they die their strings greene, or red, and they make their Arrowes verie faire, see­king for them the fairest feathers they can find. They make these Arrowes of sundrie Canes, 60 and fasten in their points the teeth of beasts, or certaine verie hard Rushes, or sharpe stickes with many snagges, and many times they empoison them with herbes. These Arrowes to ones sight seeme a thing of mockerie, but are verie cruell Weapons, and pierce quilted breast-plates or cu­rates; and striking in a sticke they cleaue it asunder, and sometimes happen to goe through a man Cruel arrowes [Page 1294] and sticke on the ground. They doe exercise themselues in these Weapons verie young, and are great Archers, and so certaine that no Bird can escape them be it neuer so little, or any vermine Cunning Ar­chers. of the Woods; and there is no more but if they will shoot an Arrow through the eie of a bird or a man; or hit any other thing be it neuer so small, they doe it with great facilitie and with their owne safetie; and for this they are greatly feared. They are stout also and fierce, and dreadfull to others.

They are as vermine of the Woods, for they goe a hunting into the Countrie naked and bare­foot, without any feare. They haue a maruellous sight, for at a league off they see any thing, and Their Arts. in the same manner they heare. They guesse verie right ruling themselues by the Sunne, they go to all parts they list, 200. or 300. leagues through thicke Woods, and misse not one [...]ot, they tra­uell Quick sighted. 10 much, and alwaies runnig a gallop, especially with some charges, no Horse is able to hold out with them. They are great fishers and swimmers, they feare no Sea nor waues, continue a Great Trauel­lers and swift. day and a night swimming, and the same they doe rowing, and sometimes without meate. They vse also for Weapons Swords of wood, and interlay the ends of them with Palme-tree of sun­drie colours, and set Plumes on them of diuers colours, chiefly in their feasts and slaughters. And Swords. these Swords are verie cruell, for they make no wound, but bruise and breake a mans head with­out hauing any remedie of cure.

§. II. 20

Of their manner of killing and eating of humane flesh: and of their creating Gentlemen.

OF all the honours and pleasures of this life, none is so great for this people as to kill and get a name on the heads of their Aduersaries, neither are there a­mong them any Feasts, comparable to those which they make at the death of those which they kill with great Ceremonies, which they doe in this man­ner. Those which beeing taken in the Warre are appointed to die, came presently from thence with a token, which is a small coard about his necke; and if hee bee a man that may 30 runnne away, he hath one hand tied to his necke vnder his chinne. And before they come to the Townes that are by the way, they paint their eie-lids, eie-browes, and their beards, polling them after fashion, and enpluming them with Yellow feathers so well placed that yee can see no haire; which makes them so gallant as the Spaniards in their rich Apparell, and so they goe sha­ring their victorie whereby soeuer they passe. When they come to their owne Countrie, the women came out to receiue them, showting altogether and striking themselues on the mouth which is a common entertainment among them; without any other vexation, or imprisonment, except that they weare about the necke a round collar like a coard of a good bignesse, as hard as a sticke. In this collar they beginne to weaue a great manie fathomes of small coard as long as a womans haire, fastened aboue with a certaine knot, and loose vnderneath, and so it goeth from 40 eare to eare behind the backe, horrible to looke on. And if it be on the Frontier where hee may runne away, they put him in stead of shackels below the knees a string of threed twisted verie hard, which is too weake for any Knife; but that they haue Keepers that goe not one moment from him, whether he goe about the houses, to the Woods, or by the Fields; for he hath libertie for all this, and commonly the keeper is one that is giuen him for wife, and also for to dresse his meate, with the which if his Masters doe giue him no meate as the custome is, he taketh a Bow Gentle cruell keeper. and Arrowes and shooteth at the first Henne he seeth, or at a Ducke be it whosesoeuer, and none doth contradict him, and so he waxeth fat, neither breaking therefore his sleepe, his laughter, or his pleasure as the rest, and some are as contented though they are to bee eaten, that in no wise they will consent to be ransomed for to serue; for they say that it is a wretched thing to die, and 50 lie stinking, and eaten with Wormes. These women are commonly faithfull in their charge, for they receiue honour thereby, and therefore manie times they are young, and daughters of the chiefe, especially if their brothers are to be the slaiers. For those which haue not this interest manie times, affect them in such manner, that not onely they giue them leaue to runne away, but they also doe goe with them, neither haue the women any other punishment if they bee taken againe, then a few strokes, and sometimes they are eaten of those same to whom they gaue life.

The time when he shall die being determined, the women beginne to make vessels, that is, Festiuall pre­paration and solemnitie. Bowles, Traies, and Pots for the Wines, so great that euerie one will hold a pipe. This being readie, as well the principall as the rest doe send their Messengers to inuite others from sundrie places against such a Moone about tenne or twelue leagues compasse or more, for the which none 60 doth excuse himselfe. The guests doe come in Mogotes or troupes with their wiues and chil­dren, and all of them doe enter the Towne with Dancers; and all the time the people are a ga­thering together, there is Wine for the guests, for without it all the other entertainments are nothing worth. The people being assembled, the Feasts beginne some daies before according to [Page 1295] the number, and certaine ceremonies preceding, and euerie one lasteth a day. First, they haue for this certaine coards of Cotton-wooll of a reasonable bignesse, not twisted but wouen of a verie faire worke, it is a thing among them of great esteeme, and none hath them but some principall men, and according to their finenesse and workmanship, and their taking pleasure, it is to be be­leeued that they are not made in a yeere These are alwaies verie safely kept, and are carried to the place with great feast & great noise in certain traies where a Master of these things doth tie two knots within from that which one of the points do run in such maner that in the midst there re­maineth a noose. These knots are so fine that few are found that can make them, for some of them haue ten casts about, fiue crossing ouer the other fiue, as if one should crosse the fingers of the right hand ouer the left, & after they die them with thewater of a white clay like lime, & let them drie. 10

On the second day they bring a great number of burdens of wilde Canes or Reeds as long as Lances or more, and at night they set them on fire in a round heape, the points vpward leaning one to another, and so they make a great and faire high bone-fire, round about the which are men and women dancing with sheaues of arrowes at their backe, but they goe very swiftly; for hee that is to die, which seeth them better then hee is seene because of the fire, catcheth hold of all that he can, and catcheth them, and they beeing many hee misseth few times. At the third day they make a dance of men and women, all of them with pipes of Canes, and all of them at once doe stampe on the ground, now with one foot then with the other, all together without missing a stroke; and obseruing the same measure they play on their pipes, and there is no other singing nor speaking; they being many and the Canes some bigger and some smaller, besides the resoun­ding Black Saints. 20 in the Woods, they make a Hel-seeming harmonie, but they abide it as if it were the swee­test Musicke in the World. And these are their feasts, besides others which they intermingle with many graces and soothsayings.

On the fourth day, they carrie the captiued enemie as soone as the day breakes to wash him at a Riuer, and they while the time that when they doe returne it may be broad day light, comming i [...]o the Towne, the Prisoner goeth presently with a watchfull eye, for hee knoweth not out of what house or doore a valiant man is to come out to him, that is to catch hold of him behind. For as all their happinesse doth consist in dying valiantly, and the ceremonie that followeth, is now the neerest vnto death, as he which is to lay hold of him, doth shew his forces in ouer-comming him himselfe alone without any other helpe, so he will shew courage and force in resisting him: First encoun­ters. 30 and sometimes he doth it in such sort, that the first standing aside as wearied in wrestling, ano­ther succeedeth him which holds himselfe for a valianter-man, the which sometimes remaine well bedusted, & more they would remaine if at this time the captiue had not his cord or shakels.

This wrestling being ended, he on foot blowing and puffing with rage and wearinesse, with the other that hold him fast, there commeth forth a troope of Nymphes which doe bring a great new painted bowle, and in it the cords rolled vp, and very white, and this present being set at The womens parts. the feet of the captiue, a cunning old woman in these matters, and Mistris of the troope begin­neth to tune a Song, whom the other doe helpe, the Dittie is according to the ceremonie. And while they sing, the men take the cords and the nooze being put about his necke, they giue it an­other knot neere to the other great ones, that it may not lose againe; and hauing made of euery 40 end a coyle, they put them on the arme of the woman which alwaies goeth after him with this weight, and if the weight be great because the cords are great and long, they giue her another to carrie one of the coyles, and if he before was terrible with the coller, he is more now with those two knots so bigge behind about his necke, and therefore one of the verses of the Song saith, Wee are those that make the necke of the bird to stretch, although after other ceremonies, they say to him in another foote, If thou hadst beene a Parrot annoying vs, thou wouldest haue fled.

At this time the vessels of wine are set in a rowe, in the middest of a great house, and the house (hauing no partitions though it bee of twentie or thirtie fathome in length) it is full of people; and when they begin to drinke it is a Labyrinth, or a Hell to see and heare them. For those which dance and sing doe continue with great feruentnesse all the daies and nights that the wines doe Their songs, &c. last. For this being the proper feast of the slaughters, in the drinking of the wines are many particularities, which last long, and they make water at euery stop; and so they continue day and 50 night; they sing, dance, drinke, and speake telling in whoopes through all the house of warres, and acts that they did; and as euery one will be heard in his Historie, euery one doth speake stri­uing to bee lowdest, beside other noises, without any intermission, no not a quarter of an houre. That morning in which they begin to drinke, they paint the captiue by a particular way that they haue for that designe, in this sort, his face being cleane, and all the feathers he hath brought forth, they anoint him with the Milke of a certaine tree that cleaueth very fast, and they cast Adorning of the Captiue. vpon it the powder of certaine egge-shels of a certaine wild bird, and vpon this they paint him with black very faire pictures, and all his bodie to the sole of his foote, and sticke him all with feathers which they haue alreadie cut for that purpose and died redde, and that maketh him to 60 seeme halfe as bigge againe, and touching his face it maketh it seeme as much greater, and the eies so much the smaller, that he remaineth an horrible visage. And in the same manner that they haue painted his face, they adorn the Sword which is of wood, in manner of a Ferula or Palmer, [Page 1296] but that the head is not so round, but almost three square, and the sides doe almost end in an edge, and the shaft of it which may bee of seuen or eight spans is not altogether round. It hath at the The fatall Sword. head about foure fingers broad, and commeth still narrowing vnto the end where it hath certaine pendants, or little bels of diuers coloured feathers, it is a gallant thing and of great esteeme a­mong them, they call it Iugapenambin, that is, eares of the Sword. The last day of the wines they make in the midst of the place cabins of Palme-boughs, as many as they are that shall die, and in that they lodge, without entring any more, any house, and all the day and the night hee is well serued with feasts more then with meate, for they gine him no other foode but a fruite that hath the sauour of Nuts, that the next day he may not haue much bloud.

The fifth day in the morning at seuen of the clocke, little more or lesse his woman doth there Crocodiles teares. 10 leaue him, and goeth home very sad, and speaking for her farewell some pittifull wordes at the least fainedly. Then they take away his shackels, and passe the cords from his neck to the waste, and standing at the doore of him that must kill him, the slaughterer commeth forth in a dance as white as a Doue, painted with white earth, in a garment which they call a cloke of feathers tied about the breast, vpward like the wings of an Angell, so dancing he goeth round about the place, and commeth making very strange countenances with his eies and bodie, and with his hands he counterfeiteth the Kite that desireth flesh, and with this Deuillishnesse hee commeth to the wretch, which stands with the coard stretched, on both sides hauing one that holdeth him: and the poore wretch if he find wherewith to throw at him, hee doth it with a good will, and many times they giue him wherewith, for many valiant men doe come out to him, so nimble in win­ding 20 their bodie that he cannot hit them. This being ended there commeth an honorable Iudge, or stickler of the new Knight that shall bee, and taking the Sword passeth it many times be­tweene his legges, putting it now on the one side, now on the other, euen in the same manner that the Pipers dogs doe passe betweene their legges, and after taking it by the midst with both hands he pointeth as with a thrust to the eies of the man which is to die; and this being done he turneth the head of it vpward in the same manner that he is to vse it, and putteth it in the hands of the slaughterer, as apt and fit already with those blessings for to doe his office; they place them­selues Hallowing the Sword. somewhat to the left side, in such sort that he may hit him with the edge of his Sword in the nape of the necke, for he striketh at another place.

And their brutishnesse is so much, that because they feare no other euill but that which is pre­sent, 30 they are as resolute as if it were nothing, as well for to speake, as for to try their courage, for after they take their leaue of life, saying, In a good houre, let me die seeing many are dead, and that besides this his brethren and kinsmen remaine here to reuenge them. And with this the one makes Butchery rites. him readie to discharge, and the other to auoid his bodie, which is all the honour of his death. And they are so nimble in this that many times it is high daies before they are able to kill them, for when he sees the weapon in the aire, sometimes hee drawes his head aside, sometime hee de­clines his bodie; and in this they are so doughtie, that if those that hold the points of the coards doe gird him hard (as they doe when the slaughterer is slow or weake) hee puls so hard that hee brings them to him, and makes them to slacken in despight, hauing one eie on them another on the Sword, without any standing still: and as the killer may not deceiue them with an offer, and 40 not strike vnder paine of receiuing a fillip, they doe foresee their stroke in such sort that come it neuer so low in a trise they stoope, and lie so flat that it is a wonder to see; and no lesse is the ta­king of the Sword, holding the arme in such sort that doing him no hurt, they pul it downe ioint­ly with themselues, and they put it vnder the arme pulling by the killer; wherein if they did not helpe the other would dispatch him; for they haue in this actson so many sooth-sayings that for to kill a child of fiue yeere old, they goe so prepared as for to kill some Giant. And with these helpes and incouragements so many times hee striketh till hee hitteth and that is enough, for as­soone as he is downe he giueth him so many blowes till he batters his head (though one man was seene that had it so hard that they could neuer breake it, for as they goe bare-head, they haue Block-head. them so hard that ours in comparison of theirs are like a Pompion, and when they will injurie 50 any White man, they call him soft-head.)

If this which they kill falleth on his backe, and not on his belly they hold it for an euill lucke and prognostication that the killer shall die, and although he falleth vpon his belly, they haue many ceremonies, which if they be not kept they hold that the killer cannot liue, and many of them are so painfull that if any one did suffer their troubles for Gods sake, they would bee ac­counted meritorious, as hereafter shall be said, The poore wretch beeing dead they carrie him to a bone-fire that they haue readie for the same, and bringing the bodie neere the fire, touching him with the hand, flay off a skinne somewhat thicker then the rinde of an Onion, till he remaineth cleaner and whiter then a scalded Pig. Then it is deliuered to the Butcher which maketh a hole beneath the stomacke according to their vse, whereby the children first do put in their hands, and 60 pull by the guts vntill the Butcher cutteth where hee listeth, and that which remaineth in the hand of euerie one is his part, and the rest is diuided among the Commons; except some principal pieces which for great honour are giuen to the guests that are the most principall, which they doe carrie well r [...]i, so that it may not corrupt, and with them afterward in their countries they make new Feasts and drinkings of wine.

[Page 1297] The killer hauing ended his office, taking of the cloke of feather, and leauing the Sword hee Cerrmonies of making a new Gentle­man. goeth home, where at the doore the same iudge or stickler that was before with a shooting bow in his hand, that is, one of the points on the lower threshold, the other at the vpper, and pulling by the string as though he would shoote, the killer passeth betweene him so cunningly that hee toucheth in nothing. Assoone as he is passed the other loseth the string making shew that it grieues him to haue missed him whom he shot at, as though this hath vertue to make him swift afterward in the warre, and the enemies to misse him. When he is within he beginnes to runne through all the houses, and the Sisters and Cousins in the same manner before him, saying my Brother is called N. repeating it through all the Townes, and if the Gentleman hath any good thing he that goeth takes it from him till they leaue him nothing. This being ended they 10 cast on the ground certaine legges of a certaine Tree, called Pilan. Vpon the which hee stands all that day with so much silence as if he had some astonishment in him, and carrying to present thither the head of the dead, they pull out one of his eies, and with the strings and si­newes of it they anoint his pulses, and cutting of his mouth whole, they put it on his arme as a Bracelet, and then he layeth him downe in his Net as a sicke man, and certainly hee is sicke for feare, that if he doe not accomplish the Rites perfectly, the soule of the dead will kill him.

Within a few daies they giue him the habit, not in the breast of the Coat which he hath not, but on his owne skin race him all ouer the bodie with the tooth of a Cutta, that is like a Conies tooth, the which as well for their little skill, as because they haue a hard skinne it seemes, that they teare a piece of Parchment, and if he be valiant, they doe not race him with right strekes Markes and habit of new Gentrie. 20 but a Crosse in sort that there remaine certaine very fine workes, and some doe cry and groane with the paine. This being ended they haue smal Cole finely grownd, and the iuice of Broamerape wherewith they rub the cuts ouerthwart, that the put him to great paine and swelling, which is yet a greater torment, while his wounds doe close, which continue some daies, he lyeth still in his Net without speaking any word, not asking any thing, and that he may not break his silence, he hath neere him water, flowre, and a certaine fruit like Almonds which they call Amendnins, for he tasteth neither fish nor flesh those daies.

After he is whole, many daies or moneths being passed, they make a great drinking of wines that hee may put off his mounrning, and cut his haire which vntill then he did not, then hee an­oints himselfe with blacke, and from thence forward hee remaines enabled to kill without any 30 painfull ceremonie being done to him, and he also sheweth himselfe honoured and contented, and with a certaine disdaine, as one that hath honour alreadie, and gets it not a new. And so he doth no more but giue the other a couple of blowes, although the head remaine whole, and he stirring he goeth home, and presently they come and cut off his head. And the Mothers with their chil­dren about their necke, come to congratulate him, and hansell him for the warre, staining his armes with that bloud. These bee the exploits, honours and vallour whence this people take their names, whereof they boast very much, and they remaine thence forward Abaetes, Muru­bixaba, Moçacara, which are the names and titles of Gentlemen. And these are the vnhappie Titles of Honour, Feasts whereon these wretches doe ground their felicitie and glorie, before they haue any know­ledge of their Creator. 40

§. III.

Of the diuersitie of Nations and a Luguages, and of the Soyle and Climate.

IN all this Prouince are many and sundrie Nations of diuers Languages, but one is the See before in in M. Kniuet. principall which comprehendeth some ten Nations of Indians. These liue on the Sea Coast, and in a great part of the Land, all of one Speech, though they differ in some words. This is that which the Portugals doe vnderstand, it is easie, eloquent, pleasant, and copious; the difficultie of it is in hauing many comparisons, but of the Portugals almost all 50 those that came from the Kingdome; and are seated here, and doe communicate with the Indians do know it in a short time, and the children of the Portugals borne here doe speake it better then the Portugall, as well men as women, chiefly in the Captainship of Saint Vincent, and with these ten Nations of Indians haue the Fathers communication, because they know their Language, and they more tame and well inclined. These were, and are the ancient friends of the Portugals, with whose helpe and armes they conquered this Countrie, fighting against their owne kindred, and diuers other Nations very barbarous, and those of this generation were so many that it seemed an Portugals vse of Sauages. impossible thing to extinguish them, but the Portugals haue made such haste that they are almost dead, and they vse such meanes that they disinhabit the Coast, and flie the Land inward, some three hundred, some foure hundred. 60

The first of this Language are called Pitiguaras Lords of Parayba, thirtie leagues from Per­nambuco, Pitiguaras. and haue the best Brasill woode, and are great friends to the Frenchmen, and did contract with them vntill now, marrying their Daughters with them, but now in the yeere 1584. Parayba was taken by Iames Flares his Maiesties Generall, driuing out [Page 1298] the Frenchmen; and he left a Fortresse with 100. Souldiers, besides the Portugals which also haue their Captaine and Gouernour one Fructuoso Barbosa, that with the principall men of Per­nambuco carried an Armie by Land wherewith he ouercame the enemies, for from the Sea those of the Armada fought not.

Neere vnto these liued a great multitude of people which they call Viatan, of these there are vi [...]t [...]n a peo­ple eaten out by the Portu­gals. are none alreadie, for they being friends with the Pitaguaras, and Kindred, the Portugals made them enemies among themselues, giuing them to be eaten, that by this meanes they might warre against them and hold them for slaues; and finally, hauing a great dearth, the Portugals in stead of releeuing them, tooke them Captiues, and did send ship-loades to bee sold in other places. There was ioyned with this a Magician Portugall Priest, that with his deceits conueighed them 10 all to Pernambucò, and so ended this Nation. The Portugals remained without Neighbours to defend them from the Pitiguaras, which vntill now that they were ouercome, persecuted the Portugals setting on a sudden vpon their Corne, Goods, and Sugar-mils, burning, and killing many of the Portugals, because they are verie warlike, but now by the goodnesse of God they are freed from this incumbrance.

Others there be that they call Tupinaba, these inhabit from the Riuer Royall till ye come neere the Illeos, these were also among themselues contrarie, those of the Bay with them of Camam [...], Tupinaba. and Intrare. Along the Riuer of Saint Francis dwelt another Nation called Caaete; and among these were also contrarieties with them of Pernambuco. Ca [...]ete.

From Illeos, or the little Ilands, and Port Secure, vnto the Holy Ghost inhabited another Nati­on 20 called Tupinaquin; these proceeded from those of Pernambuco, and scattered themselues in Tupinaquin. a Countrie of the Maine, multiplying exceedingly, but now they are but few. These were al­waies great enemies of the things of God, hardened in their errours, verie reuengefull, and would reuenge themselues as soone as they see their enemies, and louers of many women: of these alreadie are many Christians, and they are firme in the faith.

There is another Nation a kinne to these, which runneth off the Maine from Saint Vincent to Pernambuco, called Tupiguae, these were without number, they doe diminish, for the Portugals doe goe to seeke them to serue themselues with them, and those which escape doe flee verie farre off that they may not be slaues. There is another Nation Neighbour to this called Apigapigtanga, and Muriapigtanga. There is also another Nation contrarie to the Tupinaquins which are called 30 Guaracayo, or Itati.

Another Nation dwelleth in the Holy Ghost, called Timim [...]uo, they were contrarie to the Tu­pinaquins, but they are now verie few. Another Nation which is called Tamuya inhabitors of the Timimins. Tamuya. Riuer of Ianuarie, these the Portugals destroyed when they inhabited the Riuer, and of them there be verie few, and some that are in the Maine are called Ararape, another Nation inhabi­teth Arara [...]e. beyond Saint Vincent, about eightie leagues, enemies of the Tupinaquins of Saint Vincent, of these there are infinite multitudes, and doe runne along the Sea Coast and in the Maine, vnto the Paraguai which the Castilians doe inhabite, all these Nations abouesaid, though different, and many of them enemies one to another, they haue the Language, and their conuersion is in hand, and they haue a great respect to the Fathers of the company of Iesus, and in the Maine they sigh 40 for them, and call them Abare, and Father, desiring they would come to their Countries and conuert them; and such is their reputation that some Portugals of badde consciences doe faine Vnchristian impietie of some Portugals themselues Fathers, apparelling themselues in Gownes, shauing their crownes, and telling them they are Abares, and that they came to seeke them for the Churches of the Fathers which are theirs aswell as ours. Thus they seduce them, and assoone as they come to the Sea, they diuide them among themselues, sell, and marke them, making first a great slaughter of them in the Countrie, robberies and assaults, taking away their Daughters and their Wiues, &c. And if it were not for these and other like hinderances, all those of this Language had beene conuerted to our holy Faith.

There be other contrarie Nations enemies to these of diuers Languages, which in a generall 50 name are called Tapuya, and they are contrarie also among themselues. In the Maine first neigh­bouring Scuentie six Nations of Ta­puya. See of these Master Kniuet which liued with them. to the Tupinaquins inhabit the Guamures, and they occupie some eightie leagues of Coast and toward the Mayne all that they list. They are Lords of the wild Woods, very great bodied, and by the continuance and custome of going through the Woods, they haue their skinnes very hard, and for this effect, they beate their children being young, with certaine Thistles to accu­stome them to goe in the wilde Woods.

They haue no Husbandrie, they liue by rapine, and by the point of the Arrow; they eate the A roote so called. Mandioca raw and it doth them no hurt, they runne verie swiftly, and to the White men they come not but on a sudden. They vse verie great Bowes; they carrie certaine stones made a pur­pose verie bigge that wheresoeuer they hit, they may presently breake the heads in pieces. And 60 when they come to fight, they hide themselues vnder shrubs, and from thence they play their part, & they are greatly feared, & there is no power in the world that is able to ouercome them. They are great cowards in the fields and dare not come forth, neither passe they any waters, vse Cowards and cruell. any shipping, nor are giuen to fishing, all their liuing is from the woods. They are cruel as Lions, [Page 1299] when they take any enemies they cut off his flesh with a Reed whereof they make their Ar­rowes, and flea them that they leaue them no more but the bones and the guts; if they take any child & are followed, that they may not take it away aliue, they strike off his head against a post. They disbowell the women with child to eate their children roasted. These annoy the Port Secure verie much, the little Ilands, and Camamû, and these Countries goes to decay because of them; their speech cannot be vnderstood.

Besides these towards the Maine and the fields of Caatinga, doe liue many Nations of Tapu­yas, Tucanucu and other Nations many. which are called Tucanucu, these liue in the Maine of the great Riuer, opposite to Port Secure, they haue another Language. Others doe liue in the Maine before yee come to Aquitigpe, and are calle Nacij. Others which they call Oquigtâiuba, others which are called Pahi; these weare 10 course Cotton-clothes, wouen like a Net, with this they couer themselues as with a sacke, they haue no sleeues, they haue a different speech. In the Ari are others which also liue in the field going toward Aquitigpe. Others which are called Larahio, it is a great people, of a different speech. Others which are called Mandeiu: also of another speech, others called Macutu, others Napara, these haue husbandrie. Others called Cuxare, these liue in the middest of the field of the Maine, others which liue in the same field, that are called Nuhinu, others doe liue toward the Maine of the Bay which is called Guayaua, they haue a speech by themselues, other there about called Taicuiu, these dwell in houses, they haue another speech, others in the same Coun­trie called Cariu, of a different tongue. These three Nations, and their Neighbours are friends of the Portugals, others which they call Pigru, they dwell in houses, others which are called O­bacoatiara, 20 these liue in Ilands in the Riuer of Saint Francis, they haue Houses like vnto Caues Caue-houses. vnder the Earth. These when the enemies come against them flie to the water, and by diuing escape; they continue long vnder water, they haue great Arrowes like halfe Darts, without Bowes, and with them they fight; they are verie valiant, they eate humane flesh, they haue a different tongue.

Others there are that liue farre within the Maine are called Anhelim, they haue another Lan­guage; Anhe [...]im, &c. others that liue in Houses called Aracuaiati, they haue another Speech; others called Cai­uari, they liue in Caues. Others called Guaianaguacu, they dwell in Caues and haue another Speech; others farre within the Maine called Camucuiara; these haue paps that reach vnder their Great Paps. waste, and neere to their knees, and when they runne they binde them about their waste; they 30 are neuerthelesse great Warriours, eate mens flesh, and haue another Speech: Others which they call Iobiora Apuayara, Lords of sharpe Staues, for they fight with tosted staues and sharpe, they are valiant, and eate humane flesh, they haue another Speech. Others called Anuacuig, they dwell in Houses, they haue another Speech, but they vnderstand themselues with these abouesaid their Neighbours. Others they call Guaiacatu, and Guaiat [...]ú, these haue another Speech and dwell in Houses. Others called Cumpehe, these eate no humane flesh, when they kill the enemie, they Cumpehe Saua­ges not Canibals cut off the head and carrie it for a shew, they haue no Houses, and are like Gipsies, Others cal­led Guayo, dwell in Houses, they fight with venomed Arrowes, they eat humane flesh, they haue another Speech. Others called Cicu, haue the same Speech and customes of them abouesaid. O­thers called Pahaiu, eate humane flesh, and haue another Speech. Others called Iaicuiu, haue the same Speech that these aboue. Others called Tupijo, dwell in Houses, haue Husbandrie, and a­nother 40 Speech. Others called Maracaguacu, are Neighbours to these aboue, and haue the same Speech. Others called Iacuruiu, vse Husbandrie, dwell in Houses, and haue another Speech. O­thers called Tapecuiu, are Neighbours of these aboue, and haue the same speech. Others called Anacuiu, haue the same Speech and customes that those aboue, and all of them doe fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Piracuiu, haue the same Speech that those aboue, and veno­med Arrowes.

Others called Taraguaig, haue another Speech, they fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Pahacuiu, can speake the Language of them abouesaid. Others called Tipi, are of the field, and fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Guacaraiara, haue another Speech, and haue Husbandries, and dwell in Houses. Others Neighbours to these aboue called Camaragoa. 50 Others called Curupija, were enemies of the Tupinaquis. Others called Aquirino, haue another Speech. Others called Piraguayg Aquig, liue vnder the Rockes, are enemies to these aboue. O­thers celled Piuacuiu Others called Parapoto, these can speake the Speech of them of the Coast. Others called Caraemba, haue another Speech. Others called Caracuin, haue another Speech. Others called Mainuma, these joine themselues with the Guaimures enemies to them of the Coast, they vnderstand themselues with the Guaimures, but they haue another Speech. Others called Aturari, enter also in communication with the Guaimures, others called Cuigtaio, doe al­so communicate and enter with the Guaimures. Others called Cuigpe, these were the Inhabitors of Port Secure. Others called Guigraiube, are friends with them aboue. Others called Augara­ri, these dwell not farre from the Sea, betweene Port Secure, and the Holy Ghost. Others called 60 Amixoc [...]ri, are friends with the former. Others called Carata, doe liue in the Maine toward Saint Vincent, and went flying from the North thither, they haue another Speech. Others cal­led Apetupa, liue in the Maine toward Aquitipi. Others called Caraguatijara, haue another [Page 1300] Speech. Others called Aquiguira, these doe conuerse with the former. Another Nation liueth in the Maine, enemies to the Muriapigta [...]ga, and of the Tarape, it is a Dwarfish people, low of bodie, but bigge legged and backed, the Portugals call these Pigneos, and the Indians call them Taepijguiri, because they are little. Others called Quiriciguig, these doe liue in the Maine of the Bay, verie farre. Others called Guirig, these are great Horsemen, and friends of the former. Others called Guaiere, doe liue in the Maine of Port Secure, verie farre off. Others called Ae­naguig, these were Inhabitors of the Countries of the Tupinaquins, and because the Tupinaquins remained Lords of the Mountaines, they are called Tupinaquins.

Others called Guaitaca, doe liue in the Sea Coast betweene the Holy Ghost, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, they liue in the fields, and will not liue in the Woods, they goe to eate to their Hus­bandries, Guaitaca. 10 and come to the houses to bed, they haue no other treasures. They liue as the cattell that feedeth in the fields, and come not to the Houses but to sleepe, they are so swift in running that by footmanship they catch the game. Others called Igbigra [...]pan, are enemies to the Tupi­naquins, Beast in hu­mane shape. they communicate with the Guaimures, when they fight with their enemies, they make great noises striking with certaine stickes vpon others. Others called Quirigma, these were Lords of the Countries of the Bay, and therefore it is called the Bay Cuirimure. The Tupinabas did expell them out of their Countries, and remained Lords of them, and the Tapuyas went to­ward the South. Others called Maribuco, in habit in the Maine right against the great Riuer. O­thers called Catagua, doe liue right against Iequeriquare, betweene the Holy Ghost and Port Se­cure. Others called Tapuxerig, are enemies of the Tapuyas, and eate vp their Corne fields. O­thers 20 that dwell about the Maine that goeth toward Saint Vincent, are called Amocaxo, and were enemies of the Tupinaquins. Others called Nonea, haue verie great faces. Others called Apuy, dwell neere the field of the Maine, they are great singers, and haue another Speech. Others called Panaguiri, differing from the former. Others also differing called Bigrorgya, Others called Piriju, there are a great number of these.

All these seuentie sixe Nations of Tapuyas, which haue the most of them a sundry Language, are a wilde sauage and vntamed people; they are all for the most part enemies of the people that dwell in the Sea Coast neighbouring to the Portugals: onely a certaine kind of Tapuyas, that liue in the Riuer of Saint Francis, and others that dwell nearer are friends of the Portugals, and en­tertaine them verie well when they passe through their Countries. Of these many are Christians, 30 that were brought by the Fathers from the Maine, and learning the Speech of them of the Sea Coast which the Fathers can speake, they baptized them, and many of them doe liue in the Townes of the Fathers married, and serue them for Interpreters, for the remedie of so great a number of people as is lost; and onely with these Tapuyas, may some fruit bee gotten, with the rest of the Tapuyas no conuersion can be wrought because of their mutabilitie, and the hauing ma­nie and sundrie very hard Languages. Onely there remaineth one remedie, if the Lord God doe not discouer another, and it is; getting some of their children, and making them to learne the Speech of the rest, and seruing for Interpreters may some fruit be gotten, though with great dif­ficultie, for the Reasons abouesaid, and manie other.

The Climate of Brasill generally is temperate, of good, delicate, and healthfull aire, where Of the Cli­mate & Coun­trie of Brasill, & of some nota­ble things found there, as well one the Land as one the Sea. 40 the men liue Ion euen to 90. 100. and more yeeres, and the Countrie is full of old men. General­ly it is neither cold nor hot, though from the Riuer of I anuarie, vnto Saint Vincent, there be colds and heates, but not very great. The Heauens are very pure and cleere, especially by night; the Moone is very preiudiciall vnto health, and corrupteth the things very much. The mornings are verie healthfull: it hath verie little twilights, as well in the morning as in the euenings, for as soone as it is day presently the Sun riseth, and as soone as it is set, it is night, Their Winter be­ginneth in March, and endeth in August, the Summer beginneth in September, and endeth in Februarie, the nights and daies are all the yeere almost equall.

The Countrie is some what melancholicke, ouerflowne with many waters, as wel of maine Ri­uers, as from the Skie; in it is great store of raine chiefly in Winter, it is ful of great Woods that are 50 greene all the yeere. It is a Hilly Countrie, especially toward the Sea Coast, and from Pernam­buco vnto the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost, is verie scarce of stone; but from thence to Saint Vincent are verie rough and high Mountaines, of great Quarries of Rockie stone, the food and waters are generally healthfull, light, and of easie digestion. There are few Commodities for ap­parell, because the Countrie yeeldeth nothing but Cotton-wooll, and of the rest the Countrie is plentifull: especially of Cattell and Sugars. 60

§. IIII.

Of the Beasts, Land-serpents, Fowles.

THe Deere in the Brasilian tongue is called Cuacu: there are some very great, like faire Horses, they are well headed, and some haue ten or twelue snags; these are rare, and they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent. These are called, Cuacuapara, they are esteemed of the Carijos, who of the shankes and sinowes make the points of their Arrowes, and certaine throwing Balls which they vse for 10 to strike downe beasts and men. There bee other smaller, they haue hornes also, but they are onely of one point: besides these there are three or foure kindes, some that feede onely in the Woods, others onely in the plaine fields in heards. They make great account of the skinnes, and of the flesh.

The Tapijrete are the Elkes, of whose skinne the leather Targets are made, they are like Kine, much more like a Mule, the tayle is of a finger length, they haue no hornes, they haue a snout of a quarter long, which he shrinketh vp and putteth forth. They swimme and diue very much, but when they diue they take ground presently vnder water, and going on it they come out in another place, there are great store of them in this Conntrie.

There are great store of wilde Boares, and it is the ordinary food of the Indians of this Coun­trie, The wilde Boare, 3. kinds and more. 20 they haue the nauell on their backe, and out of it there cometh a sent like the sent of little Foxes, and by that sent the Dogs doe hunt them, and they are easily taken.

There are others called Tayacutirica, that is to say, a Boare that snappeth or grindeth his teeth, these are bigger then the common, and more rare, and with their tushes they goare all the beasts they meete.

Others are talled Tayacupita, that is, a Boare that standeth still and tarieth; these doe assault the Dogs, and the men: and if they catch them they eate them; they are are so fierce, that men are forced to take the trees to escape them, and some doe stay at the foot of the trees some dayes till the man doe come downe; and because they know this tricke of theirs, they goe pre­sently to the trees with their Bowes and Arrowes, and from thence they kill them. There bee also other kinde of Boares, all good meate. 30

The Acutis are like the Conies of Spaine, chiefely in their teeth: the colour is dunne, and Acuti, draweth toward yellow: they are domesticall creatures, so that they goe about the house, and goe out and come in againe to it, they take with their fore-feet all that they eate, and so they carrie it to the mouth, and they eate very fast, and hide that which they leaue against they be an hungred. Of these there are many kindes, and all are eaten.

The Pac [...]t are like Pigs, there are great abundance of them; the flesh is pleasant, but it is Paca [...] heauie. They neuer bring forth but one at once. There bee others very white; these bee rare, they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis.

There are many Ounces, some blacke, some grey, some speckled, it a very cruell beast, and Iagoarete. M. Kniuet call [...] them Tigres. fierce, they assault men exceedinly, that euen on the trees they cannot escape them, especially 40 if they be bigge. When they are flesht there is none that dare abide them, especially by night: they kill many beasts at once, they spoile a whole Hen-house, or a heard of Swine, and to open a man, or whatsoeuer beast, it sufficeth to hit him with one of his clawes. But the Indians are so Bold vain-glo­rious Indians. hardie, that some of them dare close with one of them, and holdeth it fast, and kills it in a field, as they doe their enemies, getting a name, and vsing all the ceremonies they doe to their ene­mies. They vse the heads for Trumpets, and the Portugall women vse the skinnes for Rugs or Couerlets, especially of the painted ones, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent.

The Carigue are like the Foxes of Spaine, but they are smaller, as bigge as a Cat, they smell Carigue. worse then the Foxes of Spaine themselues, and they are grey as they. They haue a bag from the fore to the hinder feet, with sixe or seuen dugs, and there they carrie their young ones hidden till they can get their owne food, and hath ordinarily sixe or seuen in a litter. This vermine de­stroyeth 50 the Hens, for it goeth not by day but by night, and climes the trees and the houses, and no Bird or Hen can escape them.

The Tamandua is of notable admiration, it is of the bignesse of a great Dog, more round then Ant Beare, or Tamandua, a strange-shaped beast. long, and the tayle is twice or thrice as long as the bodie, and so full of haire, that from the heate, raine, cold and winde, hee harboureth himselfe all vnder it, that yee can see nothing of him. The head is small, and hath a thinne snout, no greater mouth then an oyle Cruze, round and not open, the tongue is of three quarters long, and with it he licketh vp the Ants, whereof he onely feeds; hee is diligent in seeking of the Ant-heapes, and with the clawes hee breaketh them, and casting out his tongue the Ants sticke on it, and so he drawes them in, hauing no more 60 mouth then to hold his tongue full of them; it is of a great fiercenesse, and doth assault ma­ny people and beasts. Th O [...]nces doe feare them, and the Dogs exceedingly, and whatso­euer they catch, they teare with their clawes; they are not eaten, neither are they good for [Page 1302] any thing but to destroy the Ant-heapes, and they are so many that they will neuer bee de­stroyed altogether.

The Tatu is of the bignesse of a Pigge, and of a whitish colour, it hath a very long snout, and Tatu, or Arma­dillo. The Badas are the Rhinoce­rots. the body full of thing like plates, wherewith he remayneth armed, and it hath certaine pieces hanging downe as the Badas haue. These plates are so hard, that no Arrow can pierce them, ex­cept it hits him in the flankes; they digge so fast, that it hath chanced seuen and twentie men with Mattockes not to bee able to digge so much as one of these with their snout. But if they cast water in their holes they are presently taken: it is a creature worth the seeing, and they call it an armed Horse, the flesh is like Hennes flesh, or Pigge, very pleasant, of the skinne they make Purses, and they are very faire, and lasting, they are made tame, and are bred in the house. Of 10 these there be many kindes, and there are great abundance of them.

The Canduacu is the Porcupine of Africa, and hath bristles white and blacke, so great, that Canduacu, or Porcupine: diuers kinds. they are af a spanne and a halfe, and more, and they cast them like as those of Africa. There be other of these, called Candumiri, because they are smaller; and they haue bristles as the other. There be other smaller, of the bignesse of a Cat, with yellow bristles and blacke at the points. All these bristles haue this qualitie, that entring into the flesh, bee it neuer so little, of it selfe it pierceth through the flesh. And for this cause these bristles doe serue the Indians for an instrument to bore the eares, for putting neuer so little in them in one night it pierceth them through. There be other smaller like Vrchins or Hedge-hogs, they haue also bristles, but they cast them not, all these beasts are of a good flesh and taste. 20

The Hirara is like the Ciuet Cat, though some say it is not; they are of many colours, viz. Hiraras or Ci­uet Cats. grey, blacke, and white, they eate nothing but hunnie, and in this they are so terrible, that bee the hole of the Bee-hiue neuer so little they make it so bigge that they may goe in, and when they finde the Hunnie they neuer eate it, till they haue called the rest of the young ones, and and then the old one going in, he doth nothing but bring out the Hunnie, and giue it to the yong ones, a thing of great admiration, and an example of great charitie for men, and that this is so the men of the Countrie doe affirme.

The Aquiqui are very great Apes, as bigge as a good Dog, blacke, and very ougly, as well the male as the female; they haue a great beard onely in the lower chap: of these come sometimes Aquiqui, Apes or Monkies. Ape-king. a male one so yellow that it draweth toward red, which they say is their King. This hath a 30 white face, and the beard from eare to eare, as cut with the Scissers, and it hath one thing much to be noted, namely, that he goeth into a tree, and maketh so great a noise that it is heard very His Oration. farre off, in the which he continueth a great while without ceasing, and for this, this kind hath a particular instrument: and the instrument is a certaine hollow thing, as it were made of Parch­ment, very strong, and so smooth, that it serueth to burnish withall, as big as a Duckes Egge, and beginneth from the beginning of the gullet, rill very neere the palate of the mouth between both the cheekes, and it is so light that assoone as it is toucht it moueth as the key of a Virginals. And when this Ape is thus crying he fometh much, and one of the little ones that is to remaine in his place doth cleanse many times the fome from his beard. His Page.

There are others of many kindes, and in great abundance, they are blacke, grey, and yellow; Many kindes of Monkies. 40 the Country-men say that some of these, when they shoot at them with an Arrow, catch it in their hand, and turne againe, and throwe it at the man; and when they are hurt they seeke a certaine leafe and chaw it, and thrust it into the wound for to heale them, and because they are alwaies on the trees, and are very swift, when the leape is great, and the little ones cannot passe, Their Physike. one of them lieth acrosse like a bridge, and the rest passe ouer him, the tayle serueth him for a hand; and if any be strucken, with his tayle he holdeth fast the bough whereon he is, and so di­eth hanging, and falleth not.

They haue many other qualities that are seene euery day, as to take a sticke and beate some body that doth them harme; another found a basket of Egges, hung it by the cord about his Monkie-tricks. necke, and going to the top of an house, from thence made many mowes at his master that 50 went to seeke him, and breaking them, did eate them all before him, throwing the shells at his master.

The beast Cuati is grey, and like the Badgers of Portugall, it hath the snout and clawes very Cuati. long, it climeth the trees like the Monkie: no Snake, on Egge, no Bird doth escape it, nor any thing that it can get. They are made tame in the houses, but no man can abide them, for they deuoure all; they will play with little Cats, and whelpes, they are malicious, pleasant, and are apt for many things.

There bee other two or three greater kindes, as great Dogges, and haue [...]ushes like the wilde Other kinds. Boares of Portugall; these deuoure beasts and men, and when they finde their prey, they com­passe it about, some in one place, some in another, till they deuoure it. 60

Of wilde Cats are many kindes, some blacke, some white, some of a Safran colour, and are Wilde Cats. very faire for any furre. These Cats are very terrible, and swift; they liue by prey and by birds, and they assault also the men; some of them are as big as Dogs.

The Iagoarucu are the Dogs of Brasill, they are of a grey colour mingled with white, very Iagoarucu. [Page 1303] swift, and when they yelpe they are like Dogs; they haue the tayle very hairy, feed on fruits, and vpon prey, and bite terribly.

The Tapati are like the Conies of Portugall, and here they doe barke like Dogs, especially by Tapati. night, and very often; the Indians hold this barking for an euill signe; they breed three or foure at once; they are very rare, for they haue many aduersaries, as birds of rapine, and other beasts that doe eate them.

The Iaguacini are big as the Foxes of Portugall, and haue the same colour of a Foxe, they feed Iaguacini. onely vpon the Sea-crabs, and among the Sugar-canes, and destroy many of them; they are ve­ry sleepie, for they kill them sleeping, they doe no hurt.

The Biarataca is of the bignesse of a Cat, like a Ferret; it hath a white stroake and a grey Biarataca. along the backe, like a crosse, very well made; it feeds vpon birds and their egges, and vpon o­ther 10 things, especially vpon Ambar, and loueth it so well, that all the night he goeth by the Sea­side to seeke it, and where there is any, hee is the first. It is greatly feared, not because it hath any teeth, or any other defensiue thing, but it hath a certaine ventositie so strong, and so euill of Stinking beast. sent, that it doth penetrate the wood, the stones, and all that it encountreth withall, and it is such, that some Indians haue died with the stench. And the Dog that commeth neere it esca­peth not: and this smell lasteth fifteene, twentie, or more dayes; and it is such, that if it ligh­teth neere some Towne, it is presently dis-inhabited. And that they may not bee perceiued, they scrape a hole in the ground, and there within they voide that ventositie, and couer it with earth; and when they are found, that they may not bee taken, their defense is to cast out 20 that stench.

The Priguica (which they call) of Brasill, is worth the seeing; it is like a shag-haire Dog, or Priguica, or La­zinesse. a Land-spaniell, they are very ougly, and the face is like a womans euill drest, his fore and hin­der feet are long, hee hath great clawes and cruell, they goe with the breast on the earth, and their young fast to their bellie. Though yee strike it neuer so fast, it goeth so leasurely, that it hath need of a long time to get vp into a tree, and so they are easily taken; their food is cer­taine fig-tree leaues, and therefore they cannot bee brought to Portugall, for as soone as they Simple food. want them they die presently.

In these parts are a great multitude of Rats, and of them are some ten or twelue kindes, some Twelue kinds of Rats. blacke, others yellow, others dunne, all are eaten, and are very sauourie, especially some great 30 ones that are like Conies, and sometimes they are so many, that lighting vpon a sowne field, they vtterly destroy it.

Of Land-Snakes and Serpents.

THe Gib [...]ya is a Snake of the greatest that are in this Countrie, and there are some found of Of the Snakes that are on the land, and haue no poison. Gib [...]ya. twentie foot in length, they are very faire, but more wonderfull they are in swallowing a whole Deere; they haue no poison, neither are their teeth great according to the bodie. To take their prey whereon they feed, they vse this [...]leight. It layeth it selfe along by the high­wayes, and when the prey passeth it leapeth vpon it, and windes it selfe in such order, and cru­sheth 40 it so, that it breaketh all his bones, and afterward licketh it, and his licking hath such ver­tue, that it bruiseth or suppleth it all, and then it swallowes it vp whole.

There are others, talled G [...]iraupiaguara, that is, Eaters of birds Egges, it is very blacke, long, Egge-eater. and hath a yellow breast: they goe on the tops of trees as it were swimming in the water, and no man can runne so fast on the ground as they on the trees; these destroy the birds, and their egges also.

There are others very bigge and long, called Caninana, they are all greene, and of a notable Caninana. beautie. These also doe eate egges and birds, and kill little chickens.

There is another, called B [...]ytiap [...], that is, a Snake that hath a long snout, it is very slender, Long-snout. and long, and feeds onely vpon Frogs. The Indians obserue sooth-saying with this, that when the woman hath no children, they take this Snake and strike her with it on the hips, and say she 50 shall presently haue children.

There is another, called Gaitiepia, they are found only in the Rar [...], it is of a notable bignesse, Gaitiopi [...]: he smelleth so much, like a Foxe, wheresoeuer he goeth, that there is none can abide it.

There is another, called Boyuna, that is, a blacke Snake, it is very long and slender, it smelleth Boyuna. also very much like a Foxe.

There is another, called Bom, because that when it goeth, it crieth bom, bom, it is also very great, and doth no hurt

There is another, called Boicupecanga, that is, a Snake that hath prickles in his backs, they are very great, and grosse, the prickles are very venomous, and all men doe auoide and keepe them­selues 60 from them.

Iararaca is a name that comprehendeth foure kindes of very venomous Snakes. The first is Snakes that haue poison▪ Iar [...]rac [...]. greatest, called Iararacucu, that is, great Iararaca, and they are of ten spannes long, they haue great tushes hidden in the mouth along their gummes, and when they bite they stretch them [Page 1304] like a finger of the hand: they haue their poison in their gummes, their teeth crooked, and a stroake vpon them whereby the poison runneth. Others say, they haue it within the tooth, which is hollow within, it hath so vehement a poison, that in foure and twentie houres, and lesse, it killeth a man: the poison is very yellow, like Saffran water, they bring foorth many young ones at once, one hath beene taken with thirteene in her bellie.

There are others, called Iararcoaypitiuga, that is, that hath the point of the tayle more white then grey: these are as venomous as Vipers of Spaine, and haue the same colour and fashion.

There are others, called Iararacpeba, most venomous; it hath a red chaine along the backe, and the breasts, and the rest of the bodie is all grey.

There are other smaller Iararacas, that the greatest is about halfe a yard long, they are of an 10 earthie colour, they haue certaine veines in their head like the Vipers, and they make such a noise as they doe.

The Curucucu is a Snake very hideous and fearefull, and some are of fifteene spannes long: Curucucu. when the Indians doe kill them they burie presently the head, because it hath great store of poi­son: for to catch the prey and the people, it lieth close to a tree, and when it seeth the prey, it casts it selfe vpon it, and so killeth it.

The Boycininga is a Snake, called of the Bell, it is of a great poison, but it maketh such a noise Boycininga. with a Bell it hath in his taile, that it catcheth very few; though it be so swift, that they call it, the flying Snake, his length is twelue or thirteene spannes long. There is another, called Bociningpeba: this also hath a Bell, but smaller, it is blacke, and very venomous. 20

The poison of the Ibiracua Snake is so vehement, that if it biteth any person, presently it Ibiracua. makes him to voide bloud through all the passages of his bodie, to wit, the eies, nostrils, mouth, eares, and all open places else of his bodie; it runneth a great while, and if he be not holpen, he empties his bloud and dieth.

The Snake Ibiboboca is very faire, it hath the head red, white and blacke, and so all the bodie Ibiboboca. is spotted of these three colours; this is the most venomous of all, it goeth slowly, and liueth in the crannies of the earth, and by another name it is called, the Snake of the colours. Store and sore.

The great vehemencie that these venomous Snakes aboue said haue, the great paines they cause, and the many persons that euery day doe die of their stinging cannot be exprest: and they are so many in number, that not onely the fields and the woods, but euen the houses are full of 30 them, and they are found in the beds, and within the bootes, when they put them on. The Bre­thren going to their rest doe finde them there wound about the benches feet, and if they be not holpen when they sting, cutting the wound, letting him bloud, drinking Vnicornes horne, or Carima, or the water of the Snakes-wood, or some other effectuall remedie, in foure and twen­tie houres and lesse he dieth, with great crying and paines, and they are so excessiue, that when Carima, a drug so called. any person is bitten presently he demandeth confession, and maketh account to die, and so dis­poseth of his goods.

There are other Snakes, chiefely these Iararacas, that haue a great smell of Muske, and where­soeuer Musk-snake. they bee, they are descried by the good and fragrant smell they haue.

There are many Scorpions, that euery day are found in their beds, among the bookes, and a­bout 40 the chambers, ordinarily they kill not, but in foure and twentie houres they caufe intole­rable Scorpions. paines.

It seemeth that this climate doth flowe in poison, as well for the many Snakes there are, as for the multitude of Scorpions, Spiders, and other vncleane creatures, and the Lizards are so many Poisonous Re­gion. that they couer the walls of the house, and the holes are full of them.

Of the Fowles that are in the Land, and are thereon sustained.

EVen as this climate doth flowe in poison, so it seemeth to create beautifulnesse in the birds, and as all the Countrie is full of Groues and Woods, so it is full of most beautifull birds of all colours. 50

The Parots in this Countrie are infinite, more then Dawes, or Starlings, or Thrushes, or Spar­rowes Parots. of Spaine, and so they make a cackling as the birds aboue-said; they destroy them by thou­sands, they flie in flockes alwaies, and they are so many, that there be Ilands where there is no­thing but Parots; they are eaten, and are very good meate; they are ordinarily very faire, and of many and sundrie colours and kindes, and they almost all speake if they be taught.

The Arara Parots are those that by another name are called Macaos; it is a great bird, and Varietie of Pa­rots. The A­rara. are very rare, and by the sea-coast they are not found, it is a faire bird in colours; their breasts are red as scarlet; from the middle of the bodie to the taile some are yellow, others greene, o­thers blue, and through all the bodie they haue scattering, some greene, some yellow and blue feathers, and ordinarily euery feather hath three or foure colours, and the taile is very long. These 60 lay but two egges, they breed in the trunkes of trees, and in the rockes of stone. The Indians esteeme them very much, and of their feathers they make their fine things, and their hangings for their swords, it is a very pleasant bird, they become very tame, and domesticall, and speake very well if they be taught.

[Page 1305] The Anapuru Parot is most faire; in it all colours are found with great perfection, to wit, Anapuru. red, greene, yellow, blacke, blue, grey, the colour of the Bulfinch, and of all these colours it hath the bodie bespeckled and spotted. These also doe speake, and they haue another aduantage, that is, they breed in the house, and hatch their young ones, wherefore they are of great esteeme.

The Araruna or Machao is very faire, it is all blacke, and this blacke sprinkled with greene, Araruna. which giueth it a great beautie, and when the Sunne shineth on him he is so shining that it is ve­ry pleasant to behold; it hath the feet yellow, and the beake and the eies red; they are of great esteeme for their beautie, for they are very rare, and breed not but very farre within the Land, and of their feathers the Indians make their Diademes and Pictures.

The Parots Aiurucuro are most beautifull, they are all greene, they haue a cap and a collar of Aiurucur [...]. 10 yellow, very faire, and ouer the beake a few feathers of a very cleare blue, which doe beautifie him very much, it hath p [...]ions of the wings red, and the taile feathers red and yellow, sprink­led with greene.

The Tuins are a kinde of Parot very small, of the bignesse of a Sparrow, they are greene, Tuin. sprinkled with other diuers colours, they are much esteemed, as well for their beautie, as because they prattle much, and well, and are very tame. They are so small, that they skip euery where on a man, on his hands, his breast, his shoulders and his head; and with his bill hee will cleanse ones teeth, and will take the meate out of the mouth of him that brings them vp, and make many gambols; they are alwaies speaking or singing after their owne fashion.

The Parots Guiraiubae, or Yellow birds, neither speake not play, but are sullen and sad; they are Guiraiub [...]. 20 much esteemed, because they are brought from two hundred and three hundred leagues, and are not found but in great mens houses, and they hold them in such esteeme, that they giue the ran­some and value of two persons for one of them, and they esteeme them as much as the Iapanas doe the Treuets and the Pots, or any other great man esteemeth any thing of great price, as a Faulcon, Gerfaulcon, &c.

The Yapu is of the bignesse of a Pie-annet, the bodie of a fine blacke, and the taile of a very Yapu. fine yellow, it hath three tufts on the head that are like little hornes, when hee raiseth them: the eies are blue, the neb very yellow. I [...] is a very faire bird, and hath a very strong smell when it is angrie. They are very carefull in seeking their food, there escapeth not a Spider, Beetle, or Cricket, &c. they are very cleanly in a house, and goe about like Pie-annets, they leaue nothing 30 vnsought. It is dangerous holding them in the hand, for they runne presently to the eies, and Dangerous to the eyes. pull them out.

Of the small birds called Guaimimbique, there are sundrie kindes, as Guaracig oba, that is, Fruit The Guaimim­bique: others call it the To­mineios. of the Sunne; by another name, Guaracig oba, that is, Couering of the Sunne; or Guaracig aba, that is, The haire of the Sunn [...]; in the Antillas they call it the risen or awaken bird, and they say it sleepeth sixe moneths, and liueth other sixe moneths. It is the finest bird that can bee imagi­ned; it hath a cap on his head, to which no proper colour can be giuen, for on whatsoeuer side yee looke on it, it sheweth red, greene, blacke, and more colours, all very fine, and shining; and the breast is so faire, that on whatsoeuer side yee take it, it shewth all the colours, especially a yellow more finer then gold. The bodie is grey; it hath a very long bill, and the tongue twice 40 the length of the bill; they are very swift in flight, and in their flight they make a noise like the Bee, and they rather seeme Bees in their swiftnesse then birds, for they alwaies feed flying without sitting on a tree, euen as the Bees doe flie sucking the Hunnie from the flowers. They haue two beginnings of their generation, some are hatched of egges like other birds, others of Generation. little bubbles, and it is a thing to bee noted, a little bubble to beginne to conuert it selfe into this little bird, for at one instant it is a bubble and a bird, and so it conuerts it selfe into this most faire bird, a wonderfull thing, and vnknowne to the Philosophers, seeing one liuing creature Note for Phi­losophers. without corruption is conuerted into another.

The bird Guiranhe eng eta is of the bignesse of a Gold-finch; it hath the backe and wings Guiranhe eng eta. blue, and the breast and bellie of a most fine yellow. It hath a yellow Diademe on his head that 50 beautifies him very much. It is a very excellent bird for the Cage, it speaketh many waies re­sembling many birds, making many changes, and changing his speech a thousand waies. They continue long in their song, and are of esteeme, and of these for the Cage there bee many, and faire, and of diuers and sundrie colours.

The Tangara is of the bignesse of a Sparrow, all blacke, the head is of a verie fine Orange­tawnie, Tangara. it singeth not, but it hath a wonderfull thing, for it hath fits like the Falling sicknesse, and for this cause the Indians doe not eate them, for the auoiding of that disease, they haue a kinde of very pleasant dancing, and it is, that one of them makes himselfe as dead, and the other com­passe him about skipping with a song of a strange crying that is heard verie farre, and when they Dance. end this feast, crying, and dancing, he that was as dead riseth, and maketh a great noise and cry­ing, 60 and then all goe away, and end their feast. They are so earnest when they doe it, that al­though they be seene and shot at, they flie not away. Of these there bee many kindes, and all of them haue accidents.

The bird Quereina, is of the most esteemed of the Land, not for the song, but for the beautie Quereina. [Page 1306] of the feathers; they are a cleare azure in part, and a darke, all the breast is most fine red, the wings almost blacke; they are so esteemed, that the Indians doe flea them, and giue two or three persons for the skinnes of them, and with the feathers they make their Pictures, Diademes, and other fine things.

The Tucana is of the bignesse of a Pie, it is all blacke except the breast, which is all yellow, Tucana. with a round red circle; the bill is a large spanne long, verie great, yellow, and within is red, so smooth and shining, that it seemeth to bee varnished; they are made tame, and breede in the houses, are good to eate, and the feathers are esteemed because they are faire.

The Guirapanga is white, and not being very big it crieth so loude that it sounds like a Bell, Guirapanga. and it is heard halfe a league, and their singing is like the ringing of Bells. 10

The Macucagua is greater then any Henne of Portugall, it resembleth the Feasant, and so the Macucagua. Portugals doe call it; it hath th [...]ee skinnes one ouer another, and much flesh, and, and verie sa­uorie, they lay twice a yeere, and at euerie time thirteene or fifteene egges, they goe alwaies on the ground, but when they see any people they flie to the trees, and at night when they goe to roust as Hennes doe. When they sit on the trees, they put not their feet on the boughs, but the shankes of their legs, and most on the fore part. There bee mamy kindes of these, and they are easily shot at.

Among them there is one of the smallest, that hath many properties; when it singeth it fore­sheweth raine, it crieth so loude, that it is incredible of so small a bird, and the reason is, because the gullet is verie great. It beginneth at the mouth and commeth out at the breast betweene 20 the skinne and the flesh, and reacheth to the fundament, and returneth againe and entreth into the crop, and then it proceedeth as other birds, and doubleth like a Trumpet with his turnings. They runne after any bodie pecking him and playing like a little whelpe, if they set it vpon Hennes egges, it si [...]teth ouer them, and bringeth vp the young chickens, and if it see a Hen with chickens, it so persecutes her, till it takes them from her and broodes them, and brings them vp.

The Hen Mutu is very domesticall, it hath a combe like the Cockes, spotted with white and blacke, the egges are great and very white, like a Goose egge, so hard that knocking the one with Mutu. Hard egges. the other, they ring like Iron, and of them they make their Maracas, that is, their Bells; any Dog that eateth the bones of it dieth, and vnto men it doeth no hurt at all. Dogs poison.

In this Countrie there are many kindes of Partridges, which though they are not like in all 30 things to those of Spaine, yet are they very like in colour, taste, and in the aboundance. V [...]u.

In this Countrie are many kindes of Turtle-doues, Stares, and Black-birds, and Pigeons of many sorts, and all these birds are like to them of Portugall; and the Pigeons and Turtle-doues Turtles innu­merable. are in such abundance, that in certaine fields farre within the Land they are so many, that when they rise they hinder the light of the Sanne, and make a noise like a thunder; they lay so many egges, and so white, that a very farre off yee may see the fields white with egges, as if it were snowe; and seruing the Indians for meate as they doe, they cannot be diminished; rather from thence at certaine times it seemeth they runne ouer all the parts of this Prouince.

In this Countrie are many Ostriches, called Andugoacu, but they keep only within the Land. Ostriches. Anima. Horne medi­cinable.

The Anima is a fowle of rapine, great, and crieth that it is heard halfe a league and more, it 40 is all blacke, hath faire eies, the beake bigger then a Cocks, vpon this beake it hath a little horne of a spanne in length, the men of the Countrie say that this Horne is very medicinable for those that are taken in their speech, as hath beene proued, hanging it about the necke of a girle that did not speake, which spake presently.

There be many other fowles of rapine, to wit, Eagles, Faulcons, Gos-hawkes, Merlines, and T [...]rsels, and many other, but they are all ordinarily so wilde, that they will flie at any thing, neither will they come to hand, or stoope to [...]ure.

§. V. 50

Of the Brasilian Trees for fruit, medicine, and other vses; and their Herbes of rare operations.

THe Trees Acaiu, are very great and faire, they cast the leafe at their times, and the flower groweth in the snags, which makes certaine points like fingers, and in the said Acaiu, a kinde of Chesnut. points there groweth a red flower of a good smell, and after it groweth a Chesnut, and from the Chesnut commeth an Apple as big as a great Apple, or a Pippin, it is a very faire fruit, and some are yellow, others red, and it is all iuyce. They are good for hot weather, they coole verie much, and laying the iuyce vpon a white cloth it neuer goeth off till the cloth bee worne. 60 The Chesnut is as good or better then those of Portugall, they are eaten rosted, and raw laid in Many vses thereof. water as blancht Almonds, and of them they make Marchpanes, and sweet meates as of Al­monds. The timber of this tree is little worth, euen for the fire, it yeeldeth of it selfe a certain gumme good to paint and write, and there is great store. With the barke they dye their yarne, [Page 1307] and the vessels that serues them for Pots. This being stamped and boyled with some Copper, till the third part of the water be consumed, is a soueraigne remedy for old sores, and they heale quickly. There bee so many of these trees as of Chesnuts in Portugall, they growe about these Woods, and they gather many quarters of these Chesnuts, and the fruit in their season satisfie all men. Of these Acaius doe the Indians make Wine.

There is great abundance of the trees Mangaba, especially in the Bay, for in other places they Mangaba. are rare, in making they are like the barke of Anafega, and in the leafe with those of Frexo, they are very pleasant trees, and haue alwaies greene leaues. They yeeld fruit twice a yeere, the first in a knob, for then they doe not flower, but the very knob is the fruit; this season ended, which lasteth two or three moneths, it giueth another bearing, first the flower, which is altoge­ther 10 like the Iesamine, and of as good a smell, but more quicke; the fruit is as big as an Apricock, Or Musk-rose. yellow and spotted with some spots of blacke; within it hath some kernels, but all is eaten, or sucked as the Seruices of Portugall. They are of a very good taste, and healthfull, and so light that eate they neuer so many, it seemes they eate no fruit at all. They ripen not on the tree, but fall to the ground, and from thence they gather them already ripe, or gathering them greene they lay them to ripen. The Indians make Wine of them. The tree and the fruit it selfe being greene, is full of white Milke, and cleaueth to the hands, and is bitter.

The fruit Murucuge groweth on certaine trees, very high and like the wilde Peare-trees of Murucuge. Portugall. It hath a very long stalke, they are gathered greene, and are layd to ripen, and being ripe they are very pleasant and of an easie digestion. When they are to gather them, they cut Ill gathering. 20 downe the tree, because they are very high, and if this destruction were not, there would bee more abundance, but therefore they are rare, the trunke hath great abundance of white Milke, and it congealeth, it may serue for Sealing-waxe if they will vse it.

Of the Araca trees are great abundance, of many sorts; the fruit is certaine small Peares, Araca. yellow, red, or greene; they are pleasant, vnloathsome, toothsome, because they haue little taste of sowre, they yeeld fruit almost all the yeere.

This Ombu is a great tree not very high, but well spread; the fruit is like white Plums, yel­low Ombu. and round, and therefore the Portugals doe call it a Plum. It causeth the teeth to fall, and the Fruit causing teeth to fall. Indians that doe eate it doe lose them. The rootes of this tree are eaten, and are very pleasant, and more toothsome then the Abalancia, for they are sweeter, and the sweetnesse thereof is like Su­gar, 30 they are cold and healthfull, and they are giuen to the sicke of a Feauer, and it serueth for water to them that goe inward to the Land, for they haue no other.

The Iacapucaya is of the greatest and fairest of this Countrie; it beareth a fruit like a Pot, as Iacapucaya. big as a great Bowle, as thicke as two fingers, with a couer vpon it, and within it is full of cer­taine Chesnuts like vnto the Myrabolanes; and it seemes they are the same of India, when they are already in season, that couer doth open and the fruit falleth. If any doe eate much of it green, he casteth all the haire he hath on his body; rosted it is a good fruit. They vse the huskes for Haire-fal-fruit Graes. Cups, and they are lasting; the timber of this tree is very hard, it doth not rotte, they esteeme it for the Axel-trees of the Sugar-mills.

Araticu, is a tree of the bignesse of an Orange tree and greater, the leafe is like a Citron tree or Araticu. 40 a Lymond tree, it is a faire and pleasant tree, it beareth a fruit as bigge as Pine apples; and they haue a good smell, and a reasonable taste, it is a fruit that loatheth not.

Of these Trees are many kindes, and one of them called Araticu panania. If they eate much of the fruit it proueth a cold poison, and doth much hurt. Of the rootes of these trees they make booyes for the Nets, and they are so light as any Corkes.

There be two sorts of Pequea, one of them beares a fruit as big as a good Orange, and so they Pequea. haue the rinde thicke like an Orange; within this rinde there is nothing but Hunnie so cleare and sweet as any Sugar, in quantitie of an egge, and mingled with it, it hath the pippens or kernels.

The other Pequea is timber, of the heauiest of this Countrie, in Portugall it is called Setim, it 50 hath very fine wanes, it lasteth long and doth not rotte.

On the tree Iabaticaba groweth a fruit of the bignesse of a Lymond of Sytill, the rinde and Iabaticaba. taste is like a sowrish Grape, from the roote of the tree through all the body vnto the vtmost bough or sprig, is a rare fruit, it is onely found within the Land in the Captainship of S. Vincent. The Indians doe make of this fruit a kinde of Wine, and they boyle it like the wine of Grapes.

In this Brasill are many Coco-nuts, excellent like those of India; these are ordinarily set, and Cocos. growe not in the Woods, but in Gardens, and in their Farmes. And there are more then twen­tie 20. kinds of Palmes. kindes of Palme trees, and almost all doe beare fruit, but not so good as the Cocos: with some of these Palme trees they couer their houses.

Besides these Fruit-trees there are many other that yeeld sundry fruits, whereof they make 60 profit, and many Nations of the Indians sustaine themselues, together with the Hunnie, whereof there is great abundance, and with their hunting, for they haue no other sustenance.

In the maine of the Captainship of Saint Vincent vnto Paraguay, are many and great Woods The Pine tree. of Pine trees, euen like vnto them of Portugall, which beare Apples and kernels; the Apples are [Page 1308] not so long but rounder and greater, the kernels are greater and are not so hot, but of a good tem­perature and wholsome.

Cabueriba is very great and esteemed for the Balme that it hath; to get this Balme they prick Of the Trees th [...] [...]rue for m [...]ines. Cabueriba. Port E [...]gaddi. A medicine for wounds. the barke of the tree, and lay a little Corton wooll to the cuts, and from certaine to certaine dayes they goe to gather the Oyle that it hath distilled. The Portugals call it Balme, because it is very l [...]ke to the true Balme of the Vineyards of Engedi, it serueth for greene wounds, and ta­keth away all the scarre: it smelleth very well, and of it, and of the barke of the tree they make Beades, and other smelling things. The Woods where they growe doe smell well, and the beasts doe goe and rubbe on this tree, it se [...]meth to bee to heale them of some diseases. The Timber is of the best of this Countrie, because it is very strong and heauy, and some are of such 10 bignesse, that of them they make the Beames, Axel-trees, and Skrues or Vices for their Sugar-Mills, these are very rare, and are found chiefly in the Captainship of the Holy Ghost.

Cupayba is a Fig-tree, commonly very high, straite and big, it hath much oile within; for Cupayba. For wounds. to get it they cut the tree in the middest, where it hath the vent, and there it hath this oile in so great abundance, that some of them doe yeeld a quarterne of oile and more, it is very cleare, of the colour of oile, it is much set by for wounds, and taketh away all the skarre. It serueth also for lights, and burne well, the beasts knowing the vertue thereof doe come and rubbe them­selues thereat. There are great store, the wood is good for nothing.

The Ambayba Fig-trees are not very great, and are not found in the true Woods but in Cop­pices, Ambayba. For wounds. where some sowing hath beene; the barke of this tree scraping it on the inside, and cru­shing 20 those scrapings in the wound, laying them on it, and binding it with the barke it selfe, healeth in a short time. There is great abundance of them, and are much esteemed for their great vertue, the leaues are rough, and serue to smooth any wood, the timber serueth for nothing.

The Fig-tree which they call of Hell, Ambaigtinga is found in Taperas: it yeelds a certaine Ambaigtinga. For the Col­licke. Oyle that serueth for lights, it hath great vertue, as Monardes writeth, and the leaues are much esteemed for them that doe vomit, and cannot retayne that which they eate, anointing the sto­macke with the Oyle, it taketh away the Oppilations, and the Collicke. To get this Oyle, they lay it in the Sunne some dayes, and stampe it, and seethe it, and presently that Oyle commeth on the top, which is gathered for the effect aboue-said.

Of the trees Igbacamuci there are many in Saint Uincent: they beare a certaine fruit as good Igbacamuci. For the blou­dy Fluxe. 30 as Quinces, fa [...]hioned like a Panne or a Pot, they haue within certaine small seeds, they are the onely remedie for the bloudy Fluxe.

The Igcigca yeeldeth the Masticke, smelleth very much for a good while: they notch the tree in some places, and in an instant it stilleth a white liquor that doth congeale; it serueth for Igcigca. Fo [...] cold dis­eases. Plaisters in cold diseases, and to perfume, it serueth also in stead of incense.

There is another tree of this kinde, called Igtaigcica, that is, Masticke as hard as stone, and so it seemeth rather Gumme-anime then Masticke, and it is so hard and shining that it seemeth Gumme A­nime. Glasse; it serueth to glase the earthen vessell, and for this it is much esteemed among the Indi­ans, and it serueth also for cold diseases.

There is a Riuer betweene Port Secure and the Ill [...]ts, that commeth from more then three 40 hundred leagues within the Mayne, it bringeth great store of Rozen, which is the Gumme­anime it selfe, which the Indians doe call Igtaigcica, and the Portugals, White incense; it hath the same effects that the Incense.

Curupicaiba is like to the Peach-trees of Portugall in the leafe: the leaues doe distill a kinde Curupicaiba. For wounds, and for the Poxe. of liquor like the Fig-trees of Spaine, which is the onely remedie for wounds both greene and old, and for the Poxe, and it taketh away all the scarre from the wounds, if they pricke the barke of it, it yeeldeth great store of Bird-lime, wherewith they catch the small birds.

There is great abundance of the trees Caaroba, the leaues of these chewed and layd to the Caaroba. For the Poxe. Pock-sore drye and heale it in such manner, that it neuer commeth againe, and it seemeth that the wood hath the same effect that the China wood, and that of the Antilles haue for the same 50 disease. Of the flower they make a Conserue for those that are sicke of the Poxe.

The wood Caarobmocorandiba is like that of China, it is taken in the same manner that the o­ther, Caarobmocoran­diba. For loosenesse and the Poxe. Iaburandiba. For the sick­nesse of the Liuer. For the Tooth­ake. Cassia fistulae. Of the Oyles the Indians doe vse to an [...] themselues withall. and it healeth the loosenesse, the Poxe, and other diseases of cold, it is grey, and hath the pith very hard as the wood of China.

It is long since Iaburandiba was found, and it is, as some Indians doe say, called of the Indians Betele. The Riuers and their borders are full of these trees, the leaues are the onely remedie for the sicknesses of the Liuer, and many in this Brasill haue already beene cured of most grieuous diseases of the Liuer, with the eating of them.

There is another tree called also Betele, it is smaller and of a round leafe, the roots of it are an excellent remedy for the tooth-ake putting it in the hollow place of them, it biteth like Ginger. 60

They say also, that in this Brasill is the tree of the Cassia fistula, it is vnknowne to the Indians, the Spaniards doe vse it, and say it is as good as that of India.

The Anda trees are faire and great, and the wood serueth for all things, of the fruit they make an Oyle, wherewith the Indians doe anoint themselues, and the women their haire; and it ser­ueth [Page 1309] also for wounds, and drieth vhem vp presently, and they make many gallant things about the legs and body, painting themselues with this Oyle.

The Moxerequigba tree is found within the Maine, in the fields, it is small, beareth a fruit as Moxerequigba. big as an Orange, and within it hath certaine kernels, and of it altogether they make an Oyle to anoint themselues, the barke serueth to kill fish, and euery beast that drinketh the water where it is cast, dieth.

The Aiuratubira is small, beareth a red fruit, and of it they make a red oile to anoint Aiuruatubira. themselues.

The Aiabutipita is fiue or sixe spannes in length, the fruit is like Almonds and blacke, and so Aiabutipita. is the Oyle, which they esteeme very much, and anoint themselues with it in their infirmities. 10

The Ianipaba tree is very faire, of a pleasant greene; euery moneth it changeth the leafe, Ianipaba. For the Laske, and is like a Wal-nut leafe, the trees are great, and the timber pleasant to worke; the fruit is like great Oranges, and is like Quinces, or russet Peares; the taste is like Quinces: it is a good medi­cine for the Laske of all sorts. Of this fruit is made a blacke Inke; when it is made it is white, and anointing themselues therewith it stayneth not presently, but within a few houres the par­tie remayneth as blacke as any Iea [...]. It is much esteemed of the Indians, with this they make on their bodies round Hose and Doublets all cut, and they giue certaine strokes in the face, eares, nose, chinne, armes, legs, and the same doe the women, and they become very gallant. This is their apparell, as well on the weeke as on the Feast day, adding some feathers to it, wherewith thee adorne themselues, and other Iewels made of bone: this colour lasteth on the body nine 20 dayes still blacke, and after remayneth nothing; it maketh the skinne very hard, and to make the painting the fruit is to be gathered greene, for being ripe it will not doe it.

The tree Iequitimguaçu beareth a fruit like the Spanish Scrawberie, and within it hath a beane Iequitimguacu. as hard as a sticke, which is the seed; they are of the best Beades that can be, for they are very equall, and very blacke, and they haue a glosse like Iear, the huske that couereth these Beades, is Beades and Sope. more bitter then Aloes, it serueth for Sope, and it washeth better then the best Sope in Portugal.

A certaine tree groweth in the fields and the Mayne of the Bay, in dry places where no wa­ter Of the tree that hath wa­ter. is, very great and broad; it hath certaine holes in the branches, as long as an arme, that are full of water, that in Winter nor Summer neuer runneth ouer, neither is it knowne whence this water commeth, and drinke many or drinke few of it, it is alwaies at the same stay, and so 30 it serueth not onely for a Fountaine, but also for a great maine Riuer: and it happeneth fiue hun­dred Note, Com­pare this with those mentio­ned by A. Batle in Congo. Of the Trees that serue for timber. persons to come to the foot of it, and there is harbour for them all, they drinke and wash all that they will, and they neuer want water; it is very sauoury and cleare, and a great remedie for them that trauell into the Mayne, when they can finde no other water.

In this Countrie of Brasill are Groues, wherein are found trees of great bignesse and length, whereof they make very great Canoas, of seuen or eight spannes broad in hollownesse, and of fiftie spannes and more in length, which beare a load like a great Barke, and doe carrier twentie or thirtie Rowers of a side; they make likewise great Beames for the Sugar-mills. There are many sorts of wood incorruptible that putting it in the ground it neuer rotteth, and others set in water are euery day greener and stronger. There is a holy wood of certaine white wanes, 40 whereof are made very faire Bed-steads and rich. The Brasill wood whereof the red Inke is made, and other woods of diuers colours, whereof diuers Inkes of great esteeme are made, and all tur­ned and carued workes. There be smelling woods, as the Iararanda, and other kindes of great price and esteeme, there are found white Sandalos or Dates, in great quantitie. The wood of Aquilla, and in great abundance, that ships are made of it. Cedars; wood of Angolin, and the Cedars and Nutmegs. Nutmeg tree, though these woods are not so fine, and of so great smell as those of India, yet they want but a little, and are of great price and esteeme.

Of the Herbes that yeeld fruit, and are eaten.

THe ordinary food of this Country, that serueth for Bread, is called Mandioca, and they are Mandioca. certaine rootes like Carrots, though they are greater and longer: these shoot out certaine 50 stemmes or branches, and growe to the height of fifteene spannes. These branches are very ten­der, and haue a white pith within, and at euery spanne it hath certaine ioynts, and of this big­nesse they are broken, and set in the ground as much as is sufficient for to hold them vp and with­in sixe or nine moneths haue so big rootes that they serue for food. This Mandioca contayneth many kindes in it selfe, and all are eaten, and they are preserued vnder the earth three, foure, or vnto eight yeeres, and needs no seasoning, for they doe no more but take them out and make fresh meate euery day, and the longer they are vnder the earth the bigger they growe, and yeeld the more. 60

It hath some things worth the noting, that is, man except, all creatures desire to eate it raw, The iuyce is poison. and [...] fatteneth them, and nourisheth them exceedingly, but if when it is crushed, they doe drinke that water alone by it selfe, they haue no more life then while it commeth to the sto­macke. Of these rootes crushed and grated they make a Meale that is eaten, it is also layd in [Page 1310] steepe till it corrupt, and then cleansed and crushed, they make also a Flowre, and certaine Cakes like children very white and delicate. This roote after it is steeped in water, made in balls with the hands, they set it vpon hurdles at the smoake, where it drieth in such manner that it is kept without corrupting, as long as they lift, and after scraped and stamped in cer­taine great trayes, and sifted, there remayneth a Flowre whiter then of Wheate, of the which being mingled in a certaine quantitie with the raw, they make a certaine Bisquet, which they call Of the warre, and it serueth the Indians and the Portugals by Sea, and when they goe to warre, as Bisket. Another Bisket bread is made of very water of the greene Mandioca, if they let it congeale, and dry it at the Sunne, or at the fire: this is aboue all most white, and so pleasant and delicate, that it is not made for euery one. Of this Mandioca dryed at the smoake they 10 make many sorts of broaths, which they call Mingaos, so healthfull and delicate that they giue them to them that are sicke of a Feauer, in stead of Caudles and Restoratiues, and of the same they make Cakes, Simnels, Frutters, little Pyes, Chees-cakes of Sugar, &c. And mingled with the flowre of Millet, or of Rice, they make leauened bread, that it seemeth of Wheat. This same Mandioca dryed at the smoake, is a great remedie against poison, chiefely of Snakes. Of this Mandioca there is one which they call Aypim, which contayneth vnder it selfe many kindes. This killeth not raw, and boyled or rosted is of a good taste, and of it they make Other kindes. Flowre or Cakes, &c. The Indians makes Wines of it, and it is fo fresh and medicinable for the Liuer, that to it is attributed not to haue among them any diseased of the Liuer. A certaine kinde of Tapuyas doe eate the poisonous Mandioca raw, and it doth them no hurt, because they 20 are brought vp with it.

The boughs of this herbe or tree, is the seed it selfe, for the stalkes of it are planted, the leaues Nana. in time of need boyled doe serue for food.

The herbe Nana is very common, it is like the herbe Aloes, and and hath such leaues, but not so thicke, and all round about full of very sharpe prickles; in the middest of this herbe groweth a fruit like a Pine-apple, all full of flowers of diuers colours, and very faire, and at the foot grow foure or fiue sprigs, which are planted; the fruit is very smelling, pleasant and one of the best of the world, very full of iuyce, and pleasant, it hath the taste of a Mellon, though better and more smelling, it is good for them that are troubled with the Stone, and it is very preiudiciall for Feauers. The Indians doe make Wine of this fruit, very strong, and of a good taste, the huske 30 wasteth much the Iron, at the dressing of it, and the iuyce taketh away the spottes from the clothes. There is so great abundance of this fruit, that they fat their Hogs with it, and regard it not for the great abundance, they are also kept preserued, and raw they helpe the Sea-sicke at Sea, and with Wine in the morning they are medicinable.

Pacoba is the Fig-tree which they call Adams, it is neither tree nor herbe, for on the one side Pacoba, Adams Tree. it becommeth very bigge, and groweth to twenty quarters long, the stalke is very soft and full of pores; the leaues that it hath are most faire, and some a fathome long and more, all of them raced like the Veluet of Braganca, so smooth that they write on them, and so greene, coole, and fresh, that one sicke of a Feauer lying downe vpon them, the Feauer is mitigated with their coolenesse. They are very fresh for to dresse the houses, and the Churches. This herbe beareth in 40 euery foote many impes, and euery one of them beareth a cluster of a certaine fruit like Figs, which hath sometimes about two hundred, and when they are ripe, the foote is cut whereon the cluster hangeth, and the rest doe growe and so they goe multiplying ad infinitum, the fruit is laid to ripen, and becommeth very yellow, of a good taste, and healthfull, especially for the sicke of a Feauer, and for him that spitteth bloud, and rosted they are very pleasant and healthfull. It is an ordinary fruit whereof the Gardens are full, and there is of them all the yeere.

The herbes Murucuia are very faire, especially in their flowers: they runne vpon a wall, and vp the trees like Iuie, the leaues beaten with a little Verdigrease is an onely remedie for old Murucuia. vlcers, and the Poxe, it beareth a round fruit like Oranges, other like Egges, some yellow, some blacke, and of other diuers colours and kindes. Within they haue a certaine substance of ker­nels 50 and iuyce with a certaine filme that couereth them, and altogether is eaten, it is of a good taste, and it is somewhat tart, and it is a fruit of some account.

In this Country are many other kindes of fruits, as Deaw-berries, blacke and red, Potatoes, Many other Brasilian plants. and other rootes which they call Mangara, another called Cara, that is like to Turneps, and the stones of the earth. Of the Potatoes they make bread, and diuers sweet meats, these Indians haue many other Pulses, vz. Beanes, more healthfull and better then those of Portugall, and in great abundance, many kindes of Pumpions, and some so big, that they vse them for vessels to carie water, and they hold two peckes or more, French Beanes of many kindes, they are tooth­some, and like to them of Portugall, Millet of many sorts, and of it they make Bread, Wine, and it is eaten tosted, and with it they fatten their Horses, Swine, and Hennes, and there are cer­taine 60 Taiaobas, that are like Cabiges, and they cause to purge. And an herbe called Iambig, the onely remedie for them that are sicke of the Liuer, and the Stone, there are also many sorts of Pepper, that giue a good taste in the eating.

Ietigencu is the Mechoacan of the Antilles, they are certaine rootes, long like Radice, but of Ietigcucu. [Page 1311] a good bignesse, they serue for a purge, this roote is taken beaten in wine or water for the Ague: it is taken preserued in Sugar like Marmalate, it is boiled with a Henne, causeth great thirst, but A purge. is profitable and of great operation.

Igpecaya, or Pigaya is profitable for the bloudie Fluxe; the stalke is a quarter long, and the For the bloudy Fluxe. roots of another, or more, it hath onely foure or fiue leaues, it smelleth much wheresoeuer it is, but the smell is strong and terrible, this roote beaten, and put in water all night at the deaw, and in the morning it this water with the same roote beaten and strained be drunke, onely the water, it causeth presently to purge in such sort, that the laske ceaseth altogether.

It is but a little while since the herbe Cayapia was found, it is an only remedie for whatsoeuer A remedie for poyson. poison, especially of Snakes, and so it is called the Snakes herbe, and it is as good a remedie as the 10 Vnicorne and Bada, Bezar stone, or Coco of Maldiua; nothing profiteth but the roote, which it slender, and in the middest maketh a knot like a button, this beaten, and put in water and drunke, it killeth the poison of Snakes; It is also a great remedie for the wounds with the Arrowes that are poisoned, when any is hurt he remaineth fearelesse and secure, drinking the water of this roote, it is also a great remedie for the Feauer, continuing it and drinking of it some mornings, this herbe smelleth like the Fig-tree leaues of Spaine.

The herbe Tyroqui or Tareroqui is a principall remedie for the bloudie Fluxe, the roots are all Tyroqui or Ta­reroqui. For the bloudy Fluxe. iagged, the branches very slender, the leaues are like Basill; the flowers are red, and draw some­what to a ruddie colour, and they growe in the very points. Of this there is great abundance, when it is gathered it is yellow, and being dried it turneth white, it is taken in the same manner 20 that the former. The Indians perfume themselues with this herbe when they are sicke, that they may not die, and for a certaine sicknesse that is common in the Countrie, and it is called the sicknesse of the worme Perhaps the worme in the fundament mentioned by Sir R. Haukins. Embeguacu For the Fluxe of bloud., it is a great remedie; it serueth to kill the worme in the Oxen and Swine, and for Empostumes. This herbe is as withered all night, and as a sleepe, and as soone as the Sunne riseth, it openeth againe, and shutteth againe when it is set.

The herbe Embeguacu serueth much for the Fluxe of bloud, especially in women; the roots are very long, and some of thirtie or fortie fathome, it hath a strong barke, whereof very strong Cordes are made, and Cables for ships, and they are long lasting, for in the water it waxetli greene. This being taken, to wit, the barke of it, and perfuming the partie in the place of the Fluxe, it ceaseth presently. 30

Caa obetinga is a small herbe, hath few leaues, which it putteth forth euen from the ground, Caa obetinga. For wounds. white vnderneath, and greene aboue, beares a flower as big as a hasell Nut; the roots and the leaues stamped are an excellent remedie for whatsoeuer wounds, they vse the leafe also vnstam­ped, which being laid to the wound cleaueth fast, and healeth it.

Cobaura serueth for old sores that haue already no other remedie, it is laid beaten and burnt Cobaura. For wounds. in the wound, and eateth presently all the Canker, and bringeth a new skinne, it is also laid to, onely the leafe beaten to skinne the place.

The Holy herbe serueth for diuers diseases, as wounds, and coughs, the rheume, &c. and prin­cipally The Holy herbe, or Tobacco. For sundry diseases. it serueth for the sicke of the head, the stomacke, and for the shortnesse of breath, or the Chine-cough. In this Countrie they make certaine Coffines of Palme-tree leaues, and being full 40 of this herbe dried and setting it on fire at the one end, they put the other in the mouth and drinke the smoake, it is one of the delicates and dainties of this Countrie; and all the Country­men, and euen the Portugals are euen lost for it, and it is their great vice, to bee all day and all night laid in their Nets, to drinke this smoake, and are drunke with it as if it were with wine.

Guaraquimiya is the Mirtle tree of Portugall, and besides other good properties that it hath, For the worme like the Broome-rape, the seed of it is the onely remedie for the Body-wormes, and ordinarily they that eate it doe voide them presently.

Camaracatimbae is like to the Syluas of Portugall, it is boyled in water, and the said water is Camaracatimbae For scabs, and the Poxe. the onely remedy for scabbes, the poxe, and new wounds, and when the wounds are cured with the leaues of the Fig-tree spoken of in the title of the Trees, they wash it with the water of this herbe, whose flower is most faire, it seemeth a yellow and red Ielly-flower, and smelleth of 50 Muske, and of these they make Pot-boughs and Nose-gayes for the Altars.

Aipo is the very Smaledge of Portugall, and hath the vertues, it is found onely about the Sea­coast, Aipo. especially in the Riuer of Ianuarie, and for this cause it is sharper, and not so sweet in the taste as that of Portugall, it may be because of the Seas.

There is great store of Meade-mallow in this Country, it hath the same effects, it hath cer­taine Meade-Mal­low. flowers as big as a Tester, of a very faire red, that they seeme Roses of Portugall.

Caraguata is a certaine kinde of thistle, they beare a certaine fruit of a finger long and yellow, Caraguata. raw they make the lips to blister, boiled or rosted they doe no harme, but any woman with child that eateth them doth presently abort her childe ordinarily. There bee other Caraguatas, that It causeth to abort. 60 beare certaine leaues like Flags very long, of two or three fathoms, and beare a certaine Harti­chocke like the Nana, but they taste not well; these leaues laid in steepe doe yeeld a very fine Flaxe, vnto the threed to sowe withall, and for fishing lines. Timbo. Baite for fishes

Timbo are certaine wonderfull herbes, that growe from the earth like a string vnto the high­est [Page 1312] top of the Mulberie trees, where they are, and some growe close to the tree like Iuie: they are very strong, and serue for bindings, and some are as big as a mans leg, and winde them neuer so hard they neuer breake, the barke of these is very fine poison, and serueth for a baite to kill the fish, and it is so strong, that in the Riuers wherein it is cast it leaueth not a fish aliue as farre as it hath his vertue, and of these there be many sorts, and profitable as well for binders, as for to kill fishes.

Other herbes there be also that serue for medicines, as are Sow-thistles, Purcelane, Beets, En­diue, Auenca, Basill, and of all there is great abundance, though these herbes haue not the per­fection of those of Spaine; there want no wilde Mulberies white and blacke, like those of Por­tugall, and great store of good Parsley, about the strands, whereof a good conserue is made; they 10 want no Pot-flowers.

Of smelling herbes in this Countrie there are many, Mintes, or wilde Sage, especially in Pi­ratiniga, they smell not so well as those of Portugall, they haue also certaine French Mallowes, with certaine faire and pleasant flowers which serue for Nosegaies. Many Lillies there are, not so fine not so red as those of the Kingdome, and some white ones are also found.

There groweth here in the Spring, an herbe that sleepeth, and is like the Mayes of Portugall, Sleeping herb. An h [...]r [...]e so called. and as that doth wither and sleepe after Sun-set, and when it riseth it openeth againe, and shew­eth her beautie; the smell is somewhat strange. There is also another tree that sleepeth in the same manner, and beareth certaine fine flowers, but they haue no great smell.

The Quicke herbe is of a good height, and hath boughes, and certaine iagged leaues, of a plea­sant [...]rua vi [...]a: See M. Harcourt his Guiana Rela­tions. 20 greene, it is called Quicke berbe, because it is so quicke and sensible, that as soone as it is tou­ched with the hand or with any other thing, presently it hangeth the head, and withereth as if they had done it great iniurie, and within a little while it commeth to his perfection, and as ma­ny times it is touched it withereth, and commeth againe to himselfe as before.

Many other herbes there be like Origanum, and many other sundrie flowers, but it seemeth Brasilian herbs smell not. that this Clymate, either for the many waters, or because of the Sunne, infuseth no smell in the herbes, rather it seemes to take it away.

In this Countrie are many sorts of Canes, and Tacuara is as big as a mans thigh; others which Of the Canes. haue ioynts a fathome long, others whereof they make their Arrowes, and are esteemed. Others so long that they haue three or foure Lances in length, these growe among the Woods, and as 30 there are many, so there are many and long beds of Canes of many leagues, and as they growe among the trees, they goe to seeke the Sunne, and therefore are so long.

§. VI.

Of the Fishes that swimme in the salt water: also Shel-fishes, Trees and Fowles of the Sea: of Riuers and the Creatures which liue therein; and the Beasts and Plants brought thither out 40 of Portugall.

THe Oxe-fish in these parts is a Royall fish, esteemed aboue all other fishes, very health­full Oxe-fish, Ma­ [...]ati. in eating, and of a good taste, either salted or fresh: And it rather seemeth Beefe then Fish, and some doubts there were, because it was eaten on fish dayes; the flesh is all grained like Beefe, and so it is cut in slices, and they dresse it at the smoake like Bacon, or hanged Beefe. In the taste, if it be eaten or sodden with Cabidge, or other herbes, it tasteth like Beefe, and drest in sowce it tasteth like Mutton; and rosted, both in smell, taste, and fatnesse it is like Porke, and hath fat also.

The Fish in his making seemeth a land creature, and chiefly an Oxe, the head is altogether of 50 an Oxe, with skinne and haire, eares, eyes, cheekes and tongue; the eyes are exceeding small for the bodie it hath, he shutteth and openeth them when hee listeth, which other fishes doe not; ouer the ventsit hath two skinnes wherewith he closeth them, and by them he breatheth, and it cannot bee long vnder water without breathing, it hath no more nor other finnes but the taile: which is all round and close; the bodie is of a great bignesse, all full of yellow haires, it hath two armes of a cubite long, with two hands like round peeles, and on them he hath fiue fingers all close one to another, and euery finger hath his nayle like a mans nayle. Vnder these armes the female haue two paps, wherewith shee bringeth vp her young; she beareth but one at once: the inward part and the inwards of this fish are like an Oxes, with liuer, and lights, &c. In the head ouer the eyes neere the braines it hath two stones of a good bignesse, white and heauie, 60 they are of great esteeme, and are the onely remedie for the Stone: for beaten to powder and dranke in wine or water it causeth to void the stone, as it happened that giuing it to a person to drinke, leauing other many experiences, within one houre hee voided a stone as bigge as an Al­mond, and remained sound, being before at the point of death. The bones of this fish are all mas­sie [Page 1313] and white like Iuorie. They make of it great store of Or Greace, or Oile: so af­ter. Ma [...]tega in the Portugall word. Butter, they take two leaues as from a hogge; and the most of the Butter it hath in the taile, which being of a yard or more in length, it melteth all into Butter, it hath a good taste, and for to dresse or frie fish, and for light. It is verie good also for Medicines, as the Hogges Grease, it is white and smelleth well, it hath no smell of fish. This fish is taken with Harping-Irons; it is found in the salt Riuers, neere the fresh water: it feedeth on an herbe that groweth by the borders, and within the Riuers, and where this herbe groweth, and neere the Springs of fresh water, whereof hee onely drinketh. They are verie great, some weigh tenne, others fifteene hundred, and such a fish hath beene taken, that an hundred men could not get it out of the water, but they broke it vp there where it was killed. 10

The fish Beijupira is like the Sturgeon of Portugall, and so it is held and esteemed of heere as Beijupira. a royall fish: it is very healthfull, fat, and of a good taste, they bee infinite, and some of their towes are a span in compasse about: these fishes are taken in the broad Sea, with a hooke and line, it is six or seuen spannes long; the bodie is round, blacke on the backe and the belly white.

The Oxe-eie is like the Tunnyes of Spaine, as well in bignesse as in making, inward as outward; The Oxe eie. it is verie fat, it hath sometime betweene leafe and leafe courses of [...]at as thicke as a Portugall Or foure shillings a piece. Tester; they are cut in backes and bellies like the Tunn [...]es, and of them is made great store and verie good Or Greace. Butter, it hath leaues like a Hogge, is a fish esteemed and of a good taste, it deser­ueth well the name of One fish, as well in his beautie, as his bignesse, the eies are properly like an Oxe, and therefore it hath this name. 20

The fish Camurupi is also a royall fish, and esteemed in these parts, the graine of it all in flakes, Camurupi. enterlarded with fat and grease, and of a good taste, it hath many bones through all the bodie, and is dangerous in eating. It hath a finne on the backe, which it carries alwaies raised vpwards, it is of two or thre [...] quarters long, the fish is long of twelue and thirteene quarters in length, and of a good bignesse, and two men haue much adoe to lift vp one of them, they are taken with Harping Irons, there are many of them, and much Or Butter: Oile is made of them.

This wilde fish, which the Indians call Pira [...]mbu, (that is, a fish that snorteth, the reason is, be­cause The wild fish. wheresoeuer it is, is heard by his snorting) is of a good bignesse, about eight or nine spannes, it is of a good taste, and esteemed; it hath in the mouth two stones as broad as a hand, exceeding strange, with them they breake the Wilkes whereof they feed, the Indians esteeme the stones 30 and weare them about their neckes as a Iewell.

There are many other fishes of sundrie kinds, that are not in Spaine, and commonly of a good taste and healthfull. Of the fishes of Portugall in these parts are also many, to wit, a fish called Tainhas, and a great multitude, and it hath beene tried that the Tainha beeing fresh, and laid to the stinging of a Snake is another Vnicorne. There want no Sea-breames, a fish called Chichar­ros, it is like a Mackerill, Pargos, or great Sea-breames, S [...]rg [...]s, other Sea-breames, Garazes, Da­rados) the Needle-fish, Cod-fishes, but these are rare, Pilchards like them of Spaine, are found at sometimes in the Riuer of Ianuarie, and the most parts of the South, Scates, and Rayes; these Rayes some haue in their mouth two bones, and breake with them the Wilkes.

All these fishes are so healthfull that in these parts they are eaten after Milke, after flesh, and 40 all a whole Lent without Oile or Vineger, and it causeth no scabs nor other diseases as in Eu­rope, but rather it is giuen to the sicke, though they haue a Feuer, or be very weake.

Because this Coast is full of many Bayes, Nookes, and Creekes, there came great store of The Whale. Whales to these Concaues chiefly from May to September, when; they spawne and bring vp their young, and also because they come to the great store of fish that at this time there is in this Creekes. They are sometime so many that ye may see fortie or fiftie together, men doe say that they doe cast the Amber that they find in the Sea, and whereof they also feed, and therefore is some of it found in this Coast; others doe say that the Sea it selfe doth cast it on the shoares with Ambergrise, great tempests, and commonly it is found after a great storme, and all the beasts doe eate of this Amber, and great diligence is needfull after the tempests that they may not find it eaten. It is very dangerous to saile in small Barkes along this Coast, for besides other dangers, the Whales o­uerwhelme 50 many, if they heare any ringing, they are so scared as Horses when they heare the sound of a Drumme, and are as fierce as Lions, many runne vpon the shoare, and great store of Oile is made of them. They haue the head open, and there they breathe, and cast at once great store of water, and scatter it so in the Aire as if it were a great showre.

There is great store of the Sword-fishes, they are great and fierce, for they haue a snowt like The Sword fish a Sword, all full of teeth round about, verie sharpe, and as bigge as Dogges teeth or bigger; they are a mans hand or more, and the length is according to the greatnesse of the fish. Some of these snowts or Swords are of eight or ten spannes long: with these they make a cruell battell with the Whales, for raising it vpward, and striking so many strokes on her, and so fast that it is a Battle with Whaies. 60 wonderfull thing: the Sharkes resort to the bloud, and sucke it in such sort till she dieth, and so many are found dead and cut in pieces. With this snowt also they catch the fishes whereof they feed. The Indians vse these snowts when they are young for to beate their children, and to feare them when they are disobedient vnto them.

[Page 1314] In this Coast are many Tortoises; there are many taken, whereof there are coffers, boxes for the hoasts, cups, &c. These Tortoises doe lay their egges in the sands, and they lay 200. or 300. A Tortoise. egges at a time, they are as bigge as Hens egges, verie white and round as balles; they hide these egges in the sand, and when the young are hatcht, presently they goe to the water, where they are nourished, the egges also are eaten. They haue this propertie, that though you boile or roast them the white is euer soft, the inwards are like a Hogges, and they haue vents where through they breathe. They haue another particularitie, that when yee turne them on their belly, they turne presently toward the Sea, neither can they liue otherwise. Some of them are so bigge that of their shels they make whole Targets, and one was taken vpon this Coast so bigge, that twen­tie men could not lift, nor poise it from the ground. 10

Vpon this Coast are many sorts of Sharkes, and in it are found sixe or seuen kinds of them; it is a very fierce and cruell fish, and kils many persons, especially those that swimme. The Riuers Tuborones, or Sharkes. are full of them; they are so cruell that it happened one to runne after an Indi [...]n that went in a Boate, and put him in such a straight, that the young man leaping a shoare, the Sharke leapt after him thinking to haue caught him, and fell on drie land where they killed him. In the broad Sea where also are many, they kill them with Snares, and Harping Irons, and they are so eager, greedie, and loue flesh, and they are so deuouring, that they find in their bellies, skinnes, p [...]eces of cloth, shirts and breeches that fall from the Sailers, they goe ordinarily accompanied with cer­taine verie faire fishes of diuers colours called Pelgrimes. They make great store of Oile of them, Pelgrimes. and the Indians vse the teeth in their Arrowes, because they are verie sharpe, cruell, and vene­mous, 20 and verie seldome, or with great difficultie are they healed that are hurt with them.

The flying fishes are ordinarily of a spanne long or little more, it hath the eies verie faire, of a The flying fish. certaine verie gallant picture, that beautifies it much, and doe seeme precious stones, the head is also very faire, it hath wings like R [...]ere-mice, but of a siluer hue; they are much per [...]ecuted of the other fishes, and for to escape they flie in flockes, like Stares, or Sparrowes, but they flie not ve­rie high, they are also good to eat, and when they flie they glad the Sailers, and many times they fall in the ship, and come in at the Cabbin windowes.

Botos and T [...]ninas, are two kinds of Porpoises. Of these fishes there are great abundance, as in Europe.

They find also in this Coast Salmonets, but they are rare, and not so esteemed, nor of so good Soles and Sal­monets. A little red fish very daintie in Spaine. 30 a taste as those of Europe. The Soles of these parts are verie rare, they haue this propertie, that when they are to be boiled or fried they beate them, and the more stroakes they giue them, the stiffer they are, and the better to eate, and if they beate them not, they are soft and no­thing worth.

As in this Countrie of Brasill are many Snakes, and venemous Wormes, whereof wee will Of the vene­mous fishes. speake hereafter, there are likewise many fishes verie venemous.

The Toad fish, in their Language, A [...]ayacn, is a small fish, a spanne long, painted, it hath Toad fish deadly. faire eies, taking it out of the water it snorteth verie much, and cutteth the hookes, and out of the water it swelleth much, all the poison lies in the skinne, and flaying they eate it: but ea­ting it with the skinne it killeth. It chanced a young man to eate one with the skinne, who died 40 almost suddenly; the Father said, I will eate the fish that killed my Sonne, and eating of it died also presently, it is a great poison for Rats, for those that eate of it doe die presently.

There is another kind of Toad fish of the same fashion that the other, but it hath many cruell prickles, as a Hedge-hogge; it snorteth, and swelleth out of the water; the skinne also killeth, especially the prickles, because they are verie venemous, fleaing it, it is eaten, and it is good for the bloudie Fluxe. There is another Toad fish, called in their tongue, Itaoça, it is three square, and the bodie such, that all of it is like a Dagger; it is faire, it hath the eies bluish, it is eaten fleade; the poison consisteth in the skinne, liuers, guts, and bones, whatsoeuer creature doth eate it, dieth.

Puraque is like the Scate, it hath such vertue that if any touch it, he remaineth shaking as one 50 that hath the Palsie, and touching it with a sticke, or other thing it benummeth presently him Puraque, or Torpedo. See Iobson. that toucheth it, and while he holdeth the sticke ouer him, the arme that holdeth the sticke is benummed, and a sleepe; it is taken with flue-nets, and with casting Nets it maketh all the bodie tremble, and benummes it with the paine, but beeing dead it is eaten, and it hath no poison.

The Caramuru are like the Sea Snakes of Portugall, of ten or fifteene spans long, very fat, and Caramuru. roafted taste like Pigge; these haue strange teeth, and many men are may med by their bytings, and the hand or foot where they were bitten, doe rot away. It hath ouer all the bodie many prickels. The Countrimen say that they engender with the Snakes; for they finde them many times knit with them, and many in the sands tarrying for the Sea Snakes. Amoreatie.

Amoreaty is like the Toad fish, it is full of prickels, and thrusts himselfe vnder the sand along 60 the shoare, and prickes the foot or hand vnderneath that toucheth it, and it hath no other reme­die but only by fire.

Amayacurub is round and of the bignesse of the A fish so cal­led Bugallos of Spaine, and are very venemous, it hath the bodie full of Wartes, and therefore it is called Curub, that is to say, a Wart in their Language.

[Page 1315] Ierepomonga, is a Snake that liueth in the Sea; her manner of liuing is to lie very still, and whatsoeuer liuing thing that toucheth it, remaineth so fast sticking to it that in no wise it can Ierepomonga. Strange Sea Snake. stirre, and so he feedeth and sustaines himselfe. Sometimes it commeth out of the Sea, and be­commeth very small, and as soone as it is toucht it sticketh fast, and if they goe with the other hand to lose themselues, they remaine also fast by it, and then it becommeth as bigge as a great Cable, and so carrieth the person to the Sea, and eateth it, and because it cleaueth so fast, it is called Terepomong, that is to say, a thing that cleaneth fast.

Finally, there are many kinds of very venomous fishes in the Sea, that haue so vehement a poison, that ordinarily none escapeth that catech or toucheth them.

The Mermen, or men of the Sea, are called in their language Ypupiapra; the men of the country are Mermen, or Monsters of the Sea. 10 so afraid of them, that many of them die only with the thought of them, & none that seeth them scapeth. Some that died already, being demanded the cause said, that they had seene this Monster, they properly are like men, of a good stature, but their eies are very hollow. The Female are like women, they haue long haire, and are beautiful;▪ these Monsters are found in the bars of the fresh Riuers; in Iagoaripe, seuen or eight leagues from the Bay haue many bin found, & in the yeere 82. an Indian going to fish, was chased by one, and fleeing in a Canoa told it to his Master. The Master for to animate the Indian, would needs go see the Monster, & being carelesse with one hand out of the Canoa, it catcht hold of him, and carried him away, and hee was neuer seene againe, and in the same yeere died an Indian of Franciscus Lorenço Cacyro. In Port Secure are some seene, which haue killed some Indians alreadie, the manner of their killing is to embrace themselues with the 20 person so strongly, kissing, and grasping it hard to it selfe that they crush it in pieces remaining whole, and when they perceiue it dead, they giue some sighings in shew of sorrow, and letting them goe they runne away, and if they carrie any they eate onely the eies, the nose, the points of the fingers and toes, and priuie members, and so ordinarily they are found on the sands with these things missing.

The Seas of these parts are very plentifull of Cutties, this kind of fish hath a hood alwaies full Of the Shel­fishes. Cuttle fishes., of very blacke Inke: this is their defence from the greater fishes, for when they come to catch them they cast that Inke before their eies, and the water becommeth very blacke, and then hee goes his waies. They take them with shooting at them, but they baite them first, they are also taken with lights by night. For to eate them they beate them, and the more, the softer they are, 30 and of better taste.

Apula is a shel-fish like the joint of a Cane: it is rare, it is eaten, and drinking it fasting in Apula. Powder, a souereigne remedie for the Milt or Spleene.

In these parts are infinite of the Sea-fomes, and are great, as broad as a hat; they haue many Sea-fomes. foulds wherewith they catch the fish, and resemble the Barberie Purses, they are not eaten; if they sting any one, they cause great paines, and cause to weepe, and so said an Indian that was stung with one of them, that he had receiued many wounds with Arrowes, but neuer wept till then; they are neuer seene but in neape tides (or slow waters, therefore the Portugals call them Agnas mortas, or Dead waters.)

The Vça is a kind of Crab found in the mire, and they are infinite, and the foode of all this Sea Crabs. Vza. 40 Countrie, chiefly for the slaues of Guinea, and the Indians of the Countrie, they haue a good taste, vpon them is good drinking cold water. They haue a particularitie to bee noted, that when they cast their shell they goe into their holes, and there they are two or three moneths, and casting the shell, mouthes and feet, they come so out, and they grow againe as before.

Guainumu is a kind of Crabs so great, that a mans legge will goe into their mouth. They Guainumu. are good to eate; when it doth thunder they come out of their holes, and make so great a noise the one with the other, that men haue gone out with their weapons, thinking they had beene enemies; if they doe eate a certaine herbe, whosoeuer eateth them then dieth, these are of the Land, but keepe in holes neere the Sea side.

The Aratu Crabs keepe in the trunkes of the trees, that grow in the Oowes of the Sea, when Aratu. 50 thay find a Cockle that gapeth, they seeke presently some little stone, and very cunningly put it into the Cockle: the Cockle shutteth presently, and not beeing able because of the little stone it hath within, they with their mouthes doe take out the fish and eate it.

There are ten or twelue kinds of Crabs in this Countrie, and as I haue said, they are so many in Ten or twelue kinds of crabs. number, and so healthfull, that all are eaten, especially of the Indians, &c.

The Oysters are many, and some are very great, and the meate is as broad as the palme of the Oysters. hand: in these are some Pearles found very rich, in other smaller are also very fine Pearles found. The Indians in old time came to the Sea for Oysters, and got so many that they made great Hils of the shels, and carried the fishes they carried away for to eate all the yeere; vpon these Hils by the continuance of time grew great Groues of Trees and very thicke and high, and the Portugals 60 discouered some, and euery day goe discouering others anew, and of these shels they make lime; Note for lime. and of one only heape was part of the Colledge of the Bay made, the Palaces of the Gouernour, and many other buildings, and yet it is not ended, the lime is very white, good for to garnish and [Page 1316] lime withall; if it bee in the raine it becommeth blacke, and for to keepe water in Cisternes it is not so sure, but for the rest as good as the stone in Spaine.

There wan [...] no Muscles in this Countrie▪ they serue the Indians and the Portugals for Spoones Muscles. and Kniues, they haue a [...]aire siluer colour▪ in them is found some seed Pearle; there is a small kind of them whereon the Sea-guls doe feed, and because they cannot breake them, they haue such a naturall instinct that taking them vp into the Aire, they let them fall so many times till they breake it, and then they eate them.

The Perewinkles are very▪ tastefull, and good in this Countrie, and some seed Pearle is found Perewinkles. in them, and so of the Perewinkles, and of the Muscles there is great store, of many and sun­drie kinds. 10

The greatest Wilkes which are called G [...]tapigg [...], that is, a great Wilk [...], are much esteemed of the Indians, for of them they make their Trumpets, Furnitures, Beades, Brooches, Eare­rings, Wilkes. and Gloues for the children, and they are of such esteeme among them, that for one they will giue any one person that they haue captiue: and the Portugals gaue in olde time a Crowne for one: they are as white as Iuorie, and many of them are of two quarters broad, and one in length.

The Piraguaig are also eaten, and of the shelles they make their Beades: and for so many fa­thome Pir [...]guaig. they g [...]ue a person. Of these the Sea casteth vp sometimes great heapes, a wonderfull thing. Of Wilkes and Skallops there is great quantitie in this Countrie, very faire, and to bee e­steemed, of sundrie kinds. 20

They find great store of white-stone Corrall vnder water, it groweth like small Trees all in White Corral. leaues, and Canes as the red Corrall of India; and if this also were so, there would be great riches in this Countrie, for the great abundance there is of it, it is very white, it is gotten with diffi­cultie, they make lime of it also.

There are great multitudes of Prawnes, because this Coast is almost all enuironed with shelues, Prawnes. and Rockes; there are also many Sea-ruffes, and other Monsters found in the Concauities of the Rockes, great Cra [...]esses or Crabbes like those of Europe, it seemes there bee none in these parts.

The Mangue Trees are like the Swallowes, or Will [...]wes of Europe, there is so great quantitie of Of the Trees that g [...]ow in salt-water. Mangues. them in the armes or creeks that the Sea maketh within the Land, that many leagues of the Land 30 is of these Trees, that are watered with the tides. We trauelled I say leagues, and whole daies in the Riuers where these Trees are, and they are alwaies greene, faire and pleasant, and of many kinds. The wood is good to burne, and for to build houses, it is very heauie and hard as Iron; of the barke they make Inke, and it serueth to tanne Leather, and they are of many kindes. A cer­taine kind of them doe cast certaine twigs from the top of their length some times as long as a Launce, till they come to the water, and then they cast many branches and rootes, and these branches remaine fast in the earth, and while they are greene these twigs are tender, and because they are hollow within, they make good Flutes of them. In these Creekes are a certaine kinde of Gnats called Mareguis, as small as Hennes Lice, they bite in such sort, that they leaue such Gnats. a Wheale, smart and itching that a man cannot helpe himselfe, for euen through the clothes they 40 pricke, and it is a good penance, and mortification to suffer them on a Morning, or an Euening; there is no other remedie to defend themselues from them, but to anoint themselues with dirt, or to make a great fire and smoke.

In these Creekes are many Crabs, Oysters, and Water Rats, and there is one kind of these Rats, a monstrous thing, for all the day they sleepe, and wake all night.

In these Creekes the Parrets breeds, which are so many in number, and make such a noise, that it seemeth the noise of Sparrowes, or Dawes.

On the Sands they finde great store of Parsley, as good and better, then that of Portugall whereof also they make Conserues. 50

Birds that doe feed, and are found in the salt water.

THe Bird Guiratinga is white, of the bignesse of the Cranes of Portugall; they are extreame Guiratinga. white, and haue verie long feete, the bill verie cruell and sharpe, and verie faire, of a ve­rie fine yellow, the legges are also verie long, betweene Red and Yellow. On the necke it hath the finest Plume Feathers that can bee found, and they are like the Estridges Feathers of Africa.

Caripira by another name Forked-tayles, are many; they are called Forked-tayles, because their Caripira. taile is diuided in the middle; the Indians make great account of the Feathers for the feathering of their Arrowes, and say that they last long, at sometimes they are verie fat, the fat is good for 60 the loosenesse. These Birds doe vse to bring newes a land of the ships, and they are so certaine in this that very seldome they faile, for when they are seene, ordinarily within twentie or thir­tie Note. daies the ships doe come.

[Page 1317] Guaca is properly the Sea-mew of Portugall, their ordinarie food are Cockles, and because they Guaca. are hard, and they cannot breake them, they take them in their bill, and letting them fall many times they breake them and eate them; of these Sea-m [...]es there are an infinite number of kinds, that the Trees and the strands are full of them.

Guirateonteon is called in Portugall Sc [...]ld-p [...]te, it is called Guir [...]e [...]nt [...]on, that is, a Bird that hath Guirateont [...]on. deadly accidents, and that dieth and liueth againe, as though it had the Falling sicknesse, and these fits are so great that many times the Indians doe find them along the strands, and take them in their hands, and thinking they are dead doe fling them away, and they assoone as they fall doe rise and flie away, they are white and faire, and there are other kinds of these that haue the same accidents. 10

The Calca [...]r are as bigge as Tuttle-doues, or Pigeons; the men of the Countrie say, that they Cal [...]amar, or Sea-stamper. lay their Egges in the Sea, and there they hatch, and breed their young; they flie not, but with their wings and feet they swimme very swiftly, they foreshew great calmes and showres, and in calme weather they are so many along the shippes that the Mariners cannot tell what to doe, they are euen the very spite it selfe, and melancholy.

The Ay [...]y [...] are as bigge as a Pye- [...]n [...]et, more white th [...]n red, they haue a faire colour of whi [...] Ayaya. bespotted with red, the bill is long and like a Spoone. For to catch the fish, it hath this [...]ght; it striketh with the foot in the water, and stretching out his neck, carrieth for the fish and catcheth it, and therefore the Indians say it hath humane knowledge.

The C [...]ra is small and gray, it hath faire eies with a verie faire red circle, it hath a strange C [...] note, for the he that heareth it thinketh it is of a verie great bird, it beeing verie small; for it singeth 20 with the mouth, and jointly behind it maketh a noise so sounding, loud and strong, though not smelling verie well, that it is a wonder, it maketh this sweet Musicke two houres before day, and at Euening till the Euening twilight be done, and ordinarily when it singeth, foresheweth faire weather.

The Guara is as bigge as a Pye-annet, it hath a long bill with a crooked point, and his feet of a G [...] quarter or span long, when it is hatched, it is blacke, and after becommeth gray, when it alrea­die doth fl [...]e, it becommeth whiter then any Doue, afterward it turneth to a bright red, yet at length it becommeth redder then Scarlet it selfe, in this colour he continueth till his death, they are many in quantitie, but they haue no other kind. They breed well in Houses, their food is fish, flesh, and other things; their food must be alwaies in water, the Indians esteeme greatly the Fea­thers 30 of these, and of them they make their Diademes, Fringes wherewith they couer the Swords they kill withall, and they make Bracelets to weare on their armes, and fasten them to their haire like Rose buds, and these are their Iewels, and Chaines of Gold wherewith they adorne themselues in their Feasts, and they so much esteeme, yea, they beeing so much giuen to eat humane flesh, they giue many times the enemies they haue for to eat in change for these Fea­thers. These birds goe in flights, and if the Sunne doth shine on them vpon the Sands, or in the Aire, it is a faire thing to behold. Many other birds there are that do feed on the Sea, as Hearn­shewes, Corm [...]rants, and a certaine kinde of Eagles (which are our Asperalles) which would bee tedious to recite. 40

The maine Riuers wherewith this Prouince is watered are innumerable, and some verie great, Of the fresh Riuers▪ and the things that in them are. and haue verie faire barres, not wanting in the Riuers, Brookes and Fountaines, whereof the Countrie is verie plentifull, and the waters ordinarily are verie faire, cleere and healthfull, and plentifull of infinite fishes of sundrie kinds, of the which some are of an exceeding greatnesse, and of great value, and verie healthfull, and are giuen vnto the sicke for Medicines. These fishes doe the Indians catch with Nets, but ordinarily with Hooke and Line. Among these there is a royall fish of a good taste and sauour, that is verie like the Sturgeon of Spaine, this is called Iau, they are of fourteene and fifteene quarters long, and sometimes bigger, and verie fat, and they make Butter (or Grease) of them. And at sometimes the fish is so much, they fat their Hogges with it. In the small Creekes are manie Shrimpes, and some of a quarter and more in length, and of a verie good taste and sauour. 50

Fresh water Snakes (and Creatures of the water.)

THe Snake Cucurijuba is the greatest, or of the greatest that are in Brasill, notable as well for Cururijuba a great Snake many wayes wonderfull. greatnesse as beautie, some are taken of fiue and twentie or thirtie foote long, and a yard in compasse. It hath a Chaine along the backe, of notable Pictures and verie faire, that beginneth at the head and endeth in the Taile; it hath Teeth like a Dogge, and laying hold on a man, Cow, Stagge, or Hogge, winding it with certaine turnes of her Taile, it swalloweth the said thing whole. And after she hath it so in her belly, she lets her selfe rot, and the Rauens and Crowes do 60 eate her all, so that there remaineth nothing but the bones, and afterward it breedeth new flesh againe, and reneweth as before it was. The reason whereof is (say the men of the Countrie) be­cause while it putrifieth it hath the head in the mire, and hauing life in the noddle they liue a­gaine; and because this is knowne alreadie, when they finde them putrified, they seeke o [...]t the [Page 1318] head and kill it. The manner of their feeding is to waite for their prey, either beasts or people laide along by the waies, and when it passeth, it winds it selfe about it, and killeth and eateth it. After they are full they sleepe in such sort, that sometimes they cut two or three pieces of their Taile, they not waking, as hath happened that after they had cut two pieces of the Taile of one of these, the next day they found her dead with two wild Bores in her belly; and it was about twelue yards and an halfe long.

The Snake Manima keepeth alwaies in the water, it is yet greater then the other abouesaid; it is much painted: and from his Pictures did the Gentlies of Brasill take the painting of them­selues. Manima. That Indian holds himselfe for blessed, that it doth shew it selfe vnto, saying, they shall liue long, seeing the Manima did shew it selfe vnto him. 10

Many other kinds of Snakes there be in the Riuers of fresh water, which I leaue for breuitie sake, and because there is nothing in particular that can be said of them.

The Iacare Lizards are of a notable greatnesse, and some are as bigge as Dogges, their snowt is like a Dogge, and so haue they their Teeth verie long, they haue ouer all the bodie certaine plates Water Lizards. Iacare (or Cro­codile. like an armed Horse, and when they arme themselues, there is no Arrow can pierce them, they are painted of diuers colours, they doe no hurt to the people, but rather they take them easily with Snares, some haue beene taken of fifteene quarters (or spans) long, and the Indians esteeme them much, and hold them for estate as the Rimbabas, that is, Dogges, or any other thing of e­state. They keepe in the water, and on the land, they lay Egges as bigge as Geese, and so hard that striking one against another, they tingle like Iron. Where these doe haunt they are pre­sently 20 perceiued, by the great cries they giue; the flesh of these smelleth very much, especially Hard Egges. his Cods of Muske, and they are of esteeme, their dung hath some vertue, especially it is good for the Lelidas.

The Iaguarucu is a beast greater then any Oxe, it hath Teeth of a great quarter long, they keepe in and out of the water, and doe kill men; they are rare; some of them are found in the Iaguarucu. A great Dogge. This seemeth some kind of the Hippopeta­mas. Atacape. Iaguapopeb [...]. Riuer of Saint Francis, and in Paraguacu.

The Atacape are Woolues smaller, but much more hurtfull, for they come out of the water to watch for men, and being verie swift they kill some persons and eate them.

The Iaguapopeba are the true Atters of Portugall. There is another small beast of the big­nesse of it is called Zariguemeiu, these haue rich Skinnes for Furres; and of these 30 water beasts, there are many other kinds; some doe no hurt, others are verie fierce.

The Baepapina are a certaine kind of Mermen as bigge as children, for they differ nothing from them, of these there are many and doe no harme. Baeapina.

There be many of the water Hogges Capijgoara, and are of the bignesse of land-hogges, but they differ in fashions; in the roofe of the mouth it hath a very great stone that doth serue him Water-hogge. for great Teeth. This the Indians hold for a Iewell for their children, sonnes and daughters. It hath no taile, they continue long vnder water, but they lodge on the Land, and in it they bring vp their young; their foode is grasse, and fruites that they find along the Riuers.

In the fresh Riuers of waters are many kinde of Igta Scallops, great and small. Some are so bigge as good Siues, and serue to sift their meale with them; other are smaller, and serue for 40 Spoones, all of them are long, and of a siluer colour, in them are some Pearles.

In the Riuers are found many of the Cagados, (a Sea bird so called) and they are so many in number, that the Tapuyas doe feed fat in a certaine time of the yeere with the Egges, and doe seeke for them as for some other daintie food.

There want no Frogges in the Riuers, Fountaines, P [...]ddles, and Lakes, and they are of many kinds especially these Guararici. The feare that the Indians haue thereof is a wonderfull thing, Guararici. Men dye with hearing it. that of the onely hearing it they die, and tell them neuer so much they haue no other remedie, but let themselues die, so great is the imagination and apprehension that they take of the hea­ring it sing, and whatsoeuer Indian that heareth it dieth, for they say it doth cast from it selfe a brightnesse like a lightning. 50

All these maine Riuers haue so great and so thicke Woods on the one side and the other, that they saile many leagues by them and see no ground, on either side, in them are many things to be told, which I omit for breuities sake.

Of the Beasts, Trees and Herbes, that came from Portugall, and doe grow and breed in Brasill.

THis Brasill is alreadie another Portugall, and not speaking of China, which is much more temperate and healthfull, without great heates or colds, where the men doe liue long, with few sicknesses, as the Collicke, of the Liuer, the Head, the Breast, Scabs, nor any other Diseases 60 of Portugall. Neither speaking of the Sea, which hath great store of fish, and wholsome, nor of the things of the Land, which God hath giuen to this Nation, nor of many other commodities which the men haue to passe their liues withall; though the commoditie of houses is not great, [Page 1319] for the most of them are of mud walls, and thatched, though now they beginne to make buil­dings of lime and stone, and tile, neither are the commodities for apparell many, because the Countrie yeeldeth no other cloth but Cotton-wooll. In this place the people are in great need, especially from the Riuer of Ianuarie, vnto Saint Uincent, for want of ships to bring Merchan­dize and Clothes, but in the most Captaineships they are prouided of all kinde of clothings and Silkes, and the men goe well apparelled, and weare many Silkes and Veluets. But it is alreadie Portugall as I said for the many Commodities that from thence doe come vnto it.

In this Prouince is a good breed of the Horses, and there be alreadie great abundance of them Horses. and very good Iennets of a great price, that are worth 200. and 300. Duckets and more, and there is alreadie running at the Geese, at the Ring, at Canes, and other Sports and Skirmishes, and from hence they beginne to prouide Angola of Horses whereof they stand in great want. 10

Though this Countrie hath weake pastures, and in Por [...] S [...]cure is an Herbe that killeth the Kine. beasts if they doe eate it, notwithstanding there is a great number of them alreadie, and all Bra­sill is full of great Heards, and some haue 500. some a 1000. heads, especially in the fields of Pi­ratininga, because it hath good pastures, and are like to them of Portugall, and it is a pleasant thing to see the young breed that is there.

The Swine doe like very well heere, and they beginne to haue great multitudes, and heere it Swine. is the best flesh of all, yea, better then Hennes flesh, and it is giuen to the sicke, and hath a very good rellish and taste.

Vnto the Riuer of Ianuarie are many sheepe found alreadie, and Weathers, and they fatten so Sheepe. much that they burst with fatnesse: it is not here so good flesh as in Portugall. 20

The Goates are yet but few, but yet they like well in this Countrie, and doe multiply verie Goates. much, and in a short time there will be a great multitude.

The Hennes are infinite, and greater then in the Realme of Portugall, and because the Coun­trie Hennes. is temperate they breed well, and the Indians doe esteeme them, and breed them within the Maine, three hundred and foure hundred leagues, the flesh here is not so good as in the Realme.

The Hennes of Peru, like well in this Countrie, and there is great abundance of them, and Turkies. there is no Banquet where they are not a dish.

The Geese doe like well in this Countrie, and are in great abundance, there is also here ano­ther Geese and Duckes. kind of the Countrie it selfe, and are farre greater and fairer. 30

The Dogges haue multiplied much in this Countrie, and are of many kindes; they are estee­med Dogges. heere aswell of the Portugals which brought them, as of the Indians that esteeme them a­boue all the things they haue: because they helpe them in their hunting, and are domesticall creatures, and so the women doe carrie them on their backe from one place to another, and nou­rish them as Children, and giue them sucke at the breast.

Trees with prickles, as Orenges, Pomecitrons, Limons For one kind are called Li­mas, as it wer [...] the Female. of both kinds, of sundrie sorts do Trees. grow well in this Countrie, which almost all the yeere haue fruit, and there are so great Oren­ges and Pomecitron Groues, that euen among the Woods they grow, and the abundance is so great of those things that they are not set by. They haue a great enemie, the Ants, notwith­standing 40 there is great abundance, without euer being watered, and as there wanteth no Sugar, they make infinite Conserues, to wit, of Citrons, Limons, the flowres, &c.

The Fig-trees grow verie well heere, and there bee many kindes, as long Figges, blacke Fig-trees. Figges, Figge-Dates, and many other kinds, to the Riuer of Ianuarie, that are hotter ground, they yeeld two crops in the yeere.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie and Saint Vincent, in the fields of Piratininga, doe grow many Quinces, Quinces. and yeeld foure crops a yeere, one after another, and there are men that with verie few Quince Trees doe gather, ten, and twelue thousand Quinces, and here they make great store of Marme­lets and verie shortly will those of the Iland of Madera be spared.

There are many sorts of Grapes, as Feriads, Boaes, Bastard, Greene, and Gallizian Grapes, and Vines. many other. To the Riuer of Ianuarie they haue all the yeere Grapes, if they will haue them, 50 for if they cut them euerie moneth, they beare euerie moneth Grapes successiuely. In the Riuer of Ianuarie especially in Piratininga, are Vineyards, and are so loaden that they bow to the ground, they yeeld but one crop. They beginne alreadie to make Wine, though with trouble to preserue it, for in wood the Worme doth presently eate thorow, and earthen vessels they haue none, but seeke remedies of their owne, and doe continue it, and in a short space they will haue many Wines.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie and Piratininga, are many Roses; one, Damaske Roses, whereof they Roses. distill great store of Rose-water, and Conserue of Roses for to purge, and not to purge, for of the other they haue not, they seethe the Damaske Roses in water, and straining them they make 60 Conserue of Roses very good wherewith they doe not purge.

Muske Melons want not in many Captaine ships, and are good and fine, many Gourds where­of Plants and Herbes. they make Conserues, many Beets whereof they make it also, Cabbages, Cowcumbers, Raddishes, Turnops, Mustard, Mintes, Coriander, Dill, Fennell, Pease, Leekes, Onions, [Page 1320] Garlicke, Borrage, and other Pulses which were brought from Portugall, and grow well in this Countrie.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie, and fields of Piratininga, groweth Wheate, they vse it not because they haue no Horse-mils, nor Water-mils, and they haue also great trouble in the gathering of Wheate. it, for because of the many waters, and ranknesse of the ground it commeth altogether, and it multiplieth so much, that one Corne beareth sixtie and eightie Eares, and some beeing ripe, o­thers grow anew, and it multiplieth almost in infinitum. Of lesse then a That is [...]oure b [...] [...]l, and an ha [...]e. quarter of Barley that a man sowed, in the field of Piratininga, hee gathered sixtie and odde N [...]e that the Alque [...]que cont [...]i [...]eth 18. bush [...]ls. S [...]elling he [...]b [...]s. Alqueires, and if men would giue themselues to this commoditie, the Countrey would be verie rich and plentifull.

There are many sorts of Basill, and Gilliflowres Yellow, and Red, and doe grow well in Pi­ratininga, 10 and other smelling herbes, as the An herbe so called. Ve [...]mine Insecta. Onion sese, &c.

Aboue all this, Brasill hath one commoditie for men to liue, that in it doe liue disorderly, that there are but few Lice or Fleas, but among the Indians, and Guinne Moores there are some Lice; but there want no Hornets, Dorres, Waspes, Flies, and Gnats of so many kinds, and so cruell and venemous, that stinging any person, the place swelleth for three or foure dayes, especial­ly in the fresh men, which haue their bloud fresh and tender, with the good Bread, Wine and delicate fare of Portugall.

CHAP. II. 20

Articles touching the dutie of the Kings Maiestie our Lord, and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill. Written (as is thought) by the Au­thour of the former Treatise.

IT greatly behooueth for the vniuersall good, and preseruation of the estate of Bra­sill, that the King our Lord doe take all the Captaineships for his, satisfying the The first Arti­cle. Lordships. For as the Tenths are all his Maiesties, and the Lordships haue no more then the tenth, which is verie little, at the least in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, Saint Vincent, Port Secure, and the Ilets, the said Captaine­ships 30 are neuer prouided, neither haue Powder, Bullet, or Caleeuer, &c. for to de­fend themselues from the enemies, and whatsoeuer French or English shippe that goeth thither, doth put them in such danger, that either they must giue them entrance, and traffick with them, or leaue them the Towne and goe to the Woods, as now it was seene in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, and Saint Vincent, and being the Kings they be otherwise prouided, making Fortres­ses in the barres for their defence, at the least in those of the Holy Ghost, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, Weaknesse of the Portugals in Brasill, how much and whence. as it was done in that of Saint Vincent, in the which ships may come in at any houre, and in this manner will haue a delight to dwell, and labour in them the which now doe liue in trouble and complaints, seeing themselues so disfauoured, and in any danger of warre they rather thinke how to flee away, and escape with their Wiues and Children, then how to defend the Coun­trey, 40 whose safetie, preseruation, and augmenting importeth so much, as is notorious to the good of all Peru.

It seemeth necessarie that in Brasill there be a Court Royall, where many causes may be deter­mined, The second Article. as there is in Peru, New Spaine, and in all his Maiesties Prouinces.

The first reason that for this is offered, is, that the people whereof at the first this Countrey was inhabited, commonly were banished for facts committed in Portugall. And as at the begin­ning there was no Iustice Royall in it, at the least in the Captaineships, and Lands of the Lords, as all of them were, but onely Captaines and Iudges, placed by the Lords of them, there was little regard of Iustice, as well in them which ruled, the which had authoritie for to kill, hang, &c. and as they had no Science, nor peraduenture Conscience, ruled rather by humane respects, 50 friendships, hatreds, and proper gaines, then by direct reason, as in the subiects, the which as Brasill peopled with exiles. there was no Iustice but of Gossips, (as the speech is) did liue at large as they listed, hauing no bo­die to contradict them, and though the Kings afterward did take & reserue the Iustice to them­selues send [...]ng Gouernours, and generall Iudges, and though there come many men of more qua­litie to continue the inhabiting of the Countrey, notwithstanding a great part of that first liber­tie and licence remained still, with the which many euils were and are committed without pu­nishment. For many of them haue alreadie so much power with their riches (gained God know­eth how) that I know not whether those that now doe rule dare meddle with them, bee it that they feare their power and might, or because f [...]r [...] omnes dilig [...]nt m [...]n [...]ra: and the Iustices that went, and will not be interessed but beare the Rod vpright, let them prepare themselues to suf­fer 60 troubles in this Countrey.

The second reason is, that many Sutes may here be determined definitiuely, in the which are delayings of many yeeres, without any obtayning of Iustice by Appeales and Grieuances to Portugall. Now if the Gouernour (as many times it hapneth) will put himselfe in the office of [Page 1321] the generall Iudge, and with his power binds his hands, all goes topsieturuie, without any ciuill peace in the Countrey, but rather a continuall confusion, and perturbation, and the matter com­meth to this point, that the Gouernour apprehendeth the Iudge himselfe (as alreadie it hath hapned) and sendeth him to Portugall, and in the meane while the Iustice of the Countrey remayneth in the hands of him that cannot administer it, and in stead of reason entreth affection, or passion, and then nothing is done but what the Gouernor listeth. The same behoueth, and per­aduenture more, to that which appertaineth to his Majesties goods, wherein are difficult matters, and haue need of a man of knowledge and conscience, for to decide them.

The third reason is, that there may learned men of conscience bee there for to determine the Iustice of warre, for want of that haue many been made in Brasill, against all Iustice, which was 10 a great cause of the destruction of the men of the Countrie, and so all the Coast is almost vnha­bited. And although the Kings past commended this greatly, and commanded that no warre should be held lawfull, but that which should be made by order of the Gouernour generall, hee taking first counsell with the Bishop, and Fathers of the company, and experienced persons of the Countrey, and of good consciences, and the Iustice of the warre being determined by them, notwithstanding many times it is not done with such examination as the cause requireth: and Iesuites com­plaint for not being call [...]d to counsels of warre. so either the Fathers of the company are not called thereunto, or if they be called, it is for a com­plement of Iustice: and they haue more regard to the hope of the profit that is of [...]red them, of getting of slaues in the said warre, then vnto the Iustice of it, and to the common good, and danger they put themselues in, for sometimes they fare euill in the broyle, with the death of 20 many Christians, both Portugals and Indians. With these warres especially all the Coast of Per­nambuco, Depopulati­ons. which beginneth from the Riuer of Saint Francis thitherward, which are fiftie leagues, and the greatest part of the Maine is disinhabited, hauing before a most copious number of In­dians: and so now that Captaineship wanteth Indian friends, to helpe them to defend, and it is, euery day wasted, slaine, and eaten of the Indians Pitiguares of Paraiba, which before were their friends, whom they did also great injustice to.

The third Article is about the Kings Customers Accounts, &c.

His Majestie hath a great obligation to the Indians of Brasill, to aide them with all corporall The fourth Article. Wast of the In­dians by Portu­gals. and spirituall remedie. For almost all those of this Coast are almost consumed with sicknesses, warres and tyrannies of the Portugals, and those which escaped, went into the Maine to their 30 kindred, and neither haue these their liues there. For when the ransomes of slaues did end, which were held for lawfull, they inuented Armies for to goe to the Maine to bring them to the Sea for to serue themselues of them perpetually.

These companies are made in this manner, three or foure or more persons doe joyne, and eue­rie one of them doe put in so much stocke, and aske license of the Gouernour to goe into the Maine to bring free Indians, the Gouernour grants it, with his order, to wit, that they bring them without any force or deceit, but with their owne good will, declaring to them, that they come to serue the Portugals, and to helpe them in their labours, Sugar-mills and other workes. Hauing this License, the Venturers doe ioyne people to send into the Maine, to wit, Interpre­ters, and other persons, that sometime came to fiftie or sixtie with their pieces and other wea­pons, 40 and with many Indian Archers both free and bond, that doth carrie their burdens of the ransome and the victuals, and with helpe if by deceit they cannot bring the people they goe to seeke, they may bring it by force.

With this License in this manner they depart, and neuer keepe the order set downe, as it is Portugals wily manner of wronging the Nati [...]s. manifest and all doe openly confesse without contradiction, for presently when they are depar­ted they say, that if that should be declared vnto them there, that certaine it is, that no Indian will come, and therefore they must vse deceits and force, for they haue no other meanes to moue them from their Countries, and with this purpose they goe, without any regard of the order, nei­ther of them that goe to the Maine, nor of the Iustices when they come from thence, and so they vse these Licenses, without any examining of them. Now when they come to the Townes of the Indians, that are within the Maine, 100. and 200. leagues, they beginne presently their de­ceits, 50 saying that they come for them by commandement of the Gouernour, that they may come to enioy the good things of the Sea, and that they shall bee together in their Villages by them­selues, and at their will (without making any manner of repartition) and that from thence they shall helpe the Portugals in their warres, and other things. Other whiles they tell them that the Gouernour, and the Fathers of the company doe send for them for to bee in the Churches of their kinsmen, which doe learne the things of God, naming some ancient principal Indians, whom they much esteeme, and hold as Fathers, and that they wil be with them, and for this there hath beene some of these Interpreters, that ordained among themselues one, whom they fained to be a Father of the company, with a shauen crowne, and a long habit to deceiue them more easily. 60

When these deceits, & other such do not preuaile, they vse violence, labouring to kil some, that doe hinder this comming, for the which it hath hapned to put poison in the vessels of their wine, with many other inuentions, wherwith they feare them. As once, that comming alreadie by the way, because one of the principall Indians did shew to come with an euill will, and did impart it [Page 1322] with the rest, it is said that they tooke for a remedie two or three to remaine behind with him alone, and being asleepe they choaked him with a Towell, and gaue out, that hee died sud­denly, Manifold in­iuries. because he would not come. Other whiles they kill some of other Nations, that are by the way, all to the end, that those which they bring doe not goe backe, and in this manner they bring such a number of them, without prouision of necessarie food, that by the way with hun­ger and euill vsage, a great part of them doe die, and those that doe come are in such a case, and so weake, that it is needfull before they come into the houses, the Fathers of the company to goe Who now are the Canibals? about the Woodes christening the children at their Mothers breasts that they may not die vn­baptized, and others they find halfe dead, and full of flies, that the Mothers haue left, as not able to bring them. 10

Being come to the Sea those that scape aliue, hauing promised them that they will put them in Townes, at their owne will, presently the venturers doe diuide them among themselues, and Vnchristian Antichristian wickednesse. many times they separate fathers from children, wiues from husbands, brethren from brethren, &c. and euery one carrieth his part to their places, some one hundred, another two hundred, ano­ther thirtie, &c. euery one according to the stocke he putteth in. Besides this, they giue their share to the men that went to bring them (for this is the money they pay them withall) to one foure, to another ten &c. and as many of these haue no lands for to maintaine them, they sell them presently to others, and so they haue marked and sold a great number to these and other Captaineships, and as the poore men doe see themselues deceiued, and toiled with ouer-much labour, with pure griefe they die, and some runne away and goe euen to their enemies, willing 20 rather to be eaten of them, then to abide such vsage among the Portugals, and in this sort of 30. or 40000. soules, that haue beene brought, I know not whether 3000. bee aliue, and with this a great part of the Maine is destroyed. For the same licences doe the Captaines giue in their Cap­taineships, and the same is vsed.

These vexations and tyrannies, are the cause that the Indians lose the patience, which alwaies they haue had exceeding, and doe kill some Portugals. Now in the Maine of the Bay the Ta­puyas a people which alwayes had great friendship with the Portugals, and gaue them passage through their Countries, and aide to bring the Indians abouesaid, did rise with the deceits and lies of certaine Portugals, that went thither with title of bringing Saltpeeter, and killed some eigh­teene Effects of ty­rannie. or twentie of them. Some of the Maine of the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost, did kill 30 certaine Indians that certaine Mestizos did carrie with them, going thither to play their accu­stomed prankes, for within their owne houses they would haue killed them, and the Mungrels escaped by flight, and with this that people is alreadie an enemie of the Portugals. The Maine of the Riuer of Ianuarie with such other lyes did reuolt, being before our great friends, and killed some Portugals, hauing a little before a Father of the company gone thither at the request of the Inhabitors of the Citie, and had beene sixe moneths with them, confirming them in the friend­ship of the Portugals, and preaching the faith vnto them and brought from diuers and remote places some 600. soules which now are Christians baptized almost all in their Towne with a Church made within the Riuer of Ianuarie, which are great helpe for the defence of that Citie, Conuersing. and they helpe euery one to doe their worke: and many other remayning moued for to follow 40 their Kinsmen, with this reuolting all ceassed, and so there as also in other places, the gates vnto Reuersing. Conuersion are altogether shut vp.

To the Maine of the Bay, twice the Fathers of the company haue gone at their owne cost, (with helpe of the Indians christened, which doe teach,) to bring some people for to furnish the Churches, which beginnes to diminish, and to preach the Law of God vn­to them. And there they found of this Soule-lesse people, that were in the Townes of the Indians, as in their owne houses, and the Fathers bringing some number of Indians, which came from verie farre to become Christians. These Portugals laboured by all meanes possible to disswade them. Sometimes preaching to the Indians, that the Fathers brought them deceiued, Diuersing. and that heere they would take away their Customes, as the drinking of their Wines, their ma­ny 50 Wiues, and whip their children, &c. the which is an vse and custome among these pratlers for to discredit the Fathers. Not being able to preuaile by this meanes, they tooke another way and did contract with some other Indians, of the principallest of those that remained there, that Inuerting. they should sell them those which the Fathers carried, giuing them great ransomes for them, and with this they pretended to take them away perforce, before their eies, so that it was needfull the Fathers to bid the Indians to defend themselues, and with this remedie they left them. O­thers Aduersing. came to the high-waies and did steale them that the Fathers brought, as one Mestizo which tooke some twentie and odde, and transported them by another way, taking wife and Auersing. children, brethren, and all the Family from a principall Indian, and left him alone because he was sore hurt in one foot, and was not able to goe. 60

With these iarrings of these men of this trade, the Indians know not whom to trust, nor whom to beleeue, and by the fame that they heare already of the vsage that is done here to theirs, that come to the Sea. For this cause a great principall Indian of the Mountaine of Rari, that is from hence about two hundred leagues, where now is the greatest force of people, that escaped [Page 1323] from the tyrannies, sent hither a Sonne of his to see how it went, and being true that which the Fathers had said, that he should make heere some prouision for food sowing some grounds, and to returne thither with some Father for him and for all his Family; for to come and receiue the law of God. The Sonne came, and finding the truth, and seeing the vsage that is done to theirs in the Sugar-workes, and other labours of the Portugals, he presently husbanded some grounds in one of the Townes of the Christians, that are in protection, and doctrine of the Fathers, with a deter­mination to goe and bring his Father as he commanded him. Many other of this Fort did leaue Pe [...]uer [...]ing [...] their Fathers, being mooued in that Mountaine, but with feare of these assaults abouesaid they dare not come. Likewise they haue here no grounds fitting for their maintenance, for it is all oc­cupied by the Portugals. Besides this the Nation of the Tapuyas, which haue diuers Languages, doe not agree well in the Sea Coast, for ordinarily they liue here of the Mountaine, and in their 10 owne Countrey they might haue the Euangelicall Law preached vnto them.

All the abouesaid well considered, it seemed necessary that his Maiestie should forbid these ad­uenturings, sending a commandement, that none might goe thither without expresse warrant of his Maiestie, vnder great penalties, the which with effect might be executed, and that nei­ther the Gouernours might giue any licence for them, seeing how they which carrie the said Licenses neuer kept, nor will keep the order giuen them, as aforesaid. For all men know and say, Animad [...] ­ting. that if it be kept, neuer will any Indian come from the Maine, as vntill now none came but deceiued, and this being so publicke, and daily, and not the fault of one or two particular men, but a common vse of all the Countrey, that it passeth before the eies of the Iustices, neuer vntill this houre did the Gouernours forbid them, rather past by it not punishing any of them that so 20 brought them, nor redressing the poore Indians. These aduenturings taken away, the Fathers would aduenture themselues to goe among them, to preach the faith of Iesus Christ, and make a Christianitie, and in time, Portugals or Spaniards, might goe thither, but such as were men of a good conscience with order from his Majestie, that might inhabit, and helpe in the conuersion, and in this manner, by the grace of God all that people would bee subject to the yoke of the faith, and obedience of the King our Lord.

The Indians that are brought from the Maine, and are in the power of the Portugals, and all The fift Arti­cle. that are by the Coast of Brasill, as wel free as slaues, haue no kind of doctrine by obligation, that is imposed vpon them; for neither Bishops, nor Curates haue any care of it, bearing themselues vpon the Fathers of the company, and in thirty foure yeeres since that the company was sent to these 30 parts by the King Don Iohn the third, no Curate in all Brasill did euer say Masse in respect of the Indians, or slaues borne in the Countrey; only they baptize the children with their offerings, and those that are already growne they need no more preparation, then to bring them to be baptized, without giuing them any other knowledge of the faith, & so it hapneth by their ignorance, that Note. Subue [...]ing. not only they receiue not the grace of Baptisme, but also sometimes not the character. It is pittie to see the little regard that is had in this, being the principall dutie of the King our Lord.

The Fathers of the company since they entred in to Brassll, tooke this matter effectually, and in all places where they haue houses, there is alwaies a particular Masse said for the slaues all Sundayes and Feast dayes, catechising them euery day, and sometime Morning and Euening: They labour to learne the Countrey Language, and instruct them in the matters of faith, and law 40 of God, they baptize, marrie, and doe shrieue, and administer other Sacraments vnweariedly. But because they cannot accomplish all, and many doe perish in want for the Curates take no care of them as if they were not their sheepe) it is necessary that his Majestie doe prouide in this some more effectuall remedies.

The first remedie offered was, that his Majestie should command to make a Catechisme in tha [...] Ca [...]ch [...] [...] ▪ the Bra [...]l [...]an Ton [...]ue. Brasilian Language, which is vniuersall from the Riuer Marauyon, vnto the Riuer of Plate, and should be imprinted at his Majesties cost, and to enjoyne euery Curate to haue it, and to teach by it. For though the most of them haue not the language, they may notwithstanding learne to read it very well, and to teach by the Booke, as at the beginning, and euen now some Fathers of the company doe, that the Indians hearing him reade will vnderstand, &c. 50

It is very necessary that his Majestie doe command to examine the Iustice that these Portugals The sixt Ar­ticle. haue to serue themselues of these free Indians they bring from the Maine in the manner aboue­said, for although they hold them with a title of free, they haue no libertie but in name, for in truth they are more then Captiues, according to the vsage they haue. For first, as touching the Slauerie of the Indians. soules, they care not for their doctrine, nor that they bee baptized, married, or liue, like Christians, they haue no other respect but of their seruice, as of any other brute beast, and so let them liue in adulterie, without hearing Masse, or shrieuing, and many die without Baptisme. As touching their bodies, their labours are immoderate and perpetuall by night and by day, con­trarie to the nature of the Indians, which are sustained with very little labour in their Countries. If they fall sicke they haue then lesse care of them then of their slaues, for of these because they 60 cost them their money, they haue more regard, as the Masters themselues doe confesse.

Those that haue them in their power, are serued of them, as of slaues, all their liues, not let [...]ing them goe to another Master or place, though it be to the Churches of their kinsmen, that are [Page 1324] Christians, where they may be better instructed in matters of the faith, and of their saluation; and if they doe goe to a [...]y place, though it be to the said Churches, they labour by themselues, and by the Iustices, to bring them againe, as indeede they doe bring, and put them in Irons, as though they were slaues. Whence ariseth a great scandall to the Indians Christian, their kins­men, some of the which, as yet are tender Plants in the faith, forsake the Churches and flee with their familie about the woods, grieued with the iniuries that are done to theirs, especially in matter of l [...]bertie, which they so much esteeme, and for feare they will doe the like with them, and so wandering are lost and neuer seene againe; and truth it is, that if it were not for the con­tinuall care and vigilancie that the Fathers of the companie haue ouer them, and the loue the In­dians doe beare them, because they are their masters; and seeing that for their defence they are 10 hated of the Portugals, and murmured at, they had not continued, no not these three small towns o [...] Christians of the Baye, wherein may be about 2500. soules, which onely escaped of eleuen C [...]urches, that there were, wherein were gathered more then 40000. nor other Townes like­wise of Christians, that are about the Captaine shippes. Neither had Gouernors nor Captaines sufficed for to haue sustained them (as the experience hath showen) for they would not haue suf­fered such vexation, though they had died for it, as others did already at the beginning, running away and dying, wherewith the coast was disinhabited.

Not onely doe the Portugals serue themselues of the free Indians aboue said, which they bring Wicked man­stealing. from the maine; but they [...]ll them also to others, and they say with title of free, but the price is such, that a lawfull slaue is sold no deerer, and so the goods, that without them was worth. I 20 put the case 2000. Duckets, with them they giue it for 4000. and these that doe buy it, doe take already mastership of them, as of slaues, that cost them their money, and so from hand to hand their captiuitie increaseth, and though they say that they are serued of them, as of hired men, the pay for their seruice is nothing; for it they giue a cotten garment to one or two of the princi­pallest of them, which they weare in their seruice, they doe not neither is it possible to giue it to 100. or 200. that they keepe, as they thems [...]lues confesse; with the like vsages many of the said Indians either eate earth till they kill themselues, or let themselues dye verie easily with meere griefe and sadnesse. And because iointly with this the punishments they giue them are like the slaues, and these buyings and s [...]llings are not vsed particularly betweeene one or two Through you is my name blas [...]hemed a­mongst the G [...]s. persons secretly, but it is an vse and custome in all the Countrie, without any iustice looking in­to 30 it. Finally, they are not onely serued of them all their life, but they giue them also in mari­ages to Sonnes and Daughters as a dowrie; and at their deaths they remaine in their wils with the name of free, but bound to serue their children perpetually, whom they leaue them vnto as [...]aereditario iure, and so the heires goe to law about them, and haue iudgements, as if they were lawfull sl [...]ues.

As touching the iustice that is vsed with the Indians, the King our Lord is to vnderstand, that The se [...]uenth Article. although his Maiestie as all the Kings his predecessors doe recommend alwaies this matter of the Indians to the Gouernours aboue all as their principall duetie, with very effectuall words, not­withstanding the iustice that vntill now hath beene in Brasil toward them was none or verie little, as it is plainely seene by the assaults, robberies, captiuities, and other vexations that al­waies 40 w [...]re done to them, and euen now are done. Against the Indians was alwaies a rigorous The mercies of the vngodly are cruell. iustice, they haue already beene hanged, hewen in peeces, quartered, their hands cut, nipped with hot p [...]ncers, and set in the mouth of peeces, and shot away the Indians for killing or hel­ping to kill some Portugall (which peraduenture had well deserued it at their hands) but hauing persons, not a few in Brasil, as alwaies there were, and yet there are, notoriously infamous for robbing, stealing, branding, selling, and killing many Indians, neuer vntill this time was there any show of punishment, and it is to be feared, seeing it wanteth on earth, that it will come from heauen on all the inhabitants of Brasil.

The eight Article is touching the Indians exceeding seruices without reward.

The ninth Article is to preuent their totall destruction, which cannot but follow the practise 50 of Portugals in making slaues of them by sowing quarrels, and interessing themselues on one side, by burning, &c.

All the coast of Brasil doth want and is destitute of Priests that may be Curates for the soules, for in the Bay, except three or foure that doe serue in the high Church, and one that serueth for The tenth Ar­ticle. Curate in one Par [...]sh, that did learne in the colledge of the Companie: there are no Priests that know how to doe their office, and their customes and liues are much blemished, for many of them came suspended from Portugall for grieuous crimes, and also for incorrigible: and here as they want Priests they are presently enabled and made cures of soules, and although in the three Col­ledges of the companie that are in this Countrie, Sc. in the Bay, Pernambuco, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, are ordinarie lectures of matters of conscience, there is no Priest that will heare it, and 60 as they are most ignorant, they doubt nothing, and so they absolue and dispence more then Popes with great losse of the soules; and such there was, that dispensed with a parishioner of his to com­municate after he had drunk, whereby may be coniectured what the rest w [...]ll doe. And with this they doe other follies, and misbehauiors in the celebrating of the masse before the people, that [Page 1325] they seeme altogether fooles. And their life is pittifull, for finally their care is to fill them­selues with money, meate, and drinke; and to follow the lusts of the flesh, with a great scandall of the secular.

Those are very rare, and may bee told with the finger through all the coast, which doe liue a life worthie the Priestly function, and those which the Bishop banish from hence for their faults or suspensions to the Riuer of Ianuarie, presently they are there receiued by the Ruler, as now he did particularly to one that being a Friar come from Portugall expelled from the Order for in­corrigible, and afterward hee was enabled here by the Bishop, hee was put in the visitation, be­cause he was not shriuen in three yeeres, celebrating almost euery day, and this being another time condemned by the Bishop in his Court▪ and brought to the estate that he came in from Por­tugall, 10 expelled his Order, and banished from his Bishopricke, and his life infamous and scanda­lous to all the Secular, the Ruler enabled him presently in the Riuer of Ianuarie, (not without great scandall of the good) not onely for fellow-helper of the Curate of that Citie, but also for a Preacher. And the Prelates say they doe all this because they haue no other, whom to giue the Parishes vnto, which are many.

CHAP. III.

Extracts out of the Historie of IOHN LERIVS Lerius with other Prote­stants went at Vil. his request to M. Calu [...], to Brosill, he there forti [...]ying and pretending E­u [...]ngelicall re­formation, from which he after apostati­sed. The Story is long, which I had by mee wholly trans­lated, but store hath bred a sore; and the most of it I haue omitted; as also all The­uets Voyage thicher, and that of Stadiu [...] in those parts, though al Eng­lished, and rea­die for the Presie. Chap. 10. Beasts are bred in America al­together vn­like vnto ours. The wild beast Tapiroussou, which resem­bleth a Kow, and an Asse. Most American beasts without tailes. Targets of the hide of the wilde beast Tapiroussou. Grieuous fa­mine. The taste of the flesh of the Tapiroussou. a Frenchman, who 20 liued in Brasill with Mons. VILLAGAGNON, Ann. 1557. and 58.

§. I.

Of the Beasts, and other liuing creatures, and Plants, of Brasill.

BEfore I proceed any further, presently in the beginning of this Chapter, I thought 30 good briefly to admonish the Reader, that no liuing creatures of the kinde of foure-footed beasts are found in all the Brasilian world, altogether like vnto ours in shape: and that the Tououpinambaultij vse not, but very seldome, to bring them vp tame at home. But, that I may generally describe the wilde beasts, which the Barbarians call Soo, I determined to beginne with them which are applyed to the vse of man. It seemeth, that that is to bee set in the first place, which also is most common: they call Tapiroussou, of a reddish, and long shaggie haire, greatly resembling a Kow in bignesse and shape: yet, seeing it wanteth hornes, and hath a shorter necke, with longer and hanging eares, and more withered and slender legs, with an whole hoofe, very like vnto the 40 hoofe of an Asse, a man may rightly say, it participateth the nature of the Kow, and Asse. Not­withstanding it differeth very much from either, both because it hath a very short taile (here the Reader is by the way to be admonished, that very many beasts are bred in America, which haue no taile at all) and hath much sharper teeth: nor may any danger bee therefore procured vnto men by this beast, seeing it vseth to repose safety rather in flight, then in strength. The Barbarians kill them, as also many others, shooting them through with Arrowes, or vse to catch them in an hollow trench, or with other manner of Traps and Gins ingeniously and cun­ningly made.

But that wilde beast is greatly esteemed by the Barbarians, by reason of the skinne, which as soone as they haue taken away, cutting the backe of the hide in a round circle, they drie it in the 50 Sunne, and fashion it like vnto a Target of the bignesse of the bottome of an indifferent vessell, wherewith they repell the Arrowes, of the enemies, receiued in the warres. And the skinne dried in the Sunne becommeth so hard, that I easily beleeue that it cannot bee pierced through with the stroke of any weapon, although it bee cast with great violence. I carefully desired to bring two such Targets into France, but the famine so oppressed vs returning, that all the pro­uision of victuall being spent, not excepting Monkeyes and Parots, and other liuing creatures or the same kinde, which we brought with vs out of that Countrie, those two Targets, being laid vpon the coales, were also eaten to expell hunger; vnto the which the rest of the skinnes that were in the ship (as I shall declare in their proper place) were added.

Moreouer, the flesh of the Tapiroussou, commeth almost neere vnto the taste of Beefe: this 60 the Barbarians broyle after their manner, and in their Country language call it, Boucanare. But because I haue now vsed that word, and that hereafter it shall bee often repeated, lest the Reader should any longer remaine doubtfull, occasion being offered, I will declare what this thing is.

[Page 1326] The Americans fastning foure woodden forks in the ground, of the thicknesse of an arme, three foote asunder, in the figure of a square, and almost of the equall height of three feet, lay stickes acrosse ouer them two fingers distant each from other, and so make a woodden Grate: this, in their language they name Boucan. They haue many such Grates in their houses, whereon they Boucan, and the Barbarians Kit­chin. lay flesh cut into gobbets or pieces, and making a soft fire of dry wood, that there may bee no smoake almost at all, they suffer them to bee broyled as long as they please, after this manner, hauing twice turned them in the space of an houre. And because they doe not powder meates with salt, as the manner is here, they vse the onely remedie of broyling, for the preseruing of The manner of preseruing meats among the Americans. them. Therefore, although they had taken thirty wilde beasts in one day, (such as we will de­scribe in this Chapter, they would lay them all cut in pieces, vpon those Grates, as soone as it 10 might be done, lest they should be tainted and corrupted: and there, being often turned, they are sometimes broyled and scorched aboue foure and twenty houres together, vntill the inside of the flesh be as well rosted as the outside, and by this meanes they are all preserued from corrup­tion. Nor is there any other manner of dressing or preseruing fish, which when they haue got­ten, they dry them in great plenty, to make Meale, especially those which in their Country Meale of fishes language they call Piraparati, which are the very true and naturall Mullets, of the which I shall hereafter speake in another place. And these Grates among the Barbarians are rightly to bee accounted the Shambles, and Store-house: and therefore you shall scarce come to their Villages, but you may see them laden with the flesh of wilde beasts, and fishes: and it vsually happeneth also very often, as wee shall hereafter speake, if you come vnto the Barbarians, that you shall Mans flesh laid vpon Boucan. 20 behold these Grates filled with mans flesh, which, I thinke, they bring as spoyles taken from the conquered enemies, to be slaine, and eaten.

But, that I may prosecute the intended description of wilde beasts, the second degree of bignesse seemeth to be giuen vnto a certaine kinde of Deere, which they name Seouassou, but herein they d [...]ffer from ours, both that they are much lower, and haue lesser hornes, and also in Seouassou a kind of Deere. Taiassou a Bore. this, that they haue as long shagged haire, as our Country Goates. But the American Boare, which they call Taiassou, is very like in shape vnto those which are bred with vs, in bulke of bo­dy, eares, head, and feet, very hurtfull also, through his long and sharpe teeth: yet seeing hee is more leane and slender, and terribly gnasheth and grindeth his teeth together, hee is notorious also through that deformitie. He hath an hole in the backe, by nature, as the Sea-swine haue in 30 the head, whereby he draweth in breath, and letteth it out. These three are their greatest beasts. Swine, with an hole in their backe▪ Agouti.

There is also among the Americans, a certaine red wilde beast, which they name Agouti, of the height of a weaned Pig of thirty dayes old, with a clouen foot, a very short tayle, and with the nose and eares almost of an Hare, most delightfull to the taste. There are also others of two or three kindes, which they call Tapitis, not much vnlike our Hares, but somewhar of a red­dish Tapitis, a kinde of Hare. haire.

They catch great Rats also in the Woods, of the bignesse and haire of Squirrels, which come neere vnto the delicate taste of Conies. Reddish Mise.

Pag, or Pague, (for after what manner they pronounce it, you can scarce, or not at all vnder­stand) Pag, a beast marked with spots. is a wilde beast of the indifferent height of an Hound, with a deformed head, the flesh 40 comming neere vnto the taste of Veale, with a very faire skinne, distinguished with white, rus­set, and blacke spots, so that it would be of great price with vs, if they were to be gotten.

There is another also found, which they call Sarigoy, which the Barbarians eate not, by reason Sarigoy, a stin­king beast. of the noysome stinke thereof: but flaying some of them, and taking away the fat of the kid­neyes, whence that stinke proceeded, wee eate them without loathing: for, they are both ten­der, and also excellent flesh.

There is also that which they call Tatou: this is not very well able to runne, yet (as Hedge­hogs Tatou, armed with scales. The Armadillo. with vs) creeping through the bryars and bushes, shee is armed with very hard scales, so that shee cannot be pierced with a sword, if also you wrap the skinne together being taken off, (wherewith the Barbarians make very many Chists, which they call Caramenos) you would 50 say they were warlike Gauntlets. It is of a white flesh, and of an excellent taste.

Moreouer, vnto these beasts, which are most common with the Americans, Crocodiles, called Iacare, are added, of the bignesse of a mans thigh, and proportionable length: but they are so Iacare, or Cro­codiles, kept tame. farre from doing any hurt, that the Barbarians houses are full of these Iacare, and the little chil­dren play with them without any danger. Those Crocodiles which I happened to see, had a very wide mouth, long legs, with a tayle neither round nor sharpe, but very small at the end: and whether, as some haue written, they moue the vpper chap, I freely confesse, that I haue not obserued. Moreouer, the Americans take Lizards, they call them Touous, not greene, but russet, Touous, Lizards and of a spotted skinne, like our Countrie small Lizards. And although they bee foure or fiue foote long, and proportionable in bignesse, and therefore of a terrible forme, yet notwithstan­ding 60 like Frogs, they abide in the Riuers, and Marishes, hurtfull vnto none. Furthermore, the skinne being plucked off, if they be bowelled, and sodden, they are very delicate meate, so that I The greatest Lizards in A­merica, edible. haue not tasted any thing more sweet in America. For, they are of as white a flesh as Capons are with vs, delicate, tender and sweet, that nothing excelleth them: yet in the beginning I ab­horred [Page 1327] the taste thereof, but afterward when I had tasted them better, as touching meates, the Lizards were chiefly commended of mee.

The Tououpinambaultij haue also very great Toads, which they eate being rosted, without Toades eaten in America. bowelling. But seeing both Physicians teach, and it is also commonly knowne, and apparent, that the flesh, and corrupt bloud, and whatsoeuer else belongeth to the Toade, is deadly, any one, although I hold my peace, may easily coniecture, that by reason of the temperatenesse of that Countrie, or some other cause, whereof I am ignorant, it happeneth, that Toades, there, are not venomous, and dangerous at all, as they are with vs.

They eate Serpents also, of the bignesse of a mans arme, fiue foote long almost. Moreouer, The Americans vse to eate ve­ry great Ser­pents. I haue obserued, that the Barbarians (as I mentioned concerning Crocodiles) brought home 10 a certaine kinde of them, party-coloured, with blacke and red, and cast them downe among their wiues and children, so secure, that they handled them with their hands. These mon­strous Land-Eeles, they cut into pieces, and dresse: but they are vnsauoury, and of ve­ry little taste.

Diuers kindes of Serpents also are bred with them, and specially in the Riuers, where they appeare greene like pot-herbes; long and slender, whose stinging is very hurtfull. There are al­so Lizards in the Woods (besides those which we mentioned before) very dangerous, as it shall manifestly appeare by the discourse which I will here set downe. When therefore I sometimes The Authors report of a protigious Lizard. trauelled to see the Countrie, with two Frenchmen in my companie, and that, as the manner was, wee had not the Barbarians to guide vs in the way, and therefore wandred in the Woods, 20 and passed through a deepe Valley, hearing the noise of a certaine beast comming towards vs, supposing it to bee some timerous and harmelesse wilde beast, notwithstanding, proceeding on our intended Iourney, wee were secure and quiet in minde: but presently, thirtie paces distant almost from vs, on the right hand, wee saw a Lizard on an hill; bigger then the body of a man, and fiue or sixe foot long. Hee, being spread all ouer with white and rough scales like Oyster­shells, holding vp one of his fore-feet, with his head aloft, and shining eyes, began to behold vs. Wherefore being astonished (for none of vs▪ as it then fell out, carried a Hand-gunne, but had onely our Swords at our sides, and Bowes and Arrowes, which weapons could not greatly hurt that Monster armed with such hard scales: Neuerthelesse, fearing left if wee shifted for our selues by flight, being swifter then wee, he would dispatch vs altogether) when the one feare­fully 30 beheld the other, we stood still in the same place. But after that prodigious and fearefull Lizard had beheld vs a quarter of an houre, with an open mouth, and because it was exceeding hot weather (for it was a cleere day, almost at noone) fetching a deepe groane, that wee might easily heare it, vpon a sodaine, he went vnto the top of a Mountaine, with so great noise of the crashing and breaking of twigs and boughs, as a Deere running through a Wood, would scarce haue made. Wee therefore, who then were much affrighted, not being very carefull to pursue him, gaue thankes vnto God who had deliuered vs, and proceeded againe on our intended Iour­ney. And embracing their opinion who affirme, that the Lizard is delighted with the sight of a man, it seemed to me, that the beholding of vs pleased that Monster as much as we were [...]ormen­ted through his presence. There is also a wilde beast bred with them, that liueth vpon the prey, 40 which they call Ian-ouare. This beast hath legs almost as long as an hunting Dog, and matcheth Ian-ouare, a wilde beast, dangerous to men. him almost in swiftnesse; but about the chinne hath long shagged haire, with a spotted skinne, and faire, like vnto a Lynx, and also very like in the rest. The Barbarians not without iust cause, greatly feare that wilde beast. For seeing shee is accustomed to the prey, as also, the Lion, if shee catch any of them, she teareth him in pieces, and deuoureth him. But as they are desirous of reuenge, and suffer not any of those things vnreuenged which are troublesome vnto them: if they take any, in hollow trenches which they make for that cause, or with any other kinde of Traps or Gins, they put her to a lingring death, shooting her through with many Arrowes, that shee might the longer languish: and that it may the better appeare, how euilly that wilde beast dealeth with the Barbarians, when sometimes fiue or sixe Frenchmen of the companie pas­sed by this way, the Americans aduised vs, to beware of the Ian-ouare, because that very selfe­same 50 weeke, shee had cruelly deuoured three men in a certaine Village of theirs.

I thought good to adde to this Edition, that the Americans, before the Voyage of Uilla­gagno had neuer seene Dogs: and therefore, when they beheld a Dog of the kinde of Hounds, Dogs, first see [...] ▪ by the Ameri­cans. which with certaine whelpes we brought thither, and that he fauned on vs, they were astoni­shed, and fled away from him, because (as I mentioned before) hee came neere vnto the shape of the Ian-ouare. For that cause also, Gomard in-his Generall Indian Historie, testifieth, that in the Cap. 44. yeere 1509. when Christopherus Columbus first arriued at the Iland Beringua, called also by the name of Saint Iohn, the Indians of this Countrie, who made warre with the Spaniards, greatly feared a red Dog, and that he stood them in as good stead almost as two Harquebussers: because 60 he did not onely fiercely assaile the Barbarians, but also discerning his companions from the E­nemies, although being prouoked, he was not offensiue vnto them, but also taking notice of the Caribas (the worst, and most detestable nation of all those Countries) pursued them, fleeing into the middest of the Armie of the Enemies, and being so much prouoked, tooke no rest, vntill [Page 1328] he had torne the Enemie in pieces on whom he seized: fighting so fortunately for the Spaniards, that being accompanied with him, they fought so cheerfully against the Indians, as if they had had three horsemen in their companie. Yet this Dog, while hee swam after I know not what Cariba, being shot with a poisoned Arrow died, and made his Master very sorrowfull, and the Indians ioyfull and glad. So, Uallouas also, the most valiant Captaine of the Spaniards, when he Cap. [...]2. first discouered the South Sea, letting slip the Dogs which hee had, against the Indians, who withstood him, from entring on the Land, the Barbarians were stricken with so great a feare, that they were compelled to prouide for themselues by flight: and the Dogs of Vallouas, pre­uailed as much as the best Souldiers of them all. Moreouer, many Monkeyes are found on the Brasilian coast, little and blacke, which they call Cay, which I cease to describe, because they are C [...] Monkeys. 10 very well knowne vnto vs. I will onely declare this one thing, that seeing they continually liue in the tops of trees, bearing fruits in cods like vnto our Beanes, wherewith they are nourished, and meete together there in companies, especially when the smoaking showres fall, it is a plea­sant thing to heare them crying, and making a noise. But seeing at one birth they onely bring forth one young one, the Monkey, as soone as he commeth into the world is indued with that naturall industrie, that he firmely hangeth about the necke of the Syre, or the Damme: there­fore The industrie of the Mon­keyes in deli­uering their young from danger. The mancer of taking Mon­keyes. if Hunters come suddenly vpon them, the Syre or Dammes leaping through the boughs, he also taketh his flight together with them. For which cause, the Barbarians cannot easily catch Monkeyes of any age whatsoeuer: yet they cast them downe from trees wounded with Ar­rowes, and afterward hauing healed them, and made them tame a little while at home, they ex­change 20 and barter them for Merchandises. But at the first, they are so fierce, that they wound the fingers of them that handle them, with their teeth, so that being bitten, they are very of­ten compelled through paine, to kill them with strokes.

There is also another kinde of Monkey among the Americans, which they call Sagouin, of Sagouin a beau­tifull little beast. the bignesse of a Squirrell, and of a red haire: but as touching the shape, in the snout, breast, necke, and almost all the other parts, being very like vnto a Lion, and also hardie, it giueth place in beautie to none of the little beasts, which surely I saw there. And if it were as easily brought ouer the Sea as the rest, it would be of farre greater price and estimation. But seeing it is of so weake a little bodie, that it cannot indure the working of the ship; for it is of that haughtinesse of spirit, that if it be offended neuer so little, it would die through discontentment: yet some 30 are here to be found. But, that I may freely confesse the matter as it is, although I haue beene curious, I was not so diligent in obseruing all the liuing creatures of America, as I desired, neuer­thelesse, that I may once make an end, I will yet describe two kindes, which are monstrous in shape, as those that art most.

The one which the Barbarians call Hay, is of the bignesse of a Dog, with an hanging bellie, Hay, a defor­med beast. like a farrowing Sow with pigge, of an ash-colour haire very much washed, with a very long tayle, hairy feet after the manner of a Beare, and long clawes: but as, while it liueth in the Woods, it is very fierce; yet being taken, it is very easily tamed. But the naked Tououpinam­baultij doe not willingly play with him, because he hath both long, and also sharpe clawes. They say, it liueth onely on aire.

The other, whereof I am also to speake, called by the Barbarians, Coaty, is of the height of Coaty, with a monstrons great snout. 40 an Hare, with short and spotted haire, little and sharpe eares, both of a little head, and also with an eminent snout from the eyes, more then a foote long, round like a walking-staffe, suddenly decreasing at the end, so that it is altogether of an equall thicknesse, with so narrow a mouth, that it can scarce receiue the little finger. None may be found more monstrous: afterward, when this wilde beast is taken, gathering her foure feet together, shee bendeth her selfe to the one side or the other, or falleth flat downe: nor can shee euer bee raised, nor compelled to eate, vnlesse Ants be giuen her, on which shee also feedeth in the Woods.

This Chapter also, wherein I will intreate of Birds, I thought good to beginne with those Chap. 11. which are fit for the maintainance of mans life, and by a generall name, are called Oura, by the Oura, birds. 50 Tououpinambaultij: they haue great plentie of those Hennes, vnto the which wee gaue the name from India, and they call them Arginau-oussou: from that time also since the Portugals liued a­mong the Barbarians, our Countrymen vsed to nourish Hennes, called by them, Arginau-miri. Arginau-oussou, Indian Hennes. Arginau miri, our Countrie Hennes. And although (as I haue else-where mentioned) they esteeme the white ones very much, that plucking off the feathers, and dying them red, they might clothe and decke themselues; yet for the most part they abstain from hoth kinds, as touching the eating of them. Moreouer, seeing they perswade themselues, that the Egs, which they call Arginau-ropia, are, as it were, poison, Arginau-ropia, an egge. they were not only astonished, if we supped Egs before them, but also reprouing vs, added more­ouer, that it was not to be suffered; for, while we preuented the hatching of ckickens, we eate an Henne in an egge. Therefore, they are almost as carefull of their Hennes, as of the Birds, 60 which liue in the Woods. they suffer them to lay wheresoeuer they are disposed. But the Hens in like manner, bring home their chickens out of the briars and bushes, so that the Americane women may be without trouble.

Together with the Hennes, the Barbarians also nourish Indian Duckes at home, they call [Page 1329] them Upec. But because the Tououpinambaultij are so superstitious, that they thinke, if they Vpec, Indian Duckes. should eate so slow a creature, they should get the same slownesse, so that if the Enemies should assaile them, they could not seeke their safetie by flight: no man may easily perswade them to taste the least morsell of them, and for that cause they abstaine from all those creatures which goe slowly, and also from fishes, as Raies or Thornebacke, and others which cannot swimme swiftly. As touching these Birds which liue in the woods, they take them as great as Capons, Iacous, a kinde of Pheasant. and those of three sorts, which the Barbarians call Iacoutin, Iacoupen, and Iacou-ouassou. They haue all blacke and ash-colour Feathers, and come neere vnto the Pheasants in taste, and I may truely affirme, that no sweeter or more delicate meate can euer be eaten, then those Iacoas are.

Besides, there are two kindes of most exquisite and choice Birds, which are named Mouton, Mouton, a rare Bird. 10 of the bignesse of Peacocks, with the same Feathers which the former had, and they are very sel­dome found.

Macacoua, and Yuambou-ouassou, are two kindes of Partridges, of the bignesse of our Country A kinde of great Par­tridges. Geese, not much vnlike the taste of Mutton. These three following haue one and the same taste almost, Inambour-miri of the height of Partridges: Pegassou Stockedoues, and Paicacu the Tur­tle Doue.

But that I may briefly finish the discourse of Birds, which are found in great plentie, both in the Woods, Riuers, and also in the shoares, I will come vnto those which are not so fit for foode. Among the rest, there are two kindes of the same bignesse, which come neere to the greatnesse of a Rauen or Crow: which as the rest of the American Birds, haue crooked bils and talons, as 20 also Parrats, in which number they might be reckoned. As touching the Feathers, as it is easily iudged, I scarce thought that Birds of such excellent beautie were to be found in the whole world, in the beholding wherof, abundant matter offereth it selfe, not as prophane men, to commend na­ture, but the creator: and that it may manifestly appeare, the first which the Barbarians call A­rat, Arat, a Bird with excellent Feathers. hath the feathers in the traine and wings, of a foote and a halfe long, partly purple like vn­to red, and partly of a blew colour, greatly shining, to the which also, the other parts of the bo­dy are correspondent. When this Bird moueth in the Sunne, where she very much abideth, no man can euer be satisfied with her sight.

The other called Canide, with the inferiour Feathers, and those that are round about the necke Canide, a Bird with blew fea­thers. shining of the colour of gold, and those that couer the backe, wings, and traine of an excellent 30 blew colour, seeing they seeme to be vnder-laid with embrodered gold, and ouer-laid with a Veluet Mantle▪ aboue it causeth great admiration to the beholders.

But although these Birds be not domesticall, yet they oftner build their nests in the tops of the trees which are in the middle of the Villages, then in the woods, whereby it commeth to Feathers, of the which, caps, garments &c. are made. passe, that the Barbarians plucke their Feathers three or foure times in the yeare, of the which Feathers they make Cappes, Garments, and Bracelets, decke the handles of their clubbes, and adorne their bodies. I brought many such Feathers with me into France.

Three or foure sorts of Parrats are taken there: the greatest and fairest whereof the Barbari­ans Aiourous, great and very faire Parrats. call Aiourous. These haue the head intermingled with red, yellow, and violet colours, the ends of the wings scarlet or crimson, the taile, which is very long, yellow, and the rest of the 40 body greene; very few such are brought vnto vs.

A Woman in a certaine Village, some foure miles distant from our Iland, had brought vp one of this kinde, which as if she had beene indued with reason, conceiued those things which she was commanded. As often as we went that way, we presently heard the Mistresse of that Bird say, will you giue me a Combe, or a Looking-glasse, and I will presently command my Par­rat A wonderfull storie of a Par­rat. to sing and daunce before you? If happily we granted her request, the Parrat presently hea­ring certaine words of her Mistresse, did not onely dance on the pearch where she sat, but also pratled, and whistled; and lastly, she wonderfully counterfeited the Barbarians going to the wars. To be short, if her Mistresse thought good to bid her sing, she sung, if to daunce, she danced: contrarily, if not rewarding her, with a little sharper speech she had commanded her their Aug [...], 50 that is, be stil, then she presently held her peace, nor could we make her with any words to moue either her tongue, or feete neuer so little: wherefore I leaue it to the Readers to be considered whether if the Romans had had such a Parrat they would not highly haue esteemed her, who, as Pliny recordeth, sometimes solemnized the death of a Crow with innumerable rites of funeral, by Lib. 10. cap. 43. which, at the place of Common Pleas, they were euery morning by name saluted, and punished him with death, who killed the same. The Barbarian woman called this Parrat Cherimbaué, that is to say, her best beloued. And surely she was so deere vnto her, that demanding at what price we might buy her, she answered in scoffing manner Mocaouassou, that is to say, a great brasse piece, and therefore we could not wrest her from her at any price. I found that they made their 60 Nests in the holes of hollow Trees.

Among the rest of the American Birds, the first place shall be giuen to a certaine Bird named Toucan, a Bird of the bignesse of a Pigeon. Toucan, whereof we made mention of before. It is of the bignesse of a Pigeon, of a blacke colour like a Crow, except the brest, which is of a yellow colour, compassed from the lower part with [Page 1330] a ring of red feathers, which being taken away, the Barbarians vse it for ornament of the cheeks and other parts of the body. And it is highly esteemed with them, because they vse it when they intend to daunce. From thence it hath taken the name Toucan-tabourace▪ that is, a Feather to daunce with. Yet notwithstanding, they haue such store of them, that they refuse not to change them for our Merchandizes. The bill of this Bird exceedeth the rest of the body in length, The mon­strous bill of a Bird. wherewith a Cranes beake is not to be compared, and therefore it is to be accompted the most monstrous bill of the whole world.

There is another of the bignesse and colour of a Black-bird, except the brest, which is as red as Oxe bloud: this, the Barbarians take away after the same manner that they did the former, and call the Bird Panou. Panu a Bird with a red breast. Quampian, a Bird of a scar­let colour. Gonamboch, a very litle bird. 10

There is also another of the bignesse of an Owzell, with all the Feathers of a scarlet colour, this they call Quampian.

But one very little Bird is not to be omitted, of no lesse admiration then smalnesse, which the Barbarians call Gonambuch, with white and shining Feathers: it exceedeth not a drone Bee, or Beetle in bignesse, yet maketh wonderfull melodie in singing. Sitting vpon that great Milium which the Barbarians call Auati, or other high plants, she singeth so loud, that vnlesse she be seene you would scarse beleeue that so loud, and sweete melodie could proceede from that small body. She is not inferior to our Nightingale.

But because I cannot particularly describe all the American Birds, which differ not a little from ours, not onely in kinde, but also in variety of colour, as rose colour, red, violet, white, ash­colour, The variety of the American Birds. 20 purple, &c. I will at length describe one, which the Barbarians so obserue and esteeme, that they will not onely not hurt her, but suffer them not to escape vnreuenged who doe her any wrong. She is of the bignesse of a Pigeon, and ashcolour, the Tououpinamb [...]ltij heare her more often in the night then in the day, with a mournefull voyce, and beleeue that she is sent from their friends and kindred, vnto them, and also declareth good lucke, and especially, that she incourageth and admonisheth them to behaue themselues valiantly in the warres against their enemies. Besides, they verily thinke that if they rightly obserue these diuinations, it shall come to passe, that they should vanquish their Enemies, euen in this life, and after death, their soules should flye beyond the Mountaines, to their ancestors, perpetually to daunce there.

I chanced once to lodge in a Village, named Vpec by the French men, there, in the night I heard 30 those Birds, not singing, but making a lamentable noise. I saw the Barbarians most attentiue, and being ignorant of the whole matter, reproued their folly. But, when I smiled a little vpon a French man standing by me, a certaine old man seuerely enough restrained me with these words: hold your peace, least you hinder vs, who attentiuely harken to the happy tidings of our aunce­stours. The dotage of the Barbarians who obserue the singing of a Bird. American Bees. For, as often as wee heare these Birds, so often also are we cheered, and our strength recei­ueth increase.

The Americane Bees differing from ours, are like vnto the lesser blacke flyes wherewith we are troubled in the time of Summer, and make their hony combes in the hole of a rotten tree. The Barbarians are skilfull to gather hony and waxe. Being gathered, intermingled, they call it Yra-yetic, for Yra signifieth hony, and Yetic waxe. The hony being seuered, they ea [...]e it after Yra, Hon [...]Yetic, blacke Waxe. 40 our manner, but keepe the waxe which resembleth the blacknesse of Pitch made into lumps of the bignesse of a mans arme. Yet, not that they make Torches or Candles therewith, for, there is no other vse of a Candle with them, then of a certaine wood which sendeth forth a most cleere and bright flame. But they chiefly vse that Wax to stop those huge canes, wherein they put their Feathers, least they should be eaten, and gnawed with the Butter-flyes, which also we will describe in this place.

They are called Arauers by the Barbarians, of the bignesse of Grashoppers, they also come in Arauers, But­ter-flies. great multitudes to [...]he fire as Creekets doe, and if they finde anie thing they eate it, but especi­allie they so gnaw leather doublets and shooes, that they whollie consume the superficies and vp­per graine thereof. But, if we negligently set vp Hennes, or other meates of that kinde, in the 50 morning the bare bones were found without flesh.

The Barbarians being stung with Scorpions applie bruised Scorpions to the wound, if they can get them. Moreouer, as we haue elsewhere said, that they are most desirous of reuenge, nay, I might almost say, that they are made against all hurtfull things, so that if vnawares they stum­ble at a stone, they bite them after the manner of mad Dogges, and diligently seeke out all The Barbarians most desirous of reuenge. Land Crabs. liuing creatures hurtfull vnto them, and vtterly roote them out as much as they can.

The Countrie of America hath also land Crabbes, the Tououpinambaultij call them Oussa; they goe in multitudes like Locusts, vnto the Sea shoare, and fennie places, and if any one goe thither he may see them flying hither and thither: they conuey themselues into the bodies and rootes of trees, out of the which they cannot safely be drawne, for they pinch the fingers and hands of 60 such as take them, with their clawes. They are farre leaner then the Sea Crabs, but because they smell of the Iuniper rootes, they are nothing pleasing to the taste.

His discourse of America fishes I haue o [...]tted, except this which you shall now heare. I will not omit a storie which I heard reported by a Barbarian. When, saith he, on a certaine day, I was [Page 1331] carried in a Boate with certaine others, in a verie calme Sea, a certaine huge fish tooke hold with the hand on the brim of the Boate, and in my iudgement, it would either haue ouer turned it, or The report of a Barbarian, concerning a fish with hands and counte­nance, resem­bling the shape of a man. Chap. 13. Of the trees, hearbs, roots, and most ex­quisite fruits which grow▪ in the American soyle. Ar [...]b [...]tan, the Br [...]sil tree, and the forme thereof. gotten vp into it. I seeing that, cut off the hand with a sickle which I had in a readinesse, so that it fell into the Boate, and it had fine fingers verie like vnto ours: besides, for paine which that fish felt, putting the head aboue water, which was like vnto the head of a man, it squeaked a little, and made a certaine noise.

First, because the Brasil tree is the most famous of all that soile (from whence also that Coun­trie hath taken the name) especially for the colour which our Dyers make therewith, I will des­cribe it in this place. This Tree therefore is called by the Barbarians, Araboutan, and equalleth our Oake in height and plentie of Boughes. Some of these are found, the thicknesse whereof 10 containeth full as much as three men can fathome.

After what manner that Timber vseth to be brought into the Shippes, I thought good in this place to describe. But first you are to vnderstand, that except the Merchants were holpen by the Inhabitants, they could scarce lade a Ship with that Timber within a yeare, both for the hardnesse, and therefore the difficultie in cutting, and also chiefely, because that Countrie wan­teth all labouring Beasts, and therefore it is to be carried vpon th [...] shoulders of men. The Barba­rians being hired for Garments, Shirts, Cappes, Kniues, and other Merchandizes, doe not onely cut, cleaue, and make round that Timber, but also laying it vpon their bare shoulders, carrie it The Country of America wanteth all beasts of bur­den. The Barbarians cut the timber and carry it in­to the Ships. The ancient manner of fel­ling trees, a­mong the Bar­barians. The Brasil wood, almost without smoak The ashes of the Brasil wood dye shir [...]s of a red colour. into the Shippes, and sometime in most cumbersome places, lying three or foure miles distant from the wood to the shoare. But I expressely say, that the Barbarians, since the French men and 20 Portugals came vnto them, cut their Brasil trees, for before that time (as farre as I vnderstood from the elder sort) they had no other way of felling them, saue that they ouerthrew them by putting fire vnto them. Moreouer, because I know some thinke that the timber which is brought vnto vs, hath the thicknesse of the trees, I purposely added, that the Barbarians made it round, that they might the more easily carrie the same.

Furthermore, it hath bin obserued by me, for so long time as I liued in America, and vsed a cleare fire through the benefit of this wood, that this kinde of wood was nothing moist, which vsually happeneth to most of the other kindes of wood: nay, that it was dry as it were by na­ture, and beeing kindled, yeeldeth very little smoake. One of our men desired to wash our shirts, and vnawares, put the ashes of the Brasil wood into the lye, whereby they were so surely 30 died with a red colour, that although they were washed, they neuer changed the same, and be­ing so died with that colour, we were to put them on.

Because our Tououpinambaultij doe not meanely wonder, when they see French men, and o­ther strangers comming farre off from remote Countries, take so much paines to carrie backe their Shippes laden with their Araboutan, that is to say, the Brasil or red wood: Therefore a certaine elderly man of the Barbarians, sometimes questioned me in this manner, concerning that matter: The confe­rence of a cer­taine Barbari­an with the A [...]thor. What meaneth it, that you Mair and Peros (that is French men and Portugals) come so farre to fetch Wood? doth your Countrie yeelde you no wood for the fire? Then said I, it yeeldeth fuell surely, and that in great plentie, but not of that kinde of trees, such a [...] yours are; especially Brasil, which our men carrie from hence, not to burne, as you suppose, but for to dye. Here he presently excepting: But haue you, 40 said he, neede of so great plentie of that wood? Yea surely, said I, for seeing euen one Merchant with vs possesseth more Scarlet Cloathes, more Kniues and Sissers, and more Looking-glasses (alledging knowne and familiar examples vnto him) then all those which were euer brought hither vnto you: he onely will buy all the Brasil, to the end that many Shippes might returne laden from hence. Ah (saith the Barba­rian) you tell me strange and wonderfull things. Then presently remembring what he had heard, he proceeded to demand further questions of me. But, saith he, that great rich man, of whom you make report, doth he not die? He dieth, said I, as also other men doe. There, then (as these Barbarians loue to comment, and doe not absurdly finish their intended speech without interruption euen vnto the end) he began to demand of me: Who therefore, saith he, is heire of those goods which this man leaueth when he dieth? His children, said I, if he haue any: if he haue none, his brethren, sisters, or his next kindred. 50

When I had said this, surely (saith that my discr [...]ete old fellow) hereby I easily perceiue, that you Mair (that is French men) are not able fooles. For, what neede you so greatly to tire and turmoile your selues in sailing ouer the Sea, in passing whereof (as being here arriued you report to vs) you su­staine An excellent sentence deli­uered by a Bar­barian. so many miseries? Is it, forsooth, that you might get riches for your children, or liuing kinsfolke? Is not the Earth, which hath nourished vs, sufficient also to maintaine them? we surely haue both chil­dren, and also kinsfolke, and them, as you see, we loue dearely; but seeing we confidently hope, that it shall come to passe, that after our death, the same Earth which nourished vs, shall also relieue and cherish them, therein we repose our selue [...] and rest content.

But that I may present the description of the American Trees, foure or fiue kindes of Palme 60 trees are found there: among which, that is accounted most common, which they call Gera [...], Foure or fi [...] kindes of the Palmes in A­merica. and another also named Yri: notwithstanding, as I saw none of their fruites, so, as I thinke, I eate none. Yri bringeth forth a round fruite like Damsens in the shape of a large cluster of so [Page 1332] great weight, that it may hardly be lifted vp with one hand, but the kernell onely is of the bignesse of a Cherr [...]e, and may be eaten. Besides, in the top of these Palmes, there is a certaine A tendrell or yong branch in the top of the Palmes to be eaten. white yong tendrell or branch, which we cut off, to eate the same: Philippus who was troubled with the haemro [...]es, affi [...]med, that it was a remedy for that disease, the warrantable truth where­of I leaue to the P [...]itians.

There is also another tree, called by the Barbarians Aijri, which although it be very like the Palme in leaues, with the stocke armed on euery side with thornes and pricks, resembling the Aijri, a thorny kinde of Ebeny points of needles. The Fruite is of an indifferent bign [...]sse, in the middest whereof there is a ker­nell of the whitenesse of Snow, which yet is not to be eaten; and this I suppose to be a kinde of Ebeny: for besides that it is of a blacke colour, and of such hardnesse, that the Barbarians partly 10 vse it for the making of their clubs and arrowes (which I will more at large describe when I shall treate of their wars) it is also smoothed, and made very bright, and lastly, is so heauie, that being cast into the water, it presently sinketh to the bottome.

They haue diuers coloured woods, and diuers of differing scent: one smelling like a rose; ano­ther called Aou-ai, of the most stinking smell of Garlicke, which no man is able to indure, while Aou-ai, a kinde of wood of a most stinking smell. it is hewed or burnt: it hath leaues not much vnlike the leaues of our Apple trees: but the fruite thereof (which commeth neere in shape to the rough shell of a Chesnut) and especially the ker­nell, is so venemous, that to him that eateth it, it resembleth the effect of the most strong and deadle poison. Notwithstanding our Barbarians highly esteeme that fruite, because they make their Rattles of it. Here also it is to be considered, that Brasilia (as we shall hereafter speake) bea­ring 20 excellent apples of very many kindes, aboundeth also with trees, which surely yeelde ve­ry Very many A­merican trees beare poiso­nous fruits. goodly fruites, yet vnprofitable to bee eaten. E [...]pecially on the shoare there are many small shrubbes, the apples whereof being very like vnto our Country Medlers, are dangerously eaten. Therefore, when the Barbarians see the French men, and other strangers comming to ga­ther those apples, often vsing the word Ypochi, in their Country language, they admonish them to abstaine from them.

The tree called by the Barbarians Choyne, is of an indifferent height, with leaues of the shape and greenenesse of a Bay leafe, with Apples of the bignesse o [...] a c [...]ildes head, comming [...]eere vn­to the shape of the Estridges egges, which surely are no meate. O [...] these the Tououpinambaultij, by The tree Choy­ne, of whose fruite the Bar­barians make their Maraca. reason of the hardnesse of the shell, piersing some of them through whole, in leng [...]h and brea [...]th 30 where with they make their Maraca or Rattles: they also hollow and diuide them into halues, for cups and other small vessels.

Sabaucaie is also numbred among the Brasilian trees, hauing an apple bigger then both a mans fists, and imitating the forme of a cup: in the bottome whereof certaine small kernels are found, Sabaucaie whose fruite is pro­perly vsed for the making of vessels. This is a kinde of Coco. Acaiou, a fruite to be eaten. like vnto Almonds, and almost they resemble the very taste of Almonds.

Moreouer, there is a tree in those Countries, of the height of our Seruice tree, whose apple the Barbarians name Acaiou, of the bignesse and shape of an Hens egge, which when it is ripe, incli­ning to the colour of Gold, like vnto a Quince, is not onely profitably eaten, but also yeeldeth somewhat a tart iuice, not vnpleasing to the taste, which most comfortably cooleth those that are inflamed with heate. 40

Paco-aire, is a shrub, of ten or twelue foote high, with a stocke▪ sometimes of the thicknesse of a mans thigh, which notwithstanding is so tender, that it may be cut downe at one stroake Paco-aire, a tend [...]r shrub. with a Sword: the Barbarians call the apple Paco, of the length of a mans hand, not vnlike a Cucumber in shape, and of the same colour also, when it commeth to ripenesse. But these apples Paco, a long apple. grow, for the most part, twentie or fiue and twenty thicke together, on euery bough, which the Americans gathering, carry them into their cottages, of so great a waight as they are able to beare with one hand. And as touching the goodnesse of this apple, when it is ripe, the knop being plucked of after the manner of a fresh gathered Figge, it seemeth clottie and full of clu­sters: whereby it commeth to passe, that to them that eate it, it resembleth the Figge, where­upon, we called it a Figge: but in taste it excelleth the most delicate Massiliensian Figges; and Paco, a Figge in t [...]ste. 50 therefore not vnworthily it may be reckoned among the best fruites of all that coast. The forme of the leaues of Paco-aire, is not vnlike the leaues of water-Sorrell, but they are of so great a big­nesse, The leaues of Paco-aire, are o [...] an huge bignesse. The Author saith it is like the Musa that commonly the length is extended to six feete, and the breadth aboue two: whereby it commeth to passe, that I cannot be perswaded by any meanes to beleeue that in Europe, Asia, and Africa, there are leaues of so great length and breadth. For, although I heard a certaine Apo­thecary affirming, that he had seene a leafe of Petasitis of the breadth of an Elle and a quarter, that is (for this Plant is round) whose circumference contained in compasse three Elles and three quarters: yet this largenesse came nothing neere to the greatnesse of our Paco-aire. It Petasitis large round leafe. is true surely that the thicknesse of those leaues answere not the length, nay, they are very slen­der, yet daily lifted vp, so that the middle ribbe onely beareth the violence of the most vehe­ment 60 winde, wherewith that Country is very often troubled; but the rest is so iagged and cut a sunder, that to him that beholdeth them a farre off, these shrubs are supposed to be [...]ecked with E [...]ges feathers.

[Page 1333] As touching the Bombasin Cotton-shrubs, which grow vp to an indifferent heighth, they are The Bombasin Cotton trees. found in great number, in Brasill: they yeeld flowres, like the little yellow bels or buddes of Cu­cumbers: but when the Apple is formed, it commeth not only verie neer vnto the Ma [...] of Beech, but also being ripe, diuide [...] [...]t selfe into foure parts, which yeeld Bombasin Cotton in flockes of the bignesse of a ball, which the Barbarians call Ameni-iou. In the midst of those flockes cer­taine Ameni-iou▪ Bomb [...]in Cotton. blacke graines are found, close ioined and verie much pressed together, after the forme of a mans▪ Kidnie, the greatnesse of which compacture exceedeth not a B [...]ane. Moreouer, the Barba­rian women are not vnskilfull in gathering and spinning that Bomba [...]in Cotton, [...]or of it they make their beds.

Reeds often grow in the Woods, of the bignesse of a mans legge: but as I said before of Pac [...] ­aire, they are so tender, that while they are yet standing, any one of them may bee cut downe 10 with one streake of a Sword, yet being drie, they are of such hardnesse that when they are cleft, Reeds, where­with the Barba­rians head their Arrowes. M [...]stick. and fashioned after the manner of the Surgeons Lances, the Barbarians so head their Arrowes therewith, that they ouerthrow wilde beasts flat to the ground at one shoot.

Masticke also groweth in this our America among [...] [...]rs and bushes, which together, al­most, with infinite other odoriferous herbes and flowres, perfumeth the earth with a most sweet and pleasant scent. The Trees are neuer spoiled of their leaues, being not troubled at all with Trees conti­nually flouri­shing in Ame­rica. The Plant A­nanas, and the leaues thereof. the cold, they flourish all the whole Yeere, as the Woods vse to doe with vs in the moneth of May.

The plant which bringeth forth the fruit Ananas, is like in forme vnto the Flowre-deluce, with crooked bending leaues, diuided round about, comming neere vnto Aloe, of the same forme 20 with the greater Thistle, but the Apple which is of the bignesse of an indifferent Melon, and of the shape of a Pine Apple, bending to no part, groweth after the manner of our Artichoke.

Those Ananas when they are come to full ripenesse, are of a golden colour imitating blue, and Ananas the most excellent fruit of all A­merica. yeeldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble, so that by the smell they were easily found of vs, wandring in the Woods and other places where they grow: they are of so sweet and plea­sant a taste, that none of our preserued fruits excell them. Therefore I thinke it to bee the best fruit of all America. I sometimes wrung one of them, out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice, which vnto me, seemed nothing inferiour vnto the Wine which they call Malmesey. All the trees, herbs, & fruits of America (ex­cept three) differ from ours.

Lastly, as I haue said, that among the Americans, no foure-footed beasts, birds, fishes, nor any liuing creatures, in all things resemble ours of Europe: so I now affirme, as much as I could finde 30 by experience wandring through the Woods and Fields, that there are no Trees, or Herbes, and lastly no fruits, which are not vnlike to ours, except these three Plants, Purslane, Basill Royall, and Fearne, which grow in certaine places.

§. II.

Of the Warre, Battailes, Fortitude, and Weapons of the Barba­rians: and of their Religion. 40

ALthough our Tououpinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortall warre against diuers bor­dering Nations, after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians. Notwithstanding, Chap. 14. For what cause the American [...] make warre. they contend not by warre to inlarge their bounds (for they possesse more [...]ands then they need) or thinke of the getting of Riches, by the spoiles, ransomes, and armes of the conquered. For as they all confesse, they are prouoked through no other affection then that they might most seuerely auenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken, and deuoured by the enemie. Moreouer, when war is first proclaimed betweene certaine of these people, all of them agreeing in this, that the enemie vnto whom injurie is done, will perpetually thinke on the reuenging of the same, and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardi [...]e▪ if be­ing 50 brought into their power, they suffer him to escape vnpunished: their enmities are so inue­terate, The [...] cannot be re­conciled to their enemies. and of such continuance, that they can neuer be reconciled each to other.

But the manner whereby our Tououpinambaultij assemble, being readie to goe to the warres, is this, as much as I could obserue. Although they haue no Kings or Princes among them, but are almost equall in dignitie, yet this is giuen them by nature (which also was most exactly in for­mer times obserued by the Lacedemonians) that they admire and reuerence the elder sort whom Senatus. The Americans yeeld obedi­ence to the elder sort. The Oratio [...] of [...]he elder Americans. they call Peoreru Picheh, for their experience of things: therefore in euerie Village no contempti­ble seruice and obedience is performed vnto them. These occasions being offered, either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds, exhort the rest with these, or the like words. 60

What (say they speaking by turne, without interruption of speech) were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies, but also vanquished, slue and deuoured them, an Exam­ple vnto vs, that wee should perpetually lye lurking heere at home? Shall wee suffer our Nation, [Page 1334] which in former times was so great a terrour to all the rest, that they could not in any sort indure their sight, to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace, that our enemies should assaile vs by Warre euen in our owne houses? Shall we through our cowardize cause, that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa (that is, th [...]se wicked Nations) assault vs first? Then that Orator clapping his▪ shoulders and buttocks with his hands, addeth these words with exclamation: Erima, Erima, Tououpinambaults, C [...] ­nom [...]ou [...]ssou Tan, Tan, &c. that is to say, My Countrimen, and most valiant young men, wee are not so to doe: but rather let vs prepare vs for the fight, and bequeathe our selues to death and slaughter, or auenge our people.

With these Orations therefore of the elders, which sometimes are prolonged for six houres, the hearers who most attentiuely hearken, so that they forget not so much as one syllable, being 10 increased both in strength and courage, speaking each to other in euerie Village, assemble as speedily as they may, at the prefixed place in great multitudes. But before wee bring our Tououpinambaultij to the Batta [...]le, wee are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished.

And first surely, they haue Tacapes, that is, Clubs, or Swords made some of redde, and some of blacke wood: they are commonly of the length of fiue or sixe feete, round at the Tacape a kinde of woodden Club. ends, or of an ouall shape, of the breadth of a foote, and of the thicknesse of a Thumbe in the middest, but the edges are verie finely sharpened, for they are made of verie heauie wood, such as Boxe is, and are little inferiour to the edge of a verie sharpe Axe: so that I easi­ly beleeue, that one Tououpinambaultian armed with such a Clubbe, and inraged with 20 furie, would bee able to put two of our Countrie Fencers to much trouble, and driue them to their shifts.

Moreouer, they haue Bowes, which they call Orapats, made of the same kinde of wood, Orapat, a Bow. to wit, redde and blacke: and they exceed ours so much in length and thicknesse, that none of our men is able either to bend or vnbend them: insomuch as they are of necessitie to vse all their strength for the bending of the Bowes of Children of tenne yeeres old. They vse the herbe called Tocon, for strings, which although it bee verie slender, yet is it of so great a The herbe To­cou, s [...]ru [...]ng in steed of Bow strings. The length of their Arrowes. strength, that it may indure the force of an Horse. Their Arrowes are of the length of an Ell, made with three ioynts: the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reede, and the other two of blacke wood: and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certaine barkes of Trees, 30 that they could not bee more firmely glued. They apply two little feathers vnto them, of the length of a foote, which they binde together with a Cotton Thread, because Glue is not in vse with them: they aptly ioyne very sharpe bones on the ends, sometimes a piece of a drie Reed, of the length of a mans hand, cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeons Launce: and somtimes the verie end of the taile of the fish Raye, which as I haue elsewhere said, is verie venemous. But, since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countreyes, the Barbarians, after their manner haue accustomed to strengthen their Arrowes with Iron heads, or at the least, with verie sharpe Nailes.

We haue alreadie spoken what their dexteritie is, in handling their Clubs: but as touching the Bowes, I hope that all they who haue seene the Barbarians, will confirme that with their 40 naked armes, they shoot so speedily, and so certainly, that (bee it spoken by the Englishmens leaue, who are yet accounted the most skilfull Archers) putting their Arrowes in the hand The Americans most skilfull Archers. wherewith they hold their Bow, twelue may sooner bee shot by them, then sixe by the Englishmen.

Lastly, they haue Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou, which I mentioned before, broad, Targets of Leather. plaine, and round, like to the bottome of a Germane D [...]umme, with these they couer not themselues in fight, after the manner that our Souldiers vse, but fighting, receiue the Arrowes of the Enemies with them. So these are all the Weapons of the Americans: for they couer not their bodies with other Armour: but contrarily (excepting their Caps of Feathers, Brace­lets, and other short attire, wherewith as aforesaid, they decke their bodie, if they wore but a 50 shirt, being about to goe vnto the batta [...]le, they would presently put it off, fearing least they might be intangled and incumbred therewith.

If they receiued Iron Swordes from vs, as I gaue one to a certaine Moussacat of mine, The Barbarians little esteeme Iron Swords. they presently cast away the sheathes: they did the like also receiuing Kniues, delighting in the brightnesse of them, and thought them more seruiceable for the cutting of the boughes of Trees, then for fight.

Eight or tenne thousand people being gathered together after the manner which hath beene spoken, with no small number of women, not to fight, but to carrie their bagge and bag­gage, and prouision of victuall, assembling vnto the Campe, they of the elder sort, who haue slaine and deuoured the greatest number of enemiess, haue the chiefe command and conducting The elder Bar­barians, Cap­taines of the Armie. 60 of the forces: who being their Leaders, they prepare themselues for the journie. And although they goe without order, yet when they march trooping, the most valiant men keeping the Front of the Armie, it is a wonder how well all that whole multitude conuey them­selues [Page 1335] without Tribunes, and Quarter-masters, so that at the sound of the Trumpet they verie speedily assemble in battell array. The Barbarians keeping no or­der, yet march without con­fusion. Inubia, huge hornes. Whistles, of mens bones.

But there are some, who with hornes, which they call Inubia, of the length of an elle and an halfe, and of the thicknesse of our Country Speare, of the bredth of an hand at the lower end like a Trumpet, raise the Souldiers, both going out of their Countrie, and when the Campe remoueth. Some also carrie Whistles made of the bones of their enemies, slaine and deuoured in former time, wherewith they continually pipe by the way, that they might stirre vp the mindes of their companions, and increase their desire to kill the enemies in like manner. But if, which often happeneth, they please to vndertake a Voyage, against the Enemie, by Boat, they passe along the shoares, and commit not themselues vnto the maine Sea. They order themselues in their Boats, which they call Ygat, euery one whereof consisteth of the barke of Ygat, a Boat of the barke of a tree. 10 one tree, taken off, and appointed to this vse; yet are they of such largen [...]sse, that euery one of them may receiue fiftie men. Standing therefore after their manner, they driue the Boat for­ward with an Oare, plaine on both sides; which they hold in the middle▪ Moreouer, these Boats seing they are plaine, are rowed with very little trouble; yet is there no vse of them in the maine Sea, or it a tempest arise. But, our Barbarians going a warfare, in a great calme, you may see a Fleet consisting of sixtie such Boats. And these passe the Seas with so swift a motion, that they are presently gone out of [...]ight. So, these are the Armies of the Toupinenquin, both by Sea, and Land.

Being furnished after this manner, they sometimes goe fiftie miles into the Enemies borders. 20 And first they vse this stratagem. All the most valiant, leaue the rest with the women and car­riages, The first stra­gem of the Barbarians. one or two dayes Iourney behind them: they approach with great silence, and possesse the Woods, lying in waite to entrappe the Enemie, for whom they so diligently watch, that of­tentimes they lie hid there, for foure and twentie houres. And if they set vpon the Enemie vnawares, as many men, women and children as they meete with, are not onely brought away, but also slaine by the Enemies returning into their Countrey, and put vpon Boucan in pieces, and at length deuoured. And they surprize them so much the more easily, because the Villages (for they haue no Cities) are not compassed with walls, and the Cottages (which yet are foure­score or an hundred paces long) haue no Doores, but in their stead, they set the boughs of Palmes, or the stalke of the [...]erbe Pind [...] at their Gates. Yet they haue now learned to fortifie and intrench certaine Villages round about, which border vpon the Enemies, with postes of 30 Palmes, of sixe foot long, besides they strengthen the entrances with woodden stakes sharpe at the end: if therefore the Enemies will assaile those Villages by night, which is common with them, then, the Inhabitants of the Village issue safely forth vpon them, whereby it commeth to passe, that whether they fight, or flee, they neuer escape, but some are ouerthrowne through the paine of their wounded feete, who are presently rosted and eaten by the Inhabitants.

But, if they desire to fight in open warre, bringing forth their forces on both sides▪ it is scarce credible, how cruell and horrible the battell is: whereof my selfe was a beholder, and there­fore can iustly make report thereof. I, with another Frenchman, somewhat more curiously, to our great danger, determined to accompanie our Barbarians going to the warres: for if we had 40 beene taken, or hurt by the Margaiates, wee had certainely beene deuoured. These being foure thousand men in number, fought with the Enemie neere vnto the shoare, with such fiercenesse, that they would haue ouercome euen the most furious and outragious.

The Tououpinambanitij, as soone as they saw the Enemie, brake out into so great and loude howling and exclamation, as they who here hunt Wolues, make no out-cries comparable with The howling and exclama­tion of the Barbarians comming to the [...]ttell. The sh [...]wing of the bones of the slaine. those: for the clamour so pierced the aire, that thunder then could scarse haue beene heard. But, comming neerer, they doubled their cries, and blew their Hornes, and lastly, whistled with their Pipes, the one threatned the other, and in a brauery shewed the bones of their dead Ene­mies: and also the teeth, whereof some wore them hanging about their neckes, strung vpon a threed aboue two elles long: and lastly, they terrified the beholders with their gesture. But, when they came to ioyne battell, matters fell out farre worse: for, a multitude of Arrowes was shot on both sides, like swarming Flyes in number. Such as were wounded, who were not [...]ew, 50 stoutly plucked the Arrowes out of their bodies, which they bit like madde Dogs, and yet ab­stayned not therefore from the battell. For this Nation is so fierce and cruell, that so long as they The Barbarians are exceeding fierce. haue any little strength, they fight continually, and neuer betake themselues to flight: we with­drawing our selues a little from the conflict, were contented with that spectacle. In the meane space, I protest, who haue diuers times here seene mightie Armies both of horse and foot orde­red in battell array, that I was neuer so much delighted in seeing the Legions of footmen in their glittering Armour, as in beholding these Tououpinambaultij, while they were fighting. For be­sides that they were pleasantly seene whistling, leaping, and very speedily and nimbly gathe­ring 60 themselues round in a ring: a very thicke cloude of Arrowes was moreouer added; the fea­thers The bodies & weapons of the Barbarians decked with feathers. whereof being rose-colour, blue, red, greene, and of other such like colours, gaue a radiant lustre in the Sunne; their garments also, Caps, Bracelets, and other ornaments of feathers, which made a wonderfull glittering showe in the eyes of the beholders.

[Page 1336] This battell being ended in the space of three houres, and many slaine and wounded on both sides, our Tououpinambaultij carried away the victorie, and brought about thirtie captiues more or lesse, both men and women, to their people. And wee, who performed no other seruice, but encouraged the Barbarians with our drawne swords, and small shot, somtimes discharging them, as we beheld them fighting (in that it was most acceptable vnto them if strangers went with them to the warres) procured so great an opinion of vs, that from that time the elder sort em­braced vs with a speciall good-will and loue.

The Captiues therefore being placed in the middest of the Armie, and some of the stronger The captiues are bound. bound with ropes, we went vnto the Bay of Ganabara, from which we were distant about foure and twenty miles. A few dayes after, certaine Barbarians, who had captiues with them, came vnto our Castle, whom by Interpreters, we intreated that they would sell certaine slaues to Vil­lagagno. 10 So, a great part of the captiues was deliuered from the iawes of the Barbarians: yet Captiues bought by the Frenchmen. hardly, and against the will of the Barbarians; which not long after was plainly declared vnto mee. I bought a certaine woman with her little childe scarce two yeeres old, the price was cer­taine merchandise, the value whereof amounted to three French pounds. But hee that sold them, complained thus vnto mee: What will be hereafter I know not, but since Paycolas (for so they named Villagagno) arriued here, wee haue scarce eaten the halfe part of our captiues. I greatly desired to keepe that little childe vnto my selfe, but Villagagno, restoring my merchan­dises, Their feasting with mans flesh, &c. is here omitted, though fully handled by the Author: be­cause we haue glutted you al­ready, &c. challenged both the mother and the sonne. I sometimes said, vnto the mother, that when I passed ouer Sea, I would transport the little childe hither. But shee (the desire of taking re­uenge 20 is so inherent in the mindes of that Nation) answered that shee had rather that he should be deuoured by the Tououpinambaultij, then to be carried into so remote Countries: for shee ho­ped, that growing older, he might by some meanes escape, and conuey himselfe vnto his Coun­trymen, and reuenge the death of his kindred.

ALthough that saying of Cicero, be held for a most certaine Axiome by the common account of all men, that there is no Nation so sauage, nor so fierce, that doth not know that they are to Chap. 16. Of their Reli­gion. Cicero 1. de Le­gibus. The Tououpi­nambaultij are ignorant of the true God, and acknow­ledge no false gods, nor the creation of the world. Computation of times. What the Bar­barians thinke of the Scrip­ture. haue a God, although they be ignorant what manner of God they ought to haue: yet, how this may appeare to be true in our Tououpinambaultij, I doe not sufficiently knowe. For, they are ignorant of the true God, and neither acknowledge nor worship any false Gods, either celestiall or ter­restriall: 30 and therefore haue no publike place where they may assemble for the cause of Reli­gion. They are ignorant also of the creation of the World, distinguish not dayes by names, nor preferre one before another: they obserue not weekes, moneths and yeeres, but measure times by the Moones. They are not onely altogether ignorant of Scripture, whether it be sacred or profane, but also vtterly without Characters, wherewith they might bee able to write the meaning of the minde. When I first came into those Countries, I writ certaine words and sentences, to acquaint my selfe with their Speech, and read them presently before them. They thinking it to be a iuggling tricke, spake one to another in these words: Is it not a wonder, that this man, who yesterday, knew not so much as one word of our Language, (by the meanes and helpe of this Paper which teacheth him to speake our words) should now so skilfully pronounce 40 them, that they may be vnderstood of vs?

As often as we talked with them, and happened to make mention of God, we said, that we beleeued in one God, Creator of Heauen and Earth, who as he hath made the World, and what­soeuer things are therein, so he gouerneth all things at his pleasure. When they heard this, loo­king The Barbarians hearing of the true God, con­tinue standing still and won­dring. Toupan, Thun­der. Psal. 29. one vpon another, and breaking out into this word Teh, which is a familiar token of ad­miration with them, they stood still, fixed, and astonished: Moreouer, because, as wee shall speake in his proper place, they are vehemently terrified with the noise of Thunder (which they call Toupan) if bearing with their rudenesse, wee tooke occasion thereby to instruct them, and said, that that was the God whereof we spake vnto them, who that he might declare his power, shooke Heauen and Earth after that manner: they answered, that that God by whom they were 50 so terrified, was a naughty one. I doe not beleeue that there is any Nation in the whole World, which may be more estranged from all Religion. Yet, that I may also declare how little appa­rance of light I perceiued, among those thicke mysts of darknesse wherewith they are blinded: I affirme, that they doe not onely beleeue the immortalitie of the soules: but are also certainly The Americans beleeue the immortalitie of the soule. perswaded, that after death their soules who haue embraced vertue (but they define vertue af­ter their manner, to wit, to auenge them of their Enemies, and to eate very many) flying be­yond the highest Mountaines, are gathered to the soules of their Fathers and Grand-fathers, and there, in most pleasant Gardens, leade a ioyfull life in perpetuall delights, and dansing: (this is that long peregrination of Socrates, and the Poets Elysian fields) but contrarily the soules of the fearefull cowards, who liued ingloriously, without any care of defending their Countrie, are 60 violently carried away by Aygnan (for so they call the Deuill) and liue in perpetuall torment with him.

These most miserable Barbarians are wofully euen in this life tormented by the Deuill (whom by another name they call K [...]ag [...]rre): For, I haue sometimes seene them, euen while they were [Page 1337] talking with vs, immediatly crying out like frantike men, Hei, hei, helpe vs, for Aygnan bea­teth vs. Nay, they affirmed, that the wicked spirit was seene of them sometimes in the shape Aygnan an euill Spirit vexeth the Sauages. of a cruell Beast, sometimes of a Bird, and sometimes also in some monstrous forme. And because they greatly wondred that wee were not vexed by the Deuill: therefore, wee tel­ling them that we were deliuered from those torments by that God, whereof wee often spake vnto them, who was farre aboue Aygnan, and hindered him from procuring vs any trouble. It somtimes happened that danger enforcing them, they promised to beleeue in God, but being de­liuered, Master Kniuet, which liued long with the Sauages hath told me, that he knew one of their Ca­raibes or Diui­ners con [...]erre with this Spi­rit in tormen­ting one of his fellowes; and threatning if he so dealt with them, that they would all goe to the white men, &c. whereupon the man reco­uered, whereas many other had died. And this shewes that which Tully saith of the vniuersali­tie of religion, how o [...]uer these want so­lemne formes of it. Deos fecit timor. They which will not Deum vereri tanquam paren­tem, timebunt vt hoslem, Varto, They are so much liker the Deuiil which worships: not God, yet belee­ueth and trem­bleth. Iam. 2. Caraibes false Prophets. A relation of a great solem­nitie of the Barbarians. they were vnmindfull of the promise. But, that it may euidently appeare, that the tor­ments wherwith they are vexed, are no pastimes, I my selfe haue somtimes seen them so stricken with a shiuering and quaking feare, remembring that miserie, that sweating through anguish, 10 and clapping their thighes with their hands, they complained vnto vs with these words. Mair Atourassap, Acequeiey Aignan Atoupané: that is, My foole, my companion, I feare the Deuill aboue all other euils. But contrariwise, if any of vs spake vnto him in these words, Naceque­icy Aygnan, I feare not the Deuill: then, bewailing their condition, they said; Ah, how happie were we, if thereby we might be secured from him: whereupon we answered, that therefore they were to beleeue in him who is mightier then Aygnan. But although, as hath beene said, in the present danger they promised that they would doe it, yet they presently returned to their owne disposition of nature.

Therefore, although our Americans confesse not God with the mouth, seeing among them­selues they are conuinced that there is some diuine power; therby I gather, that they shal neither 20 be excusable, nor iustly take occasion to pretend Ignorance. But besides those things which haue beene spoken by mee, concerning the immortalitie of the Soule, which they beleeue; of the Thunder, whereof they are horribly affraid; and Deuils, by whom they are tormented: (which three things are first of all to be noted) I will moreouer adde a fourth principall matter. That they haue Prophets or certaine Priests among them, which they call Caraibes, who going from Village to Village, perswade those miserable men, that they (because they haue familiaritie with Spirits) giue not onely fortitude and courage to whomsoeuer they please, whereby they might ouercome their enemies in warre, but also that through their helpe, all fruits, and those great Roots growe, which we haue said that the American soile produceth. Moreouer, (as farre as I vnderstood by the Neustrian Interpreters, who had liued many yeeres in those Countries) the 30 Tououpinambaultians haue this custome, that euery third, or fourth yeere they assemble together. At which assemblie, as shall immediatly be declared, I was present vnawares: concerning which I am to report that which followeth. I, with a certaine Frenchman named Iacobus Ruffus, and also a certaine Neustrian Interpreter, trauelling farre from home, turned in to a certaine Village to lodge; the next day after, wee prepared our selues early in the morning for our Iourney, at which time we saw the Borderers come flocking thither from all places. So, the Inhabitants of that Village ioyned themselues with them that came, and presently wee saw sixe hundred ga­thered together in a cerraine voide plat of ground. We demand the cause of that meeting, and saw that multitude diuided into three parts. All the men went into a certaine Cottage, the women into another, and the children also went into the third. I, who had seene certaine Ca­raibes 40 intermingled with the men, suspecting that some vnaccustomed and strange thing should be done by them, earnestly entreated my companions, that they would stand still there with me to obserue the whole matter: which I obtayned of them. The Caraibes, before they depar­ted from the women and children, with great care forbid the women to goe out of their Cot­tages, but diligently to attend to the singing, and also charged vs to keepe our selues close in that Cottage where the women were: Being earnestly busied about our break-fast, and igno­rant of those things which they purposed to doe, we heard a certaine lowe and soft muttering noise breaking out of the house into the which the men had seuered themselues (for that Cottage was almost thirtie paces distant from ours) the women which were about two hundred in num­ber, standing, and giuing eare, gather themselues as it were on an heape. But the men lifting vp their voices by little and little, so that their distinct words were heard of vs exhorting, and like­wise 50 repeating this Interiection, [...] He he he he he he he he he he. The singing of the Barba­rians. we heard the women presently, with a trembling voice singing the same Interiection againe, he, he, he, &c. And they lifted vp their voices with so great vehemency of minde, and that for the space of one whole quarter of an houre, that they drew vs who were the beholders into ad­miration. 60 And surely, they did not onely horribly howle, but also leaped forth with great vio­lence, The howling, and horrible gestures of the Americane wo­men. and shaked their paps, and fomed at the mouth, nay some of them (not vnlike vnto those that are troubled with the Falling-sicknesse) fell downe dead. So that I thinke, that the Deuill entred into their bodies, and they suddenly became possessed with the Deuill. Moreouer, hauing [Page 1338] plainly perceiued those things which Bodinus writeth, in the Booke which he called Daemono­mania, concerning the extasie of Witches, which hee affirmeth to bee common to all Witches, Lib. 3. cap. 3. who haue made an expresse couenant with the Deuill, and who are often violently carried away in spirit, the bodie remayning voide of all sense, although also they are sometimes carried away both in bodie and minde. Adde (saith he) that they neuer meete together in any place, but they danse, among which, as farre as he could gather by the confession of certaine Witches, they all Lib. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 3. cap. 1. crie cut together, Har, har, (which very well agreeth with He, he, of our Americans) the De­uill crieth, Danse hither, danse hither: and others answere, Sabbath, Sabbath, that is, A festiuall day, or day of rest; lifting vp their hands, and the crops of herbes or trees which they haue in their hands, that they may shew a most assured token of ioy, and signifie that they serue the De­uill 10 with all their heart: and so, that they imitate the adoration due vnto God. For, in the Law of God, it was prescribed to the Israelites, that they should lift vp their hands vnto the Deut. 12. 6. 7. Lord, and shew themselues cheerefull before him. These things, I say, being certainly knowne, I gather, that Satan is Lord of them both: and that they are led by the same spirit, so that the The Americane women a [...]e led with the same spirit, where­with our coun­trie Witches are. I once saw To­mocomo a Vir­ginian dance, with such [...]x­ta icall visages and diabolicall behauiour, as if the Deuill had beene in him. distance of places hindereth not, but that the Father of lyes may worke here and there vpon them who through the iust iudgement of God are deliuered vnto him. Likewise, when I heard the children crying altogether (although I had now liued halfe a yeere with the Barbarians, and was almost acquainted with their manners) yet, not to dissemble, I was then somewhat afraid, especially, seeing I knew not what should be the end of that matter. At length those cries were ended, the men being somewhat silent, the children and women also altogether holding their 20 peace, presently the men began to sing so sweetly, and with so great harmonie, that I was won­derfully desirous to see them. But when I would haue gone out of the Cottage, I was both kept backe by the women, and also admonished by the Interpreter, that he (who had already liued se­uen yeeres among the Barbarians) durst neuer come to those solemne meetings; and lastly, that if I went vnto them I should not doe wisely. Whereby he caused me to stay a while, for feare of danger; yet, because hee alledged no probable reason thereof, the women and Interpreter somewhat resisting, I went forth: relying vpon the friendship of certaine ancient men, Inha­bitants of that Village. Going therefore vnto that place where I heard that Musicall harmonie, I made an hole through the roofe of the Cottage, that I might the better perceiue what was done within. For, they are somewhat long, and round, after the manner of our Countrie garden 30 Arbours, and couered with grasse from the top to the bottome. Then, making a signe with my The forme of the American Cottages. finger, I called my companions, and at length wee entred into that Cottage. As soone as wee saw that the Barbarians were not moued through our presence (which thing the Interpreter suspected, would haue been done) and that they kept their order very well, and proceeded with their Verses: we went apart into a certaine corner, and beheld them without feare. These are their gestures in dansing. They were ordered in a round circle, standing close each to other: yet The gesture of the Barbarians dansing in a round circle. so, they tooke not one another by the hand stooping, with their bodie somwhat bending down­ward, shaking onely one of their legs, to wit, the right, with their right hand laid vpon their buttockes, and the left hanging downe, and after this fashion they both dansed and sung. All that whole multitude made three such round Circles, in the middle whereof were three or foure 40 Caraibes, attired with Caps. Garments, and Bracelets of feathers. Each of them in either hand carried Maraca, that is, that rattle of a fruit exceeding the bignesse of an Estridges egge, where­of we haue made mention before, for that vse, as they said, that the Spirit might speake out of The Caraibes consecrating Maraca. them: and that they might rightly consecrate them, they continually shooke them.

Moreouer, those Caraibes dansing, sometimes, went forward, and sometimes backward, and did not continually stand still in the same place, as the rest. Further, I obserued that with a very long Cane, wherein they put the herbe Petum set on fire, they often turned themselues hither Petum by the Authour is thought to dif­fer from To­bacco, because it hath a plea­sing sent, &c. I thinke it the same. The Caraibes blowing vpon the Barbarians. and thither, and blew out the fume of that herbe vpon them that stood round about them, with these words: Receiue the spirit of fortitude, whereby you may all ouercome your enemies. And this was often done by these Caraibes. The celebrating of these Rites and Ceremonies was 50 prolonged for the space of two houres: those men continually dansing and singing. And their tunable singing was so sweet, that to the vnskilfull it is scarce credible, how excellently well that harmonie agreed, especially, seeing the Barbarians are vtterly ignorant of the Art of Mu­sike. And surely, although in the beginning I was stricken with a certain feare, as I lately mentio­ned, yet contrarily I was then so much ouer-ioyed, that I was not only rauished out of my selfe: but also now, as often as I remember the tunable agreement of many voices, both my minde reioyc [...]th, also mine eares seeme continually to ring therewith: but especially the burden of the song yeelded a pleasing sound vnto the eares, which at the end of euery Verse, they sung after this manner.

[...]

Heu heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, oueck. 60

[Page 1339] Being about to make an end of that tunable singing, shaking the ground with the right foote more vehemently then before, they all spit also, and all with one voice, and that hoarse, sing this Song often repeated.

[...]

He he hua he hua hua hua.

Then because I did not yet plainly vnderstand their Language, and conceiued not many things which had beene spoken by them, I intreated the Interpreter that hee would declare them vnto 10 me. He signifieth, that these men, first lamented their dead Ancestors, who were most valiant, but in the end were hereby comforted, in that they hoped that after death they should at length go vnto them beyond the Mountaines, and dance with them, and celebrate merrie meetings: and that afterward they most grieuously threatned the O [...]tes, (which are a people not farre re­mooued from them, with whom they haue perpetuall enmitie, whom also they could neuer o­uercome) and foretold, that it should shortly come to passe, that they should be taken and deuou­red, as the Caraibes luckily ghessed. Moreouer, I know not what they intermingled with their Songs concerning a floud, that the waters in times past so ouerflowed, that they couered the whole earth: and that through that inundation all men perished except only their Ancestors, The confused opinion of the Barbarians concerning the floud. who climbed vp into exceeding high Trees. Which last thing commeth very neere vnto the sa­cred 20 Historie, and I neuer once heard it from them before.

The same day they were sumptuously receiued by the Barbarians, for they liberally entertained both with most exquisite meates, and plentifull drinke Canoin. I also with my companions, who were present at those Feasts of Bacchus vnexpected, were most honourably entertained by Feast follow­ing. our Moussacat, that is the Masters of the house, who giue food to their guests. But beside those things which haue bin spoken by me, those daies being past (wherein these solemne meetings are celebrated euery third or fourth yeere among the Tououpinambaultij) sometimes also before they came thither, those Caraibes goe about from Village to Village, and command three or foure of those Rattles which they call Maraca, to bee decked with the best feathers in euery Family: The decking of Maraca. which being so decked, they sticke the longer part of the staffe, wherewith they are thrust 30 through in the ground, and then command meate and drinke to be set before them. Whereby it commeth to passe, that those miserable people, through the perswasion of those Impostors, be­leeue that those hollow fruits decked after that manner deuoure the meats. Wherefore euery Moussacat carefully setteth before them, not only meale with flesh and fish: but also Caouin. More­ouer, A grosse Su­perstition. they serue those Maracas being so stucke in the ground, for fifteene whole daies together with very great diligence. Lastly, those miserable people after that so great bewitching of those Maraca, (which they continually carrie in their hands) conceiue an opinion, attributing holi­nesse vnto them, that while they are shaken by them, a certaine Spirit speaketh with them from the middest thereof. And they were so bewitched with those delusions, that if we trauelling that A most grosse Errour. way, seeing some more delicate meates, which they had set before their Maraca, tooke them to 40 eate (which we oftentimes did) the Barbarians supposing that some great misfortune would thereby happen vnto vs, were offended. Moreouer, if taking occasion thereby to discouer their errours, we signified that they were deceiued by the Caraibes, not only because they taught them that Maraca did eate and drinke, but especially in this, that they most falsly vaunted that through their meanes, the fruits, and great Roots which they eate, increased and grew: which only was to be attributed vnto God, from whom wee were to beleeue that wee had receiued the same: these things, I say, were of so great moment with them, as if any here should speake a­gainst the Pope, or at Paris, denie that the Image of Genouef would procure raine. For which cause those Impostors the Caraibes did no lesse hate vs, then sometimes the false Prophets of Baal did Elias detecting their delusions. And therefore they shunned our sight. 1. Reg. 18. 19.

But although our Tououpinambaultij, as hath beene declared by mee in the beginning of this Truth putteth falshood to flight. 50 Chapter, neither honour their Caraibes, nor Maraca, with any externall rite, no not with knee­ling vnto them, nor worship any thing created, much lesse adore it, or call vpon it for helpe. I will adde an example of those Relikes of Religion which I obserued among them. When by chance I was sometimes with other Frenchmen in a certaine Towne (which they call Ocarentim) and that we supped abroad in the open Aire, the Barbarians Inhabitants of that Village flocking together to see vs, not to feast with vs (for this is their vsuall custome, that they neuer sit toge­ther at meate, with those whom they reuerence most) the elder men especially with many to­kens How the an­cient Barbari­ans entertaine the Frenchmen. of friendship stood [...]ound about vs as our guard or attendants: and holding in their hands the bone of the beake of a certaine fish, of three or foure foot long, in the forme of a Sawe, they 60 droue away the children from vs, with these words: Get you hence Knaues: for you are vn­worthy to come vnto these men. So they beheld vs attentiuely, and holding their peace, not speaking the least word the meane while: vntill the Banket being ended, a certaine elderly man obseruing vs to beginne meate with Prayers, and also to end Supper with Prayer, comming vn­to [Page 1340] vs, spoke thus. What meaneth this custom, which you now vsed, when taking of your caps, you all kept silence, saue one, that spoke? to whom appertained that speech which he made? to any of you that are present, or to some that are absent? There fitly taking that occasion offered, that I might speake vnto them concerning the true worship of God, seeing besides the largenesse of that The occasion of declaring the true God vnto the Bar­bariaus. village, & the great resort of people (I also perceiued the Barbariās more attentiue then they were wont) I intreated our Interpreter that he would declare my speech vnto them in their Language, that they might conceiue the same. Then beginning with the question of the old man, I answe­red that our Prayers were directed vnto God: and that although he could not see him, he had not only plainly heard vs, but also did apparantly know whatsoeuer we had hid in our hearts. From thence comming to the Creation of the World, I first of all laboured to teach them, that among 10 the creatures God made man the most noble and excellent, that hee should so much the more en­deuour to extoll the glorie of his Creator. And that we surely in that we worshipped him, were deliuered by his hand from infinite dangers of a very long Nauigation, in so vast a Sea, and depen­ding vpon his helpe, were freed from a [...] feare of Aignan, both in this life and in the life to come. Wherefore, if they would reiect the delusions of their Caraibes, and that barbarous cu­stome of deuouring mans flesh, they should vndoubtedly obtaine the same gifts of God, which they saw we had. Moreouer, we added many things concerning the corruption and fall of Man­kind, that we might prepare their minds vnto Christ, applying Reasons and Examples to their The Barbarians hearing speech of the true God, were astonished. A relation of a Barbarian most worthy to bee noted. capacitie, as much as might be. Now when they had harkened vnto vs aboue the space of two ho [...]res with great attention and admiration: one of them reuerent for his authoritie and yeeres, 20 discoursed after this manner: Surely, you haue here told vs wonderfull and excellent things; and such as we haue neuer heard before, and certainly your speech hath brought into my memorie, what wee haue often heard our Grandfathers report: To wit, that euen from ancient time, and so many Moones since, as we cannot now remember, a certaine Mair (that is a Frenchman, or stranger of any other Nation) came into these Countries, attir [...]d after your manner, and hauing a beard. And that hee, to the [...]nd hee might draw them to the obedience of your God, made such a speech vnto them, as you deliuered vnto vs this day. But, as it was reported vnto vs by tradition from our Fathers, they will not giue credit to his words. Therefore, presently another succeeded, who gaue them a Sword, in token of a curse. Hereupon, followed warres amongst vs, and from that time, wee haue not ceassed to exercise crueltie one towards a­nother, through mutuall slaughters. But now, after we haue accustomed our selues to these outrages by 30 continuall vse, if we should now suddenly leaue our ancient custome, wee should become a laughing stocke, and derision, to the neighbouring Nations.

Heere wee testified with great vehemencie and earnest speech, that it was so farre off, that they ought to be mooued with the scoffes of the borderers, that contrarily, if they seriously wor­shipped that Creator both of Heauen and Earth, they should carrie away the victorie from all those, who for that cause, should willingly be trouble some vnto them. Lastly, the Lord gaue that efficacie to our words, that not only many Barbarians afterwards promised to frame their liues according to that Law which they had learned of vs, and that they would neuer eate the flesh of their slaine enemies any more: but also according to this conference, kneeling on the ground, gaue thankes with vs, vnto God. That Prayer which was made vnto God, by one of 40 our men, with a loude voice, in the middest of their assembly, was presently expounded vnto The Barbarians promise to em­brace the wor­ship of God, & are present at Prayers. them by our Interpreter: and so they brought vs to sleepe in those hanging beds of Bombasin Cotton. But sleepe had not yet taken vs, when, behold, wee heare these Barbarians singing and crying out together, that they were to take vengeance on their Enemies, and that more should be eaten then before. Behold the inconstancie of this miserable people, and the lamentable ex­ample of humane nature. Yet surely, I perswade my selfe, if Villagagno had neuer reuolted from the true Religion, and that wee had stayed longer in those Countries, it would haue happened, that at length, some should haue beene wonne vnto Christ.

Another time I being with three Sauages, and singing the 104. Psalme, at the request of one of them I declared the sense and antiquitie thereof, so many thousand Moones. Whereat he cried The Barbarians acknowledge their owne ig­norance and blindnesse. 50 Teh, how happie are you Mair, who know so many secrets, which are hid from vs poore mise­rable men. Afterward, one of them to gratifie mee, presented mee with a certaine little beast, which he carried, called Agouti, speaking vnto mee in these words. Heere, take you this, be­cause you haue sung sweetly. I haue willingly added this digression, to the intent I might de­clare that the Barbarous Americans, although outragious against their enemies, are not yet so rude that they cannot discerne those things which they heare, with iudgement. Nay, I dare af­firme, that they are more apt in framing speeches, then our Countrie Peasants are, and very many of them also, who esteeme highly of themselues. 60

§. III.

Of their Marriages, Education of Children, Politie, Hospitalitie, Diseases, Physicians, Funerals and La­mentations.

IN Marriages, these degrees of Consanguinitie only, are obserued: none of them taketh The degrees of Consan­guin [...]tie. his Mother, Sister, or Daughter to wife: no regard is had of the rest: the Vncle mar­rieth the Neece, and so consequently. Neuerthelesse, as shall bee hereafter spoken in the American Dialogue, no man may marrie the Daughter or Sister of his Atouras­sap. 10 And he is called Atourassap, whose familiaritie with any one is so great, that both their goods are common. There is no place for Rites or Ceremonies. Hee who desireth a Widdow, or Virgin, being certainly perswaded of the good will of her whom hee loueth, goeth to her Pa­rents, or if she haue none, to her next Kindred, and asketh them whether they will marrie their Daughter vnto him? If they consent, he presently bringeth her home, without giuing her any assurance of Dowrie and so keepeth her for his lawfull Wife. And if he suffer the repulse, he gi­ueth ouer his Sute without any perturbation of mind. But it is to bee noted, that Polygamy is Polygamie, vsuall with them, and therefore it is lawfull for a man to marrie as many Wiues, as he shall think good. Nay, the more Wiues that any one hath the more valiant and generous hee is esteemed. 20 Among the rest I saw one, who had eight at home, and hee often spoke very much of them in commendation of himselfe. But this is chiefly to be wondred at, that in so great a multitude of Wiues although one be beloued of the Husband aboue the rest, the other meaner take it grieuous­ly, The wonder­full agreement betweene the American wo­men. The Sauage [...] abhorre adul­ter [...]e. Single women loose. or become jealous, or openly murmur. Therefore they liue most quietly and with great a­greement, weauing their Cotton beds, looking to the affaires of the house, making Gardens and planting Roots.

They so hate adulterous women, that it lyeth in the Husbands power either to kill the adul­tresse, or at the least, to put her away with great ignominie and reproach. This surely is true, that they are not very carefull of preseruing the chastitie of vnmarried women: nay, they easily prostitute them to any man. So that (as I haue alreadie said) I haue seene very many in diuers 30 Villages deflowred by the Neustrian Interpreters, who yet were not reprochfully disgraced for the same.

I haue obserued that the younger sort both men and women are not very much giuen to lust: How the Ame­rican women great with child b [...]haue themselues. Child-birth. and I would our Countrey people could moderate themselues aswell in this behalfe. But that I may attribute no more vnto them then is meete, I remember, that often in their brawling they vsed to object this reproach Tyuire, that is, Buggerers, one vnto another, whereby we may conje­cture, that that hainous and abhominable wickednesse raigneth among them. The women great with childe, abstaine only from the greater burthens, and performe the other accustomed duties. And surely the women much exceed the men in labour, for the men (saue that sometimes in the Morning, neuer at noone, they place certaine Trees to make Gardens) spend the time in war­fare, The American men per­forme the of­fice of Mid­wiues. 40 hunting, fishing, making of woodden Clubs, Bowes, Arrowes, and other things of that kinde. As touching the trauell of women; I and another Frenchman lodging in a certaine Vil­lage, about midnight heard a great out-cry of a woman, and supposing she had beene surprized by the cruell beast Ian-ouare, we arose, and ran vnto her, and found the woman in trauell, to whom the Husband performed the office of a Midwife: he receiuing the Infant in his armes, cut the na­uell string asunder with his teeth, but pressed downe the N [...]se (for they esteeme the beautie of children to consist in the flatnesse of the Nose) the new borne Infant is presently washed, and painted by the Father with colours blacke and red: then, not being wrapped in swadling-clouts at all, it is put into a Cotton hanging bedde. But if it bee a Male childe, the Fa [...]her will giue The little In­fants Gugawes to play withal. What the mā ­ner is of giuing American names. him a little woodden Sword, a small Bow and little Arrowes, presently after his birth, and lay them in the bedde with the childe, and kissing the little Babe will speake vnto 50 him in these words. My Sonne, when thou art come to mans estate, be valiant, to take reuenge of thine enemies. As touching the giuing of names, I remember that hee of whom I now spoke, was named by the Father Orapacen, which word signifieth a Bow and Bow-strings: for the word [...]s compounded of Orapat, which is a Bow, and Cen which signifieth a stringe. The same manner also is obserued in others.

Their nourishment, beside the Mothers Milke, is chewed Meale, and euery most tender kinde The food of In [...]ants. of meate. The woman lately deliuered lieth downe two daies only, or three daies at the most. Afterward putting the little childe in a Cotton Scarffe, shee either goeth to the Garden, or to dispatch her other busin [...]sse. 60

This opinion hath preuailed with vs, that little children would haue crooked legges, vnlesse they were carefully wrapped and bound in swadling clouts: But, I [...]ffirme, that the Barbarians nothing regard these things (who p [...]t the new borne Infants naked, and vnswadled in their Cot­ton beds) whose children notwithstanding, goe most straight and vpright of all the men in the [Page 1342] World. The Mothers who both want linnen, and also vse not the helpe of leaues for these ser­uices (whereof not withstanding they haue great plentie) so diligently wipe the hinder parts of The American Infants are ve­ry clean with­out the vse of linnen clothes the Infants with small chips of wood, that they are continually free from all filth. The elder sore also obserue the same manner, whom also (digressing a litle into this filthy matter) I thought good to mention, that they vse to make water in their houses, and yet no euill nor stinking sauour ari­seth from thence: although they shine bright almost continually with often fires, and are strewed with sand: but as often as they doe their easement, they vse to goe apart farre from the Houses.

Moreouer, proceeding to speake of the Marriage of the Tououpinambaultians, as far as shame and modestie will permit, I affirme (contrarie to that which some haue forged) that the men ob­seruing In what thing [...] the Barbarians busie them­selues. Naturall sh [...]mefastnesse is obserued in the American Marriages. The purgation of the Ameri­can women. naturall shamefastnesse, doe no where openly company with their Wiues. 10

This is especially worth the noting, that for the space of an whole yeere, while we liued in those Countries, we neuer saw any woman hauing the flowres. I thinke that they diuert that Fluxe by some meanes vnknowne to vs. For I saw Maidens of twelue yeeres olde, whose sides were cut by their Mothers, from the arme-hole downe to the knee, with a very sharpe tuske of a certaine beast. And the young Girles gnashing with their Teeth through extre­mitie of paine, bleed very much: I conjecture that they preuented their monthly Fluxe by this remedie.

As touching the Policie of the Barbarians, it is scarce credible how well they agree among themselues, being guided only by the light of Nature. Nor may this be spoken, but to their great shame who are instructed in diuine and humane Lawes, which yet is to bee vnderstood of them The Barbarians liue peaceably together. 20 who are of the same kindred, or of the Confederates: for how they behaue themselues towards their enemies, it hath beene alreadie by vs declared. Yet if any contention arise betweene cer­taine persons among them (which very seldome happeneth, for in the whole space of a yeere, while I liued among them, it was my chance twice only to see them brawling) the beholders care not to pacifie the strife: but suffer them to doe their pleasure, although they bee readie to put out one anothers eies. But if the one wound the other, and that hee can bee taken, hee is The punish­ment o [...] mur­therers among the Barbarians. Leui [...]. 24. 19. 20 wounded in the same part of the bodie by the Kinsmen of him that is wounded. Nay, if per­aduenture death follow the wound, the Murtherer is slaine by the Kinsmen of the dead. Lastly, they recompence eie for eie, tooth for tooth, and life for life. But these things as I said, very sel­dome happen among them. 30

The things of the ground, with them are Cottages, and fields farre larger then might be requi­red for maintenance of the Inhabitants. As touching the Cottages, you are first to vnderstand, that euery Village containeth sixe hundred men: wherefore very many are of necessitie to dwell After what manner the villages and American fami­lies are orde­red. in one and the same Cottage. Notwithstanding euerie Family possessing their place without any distance betweene (for there is nothing that may hinder, but that from one end vnto the other those houses lie open, which for the most part are extended sixtie paces in length) euerie Master of a Family hath his wife and children placed apart. Moreouer, you are to obserue (which sure­ly is to be wondred at) that the Americans inhabit not one place aboue fiue or sixe moneths. But The transpor­ting of the A­merican Villa­ges. carrying away the matter and herbe Pindo, whereof their houses consist, they often transport their Villages, which yet alwaies reteine the same names. Wee our selues saw some Villages re­mooued 40 a mile from the accustomed place. No man buildeth a Cottage, which he is not compel­led to finish, nay, to build and plucke downe, aboue twentie times before his death, if hee haue attained to the full age of a man. Now if it be demanded of them, why they change their habi­tation so often? The answere is easily made. That the changing of the Aire is verie profitable for the health: besides, that if they should alter the custome of their ancestors, they should pre­sently What grounds the Americans peculiarly pos­sesse. perish. As touching the fields, euerie Moussacat hath certaine particular plats of ground, which he chooseth at his pleasure wheresoeuer he thinketh good for the making of Gardens. But that excessiue care of diuiding the grounds, setting limits, and bounding the fields, they leaue to our Countrie couetous persons, and to the Lawyers.

Concerning their houshold stuffe, I haue often spoken in the former Chapters. Yet that wee 50 may not omit any of those things which appertaine to the houshold gouernment of the Barba­rians, I will heere recite the cunning of the American women in spinning of Cotton, whereof there is manifold vse, as well for Ropes, as for the weauing of their hanging beds.

Being drawne out of the flockes, in stead of all picking and carding, they plucke it out some­what in length with the fingers, and then lay it vpon the ground in a heape (for they know not How the Ame­rican women spin the cotten how to vse Distaffes) in stead of a Spindle they take a little wand of the thicknesse of a finger, and a foot in length, which they thrust through a little wooden round ball, and fasten the Bombasin Cotton to the top of the small wand, then turning that Instrument about vpon their thigh (as our Countriewomen doe their Spindles) they let it slip out of their hands. That little round ball is turned about, through the houses and streets, like a Wherue. And after that manner they 60 spinne Threed, not only course and great for the weauing of their Cotton Beds, but also that which is most fine. Of this sort I brought some into France, wherewith I caused a faire stoma­cher to be made of the white Web, which was of so fine and small a Threed, that some tooke it for the best and choicest Silke.

[Page 1343] They call their Cotton beds Inis. The women, to whom this workmanship appertaineth, haue their work-houses for their Loomes somewhat vnlike to those of our Countrie: for they are Inis, Cotton Beds. neither made flat and plaine, nor consist of so many subtile inuentions, but being framed to the height of their stature, they worke after their manner, and also beginne their weauing from the bottome. They make certaine of those beds in the forme of Nets, and others thicker, like the finest Cloth. They are fiue or sixe foot long, and an elle broad: vnto either end Cotton loopes are How the Beds of the Barbari­ [...]s are prepa­ [...]ed and spred. added, vnto the which they fasten cords: and hang them vp in their houses vpon beames, made fit for this vse. But, liuing in the Campe, or in the woods for hunting, or on the shoares for fishing, they hang them vpon trees. These beds (that wee omit nothing) when they haue gathered filth either through humane sweat, or by the smoake, by reason of the continuall fire, are washed cleane 10 after this manner. The women gather a certaine fruit in the woods, not much vnlike in shape vnto a plaine Gourd, but farre larger, so that euery Apple may scarce bee borne with one hand: these fruits they cut into small pieces, and hauing cast them into some very great earthen vessell, they moisten them with water. Then, they vehemently stirre them about with a sticke, and Fome, whic [...] among the A­mericans sup­plieth the vs [...] of Sope. cause a fome to arise from them, through the helpe whereof (in stead of Sope) they make their Beds so cleane, that in whitenesse they may be comparable with the Snowe, or Fullers Clothes. The vse of such Beds is farre more commodious in watches, then that the Souldiers, after the ac­customed manner, should tumble in Beds of grasse: for they both foule their garments, and get Lice, and that which is more, if they be to arise vnto the fight, the bodie is bruis [...]d in some sort with the Armes, which Souldiers continually weare: which in the siege of the Citie Sancerra, 20 we proued in good earnest: For the Enemie lay a whole yeere at our Ports.

That we may gather the rest of the Americane houshold-stuffe into a short summe, the wo­men (who haue the charge of domesticall matters) prepare huge Cannes, and make very great Earthen vessels, wherein to put their Cao-uin. They also make Pots of diuers fashions, little and The Ameri­can women make huge, meane, and little earth [...] vessels. indifferent Basons, Platters, and other things of that sort, vessels which on the outside surely, are nothing smooth, but are so polished within, and beautified with I know not what kinde o [...] tincture, which presently waxeth hard, so that those women may easily match the industrie of all our Countrie people. Besides, I know not what kinde of ash-colour painting they steepe in water, and afterwards make diuers formes of things in their vessels, within, and specially in those wherein they lay vp their Meale, and other kindes of meates, to bee preserued. The vse 30 therefore of them is most acceptable, nay those vessels farre excell them of wood, which very many vse here with vs. Yet these Women-painters haue this fault, that when they haue pour­trayed with the Pencill whatsoeuer they please, if they be intreated to paint the same againe, they are not possibly able to doe it: because they haue no example proposed, beside the industrie of their owne fantasie. Hence it commeth to passe, that two of these kinde of pictures may scarce be found alike.

Moreouer, (as I haue elsewhere said) the Barbarians haue Gourds, and other kindes of fruits, which they diuide, and make hollow, and they vse them instead of Cups, (which they call Co­ui) Pot [...] and oth [...] vessels, of fruits, pan [...] and baskets. and other vessels of diuers vses. They haue also Panniers, large and meane, and likewise Baskets, very finely made of bul-rushes, or yellowish grasse, not much differing from Wheaten 40 straw. These they call Panacon, and in them they put Meale and other things which they thinke good.

Although the Tououpinambaultians receiue strangers very curteously, yet the Frenchmen, and The Barbarian [...] curteously en­tertain guests, other Strangers, who are ignorant of their Language, were not a little astonished in the begin­ning, by reason of their vnaccustomed behauiour. When I first conuersed among them (which happened about twenty dayes after our arriuall at the Castle of Colligne) a certaine Interpreter brought me to certaine Villages, in the Continent: that which I first saw, in their natiue Lan­guage is called Ybouraci, but in French, Pepin, by the name of a certaine Pilot, who sometime la­ded A pleasant dis­course of thos [...] things which befell the Au­thour when he first went vnto the [...], a ship at that place; foure miles only distant from our Castle. In the very entrance the Bar­barians came thicke about me, and spake vnto me in these words, Marapé derere, Marapé derere? that is, By what name are you called? which words, sur [...]ly, to mee were very barbarous, but one 50 of them taking off my Hat, put it vpon his head; another girdeth my Girdle and Sword vnto his naked side: another putteth on my Coat: and they dull me with their cries, and being clo­thed with my spoiles, runne hither and thither. I then thought that I had lost all, and did not well knowe how safe I might be among them. But, as I found by experience, that feare arose from my ignorance of their customes, for they vse to doe the like to all strangers, especially vn­to them whom they neuer saw before. Now, when for their recreation, they had walked about a little while in that habite, they precisely restore euery thing againe. Then I was aduertised by the Interpreter, that they greatly desired to vnderstand my name: but in declaring that, I was to forbeare vsuall names with vs, which the Barbarians could neither pronounce (for in 60 stead of Iohn, they said Ni [...]n) nor yet well remember: but was to propound somewhat which The Author [...] name in the American lan­guage. might be knowne vnto them. The matter succeeded so happily, that, as the Interpreter signi­fied vnto mee, who was very skilfull in the Brasilian Language, my name Lerius signified an Oyster: I therefore answered, that I was called L [...]riy-oussou. They liked it very well, and of­ten [Page 1344] vsing Teh, their Interiection of admiration, they spake thus vnto me. An excellent name surely, nor haue we euer found any Mair, who had such a name. They haue so good and sure a memorie, that if they haue once heard any mans name, they neuer forget it. Their memo­rie.

The same day, accompanied with the Interpreter, I went further, and turned into the Village Euramiri, so called in their natiue Language, but in French, Goset, after the name of a certaine Interpreter, who dwelt there some little while: wee came thither about Sunne set, and found them dansing, and drinking their Cao-uin, by reason of a Captiue, whom they had slaine that day. I perceiued the pieces of his flesh laid vpon Boucan. I thinke, you need not enquire with how great and horrible feare I was then stricken: yet that was but a small matter, if it be com­pared with the feare wherewith I was afterward astonished. Wee entred into a Cottage, and 10 sate vpon the hanging beds, after the accustomed fashion: the women lament after that manner which we will declare, and the Master of the Familie entertaineth vs with friendly words. Th [...] Interpreter who was acquainted with these matters, and who was very much delighted with their drinkings, leaueth me vnsaluted, and ignorant of all things, and went away to them that were dansing, and drinking. But being wearie, after I had refreshed my selfe with Meale, and certaine other meate [...] that were set before vs, I lay downe in the bed. Notwithstanding, through the noise of their dansing, drinking, and deuouring of the Captiue, I was presently awaked, and (which was the chiefest matter) by one comming vnto mee, who carried the rosted foot of the Captiue in his hand, and demanding of mee, as I afterwards vnderstood, for then, I conceiued not his words) whether I would eate thereof; I was so astonished through feare, that I was al­together 20 freed from drowsinesse and sleepe. And I verily beleeued, by that gesture, which I tooke in the worst part, that the Barbarian had shewed me, that my flesh should shortly after be deuoured after the same manner. Moreouer, as feare begetteth suspicion, it came presently into my minde, that the Interpreter had betrayed, and deliuered mee into the Barbarians hands. Wherefore, if I had had any way open to flee, I had quickly taken my flight. But they stood round about mee, whose minde I did not sufficiently knowe, for they attempted no euill against mee. Now being confirmed in feare, I vnluckily ghessed, that I should presently haue beene slaine, wherefore I passed the whole night in powring forth prayers vnto God. At the first dawning of the day, the Interpreter (who had passed all the night in pleasure with the Barba­rians) returned vnto mee, and saw mee pale, and taken with a Feuer, whereupon he demanded 30 whether I were ill at ease, & whether I had not quietly rested? Then I began sharply to reproue him, who had left me alone among those Barbarians, whose speach I vnderstood not at all. H [...] openeth the whole matter to them who stood by me all the night, to congratulate my comming: they signifie, that they perceiued the matter in some sort, and yet were sorrie, that I had passed that night in so great feare of them. And at length they breake out into dissolute laughter, which was the solace and comfort of that my feare. From thence I and that Interpreter, went vnto certaine other Villages.

These are the Rites which the Barbarians obserue in entertayning Guests. First of all, as soone as the Guest entreth into the house of that Moussacat, which hee hath chosen to bee his Host, (which is to be done in euery Village, nor are you to turne into another, vnlesse you will incurre 40 his displeasure) he must presently sit downe vpon a Cotton hanging Bed, and remaine quietly there a while without speaking any word. By and by, the women come vnto him, compasse the The American women be­wayle the comming of Guests. Bed about, and sitting on the ground, put their hands on their eyes, and bewayling the happie comming of the Guest after this manner, they rehearse innumerable things in his commenda­tion. As for example: Haue you taken so much paines to come vnto vs: you are good, you are valiant. But if the Guest be a Frenchman, they adde, you haue brought very many excellent merchandises vnto vs, which we want here. To conclude, those women, as hath beene said, entertaine Guests wee­ping, with such like flattering speeches. But the Guest who sitteth on a Cotton bed, if he desire The gesture of the Guest a­mong the A­mericans. to procure fauour with his Host, settling his countenance, vnlesse hee meane to weepe in good earnest (as I saw some of our men of so weake a courage, that teares were forced from them, 50 through the howling lamentation of these women) he must of necessitie counterfeit weeping, answering somewhat at the least, and fetching deepe sighes. This most pleasant salutation be­ing How M [...]ssac [...]t entertaine [...]h his Guest. ended by the women, Moussacat, that is, the Master of the Familie, being busily employed in making of an Arrow, casts not so much as his eyes for a certaine time vpon the Guest, as if h [...] marked nothing. At length comming vnto the Guest, hee speaketh vnto him in these words: Ere Ioube? that is, Are you come? then, how doe you? what seeke you? &c. After, hee deman­deth, whether you be hungrie? if you grant that you are, presently he commandeth meates of di­uers kindes to be set before you in earthen vessels, to wit, Meale, which with them supplieth the place of bread, Venison, Fowle, Fish, and other things of that kinde: but because there is no vse with them, for Tables, and Benches, all those things are set on the ground. As touching 60 Drink, if you desire Cao-uin, & that it be in the house, it shall presently be giuen you. Lastly, after the women haue stoutly solemnized the comming of the Guests with weeping, they come vnto them bringing Fruits, and other trifling Presents, and so, secretly, demand Co [...]bes, Looking­glasses, and little Beades of glasse, which they winde about their armes.

[Page 1345] Moreouer, if you will lodge all night in that Village, the Moussacat commandeth a very neat and cleane bed to be hanged vp for you, round about which he will cause smal fires to be kindled, and often quickned in the night with Bellows, which they call Tatapecoua, not much vnlike the little round Fannes, wherewith the nicer and more delicate sort of women with vs, defend the scorching of fire from their faces. Not because that Countrie is subiect vnto cold, but by reason of the moisture of the night, and especially, because it is their vsuall manner. Now seeing we haue chanced to mention Fire, which they call Tata, and Smoake Tatatin, I thinke it needfull that I declare the excellent manner of kindling the same. They haue two kindes of wood, whereof the one is very soft, but the other very hard, which they vse after this manner, to kindle fire. They sharpen a twig of a foot long of that hard wood at the one end like a Spindle, and sticke the point thereof in any piece of that soft wood, then laying it on the ground, or vp­on 10 a stocke, they turne that twig swiftly about with the palmes of their hands, as if they would pierce an hole through the piece of wood which lieth vnder. Through that so swift and vio­lent motion, smoake is not onely raised, but also fire; putting Cotton vnto it, or certaine drie leaues (in stead of our Countrie tinder) fire is very aptly ingendred: whereof I my selfe haue made triall.

After that the Guests haue refreshed themselues with meate, and lodged after the manner How strangers requite their Host. which we haue declared, if they be liberall, they vse to giue vnto the men Kniues, Scizzers, and Pinsers fit for the plucking out of the haires of their beards: to the women, Combes, and Loo­king-glasses: and to the children, Fish-hookes. But, if the Guest want victuals, when he hath agreed of the price, he may carrie them away. Moreouer, because they want all kinde of beasts 20 of burden, they are all of necessitie to trauell on foot. If Strangers bee wearie, and giue a Knife to any of the Barbarians, he presently offereth his helpe to carrie him that is wearie. I my selfe The Barbarians carrie Stran­gers vpon their shoul­ders. when I liued in those Countries, was diuers times carried by those Porters, and that surely two miles iourney together. And if wee admonished them to rest a little, they laughed at vs with these words; What? Thinke you that wee are so effeminate, or of so weake a courage, that wee should faint, and lie downe vnder our burden? I would rather carrie you all the day without any intermission. But we breaking out into laughter, wondered at those two legged Hackneyes, and encouraging Two legged amblers. them, said: let vs therefore proceed on the way.

They exercise naturall charitie abundantly among themselues, for they daily giue one vnto The Barbarians practis [...] chari­tie euen by the direction of nature. another, both Fish, Meale, and Fruits, and also other things: nay, they would be very sorrie, if 30 they saw their neighbours want those things which they haue. They also vse the like liberalitie towards Strangers: whereof, it shall be sufficient, to bring one example. In the tenth Chapter of this Booke, I made mention of a certaine danger, which my selfe, and two other Frenchmen escaped, to wit, that we were in great perill of death, by reason of an huge Lizard which met vs in the way: at that time, wee wandred two dayes through the middle of the Woods out of the way, and indured no meane hunger, and at length came vnto a certaine Village called Pauo, where wee had lodged before. There wee were most liberally entertained by the Barbarians. For, hauing heard the troubles which wee had suffered, and specially the great danger wherein we were, that we were likely to haue beene deuoured by wilde beasts, but chiefly, that wee were in danger to bee slaine by the Margaiates, our common enemies, neere vnto whose borders wee 40 approached vnawares: and, seeing also the hurts and scratches of thornes, wherewith our sk [...]n was miserably rent, they tooke our harmes so grieuously, that I may here truly affirme, that the faigned flatteries wherewith our Countrie people vse to comfort the distressed, are farre from the sincere humanitie of that Nation, which we call Barbarous. For, they washed our feet with A notable ex­ample of the curtesie of the Barbarians. cleare water (which put me in minde of the ancient custome) euery one of vs sitting apart vpon an hanging Bed. Then the Masters of the Families, who had alreadie prouided meates to be prepared for vs, and caused new Meale to be ground, which (as I elsewhere said) is nothing inferiour vnto the crumme of white bread, in goodnesse, presently, after wee had beene a little refreshed, commanded all the best meates, to wit, Venison, Fowle, Fish, and the most exquisite and choicest Fruits, wherewith they continually abound, to bee set before vs. Moreouer, the 50 night approching, the Moussacat our Host, remoueth all the children from vs, that wee might the more quietly rest. The next day after, early in the morning, he commeth vnto vs, and de­mandeth, goe to Atourassap, (that is, dearly beloued Confederates) haue you quietly rested this night? wee answered, very quietly. Then saith he; my sonnes, rest your selues yet a while, for, ye­sterday, I perceiued that you were very wearie. To be briefe, I am not able to expresse with words, how friendly, and curteously wee were entertained. But wee neuer trauelled farre from home without a Sachell full of Merchandises, which might serue vs in stead of money among those Barbarians. Departing therefore thence, we gaue our Hosts, what wee thought good: to wit, Kniues Sizzers, Pinsers, to the men: Combes, Looking-glasses, Bracelets, and glassen Beades; 60 to the women: and Fish-hookes to the children. How much the Barbarians e­steeme kniues, and other merchandises.

I one day turned out of the way to lodge in a certaine Village, and was requested by my Moussacat, to shew him what I had in my Sachell, who commanded a great earthen vessell to bee brought, wherein to put my merchandises: I tooke them all out, and set them in order: [Page 1346] whereat he greatly wondring, calleth the rest of the Barbarians vnto him, and saith. See I pray you, my good friends, what manner of man I haue entertained with me: doth it not manifest­ly appeare that he is very rich, seeing he carrieth so great wealth about him? yet those would scarce haue beene sold at Paris, for two siluer Cardicues. Then, because (as we haue said) they loue liberall men, that I might procure authoritie and fauour among them, I gaue my Monssacat the best of my Kniues before them all, which he esteemed no lesse, then any one with vs would regard a golden chaine, of very great price, bestowed vpon him.

If peraduenture it happen, that any of them fall sicke, when the inward and familiar friend of the sicke person hath declared the grieued part, one sucketh it with his mouth, sometimes al­so that seruice is performed by certaine impostors, which they call Pages, that is, Physicians, or Pages, the Bar­barians Physi­cians. 10 Surgeans. (But they are a kinde of People differing from the Caraibes, whereof I haue spoken before.) And they also say, that they draw out the paine, and prolong the life. They are some­times sicke of Feuers, and other common diseases: but, not so often, as wee vse to bee. More­ouer, they are troubled with a certaine incurable disease, which they call Pians. This, for the most part proceedeth of lust: yet, I haue seene the little children infected therewith, not vn­like the manner of our Countrie Measels. This contagion breaketh out into pustles, broader then a thumbe, which ouer spread the whole bodie, and also the face it selfe. They neuer giue meate How the Bar­barians handle the sicke. to the sicke, vnlesse he desire it, although he be readie to perish through hunger. Moreouer, al­though it be the most grieuous disease, they that are healthie, neuer cease dansing, singing, and drinking after the accustomed manner, to dull and wearie the miserable sicke person with the 20 noise: nor doth he complaine, because he knoweth, that he shall not preuaile at all. But, if hee die, that singing (especially if he be a Master of any familie) is suddenly turned into teares, and so great lamentation is made, that if by chance we turned into a certaine Village, at the time of that mourning, we were of necessitie to goe to some other place, or passe the night without sleepe. First of all, not without admiration, the women are heard, which so crie out and ex­claime, that you would say they were the howling of Wolues or Dogs, and no humane voices. But they powre forth these complaints with a trembling voice. That most valiant man is dead, who sometimes gaue vs so many Captiues to be deuoured. Then the rest say, O notable Hunter, O most excellent Fisher, O valiant Killer of the Portugals, and Margaiates. To be briefe, those wo­men prouoking one another to mourning, and embracing armes together, desist not from these 30 lamentations, and praises, before the dead bodie be brought forth.

Lastly, these Barbarian women imitate the Bearneansian custome in bewayling their dead men, whom, as I haue heard, they follow with these complaints. La mi amon, la mi amon, cara rident, oeil desplendou, camaleuge, bet dansadou: La me balen, lo m'esburbat: mati depes: fort tard congat. that is, My friend, my friend with a merrie countenance, shining eyes, swift legs, notable danser, strong and valiant, thou diddest arise early, and goe late to bed. The Vascone women also, who adde these things to the former, Yere, yere, o le bet renegadou, o le bet iougadou qu'bere: that is, Alas, alas, how stout and deepe a Swearer was hee, how notable a Gamester? Moreouer, to those complaints whereof we spoke, the Barbarian women often adde this bur­den of the Song, He is dead, he is dead, whom we now lament. Then the men answere: Alas, he 40 is dead, and wee shall see him no more, vntill wee danse with him behind the Mountaines, as our Ca­raibes teach. Those howling lamentations are prolonged for sixe houres; for, they vse not to keepe their Dead any longer vnburied. Then digging a Trench, not long as we vse, but circular, like a great Drie-fat, they burie the dead bodie bolt vpright. The dead Masters of Families, they burie in the middest of their houses, wrapped in their Cotton bed, with feathers, and other The Graues, and rites of buriall of the Americans. things, wherein they delighted in their life time, laide in the Graue. Since their commerce with the French they haue forborne to put precious things in the Graues: but they retained a strange and very deuillish Superstition. The first night after the Funerall, the Barbarians, who are thus perswaded, that Aygnan, vnlesse he found other meates prepared, would digge vp the A very deuil­lish errour. dead bodie, and deuoure it, set no small store of vessels, with Meale, Fish, Flesh, and other meats 50 carefully prepared, and also great pots full of their drinke Cao-uin, about the Graue. Which Sacrifice they performe so long, vntill they thinke that the dead bodie bee wholly consumed. From the which errour they were the more hardly remoued, because certaine Neustrian Inter­preters, by example of the Sacrifices of Bell, diuers times before our comming, priuily f [...]ole a­way Dan. 14. those meates. Through which fact they so confirmed the Barbarians in errour, that al­though we shewed them, that those meates set downe in the euening, remained in the morning, yet with great labour and difficultie we disswaded very few from that errour.

As often as the Barbarians transport their Villages vnto another place, after the manner which wee haue declared, they put certaine couerings of the herbe Pindo vpon the Graues of the Dead. Whereby it commeth to passe, that Trauellers may take notice of a certaine forme 60 of a place of buriall. At which places, if at any time wandring in the Woods, they remember the dead men, they make so great lamentation, that they may be heard farre off.

Worse then their howlings here, worse then their former man-eatings, is the tragicall famine which attended Lerius and his fellowes in their returne, besides dangers of shipwracke, resolution of some to [Page 1347] kill their fellowes for food; Thether by Sea in 500. fathome depth seeming like a Marish, the horbes yel­lowish, with Berries like those of Iuniper, the leaues like Rue, with threads like grownd Inie floting on the Saa, but not safely handled; in some places redde filth like concombes swimming, the touching of which caused the hand presently to swell) as also his Brasilian Dictionarie, &c. for brenitie I haue omit­ted. Villagagnons Apostasie from the Religion was the cause of their departure; whose malice pursued them homewards to pronounce them to bee burned for Heresie vpon his accusation at home: as they were faine to line from him in Brasill. Wee will leaue this Religions Frenchman, and acquaint you with a Germane.

CHAP. IIII. 10

The trauels of HVLDERIEE SCHNIRDEL in twentie yeeres space from 1534. to 1554. abbreuiated.

§. I.

His Voyage vp the Riuer of Plate, foundation of Townes, their expedition 20 vp the Riuer of Parana and Parabol; the people of these parts.

ANno 1534. I went from Antwerpe to Cadiz, and there found fourteene ships fur­nished for the Riuer of Plate. There were 2500. Spaniards, 150. high and low Dutch, vnto which I ioyned my selfe. They set forth in September the same yeere, and (hauing had some trouble at Palma, one of the Canaries, about stealing of a Ci­tizens Daughter by G [...]rge Mendoza, a Kinsman of the Commander Don Pedro de Mendoza) arriued at the riuer Ienero. They call these Indians, To [...]pin. Here we abode To [...]pin. 30 fourteene daies, and Petro Mendoza our Generall then gaue commandement to Iohn Osorius his sworne Brother, to take charge of vs in his steed, because hee being weake, and consumed in his members, was much troubled almost with continuall sicknesse and diseases. But when a little af­ter the gouernment receiued, Iohn Osorius had beene falsly accused, and by forgerie, to Mendoza his sworne brother, as though he had gone about seditiously to stirre the company against him, the said Mendoza commanded other foure Captaines (to wit) Iohn Eyoldas Iohn Saleisen, George Luchsam, and Lazarus Saluascho, that hauing stabbed him with a Dagger, they should expose Mendoza [...] crueltie. him as a Traitor in the middle of the Plaine, to the view of all beholders. And straightly com­manded it publikely to be giuen in charge, that no man vpon paine of death disquiet or trouble himselfe in the behalfe of Osorius, for if he did, he should be no more respected, whosoeuer, or of 40 what condition soeuer he were. But hee was altogether iniuried. For hee was an honest man, and a stout and couragious Warriour, and courteous, liberall, and verie beneficiall to his fellow Souldiers.

6. Departing hence with our ships and going to the Riuer of Plate, we came into a pleasant R. Parana V­rassa. Riuer, which they call Parana Urassa. It is farre from the mouth of the Riuer where the Sea leaues it, and is fortie two leagues broad. And from the Riuer Ianero to this Riuer are two hun­dred and fifteene leagues. Heere wee came to a Hauen called Saint Gabriel, and all our fourteene ships anchored in the Riuer Parana. But because we were to abide in the greater shippes on the water, a Musket shot from the Land, our Generall Petro Mendoza gaue commandement to set the people and Souldiers aland in the lesser Skiffes or Boats, which they call Potten, then prepa­red 50 for that purpose. So by the grace and blessing of God, in the yeere of Christ 1535. wee happily arriued at the Riuer of Plate, and there we found a row of houses, or an Indian Village, R. of Plate, Lechuruas. wherein there were about 2000. men, whom they call Zechuruas, who eate no other thing, saue fish and flesh. And goe all naked, but that the women couer their secrets, with a thinne piece of Cotton-cloth, which reacheth from the Nauell to the knees. They therefore at our comming, leauing the Towne, fled away with their wiues and children. Then our Generall Mendoza com­manded the people to be shipped againe, and conueied ouer to the other side of the Riuer Para­na, where the bredth of the Riuer extendeth it selfe no more then eight leagues.

7. In this place wee built a Citie, which for the wholsomenesse of the Aire wee called Bonos Buenos Aeres built. Aeres. We brought with vs also out of Spaine seuentie two Horses and Mares, in our fourteene 60 ships. We found also another Village in this Countrie, which the Indians inhabit, whom they call Carendies, of whom there were about 3000. men, together with their wiues and children. These also as the Zechuruas are couered from the Nauell only vnto the knees, who brought Carendies. vs fish and flesh to eate. These Carendies haue no Proper and setled dwellings, but wander in the [Page 1348] Gountrie hither and thither, almost as our Cingari, and Zigeunori. When they take their iour­ney in the Summer, they often times trauell thirtie leagues and more by Land, and finde not a Gipsies. drop of water to drinke. If they light vpon a Stagge or other wilde beast, when they haue killed it, they drinke the bloud thereof: some times they find a Roote, which they call Cardes, and chewing that, they quench thirst. But that they drinke bloud, this only is the cause, for that they want other drinke, and peraduenture without this, they should die for thirst. These Caren­dies for fourteene daies imparted liberally of their pouertie, and daily brought fish and flesh vnto our Campe, one day only excepted, wherein they came not to vs at all. Therefore our Generall Don Petro Mendoza sent our Corrigidor Ian. Baban and two Souldiers vnto them (for these Ca­rendies abode foure leagues distant from our Campe) but they so intreated them when they came 10 vnto them, that they sent them home all three soundly cut and mangled with stripes. But when our Generall Petro Mendoza vnderstood these things by report of the Iudge: who for this cause raised a tumult in our Campe, he sent his owne naturall Brother Don Diego Mendoza a­gainst them with three hundred Souldiers, and thirtie readie light Horsemen, among the which I also was one, straightly charging him to kill, and take all the said Indian Carendies, and possesse their Towne. But when we came vnto them, there were now some 4000. men gathered toge­ther; for they had sent for all their familiars, and friends to helpe them.

8. When we set vpon them, they so resisted vs, that they put vs to trouble enough that day: The fight or [...]irmish with the Indian Carendies. for they slue our Captaine Don Diego Mendoza, and sixe Gentlemen with him, and of the horse and foote about some twentie. But on their part there fell about 1000. men. Therefore they fought couragiously and stoutly against vs, which wee felt by experience. The weapons 20 of these Carendies are Bowes, and a kinde of Dart like the staffe of a Speare of a middle length, whose point they arme with a flint called a Marchasate, with an edge in forme of the three ed­ged T underbolt. They haue also bowles of stone hanging at a long coard, somewhat like our plummets of Lead. These bowles they so cast about the feet of Horses, or Stagges, that they are constrained to fall. After this manner they slue our Captaine, and the Gentlemen with these bowles, which I my selfe beheld, but they slue the Footmen with their Darts: yet by the grace of God (to whom be praise) we ouercame them in battaile, and possessed their Towne. But we could take none of these Indians; their wiues and children also, before we assailed them by warre had fled into another Village. We found nothing in this Towne of theirs, but Otter skins, plen­tie 30 of flesh and flowre, and the trane of fish. Abiding therefore three daies we remained in that place, and after returned to our Campe, leauing 100. men there, who in the meane time should fish with the Indians Nets, to maintaine our Souldiers more plentifully: for the waters there are maruellous full of fish: for three ounces only of flowre made of fine Wheate were distributed to euerie one for one daies victuall, and euerie three daies one fish. This fishing lasted two moneths, and if any would eate fish otherwise, he must seeke them on foot foure leagues off.

9. When we returned to our Campe, they that were fit for labour among the people, were Of the buil­dings of the Citie of Bonos A [...]res, and of the famine which they in­dured there. separated from them that were fit for warre, that euery one might be put to seruice agreeable vn­to him. The Citie therefore began to be built there, and a wall of earth to be raised about it, to to the heigth of a Speare or Iauelin, and in the Citie a firme and strong house for our Generall. 40 The wall of the Citie was three foot broad. But that which was built to day, the next day fell downe againe. For the people wanting food, liued in great scarcitie, so that many died of fa­mine, nor could the Horses satisfie them. There was not plentie enough of Dormice, or other-Mice, or Serpents, or other wild beasts, to asswage this lamentable famine and vnspeakable po­uertie. Not so much as shooes and other Leather could auoid this rage of deuouring. It fell out Miserable fa­mine. also at that time, that three Spaniards hauing stolne a Horse, did priuily eate him. Which as soone as it was discouered, they were grieuously tormented, and questioned touching the fact, and when they confessed it, they were condemned to the Gallowes. When they were hanged, three other Spaniards consorted themselues together, who the same night going to the Gallowes, cut off the legges of them that were hanged, and cut out pieces of flesh from their bodies, that 50 in their Cottages they might asswage vntollerable hunger by eating thereof. A certaine Spani­ard (through exceeding hunger) eate his owne brother, who died in the Citie of Buenas Aeres.

10. When therefore our Generall Don Petro Mendoza saw, that the people could no longer be How some sai­led vp the Ri­uer of Parana, or the Riuer of Plate. sustained and preserued in this place, he presently commandeth foure small Barkes which they call Brigantines, or small men of warre, and are carried with Oares to bee made readie, whereof euerie one will hold fortie men: there were also three other lesse called Potten. These seuen little Vessels therefore being made readie and dispatched, our Generall commanded the company to be mustered, and George Luchsam with 350. readie and able men, to saile vp the Riuer, and seek out the Indians, that we might get prouision of victuals and food. But the Indians vnderstanding before of our presence, burnt their prouision of victuall, and whatsoeuer was good to eat, together 60 with their Villages, and runne away. But wee in the meane season got no food, and for euerie daies allowance vnto euerie man, one ounce and an halfe of bread was distributed, whereby it came to passe, that in this journie the halfe part of our Souldiers perished through famine. Wee therefore of necessitie returned to the said Towne where our Generall was, who greatly won­dred, [Page 1349] that so small a number of people should returne, seeing we were no more then fiue moneths absent, and he demanded of our Captaine George Luchsam to declare vnto him what hee had done in this journie, who signified, that they who were wanting, died of famine, because the Indians had consumed all the food with fire, and after run away themselues.

11. All these things falling out thus as I haue said, yet we continued together in the Towne How the town of Buenas Aeres was befieged, assaulted, and burnt. Foure Nations of Indians. of Buenas Aeres, a whole moneth in great want, expecting while the furniture of our shippes should be finished. In the meane wh [...]le, in the yeere 1535. the Indians inuade vs and our Citie of Buenas Aeres, with the strength of twentie three thousand men, and in their Armie there were foure distinct Nations (to wit) Cariendes, Bartennis, Lechuruas, and Tiembus. The purpose and principall intension of all these was, to kill vs all. But praise and glorie bee to God, who saued the greatest part of vs safe from destruction. For together with the Captaines, and Ancients, and 10 other Souldiers, there were not aboue thirtie men of ours slaine.

When therefore they first came to our Citie of Buenas Aeres, some of them ranne furiously to assault it, others cast fierie Darts vpon our houses all which (except our Generals house which only was couered with Tile) were only thatched: and by that meanes all our Citie, together with Their fights & weapons. all the houses was consumed with the flames, euen from the foundation. The Weapons or Darts of these Indians are made of Reed, which when they are cast or shot out, take fire in the point. They haue a kind of wood also whereof they make their Darts, which if they bee fired before they be cast, are not quenched, but set houses (couered with Thatch) on fire, and so those that touch or joyne together burne together. 20

In this fight these Indians burnt vs also foure great shippes, which were halfe a league distant Foure ships burned. from vs on the water. But the Souldiers who were in these ships, when they saw that mightie tumult of the Indians, betooke themselues to flight from these foure shippes, into three others, which rode not farre from these, and were furnished with Ordnance. They therefore when they saw the foure ships burne, began to defend themselues, and eagerly to assault the Indians, and let flee the bullets which caused them to leaue the assault and depart, giuing rest vnto the Chri­stians. All this was done on the Feast of Saint Iohn the Euangelist. In the yeere 1535.

12. All these things being past and done, all the people went into the ships, and our Generall They muster their Soul­diers, and build ships to goe further. The most of 2000. died of famine. Don Petro Mendoza made Iohn Eyollus his Deputie, creating him Lieutenant Generall, deliue­ring ouer vnto him the whole gouernment of all, as also of the people. He taking a view of the company, of two thousand fiue hundred men, which came from Spaine together in ships, hee 30 found only fiue hundred and sixtie aliue: all the rest were dead, whom for the most part the in­tollerable famine had consumed.

After this, our Lieutenant Iohn Eyollus, commandeth eight little Barkes, which they call Brigantines and Pott, speedily to be built. And of fiue hundred and sixtie which remained aliue, hee tooke vnto him foure hundred men: leauing the other one hundred, and sixtie to take charge of the foure great ships; ouer whom hee set Iohn Romero the chiefe commander, leauing prouision for a whole yeere, so that foure ounces of bread were distributed to euery man for his daily al­lowance.

13. After this our Lieutenant Iohn Eyollus with his foure hundred Souldiers, which hee had with him, among whom also Petro Mendoza our Generall was, saileth vp the Riuer of Parana, 40 in the Brigantines and Potts, furnished for this purpose, vntill wee came vnto the Indians, which They goe vp the Riuer. was pe [...]formed in the space of two moneths, from our comming forth of the Citie of Buenas A­eres, so that wee were now eightie foure leagues distant from our said burnt Citie. When therefore we were not aboue foure leagues from these people (which they call Tiembus, but wee Tiembus. called them Bona speransa) and they vnderstood of our comming before, about foure hundred men of them came peaceably vnto vs in their Boats, which they call Canoas, in euery one of the which Canoas sixteene person sate. When therefore we met together in the Riuer, our Ge­nerall gaue the Captaine of these Indians of Tiembus, (whom they call Zchara Wassu) a shirt, a red Cap, a Hatchet, and certaine other things. Which presents beeing receiued, the said Zchara Wassu brought vs into their Towne, setting before vs fish and flesh plentifully, and sufficient food, so that we were exceeding well contented. For if this Voyage of ours had continued yet 50 but ten daies longer, we should all haue died with famine, as euen now in this Voyage of foure hundred men, who came together in the ships, fiftie were dead.

These people of Tiembus, weare on either nostrill a blue starre artificially made of a white and blue stone; they are large men, and of a tall stature, but the women aswell young as old, are very deformed with torne faces, and alwaies bloudie: from the Nauell to the knees they are couered with Cotton-cloth, the rest is naked. This people hath no other meate saue fish and flesh, nor euer liued with any other thing. The strength of this Nation is thought to be fif [...]eene thousand men or more. The Skiffes or Boates which they vse are made of a Tree eightie foote long, and Don Petro Me [...] ­doza being a­bout to retur [...] into Spaine dieth in t [...] wa [...]. three broad, which (as the Fishermens Boats of Germanie) are rowed with Oares, saue that their 60 Oares are not bound with Iron.

14. We abode foure whole yeeres in the foresaid Village or Towne, but our Generall or Ad­mirall Petro Mendoza, by reason of his extreame and continuall sicknesse, in that hee was able [Page 1350] neither to stirre hand nor foote, and had spent in this iourney of his owne about fortie thousand Ducates of ready money, would no longer stay with vs in this Towne, but returneth in two Brigantines to Buenos Aeres, to the foure greater Shippes, and there taking two of them, and fiftie Souldiers, he intended to returne into Spaine, but scarce halfe the iourney performed, the hand of almightie God so smote him, that he miserably died. But before his departure he cer­tainly promised vs, that he would doe his best, as soone as he, or the Ships returned into Spaine, that two other Shippes should be sent backe to the Riuer of Plate (which by his will he had so ordained, and was faithfully also performed) furnished with Souldiers, prouision of victuals, Mer­chandise, and other things necessary for such a voyage.

15. The name of the Commander of these two Shippes was Alfonso Gabrero, who also brought 10 with him two hundred Spaniards, and prouision for two yeares. He arriued at the Towne of Bue­nas Alfonso Gabr [...]o is sent away from Spaine to­wards the riuer of Pl [...]te. Aeres, in the yeare 1539. where we left the other two Shippes (when wee departed) toge­ther with one hundred and sixtie men. They presently sent away a Shippe into Spaine, prouided for this purpose (for so the Counsell of the Emperours Maiestie commanded) and deliuered or­derly and at large to the said Counsell the state and condition of these Countries, and people, and other circumstances. After this, our Generall Iohn Eyollas consulting with Alfonso Gabrero, Martino Don Eyollas, and the rest of the Captaines, iudgeth it to be most conuenient to muster the Souldiers; which being done, together with ours, and those who came first from Spaine, fiue hundred and fiftie men were found of these; they choose vnto them foure hundred men, leauing one hundred and fiftie in Tiembus. 20

16. By this order of the Captains, we saile vp the riuer Parana, with these foure hundred men, shipped in eight Brigantines, seeking another Riuer, whereof we were told, called Parabol, at They saile fur­ther vp the Ri­uer of Paran [...] toward C [...]nda R. [...] abol. Carios. Sh [...]ep of Peru. Curenda. the which the Carios dwell, for these were reported to abound with Turkish graine, and roots, of the which they make wine, and also fish, and flesh, and Sheepe as bigge as Mules, and Harts, Hogges, Estridges, Hennes, and Geese. Departing therefore from the Hauen of Bona Speranza, with our eight Brigantines, sailing foure leagues the first day, we came to a Nation called Curen­da, which liue with flesh and fish. This Iland is 12000. strong of men fit for warre, and hath great store of Canoes. This Nation is like the former Tiembus, with little stones hanging dang­ling in their noses. The men also are of a tall stature, but the women, as well yong as old, defor­med, Description of these Sauage [...]. with rugged and bloudy faces: And are no otherwise apparelled then they of Tiembus, to 30 wit, couered with a Cotten cloath from the nauell to the knees, as is before said. These Indians haue great plenty of other skinnes. These men did liberally communicate vnto vs of their po­uerty, or of that little they had, Fish, Flesh, Skinnes, to whom contrariwise wee gaue Glasses, Beades, Looking-glasses, Combes, Kniues, and Fish-hookes, and abode with them two dayes. They gaue vs also two men of Carios, who were their captiues, to be our Guides and In­terpreters.

17. Sailing further hence, we came to another Nation called Gulgaisi, which is able to bring We came to Gulgaisi & Ma­cuerendas. Gulgaisi. 40000. men for warre, into the field. This Nation also hath two stones at their nose; it was thirty leagues distant from the Island Curenda, and they and the inhabitants of Tiembus haue the same language. They dwell vpon a Lake sixe leagues long, and foure broa [...], situate on the left 40 side of the Riuer Parana. We staied here foure daies, and these men imparted to vs of their pouer­tie, and we did the like to them: proceeding further thence, for the whole space of eighteene daies we light on no men, but afterward we came to a Riuer, flowing into the Countrie it selfe. In that Country we found a great number of men come together, which they call Macuerendas. Macuerendas. These haue nothing to eate, saue fish, and a little flesh, and are 18000. strong of warlike men, and haue a great number of Boates. These men after their manner intertained vs courteously enough: they dwell on the other side of the Riuer Parana, towards the right hand, haue a differing tongue from the former, and are tall men, and of a good proportion, but their women also are very de­formed. They are distant from those whom they call Gulgaisi sixtie foure leagues. While we re­mained idell among these people foure daies, we found an huge monstrous Serpent fiue and twen­ty Huge Serpent. 50 foote long, lying on the land not farre from the shoare, which was as bigge as a man, of a blacke colour, spotted with a deepe yellow. This Serpent we killed with a Gunne, which when the In­dians saw, they wondered thereat with great astonishment, for they themselues had neuer seene any so great before.

This Serpent, as the Indians themselues said, had done much hurt vnto them; for when they washed themselues in the water, the Serpents finding men there, wound their tailes about them, and hauing drawne them vnder water, deuoured them, so that the Indians knew not oftentimes what became of many of them. Idiligently measured the length and thicknesse of this Serpent, which the Indians cutting in peeces, euery one carried part home vnto their houses, and being sod and roasted did after eate thereof. 60

18. From hence sailing further vp the Riuer of Parana, in foure daies iourney we came to a We came to Zemais Saluais­co, and Nepe­nes. Zemias Saluais­co. Nation, called Zemais Saluaisco. The men of this Countrie are of a short stature, and of a grosse body. They liue with nothing else saue fish, flesh, and hony. Both men and women goe naked, as they came into the world when they were first borne, so that they couer not their body so much [Page 1351] as with a thred, no not their priuie parts. They make warre with the Macuerendas; the flesh they eate is the flesh of Stagges, Boares, Estridges, Conies, which excepting the taile, are not much vnlike a Dor-mouse or Rere-mouse. They a [...]e sixteene leagues distant from the Macueren­das, which distance we sailed in foure daies, and abode one onely day with them.

Departing hence, we came vnto another Nation called Mepenes, who are 10000. strong. Mep [...] These people dwell scattered here and there, euery where in that Countrie, extendi [...]g it selfe fortie leagues in length and breadth, yet within two daies both by water and land they may all come together. The multitude of the Boates they haue, exceedeth the number of themselues, as we saw when we were with them: and in such a Boate or Canoa about twentie persons are carried. This people receiued vs in hostile and warlike manner with fiue hundred Canoas vp­on 10 the Riuer, but with little profit for themselues, for we slew many of them with our shot, for they had neuer before seene either Gunnes or Christians. But comming to their houses, wee could preuaile nothing against them, seeing they were a whole league distant from the Riuer of Parana, where our Ships lay. The waters also about their Towne were very deepe, which ran out of a Lake, so that we could performe nothing against them, that was of any worth, saue that we burned and destroyed two hundred and fiftie Canoas which we had taken. Nei­ther did we thinke it good also for vs, to depart so farre from our Shippes, seeing it was to be feared least they would affaile vs from the other side: We returned therefore to our Shippes. This people of Mepenes fight onely vpon the water, and is distant from the former Countrie of Zemais Saluaisco, from whence we departed ninetie fiue leagues. 20

19. Sailing vp higher from thence, and in eight daies space arriuing at a certaine Riuer, we light Of the Riuer Parabol, and the people [...] [...]uere­magbas, and Ay­gais. Cueremagbas. Men o [...] tall stature. Their gallantry on a Nation that was very populous, called Cueremagbas, which also liueth onely with fish and flesh. They haue Cherrie trees, of the which they make wine. This people bestowed their best affections vpon vs, and curteously imparted those things vnto vs whereof we stood in neede. The people are of a huge and tall stature, both men and women. The men haue a little hole in their nose, into the which, for ornament, they put a Parrats feather. The women paint their faces with long blew streakes, which all the time of their life are neuer put out. They couer their priuities with Cotten cloath, from the nauell to the knees: from the foresaid people of Mepenes, to these Cueremagbas are fortie leagues: so we staied in this place three daies.

Departing thence, we came to another Nation, called Aygais, which also liueth with fish Aygais. 30 and flesh. The men and women are of a tall stature: the women like the former paint their fa­ces, and couer their priuities after the same manner. When therefore we arriued on their coast, taking armes, in hostile manner they resisted vs, and would haue stopped our passage. We orde­red our battaile both by land and water, and fighting with them slew many of them, fifteene al­so of our men were slaine. These Aygais are stout warriers on the water, but not so by land. Be­ing ready to fight against vs, they had conueighed away their wiues and children to another place before, and had hidden, whatsoeuer prouision of meate or other like things they had, so that we could get nothing from them. Their Village is scituate neere the Riner called Iepidus, hauing the Riuer called Paraboll on the other side, descending from the Montainous Countries of Peru, neere the Citie Fuech Kamin. These Aygais are distant from the foresaid Cueremagbas 40 thirtie fiue leagues.

20. Departing from these people, we came to a Nation called Carios, fiftie leagues distant Of the people Carios. from the Aygais, with whom (by Gods grace) we found (as was told vs) plentie of Mais, Potatoes and Mandiochpobier, hauing the taste of a Chestnut, of which they make wine. They haue also fish, flesh, wilde Bore, Estridges, Indian Sheepe, as big as our Mules, also Conies, Hens, Goates, and such like: sufficient plenty of Honie, whereof, by boiling it, they make a kinde of Coine. This Country also aboundeth with Çotten.

These people of Carios inhabit a large Countrie, extending it selfe three hundred leagues in Carios custome: length, and breadth: they are men of a short stature, and thicke, and more able to indure worke and labour then the rest. The men haue a little hole in their lippes, and yellow Christall therein (which in their language they call Parabol) of two spannes long, and of the thicknesse 50 of a quill or reede. The men and women both in this Countrie, goe all naked, as they were crea­ted of God. Amongst these Indians the Father sels the Daughter, the Husband the wife. Some­times also the Brother doth either sell or change the Sister. They value a Woman at a Shirt, a Knife, a Hatchet, or some other thing of this kinde. These Carios also eate mans flesh, if they can get it. For when they take any in the warres, whether they be men or women, yong or old, they fatten them, no otherwise then wee doe Hogges. But they keepe a woman some yeeres, if she be yong, and of a commendable beautie, but if in the meane time, she apply not her selfe to all their desires, they kill, and eate her, making a solemne banquet, as marriages are wont to be celebrated with vs. But they keepe an old woman, till she dye of her owne accord. These 60 Carios vndertake longer iournies then any of these Nations vpon the Riuer of Plate. They are couragious and fierce in battaile, and their Villages and Townes are situate vpon the Riuer Para­na, on an high and mounting land.

21. The Citie of these people (which the Inhabitants call Lampere) was compassed with a [Page 1352] double bulwarke cunningly made of timber, as with a hedge or inclosure, euery trench being of the bredth and thicknesse of a man, and one bulwarke or trench was twelue paces distant from Of the Citie Lampere, how it was besieged and won by assault. Their fortifi­cations. Stratagem. the other. The trenches being digged a fathome deepe into the earth, were so high aboue the ground, as a man might reach with the length of a Sword. They had also Pits and Caues fif­teene paces distant from the walls cast vp the height of three men, in the middest whereof pikes were stucke, yet not appearing aboue ground, as sharpe pointed as a Pinne. They made these Pits so couered with straw, putting twigs and branches therein, with a little earth strowed be­tweene, that we Christians pursuing them, or being readie to assault their Towne, might fall in­to them. But they cast these pits for them selues, and at length they fell into them: for when our Generall Iohn Eyollas, gathering all his Souldiers together, who were not aboue three hun­dred 10 (for they left sixtie to guard the Brigantines) ordering and ranging the companies, went against their Citie Lampere, they vnderstanding before of our comming, making a stand a Mus­ket shot of with their armie of foure thousand men, furnished with Bowe and Arrowes after their manner, commanded that we should be told, that they would prouide vs victuall, and o­ther necessaries, desiring vs to goe backe and returne vnto our Ships, that so departing as soone as we could, we might peaceably returne to our companions. But it was neither good for our Ge­nerall, nor our selues, that we should consent to their request: for this Nation and Countrie, by reason of the plenty of victuall, was also most fit, and commodious for vs, especially when in foure whole yeares past, we had not seene a morsell of bread, liuing onely with fish and flesh, and The Spaniards in foure yeeres had not seene a morsell of bread. oftentimes also in great penurie. 20

These Carios therefore taking their Bowe and Arrowes, entertained and saluted vs there­with. But as yet, wee had no minde to hurt them, but commanded to signifie vnto them, that they should be quiet, and we would become their friends. But they would not be so contented, for they had not yet tried our Gunnes and Swords. When therefore we came somewhat neerer vnto them, wee discharged our brasse Peeces against them. Which when they heard, and saw that so many men fell downe dead, and when neither Bullets, nor Arrowes appeared, but holes onely were seene in their bodies, they wondred with astonishment, and horribly terrified, tooke their flight in troopes, ouerthrowing one anoth [...]r like Dogs: and while with great celeritie they hasten to shelter themselues in their Towne, more then three hundred men, in that amased feare, fell into the foresaid pits, which them selues had digged. 30

Afterward comming to their Citie, we assaulted it, they couragiously defending themselues, till the third day. But when they could defend themselues no longer, and were much afraid of their wiues and children, which they had with them in the Towne, they earnestly entreated our fauour and mercie, promising, that they would doe any thing for vs, and for our sakes, at our pleasure, so that wee would spare their liues. In this stirre sixteene of our men were slaine. They brought also to our Generall Eyolas, sixe women, among which the eldest was but eigh­teene yeeres old, they presented also sixe Stags, and another wilde beast, entreating vs to stay with them. They gaue two women to the Souldiers, to serue them for Laundresses and other seruices. They also prouided vs victuals, and other necessaries for foode. And so peace was con­cluded betweene them and vs. 40

22. These things being so done, the Corios were compelled to build vs a great House, of A Castle is built in Lam­pere, and is cal­led the Assump­tion. stone, timber, and earth, that the Christians might haue a place of refuge, if hereafter they mo­ued any sedition against them wherein they might be safe, and might defend themselues against iniurie. Wee tooke this Village or Citie of theirs by assault the yeere of Christ 1539. in the feast of the Assumption and gaue it that name. And here wee abode two moneths. These Ca­rios are fiftie leagues distant from the Aygais, and from the Iland of Bonasperanza, which the Tiembus inhabite about three hundred thir [...]ie and foure leagues.

Making therefore a league with these Carios, they promised, that they would aide vs, when we went to the warres, and if we were to vndertake any seruice against the Aygais, they would send eighteene thousand men with vs. When our Generall had thus determined, taking three 50 hundred Spaniards, with these Carios, going downe the Riuer of Parabol, with the streame, wee marched thirtie leagues by land, till we came to the place, where the said Aygais dwelt: we slue them both old and young, in the old place where wee left them, vnawares in their houses, while they yet slept, early in the morning betweene three and foure of the clocke (for the Carios had diligently searched out all) oppressing them euen to the death; for the Carios haue this custome that being conquerers in warre, they kill all without any commiseration or pitie. Aygais de­stroyed.

After this, taking away fiue hundred Canoas or Boats, we burnt all the Villages to the which we came, doing much hurt besides. After one moneth past, some of the people of Aygais came vnto vs, who being absent farre from home, were not present at this fight, and crauing pardon, yeelded themselues into our hands. 60

23. Continuing therefore in this Citie of the Assumption of Marie sixe moneths, we quietly refreshed our selues. In the meane space our Generall Don Eyollas enquired amongst these Carios, of the Nation called Piembos, from whom hee receiued answere, that it was almost an hundred Piemb [...]s. leagues distant from the Citie of Assumption, and that they dwelt vp the Riuer Parabol. Being [Page 1353] further demanded, whether they had plentie of food, and how and with what they liued, what their behauiour and conditions were? They answere againe, that these Paiembos haue no other meate and prouision, but Flesh, and Fish, and also Ceratia, which they call Algorobo, whereof they make Meale, which they eate with their Fish. Moreouer also they make Wine thereof, which may be compared to our sweet Wine, for the pleastntnesse thereof.

The Generall musters the Souldiers, and out of foure hundred men, chooseth three hundred, whom he saw better furnished with Armes and other things then the rest, leauing the other hun­dred with the said Carios, in the Citie of Assumption. Wee therefore sayle vp the Riuer, and al­waies in fiue leagues distance we arriued at some Village situate vpon the Riuer of Parabol, whose Parabol well peopled. Inhabitants came to meete vs withall necessarie prouision. 10

24 Departing thence wee came to a Mountaine called Fernando, like vnto that which they Mount Fer­nando. Weibingo. Paiembos tre­chery. call Bogenberg. There we light on the said Paiembos, twelue leagues distant from Weibingo. These people entertained vs friendly and peaceable, but with a treacherous and deceitfull minde, as you shall vnderstand hereafter. They therefore brought vs into their houses, and gaue vs Fish, Flesh, and Cerat [...], or bread to eate, and so we abode nine whole daies with them. In the meane time our Generall command [...]d to enquire of them, whether the Nation called Carcariso were known vnto them? They answered him, that concerning them, they knew nothing, but what they Carcariso. had heard by report, to wit, that they dwelt farre hence, in a Countrie abounding with Gold and Siluer, but that they had neuer seene any of them. They added also moreouer, that these Ca­r [...]carisos were wise men as we Christians are, and that they abound with Victuals, to wit, Maiz, 20 Mandeoch, Manduis, Pot [...]des, Mandeoch Nach ke k [...]s, Mandeoch Purpy, Mandeoch Ade, Mande­parea, Amte, beasts called Sheepe of Peru; and it seemeth big­ger and stron­ger in these pa [...]ts then t [...]: For the Author rode on one, which in Peru beareth a smal burthen. and other rootes; and with flesh also of Indian Sheepe, called Amte, which are a kinde of beast like Asses, hauing feete like Kine, of a thicke and grosse skinne; and that they had plentie also of Conies, Harts, Geese, and Hens: but that none of the Paiembos had euer seene them, as they remember, but that they had it onely by report of others: but we found afterwards assu­redly how all things went.

Hauing learned this, our Generall required to haue some of the Payembos to goe with vs into that Countrie, whereupon they readily offered themselues, and their chiefe Commander pre­sently appointed three hundred Paiembos to goe with vs, to carry our victuals, and other neces­saries for vs. The Generall commanded to prepare, and of fiue Shippes he caused three to be de­stroyed. 30 To the other two he appointed fiftie men of vs Christians, whom he commanded that in his absence they should stay there foure moneths, expecting his returne, and that if within the time appointed he returned not vnto vs, they should goe backe with these two Boates to the Citie of the Assumption. But if so fell out, that we staied whole sixe moneths with these Paie [...] ­bos, and neuer heard any thing in the meane while of our Generall Iohn Eyollas; and prouision of victuall failed vs, and therefore of necessitie, with Dominicke Eyollas, who in the meane time was left to command vs, we were to returne with our Shippes to the foresaid Citie of the As­sumption.

25. The Generall departing from the said Paiembos, he came to a Nation called Naperus, ioy­ned Naperus. in league and friendship with the Paiembos, who had nothing but flesh and fish. And it is a 40 populous Nation of these Naperus; our Generall tooke certaine vnto him, to shew him the way, for they were to goe through diuers Countries with great labour and in great penurie of all things; for they had tried the violence of many who resisted them in hostile manner, the halfe part of the Christians almost being dead; being brought therefore to a certaine Nation called Peisennos; he could goe no further, but was compelled to goe backe againe with all his peo­ple, Peisennos. except three Spaniards, which by reason of their weake estate of body, he left with the Peisennos.

Our Generall therefore Iohn Eyollas being in reasonable good health himselfe, went backe a­gaine with all his people and Souldiers, and quietly refreshed himselfe with all his fellowes for three daies with these Nap [...]rus, for the people were faint, being ouer tired with the iourney; and munition and weapons failed vs, which the Naperus and Paiembos vnderstanding, conspir [...] 50 among themselues, to kill the Generall Iohn Eyollas, with all his followers, which also they per­formed: for when our Generall marched with his Christians from Naperus, toward the Pai­embos, and had almost now gone halfe the way, these two said Nations, set vpon them vna­wares in a thicket or Forrest (which they chose for their ambush) through which the Chri­stians were to goe. There the Generall, together with his sicke and faint Souldiers, was slaughte­red by them, as of so many mad Dogges, so that not one escaped. 60

§. II.

MARTIN EYOLLAS made Generall. GABREROS comming: SC [...]E [...]VES Voyage. NVNNER his insolence. Di [...]ers people and accidents described.

IN the meane space, while wee fiftie men returning to the Assumption, expect our Ge­nerall, we vnderstand what happened, by report of a certaine Indian slaue of Iohn Eyoll [...] who was now dead, giuen him of the Peisennos, who being skilfull in the Lan­guage 10 escaped the hands of the enemies, he declared all the whole matter. This was further confirmed by two of the Paiembos taken Prisoner, and it seemed good to vs Christians, that we should create Martine Eyollas often named to vs, our chiefe Commander and Generall, vntill we receiued other commandement from the Emperours Maiestie.

Our Generall therefore gaue commandement, that foure Brigantines should be prepared, and taking 150. men of the company, leauing the rest in the City of the Assumption of Mary, hee made shew that he would gather together the 150. men left with the Tiembus (as wee said be­fore) and also these 160. Spaniards who abode with the ships in the Citie of Buenas Aeres, into the said City of the Assumption. With these foure Brigantines therefore hee went downe the Riuers of Paroboll, and Parana with the streame, and came to Tiembus (which first place we cal­led 20 Bona speranza, but the Castle wherein our Garrison Souldiers were, wee named Corpus Christi.

But before we came from the Assumption to Tiembus, a certaine man of the Christians, to wit, Captaine Franco Ruis, a Priest called Iohn Baban, and a certaine Secretarie Iohn Erua [...]dus, as it were subordinate Gouernours of the Christians, tooke treacherous and wicked counsell together, to kill the Captaine of the Indians of Tiembus, and certaine other Indians with him: which wic­ked Wickednesse of some [...]. attempt they performed also in deed, so that, not without great impietie before our Gene­rall Martin Don Eyollas his comming, and ours, they had slaine those Indians, from whom a long time they had receiued no small benefits. Our Generall therefore commanded Ant [...]io Men­doza (whom he left as Commander in the Castle of Corpus Christi, with a Garrison of 120. of 30 our men, giuing him also prouision of victuall) if his life and safetie were deere vnto him, that in any case he should beware of the Indians, and should diligently keep watch and ward, by day and night. And if the Indians making shew of friendship should come vnto them, that they should deale courteously with them, performing all friendly offices vnto them, yet in the meane time they should carefully look vnto themselues, & be very warie in all things, left any damage should be done to themselues, or other Chri [...]tians. These things being thus ordered and disposed, hee prepareth himselfe to continue his intended journey, taking with him [...]hose three persons, who were Authors of the murder. When they were now about to take their journey, one of th [...] Nobles of Tiembus Zuche Lye [...]i by name, although he were a great friend of the Christians, yet by reason of his wife and children, and other Kinsmen of his, and familiars, compelled to consent 40 to their counsels and practises: he admonished our General Eyollas, to cause all the Christians to be conueyed downe the Riuer with him, for now all the Countrey had made readie all their forces, that either they might wholly cut them all off, or driue them all out of the Countrey. To whom our Generall Martin Don Eyollas answered, that hee would shortly returne: and that his people had strength enough to sustaine the assault or force of the Indians, and added moreouer, that hee desired, that Zuche Lyemi with his Wife and children, and all his familiar friends, and all his people would come ouer to the Christians, and ioyne himselfe with them, which also he promised, After this, our Generall is carried downe the Riuer, and leaueth vs at Corpus Christi.

28. Eight daies after or thereabouts, the aforesaid Indian Zuche Lyemi, sendeth one of his brethren Suelupa by name, but deceitfully and treacheously, and requested our Captaine Men­doza 50 to grant him sixe Christians furnished with shot and other weapons, for he would bring ouer all his substance, with his whole Family vnto vs, and from henceforth dwell amongst vs. Our Captaine being perswaded by these promises, giues him not sixe but fiftie Spaniards, exceeding well prouided and furnished with armour and shot, the Tiembus came vnto them, and intertained them with Iudas kisse, bringing flesh and fish, that they might eate: now when the Christians began to fall to their meate, their friends and consorts, and other Tiembus gathered together a­mongst them, with those also who hide themselues, in the field and houses, fall vpon these fiftie men, and so consecate the Banquet with them, that no man escaped aliue, except one Boy only [...]iftie Sp [...]iards slaine by Tiem­ [...] treacherie. called Caldero, who got out of their hands. Afterwards they set vpon vs with 10000. strong and besieged the Village (which we held) continually for fourteene daies, intending wholly this that being brought vnder, they might vtterly destroy vs: but God in mercie defeated their pur­poses, 60 and ouerthrew their enterprizes.

They had made themselues long Speares or Iauelings, of the Swords which they had gotten from the slaine Christians, wherewith they fought against [...] [...]th with the edge and point, [...] ­ting [...]p [...]ards be­sieged. [Page 1355] our Village day and night. Our Captaine Anthony Mendoza armed with a two hand Sword, Captain Men­doza slaine. went out of the Port, neere which some Indians lay in ambush, so that they could not bee seene. Being gone therefore out of the Port, the Indians thrust him through with their Iauelings, so that hee presently fell downe dead vpon the ground. But because the Indians wanted victuals, they could sustaine themselues no longer heere, but were compelled to leaue the siege and bee gone.

After this two Brigantines laden with prouision of victuall and other necessaries arriued at our Port, which our Generall sent vnto vs from the Towne of Buenas Aeres, to maintaine our selues therewith till his comming. As therefore wee were cheered at the comming of them, so they who arriued with the Brigantines, incredibly sorrowed and lamented for the slaughter of the 10 Christians. Wee therefore determined by a common Councell (which thing also seemed to bee best for vs) to stay no longer in this Village of Corpus Christi, abiding with these Tiembus, but that being carried downe the Riuer, gathering all our forces together, we returne to Buenas Ac­res, to our Generall Martin Dominicke Eyollas. Who beeing frighted at our comming, was ve­hemently grieued (for the slaughter of the people, doubtfull how to consult what he should first doe, seeing also victuall and other necessarie things failed vs.

29. While therefore we continued fiue dayes at Buenas Aeres, a Carauell came to vs out of Spaine, and brought vs newes, that a ship was arriued at Saint Katharine, whose Captaine Allun­zo Gabrero, brought with him 200. Souldiers out of Spaine, which when our Captaine certainly knew, he commanded one of the lesser ships, which they call a Galley, to bee made readie, that Gabreros com­ming out of Spaine with 200. Souldiers thither. 20 he might send her as soone as possibly he could to Saint Katharines into Brasill, which was 300. leagues distant from Buenas Aeres: making Gonzallo Mendoza Captaine thereof to gouerne the ship: giuing him charge also, that if arriuing at Saint Katharines, he found the ship there, they should lade one of the ships with Rice, Mandeoch, and other victuals, as seemed good vnto him. Gonzallus Mendoza therefore receiuing this commandement, requested the Generall Mar­tin D. Eyollas to giue him seuen of the Souldiers whom hee might trust, for this Voyage which hee promised. Hee therefore chose mee, and sixe Spaniards to himselfe, with twentie other Souldiers.

Setting saile from Buenas Aeres, in the space of a moneth we arriued at Saint Katharines, and S. Katharines. finding the ship there; which came out of Spaine, together with Captaine Allunzo Gabrero, 30 and all the Souldiers, wee greatly reioyced. Abiding with them two moneths, wee laded our ship with Rice, Mandeoch, and Turkish Corne, as full as it could hold, so that no more could bee put in both the ships to carrie with vs. And the day before All Saints, wee arriued at the Riuer Parana, twentie leagues yet distant from Buenas Aeres. Both the ships met together that night, whose Pilots asked one another, whether wee were now in the Riuer of Parana: when our Pi­lot affirmed we were, the other said the contrarie, that we were yet almost twentie leagues of. For when twentie or more ships saile together, in the Euening at the going downe of the Sunne Custome of Mariners [...] they meete together, and one of the Masters asketh the other, what way he had made that day, and with what wind hee would saile by night, lest they should bee diuided one from the other. The Riuer of Parana Vuassu, at the Bay or mouth thereof is thirtie leagues broad, which breadth Greatnesse of Parana. 40 continueth for fiftie whole leagues together, vnto the Port of Saint Gabriell, where the Riuer Parana is eighteene leagues broad. After this our Pilot asketh the Master of the other ship, whe­ther hee would saile after, to him the other made answere, that night was now at hand, and therefore he would continue still at Sea, till the rising of the Sunne, and that he would not make to the Land in the vnseasonable night. And this Pilot in guiding his ship was more circumspect then ours was, as the euent afterward declared. Therefore our Master held on his intended course, leauing the other.

30. Sayling by night, a mighty storme troubled the Sea, so that about twelue or one of the clocke before Sunne rising, before we had cast our Anchors in the Sea, we descried Land, and our ship was much bruised when wee were yet a league or more from the Land. Wee could finde no 50 other remedie for this mischiefe, then making our Prayers vnto God, to intreate him to be mer­cifull vnto vs. The same houre our ship being split was broken in more then a thousand pieces, and fifteene of our men, and sixe of the Indians perished being drowned in the waters. Some ta­king hold of great pieces of Timber swamme out. I with fiue of my companions escaped by the helpe of a Mast. But of fifteene persons, we found not so much as one carkasse. Afterward we were to trauell fiftie leagues on foot, when we had lost all our clothes, with all the victuals in the ship, so that we were constrained to sustaine our selues, only with Rootes and other Fruites, which we could find heere and there in the fields, while wee came to the Port of Saint Gabriell, where we found the foresaid ship with her Captaine, who arriued there thirtie dayes before vs.

But our Generall Martin D. Eyollas had heard before by intelligence, of this our mishap, and 60 thinking that we were all dead, commanded some Masses to be read for our soules health. When They are wracked. Iustice on the negligent P [...] ­lot. we were brought to Buenas Acres, our Generall commandeth the Captaine of our ship, and the Master thereof to be cited, an [...] stand to their triall, who without doubt had hanged the Pilot, if so great and earnest intreaties had not beene vsed, yet hee was condemned for foure yeeres to the Gally.

[Page 1356] Gathering together all our companies to Buenas Aeres, our Generall commandeth the Bri­gantines to be made ready, and all the Souldiers to bee shipped therein, and commandeth the rest of the shippes to be burned, yet preseruing the Iron Vessels and Instruments. Wee there­fore once more saile vp the Riuer of Parana againe, and arriuing at our foresaid Citie of the Assumption of Marie, staying there two yeeres, we expected further commandement from the Emperours Majesty.

31. In the meane time while these things are thus done, a certaine Captaine Aluarez Nun­nez Cabeça de Uacha commeth out of Spaine, whom Caesars Majestie had created Generall, Aluarez Nun­nez. and with foure hundred men, and thirtie Horses diuided into foure ships, of the which two were greater, and the other two Carauels. 10

The foure ships arriued in Brasill at the Hauen of Wiesaij, or Saint Katharine, to seeke proui­sion Note. Francis­cus Lopez [...]hap. 89. writeth of this Aluarez Nunnez that in the yeere 1541. he was sent from Caesars M [...]iestie, with 400. men, and 46. horses to the Riuer of Plate. And he was 8. whole moneths in this Voyage. And therefore first in the yeere 1542. hee arriued at the Assumption. Ship wracke & trauel by land. 100. men lost. of victuall. And when the Captaine had sent the two Carauels eight leagues from the Ha­uen to seeke victuals, so great a storme tooke them, that they perished, being broken all to pie­ces in the Sea, the men notwithstanding which were in them being saued. When Aluarez the chiefe Commander knew this for a certainty, hee durst not put to Sea any more in the greater greater ships; he therefore commanded vtterly to destroy them, and trauelling by land towards the Riuer of Plate, at length came vnto vs, to the Assumption of foure hundred men bringing three hundred with him, the rest dying either of famine, or of cruell diseases.

From hence the Captaine was eight whole moneths in his journey, and from the Citie of the Assumption, to S. Katherines are reckoned three hundred leagues. This is to be vnderstood of the 20 next and most direct way, for from the Assumption, downe the Riuer to the Sea, there are three hundred thirtie foure leagues, and to Saint Katharine three hundred. Aluarez Nunnez also brought the title of his gouernment out of Spaine, granted vnto him from Caesars Majestie, and therefore required, that our Generall Martin Don Eyollas, should yeeld vp the whole gouern­ment vnto him, which thing also Don Eyollas, and all the company with all their heart were readie to performe, yet vpon this condition, that hee should make good proofe also, that this power and authoritie was granted vnto him from the Emperours Maiestie. But the whole as­sembly could not wrest this from him, only the Priests, & one or two of the Captains affirmed it.

32. The said Aluarez Nunnez therefore taking a view of the Souldiers, found the number of the whole Army to be eight thousand men. Making friendship also with Martin Don Eyollas, 30 each sware to other brotherly fidelity and friendship, so that Eyollas should haue no lesse power to command the people, then he had before. The Gouernour commandeth nine Brigantines to be made ready, that he might saile vp the Riuer as farre as it was possible. But before the ships were made readie, he sendeth three Brigantines with one hundred and fifteene Souldiers before com­manding, that they should go as far as they could, and seeke out the Indians that had Maiz.

Hee ioyned also two Captaines vnto them, Antonio Gaberro, and Diego Tabellinus. These Sauage nation of Surucusis. therefore in the beginning come to a Nation, called Surucusis, hauing Maiz, Mandeoch, and o­ther Roots of that kind, and Mandues also (which are like our Filbirds) and fish and flesh. The men carrie in their lips a blue stone like the bone of a Die.

With this Nation we left our ships, and with them certaine of our companions, to whom we 40 committed the custodie thereof: but hauing gone foure dayes iourney into the Countrey, wee came to a Village pertayning to the Carios, being three hundred strong, inquiring therefore dili­gently Village of Carios. there, of the state of that Countrey, wee receiued honest and peaceable answeres from them. Returning thence vnto our ships, and going downe the Riuer of Parabol, we came to the Nation Achkeres. There we found Letters sent from Aluaro the Gouernour, whereby hee com­manded Achkeres hanged. to hang vp the chiefe Captaine of these Indians, Achkeres by name. Which commande­ment our Captaine obeyed without delay, and we returned home.

33. The whole Countrey of Dabero and Carios, were vp in Armes, ioyning their forces to­gether to inuade the Christians. For the King of Dabero was the brother of that Achkeres, whom the Chrictians hanged, whose death hee would most seuerely auenge vpon the Christians. Our 50 Gouernour armeth himselfe in the meane time against his Enemies, to vndertake some seruice a­gainst them. He therefore determined with the consent of his sworne brother Martin Don Eyollas, that this Eyollas should goe against the said Dabero, and Carios with foure hundred Chri­stians and two thousand Indians, and either driue them out of the whole Countrey, or vtterly roote them out. The said Eyollas faithfully executing this commandement, leadeth his Armie out of the City of the Assumption, and meeting with the enemy, by the commandement of Caesars Maiestie first perswadeth Dabero to peace and quietnesse, but he little regarding this, would ad­mit Indian fottifi­ca [...]ions. no treatie of peace, for he had gathered a mightie Army, fenced his Villages with Bulwarks or Rampires of wood fastened in the ground, and had compassed them about with a triple fence of stakes or piles, hauing also cast vp deepe and mightie pits, whereof we spoke before in the 21. 60 Chapter, all which wee found out before by diligent search. Wee stood still quietly with our Armie till the fourth day, before wee proclaimed war against them, but the fourth day in the morning, three hou [...]es before the rising of the Sunne, making an assault, wee violently rushed [...]. [...]o the City, and whomsoeuer we found there, we slue, yet taking many women, and preseruing [Page 1357] them from slaughter, which afterward turned to our great benefit. In this assault twenty sixe of the Christians were slaine, many of the people being wounded and hurt. And many also of the In­dians on our part perished▪ but of the Caniballs 3000. slaine. Not long after Dabero, came vnto vs Dabero com­meth in. with his people, and craued fauour and pardon. In the next Expedition Dabero sent to Nunnez 2000. Indians to aide vs. From the Carios also he commandeth nine Brigantines to bee furnished, all which being done, 800. Christians he taketh 500. leauing 300. at the Assumption, ouer whom he made Iohn Satensser Captaine. With this Army of 500. Christians, and 2000. Indians, we saile vp the Riuer of Parabol: and the Carios had with them 83. boats, wee Christians had nine Bri­gantines, in euery one of the which there were two horses. But the horses were conueyed ouer Land 100. leagues, and we were carried vpon the Riuer vnto the Mountaine of Saint Ferdinand. 10 At that place taking our horses againe into the ships, from thence afterward we were carried for­ward, vntill we came to our Enemies the Paiembos, but they not looking for our comming, con­ueyed Paiembos. away themselues by flight with their wiues and children, hauing first set their houses on fire. After this we trauelled 100. leagues together, and light not on any people, at length wee came to a Nation, whose people are called Baschurepos, who liue by fish and flesh. It is a populous Bascherepos. Nation, and they inhabit a large Countrey of 100. leagues broad. They haue so great a number of boats, that it is incredible to be written. Their women couer their Secrets. These people re­fusing to talke with vs, fled from vs. Departing from them, wee came to another Nation called Surucusis, 90. leagues distant from the Bascherepos, the people out of this Countrey louingly Surucusis. and friendly entertained vs. Euery Housholder of these Surucusis dwelleth in a peculiar and pro­per 20 house of his owne with his wife and children. The men haue a round piece of wood hang­ing at their eares like a Calecut Die. The women haue Christall of a Skie colour, of a finger thicke hanging at their lips, they are wel-fauoured to behold, and goe altogether naked. These people abound with Turkish Corne, Mandeoch, Manduis, Padades, fish and flesh. And it is a ve­ry populous Countrey.

Our Captaine commanded to inquire of them concerning a Nation called Carchacaris, and also of the Carios. They could tell vs nothing of the Carchacaris; but concerning the Carios Carchararis. they said, that they were with them at their houses. But it was not true, hauing learned this, out Generall commanded to prepare our selues for the journey, for hee determined to goe further into the Countrey. He appointed an hundred and fiftie Souldiers to stay with the ships, 30 to whom he gaue prouision of victuall for two yeeres. Taking the other three hundred and fiftie together with the eighteene horses, and twenty thousand Indians or Carios, who came from the Assumption with vs, he went further into the Countrey, but with little benefit to vs. For our Generall was not a man fit for so great an attempt; besides all the Captaines and Souldiers hated Generall not beloued. him, for his peruerse and rigorous carriage towards the Souldiers. Hauing trauelled therefore eigh­teene dayes journey they neuer set eye neither vpon the Carios, nor any other people, and food al­so failed them, so that our Generall was of necessitie to returne againe vnto the shippes. But yet Hee returneth. our Generall chargeth a certaine Spaniard Franciscus Rieffere, with tenne other Spaniards to goe forward, commanding them that if after ten dayes iourney they found no people, they should returne vnto the ships, where they would stay for them. It happened therefore that they light 40 vpon a populous Nation, which had plentie of Turkish Corne, Mandeoch, and other Roots. But the Spaniards durst not come in their sight, and returning to vs, signified this vnto our Generall, who was very desirous to haue gone into this Countrey againe, but he was hindered by the wa­ters, that he could not proceed.

He therefore commandeth a ship to be furnished againe, wherein he put eighty Souldiers, and Ernandus Rie [...] ­fiere sayleth vp the Riuer to the Guebuecu­sis, and Achke­res. Guebuecusis; [...] Riuer. making Ernandus Rieffiere, Captaine inioyneth him to goe vp the Riuer of Parabol, to discouer the Nation called Scherues, and therein two dayes iourney, and no more to enter into the heart of the Countrey, and after that to make report vnto him of the Countrey, and the Inhabitants thereof. Departing by ship from our Generall, the first day we came to a certaine Nation called Guebuecusis, on the other side of the Countrey, whose people inhabit a certaine Iland, contay­ning thirty leagues in length, which the Riuer Parabol compasseth. They feed vpon Mandeoch, 50 Maiz, Manduis, Padades, Mandepore, Porpe Bachkeku, and other Roots, and also vpon flesh and fish. The men and women are like the former Surucusis in Phisnomy and fauour. Wee sta [...]ed this day with them, When we were to depart the next day, they accompanied vs with ten Canoas or Boats: twice in the day time they fished, and caught Venison, which they gaue vs.

Spending nine dayes in this iourney wee arriued after at the Nation called Achkeres, where a Achkeres. Men of tall stature. They are cal­l [...]d Achker [...]s, which signi­fieth Croco­diles, o [...] the store ( [...] ­meth (of [...]hos [...] creature [...]n those par [...] great multitude of people were gathered together. The men and women, are of a great and tall stature, the like whereof I saw not in all the Countrey of the Riuer of Plate, and these Achke­res are thirty leagues distant from the foresaid Surucusis; they liue by no other thing saue fish and flesh: the women couer their secrets. We staied one day with these Achkeres, and from hence the 60 said Surucusis returned with their ten Boats or Canoas to their Village. Afterward our Captaine Ernandus Rieffere, requested the Achkeres, to shew him what way they might goe to the Scher­ues, whereto they were very readie, and sent eight Canoas or Boats from their Village with vs, and twice euery day they caught fish and flesh, that so we might haue sufficient plenty of food.

[Page 1358] 36. The ninth day after our departure from them, we came to the Scherues, vnto whom from the said Achkeres, are thirtie sixe leagues. This Nation is very populous, yet they are not true Scherues. and naturall, among whom the King himselfe hath an house. But these Scherues maintaine a Priest exp [...]rt in the Mysteries of Religion, and haue a ring of wood hanging at their eares. These men also weare a blue Christall in their lips, of the shape and bignesse of Dice, they are painted with a blue colour from the paps to the priuities, with that excellency that I thinke a Painter is Pri [...]sts and woo [...]den Earings. Cunning pain­ters. not to be found in all Germany which could performe the like so finely and artifici [...]lly. They goe naked, and are beautifull after their manner.

We stayed therefore oneday with these Scherues, and after going fourteene leagues forward in three dayes journey, at length wee came to the place where their King dwelleth, from the 10 which the Inhabitants are called Scherues. His Country containeth only foure leagues in length. Yet hath he a Village situate vpon the Riuer of Parabol. Therefore leauing our ships heere, we committed the custodie thereof to twelue Spaniards, that returning wee might vse them for our defence. Wee also intreated the Scherues dwelling there, that in the meane space they would friendly conuerse with the Christians, and intreate them courteously, which also they did. with necessari [...]s for our journey, passing ouer the Riuer Parabol, wee arriued at that place, Wild pompe of the King. where the seate and house of the King was. Who, when we were almost yet a league from him, commeth forth to meete vs guarded with more then 12000. men in a Champion plaine, yet friendly and peaceably. The path wherein they marched, was eight paces broad, strewed with flowres and grasse on euery side, and made so cleane, that not so much as any little stone, stick, 20 or straw appeared. The King had also with him his Musicians, whose Instruments were like our crooked Trumpets, which wee call Schalmes. Hee gaue commandement also, that they should hunt Stags and other wilde beast on both sides of the way which hee went, so that they tooke about thirtie S [...]ags and twentie Estridges or Iandu, which spectacle was very pleasant to be­hold. Stags and Estridges. When we were entred into the Village, he alwaies appointed one lodging for two Chri­stians. But our Captaine together with his Seruants or followers was brought into the Kings Palace.

He is wont to haue Musicke at the Table, and at his meate, whensoeuer he pleaseth. For then they play vpon the Flutes or Pipes, men leading the dances and skipping with most beautifull Musicke. women, which dances and skippings seemed so strange vnto vs, that looking vpon them, wee 30 had almost forgot our selues. In the rest the Scherues are like those p [...]ople of whom wee spoke before. The women make them gownes or vpper garments of thinne Cotton, almost like our clothes which are some part silke, which we call Arras or Burschet. They weaue in these diuers Weauers. shapes of Stags, Estridges and Indian sheepe, according as euery of them is more skilfull in the art of weauing.

In these garments they sleepe, if the Aire happen to be somewhat cold, or putting them vnder them they sit vpon them, or vse them at their pleasure for other seruices. These women are very faire and venerous.

When we had stayed there foure dayes, this pettie King demanded of our Captaine what our pu [...]pose was, and whether we would goe? to whom he made this answere, that he sought Gold 40 and Siluer. Therefore he gaue him a Crowne of Siluer weighing a pound and an halfe. He gaue him also a plate of Gold of a spanne and an halfe long, and halfe a spanbroad, and certaine other things made cunningly wrought of Siluer, and told our Captaine that he had no more Siluer nor Gold and Sil­uer. Gold: And that these thing [...] wherewith he presented him, were the spoiles which in time past he had gotten in war against the Amazones.

That he made mention of the Amazones and of their riches, was very pleasing to vs to heare. Our Captaine therefore presently demandeth of the King, whether we might come to them by Sea, or by the Riuer, and how much further we had to goe, when wee were to take our journey towards them; whereunto he answered, that we could not goe to them by water but by land, and that in two whole moneths journey. 50

37. These women the Amazones, haue only one of their pappes, their Husbands come vnto The Amazones described. them three or foure times in the yeere. And if the woman beeing with child by her Husband, bring forth a Male child, she sendeth him home again to his Father, but if it be a Female, she kee­peth it with her: and seareth the right pap of it, that it may grow no more, which she doth for this purpose, that they may be more fit to handle their Weapons and Bowes. For they are war­like women, making continuall war with their Enemies. These women inhabit an Iland that is very large, on euery side compassed with water, to whom there is no accesse but by Canoas or Boats. The Amazones haue neither Gold not Siluer in this Iland, but they are reported to haue great Treasures in the firme land, which the men inhabit. It is a very populous Nation, and is Iland of Ama­zones. said to haue a King called Iegues, and the King of Scherues told vs the name of the place. There­fore 60 the Captaine Ernandus Ri [...]ffiere desired the King of Scherues, to ioyne certaine of his men with vs, to carry our bagge and baggage for vs, and then we would enter the heart of the Coun­try to seeke those Amazones. He willingly assenteth thereunto, yet in the meane time admo­nishing vs, that the whole Countrie was now ouerflowed with waters, and therefore we should [Page 1359] haue a very difficult and vneasiy Iourney vnto them, and that wee could not easily at this time come vnto them. But we would not giue credite to his words, but were instant to haue the In­dians ioyned with vs. He therefore gaue twentie men to our Captaine, for his owne person, to carrie his prouision and necessaries: and to euery one of vs, he gaue fiue Indians to serue vs, and carrie that little which we had. For wee were to goe eight dayes Iourney, wherein wee should not see any Indian.

But afterward we came to a certaine Nation called Siberis, who in their language and other Siberis. things were like the Scherues. Wee were to goe for these eight whole dayes, day and night in the water vp to the knees, and sometimes reaching as high as the waste: nor could we by any Wading Iou [...] ­ney. meanes get out of them. And if we would make fire, we were of necessitie to put it vpon a pile or stacke made of great blockes or pieces of wood: and it fell out often, that when wee were Bellie-shifts, 10 about to boile our meate, both the pot and the fire fell into the water, so that after that, wee were faine to be without our meate. And Gnats also troubled and vexed vs day and night, so Gnats. that we could not doe our necessarie worke or businesse.

Wee therefore demanded of those Siberis, whether wee should yet haue any more waters? who answered, that wee were yet foure dayes to walke in the waters; and afterward were to trauell fiue dayes by Land, and at length wee should come to a Nation called Orethuis [...]n. They signified also vnto vs, that wee were too few in number, and therefore that wee should returne. But the Scherues would not doe this: for wee thought rather to send them backe vnto their Towne, who had hitherto accompanied vs, but they refused to doe it, saying, they were enioy­ned by their King not to leaue vs, but should continue with vs, vntill wee came out of the 20 Countrie againe. These Siberis ioyned ten men with vs, who together with the Scher­ues should shew vs the way to the fore-said Orethuisen. Wee were yet seuen dayes more to Trauels in ho [...] waters. trauell in the waters which were so hot, as if they had beene heat vpon the fire, which wa­ter also, hauing no other, wee were compelled to drinke. But some might peraduen­ture thinke, that it was Riuer water, but at that time, showres of raine were so com­mon and vsuall, that they filled the whole Countrie with water, which is altogether very plaine and euen.

The ninth day we came vnto a certaine Village of the Nation Orethuisen, betweene ten and Orethuisen. eleuen of the clocke. And at twelue of the clocke, being come into the middest of the Towne, we came vnto the Princes house. At that time a cruell and mightie Plague was very hot, 30 whereof Famine was the cause: for, two yeeres together, the Gras-hoppers had so eaten and Locusts. corrupted all manner of Corne, and the fruits of trees, that almost nothing was left them, which they might eate.

But our Captaine asked the Petie-King of this Nation, how many dayes Iourney we yet had to the Amazones? from whence he receiueth answere; That wee must yet trauell one whole The Amazons are still further off: I doubt beyond the re­gion of T [...]uth; [...] the title be properly meane of such as ar [...] here de­scribed. For wa [...]ke wiues liuing in socie­tie with men, are many. Gold and sil­uer. moneth, besides that all the Countrie was full of water.

The King of these Orethuisen, gaue our Captaine foure Plates of gold, and foure siluer Rings, which they put about their armes: but the Indians weare the Plates of gold on their foreheads for ornament, as our Nobles doe their Chaines, or C [...]llars of Esses hanged about their neckes. For these things our Captaine gaue the King of the Indians an Hatchet, Kniues, and Beades, or 40 Pater-nosters, Barbers Scizzars, and such l [...]ke. Wee would willingly ha [...]e craued more of them, but wee durst not attempt it, because wee were but few in number, so that wee were forced to stand in feare of them. For the multitude of these Indians was very great, and the Towne huge, in so much as I haue not seene any greater or more populous throughout all India. For the Towne was very long, and broad.

38 Going backe therefore, we returned to the foresaid Siberis, and we Christians were ill fur­nished with prouision of victuall, and other things, nor had we any meate, but the fruits of trees, which they call Patmides, and Cardes, and other wilde roots growing vnder ground. And when we should returne vnto the Scherues, the halfe part of our people was deadly sicke, and that by reason of the water, through which wee were to wade for thirtie dayes together, so that wee Thirtie dayes wading. 50 could neuer turne afide, or get out of the same; and also by reason of the great scarsitie and fa­mine, which we must indure in this Iourney: which calamitie was not a little encreased, in that we were compelled to drinke that filthie and impure water. Abiding therefore foure dayes with Profitable tricke. these Scherues, with whom the King him selfe dwelleth, we were very louingly and bountifully entertained, and prouided for. For the King gaue commandement to his Subiects, to giue vs all things necessarie. Euery man also had gotten for himselfe almost two hundred Du [...]ats onely by Cotton Gowns and Siluer, which we had gotten of them by secret exchange of Kniues, Beades, Scizzers, and Glasses.

After all this, being carried downe the Riuer, wee returned to our Generall. But when wee 60 came to the ships, the Generall commanded vpon paine of death, that no man should goe out of the ship, and he also in proper person comming to our Captaine, laying hold of him, comman­ded him to be cast in Prison, and by violence tooke away from vs Souldiers, whatsoeuer we had gathered in this Iourney. And not contented with this, would haue hanged our Captaine vpon [Page 1360] a tree. When we abiding yet in the Brigandines vnderstood this, taking counsell with certaine of our friends, which were ashoare, we raised a tumult and a sedition against our said Generall, and in his presence face to face we said vnto him, that forthwith he should set Captaine Ernan­dus Rieffere free before vs, and restore all vnto vs, which he had violently taken from vs, other­wise we would prouide according to the state and the time.

When Aluarus saw this our tumult and indignation, with a willing minde, he presently freed the Captaine from captiuitie, and restored also vnto vs whatsoeuer he had taken from vs, endea­uouring with faire speaches, that we might be pacified.

39. In this Countrie Surucusis I found no Indian, who had attained to fortie or fiftie yeeres, Vnhealthfull Countrie. and in all the time of my life I neuer found a Countrie lesse healthfull. It is situate vnder the 10 Tropike of Capricorne.

Our Generall falling sicke, in this his sicknesse commanded an hundred and fiftie Christians Wicked pre­cept. to arme themselues, and taking two thousand Carios with them, to make foure Brigandines al­so readie. These he enioyned, to goe about some foure leagues to the Iland of Surucusis by ship, and after kill and take all this people, and should principally destroy those persons, who were fortie or fiftie yeeres old. But how the said Surucusis entertained vs before, is alreadie declared. But what reward we gaue them againe, and how welcome we were vnto them, you shall short­ly vnderstand. And God knoweth we did them great iniurie. When therefore wee arriued at their Towne vnawares, they came out of their houses with their Armes, Bowes and Arrowes, yet peaceably to meet vs, but forthwith a tumult arising betweene the Carios and the Surucusis, 20 we Christians discharged our brasse Peeces against them, killing very many: and hauing taken also two thousand of their men, women, boyes and girles, wee tooke away all their houshold­stuffe, and whatsoeuer might bee taken from them, as in such violent assaults is vsually done. Then we returned to our G [...]nerall, who was well pleased with that we had done. But because our So [...]ldiers were for the most part feeble and sicke, and most of them also were ill affected to our Generall, and hated him, we could doe no more with them, but being altogether conueyed downe the Riuer Parabol, we returned to our Citie the Assumption; where wee left the rest of the Christians. There our Generall fell sicke againe of a Feauer, and kept within doores four­teene wh [...]le dayes together, more of wicked dissimulation and pride, then hindered by rea­son of sicknesse. 30

40. All the companie hereupon, as well Noble as Ignoble, determined and decreed with one consent and purpose, that they would send this their Commander prisoner vnto Caesars Maiestie, the Treasurer or Iudge, the Clarke, or Master of the Toll or Custome, and the Secretarie, ordai­ned by Caesars Maiestie (whose names were Almunzus Gabrerus, Francus Mendoza, and Grat [...]s Hamieg [...]s) taking to them two hundred Souldiers, tooke our Generall, who feared nothing lesse then this, and this was done vpon Saint Markes Day, in the moneth of Aprill. And they kept him prisoner an whole yeere, till they might send him with two other Officers into Spaine in a Carauell, Martin Don Eyollas was chosen Generall, who also gouerned this Countrie before, especially seeing the Souldiers also loued him: which election the better part allowed. At this time, I lay grieuously sicke of the Dropsie, which disease I had gotten in our Iourney to the Ore­thuisen, The Authours sicknesse. 40 when we waded so long in the waters, and besides suffered want, and almost intolerable hunger: By occasion of that Iourney, eightie of our men beganne to bee sicke, whereof onely thirtie recouered health.

41. Aluarus Nunnez therefore being sent away into Spaine, the Christians began to disagree among themselues in hostile manner. These fightings and contentions continued with vs a whole yeere almost, the sending away of Aluarus giuing occasion to this mischiefe. When the Carios and Aygais, (who hitherto were our friends) perceiued this, to wit, that we Christians, bare such treacherous hearts one to another, and vsed and exercised such fighting and skirmishing a­mongst our selues, it fell out very acceptably to them all, and by taking Armes against vs, for­ced vs to peace amongst our selues. 50

42. Departing from the Assumption, together with our Generall, and three hundred and fif­tie Christians, to whom one thousand Indians ioyned themselues, which our Generall so diuided, that three Indians alwaies should serue vnder one Christian; we went so farre forward, that we were onely three leagues distant from that place where our Enemies the Carios encamped, who being fifteene thousand men strong, had now ranged their battell. But although we were now but halfe a league from them, yet we would not set vpon them that day, because we were wea­rie by reason of the Iourney, and many and great showres of raine troubled vs: therefore wee hid our selues in a Wood, where we lay close the night before.

Going forth the next morning at sixe of the clocke, and comming into their sight about se­uen, we ioyned battell, prolonging the fight till ten of the clocke. But at length they being put Fight with the Carios. 60 to flight, made haste to a certaine Towne called Fraemidiere, foure leagues distant, which they had fortified with strong Bulwarkes. The Chiefe Commander of the Carios was called Mach­karias, and in this conflict, there fell two thousand men of the Enemies, whose heads the Iepe­rus tooke with them. Of ours, besides those that were wounded and hurt, whom we sent backe [Page 1361] to the Assumption, ten Christians were slaine. But wee pursued the Enemie with all our Armie, euen to their Towne Fraemidiere, whether the Commander of the Carios conueyed himselfe by Fraemidiere. flight. They haue compassed this Towne with a triple rowe of Trenches, as with a wall. The Trenches were as thicke as a man in the middle, which being digged a mans depth into the ground, rose three fathom high aboue ground. They had also cast vp pits, or deepe holes, where­of also we haue spoken before, in euery one whereof they had pitched fiue or sixe stakes, sharpe pointed like Pinnes or Needles. This Towne therefore by fortification, and Garrisons of valiant Siege and con­quest. and couragious men, was exceedingly well fenced, so that three dayes we besieged them in vain, yet at length, by Gods helpe, we conquered it. Wee made also great and round Targets of In­dian Sheepes skinnes, which they call Amaten, or Amidas. This beast is of a reasonable bignesse, 10 like an ordinarie Mule, of a grey colour, with clouen feete like a Kow, in the rest like an Asse, yeelding pleasant meate. There is great store of these beasts in this Countrie, they haue a skin halfe a finger thicke. Wee therefore gaue these round Targets to the Indians Ieperus, giuing some of them also an Hatchet: and betweene two Indians we placed an Harquebusse shot. De­stroying their triple inclosure, we entred the Towne of Fraemidiere; we neither spared men nor women, boyes nor girles. But the greatest part of them hauing escaped by flight, betooke them­selues to a certaine other Towne of theirs called Carieba, twentie leagues distant from Fraemidi­ere, Carieba. which Towne also they fortified as strongly as they could. The Carios also in great numbers came together againe, incamping themselues neere an huge Wood, that if peraduenture this Towne also should be wonne by the Christians, they might vse the helpe of the Wood for their 20 defense.

Wee came to the said Towne, and pitching our Tents, besieged it round in three places. We had also hid some of our men in a Wood, to keepe diligent watch there. Supplies also of two hundred Christians, and fiue hundred of the Ieperus, and the Bathici came to aide vs, from the City of Assumption. For many of our men, both Christians, and Indians, were much wounded. So that we were of necessitie compelled to send for a fresh supplie of Souldiers for our aide. Now there­fore all our forces were foure hundred and fiftie Christians, and the Ieperus and the Bathacis were thirteene hundred in number.

But our Enemies the Carieba, had much more strongly fortified this Towne with Trenches, and Motes, then euer they had done any before. They had also made and framed certaine En­gines, Fortification▪ and Engines, 30 and instruments like Traps, wherewith Mise are taken, which if according to their purpose and meaning, they had fallen, euery one of them at one fall had slaine twentie or thirtie men. They had disposed many of these Engines here and there about this Towne.

Wee abode therefore neere this Towne foure whole dayes, and could effect nothing of any worth, vntill Treason (which getteth the masterie euery where throughout the world) came betweene them and home. For a certaine Indian of the Carios our Enemies, who was their Captaine, to whom this towne properly belonged, came by night vnto our Generall, earnestly intreating, that we would not waste and destroy this his Towne by fire, which if wee would promise him, he would ioyne men with vs; and would shew vs the way and meanes how to take it. Which when our Generall had promised, adding also this caution, that he should re­ceiue 40 no hurt nor damage, he shewed vs in the Wood two wayes to come to the Towne, and said, that he would raise a flaming fire therein, during which we should violently breake into it.

When these things proceeded iust according to the purpose and agreement made betweene vs, by this meanes entring we got the Towne, and great slaughter of the people was made by vs Christians: And they that thought they had escaped by fleeing, fell into the hands of the Ie­perus, by whom the greatest part of them were slaine. But they had not their wiues, and chil­dren then with them, but had hid them in a great Wood foure leagues distant from thence. The people which escaped out of this conflict, fled to a certaine other Petie-King of the Indians, cal­led Dabero: and the Village which entertained them, was called Iuberic Sabaie, and was fortie leagues distant from Carieba. But wee could not pursue them thither, for this reason, because 50 what way soeuer they passed, they had wasted all farre and neere, with fire, and spoyling, and had taken away all the store of prouision and victuall. Abiding foure dayes in the Towne Carie­ba, we cured the wounded, and also refreshed our selues.

43. After this we returne to our Citie, the Assumption, that after we might sayle vp the Ri­uer, and seeke out the Towne of Iuberic Sabaie, where the King Dabero had an house, with nine Brigandines, and two hundred Canoas or Boats, wherein fifteene hundred Indians of Ieperus were carried, we went vp the Riuer Parabol, to seeke our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie. Iuberic Sabaie. 46. leagues from Assump­tion.

In this Voyage also that captaine of the Carios, who betrayed the Towne Carieba to vs, ioy­ned himselfe with vs, bringing with him one thousand Carios, to aide vs against Dabero.

We goe forward therefore with all our forces gathered together on the Land and Riuer, and 60 come so neere vnto our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie, that we are but two leagues distant from them. When we had arriued there, our Generall Eyollas, sent two Indians of the Carios to the Enemie into their Towne, who should perswade them in the Christians behalfe, that returning into their Countrie, with their wiues and children, and all their houshold-stuffe, they should serue the [Page 1362] Christians with due subiection, as they did before, which if they refused to doe, they would driue them all out of the Countrie. To this Dabero the King of the Cartos, for answer, comman­deth to tell our Generall, That he neither acknowledged him, nor the Christians, but if they came, they would kill them by casting bones at them. They also send away the two Indian messengers well bumbasted with cudgels, with this straight charge, that they should speedily withdraw themselues from the Campe, otherwise it should come to passe, that they should be slaine.

We came to a Riuer, called Stuesia in the Indian language, almost as broad as Danubuis, halfe the height of a man deepe in some places also deeper. This Riuer doth sometimes so increase by R. Stuefi [...]. inundation, that it doth much hurt to the Countrie, and by reason of such inundation or ouer­flowing, they cannot trauaile by land. We were to passe ouer this Riuer, and because the ene­mie 10 had pitched their tents on the other side of the Riuer, they did vs much hurt in the passing ouer. When they saw that we had now passed ouer the Riuer, speedily taking their flight, con­uaied themselues into their towne, halfe a league distant from the Riuer; we so pursued them, that we came to their towne of Iuberic Sabaie, at the verie same moment that they themselues entred, which also presently we so besieged round, that none of them might either goe out or in: we also forthwith armed our selues with targets made of the skinnes of the Amydas, as aforesaid. We wan their towne.

Our Generall commanded, before we should inuade them by force of armes, that we should neither kill the women, nor their children, but onely leade them away captiues; whose com­mandement also we obayed, but all the men that we could light vpon, must dye, yet many es­caping 20 by flight, preserued themselues, and our confederates the Ieperus got one thousand of the enemies heads. All these things thus performed, those Carios, who escaped by flight, came, to­gether with their King, and crauing pardon of our Generall, intreated that their wines and chil­dren might be restored vnto them, and then they would performe all obedience of subiection vn­to vs, as before, and serue vs faithfully. Our Generall therefore receiued them to fauour, who afterward also continued constantly in our friendship and amitie, so long surely as I abode in those Countries. And this warre continued a yeare and an halfe, and fell out in the yeare 1546.

§. III. 30

A long and troublesome March from Assumption into Peru. The Authors returne.

REturning therefore with our Shippes to our Citie the Assumption, wee staied there two whole yeares. But when in the meane time, neither the Ships came out of Spaine, nor 44. any thing was signified by messengers, our Generall going forth with three hundred and fiftie Spaniards, and two thousand Carios, in the yeare 1548. saileth vp the Riuer Parabol, with 40 seuen Brigantines, and two hundred Canoas, or Boates. But those of the people, whom the Shippes could not hold, trauaile by land with one hundred and thirty horses. Hee made Don. Franck Mendoza Captaine; giuing also prouision for two yeares.

These things therefore being thus setled. The Generall hauing sent backe fiftie to Assumpti­on with three hundred Christian Souldiers, one hundred and thirty Horses, and two thousand Carios, hauing gone forward eight dayes iourney, found no Nation; but the ninth day wee light vpon a Nation called Naperus, the people thereof liue onely by fish and flesh. They are of a strong Naperus. and tall stature. Their women, which are not beautifull, couer their secrets. This Country is sixe and thirtie leagues distant from the Mountaine Saint Ferdinand: here we lay all night. The day following, continuing on our iourney, we came the fourth day after, to another Nation cal­led Mapais. 50 Mapais, which is very populous; the Subiects are compelled to serue their Noblemen, with fishing, and labours, and other worke, no otherwise then our Boores with vs, doe their Nobles. But this Nation aboundeth with Mais, Mandeoch, Ade, Mande pore, Mandeoch porpie, Padades, Mandues, Bachkeku, and other rootes, and things to eate. It hath also Stagges, Indian Sheepe. Estridges Ducks, Geese, and many other kindes of Foule. Their Woods abound in great plen­tie with Hony, of the which also they make Wine, and put it to other necessary vses.

The Sheepe (which they call Amidas) are of two kindes, some of them domesticall and some Two kindes of Amidas, one a­ble to beare men. Acosta mentions those of Peru to bear fiftie pounds or little more. wilde, which they vse for carriages, and to ride vpon, and for other seruices, almost as we doe our Horses, as I also rid, being carried on such a Sheepe in this very iourney, more then forty leagues, when my legge was lame. They vse the same Beasts also in Peru for carriage of Merchandile, as 60 our people doe packe Horses.

These Mapais are men of a tall stature, and warlike, conuerting all their labour and study to warlike affaires. Their women are faire, and couer their secrets. They doe no worke and labour in the fields, but the whole care of maintaining the Family, lyeth vpon the man; neither doe [Page 1363] they any thing else at home, saue spinne, and weaue Cotten, or dresse meate for their husbands.

We were not aboue halfe a league from this Nation when they comming forth of the towne, they met vs neere a certaine little Village, where they perswaded vs quietly to refresh our selues that night, for they would giue vs whatsoeuer we had neede of, but this they did deceitfully and treacherously: that also we might be more secure, they gaue our Generall foure siluer Crownes, such as are vsually worne vpon the head, and foure Plates of siluer, whereof euery one of them was a spanne and an halfe long, and halfe a spanne broad. These Plates they binde to their fore­heads for ornament, as we haue said before. They presented our Captaine also with three yong women. 10

When we had turned into this Village, supper being ended, and the watch set, that the peo­ple might be safe from the treacherie of the enemie, wee gaue our selues to rest. About midnight our Generall had lost his yong wenches.

45. After this, two thousand of the foresaid Mapais came vnto vs, that ouercharging vs vnawares they might vtterly ouerthrow and kill vs, but they got no great matter at our hands, and in this conflict and bickering more then one thousand men were slaine. They betake them­selues to flight, whom we pursued with great haste, euen to their Towne, but found no man there, no not so much as their wiues and children: our Generall therefore dispatching one hun­dred and fiftie harquebusse shot, and two thousand fiue hundred Indian Caries, pursueth these Mapais three dayes, and two nights with great speede, so that we did but dine, and rested by night refreshing our selues foure or fiue houres with sleepe. 20

The third day we suddenly came vpon them gathered together in a certaine wood with their wiues and children, but they were not those we sought, but were their friends; who were no­thing afraid of vs, nor did they suppose that we would euer haue come vnto them. Notwith­standing the innocent were forced to pay for the fault of the guilty; for when we light vpon them, we slew many of them, and tooke of the men, women, and children, about three thou­sand persons, and if it had bin day, as it was night, none of them had scaped our hands; for an huge number of this people had gathered themselues together in a certaine Mountaine inclosed round with woods. I had gotten for my part of the spoile about nineteene men and women, not very old, together with certaine other things.

These things performed, returning to our Campe, we quietly reposed our selues for eight 30 daies; for we found there, sufficient plenty of victuall, and other necessary things; from this Na­tion Mapais, vnto Saint Ferdinandes Mount, where our Shippes rode, were fiftie leagues, and from the Nation Naperus thirtie six.

Marching on againe from thence, we came to a Nation called Zemie, subiect to the foresaid Zemie, Mapais. They liue almost as the Boores doe with vs, vnder the power of their Lords. In this iourney we light vpon fields tilled, and set with Mais, and other rootes, and these fruites and Fields of Mais▪ &c. meates, are all the yeare long found in the fields; for before one reape and gather the one into the barne, another is ready for the haruest. And this also being reaped and gathered, it is time to so we another. Turning aside thence, we came into another Towne, whose inhabitants when they saw vs at hand, fled all away. This towne is foure leagues distant from the foresaid Ma­pais. 40 Departing hence, and trauailing six leagues in two dayes iourney, we light on another Na­tion called Tobanna, but we found no men here, but great plenty of foode. The men of this Coun­trie Toban [...], also are subiect to the Mapais.

Going from hence we met with no Nation in our iourney in foure dayes space. But the se­uenth day we came to a Nation called Peionas, foureteene leagues distant from the former To­banna. Peionas In this Countrie a great number of people came together; and their Captaine came forth to meete vs, guarded with a great multitude of men, yet peaceably, and earnestly besought our Generall not to enter into their Towne, but that we should stay without, in the place where he came to meete vs; and our Generall would not consent, but directly marched forward, will he, nill he, entred into the Towne.

We staied with these Peionas three dayes, and our Generall demanded many things of them 50 concerning the nature and condition of this Countrey. When we were to depart, these Peionas gaue vs an Interpreter and a guide, that we might finde water to drinke, for there is great scar­city of water in this Country, hauing trauailed foure leagues, we came to a Nation called Maye­gory, Mayegory, and staying one onely day there, taking an Interpreter againe, and a guide, we marched forward. And these people were gentle and curteous.

Departing also from these people, when we had marched eight leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people, which were many in number, were called Marronos. They also gently and cur­teously Marronos, entertained vs: we abode here two dayes, and receiuing a relation of the nature, and condition of the place, taking also a guide with vs, we went further forward. Departing foure 60 leagues from these, we came to another Nation, yet not so populous, called Paronios. This Coun­trie Paronios. aboundeth not with victuall and foode, yet notwithstanding it is 3000. strong of men able for warre. In this Countrie we rested one day onely.

[Page 1364] Hauing trauailed twelue leagues from this place, we came to a Nation, whose people are cal­led Symamios, where a great multitude of men came together. Their towne is situate vpon an Symanos. Wall of bushes Barconos. high hill, and compassed round about with Bryar bushes, as with a wall.

46. We trauailed sixteene leagues further in foure daies iourney, and at length were brought vnto a certaine Nation, called Barconos: the men thereof, seeing our comming chanced to them beyond their expectation and opinion, presently betooke themselues to flight, as soone as wee came neere their towne; yet they could not escape out of our power. But when we onely craued foode of them, being very ready, they willingly gaue vs Hens, Geese, Sheepe, Estridges, Stags, and other foode abundance.

Departing thence, the third day after we came to a Nation, whose people were called Ley­hannos. 10 They dwell twelue leagues remoued from the former. These people had but little foode, Leyhannos. Grashoppers. for the Grashoppers had corrupted almost all their fruites. Therefore resting one onely night with them, after hauing trauailed sixteene leagues in foure dayes iourney, we came to another Nation called Carchconos. The Grashoppers also had done them great displeasure, but had not so Carchconos. much hurt them as they had done the former: abiding with them one day, we vnderstood ths of the condition and quality of the Countrie, that we should finde no water in foure and twen­ty or thirty leagues space: we approached to these Suboris in six dayes space: But many of our Suboris. They dye of thirst. men died of thirst, although with these Carchconos we had furnished our selues with indifferent store of water for this iourney. But in this iourney we found a roote aboue ground, hauing great and broad leaues where in water remaineth as it were in some vessels, nor is it powred out thence, 20 nor also so easily consumed, and one of these rootes containeth about halfe a measure of water. Roote holding water. These Suboris had great scarcitie of water also, neither had they any other thing besides to drink, and it had not now rained for three whole moneths: yet of the roote called Mandepore, they make drinke after this manner. They gather together the said roote into a Morter, and out of No [...]ine in 3. moneths. Drinke of a roote. them being stamped they wring forth a iuice like milke: if water may be had, wine also may be made of these rootes. In this Village there was one Well onely, which was to be kept by a watchman. So that we were not much troubled with the desire either of Siluer or Gold, but the common complaint of all men, would be for want of water. In this Countrie farre and wide also noriuer waters are to be found beside these, but they vse onely that water which they ga­ther in the cisternes. These Suboris make warre with the bordering Indians, onely for water. The 30 Suboris, who should haue shewed vs the way, by night priuily stole away. We were therefore now to seeke out the way our selues, and at length we light vpon those people called Peisennos; they refusing our friendship withstood vs by armes, but got little at our hands. We tooke some of Peisennos. these Peisennos, who told vs that there had bin three Spaniards in their towne, whereof one cal­led [...]ki [...]ronimus was a trumpeter, whom Iohn Eyollas (who was sent by Don Petro Mendoza, to discouer these Countries) left sicke there, as we haue at large before rehearsed. They said there­fore that the Peisennos had slaine these three Spaniards, foure daies before our comming thither, being aduertised thereof by the Suboris: but they should deerely pay for this fact of theirs. Abi­ding foureteene daies in their towne, we sought them round about vs euerie where, till at last ta­king them vnawares in a wood, but not al, we partly slew them, & partly led them away captiues. 40

47. Taking our iourney, at length we came to the Maigenes, but the people thereof resisting vs with strong hand, wou [...]d not entertaine vs as friends. Their Towne being situate vpon an Maigenes. hill, was compassed round on euerie side with a thicke and broad quickset hedge, as high as a man might reach with his Sword. Wee Christians therefore with our Carios, began to assault this Quickset wall. Towne in two diuers places. But in this assault twelue Christians, together with some few of the Carios were slaine, and they put vs to a great deale of trouble, before we could take and win this towne.

Eight daies after the Towne taken fiue hundred of our Carios, taking their Bowes and Ar­rowes, departing secretly and without our priuitie, about two or three leagues from our Campe, seeke out the Maigenos, who were fled. On whom when they lighted, these two Nations 50 fought with so great and constant resolution, that more then three hundred men of the Carios, Fight betwixt Carios and Mai­genos. but of the enemies, almost innumerable, were slaine; for there was so great a multitude of them, that they spread almost a whole league in length. But the Carios sending a messenger to the towne where we were, earnestly entreated our Generall, that they would come with some sup­ply of Souldiers to helpe them; for the Maigenos had so beset them round in a wood, that they could neither goe forward nor returne backe againe.

Which when our Generall vnderstood, he presently commandeth the Horses to be made rea­dy, and to send away and dispatch one hundred and fiftie Christians, but of the Carios assembled a thousand men, leauing the rest of the Souldiers in the tents to guard them, that wee being ab­sent, the Maigenos our enemies might inuade them. We went forth therefore with this force (to 60 wit) the said horse, one hundred and fiftie Christians, and one thousand Carios, to helpe the Ca­rios our friends. But so soone as the Maigenos perceiued our comming, remouing their tents, they committed themselues to flight, and albeit we pursued them with as much speede as wee could, yet could we neuer ouer take them.

[Page 1365] Returning therefore to our tents, we abode there three daies; for we had found in this towne of the Maiegenos, great plentie of foode, and other things. Hauing trauailed a continuall iour­ney of thirteene daies, that is to say (in our iudgement and theirs who are skilfull in the celestiall motions) two and fiftie leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people are called Carcokies: and Carookies. hauing trauailed further the space of nine daies, we came into a▪ certaine little Countrie, sixe leagues long and broad, which was all so thicke ouerspread with excellent Salt, as if it had [...]owed Salt Country. Salt in great abundance, and this Salt is not corrupted winter nor summer.

We rested two daies in this Salt Countrie, going forward, at length, after foure daies iour­ney, we came to the foresaid Nation Carcokies: But when we were yet foure leagues from their towne, our Generall sent fiftie Christians, fiftie Carios to prouide vs lodgings. Hauing entred the towne, we found such an innumerable multitude of men gathered together, as in all this 10 iourney we had not seene the like: wherefore being very pensiue and carefull aboue measure, sen­ding a messenger presently backe vnto our Generall: who taking his iourney the very same eue­ning, came vnto vs betweene three and foure of the clocke in the morning. But the Carcokies supposing there had bin no more men there then we, whom they had seene before, had now pro­mised themselues the victorie. But when they vnderstood that our Generall followed vs with a greater force, they were very sad and sorrowfull, and performed all friendly offices and kinde­nesse vnto vs; for they could doe none other, seeing they were afraid of their wiues, children, and their towne. They brought vs therefore flesh of Deere, Geese, Hens, Sheepe, Estridges, Conies, and whatsoeuer else of this kinde of Venison, and also of Birds, they had also Turkish Samdela. 20 Come, Wheate, Rise, and certaine Rootes, of all which things there was great plentie in this Countrie.

The men of this Countrie weare a blew stone in their lippes, as broad as a Dye. Their wea­pons are Darts, the staues of Speares, and round Targets made ef the skins of the Indian Sheepe called Amidas. Their women haue a little hole in their lips, in the which they put Christall either of a greene or blew colour: they haue garments of Cotten, like to a shirt, but without sleeues: they are beautifull enough: they doe nothing else but spinne, and order things apper­taining to the houshold; for tillage of the ground, and other things necessarie for the maintenance of the familie, are looked vnto by the men.

48. When we had gone three daies iourney from this towne, we came to a certaine Riuer cal­led Machcasies▪ Machcasies, a league and a halfe broad: and when we saw not how we might passe safely o­uer 30 without danger, at length we found out this meanes, that for euery two persons wee should make a Boate of twigs and timber, whereon being carried downe the Riuer, they might come to the other side of the banke; but in this passage foure of our men were drowned. This Ri­uer hath most sauourie Fish, Many Tygars also are found about these places, and this Riuer is but foure leagues onely distant from the towne Machcasies.

The Inhabitants comming forth to meete vs, entertained vs curteously, speaking to vs in the Spanish tongue, whereat being astonished and sore afraid at the first, wee demanded of them to Spanish tongue. They ariue in the Kingdome of Peru. Pedro Ansuetes. what Lord they were subiect, and who was their supreame Gouernour? They therefore an­swered vs, and our Captaine, that they were subiect to a certaine Noble man in Spaine, whose name was Petro Ausuetes. 40

Entring into this Towne, we found certaine men and women, and little Infants also swar­ming with very little vermin, like our fleas. These little vermin, if they lay hold of the toes of the feete, or any other part of the body, they gnaw and enter alwaies more and more deepely Strang worms▪ in, and at length become wormes, such as are found in our filberds; yet if it be done in time, this mischiefe may be preuented, that it shall not hurt, but if deferring the cure it be neglected, at length by eating and gnawing, it consumeth and corrupteth whole toes.

From the often named Citie of the Assumption of Mary, to this Towne, are numbered (accor­ding to the account of the Astronomers) three hundred seuentie two leagues. And when we had staied there about twentie daies, a Letter was brought vs from a Citie of the Kingdome of Peru, A Letter on▪ of Peru. called Lima, where the Viceroy or Lieutenant of Caesars Maiestie, who at that time was Liecu­tiatus Lagasca, had an house. The Letter contained, that our Generall Martin Don Fiottas should 50 goe no further forward, vpon paine of death, but abiding in the Towne Machcasies, should ex­pect his further commandement.

But after this our Generall sent away foure persons to the Gonernor to Peru. These foure per­sons iournying sixe weekes in Peru, came first to that Nation called Potasi, next to another called Rueskem. The third Nation to which they came, was called Plata, and the fourth, which was the Metropolis or the chiefe Citie, was called Lima. Potosi.

49. This also is worthie of obseruation. That the Countrie of Machcasies is so fruitfull, that we neither found, not saw any like it in fruitfulnesse, in all this our Iourney. For if an Indian Hony in trees. Bees without stings. going forth into the Wood, make an hole or a cleft in the first tree that commeth to hand, smi­ting 60 an Hatchet into it, fiue or sixe measures of so pure Honie flowe out, as if it were sweete Wine, or Muskadell. The Bees that make this Honie are without stings, and are very small. This Honie being eaten with Bread, or mingled with other food, yeeldeth pleasant meate. They [Page 1364] make also Drinke thereof, or Wine, of the same taste that Muskadell hath, but sweeter. Our Generall Eyollas so wrought with the people, that wee could stay no longer here, by reason of the want of prouision. For we had scarce victuall for one moneth.

In performing this Iourney we spent a yeere and an halfe, doing nothing else, but making continuall warre. And in this Iourney we had brought into our subiection about twelue thou­sand men, women, and children, who were compelled to serue vs as bond-slaues: as I for mine owne person did possesse about fiftie men, women, and children.

50. Wee, with our Generall Martin Don Eyollas, came vnto the Citie Assumption, but Abrie­go Ciuill conten­tions. a Captaine which had rebelled against Captaine Mendoza, and slaine him would neither o­pen the Citie to our Generall, nor yeeld it vp vnto him, nor acknowledge him for Generall, and 10 his Gouernour.

But the said Diego Abriego, being forced to forsake the Citie with fiftie Christians, who ioy­ned themselues with him, fled thirtie leagues from vs, so that we could atchieue nothing against him. This warre continued two whole yeeres space betweene vs, the two Captaines so oppo­sing themselues one against the other, that neither was safe from danger of other.

51. In the meane season, while these things were thus done, I receiued Letters out of Spaine, and shewed to Martin Don Eyollas, I presently desired a friendly and curteous dismission from him, I tooke my Iourney in the name of God, vpon Saint Stephens Day, which was the sixe and twentieth of December, in the yeere 1552. and departing from the Assumption of Marie, car­ried vpon the Riuer of Plate, with my twentie Indians in two Canoas or Boats, when wee had 20 now gone sixe and fortie leagues, we first arriued at a certaine Towne called Iuberic Sabaie. In that Towne foure others also, together with two Portugals ioyned themselues with vs, hauing gone fifteene leagues, we came to a Towne called Gaberetho. After this hauing gone sixteene Gaberetho. leagues further in foure dayes, we came to a certaine Village called Barotij. Whence departing Bar [...]y. Barede. againe, hauing gone foure and fiftie leagues in nine dayes, wee came to a Towne called Barede, where staying two dayes, we sought prouision and Boats to carrie vs, for wee were to goe one hundred leagues vp the Riuer Parana by Boat. At length being brought to a certaine Towne called Gingie, wee abode there foure dayes. And thus farre the Countrie and Empire of Caesars Gingie. Maiestie extendeth it selfe, all which places in former time were subiect to the People Carios.

52. After this therefore, all the Nation Toupin, beginneth the Countrie and Iurisdiction of 30 the Portugall, and we were compelled, leauing Parana, and our Boats, to trauell by land vnto these Toupin, which continued sixe whole moneths; in which Iourney we were to goe ouer De­sarts, Mountaines and Valleyes, and for the feare waxed of wilde and rauening beasts, we durst not safely take our sleepe, &c.

Wee wandred eight whole dayes through Woods and Thickets, so that although hauing tra­uelled farre and wide, yet in all my life time I had neuer gone so rough, troublesome, and tedi­ous a way: nor had we any thing which we might eate, so that wee were compelled to sustaine our selues with Honie, and Roots, wheresoeuer we could get them: and for the danger also, to wit, that we feared lest our enemies would pursue vs, we had not so much time as to take any venison.

After this wee came to a Nation called Biesaie, where staying foure dayes, wee prouided our Biesaie. 40 selues againe of victuall, but durst not come neere their Towne, because we were so few.

In this Countrie there is a Riuer called Vrquam, wherein we saw Water-snakes, and Serpents Riuer Vrquam. Huge Water­snakes. called Tuesca, in the Spanish Tongue Scheue Eyba, which were sixteene paces long, and foure fa­thome thicke. These Serpents doe much hurt: for if a man wash himselfe in that Riuer, or any beast swim ouer, forthwith such a Serpent swimming to them, windeth his tayle about the man, or beast, and drawing them vnder water, deuoureth them.

Proceeding further hence we trauelled about one hundred leagues, in a continued Iourney of a whole moneths space, and at length came into a large Towne called Scheuetveba, and rested Scheuetveba▪ there three dayes.

Going againe further, we came into a certaine Towne of Christians, whose Captaine was Iohn 50 Reinueill.

53. Moreouer, proceeding further thence, we came to the Towne of Saint Uincent. From the Citie of the Assumption of Marie, to the Towne of Saint Uincent in Brasill, are reckoned three hundred and seuentie leagues.

Setting sayle from the Towne of Saint Uincent, on Saint Iohn Baptists Day, which was the foure and twentieth of Iune, in the yeere of our Lord 1553. wee arriued at Lisbon, the third of He arriued at Antwerpe, whence he had set forth at first in Ianuarie 1554. September, in the yeere 1553. and while wee abode fourteene dayes there, two of my Indians died, which I brought with me out of those Countries.

I had thought here to haue added the Voyages of Iohannes Stadius, (another German, which serued the Portugals in Brasill about Schmidels later time) published in Theodore de Bry; and had the 60 same by me translated. But contayning little light for the Countrie, and People; and relating in man­ner onely his owne Tragedies, in his taking by the Sauages, and often perils of being eaten by them, as some of his friends were before his face, with other like Sauage arguments wherewith wee haue glutted you alreadie: I being alreadie too voluminous, haue omitted the same, and hasten to other Relations.

CHAP. V.

The Obseruations of Sir RICHARD HAWKINS, Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea. An. Dom. 1593. once before published, now reuiewed and corrected by a written Copie, illustrated with notes, and in diuers places abbreuiated.

§. I. 10

What happened in this Voyage before they came neere the Aequinoctiall Line, with diuers accidentall Discourses vsefull for Nauigators.

WIth the Counsels consent; and helpe of my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins, Knight, I resolued a Voyage to be made for the Ilands of Iapan, of the Philippinas, and Mo­luccas, the Kingdome of China, and East Indies, by the way of the. Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea. This ship was named the Re­pentance: an ominous n [...]me and vnfortu­nate, as vsually those celestiall characters sort not to terre­striall fabrikes: instanced in the Reuenge, Thunderb [...]lt, and this Resen­tance, with the Iesus of Sir Io. Hawk.

For this purpose in the end of the yeere 1588. returning from the Iourney a­gainst the Spanish Armado, I caused a Ship to bee builded in the Riuer of Thames, betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in that perfection as could be required. For shee was pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well conditioned. On the day of her lanching, shee was named, The Repentance.

The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the Queenes Maiestie passing by her, to her Palace of Gre [...]nwich, commanded her Barge-men to rowe round about her, and viewing her from Post to Stemme, disliked nothing but her Name, and said, that shee would Christen her a new, and that thenceforth shee should bee called the Daintie; which name shee brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happie Voyages shee made in her 30 Maiesties seruices: Hauing taken (for her Maiestie) a great Bysten, of fiue hundred tunnes, lo­den with Iron, and other Commodities, vnder the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; A Carack bound for the East Indies, vnder my Fathers charge, and the principall cause of taking the great Carack, brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow, and the Earle of Cumberlands ships, Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages. To vs, shee neuer brought but cost, trouble, and care. Considerati­ons for pre­tended Voy [...] ­ges.

Hauing made an estimate of the charge of Victuals, Munition, Imprests, Sea-store; and ne­cessaries for the said ship; consorting another of an hundred tunnes, which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter, with a Pinnace of sixtie tunnes, all mine owne: And for a com­petent 40 number of men for them; as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traff [...]cke in all places where we should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victuals & prouisions, and to lade her with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to minde) fit­ting; and dispatched order to my seruant in Pilmouth, to put in a readinesse my Pinnace; as Prouisions b [...] ­ter prouided at Plimout [...]. then at London, Note. Danger of Por [...]s open. 20 also to take vp certaine prouisions, which are better cheape in those parts then in London, as Beefe, Porke, Bisket, and Sider. The eight of Aprill, 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sayle from Black-wall, and to vaile downe to Graues-end, whither that night I purposed to come. And for that shee was very deepe loden, and her Ports open, the water beganne to enter in at them; which no bodie hauing regard vnto, thinking themselues, safe in the Riuer, it augmented in such manner, as the weight of the water began to presse downe the side, more then the winde: At length when it was seene and the sheete flowne, she could hardly be brought vpright. But God 50 was pleased, that with the diligence and trauell of the Companie, shee was freed of that dan­ger: whi [...]h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping, euen before they set sayle, either in Riuer or Harbour, or other part, to haue an eye to their Ports, and to see those shut and calked, which may cause danger; for auoiding the many mishaps, which daily chance for the neglect thereof, and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs: Ex­periments in the Great Harrie, Admirall of England, which was ouer-set and sunke at Ports­mouth with her Captaine. Carew, and the most part of his companie drowned in a goodly Sum­mers day, with a little flaw of winde; for that her Ports were all open, and making a small hele, by them entred their destruction; where if they had beene shut, no winde could [...]aue hurt 60 her, especially in that place. In the Riuer of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence. And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake, in Santo Do­mingo Harbour, turned her keele vpward likewise, vpon the same occasion; with many others, which we neuer haue knowledge of,

[Page 1368] Comming neere the South fore-land, the winde began to vere to the South-east and by South, so as we could not double the point of the Land, and being close aboord the shoare, and putting our ship to stay, what with the chapping Sea, and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe, she mist staying, and put vs in some danger, before we could flat about; therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is euer a short boord, then to put all in perill.

Being cleere of the race of Portland, the winde began to suffle with fogge and misling raine, and forced vs to a short sayle, which continued with vs three dayes; the winde neuer vering one point, nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge, we met with a Barke of Dartmouth, which came from Rochell, and demanding of them, if they had made any land, answered, that they had onely seene the Ediestone that morning, which lieth thwart of 10 the Sound of Plimouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bare off vs North North-east: which seemed strange vnto vs; for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth: with­in two houres after, the weather beganne to cleere vp, and wee found our selues thwart of the Berry, and might see the small Barque bearing into Torbay, hauing ouer-shot her Port: which errour often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather, and vse not good dili­gence by sound, by lying off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause of the losse of many a ship, and the sweete liues of multitudes of men. That euening, wee an­chored in the range of Dartmouth, till the floud was spent; and the ebbe come, wee set sayle againe. And the next morning early, being the sixe and twentieth of Aprill, we harboured our selues in Plimouth. 20

And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principall parts required in Parts requisite in a good Mariner. a Mariner, that frequenteth our coastes of England, is to cast his Tides, and to knowe how they set from point to point, with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shoare.

After the hurts by a cruell storme (in which the Pinnace was sunke, and the Daiaties Mast Abuses of some Sea fa­ring men. cut ouer-boord) repaired, I beganne to gather my companie aboord, which occupied my good friends, and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes, and forced vs to search all lodgings, Tauerns, and Ale-houses. (For some would euer bee taking their leaue and neuer depart:) some drinke themselues so drunke, that except they were carried aboord, they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe: others knowing the necessitie of the time, faigned themselues sicke; others 30 to bee indebted to their Hosts, and forced mee to ransome them; one his Chest; another, his Sword; another, his Shirts; another, his Carde and Instruments for Sea: And others, to benefit themselues of the Imprest giuen them, absented themselues; making a lewd liuing in deceiuing all, whose money they could lay hold of: which is a scandall too rife amongst our Sea-men; by it they committing three great offences. First, Robberie of the goods of another person: Se­condly, Breach of their faith and promise: Thirdly, Hinderance (with losse of time) vnto the Voyage; all being a common iniurie to the owners, victuallers, and companie; which many times hath beene an vtter ouerthrow, and vndoing to all in generall. An abuse in our Common­wealth necessarily to be reformed.

Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage, in the Sound of Plimouth, being readie to set Master Thomas Candish. 40 sayle, complained vnto mee, that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests, had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds: These Varlets within a few dayes after his de­parture, I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth, whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence, and without punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like. Impunitas peccandi illecebra. The like complaint made Master George Rey­mond; and in what sort they dealt with mee, is notorious, and was such, that if I had not beene Master George Reymond. prouident, to haue had a third part more of men, then I had need of, I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned; or to giue ouer my Voyage. And many of my companie, at Sea vaunted how they had cousened the Earle of Cumberland, Master Candish, Master Reymond, and others, Note. some of fiue poundes, some of tenne, some of more, and some of lesse. And truely, I thinke, 50 my Voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons companie, which were in my ship: which, I thinke, might be redressed by some extraordinarie, seuere, and present Iu­stice to bee executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place, where they should bee found. He addes ano­ther remedie in taking away impr [...]sts. The conse­quence of In­structs at de­parture.

The greater part of my companie gathered aboord, I set sayle the twelfth of Iune, 1593. I cannot but aduise all such, as shall haue charge committed vnto them, euer before they depart out of the Port, to giue vnto their whole Fleet not directions for ciuill gouernment, but also where, when, and how to meete, if they should chance to lose companie, and the signes how to knowe one another afarre off, with other points and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister mat­ter different, at the discretion of the wise Commander, by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleet and people; but all secret instructions, to giue them sealed, 60 and not to be opened, but comming to a place appointed.

Lanching out into the channell, the winde being at East and by South, and east South-east, which blowing hard, and a floud in hand, caused a chapping Sea, and my Vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water, and shooting off a Peece of Ordnance, I edged towards her, to [Page 1369] knowe the cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great leake, and that of force they must returne into the Sound, which seeing to be necessarie, I cast about, where anchoring, and going aboord, presently found, that betwixt winde and water, the Calkers had left a seame vn­calked, False calking. which being filled vp with Pitch onely, the Sea labouring that out, had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space, if it had not beene discouered in time.

And for more securitie, I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts, in making an end of For preuenti­on thereof. calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will vndoubtedly dis­couer the defect, for no pitcht place without calking, can suffer the force and peaze of the wa­ter. In neglect whereof, I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue. The Arke Royall of his Example. See Cap. [...]rings last Voyag [...]: in which the Great Iames was oft endan­gered thereby. Maiesties, may serue for an example: which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea, by a 10 trivuell. hole left open in the post, and couered onely with Pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the securitie of ship, men, and goods.

This being remedied, I set sayle in the morning, and ranne South-west, till wee were cleare of Vsshent; and then South South-west, till wee were some hundred leagues off, where wee met with a great Hulke, of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes, well appointed, the which my compa­nie, (as is natural to all Mariners) presently would make a prize, and loden with Spaniards goods, Aduice for shooting at Sea. and without speaking to her, wished that the Gunner might shoot at her, to cause her to amain. Which is a bad custome receiued and vsed of many ignorant persons, presen [...]ly to gunne at all whatsoeuer they discouer, before they speake with them; being contrarie to all discipline, and many times is the cause of dissention betwixt friends, and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes; Two English sh [...]ps haue h [...]eby much wro [...]ged each other by mis­taking. 20 the death of many, and sometimes losse of ships and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate.

Comming within the hayling of the Hulke, we demanded whence she was? whither she was bound? and what her loding? Shee answered, that she was of Denmarke comming from Spaine, loden with Salt: we willed her to strike her Top-sayles, which shee did, and shewed vs her Char­ter-parties, and Bils of loding, and then saluted vs, as is the manner of the Sea, and so departed.

Wee directed our course to the Maderas. The Madera Ilands are two: the great, called La The Madera Ilands. Madera, and the other Porto Santo; of great fertilitie, and rich in Sugar, Conserues, Wine, and sweet Wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they yeeld, but these are the principall. The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portugall; the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals. 30

The third of Iulie, wee past along the Ilands of Canaria, which haue the name of a King­dome, Canarie Ilands. and containe these seuen Ilands, Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota For­tenentura, and Fierro. These Ilands haue abundance of Wine, Sugar, Conserues, Orcall Pitch, Iron, and other commodities, and store of Cattell and Corne, but that a certaine Worme, cal­led Gorgosho, breedeth in it, which eateth out the substance, leauing the huske in manner whole. Gorgosho. The head Iland, where the Iustice, which they call Audiencia, is resident; and whither all suits haue their appellation, and finall sentence, is the Grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Iland, and to haue the best Sugar: and the Wine of the Palma is repu­ted for the best. The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne, and therefore is proper for the higher workes of shipping. Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound, fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring, and abundance of many sorts of 40 Fish. There is water to be had in most of these Ilands, but with great vigilance. For the naturals of them are venturous and hardie, and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken Hills, which seeme impossible, which I would hardly haue beleeued, had I not seene it, and that with the greatest arte and agilitie that may bee: Their Armes for the most part, are Lances of nine or ten foot, with a head of a foot and halfe long, like vnto Boare-speares, saue The desc [...]i [...] ­tion of Tenerif. and the Pike. Of a Tree in Fierro. One M. Lewis Iack­son, now dwel­ling in Hol­bo [...]e, told me that A. 1618. he had beene in this Iland, and seene this Tree, which he thus described; It is as big as an Oake of middle size, the barke white like Ha [...] d­beame; sixe or seuen yards high, with ragged boughs; the leafe like that of the Bay, white on the bottome, and greene on the other side. It beareth neither fruit nor flower. It is scituate in the decliuitie of a Hill; in the day it is withered, dropping [...]n the night (a cloude hanging thereon) yeelding water sufficient for the whole Iland; which containeth 8000. soules, and aboue 100000. beasts, Camels, Mules, Goats, &c. It falls into a Pond made of bricke, floored with stones very thight, by pipes of [...]ead conueighed from the Tree to it, and thence diuided into seuerall Ponds through all the Iland. They which dwell vp-hill fetch [...]t in barrels. They water therewith also their Corne-grounds. The Pond holds 20000. tuns, and is filled in a night. He added a re­port 60 (perhaps deuised to keepe off busie fingers, or with busie tongues to multiplie wonders) that the Moores hauing ta [...]en that Iland from the Christians, went to fell that Tree, but each blowe recoyled on the striker. Hee affirmed also that hee had beene [...]p the Pike of Teneriff, two miles. He saith the South side is healthfull, the North very Aguish, and subiect to Calentures; and the Inhabitants on one side looke lustie, on the other withered. that the head is somewhat more broad.

Two things are famous in these Ilands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene, and men of credite haue told they haue seene it more them fortie leagues off. It is like vnto a Sugar loafe, and continually couered with Snowe, and placed in the middest of a goodly Valley, most fertile, and temperate round about it. Out of which, going vp the pike, the cold is so great, that it is vnsufferable, and going downe to the Townes of the 50 Iland, the heat seemeth most extreme, till they approch neere the coast. The other is a tree in the Iland Fierro, which some write & affirme, with the dropping of his leaues, to giue water for the [Page 1368] sustenance of the whole Iland, which I haue not seene, although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland: but those which haue seene it, haue recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written, in this manner; That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley euer flourishing with broad leaues, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines, which ouer-top it, and as it seemeth, were planted by the Diuine prouidence, to preserue it from Sunne and winde. Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day, great vapours and exhalations, which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation, with the height of the Mountaine to­wards the South-east, conuert themselues into moisture, and so bedew all the trees of the Val­ley, and from those which ouer-top this Tree, drops downe the dew vpon his leaues, and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone, which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the 10 water; of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe: but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes, which is that they drinke of, and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues.

The Citie of the Grand Canaria, and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland; the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa, is towards the South part, and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera, on the East side. In Gomera, some three leagues Southward from the Towne, is a great Riuer of water, but all these Ilands are perilous to land in, for the siege caused by the O­cean Sea, which alwaies is forcible, and requireth great circumspection; whosoeuer hath not vr­gent cause, is either to goe to the Eastwards, or to the Westwards of all these Ilands, as well to auoide the calmes, which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling, as the contagion which 20 their distemperature is wont to cause, and with it to breede Calenturas, which wee call burning Feuers. These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman, called Iohn de Betancourt, about The first disco­uerers of these Ilands. Exercises vp­on the South­wards of the Canaries. the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine.

Being cleare of the Ilands, and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe, without some extraordinarie accident, I began to set order in my Companie and victuals. And for that, to the Southwards of the Canaries, is for the most part an idle Nauigation, I deuised to keepe my people occupied, as well to continue them in health (for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful) as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home; & from play, which breedeth many inconueniences, and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of; and so shifting my companie, as the custome is, into Starboord and Larboord men, the 30 halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept, and take rest; I limited the three dayes of the weeke, which appertained to each, to be employed in this manner: the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes, the other for roomaging, making of Sayles, Nettings, Decking, and defenses of our Ships; and the third, for cleansing their bodies, mending and making their ap­parell, and necessaries, which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes, for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone, with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides, was many times of force to be omitted; and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine. These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the [...]pe de Verde. most vnhealthiest Climates of the world, and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them, how much more to make abode in them? 40

In two times that I haue beene in them, either cost vs the one halfe of our people, with Fe­uers The vnwhol­somnesse thereof. and Fluxes of sundrie kindes; some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possest with frensie, others with slouth, and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse, with no small hazard of life: which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire, for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line, the Sunne hath great force all the yeere, and the more for that often they passe, two, three, and foure yeeres without raine; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod, cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shi­neth. The heate. The Breze. Another cause of Feuers is the d [...]wes which fall eue­ry night: so that the ex­ceeding moi­sture and vn­soundnesse thereof cau­seth men lying or watching in the open aire to fall sicke. The remedie. With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated, greedily desireth refreshing, and longeth for the comming of the Breze, which is the North-east winde, that seldome fayleth in the af­ternoone at foure of the clocke, or sooner: which comming cold and fresh, and finding the pores 50 of the bodie open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundrie manners of sicknesse, as the Subiects are diuers, whereupon they worke. Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands, and comming into the fresh Breze, it causeth the like, and I haue seene within two dayes, after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire, of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health. The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this, which at my first being a­mongst them, seemed vnto mee ridiculous, but since, time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason. And is, that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap, vpon it a Mou­tero, and a Hat ouer that, and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth, and vpon it a Gowne, furr'd or lined with Cotton, or Bayes, to defend them from the heate in that manner, as the In­habitants 60 of cold Countries, to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold. Which doubt­lesse, is the best diligence that any man can vse, and whosoeuer proueth it, shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate, then if he were thinly cloathed, for that where the cold aire com­meth, it pierceth not so subtilly.

[Page 1371] The Moone also in this climate, as in the coast of Guynne, and in all hot Countries, hath forci­ble The influence of the Moone in hot Coun­tries. operation in the body of man; and therefore, as the Plannet, most preiudiciall to his health, is to he shunned; as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre, or with any Scuttle or Window open, whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt. For a person of credit told me, that one night in a Riuer of Guynne, leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin, the Moone shining vpon his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary paine, and furious burning in it, as in aboue twenty houres, he was like to run mad; but in fine, with force of Medicines and cures, after long torment he was eased.

Of these Ilands are two pyles: the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade, more Wester­ly, and so little frequented: the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine, and con­taineth 10 sixe in number, to wit, Saint Iago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Brano. They are be­longing to the Kingdome of Portugall, and inhabited by people of that Nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne: but the principall is, the buying and selling of Negros. They haue store of Sugar, Salt, Rice, Cotten-wooll, and Cotton­cloth, Ambergreece, Cyuit, Olyphants teeth, Brimstone, Pummy stone, Spunge, and some Gold, but little, and that from the mayne.

Saint Iago is the head Iland, and hath one Citie and two townes, with their Ports. The Citie Saint Iago. called Saint Iago, whereof the Iland hath his name, hath a Garrison and two Forts, scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley, with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it, whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice, being the seate of the Audiencia, with his 20 Bishop. The other Townes are Playa, some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago, placed on high, with a goodly Bay, whereof it hath his name: and Saint Domingo, a small Towne with­in the Land. They are on the Souther part of the Iland, and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades, a Portugall, with a Fleete of French-men: in Anno 1585. they Sacked by Ma­nuel Serades, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Antho­ny Sherley. Fuego. Fiery hill. were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir Francis Drake being Generall: and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken, and sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Sherley being Generall. The second Iland is Fuego, so called, for that day and night there burneth in it a Uulcan, whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the Sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any accesse or entrance into it, and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest. The Bread which they spend in these Ilands, is brought from Portugall and Spaine, sauing that 30 which they make of Rice or of Mayes, which we call Guynne wheate. The best watering is in the Ile of Brano, on the west part of the Iland, where is a great Riuer, but foule Anchoring, as is Brano, good watering. in all these Ilands, for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantiall, as Palmitos, Plantanos, Potatos, and Coco Nuts.

The Palmito is like to the Date tree, and as I thinke a kinde of it, but wilde. In all parts of The Palmito▪ Afrique and America they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in diuers parts different. In Afrique, and in the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the lesser the better. But in Brasil they are so great, that with difficulty a man can fell them with an Axe, and the greater the better: one foote within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value, and that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some worse. 40

The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America, of which two leaues are The Plantan, great leaues. sufficient to couer a man from top to toe: It beareth fruite but once, and then drieth away, and out of his root sprouteth vp others new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great bunch, in the forme and fashion of puddings, in some more, in some lesse. I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantans, which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight. They are of diuers proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle, most ordinarily of a span long, with a thicke skinne that peeleth easily from the meate; which is either white or yellow, and very tender like Butter; but no conserue is better, nor of a more pleasing taste. For I neuer haue seene any man, to whom they haue bred mislike, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other fruites. The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, 50 but in most parts they cut them off in branches, and hang them vp in their houses, and eate them as they ripe. For the Birds and Vermine presently in rip [...]ing on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I haue seene are in Brasil, in an Iland called Placentia, which are small and round, Placentia▪ and greene when they are ripe: whereas the others in ripening become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man: the onely fault they haue is, that they are windie. In some places they eate them instead of bread, as in Pana­ma, and other parts of Tierra firme. They grow and prosper best when their rootes are euer coue­red with water; they are excellent in Conserue, and good sodden in different manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to Suckets.

The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a Hasell-nut, but that it is as bigge as an ordinary The Cocos, & their kindes. 60 Bowle, and some are greater. It hath two shels, the vttermost framed (as it were) of a multi­tude of threds, one laid vpon another, with a greene skin ouer-lapping them, which is soft and thicke: the innermost is like to the shell of a Hasell-nut in all porportion, sauing that it is grea­ter and thicker, and some more blacker. In the top of it is the forme of a Munkies face, with [Page 1372] two eyes, his nose and a mouth. It containeth in it both meate and drinke, the meate white as milke, and like to that of the kernell of a Nut, and as good as Almonds blancht, and of great quantity: The water is cleare, as of the Fountaine, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answe­reth that of the water distilled of Milke. Some say it hath a singular property in nature, for con­seruing the smoothnesse of the skin; and therefore in Spaine and Portugall, the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keepe foure or six moneths good and more; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the shell, in few daies it turneth to Vinegar. They grow vpon high Trees, which haue no boughes, onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues, and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigges; and some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be aboue forty yeares old. They are in all 10 things like to the Palme trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Afrique and America. The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in caruing, grauing and garnishing them, with Siluer, Gold, and precious stones.

In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brasil, is another kinde of these, which they call Coquillos, as we may interpret (little Cocos) and are as bigge as Wal-nuts, but round and smooth, and grow Coquillos. in great clusters: the trees in forme are all one, and the meate in the nut better, but they haue no water.

Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke, which the others haue, but within are full of Almonds, which are placed as A third kinde. the graines in the Pomegrannet, being three times bigger then those of Europe, and are much like 20 them in taste.

In these Ilands are Cyuet-Cats, which are also found in parts of Asia, and Afrique; esteemed for the Ciuet they yeelde, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken Cyuet-Cats. from them by force. In them also are store of Monkies, and the best proportioned that I haue seene; and Parrots, but of colour different to those of the West Indies; for they are of a russet or Munkeyes. Parrots. gray colour and great speakers.

§. II. 30

Considerations of Currents: the Scorbute: fire in Ships; Fishes which attend them: Sea-hawking and hunting: their comming to Brasil and obseruations thereof.

WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course, till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where the winde tooke vs contrary by the South-west, a­bout the twentieth of Iuly, but a faire gale of winde and a smooth Sea, so that wee might beare all a Tawt or taught, a Sea­terme, sig. stiffe and fast. Morning and euening praier tawt: and to aduantage our selues what we might, we stood to the Eastwards, being able to lye South-east and by South. The next day about nine of the clock, 40 my company being gathered together to serue God, which we accustomed to doe euery morning and euening, it seemed vnto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past, and which is ordinarily where is deepe water; and so called the Captaine and Master of my Ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish, and that it made shew of Sholde water. Whereunto they made answere, that all the lines in our Ships could not Change of water. fetch ground: for we could not be lesse then threescore and ten leagues off the Coast, which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon, and my selfe was of the same opinion. And so we applied our selues to serue God, but all the time that the seruice endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter. Our prayers ended, I commanded a leade and a line to be brought, and hauing the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had 50 ground, which put vs all into a maze, and sending men into the top, presently discouered the land of Guynne, some fiue leagues from vs, very low Land. I commanded a Peece to be shot, and lay by the lee, till my other Ships came vp. Which hailing vs, we demanded of them how farre Error in reck­oning. they found themselues off the land; who answered, some threescore and ten, or fourescore leagues: when we told them we had sounded, and found but foureteene fathoms, and that we were in sight of Land, they began to wonder; But hauing consulted what was best to be done, I caused my Shallop to be manned, which I towed at the Sterne of my Shippe continually, and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound, and followed them with an easie sayle, till we came in seuen and six fathome water, and some two leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the Sea, or by the Land to finde some refreshing. The Sea wee found to be barren of fish, and my Boates 60 could not discouer any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast, with great desire to set foote on shore, for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, we set saile, notwithstanding the contrariety of the winde, sometimes standing to the West-wards, sometimes to the East-wards, according to the shifting of the winde.

[Page 1373] Here is to be noted, that the errour which we fell into in our accompts, was such as all men fall into Note. where are currants that set East or West, and are not known, for that there is no certain rule yet practised for triall of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experimented of our Nation, with whom I haue had conference about this point, haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it. This, some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton, bound for the coast of Brasil, The lesse of Edward [...]otton. which taken with the winde contrarie neere the line, standing to the East-wards, and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast, with all her sailes standing, came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebomba; and so was cast away.

This currant from the line Equinoctiall, to twentie degrees Northerly, hath great force, and setteth Current-con­sideration▪ next of any thing East, directly vpon the shore, which we found by this meanes: Standing to the West­wards, the winde Southerly, when we lay with our Ships head West and by South, we gained in our height 10 more then if we had made our way good West South-west, for that the currant tooke vs vnder the bow: but lying west or West & by North, we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie. By which plainly we saw, that the currant did set East next of any thing. Whether this cur­rant runneth euer one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no meanes vnderstand, but tract of time and obseruation will discouer this, as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas.

The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spaine, runneth also East and West, and New found-land Current. long time deceiued many, and made some to count the way longer, and others shorter, according as the pas­sage was speedie or slow, not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way. And in Sea Cards I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie leagues betwixt 20 the Iland Tercera and the Maine. And others haue recounted vnto me, that comming from the Indies, and looking out for the Ilands of Azores, they haue had sight of Spaine. And some haue looked out for Spaine, and haue discouered the Ilands. The selfe same currant is in the Leuant Sea, but runneth trade Leuant Sea. Brasil and South Sea. betwixt the Maines, and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards, sometimes to the West-wards. In Bra­sil and the South Sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it runneth euer alongst the Coast, accom­panying the winde: and it is an infallible rule, that twelue or twentie foure houres (before the winde al­ters) the currant begins to change.

In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way, and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctiall line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keepe any certaine Currents of smaller force neere the shore time or runne so many dayes or moneths, one way as another, as doth the course of ebbing and flowing, well knowne in all Seas: onely neere the shoare they haue small force; partly, because of the reflux which the 30 coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing and flowing, which more or lesse is generall in most Seas.

When the currant runneth North or South, it is easily discouered by augmenting or diminishing the height, but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the maine Seas, is difficult, and as yet I haue not knowne any man, or read any Author, that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discouer it. But experience teacheth, that in the maine Sea, for the most part it is variable; and therefore best and safest rule to preuent the danger (which the vncertaintie and ignorance hereof may cause) is carefull and continuall watch by day and night, and vpon the East and West course euer to be before the Ship, and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour, by the rules which new Authors may teach: beating off and on, sometimes to the Westwards, sometimes to the Eastwards, with a fairegale of winde. 40

Being betwixt three and foure degrees of the Equinoctiall line, my Company within a few daies began to fall sicke, of a disease which Sea-men are wont to call the Scuruie: and seemeth to A discourse of the Scuruey, or Scor [...]. be a kinde of dropsie, and raigneth most in this climate of any that I haue heard or read of in the world; though in all Seas it is wont to helpe and increase the miserie of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold, with a loathsome sloathfulnesse, that euen to eate they would be content to change with sleepe and rest, which is the most pernicious enemie in this sicknesse that is knowne. It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke, and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body, especially of the legges and gummes, and many times the teeth fall out of the iawes without paine. The signes to know this disease in the beginning are diuers, by the The signes. swelling of the gummes, by denting of the flesh of the legges with a mans finger, the pit remai­ning without filling vp in a good space: others show it with their lasinesse, others complaine of 50 the cricke of the backe, &c. all which, are for the most part, certaine tokens of infection. The cause is thought to be the stomacks feeblenesse, by change of aire in vntemperate climates, of diet in salt meates, boiled also in Salt water and corrupted sometimes; the want of exercise also ei­ther in persons or elements, as in calmes. And were it not for the mouing of the Sea by the force of windes, tydes, and currants, it would corrupt all the world. The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying Azores. Strange effect of calmes. with a Fleete of her Maiesties Ships about the Ilands of the Azores almost six moneths, the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which all the Sea became so replenished with seuerall sorts of gellyes, and formes of Serpents, Adders, and Snakes, as seemed wonderfull: some greene, some blacke, some yel­low, some white, some of diuers colours and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and halfe, 60 and two yards long; which had I not seene, I could hardly haue beleeued. And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Shippes which were then present: so that hardly a man could draw a Bucket of water cleere of some corruption. In which Voyage, towards the end thereof many of euery Ship (sauing of the Nonpereli, which was vnder my charge, and had onely one man sicke in all the Voyage) fell sicke [Page 1374] of this disease, and began to die apace, but that the speedie passage into our Countrie was remedy to the crazed, and a preseruatiue for those that were not touched. The remedies.

The best preuention for this disease (in my iudgement) is to keepe cleane the Shippe, to besprinkle her ordinarily with Uinegar, or to burne Tarre, and some sweet sauours, to feede vpon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be, and especially to shun all kindes of salt Fish, and to reserue them for the cold Climates, and not to dresse any meate with salt water, nor to suffer the companie to wash their Shirts nor By Diet. Cloathes in it, nor to sleepe in their Cloathes when they are wet. For this cause it is necessarily required, that prouision be made of apparell for the Company, that they may haue wherewith to shift themselues. By shift. Being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to Sea no more Cloathes then they haue backes; for the body of man is not refreshed with any 10 thing more, then with shifting cleane Cloathes: a great preseruatine of health in hot Countries. The se­cond Antidote is, to keepe the company occupied in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pas­times, of dancing, of vse of Armes; these helpe much to banish this infirmitie. Thirdly, In the mor­ning By labour. at discharge of the watch, to giue euery man a bit of bread, and a draught of drinke, either Beere, By early eating and drinking. or Wine mingled with water (at the least, the one halfe) or a quantitie mingled with Beere, that the poores of the bodie may be full, when the vapours of the Sea ascend vp. The morning draught should bee euer of the best, and choisest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull, then the other is pro­fitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I thinke partiall. If not, then leaue I the reme­dies thereof to those Phisicions and Surgeons who haue experience. And I wish that some learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the Sea, and the spoyle of Mariners; doubtlesse, it would bee 20 a Worke worthy of a worthy man, and most beneficiall for our Countrie, for in twentie yeeres (since I haue vsed the Sea) I dare take vpon me, to giue account of ten thousand men consumed with this disease.

That which I haue seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse, is sowre Oranges and Lemmons, and a water Ten thousand English dead of the Scuruie in 20. yeeres. By sowre O­ranges and Lemmons. By Doctor Steuens water. By Oyle of Vitry. By the Aire of the Land. The company sicke, and dis­mayed. which amongst others (for my particular prouision) I carried to the Sea, called Doctor Steuens water, of which, for that his vertue was not then well knowne vnto me, I carried but little, and it took end quick­ly, but gaue health to those that vsed it. The Oyle of Vitry is beneficiall for this disease; taking two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little Sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomacke: But the principall of all is the Ayre of the Land; for the Sea is natu­rall for Fishes, and the Land for men. And the oftner a man can haue his people to Land, (not hinde­ring his Voyage) the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them. 30

Hauing stood to the Westwards some hundred leagues and more, the winde continuing with vs contrary, and the sicknesse so feruent, that euery day there died more or lesse: my company in generall began to be dismayed, and to desire to returne homewards, which I hindered by good reasons and perswasions: As, that to the West Indies, we had not aboue eight hundred leagues, to the Ilands of Azores little lesse, and before wee come to the Ilands of Cape de Verde, that wee should meete with the Breze; for euery night we might see the reach goe contrary to the winde which we sayled by; verifying the old Prouerbe amongst Mariners; That hee hath need of a long Mast, that will sayle by the Reach; and that the neerest Land and speediest refreshing wee could looke for, was the Coast of Brasill, &c. Prouerbe.

As wee approached neerer and neerer the Coast of Brasill, the winde beganne to vere 40 to the Eastwardes, and about the middle of October, to bee large and good for vs; and about the eighteenth of October, wee were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine, which lieth Brasill. Cape Saint Augustine. Farnambuca. in sixe degrees to the Southwards of the Line: and the one and twentieth in the height of Far­nambuca, but some fourescore leagues from the Coast; the twentie foure, in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos; neere the end of October, betwixt seuenteene and eighteene degrees, wee were in sixteene fathomes, sounding of the great Scoles, which lye alongst the Coast, betwixt the Bay of Todos Santos, and the Port of Santos alias nuestra s [...]nora de Vitoria; which are very perillous.

But the diuine Prouidence hath ordained great flockes of small Birds (like Snites) to liue vpon Todos Santos. De Vitoria. the Rockes, and broken lands of these Sholes, which are met with ordinarily twentie leagues before a man come in danger of them. 50

It shall not be amisse here to recount the Accidents which befell vs during this contrary wind, and the curiosities to be obserued in all this time. Day and night we had continually a faire gale of wind, and a smooth Sea, without any alteration; one day the Carpenters hauing Calked the Dangers of fire. By heating of Pitch. Decke of our ship, which the Sunne with his extreame heate had opened, craued license to heate a little Pitch in the Cooke roome: which I would not consent vnto by any meanes; for that my Cooke roomes were vnder the Decke, knowing the danger; vntill the Master vndertooke, that no danger should come thereof, But hee recommended the charge to another, who had a better name, then experience. He suffered the Pitch to rise, and to runne into the fire, which caused so furious a flame as amazed him, and forced all to flee his heate; one of my company, with a dou­ble paire of Gloues tooke off the Pitch-pot, but the fire forced him to let flip his hold-fast, before 60 he could set it on the Hearth, and so ouerturned it, and as the Pitch began to runne, so the fire to enlarge it selfe, that in a moment a great part of the ship was on a light fire. I being in my Cab­bin, presently imagined what the matter was, and for all the haste I could make, before I came, the fire was aboue the Decke: for remedie whereof, I commanded all my company to cast their [Page 1375] Rugge Gownes into the Sea, with Ropes fastened vnto them. These I had prouided for my peo­ple to watch in, for in many hot Countreyes the nights are fresh and cold; and deuided one Vse of [...]ugge Gownes. Gowne to two men, a Starboord and a Larboord man; so that hee which watched had euer the Gowne: for they which watched not, were either in their Cabbins, or vnder the Decke, and so needed them not. The Gownes being well soaked, euery man that could took one, and assaulted the fire; and although some were sindged, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; and doubtlesse, I neuer saw my selfe in greater perill in all the dayes of my life. Let all men take example by vs, not to suffer (in any case) Pitch to be heate in the ship, except it be with a shot heate in the fire, which cannot breed danger: nor to permit fire to be kindled, but vpon meere necessitie; for the inconuenience thereof (is for the Preuention. Diuers ships as the Primrose, Iesus of Lubeck, Robuck, Blacke Lion, &c. haue beene burned. By hooping & scu [...]ling of Caske. Note. 10 most part) remedilesse.

Great care is to be had also in cleaning of Wood, in Hooping or Scutling of Caske, and in any busi­nesse where violence is to be vsed with Instruments of Iron, Steele, or Stone; and especially in opening of Powder, these are not to be vsed, but Mallets of Wood; for many mischances happen beyond all expecta­tion. I haue beene credibly enformed by diuers persons, that comming out of the Indies, with Scutling a But of water, the water hath taken fire, and flamed vp, and put all in hazard: And a Seruant of mine Thomas Gray told me, that in the ship wherein he came out of the Indies, Anno 1600. there happened the like; and that if with Mantles they had not smoothered the fire, they had beene all burned with a Pipe of Water, which in Scutling tooke fire. Master Iohn Hazlelocke reported, that in the Arsenall of Venice happened the like, he being present. For mine owne part, I am of opinion, that some waters haue By natures of waters. 20 this propertie, and especially such as haue their passage by Mines of Brimstone, or other Minerals, which (as all men know) giue extraordinary properties vnto the waters which runne by them: Or it may be that the water being in Wine Caske, and kept close, may retaine an extraordinary propertie of the Wine. Yea, I haue drunke Fountaine and Riuer waters many times, which haue had a fauour as that of B [...]stone. Three leagues from Bayon in France, I haue prooued of a Fountaine that hath this sauour, and [...] medi­cinable for many Diseases. In the South Sea, in a Riuer some fiue leagues from Cape [...] Francisco, in one degree and an halfe to the Northwards of the Line, in the Bay of Atacames, is a Riuer of fresh water, which hath the like sauour.

We had no small cause to giue God thankes, and tooke an occasion hereby, to banish swearing By swearing. out of our ships, which amongst the common sort of Mariners and Sea-faring men, is too ordina­rily 30 abused. So with a generall consent of all our company, it was ordained that in euery shippe there should be a Palmer or Ferula, which should be in the keeping of him, who was taken with An excellent order for ship­swearing. an Oath, and that hee who had the Palmer should giue to euery other that hee tooke swearing in the Palme of the hand a Palmada with it, and the Ferula. And whosoeuer at the time of Eue­ning, or Morning Prayer, was found to haue the Palmer, should haue three blowes giuen him by the Captaine, or Master, and that he should be still bound to free himselfe by taking another, or Custome feed [...] vice, which se­uerity starueth else to runne in danger of continuing the penaltie; which executed, few dayes reformed the Vice; so that in three dayes together, was not one Oath heard to be sworne. This brought both Ferulaes and swearing out of vse.

Ordinarily such ships as Nauigate betweene the Tropickes, are accompanied with three sorts Pi hy discourse of diuers fishes and their de­scription. The Dolphin. 40 of fish The Dolphin, which the Spaniards call Dozado: the Bonito, or Spanish Make [...]ill: and the Sharke, alias Tiberune. The Dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the Sea: He is like vnto a Breame, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales very small. Hee is of the colour of the Rain-bow, and his head different to other fishes; for, from his mouth halfe a span it goeth straite vpright, as the head of a Wherry, or the Cut-water of a ship. He is very good meate if he be in season, but the best part of him, is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest that I haue seene, might be some foure foot long. I hold it not without some ground, that the ancient Philosophers write, that they bee enamoured of a man: for in meeting with shipping, they accompany them till they approach to cold Climates; this I haue noted di­ners times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, Anno 1583. within three or foure dayes after, we met a Scole of them, which left vs not till wee came to the Ilands of Azores, neere a 50 thousand leagues. At other times I haue noted the like. But some may say, that in the Sea are many Scoles of this kind of fish, and how can a man know if they were the same?

Who may be thus satisfied, that euery day in the morning, which is the time that they ap­proach neerest the ship, we should see foure, fiue, and more, which had (as it were) our eare-mark. one hurt vpon the backe; another neere the taile; another about the finnes, which is sufficient proof that they were the same. For if those which had receiued so bad entertainment of vs would not forsake vs, much lesse those which wee had not hurt; yet that which makes them most in loue with ships and men, are the scraps and refreshing they gather from them.

The Bonito, or Spanish Mackerell, is altogether like vnto a Mackerell, but that it is somewhat The Bonito. 60 more growne; he is reasonable food, but drier then a Mackerell. Of them there are two sorts; the one is this which I haue described; the other so great, as hardly one man can lift him; At such times as we haue taken of these, one sufficed for a meale for all my company. These from the sinne of the taile forwards haue vpon the chyne seuen small yellow hillockes, close one to ano­ther. [Page 1376] The Dolphins and Bonitos are taken with certaine Instruments of Iron, which we call Vys­geis, in forme of an Eele-speare, but that the blades are round, and the points like vnto the head of a broad Arrow; these are fastned to long staues of ten or twelue foote long, with Lines tied vnto them, and so shot to the fish, from the Beake-head, the Poope, or other parts of the ship, as occasion is ministred. They are also caught with Hookes and Lines, the Hooke beeing bayted with a red Cloth or with a white Cloth, made into the forme of a fish, and sowed vpon the Hooke.

The Sharke or Tiberune, is a fish like vnto to those which wee call Dog-fishes, but that hee is The Sharke. far greater. I haue seene of them eight or nine foot long; his head is flat and broad, and his mouth in the middle vdderneath, as that of the Scate; and he cannot bite of the baite before him, but by His mouth. 10 making a halfe turne; and then he helpeth himselfe with his taile, which serueth him in stead of a Rudder. His skinne is rough (like to the fish which we call a rough Hound) and Russet, with reddish spots, sauing that vnder the belly hee is all white: hee is much hated or Sea-faring men, Superstition▪ who haue a certaine foolish Superstition with them, and say that the ship hath seldome good suc­cesse, that is much accompanied with them. It is the most rauenous fish knowne in the Sea; for he swalloweth all that hee findeth. In the Puch of them hath beene found Hats, Caps, Shooes, Shirts, legges and armes of men, ends of R [...]pes, and many other things; whatsoeuer is hanged All-deuouring. by the ships side, he sheereth it, as though it were with a Razor; for he hath three rowes of teeth on either side, as sharpe as nailes; some say, they are good for Pick-tooths. They spawne not, as Three rowes of teeth. Whelping. the greatest part of fishes doe, but Whelpe, as the Dogge or Wolfe; and for many 20 dayes after that she hath whelped euery night, and towardes any storme, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the Damme receiueth her Whelpes in her mouth, and preser­ueth them, till they be able to shift for themselues. I haue seene them go in and out, being more then a foot and halfe long; and after taking the Dam, we haue found her young ones in her belly. My company tooke many. At the taile of one, they tied a great logge of wood, at another, an emptie Batizia well stopped, one they yoked like a Hogge; from another, they plucked out his eyes, and so threw them into the Sea. In catching two together, they bound them taile to taile, and so set them a swimming▪ another, with his belly sl [...], and his bowels hanging out which his fellowes would haue euery one a snatch at; with other infinite Inuentions to entertaine the time, and to auenge themselues; for that they depriued them of swimming, and fed on their flesh 30 being dead: they are taking with Harping Ir [...]ns, and with great hookes made of purpose, with Swyuels and Chaines; for no Line, nor small Rope can hold them, which they share not asuuder.

There doth accompany this fish, diuers little fishes, which are called Pilats fishes, and are euer vpon his sinnes, his head, or his backe, and feede of the scraps and superfluities of his preyes. Pilats [...]shes. They are informe of a Trowte, and streaked like a Mackerell, but that the streakes are white and blacke, and the blacke greater then the white.

The manner of Hunting and Hawking representeth that which we reasonable creatures vse, sauing onely in the disposing of the game. For by our industry and abilitie the Hound and Hawke Sea hawking and hunting. is brought to that obedience, that whatsoeuer they seize, is for their Master; but here it is other­wise. For the game is for him that seizeth it. The Dolphins and [...]nitoes are the Hounds, and the Flying fishes. 40 Alcatraces the Hawkes, and the flying fishes the game: whose wonderfull making magnifieth the Creator, who for their safetie, and helpe, hath giuen them extraordinary manner of finnes, which serue instead of wings, like those of the Bat or Rere-mouse; of such a delicate skinne, in­terlaced with bones so curiously, as may well cause admiration in the beholders. They are like vn­to Pilchards in colour, and making; sauing that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part) bigger. They flee best with a side winde, but longer then their wings bee weate, they cannot sustaine the weight of their bodies; and so the greatest flight that I haue seene them make, hath not beene aboue a quarter of a mile. They commonly goe in Scoles, and serue for food for the greater fishes, or for the Foules. The Dolphins and Bonitoes doe continually hunt after them, and the Alcatraces lie soaring in the Aire, to see when they spring, or take their 50 flight; and ordinarily, hee that escapeth the mouth of the Dolphin, or Bonito, helping himselfe by his wings, falleth prisoner into the hands of the Alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge.

The Alcatrace is a Sea-fowle, different to all that I haue seene, either on the Land, or in the Sea. His head like vnto the head of a Gull, but his bill like vnto a Suites bill, somewhat shorter, Alcatrace. and in all places alike. He is almost like to a Heronshaw, his legs a good spanne long, his wings very long, and sharpe towards the points, with a long taile like to a P [...]easant, but with three or foure feathers onely, and these narrower. He is all blacke, of the colour of a Crow, and of little flesh; for hee is almost all skinne and bones. Hee soareth the highest of any Fowle that I haue seene, and I haue not heard of any, that haue seene them rest in the Sea.

Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries; which are the Sword-fish and the 60 Thresher, The Sword-fish is not great, but strongly made, and in the top of his chine (as a man The fight of the Whale. with the Sword-fish and Thresher. may say) betwixt the necke and shoulders, he hath a manner of Sword in substance, like vnto a bone of foure or fiue inches broad, and aboue three foote long, full of prickles of either side, it is but thinne, for the greatest that I haue seene, hath not beene aboue a finger thicke. The Thresher [Page 1377] is a greater fish, whose taile is very broad and thicke, and very weighty. They fight in this man­ner; the Sword-fish placeth himselfe vnder the belly of the Whale, and the Thresher vpon the Ryme of the water, and with his tayle thresheth vpon the head of the Whale, till he force him to giue way, which the Sword-fish perceiuing, receiueth him vpon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount vp againe: (besides that, he cannot abide long vnder water, The strokes heard two leagues. Of Whales, see our Greeneland discourses. li. 3. c. 2. & [...]. but must of force rise vp to breath) and when in such manner they torment him, that the fight is sometimes heard aboue three leagues distance, and I dare affirme, that I haue heard the blowes of the Thresher two leagues off, as the report of a peece of Ordnance, the Whales roaring being heard much farther. It also happeneth sundry times, that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them, with the bloud of the Whale changeth his colour. The best remedy the 10 Whale hath in this extremitie to helpe himselfe, is to get him to land, which hee procureth as soone as he discouereth his aduersaries, and getting the shore, there can fight but one with him, and for either of them hand to hand he is too good.

Amber-greece is thought by some to breede in the Whales belly by eating of a certaine hearb, Amber-greece but that which carrieth likliest probabilitie is, that it is a liquor which issueth out of certaine Fountaines, in sundry Seas, and being of a light and thicke substance, participating of the Ayre, suddenly becommeth hard, as the yellow Amber, of which they make Beades, which is also a liquor of a Fountaine in the Germaine Sea: in the bottome it is soft and white, and partaking of Amber. the Ayre becommeth hard and stonie: Also the Corrall in the Sea is soft, but commeth into the Ayre, becommeth a stone. Those who are of this former opinion, thinke the reason (why the Corall. 20 Amber-greece is sometimes found in the Whale) to be for that hee swalloweth it, as other things, which he findeth swimming vpon the water, and not able to digest it, it remaineth with him till his death.

From the Tropicke of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall, the breze which is the North-east winde, doth raigne in our Ocean Sea the most part of the yeere, except it be Best times to passe the line frō the North­wards to the Southward. neere the shore, and then the winde is variable. In three or foure degrees of either side the line, the winde hangeth Southerly, in the moneths of Iuly, August, September, and October: all the rest of the yeere from the Cape bona esperança to the Ilands of Azores, the breze raigneth conti­nually; and some yeares in the other moneths also or calmes, but he that purposeth to crosse the line from the Northwards to the Southwards, the best and surest passage is, in the moneths of Ia­nuary, 30 February, and March. In the moneths of September, October and Nouember is also good passage, but not so sure as in the former.

Betwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the Southwards of the line, the winde tooke vs contrary, which together with the sicknesse of my people made me to seeke the shore, and about the end of October, we had sight of the land, which presently by our height and the making of Port of Santos. it, discouered it selfe to be the Port of Santos, alias nostra Senora de Victoria, and is easie to be knowne, for it hath a great high hill ouer the Port, which (howsoeuer a man commeth with the land) riseth like a bell, and comming neere the shore presently is discouered a white Tower or Fort, which standeth vpon the top of a hill ouer the Harbour, and vpon the Sea-most-land: It is the first land a man must compasse before he enter into the Port: comming within two leagues 40 of the shore we anchored, and the Captaines and Masters of my other Ships, being come aboord, it was thought conuenient (the weakenesse of our men considered, for wee had not in our three Ships twenty foure men sound) and the winde vncertaine when it might change, wee thought with policie to procure that which we could not by force, and so to offer traffique to the people of the shore.

Entring the Port, within a quarter of a mile is a small Village, and three leagues higher vp, is the chiefe towne: where they haue two Forts, one on either side of the Harbour, and within them ride the Ships whih come thither to discharge or loade. In the small Village is euer a Gar­rison of a hundreth Souldiers, whereof part assist there continually, and in the white Tower vp­on the top of the hill, which commandeth it. 50

Here my Captaine, whom I sent with a Letter, had good entertainment, and those of the shore receiued his message and Letter, dispatching it presently to the Gouernor, who was some three leagues off in another place; at least, they beare vs so in hand. In the time that they expected the Post, my Captaine with one other entertained himselfe with the Souldiers ashore, who af­ter the common custome of their profession (except when they be besonios) sought to please him, and finding that he craued but Oranges, Lemmons, and matters of small moment for refreshing for his Generall, they suffered the women and children to bring him what he would, which he gratified with double Pistolets, that I had giuen him for that purpose. So got he vs two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemmons, and some few Hens.

The answere of the Gouernor was, that he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire, 60 being so reasonable & good: for that in consideration of the war betweene Spaine and England, he had expresse order from his King, not to suffer any English to trade within his iurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing vpon the shore. And therefore craued pardon, and that we should take this for a resolute answere: And further, required vs to depart the Port within three daies, [Page 1378] which he said he gaue vs, for our courteous manner of proceeding: If any of my people from that time forwards, should approach to the shore, that hee would doe his best to hinder and annoy them. With this answere we resolued to depart; and before it came, with the first faire winde, we determined to be packing: but the winde suffered vs not all that night, nor the next day. In which time I liued in a great perplexitie, for that I knew our owne weakenesse, and what they might doe vnto vs, if that they had knowne so much. For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port, had neede of Argus eyes, and the winde in a bagge, especially, where the ene­my is strong, and the tydes of any force. For, with either ebbe or flood, those who are on the shore, may thrust vpon him inuentions of fire, and with swimming or other deuises may cut his cables. A common practise in all hot Countries. The like may be effected with Raffes, Canoas, 10 Boates or Pinnaces, to annoy and assault him; and if this had beene practised against vs, or taken effect, our Ships must of force haue yeelded themselues; for they had no other people in them but sick men; many times opinion & feare preserueth the Ships, and not the people in them. Wherefore it is the part of a prouident Gouernor, to consider well the dangers that may befall him, before he put himself For preuenti­on of annoy­ances, &c. in Harbours. into such places: so shall he euer be prouided for preuention. In Saint Iohn de Vlua, in the New-Spain, when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury, and breach of faith, giuen to my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins (notorious to the whole world) the Sp [...]niards fired two great Ships, with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall, which he preuented by towing them with his Boates ano­ther S [...]rds per­iury. way. The great Armado of Spaine, sent to conquer England, Anno 1588. was with that selfe­same industry ouerthrowne: for the setting on fire six or seuen Ships (whereof two were mine) and letting 20 them driue with the floud, forced them to cut their Cables, and to put to Sea, to seeke a new way to Spain. Their punish­ment. In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished.

The next night, the winde comming off the shore, we set saile, and with our Boates and Barkes sounded as we went. It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water, and once in foure and twenty houres (as in some parts of the West Indies) at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue seuenteene or eighteene foote water. The harbour runneth to the South-westwards. Note for that harbour. he that will come into it, is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it, and be bolder of the Wester-side, for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes, for the most part vnder water, which sometimes breake not, but with small shipping, a man may goe betwixt them and the point. 30

Comming aboord of our Ships, there was great ioy amongst my company, and many with [...] The vertue of Oranges. sight of the Oranges and Lemmons seemed to recouer heart: This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God, that hath hidden so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit, to be a certaine remedy for this infirmity; I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men, which were so many, that there came not aboue three or foure to a share: but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any one di­ed before we came to the Ilands, where we pretended to refresh our selues: And although our fresh water had failed vs many dayes (before we saw the shore) by reason of our long Nauigati­on, without touching any land, and the excessiue drinking of the sicke and diseased (which could Distilling of Salt water. not be excused) yet with an inuention I had in my Ship, I easily drew out of the water of the 40 Sea sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people, with little expence of fewell, for with foure billets I stilled a hogshead of water, and therewith dressed the meate for the sicke and whole. The water so distilled, we found to be wholesome and nourishing.

The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lyeth West and by South Southerly. So wee directed our course West South-west. The night comming on, and directions giuen to our other Ships, wee set the wa [...]ch, hauing a faire fresh gale of winde and large. My selfe, with the Master of our Ship, hauing watched the night past, thought now to g [...]ue nature that which she had beene de­priued of, and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates; who with the like trauell past being drowsie, or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme, had not that Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters M [...]te. watchfull care which was required; he at the Helme steered West and West by South, & brought 50 vs in a little time close vpon the shore: doubtlesse he had cast vs all away, had not God extraor­dinarily deliuered vs: for the Master being in his dead sleepe, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright, that he could not be in quiet: whereupon, waking his youth, which ordinarily [...]pt in his Cabin by him, asked him how the watch went on; who answered, that it could not Prouidence of God, and the ca [...] of the Master. be an houre since he laid himselfe to rest. He replyed, that his heart was so vnquiet, that he could not by any meanes sleepe, and so taking his Gowne, came forth vpon the Decke, and presently discouered the land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low, those who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres, being a faire night, and so was hindered from the true discouery thereof. But he comming out of the drake, had his sight more forcible, to discerne the difference of the Sea, and the shoare. So that forthwith hee com­manded 60 him at the Helme, to put it close a starbourd, and taking our Ship, we edged off; and sounding, found scant three fathome water, whereby we saw euidently, the miraculous mercy of God, that if hee watched ouer vs, as he doth continually ouer his, doubtlesse wee had pe­rished without remedie: to whom be all glory and praise euerlasting world without end.

[Page 1379] In this point of Steeridge, the Spaniards & Portugals doe exceede all that I haue seene, I meane for their care, which is chiefest in Nauigation. And I wish in this, and in all their workes of Care of Stee­ridge. Discipline and reformation, we should follow their examples, as also those of any other Nation. In euery Shippe of moment, vpon the halfe decke, or quarter decke, they haue a chaire or feate; Exquisit in the Spaniards and Portugals. out of which whilst they Nauigate, the Pilot, or his Adiutants (which are the same officers which in our Ships wee terme, the Master and his Mates) neuer depart, day nor night, from the sight of the Compasse, and haue another before them, whereby they see what they doe, and are euer witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme.

The next day about ten of the clocke, we were thwart of Cape Blanco, which is low sandie Cape Blanco. land and perilous, for foure leagues into the Sea (thwart it) lye bankes of sand, which haue little 10 water on them; on a sudden we found our selues amongst them, in lesse then three fathome wa­ter, but with our Boate and Shallop we went sounding, and so got cleare of them. The next day following, we discouered the Ilands, where we purposed to refresh our selues: they are two, and Saint Ialmes I­lands, alias Saint Annes. some call them Saint Iames his Ilands, and others, Saint Annes. They lye in two and twentie de­grees and a halfe to the Southwards of the line; and towards the euening (being the fift of No­uember) we anchored betwixt them and the maine, in six fathome water, where we found our other Ships.

All which being well Moored, we presently began to set vp Tents & Booths for our sick men, to carry them ashore, and to vse our best diligence to cure them. For which intent our three Surge­ans, with their seruants, and adherents, had two Boates to waite continually vpon them, to fetch 20 whatsoeuer was needefull from the Ships, to procure refreshing, and to Fish either with Nets or Hooks, and Lines. Of these implements we had in abundance, and it yeelded vs some refreshing. For the first daies the most of those which had health, occupied themselues in romeging our Ship, in bringing ashore of emptie Caske, in filling of them, and in felling and cutting of wood: which being many workes; and few hands; went slowly forwards.

Neere these Ilands are two great Rocks or small Ilands adioyning. In them wee found great Gannets. store of yong Gannets in their nests, which we reserued for the sick, and being boyled with pick­led Porke well watered, and mingled with Oatmeale, made reasonable Pottage, & was good re­freshing and sustenance for them. This prouision failed vs not, till our departure from them. Vpon one of these Rocks also, we found great store of the hearbe Purslane, which boyled and made in­to Purslane. 30 Sallets, with oyle and vineger, refreshed the sicke stomackes, and gaue appetite.

With the ayre of the shore, and good cherishing, many recouered speedily: some died away quickly, and others continued at a stand. We found here some store of Fruits, a kinde of Cherry, Cherries. that groweth vpon a tree like a Plum-tree, red of colour, with a stone in it, but different in ma­king to ours, fot it is not altogether round, and dented about: they haue a pleasing taste. In one of the Ilands we found Palmito trees, great and high, and in the top a certaine fruite like Cocos, but Palmitos. no bigger then a Wal-nut. We found also a fruit growing vpon trees in cods, like Beanes, both in the cod and the fruite. Some of my Company proued of them, and they caused vomits and purg­ing. Purgatiues. One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in fashion of an Artechoque, but lesse; on the Artechoques, or Prick-pears▪ outside of colour red; within white, and compassed about with prickles: our people called them 40 Prick-peares: no Conserue is better, They grow vpon the leaues of a certaine roote, that is like vnto that which we call semper viua; and many are wont to hang them vp in their houses: but their leaues are longer and narrower, and full of prickes on either side. The Fruite groweth vpon the side of the leafe, and is one of the best fruites that I haue eaten in the Indies. In ripe­ning, A good note to take or re­fuse vnknow [...] fruits. presently the Birds or Vermine are feeding on them; a generall rule to know what fruite is wholesome and good in the Indies, and other parts. Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowles, a man may boldly eate of them.

The water of these Ilands is not good; the one for being a standing water, and full of vene­mous wormes and Serpents, which is neere a Butt-shot from the Sea-shore, where wee found a great Tree fallen, and in the roote of it the names of sundry Portugals, French-men, and others, and 50 amongst them Abraham Cockes, with the time of their being in this Island. The other, though a running water, yet passing by the rootes of certaine trees, which haue a smell as that of Garlique, Contagious water. taketh a certaine contagious sent of them. Here two of our men died with swelling of their bel­lies: the accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then to this suspicious water. It is little, and falleth into the sand, and soketh through it into the Sea; and therefore we made a well of a Pipe, and placed it vnder the rocke from which it falleth, and out of it filled our Caske: but we could not fill aboue two tuns in a night and a day.

After our people began to gather their strength, we manned our Boates, and went ouer to the Maine, where presently we found a great Riuer of fresh and sweete water, and a mightie Marish Country, which in the winter seemeth to be continually ouer-flowne with this Riuer, and others, 60 which fall from the mountainous Country adiacent. We rowed some leagues vp the Riuer, and found that the further vp we went, the deeper was the Riuer, but no fruit, more then the sweate of our bodies for the labour of our hands. At our returne we loaded our Boate with water, and af­terwards from hence we made our Store.

[Page 1380] The sicknesse hauing wasted more then the one halfe of my people, we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawke, and to burne her; which we put in execution. And being occupied in Waste & losse of m [...]n. Hawke burnt. this worke, we saw a Ship turning to windwards, to succour her selfe of the Ilands; but hauing descried vs, put off to Sea-wards. Two daies after, the winde changing, we saw her againe run­ning alongst the coast, and the Daintie not being in case to goe after her, for many reasons, wee manned the Fancie, and sent her after her; who about setting of the Sunne fetched her vp, and spake with her; when finding her to be a great Fly-boate, of (at least) three or foure hundreth tuns, with eighteene Peeces of Artillery, would haue returned, but the winde freshing in, put her to Leewards; and standing in to succour her selfe of the land, had sight of another small Bark, which after a short chase she tooke, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she had bin vpon 10 the great Sholes of Abreoios in 18. degrees, and there throwne all they had by the boord, to saue Sholes of A­brcoios. their liues. This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie could not beate it vp in ma­ny dayes: but before wee had put all in a readinesse, the winde changing, shee came vn­to vs, and made Relation of that which had past; and how they had giuen the small Barke to the Portugals, and brought with them onely her Pilot, and a Merchant called Pedro de esca­lante of Potosi.

In this Coast the Portugals, by industry of the Indians, haue wrought many feates. At Cape Frio they tooke a great French Shippe in the night, the most of her company being on the shore Industry of the [...]ans. They surprise [...] French. with Canoas, which they haue in this Coast so great, that they carrie seuentie and eightie men, in one of them. And in Isla Grand, I saw one that was aboue threescore foote long, of one tree as 20 are all I haue seene in Brasil, with prouisions in them for twenty or thirty daies. At the Iland of San-sebastian, neere Saint Vincent, the Indians killed about eightie of Master Candish his men, and G [...]at Canoa. San sebastian. tooke his Boate, which was the ouerthrow of his Voyage.

There commeth not any Ship vpon this Coast, whereof these Canoas giue not notice present­ly to euery place. And we were certified in Isla Grand, that they had sent an Indian from the Ri­uer of Ienero, through all the Mountaines & Marishes, to take a view of vs, and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships, Boates, and the number of men, which wee might haue. But to preuent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent, I determined one night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to see what watch our Company kept on the shore; manned our Light-horsman, and Boat, armed them with Bowes and Targets, and got ashore some good di­stance Wise stratagem 30 from the places where were our Boothes, and sought to come vpon them vndiscouered: we vsed all our best endeuours to take them at vnawares, yet comming within fortie paces we were discouered; the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose them selues against vs. Which we seeing, gaue them the Hubbub, after the manner of the Indians, and assaulted them, and they vs; but being a close darke night, they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub. From our Ship the Gunner shot a peece of Ordnance ouer our heads, according to the order giuen him, and thereof we tooke occasion to retire vnto our Boates, and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places, as though we came from our Ships to aide them. They began to re­count vnto vs, how that at the Wester point of the Iland, out of certaine Canoas, had lan­ded a multitude of Indians, which with a great out-cry came vpon them, & assaulted them fierce­ly, The merry e­uents of a care full watch. 40 but finding better resistance then they looked for, and seeing them selues discouered by the Ships, tooke them selues to their heeles, and returned to their Canoas, in which they imbarked themselues, and departed. One affirmed, he saw the Canoas; another, their long haire; a third, their Bowes; a fourth, that it could not be, but that some of them had their paiments: And it was worth the sight, to behold those which had not moued out of their beds in many moneths (vn­lesse by the helpe of others) had gotten, some a bow-shot off into the woods, others into the top of trees, and those which had any strength, ioyned together to fight for their liues. In fine, the Booths and Tents were left desolate.

To colour our businesse the better, after we had spent some houre in seeking out, and ioyning the Company together, in comforting, and commending them; I left them an extraordina­ry 50 Guard for that night, and so departed to our Shippes, with such an opinion of the as­sault, giuen by the Indians, that many so possessed (through all the Voyage) would not be per­swaded to the contrary. Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company, that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs, they were after most carefull and vigilant, as was conuenient.

In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or sixe foote water, and but once in two and twentie houres; as in all this Coast, and in many parts of the West Indies; as also in the coast of [...] in the [...]. Peru and Chely (sauing where are great Bayes or indraughts) and there the tydes keep their ordi­nary course of twice in foure and twenty houres. In the lesser of these Ilands, is a Coue for a small Ship to ride in, Land-lockt, and she may moore her selfe to the trees of either side: this we called 60 Palmito Iland, for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees, the other hath none at Palmito Iland. all. A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship, but the better course is out at one end. In these Ilands are many Scorpions, Snakes, and Adders, with other venemous Vermine. They haue The creatures. Parots, and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants, somewhat bigger, and seeme to be of [Page 1381] their nature, Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men, supplying our wants of wood and water, and in other necessary workes. And the tenth of December (all things put in or­der) we set saile for Cape Frio, hauing onely sixe men sicke, with purpose there to set ashore our Cape Frie. two Prisoners before named: and anchoring vnder the Cape, we set our Boate ashoare, but they could not finde any conuenient place to land them in, and so returned: the winde being Southerly, and not good to goe on our voyage, we succoured our selues within Isla Grand, which lyeth some dozen or foureteene leagues from the Cape, betwixt the West, and by South and West South­west: the rather to set our Prisoners on shore.

In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland, lyeth the Riuer Ienero, a very good Har­bour, fortified with a Garrison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand is some eight or tenne leagues Ienero. long, and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping: it is full of great sandie Bayes, and in 10 the most of them is store of good water: within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands, which cause diuers sounds and creekes; and amongst these little Ilands, one, for the pleasant scituation Little Iland. and fertilitie thereof, called Placentia. This is peopled, all the rest desert: on this Iland our Pri­soners desired to be put ashore, and promised to send vs some refreshing. Whereto wee condescen­ded, and sent them ashore with two Boates well manned and armed, who found few Inhabi­tants in the Iland; for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses, notwithstanding our Boates returned loaden with Plantines, Pinias, Potatoes, Sugar-canes, and some Hens. Amongst which they brought a kinde of little Plantine, greene, and round, which were the best of any that I haue seene. With our people came a Portugall, who said, that the Iland was his; hee seemed to be a 20 Mistecho (who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood) poorely apparelled and mise­rable; we feasted him, and gaue him some trifles, and hee according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had.

The winde continuing contrary, we emptied all the water we could come by, which we had filled in Saint Iames his Iland, and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand, It is a wil­dernesse Isla Grand. couered with Trees and Shrubs so thicke, as it hath no passage through, except a man make it by force. And it was strange to heare the howling and cries of wilde Beasts in these Woods day and night, which we could not come at to see by any meanes; some like Lyons, others like Beares, others like Hogs, and of such and so many diuersities, as was admirable. Here our Nets Shels of mo­ther of Pearle. profited vs much, for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish. Vpon the shore at full Sea­marke, 30 we found in many places certain shels, like those of mother of Pearles, which are brought out of the East Indies, to make standing cups, called Caracoles; of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them: and were it not for the brittlenesse of them, by reason of their exceeding thinnesse, doubtlesse they were to be esteemed farre aboue the others, for more excellent workmanship I haue not seene in shels.

The eighteenth of December we set saile, the winde at North-east, and directed our course for the Straits of Magalianes. The twenty two of this moneth, at the going too of the Sun, we des­cried a Portugall ship, and gaue her chase, and comming within hailing of her, she rendred her selfe without any resistance, she was of an hundred tuns bound for Angola to load Negroes, to be carried and sold in the Riuer of Plate: It is a trade of great profit, and much vsed, for that the Negroes 40 are carried from the head of the Riuer of Plate, to Potosi, to labour in the Mines. It is a bad Negro, who is not worth there fiue or six hundreth peeces, euery peece of ten Ryals, which they receiue Price of Ne­groes. in Ryals of Plate, for there it no other Merchandize in those parts. The loading of this Ship was meale of Cassaui, which the Portugals call Farina de Paw, made of a certaine roote which the In­dians Cassaui meale call Yuca, much like vnto Potatoes. Of it are two kindes, the one sweete and good to be ea­ten (either rosted or sodden) as Potatoes; and the other of which they make their bread, called Cassaui, deadly poison, if the liquor or iuyce be not throughly pressed out. This Farina, in ma­king Pancakes, and frying them with butter or oyle, and sometimes with Manteca de Puerco; when strewing a little Sugar vpon them, it was meate that our company desired aboue any that was in the Ship.

The Indians also accustome to make their drinke of this meale, and in three seuerall manners. And for Be­uerage. 50 First, is chewing it in their mouthes, and after mingling it with water, after a loathsome man­ner, yet the commonnest drinke that they haue; and that held best which is chewed by an old woman. The second manner of their drinke, is baking it till it be halfe burned, then they beate it into Powder; and when they will drinke, they mingle a small quantity of it with water, which giueth a reasonable good taste. The third, and best, is baking it (as aforesaid) and when it is bea­ten into Powder, to seeth it in water; after that it is well boyled, they let it stand some three or foure daies, and then drinke it. So it is much like the Ale which is vsed in England, and of that colour and taste.

The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this Yuca: It is a little shrub, & carri­eth The manner of planning Iuca. 60 branches like hazell wands; being grown as big as a mans finger, they breake them off in the middest, and so pricke them into the ground; it needeth no other art or husbandry, for out of each branch grow two, three or foure roots, some bigger, some lesser: but first they burne and ma­nure the ground, the which labour, and whatsoeuer else is requisite, the men doe not so much [Page 1382] as helpe with a finger, but all lyeth vpon their poore women, who are worse then slaues: for they labour the ground, they plant, they digge and delue, they bake, they brew, and dresse their With the la­bour of the women. meate, fetch their water, and doe all drudgerie whatsoeuer; yea, though they nurse a childe, they are not exempted from any labour: their childe they carrie in a Wallet about their necke, ordi­narily vnder one arme, because it may sucke when it will.

The men haue care for nothing but for their Canoas, to passe from place to place, and of their Bowes and Arrowes to hunt, and their Armes for the warre, which is a sword of heauie blacke wood, some foure fingers broad, an inch thicke, and an Elle long, somewhat broader towards the top then at the handle. They call it Macana, and it is carued and wrought with inlaid works very curiously, but his edges are blunt. If any kill any game in hunting, he bringeth it not with 10 him, but from the next tree to the game, hee bringeth a bough (for the trees in the Indies haue leaues for the most part all the yeare) and all the way as he goeth streweth little peeces of it, here and there, and comming home giueth a peece to his woman, and so sends her for it. If they goe to the Warre, or in any iourney, where it is necessary to carry prouision or Merchandize, the women serue too carrie all, and the men neuer succour nor ease them, wherein they shew grea­ter Barbarisme then in any thing (in my opinion) that I haue noted amongst them, except in ea­ting one another.

We tooke out of this Prize, for our prouision, some good quantitie of this meale, and the Sugar she had, being not aboue three or foure Chests: after three dayes we gaue the Ship to the Poriu­gals, and to them libertie. In her was a Portugall Knight, which went for Gouernour of Angola, 20 of the habit of Christ, with fiftie Souldiers, and Armes for a hundreth and fiftie, with his wife and daughter. He was old, and complained, that after many yeeres seruice for his King, with sun­dry mishaps, he was brought to that poore estate, as for the reliefe of his wife, his daughter and himselfe, he had no other substance, but that he had in his Ship. It moued compassion, so as no­thing of his was diminished, which though to vs was of no great moment, in Angola it was worth good Crownes. Onely we disarmed them all, and let them depart, saying, that they would re­turne to Saint Vincents. We continued our course for the Straits, my people much animated with this vnlookt for refreshing, and praised God for his bountie, prouidence, and grace extended towards vs. Here it will not be out of the way to speake a word of the particularities of the Countrie. 30

Brasil is accounted to be that part of America, which lyeth towards our North Sea, betwixt The descripti­on of Brasil. the Riuer of the Amazons, neere the line to the Northwards, vntill a man come to the Riuer of Plate in 36. degrees to the Southwards of the line. This coast generally lyeth next of any thing South and by West. It is a temperate Countrie, though in some parts it exceedeth in heate; it is full of good succours for shipping, and plentifull for Riuers and fresh waters. The principall ha­bitations, are Fernambuca, the Bay De todos los Santos, Nostra Senora de victoria, alias Santos, the Its Hauens. Riuer Ienero, Saint Vincents, and Placentia: euery of them prouided of a good Port. The windes are variable, but for the most part trade alongst the Coast.

A worme there is in this Countrie, which killed many of the first Inhabitants, before God was pleased to discouer a remedie for it, vnto a religious person. It is like a Magot, but more slen­der Strang worme. Variation of the Compasse. 40 and longer, and of a greene colour, with a red head. This worme creepeth in at the hinder parts, where is the euacuation of our superfluities, and there (as it were) gleweth himselfe to the gut, there feedeth of the bloud and humors, and becommeth so great, that stopping the naturall passage, he forceth the principall wheele of the clocke of our body to stand still, and with it the accompt of the houre of life to take end, with most cruell torment and paine, which is such, that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate. The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique: and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person.

§. III. 50

THARLTONS treacherie: Discouerie of Land vnknowne: Entrance of the Straits, accidents therein, and description thereof: diuers occasio­nall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge.

IN our Nauigation towards the Straits, by our obseruation we found, that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards. 60

In the height of the Riuer of Plate, we being some fiftie leagues off the coast, a storme tooke vs Southerly, which endured fortie eight houres: In the first day about the go­ing downe of the Sunne, Robert Tharlton, Master of the Francie, bare vp before the winde, with­out giuing vs any token or signe, that she was in distresse. We seeing her to continue her course, [Page 1383] bare vp after her, and the night comming on, we carried our light, but she neuer answered vs, for they kept their course directly for England, which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage, as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs, to discouer any danger, to seeke out roades and an­choring, to helpe our watering and refreshing; as also for the victuals, necessaries, and men which The ouer­throw of the Voyage by a perfidious man they carried away with them: which though they were not many, yet with their helpe in our fight, we had taken the Vice-admirall, the first time shee bourded with vs, as shall be hereafter manifested. For once we cleered her Decke, and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men, doubtlesse, we had done with her what we would, for she had no close fights. Moreouer, if she had beene with me, I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Pe [...]ew. But I was wor­thy to be deceiued, that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite, and a man which had left 10 his Generall before in the like occasion, and in the selfe same place: for being with Master Tho­mas Candish, Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died, this Captaine being a­boord the Admirall, in the night time forsocke his Fleete, his Generall and Captaine, and re­turned home. Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished.

These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to p [...]l [...]er and steale, as well by taking The cunning of Runna­wayes. of some prize when they are alone, and without command, to hinder or order their bad procee­dings, as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe; casting the fault, if they bee called to account, vpon some poore and vnknowne Marinērs, whom they suffer with a little pillage, to absent themselues, the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders, and Robberies. 20

The storme ceasing, and being out of all hope, wee set saile and went on our course. During Birds like Swans. Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres. Caugh [...] with Line & Hooke. this storme, certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes, soared about vs, and the winde calming, setled themselues in the Sea, and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship; which I perceiuing, and de­sirous to see of them, because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were; I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me; and with a piece of a Pilehard I ba [...]ted the Hooke, and a foot from it, tied a piece of Corke, that it might not sinke deepe, and threw it into the S [...]a, which, our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs, and one of the Fowles beeing hungry, presently seized vpon it, and the Hooke in his vpper beake. It is like to a Faulcons bill, but that the point is moore crooked, in that manner, as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe, except that the Line brake, or the Hooke righted: Plucking him towards the ship, with the 30 wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship, two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope, and seized on his neck and wings; but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions, as both left their hand fast, beeing beaten blacke and blue; we cast a snare about his necke, and so triced him into the ship. By the Proue good refreshment. same manner of fishing, we caught so many of them, as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day. Their bodies were great, but of little flesh and tender, in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed. They were of two colours, some white, some grey; they had three ioynts in each wing; and from the point of one wing to the point of the other, both stretched out, was aboue two fathomes.

The wind continued good with vs, till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took 40 vs Westerly, being (as we made our account) some fifty leagues from the shoare. Betwix [...] 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian, a good Harbour, and in which a man may graue his shippe, though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water: But care is to bee had of the people called Pata­gones. Care of the Patagones. They are treacherous, and of great stature, most giue them the name of G [...]ants.

The second of February, about nine of the clocke in the morning, wee descried land, which bare South-west of vs, which we looked not for so timely; and comming neerer and neerer vnto it, by the lying, wee could not coniecture what Land it should be, for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees, and no Plat, nor Sea-card which we had, made mention of any Land, which Land vn­knowne. lay in that manner, neere about that height; In fine, wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord, and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night, and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale, we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following. In which 50 time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold, and made small shew of dangers. The land is a goodly Champion Countrey, and peopled; wee saw many fires, but could not come to speake with the people; for the time of the yeere was farre A descri [...]tion of the same. A caueat for comming sud­denly to ne [...]re an vnknowne Land. spent to shoote the Straits, and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road; not being discretion with a ship of charge, and in an vnknowne Coast, to come neere the shoare before it was founded; which were causes, together with the change of the winde (good for vs to passe the Strait) that hindered the further Discouery of this Land, with its secrets: This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey. It hath great Riuers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places, as we 60 ranne alongst it. It is not Mo [...]ntaynous, but much of the disposition of England, and as tem­perate. The things we noted principally on the Coast, are these following: the Westermost point of the Land, with which wee first fell, is the end of the Land to the Westwards, as wee found afterwards. If a man bring this point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes: [Page 1384] bringing it more Westerly, they shoot themselues all into one; and bringing it Easterly, it riseth in two Hillockes. This we called Point Tremountaine. Some twelue or fourteene leagues from Point Tremoun­taine. Faire Iland. this point to the Eastwards, faire by the shoare, lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long; we named it Faire Iland; for it was all ouer as greene and smooth, as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare.

Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland, is a goodly opening, as of a great Riuer, or an arme of the Sea, with a goodly low Countrey adjacent. And eight or tenne leagues from this opening, some three leagues from the shoare, lyeth a bigge Rocke, which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles; but after, as we came neere, it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke, which we called Conduit-head; for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it, it is like Conduit-head. 10 to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London. All this Coast so farre as we discouered, lyeth next of any thing East and by North, and West and by South. The Land, for that it was disco­uered in the Reigne of Q [...]eene Elizabeth, my Souereigne Lady and Mistris, and a Mayden Queene, and at my cost and aduenture, in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie, and remembrance of my endeuours, I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land. Before a man fall with this Land, Hawkins Mai­denland. Beds of Ore­weed, with white flowres. some twen [...]y or thirty leagues, he shall meet with beds of Oreweed, driuing to and fro in that Sea, with white flowres growing vpon them, and sometimes farther off; which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere, whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America.

With our faire and large wind, wee shaped our course for the Straits, and the tenth of Febru­ary 20 wee had sight of Land, and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards, which Our comming to the Straits. agreed with our height, wherein wee found our selues to bee, which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes. Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open, which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes. It riseth like the North foreland in Kent, and is much like the Land of Mar­gates. It is not good to borrow neere the shoare, but to giue it a faire birth; within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits, which is some sixe leagues broad, and lieth in 52. degrees, Description thereof. and 50. minutes; doubling the Point on the starbood, which is also flat of a good birth, we ope­ned a faire Bay, in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach. It was of the Spanish Fleet, that went to inhabit there, in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmien­to, who at his returne was taken Prisoner, and brought into England. In this Bay the Spaniards 30 made their principall habitation, and called it the Citie of Saint Philip, and left it peopled; But Pedro Sarmien­to buildeth San Philip. the cold barrennesse of the Countrey, and the malice of the Indians, with whom they badly a­greed, made speedy end of them, as also of those, whom they left in the middle of the Straits, three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards, in another habitation.

We continued our course alongst this Rea [...]h (for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course, sometimes vpon one point, sometimes vpon another) which is some eight leagues long, and lieth West North-west. From this we entred into a goodly Bay, which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues; and at first entrance, a man may see no other thing, but as it were, a maine Sea. From the end of this first Reach, you must direct your course West South-west, and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits; This lea­deth 40 vnto another Reach, that lyeth West and by North some six leagues. Here in the middle of the Reach, the wind tooke vs by the North-west, and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes. In which time we went ashoare with our Boats, and found neere the middle of this Reach, on the starboord side, a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship; where it higheth some nine or ten foot water. Here we saw certaine Hogs, but they were so farre from Hogs. vs, that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey, or brought by the Spaniards; these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits.

In two tides we turned through this reach, and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins; they lye Ilands of Pen­gwins. Note. from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West. Till you come to this place, care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land; for being (for the most part) sandy, they 50 haue sholding off them, and are somewhat dangerous. These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three, we could discouer but two; And they are no more except that part of the Mayne, which lyeth ouer against them, be an Iland; which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot de­termine it. A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands, or betwixt them and the Land on the Since it hath bin plainly found that all the South part are Ilands. Larboord side; from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge, on which is foure or fiue fathom water; and to him that commeth neere it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause feare: for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling, like vnto a Race. Betwixt the for­mer Reach, and these Ilands, runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards. It causeth a great Indraughty, and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands, the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy (for the most part, 60 and without doubt, Ilands) for it hath many openings into the Sea, and forcible Indraughts by them, and that on the Starboord side, is all high Mountaynous Land, from end to end; but no wood on either side. Before we passed these Ilands, vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we ancho­red, the winde beeing at North-east, with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these [Page 1385] Ilands they are of diuers sorts, and in great plentie, as Pengwins, wild Ducks, Guls and Gannets; of the principall we purposed to make prouision, and those were the Pengwins. Good prouisi­on in the Straits. The descripti­on of the Pengwin.

The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose, and hath no feathers, but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie: and therefore canot flee, but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet, running as fast as most men. He liueth in the Sea, and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea, and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse. They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Bur­rowes, as the Conies; and in them hatch their young. All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined, saue onely one Valley which) it seemeth) they reserued for their food; for it was as greene as any Medow in the moneth of Aprill, with a most fine short grasse. The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the sauour of a certaine Fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley; 10 which we call Puffins, by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish. They are very fat, and in dressing must be flead as the Byter; they are reasonable meate rosted, baked, or sodden; but best rosted. We salted some doozen or sixteene Hogsheads, which serued vs (whilest they la­sted) insteed of powdred Beefe. The hunting of them (as wee may well terme it) was a great Hunting the Pengwin. recreation to my company and worth the sight, for in determining to catch them, necessarily was required good store of people, euery one with a cudgell in his hand, to compasse them round a­bout, to bring them, as it were, into a Ring; if they chanced to breake out, then was the sport, for the ground beeing vndermined, at vnawares it failed, and as they ranne after them, one fell here, another there, another offering to strike at one, lifting vp his hand, sunke vp to the arme­pits in the earth, another leaping to auoid one hole, fell into another. And after the first slaugh­ter, 20 in seeing vs on the shoare, they shunned vs, and procured to recouer the Sea: yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high Rocks and Mountaines, as it seemed impossible to escape with life. Yet as soone as they came to the Beach, presently we should see them runne into the Sea, as though they had no hurt. Where one goeth, the other fol­loweth, like sheepe after the Bel-weather: but in getting them once within the Ring close to­gether, few escaped, saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes, and ordinarily there was no Droue which yeelded vs not a thousand, and more: the manner of killing them which the Hunters vsed, beeing in a cluster together, was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head, for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body they dyed not: Besides the flesh bruized is not good to keepe. The massacre ended, presently they cut of their heads, that they might bleed well: such as we determined to keepe for store, we saued in this manner. First, wee The keeping for store. 30 split them, and then washed them well in Sea-water, then salted them, hauing laine some sixe houres in Salt, we put them in presse eight houres, and the bloud being soaked out, wee salted them againe in our other caske, as is the custome to salt Beefe, after this manner they continued good some two moneths, and serued vs in steed of Beefe.

The Guls and Gannets, were not in so great quantitie, yet we wanted not young Guls to eate The Guls. all the time of our stay about these Ilands. It was one of the delicatest foods, that I haue eaten in all my life.

The Duckes are different to ours, and nothing so good meate; yet they may serue for necessi­tie: Ducks. They were many, and had a part of the Iland to themselues seuerall, which was the highest Hill and more then a Musket shot ouer. In all the dayes of my life, I haue not seene greater arte 40 and curiositie in creatures voide of reason, then in the placing and making of their Nests; all the Hill being so full of them, that the greatest Mathematician of the World, could not deuise how Cunning Ar­chitecture. to place one more then there was vpon the Hill, leauing onely one path-way for a Fowle to passe betwixt. The Hill was all leuell, as if it had beene smoothed by arte; the Nests made onely of earth, and seeming to be of the selfe-same mould; for the Nests and the soile is all one, which, with water that they bring in their Beakes, they make into Clay, or a certaine dawbe, and after fashion them round, as with a compasse. In the bottome they containe the measure of a foot; in the height about eight inches; and in the top, the same quantitie ouer; there they are hollowed in, somwhat deep, wherein they lay their Egges, without other preuention. And I am of opinion, that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young: their Nests are for many yeares, and of one proportion, not one exceeding another in bignesse, in height, nor circumference; and in propor­tionable 50 distance one from another. In all this Hill, nor in any of their Nests. was to be found a blade of grasse, a straw, a sticke, a feather, a moat, no, nor the filing of any Fowle, but all the Nests Their neatnes. and passages betwixt them, were so smooth and cleane, as if they had bin newly swept & washed.

One day hauing ended our hunting of Pengwins, one of our Mariners walking about the Iland, Of Seales, or Sea-woolues. discouered a great company of Seales, or Sea-wolues (so called for that they are in the Sea, as the Wolues on the Land) aduising vs, that he left them sleeping, with their bellies toasting against the Sunne: we prouided our selues with staues and other weapons, and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares, to surprize some of them, and comming downe the side of a Hill, we were not discouered, till wee were close vpon them, notwithstanding, their Sentinell (before wee 60 could approach) with a great howle waked them: we got betwixt the Sea and some of them, but they shunned vs not; for they came directly vpon vs; and though we dealt heere and there a blow, yet not a man that withstood them, escaped the ouerthrow. They reckon not [Page 1386] of a Musket shot, a sword pierceth not theirskinne, and to giue a blowe with a staffe, is as to smite vpon a stone: only in giuing the blowe vpon his snout, presently he falleth downe dead. After they had recouered the water, they did as it were, scorne vs, defie vs, and daunced before vs, vntill we had shot some Musket shot through them, and so they appeared no more.

This fish is like vnto a Calfe, with foure legs, but not aboue a spanne long: his skinne is hairy Description of the Seale. like a Calte: but these were different to all that euer I haue seene, yet I haue seēne of them in many parts; for these wee greater, and in their former parts like vnto Lions, with shagge haire, and mostaches. They liue in the Sea, and come to sheepe on the Land, and they euer Their Sentinel. haue one that watcheth, who aduiseth them of any accident. They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes: In their mostaches for Pick-tooths, and in their fatte to 10 make Traine-oyle.

Wee embarqued our selues, and set sayle with the winde at NOrth-west, which could serue vs but to an end of that reach, some dozen leagues long, and some three or foure leagues broad. It lieth next of any thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, South-west; from this Cape to Cape Froward, the coast lieth West South-west. Some foure leagues betwixt them, was the second peopling of the Spaniards: and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better. Thwart Cape Fro­ward, The second peopling of the Spaniards. the winde larged with vs, and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth; which lieth from Cape Forward some foureteene leages West and by South. This reach is foure or fiue leagues broad, and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea; for all the land on the Souther part of the Straites are Ilands and broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straits, high mountainous Land on both sides, in most parts couered with 20 Snowe all the yeere long. Betwixt the Iland Elizabeth, and the Maine, is the narrowest passage of all the Sraites; it may be some two Musket shor from side to side. From this Straite to Eli­zabeth Bay, is some-foure leagues, and the course lieth North-west and by West. This Bay is Elizabeths Bay. all sandie, and cleane ground on the Easterne p [...]rt; but before youcome at it, there lieth a point of the shoare a good birth off, which is dangerous. And in this reach, as in many parts of the Straites, runneth a quicke and forcible tide. In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water. The Northerne part of the Bay hath foule ground, and Rockes vnder water: and therefore it is not wholsome borrowing of the Maine. One of Master Thomas Candish his Pinasses (as I haue been enformed) came aground vpon one of them, and he was in hazard to haue left her there. 30

From Elizabeth Bay ot the Riuer of Ieronim [...], is some fiue leagues. The course lieth West and The Riuer of Ieroni [...]. by North, and West. Here the winde scanted, and forced vs to seeke a place to anchor in. Our Boats going alongst the shoare, found a reasonable Harbour, which is right against that which they call, Riuer Ier [...]im [...]: but it is another channell, by which a man may dissemb [...]que the Straite, as by the other which is accustomed; for with a storme, which tooke vs one night, sud­denly Another chan­nell. wee were forced into that opening vn wittingly; but to the morning, seing our errour, and the winde larging, with two or three boords we turned into the old channell, nor daring for want of our Pinasse to attempt any new Discouerie. This Harbour wee called Blanches Bay; Blanches Bay. for that it was found by William Blanch, one of our Masters Mates. Here hauing moored our ship, we beganne to make our prouision of wood and water, whereof was plentie in this Bay, 40 and in all other places from Pengwin Ilands, till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites.

NOw finding our Deckēs open, with the long lying vnder the Line, and on the coast of Bra­sill, the Sunne hauing beene in our Zenith many times, we calked our ship, within boord and without, aboue the Deckes. And such was the diligence wee vsed, that at foure dayes end, wee had aboue threescore Pipes of water, and twentie Boats of wood stowed in our ship: no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in necessarie workes: some in felling and cleaning of wood; some in carrying of water; some in romaging; somein washing, others in baking; one in hei­ting of Pitch, another in gathering of Mussels: no man was exempted, but knew at euening, whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning following. 50

Some man might aske mee, how wee came to haue so many emptie Caske in lesse then two moneths; for it seemeth much, that so few men in such short time, and in so long a Voyage Obiection of waste. Answere. should waste so much? Whereto I answere, that it came not of excessieu expense; for in health we neuer exceeded our ordinarie; but of a mischance which befell vs vnknowne in the Iland of Saint Iames, or Saint Anne, in the coast of Brasill; where; where wee refreshed our selues, and recording to the custome, laid our Caske ashoare, to trimme it, and afters to fill it, the place being commodious forvs. But with the waer a certaine worme, called Broma by the Spannard, and [...]yvs Aters. entred also, which eate it so fuli of holes, that all the waer spaked out, and made much of our Caske of small vse. This we remedied the best wee could, and discouered it long before we came to this place. 60

Hereof let others take warning in no place to haue Caske on the shoare, where it may be anoyded; Warning a­gainst wormes which eate throug [...]s [...]aps. for it is one of the promisions which are with greatest care to be preserued in long Voyages, and bardest to be supplied. These Arters, or B oma, in all hot Countries enter into the plankes of ships, and effeci­ast where are Ruers of fresh water (the common opinion is, that they are bred in fresh water, and with [Page 1387] the current of the Riners are brought into the Sea) but experience teacheth, that they breede in the great Seas, in all hot chimates, especially neere the Equinoctiall Line: for lying so long vnder, and neere the Line, and towing a Shalop at our sterne, comming to cleanse her in Brasill, wee found her all vnder wa­ter couered with these Wormes, as bigge as the little singer of a man, on the outside of the planke, not fully couered, but halfe the thicknesse of their bodie, like to a gellie wrought into the planke as with a Gowdge. In little time, if the ship be not sheathed, they put all in hazard; for they enter in no bigger then a small spanish Needle, and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger. The thicker the planke is, the greater he groweth; yea, I haue seene many ships so eaten, that the most of their plankes vnder water haue beene like Honie-combes, and especially those betwixt winde and water. If they had not beene sheathed, it had beene impossible that they could haue swomme. The 10 entring of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them being small as the head of a Pinne. Which, all such as purpose long Voyages, are to prenent byu sheathing their ships.

And for that I haue seene diuers manners of sheathing, for the ignorant I will set them downe which Of sheathing ships. In Spaine and Portugall, with double plankes. by experience I haue found best. In Spaine, and Portugall, some sheath their ships with Lead; which, besides the cost and weight, although they vse the thinnest sheet-lead that I haue seene in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subiect to many casualities. Another manner is vsed with double plankes, as thicke without as within, after the manner of surring; which is little better then that with Lead: for besides his weight, it dureth little, because the Worme in small time passeth through the one and the o­ther. A third manner of sheathing had beene vsed amongst some with fine Canuas; which is of small With Canuas. continuance. and so not to be regarded. The fourth preuention, which now is most accounted of is to With burnt plankes. In china with Varnish. 20 burne the vpper planke till it come to be in euery place like a Cole, and after to pitch it: this isnot bad. in China, (as I haue beene enformed) they vse a certaine Betane or Varnish, in manner of an artificiall Pitch, wherewith they trimme the outside of their ships. It is said to bee durable, and of that vertue, as neither worme, nor water pierceth it; neither hath the Sunne power against it. Some haue deuised a certaine Pitch, mingled with Glasse, and other ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if the ship be pitched, it is said, the worme that toucheth it, dieth: but I haue not heard, that it hath been vsefull. But the most approued of all is the manner of sheathing vsed now adayes in Eng­land, in England, with thinne boords, halfe inch thicke, the thinner the better, and Elme better then Oake; for it riueth not, it indureth better vnder water, and yeeldeth better to the ships side.

The inuention of the materials incorporated betwixt the planke and the sheathing, is that indeed 30 which anayleth; for without it many plankes were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worme: this manner is thus: Before the sheathing boord is nayled on, vpon the innner side of it, they smere it ouer Best manner of sheathing with Tarre, halfe a finger thicke, and vpon the Tarre, another halfe thicke of haire, such as the white­lymers vse, and so nayle it on, the nayles not aboue a spanne distance one from another: the thicker they are driuen, the better. some hold opinion, that the Tarre killeth the worme; others, that the worme passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the haire and the Tarre so innolue, that bee is choaked therewith; which mee thinkes is most probable: this manner of sheathing was innented by my Father; and experience hath taught it to be the best, and of least cost.

Such was the diligence we vsed for our dispatch to shoot the Straits, that at foure dayes end, we had our water and wood stowed in our ship, all our Copper-worke finished, and our ship cal­ked 40 from Post to Stemme: the first day in the morning (the winde being faire) we brought our selues into the channell, and sayled towards the mouth of the Straites, praising God: and be­ginning our course with little winde, wee described a fire vpon the shoare, made by the Indians The Natura [...]. for a signe to call vs; which seene, I caused a Boat to bee man'd, and wee rowed ashoare, to see what their meaning was, and approaching neere the shoare, we saw a Canoa made fast vnder a Rocke with a Wyth, most artificially made with the rindes of trees, and sewed together with the finnes of Whales; at both ends sharpe and turning vp, with a greene bough in either end, and ribbes for strengthening it. After a little while we might discerne on the fall of the Moun­taine (which was full of trees and shrubs) two or three Indians naked, which came out of cer­taine Caues or Cotes. They spake vnto vs, and made diuers signes; now pointing to the Har­bour, 50 out of which we were come; and then to the mouth of the Straites: but we vnderstood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they vs with many imaginations, suspecting it might bee to aduise vs of our Pinnace, or some other thing of moment: but for that they were vnder couert, and might worke vs some treacherie (for all the people of the Straits, and the Land neere them, vse all the villanie they can towards white people, taking them for Spaniards, in reuenge of the deceit that Nation hath vsed towards them vpon sundry occasions:) as also for that by our stay wee could reape nothing but hinderance of our Nauigation, wee hasted to our ship, and sayled on our course.

From Blanches Bay to long Reach, which is some foure leagues, the course lieth West South-west Long Reach. entring into the long Reach, which is the last of the Straits, and longest. For it is some 60 thirtie two leagues, and the course lieth next of any thing North-west. Before the setting of Mouth of the Straits. the Sunne, wee had the mouth of the Straites open, and were in great hope the next day to be in the South Sea: but about seuen of the clocke that night, we saw a great cloude arise out of the North-east, which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and suddenly sayling with [Page 1388] a fresh gale of winde at North-east, another more forcible tooke vs astayes, which put vs in danger: for, all our sayles being a taut, it had like to haue ouerset our ship, before we could take in our sayles. And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisedome to carrie a short sayle, or to take in all sayles. Here we found what the Indians fore-warned vs of: for they haue great Note. insight in the change of weather, and besides haue secret dealing with the Prince of Darknesse, who many times declareth vnto them things to come: By this meanes and other witch-crafts, which he teacheth them, he possesseth them, and causeth them to doe what pleaseth him. With­in halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine, with so much winde as wee were forced to lie Tempest. a hull, and so darke, that we saw nothing, but when the lightning came. This being one of the narrowest Reaches of all the Straites, we were forced, euery glasse, to open a little of our fore­sayle, 10 to cast about our ships head: any man may conceiue if the night seemed long vnto vs, what desire we had to see the day. In fine, Phabus with his beautifull face lightned our Hemi­sphere, and reioyced our hearts (hauing driuen aboue twentie foure leagues in twelue houres ly­ing a hull: whereby is to be imagined the force of the winde and current.)

Wee set our fore-sayle, and returned to our former Harbour: from whence, within three or foure dayes, we set sayle againe with a faire winde, which continued with vs till we came with­in a league of the mouth of the Strait, here the winde tooke vs againe contrarie, and forced vs to returne againe to our former Port: where being ready to anchor, the winde scanted with vs in such manner, as we were forced to make aboord. In which time, the winde and tide put vs so farre to lee-wards, that we could by no meanes seize it: So wee determined to goe to Eliza­beth 20 Bay, but before we came at it, the night ouertooke vs: and this Reach being dangerous and narrow, we durst neither hull, nor trie, or turne to and againe with a short sayle, and therefore bare alongst in the middest of the channell, till we were come into the broad Reach, then lay a hull till the morning.

When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast, seeking with our Boate some place to anchor in; some foure leagues to the West wards of Cape Forward, we found a goodly Bay; which we na­med English Bay: where anchored, wee presently went ashoare, and found a goodly Riuer of English Bay. fresh water, and an old Canoa broken to pieces, and some two or three of the houses of the In­dians, with pieces of Seale stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an Ouen seuen or eight foot broad, with boughs of trees, and couered with other boughes, as our Summer houses; The natiues houses. 30 and doubtlesse doe serue them but for the Summer time, when they come to fish, and profite themselues of the Sea. For they retire themselues in the Winter into the Countrie, where it is more temperate, and yeeldeth better sustenance: for on the Mayne of tht Straites, we neither saw beast nor fowle, Sea-fowle excepted, and a kinde of Black-bird, and two Hogs towards the beginning of the Straits. Here our ship being well moored, we began to supplie our wood and water, that we had spent. Which being a dayes worke, and the winde during many dayes contrary, I endeauored to keep my people occupied, to diuert them from the imagination which some had conceiued; that it behoued we should returne to Brasill, and winter there, and so shoot Sloth cause of imagination. the Straits in the Spring of the yeere. One day wee rowed vp the Riuer, with our Boate and Light-horseman, to discouer it, and the Inland: where hauing spent a good part of the day, 40 and finding shoald water, and many Trees fallen thwart it, and little fruit of our labour, nor any thing worth the noting, wee returned. Another day, wee trained our people ashoare, being a goodly sandy Bay: another, wee had a hurling of Batchelors against married men; this day we were busied in wrestling, the other in shooting; so we were neuer idle, neither thought we the time long.

After wee had past here some seuen or eight dayes, one euening with a flaw from the shoare, our ship droue off into the channell, and before wee could get vp our Anchor, and set our Sayles, we were driuen so farre to lee-wards, that wee could not recouer into the Bay; and night com­ming on, with a short sayle, we beate off and on till the morning. At the breake of the day con­ferring with the Captaine and Master of my ship, what was best to bee done, wee resolued to 50 seeke out Tobias Coue, which lieth ouer against Cape Fryo, on the Southerne part of the Straits. Tobias Coue. because in all the Reaches of the Straits (for the most part) the winde bloweth trade, and there­fore little profit to be made by turning to winde-wards. And from the Ilands of the Pengwins to the end of the Straites towards the South-sea, there is no anchoring in the channell: and if we should be put to lee-wards of this Coue, we had no succour till we came to the Ilands of Pen­gwins; and some of our companie which had been with M. Th. Candish in the Voyage in which he died, and in the same Coue many weekes, vndertooke to be our Pilots thither. Whereupon wee bare vp, being some two leagues thither, hauing so much winde as we could scarce lie by it with our course and bonnet of each; but bearing vp before the winde, we put out our Topsayles and Spritsayle, and within a little while the winde began to fayle vs, and immediatly our ship gaue Setting of the ship vpon a Rocke. To the labo­rious God pro­pitious. 60 a mightie blowe vpon a Rocke, and stucke fast vpon it. And had wee had but the fourth part of the winde, which we had in all the night past, but a moment before wee strucke the Rocke, our ship, doubtlesse, with the blowe had broken her selfe all to pieces.

All our labour was fruitlesse till God was pleased that the floud came, and then wee had her [Page 1389] off with great ioy and comfort, when finding the current fauourable with vs, wee stood ouer to English Bay, and fetching it, we anchored there, hauing beene some three houres vpon the Rock, and with the blowe, as after we saw, when our ship was brought a ground in Perico (which is the Port of Panama) a great part of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides of her Bulges, and some foure foot long, and a foot square of her false stemme, ioyning to the Keele, wrested acrosse, like vnto a Hogs yoake, which hindered her sayling very much.

They founded a Coue some sixteene leagues from the mouth of the Straite, which after wee Crabby Coue. called Crabby Coue. It brooked his name well for two causes; the one, for that all the water was full of a small kinde of red Crabbes; the other, for the crabbed Mountaines which ouer-topped it: a third wee might adde, for the crabbed entertainment it gaue vs. In this Coue wee ancho­red, 10 but the winde freshing in, and three or foure Hills ouer-topping (like Sugar-loaues) altered and straightned the passage of the wind in such manner, as forced it downe with such violence in flawes and furious blu [...]trings, as was like to ouerset our ship at Anchor, and caused her to driue, and vs to weigh; but before we could weigh it, she was so neere the Rocks and the puffes and gusts of wind so sudden and vncertain, sometimes scant, somtimes large, that it forced vs to cut our Cable, and yet dangerous if our ship did not cast the right way. Here necessitie, not being subiect to any law, forced vs to put our selues into the hands of him that was able to deliuer vs. Wee cut our Gods gracious deliuerance. Cable and Sayle all in one instant: And God to shew his power and gracious bountie towards vs, was pleased that our ship cast the contrarie way towards the shoare, seeming that hee with his owne hand did wend her about: for in lesse then her length, she flatted, and in all the Voyage 20 but at that instant, shee flatted with difficultie, for that shee was long; the worst propertie shee had. On either side we might see the Rockes vnder vs, and were not halfe a ships length from the shoare, and if shee had once touched, it had beene impossible to haue escaped.

From hence wee returned to Blanches Bay, and there anchored, expecting Gods good will and pleasure. Here beganne the bitternesse of the time to encrease with blustering and sharpe windes, accompanied with raine and fleeting snowe, and my people to bee dismayed againe, in manifesting a desire to returne to Brasill, which I would neuer consent vnto, no, not so much as to heare of.

And all men are to take care, that they goe not one foote backe, more then is of meere force: for I Voyage ouer­throwne by gi­uing way to murderers. Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish. haue not seene, that any who haue yeelded thereunto, but presently they haue returned home. As in the 30 Voyuge of Master Edward Fenton; in that which the Earle of Cumberland set forth, to his great charge; as also in that of Master Thomas Candish, in which he died. All which pretended to shoote the Straites of Magelan, and by perswasion of some ignorant persons, being in good possibilitie, were brought to consent to returne to Brasill, to winter, and after in the Spring to attempt the passing of the Straite againe. None of them made any abode in Brasill: for presently as soone as they looked home­ward, one, with a little blustering winde taketh occasion to lose companie; another complaineth, that he wanteth victuals; another, that his ship is leake; another, that his masts, sayles, cordidge fayleth him. So the willing neuer want probable reasons to further their pretences. As I saw once (being but young, and more bold then experimented) in the yeere 1582. in a Voyage, vnder the clarge of my Uncle William Hawkins of Plimouth, Esquire, in the Indies, at the Wester end of the Iland of San Iuan Master William Hawkins. 40 de Portorico; One of the ships (called the Barke bonner) being somewhat leake, the Captaine com­playned that shee was not able to endure to England: whereupon a Counsell was called, and his reasons heard, and allowed. So it was concluded, that the Victuall, Munition, and what was seruiceable, should be taken out of her, and her men diuided amongst our other ships; the Hull remayning to be sunke, or burned. To which I neuer spake word till I saw it resolued; being my part rather to learne, then to ad­uise. But seeing the fatall sentence giuen, and suspecting that the Captaine made it worse then it was, rather vpon policie to come into another ship, which was better of sayle, then for any danger they might runne into: with as much reason as my capacitie could reach vnto, I disswaded my Uncle priuately; And vrged, that seeing wee had profited the Aduenturers nothing, we should endeauour to preserue our principall; especially, hauing men and victuals. But seeing I preuayled not, I went further, and offered to finde out in the same ship, and others, so many men, as with me would be content to carrie her home, 50 giuing vs the third part of the value of the ship, as [...]hes should be valued at, at her returne, by foure in­different persons; and to leaue the Vice-admirall, which I had vnder my charge, and to make her Vice­admirall. Whereupon it was condescended, that wee should all goe aboord the ship, and that there it should be determined. The Captaine thought himselfe somewhat touched in Reputation, and so would not that further triall should be made of the matter, saying, that if another man was able to carrie the ship into England, he would in no case leaue her, neither would he forsake her till shee sunke vnder him. The Generall commended him for his resolution, and thanked me for my offer, tending to the generall good; my intention being to force those who for gaine could vndertake to carrie her home, should also doe it gra­tis, according to their Obligation. Thus, this leake-ship went well into England; where, after she made 60 many a good Voyage in nine yeeres.

As the weather gaue leaue, wee entertained our selues the first dayes in necessarie affaires and workes, and after in making of Coale, with intent (the winde continuing long very contrarie) to see if wee could remedie any of our broken Anchours; a Forge I had [Page 1390] in my ship, and of fiue Anchors which we brought out of England, there remained but one that was seruiceable.

In the Ilands of Pengwins we lost one, in Crabbis Coue another: a third, vpon another occasion, we broke an arme, and the fourth, on the Rocke had the eye of his Ring broken. This (one day deuising with my selfe) I made to serue, without working him a new. Which when I tooke first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous: but in fine, we made it in that manner so seruiceable, as till our ship came to Callaw, which is the Port of Lyma, shee scarce vsed any other Anchor, and when I came from Lyma to Panama, which was three yeeres after, I saw it serue the Admirall in which I came (a ship of aboue 500. tuns) without other arte or addition, then what my owne in­uention contriued. 10

And for that in the like necessitie, or occasion, others may profit themselues of the industrie, I The mending of an vnser­uiceable An­chor. will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire, or Iron. It was in this sort. From the eye of the shanke, about the head of the crosse, we gaue two tunnes with a new strong Hal­ser, betwixt three and foure inches, giuing a reasonable allowance for that, which should be the eye, and serued in stead of the Ring, then we fastned the two ends of the Halser, so as in that part it was as strong as in any other, and with our Capsten stretched the two bightes, that euery part might beare proportionably, then armed we all the Halser round about with sixe yarne Synnets, and likewise the shanke of the Anchor, and the head with a smooth Mat made of the same Synnet: this done, with an inch Rope, we woolled the two bightes to the shanke, from the crosse to the eye, and that also which was to serue for the Ring, and fitted the stocke accor­dingly. 20 This done, those who before derided the inuention, were of opinion, that it would serue for need; onely they put one difficultie, that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground, with his waight he would cut the Halser in sunder on the head; for preuention whereof, we pla­ced a panch (as the Mariners terme it) vpon the head of the Anchor, with whose softnesse this danger was preuented, and the Anchor past for seruiceable.

Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the barke and fruit of a certaine Tree, which we Entertainment of time to a­uoid idlenesse. A kind of hot Spice in the Straits. found in all places of the Straits, where we found Trees. This Tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne, but that it is greene, each berry of the bignesse of a Pepper-corne, and euery of them contayning within foure or fiue granes, twice as bigge as a Musterd-seed, which broken, are white within, as the good Pepper, and [...]ite much like it, but hotter. The barke of this 30 Tree, hath the sauour of all kinde of Spices together, most comfortable to the stomack, and held to bee better then any Spice whatsoer. And for that a learned Countriman of ours Doctor Tur­ner, In gathering of Wi [...]ters Barke. hath written of it, by the name of Winters Barke, what I haue said may suffice. The leafe of this Tree is of a whitish greene, and is not vnlike to the Aspen leafe.

Otherwhiles we entertained our selues in gathering of Pearles out of Muscles, whereof there are abundance in all places, from Cape Froward, to the end of the Straits. The Pearles are but of a bad colour, and small, but it may be that in the great Muscles in deeper water, the Pearles Of Pearles in the Straits. are bigger, and of greater value, of the small seed Pearle, there was great quantitie, and the Mus­cles were a great refreshing vnto vs: for they were exceeding good, and in great plentie. And here let mee craue pardon if I erre, seeing I disclaime from beeing a Naturalist, by deliuering my 40 opinion touching the breeding of these Pearles, which I thinke to be of a farre different nature and qualitie to those found in the East and West Indies, which are found in Oysters, growing in the shell, vnder the ruffe of the Oyster, some say of the dew, which I hold to be some old Philo­sophers conceit, for that it cannot be made probable, how the dew should come into the Oyster: and if this were true, then, questionlesse, we should haue them in our Oysters, as in those of the Discourse of Pearles how they breed. East and West Indies: but those Oysters were by the Creator, made to bring forth this rare fruit, all their shels being (to looke to) Pearle it selfe. And the other Pearles found in our Oy­sters and Muscles, in diuers parts are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish, in the very sub­stance of the fish, so that in some Muscles haue bin found twentie and thirtie, in seuerall parts of the fish, and these not perfect in colour, nor cleernesse, as those found in the Pearle-oysters, 50 which are euer perfect in colour and cleernesse, like the Sunne in his rising, and therefore called Orientall, and not (as is supposed) because out of the East, for they are as well found in the West, and no way inferiour to those of the East Indies. Other fish, besides Seales and Crabbes, like Shrimpes, and one Whale with two or three Porpusses, we saw not in all the Seraits.

Heere wee made also a suruay of our victuals, and opening certaine Barrels of Oatten meale, wee found a great part of some of them, as also of our Pipes and Fats of bread, eaten and con­sumed by the Rats; doubtlesse, a fift part my company did not eate so much, as these de­uoured, as we found daily in comming to spend any of our prouisions. When I came to the Sea, Preuention of Rats. it was not suspected, that I had a Rat in my ship; but with the bread in Caske, which wee trans­ported out of the Hawke, and the going to and againe of our Boats vnto our prize, (though wee 60 had diuers Cats and vsed other preuentions) in a small time they multiplyed in such a manner, is incredible; It is one of the generall calamities of all long Voyages, and would bee carefully pre­uented, as much as may be. For besides that which they consume of the best victuals, they eate the sayles; and neither packe, nor chest, is free from their surprizes. I haue knowne them to [Page 1391] make a hole in a Pipe of water, and seying the Pumpe, haue put all in feare, doubting lest some The calamities they bring to a ship. leak had bin sprung vpon the ship. Moreouer, I haue heard credible persons report, that ships haue beene put in danger by them to be sunke, by a hole made in the bulge. All which is easily reme­died at the first, but if once they be somewhat increased, with difficultie they are to be destroied. And although I propounded a reward for euery Rat which was taken, and sought meanes by poi­son, and other inuentions to consume them, yet their increase being so ordinary and many; wee were not able to cleare our selues from them.

At the end of fourteene dayes, one euening being calme, and a goodly cleare in the Easter­boord, Backwardnes in the compa­ny. I willed our Anchor to be weyed, and determined to goe into the Channell, being gotten into the Channell, within an houre, the wind came good, and we failed merrily on our Voyage; 10 and by the breake of the day, we had the mouth of the Straits open, and about foure of the clock in the afternoone, we were thwart of Cape Desire; which is the Westermost part of the Land Cape Desire. on the Souther side of the Straits.

§. IIII.

Entrance into the South Sea; discouery of the South parts of the Straits to bee but Ilands by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE (which the Hollanders ascribe to MAIRE and SCHOVTEN.) Of 20 the Iland Mocha, and the parts adioyning.

FRom Cape Desire, some foure leagues, Northwest, lie foure Ilands, which are very small, and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a Sugar-loafe. Wee were no South part of the Straits Ilands. The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten be­fore twice sai­led about by Sir F. Drake. See sup. the Preface to the second Chap­ter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World. Since this, in that Voiag [...] where­in W. Adams was Pilot (whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome) Theodore Ge­rards one of that fleet, was caried by tem­pest (as [...]hey write to 64. de­grees South, in which height the country was mountai­nous & coue­red with snow, looking like Norway. It see­med to extend towards the I­lands of Salo­mon, Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili, was taken by the Portug [...]ls at the Molucca [...], and carried to Mala ca pri­soner. Mocha. Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians. Beefe kept most safely in Pickell. sooner cleere of Cape Desire, and his ledge of Rockes (which lie a great way off in­to the Sea) but the wind tooke vs contrary by the North-west; and so wee stood off into the Sea two dayes and two nights to the Westwards. In all the Straits it ebbeth and flow­eth more or lesse, and in many places it hieth very little water, but in some Bayes, where are great Indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foot, and doubtlesse, further in, more. 30

If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the winde good, hee may keepe the Mayne Sea, and goe round about the Straits to the Southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which we made, that all the South part of the Straits is but Ilands, many times ha­uing the Sea open, I remember, that Sir Francis D [...]ke told mee, that hauing shot the Straits, a storme tooke him first at North-west, and [...]er vered about to the South-west, which continued with him many dayes, with that [...]xtremitie, that he could not open any sayle, and that at the end of the storme, he found himselfe in fiftie degrees, which was sufficient testimony and proofe, that he was beaten round about the Straits, for the least height of the Straits is in fiftie two de­grees and fiftie minutes; in which stand the two entrances or mouthes. And moreouer, hee said, that standing about, when the winde changed, hee was not well able to double the Southermost 40 Iland, and so anchored vnder the lee of it; and going ashoare, carried a Compasse with him, and seeking out the Southermost part of the Iland, cast himselfe downe vpon the vttermost point groueling, and so reached out his bodie ouer it. Presently he imbarked, and then recounted vnto his people, that he had beene vpon the Southermost knowne Land in the World, and more fur­ther to the Southwards vpon it, then any of them, yea, or any man as yet knowne. These testi­monies may suffice for this truth vnto all, but such as are incredulous, and will beleeue nothing but what they see; for my part, I am of opinion, that the Straite is nauigable all the yeere long, although the best time bee in Nouember, December, and Ianuary, and then the windes more fa­uourable, which other times are variable, as in all narrow Seas.

Being some fiftie leagues a Sea-boord the Straits, the winde vering to the West-wards, wee cast about to the Northwards; and lying the Coast along, shaped our course for the Iland Mocha. 50 About the fifteenth of Aprill, we were thwart of Baldiuia, which was then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in Anno 1599. dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most principall places they had in that Kingdome, and both Ports. Baldiuia had its name of a Spanish Captaine so called, whom afterwards the Indians tooke Prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the reason why hee came to molest them, and to take their Countrey from them, hauing no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get Gold; which the barbarous vnderstanding, caused Gold to bee molten, and powred downe his throate; saying, Gold was thy thy desire, glut thee with it. It standeth in forty degrees, hath a pleasant Riuer and Nauigable; for a Ship of good burthen may goe as high vp as the Citie, and is a goodly Wood Countrey. 60

Heere our Beefe began to take end, and was then as good, as the day wee departed from Eng­land; it was preserued in Pickell, which, though it bee more chargeable, yet the profit payeth [Page 1392] the charge, in that it is made durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible, that Beefe should be kept good passing the Equinoctiall Line. And of our Porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro in Lyma, neere foure yeeres olde, very good, preserued after the same manner, notwithstanding, it had lost his Pickle long before.

Some degrees before a man come to Baldiuia to the Southwards, as Spaniards haue told mee, lyeth the Iland Chule, not easily to be discerned from the Mayne; for he that passeth by it, can­not but thinke it to bee the Mayne. It is said to bee inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet Iland Chule. rich of Gold.

The nineteenth of Aprill, being Easter-euen, we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha. It lyeth in thirty nine degrees, it may bee some foure leagues ouer, and is a high mountaynous Hill, but Iland Mocha. 10 round about the foot thereof, some halfe league from the Sea-shore, it is Champaine ground, wel inhabited and manured. From the Straits to this Iland, we found, that either the Coast is set out more Wester [...]y then it is, or that we had a great current, which put vs to the Westwards; for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it; but for that wee Note. coasted not the Land, I cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the Land. But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it, haue told me, that it is a bold and safe Coast, and reasonable sounding of it.

In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants, but with great vigilancie and care; for they and all the people of Chily, are mortall enemies to the Spaniards, and held vs to bee of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake, when hee was in this I­land, 20 wh [...]ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery, that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat, sauing two, and in striuing to get them also, they slue, and hurt all his men; himselfe who had fewest wounds, had three, and two of them in the head. Two of his company which liued long after, had, the one seuen­teene; his name was Iohn Bruer, who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish; and the other aboue twentie, a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake. And with me they vsed a policie, which Treacherie of the Indians. amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought sure; for I suffered none to treate with me, nor with my people with Armes. Wee were armed, and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate. Beeing in communication with the Casiques, and others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates, and some 30 went into them. Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares, for that there went a bad sege, were forced to lay downe their Muskets, which the Indians perceiuing, endeauoured to fill the barrels with water, taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I discouered their flynesse, and with a Truncheon, which I had in mine hand, gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes.

The sheepe of this Iland are great, good, and fat; I haue not tasted better Mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtlesse of the breed of those, which the Spaniards brought into the Of Sheepe. Countrey. Of the sheepe of the Countrey, wee could by no meanes procure any one, although we saw of them, and vsed meanes to haue had of them.

This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea, and is held to bee peopled with the most va­liant 40 Nation in all Chily, though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very coura­gious. They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie, all of woollen; their Cassockes made like a Sacke, square, with two holes for the two armes, and one for the head; all open below, Their apparel, without lining or other art: but of them, some are most curiously wouen, and in colours, and on both sides alike. Their houses are made round, in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses, with a lo­uer and housing. in the top, to euacuate the smoake when they make fire. They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco, made into little cakes, like Pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and Strange To­bacco. People of Chily so laced many vpon a string. The people of this Iland, as of all Chily, are of good stature, and well made, and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts. They are of good vnderstanding, and agilitie, and of great strength; Their weapons are Bowes, and Ar­rowes Their weapons 50 and Macanas, their Bowes short and strong, and their Arrowes of a small Reed, or Cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two Feathers, and headed with a flint-stone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaineth in the wound, some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, halfe burnt in the fire. We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne; On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes, which are dangerous; and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts.

Immediatly when they discouered vs, both vpon the Iland and the Mayne, wee might see Their hate to the Spaniards. them make sundry great fires, which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a rea­dinesse: for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards, and the shippes they see, they beleeue to be their Enemies. The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland, but eight or Imperiall. 60 ten leagues into the Countrey: for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia, till thirtie sixe Degrees, the Indians haue now (in a manner) in their hands free from any Spaniards.

Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland, for that little time we stayed, which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy, and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast, and [Page 1393] some eight leagues to the North-wards, wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay, and sent our Boats ashoare, with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie, or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person, and so we set saile againe; and towards the Euening the wind began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the Sea to rise so suddenly, that wee could not take in our Boats, without spoyling of them. This storme A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies. In it they lost their light horsman. Saint Maries. continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation, for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather, but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to en­dure so long.

The storme tooke end, and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries, which lyeth in 10 thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes, and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues, in the Trade way lieth a Rocke, which afarre off, seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle. This Iland is little and low, but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland, lieth the Citie Conception, with a good Port; from City of Con­ception. Iuan Fernandes. this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes. In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes, betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare, plentifull of fi [...]h, and good for refreshing. I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast, till we were past Lyma, (otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes, for that Good to auoid discouery. it was entred by the Spaniard the day of the three Kings;) but my company vrged me so farre, that except I should seeme in all things to ouer-beare them, in not condiscending to that which in the 20 opinion of all (but my selfe) seemed profitable and best, I could not but yeeld vnto, though it carried a false colour, as the end prooued, for it was our perdition. This all my company know­eth to be true, whereof some are yet liuing, and can giue testimonie.

But the Mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of Pillage, as sometimes for Wilfulnesse of Mariners. very appearances of small moment, he looseth his Voyage, and many times himselfe. And so the greedinesse of spoile, onely hoped for in ships of Trade, which goe too and fro in this Coast, blinded them from forecasting the perill, whereinto wee exposed our Voyage, in discouering our selues before we past the Coast of Callao, which is the Port of Lyma; To bee short, wee haled the Coast aboord, and that Euening wee discouered the Port of Valparizo, which serueth the Citie of Saint Iago, standing some twentie le [...]ues into the Countrey; 30 when presently wee descried foure shippes at an Anchor: whereupon wee manned, and armed our Boate, which rowed towards the shippes: they seeing vs turning in, and fea­ring They seize vpon foure ships. that which was, ranne ashoare with that little they could saue; and left vs the rest: whereof, wee were Masters in a moment, and had the rifling of all the Store-houses on the shoare.

This night, I set a good guard in all the shippes, longing to see the light of the next mor­ning, to put all things in order; which appearing, I beganne to suruay them, and found nothing of moment, saue fiue hundred Botozios of Wine, two or three thousand of Hennes, and some refreshing of Bread, Bacon, dryed Beefe, Waxe, Candles, and other necessaries. The rest of their lading was plankes, Sparres, and Timber, for Lyma, and the Valleyes, which 40 is a rich Trade; for it hath no Timber, but that which is brought to it from other places. They had also many packs of Indian Mantles (but of no value vnto vs) with much Tallow, and Man­teca de Puerco, and abundance of great new Chests, in which we had thought to bee some great masse of wealth, but opening them, found nothing but Apples therein; all which was good Merchandize in Lyma, but to vs of smal account. The Merchandize on shore, in their store-houses And the Ware­houses. was the like, and therefore in the same predicament. The Owners of the ships gaue vs to vn­derstand, that at a reasonable price they would redeeme their ships and loading, which I harke­ned vnto; and so admitted certaine persons which might treate of the matter, and concluded with them for a small price, rather then to burne them, sauing for the greatest, which I carried with me, more to giue satisfaction to my people, then for any other respect; because they would not be perswaded, but that there was much Gold hidden in her; otherwise she would haue yeel­ded 50 vs more then the other three.

Being in this Treaty, one morning, at the breake of day, came another ship towring into the harbor, and standing into the shoare, but was becalmed. Against her we manned a couple of Boats, and tooke her before many houres. In this ship we had some good quantitie of Gold, which shee had gathered in Baldiuia, and the Conception, from whence shee came. Of this ship was Pilot, and part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for our Pilot on this Coast; till moued with compassion (for that he was a man charged with wife and children) we set him ashoare betwixt They seize vpon another ship, and some gold. Light Anchors brought from the North Sea. Santa and Truxillo. Out of this ship we had also store of good Bacon, and some prouision of Bread, Hens, and other victuall. We gaue them the ship, and the greatest part of her loading freely. 60

Here wee supplied our want of Anchors, though not according to that which was requisite, in regard of the burden of our ship; for in the South Sea, the greatest Anchor for a ship of sixe or eight hundred tunnes, is not a thousand waight; partly, because it is little subiect to stormes, and partly, because those they had till our comming, were all brought out of the North [Page 1394] Sea by Land; for they make no Anchors in those Countreyes. And the first Artillerie they had, was also brought ouer Land; which was small, the carriage and passage from Nombre de Dios, or Porto And the first Artillerie. Bello to Panama, being most difficult and steepe, vp hill and downe hill, they are all carried vpon Negroes backes. But some yeeres before my imprisonment, they fell to making of Artillery, and since they forge Anchors also. We furnished our ship also with a shift of sailes of Cotton­cloth, whi [...]h are farre better in that Sea, then any of our double sayles, for that in all the Naui­gation of that Sea, they haue little raine and few stormes, but where raine and stormes are ordi­nary, Sayles of Cot­ton-cloth. they are not good; for with the wet they grow so stiffe, that they cannot be handled.

In treating of the ransomes, and transporting and lading the prouisions wee made choice of, wee spent some sixe or eight dayes, at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our enemies, 10 and a good portion towards our charges and our ship as well stored and victualled, as the day we departed from England, we set sayle.

The time we were in this Port, I took small rest, and so did the Master of our ship, Hugh Cor­nish, They depart from Lyma, a most carefull, orderly, and sufficient man, because wee knew our owne weaknesse; for en­tring into the Harbour, wee had but seuentie fiue men and boyes, fiue ships to guard, and euery one moored by himselfe, which (no doubt) if our enemies had knowne, they would haue and conceale their weaknes. wrought some stratagem vpon vs; for the Gouernour of Chily was there on shoare in view of vs, an ancient Flanders Souldier, and of experience, wisdome, and valour, called Don Alonso de Sot [...] Mayor, of the habit of Saint Iago, who was after Captaine Generall in Terra firme, and wrought The noblen's of Alonso de Soto. all the inuentions vpon the Riuer of Chagree, and on the shoare, when Sir Francis Drake purpo­sed 20 to goe to Panama, in the Voyage wherein he died. As also at my comming into Spaine, hee was President in Panama, and there, and in Lyma, vsed mee with great courtesie, like a Noble Souldier, and liberall Gentleman; hee confessed to mee after, that hee lay in ambush, with three The enemy l [...]ste d [...]nge­rous then the Wine. hundred horse and foot, to see if at any time we had landed, or neglected our watch, with Balsas, which is a certaine Raffe made of Masts or Trees fastened together, to haue attempted something against vs. Bu [...] the enemy I feared not so much as the Wine; which, notwithstanding all the diligence and preuention I could vse day and night, ouerthrew many of my people. A foule fault, because too common amongst Sea-men, and deserueth some rigorous punishment with seueritie to be executed.

A league or better before a man discouer this Bay to the South-wards, lieth a great Rocke, or 30 small Iland, neere the shoare, vnder which, for a need, a man may ride with his ship. It is a good Description of [...]he Bay. marke, and sure signe of the Port, and discouering the Bay a man must giue a good birth to the Harbour; for it hath perillous Rockes lying a good distance off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in Note of tides. this Port, nor from this, till a man come to Guayaquill, which is three degrees from the Equino­ctiall Line to the South-wards; let this be considered. It is a good Harbour for all winds, that partake not of the North; for it runneth vp South and by West, and South South-west, but it hath much foule ground.

In one of these ships we found a new deuice for the stopping of a sudden leake in a ship vnder water, without board, when a man cannot come to it within boord; which was, taking a round A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord. wi [...]ker Basket, and to fill it with pieces of a Iunke or Rope chopped very small, and of an inch 40 long, and after tozed all as Oacombe; then the Basket is to bee couered with a Net, the Meshes of it being at the least two inches square, and after to be tied to a long Pike or Pole, which is to goe a crosse the Baskets mouth, and putting it vnder water, care is to be had to keepe the Baskets mouth towards the ships side: if the leake bee any thing great, the Oacombe may bee somewhat longer, and it carrieth likelihood to doe good, and seemeth to bee better then the stitching of a Bonnet; or any other diligence, which as yet I haue seene. Another thing I noted of these ships, Spar [...] Rudders and to take off at pleasure. which would be also vsed by vs; that euery ship carrieth with her a spare Rudder, and they haue them to hang and vnhang with great facilitie: and besides, in some part of the ship, they haue the length, breadth, and proportion of the Rudder marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which is a very good preuention. 50

Ten leagues to the Northwards of this Harbour, is the Bay of Quintera, where is good ancho­ring, but an open Bay; where Master Thomas Candish (for the good hee had done to a Spaniard▪ Bay of Quin­tera. in bringing him out of the Straits of Magellan, where, otherwise, hee had perished with his company) was by him betrayed, and a doozen of his men taken and slaine: But the iudgement of God left not his ingratiude vnpunished; for, in the fight with vs, in the Vice-admirall, he was Ingratitude punished. wounded and maymed in that manner, as three yeeres after, I saw him begge with crutches, and in that miserable estate, as he had beene better dead, then aliue.

From Balparizo, wee sayled directly to Coquinbo, which is in thirtie degrees, and comming thwart the place, we were becalmed, and had sight of a ship: but for that she was farre off, and Coquinbo. night at hand, she got from vs, and we hauing winde entred the Port, thinking to haue had some 60 shipping in it; but we lost our labour: and for that the Towne was halfe a league vp in the Coun­trey, and we not manned for any matter of attempt, worthy prosecution, we made no abode on the thoare; but presently set sayle for the Peru. This is the best Harbour that I haue seene in the Excellent har­bour. South Sea, it is land-locked for all winds, and capeable of many shippes; but the ordinary place [Page 1395] where the ships lade, and vnlade, and accommodate themselues, is betwixt a Rocke, and the Mayne on the Wester side, some halfe a league vp within the entrance of the Port, which lieth South, and South and by East, and North and by West. In the in-countrie, directly ouer the Port, is a round piked hill, like a Sugar loafe, and before the entrance on the Southerne point of the Port comming in, out of the Sea, is a great Rocke, a good birth from the shoare; and these are the markes of the Port, as I remember.

Being cleate of this Port, we shaped, our course for Arica, and left the Kingdomes of Chily, Arica in Chily, much com­mended. one of the best Countries that the Sun shineth on: for it is of a temperate climate, and abounding in all things necessarie for the use of man, with infinite rich Mynes of Gold, Copper, and sundry other mettals. The poorest houses in it, by report of their Inhabitants, haue of their owne store, 10 Bread, Wine, Flesh, and Fruit; which is so plentifull, that of their superfluitie they supplie o­ther parts: sundrie kindes of cattell; as Horses, Goates, and Oxen brought thither by the Spa­niards, For all sorts of fruits. are found in heards of thousands, wilde, and without owner; besides those of the Coun­trie, which are common to most parts of America: in some of which are found the Bezar stones, and those very good and great.

Amongst others they haue little beasts, like vnto a Squirrell, but that hee is grey, his skinne Chinchilla a rare beast. is the most delicate soft, and curious Furre that I haue [...]eene of much estimation, (as is reason) in the Peru; few of them come into Spaine, because difficult to be come by, for that the Princes and Nobles lay waite for them, they call this beast Chinchilla, and of them they haue great a­bundance. All fruits of Spaine, they haue in great plentie, sauing stone fruit, and Almonds: for 20 in no part of the Indies, haue I knowne, that Plummes, Cherries, or Almonds haue borne fruit: but they haue certaine little round Cocos, as those of Brasill, of the bignesse of a Wall-nut, Litle Cocos. which is as good as an Almond: besides, it hath most of the fruits naturall to America. The Gold they gather, is in two manners; the one is washing the earth in great Trayes of wood in And plentie of Gold. many waters; as the earth wasteth away, the Gold in the bottome remaineth. The other is, by force of Art, to draw it out of the Mynes, in which they finde it. In most parts of the Coun­trie, the earth is mingled with Gold; for the B [...]izias (in which the Wine was) which wee found in Balpharizo, had many sparkes of Gold shining in them. Of it the Gold-smiths I car­ried with me (for like purposes) made experience.

When Baldi [...]a and Arawca were peaceable, they yeelded greatest plentie, and the best: 30 but now, their greatest Mynes are in Coquinbo; as also the Mynes of Copper, which they car­rie to the Peru, and sell it better cheape, then it is ordinarily sold in Spaine. The Indians know­ing The Indians forbid the search of gold. Euery showre, a showre of gold. the end of the Spaniards molestation, to be principally the desire of their riches, haue ena­cted, that no man, vpon paine of death, doe gather any Gold. In Coquinbo it raineth seldome, but euery showre of raine, is a showre of Gold vnto them; forwith the violence of the water falling from the Mountaines, it bringeth from them the Gold: and besides, giues them water to wash it out, as also for their ingenious to worke; so that ordinarily euery weeke they haue Processions for raine.

In this Kingdome they make much linnen and woollen Cloth, and great store of Indian Man­tles, Linnen and woollen cloth made in Co­quinbo. with which they furnish other parts, but all is coarse stuffe. It hath no Silke, nor Iron, ex­cept 40 in Mynes, and those as yet not discouered. Pow [...]er is well esteemed, and so are fine linnen, woollen cloth, Haberdashers wares, edge-tooles, and Armes, or M [...]nition. It hath his Gouer­nour, and Audiencia, with two Bishops: the one of Saint Iago, the other of the Imperiall; all vnder the Vice-roy, Audiencia, and Primate of Lyma. Saint Iago is the Metropolitan and Head of the Kingdome, and the seate of Iustice, which hath his appellation of Lyma.

The people are industrious and ingenious, of great strength, and inuincible courage; as in the The valour of the Araweant. warres, which they haue sustained aboue fortie yeeres continually against the Spaniards, hath beene experienced. For confirmation whereof, I will alledge onely two proofes of many; the one was of an Indian Captaine, taken prisoner by the Spaniards; and for that, hee was of name and knowne to haue done his deuoire against them, they cut off his hands, thereby intending to 50 disenable him to fight any more against them: but he returning home, desirous to reuenge this iniurie, to maintain his liberty, with the reputation of his nation, and to helpe to banish the Span. with his tongue intreated & incited them to perseuere in their accustomed valor and reputation abasing the enemie, and aduancing his Nation; condemning their contraries towardlinesse, and confirming it by the cruelty vsed with him, and others his companions in their mishaps, shewing them his armes without hands, & naming his brethren, whose halfe feet they had cut off, because they might be vnable to sit on horsebacke with force, arguing, [...]t if they feared them not, they would not haue vsed so great inhumanitie; for feare produceth crueltie, the companion of cow­ardise. Thus encouraged he them to fight for their liues, limbes, and libertie, choosing rather to die an honourable death fighting, then to liue in seruitude, as fruitlesse, members in their Com­mon-wealth. 60 Thus, vsing the office of a Sergeant Maior, and hauing loden his two stumpes with bundles of Arrowes, succoured those, who in the succeeding battell had their store wasted, and changing himselfe from place to place, animated and encouraged his Countri-men, with such comfortable perswasions, as it is reported, and credibly beleeued, that hee did much more good [Page 1396] with his words, and presence, without striking a stroke, then a great part of the Armie did with fighting to the vtmost.

The other proofe is, that such of them as fight on horsebacke, are but slightly armed, for that their Armour is a Beasts hide, fitted to their body, greene, and after worne till it be drie and hard. He that is best armed, hath him double: yet any one of them with these Armes, and with his Launce, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard armed from head to foot. And it is credibly reported, that an Indian being wounded through the bodie by a Spaniards Launce, with his own hands hath crept on vpon the Launce, and come to grapple with his Aduersarie, and both fallen to the ground together. By which is seene their resolution and inuincible courage, and the de­sire they haue to maintayne their reputation and libertie. 10

This let me manifest, that there haue beene and are certaine persons, who before they goe to Sea, ei­ther The mischiefe of corrupt, or scantie pro­uisions robbe part of the prouisions, or in the buying, make penurious, vnwholsome, and a [...]ar [...]ious penic­worths; and the last I hold to be the least; for they robbe onely the Victuallers and owners, but the o­thers steale from owners, victuallers, and companie, and are many times the onely ouer thro [...]ers of the Voyage, for the companie thinking themselues to be stored with foure or sixe moneths Uictuals, vpon suruay, they finde their Bread, Beefe or Drinke short; yea, perhaps all, and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes and employment. This mischiefe is most ordinarie in great actions. Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not onely make their Voyage by robbing before they goe to Sea, but of that also which commeth home. Such Gamesters, a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the Riuer of Thames, for grinding both with flo [...]d and ebbe: So, these at their going out, and comming home, 20 will be sure to robbe all others of their shares.

But the greatest and most principall robberie of all, in my opinion, is the defranding or the detayning of Of d [...]tayning and de [...]au­ding o [...] wages. the Companies thirds or wages, accursed by the iust God, who forbiddeth the hire of the labourer to sleep with vs. To such I speake, as either abuse themselues in detayning it; or else to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and lowe prices: And lastly, to such as vpon fained ca [...]ils and suits, doe deterre the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions: which being too much in vse amongst vs, hath bred in those that follow the Sea a iealousie in all employments, and many times causeth mutinies and in­finit [...] inconueniences. To preuent this, a Chist with three lockes was appointed: I kept one, the Master another, the third one chosen by the Companie.

No losse worthie reformation are the generall abuses of Mariners and Souldiers, who robbe all they Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage. 30 can, vnder the colour of Pillage; and after make Ordnance, Cables, Sayles, Anchors, and all aboue Deckes to belong vnto them of right; whether they goe by thirds or wages: this proceedeth from those pilfering warres, wherein euery Gall [...] that can arme out a Ship, taketh vpon him the name and office of a Captaine, not knowing what to command, or what to execute. Such Commanders for the most part consort and ioyne vnto themselues disorderly persons, Pirates, and Ruffians, vnder the title of men of valour and experience: they meeting with any Prize, make all vpon the Deckes their▪ of dutie, &c.

In the time of warre in our Countrie, as [...] also in others, by the lawes of Oleron (which to our anci­ent The lawes of Oleron, concer­ning Pillage. Sea-men were fundamentall) nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparell, Armes, Instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the persons, in that ship which is taken: and these to, when the ship is gai­ned 40 by dint of sword; with a prouiso, that if any particular Pillage, exceed the value of sixe crownes, it may be redeemed for that value, by the generall stocke, and sold for the common benefit. If the prize render it selfe without forcible entrie, all in generall ought to be preserued and sold in masse, and so equal­ly diuided; yea, though the ship be wonne by force and entrie, yet whatsoeuer belongeth to her of takling, Sayles, or Ordnance, is to be preserued for the generalitie: saying a Peece of Artillerrie for the Cap­taine; another for the Gunner, and a Cable and Anchor for the Master, which are the rights due vnto them; and these to be deliuered, when the ship is in safety, and in harbour, either vnloden or sold: which Law or Custome well considered, will rise to be more beneficiall for the Owners, Uictuallers, and Companie, then the disorders newly [...]rept in and before remembred. For the Sayles, Cables, Anchors, and Hull, being sold (euery one apart) yeeld not the one halfe which they would doe if they were sold all 50 together, besides the excusing of charges, and robberies in the vnloding and parting.

In the warres of France, in the time of Queene Marie, and in other warres (as I haue heard of many ancient Captaines) the Companie had but the fourth part, and euery man bound to bring with him the Armes, with which he would fight [...] which in our time, I haue knowne also vsed in France: and if the Companie victualed themselues, they had then the one halfe, and the Owners the other halfe for the ship, powder, shot, and munition. If any Prize were taken, it was sold by the tunne, ship and goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the Merchant hauing bought the goods, hee might presently transport them whither soeuer he would: By this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truly payd; for this was iust dealing, if any deserued reward, he was recompenced out of the generall stocke. If any one had filched or stolne, or committed offence, he had likewise his desert: and who once was knowne to be a disor­dered 60 person, or a thiefe, no man would receiue him into his ship: whereas now a dayes many va [...]t them­selues of their thefts and disorders; yea, I haue seene the common sort of Mariners, vnder the name of pillage, maintaine and iustifie their robberies most i [...]solently, before the Queens Maiesties Commissioners, with arrogant and vnseemly termes. Opinion hath hold such for tall fellowes, when in truth, they neuer [Page 1397] proue the best men in difficult occasions. For their mindes are all set on spoyle, and can be well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt, whilest they are prolling after pillage, the better to gaine and Note or brand rather for tal­tongued-fin­gred fellowes. Wh [...]t ought to be reputed pillage. maintaine the aforesaid attributes, in Tauernes, and disorderly places. For the orderly and quiet men, I haue euer found in all occasions to be of best vse, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I co [...]demne none: but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not, examine the accusation. All whatsoeuer is found vpon the Decke, going for Merchandise, is exempted out of the censure of pillage; Silkes, Linnen, or Woollen cloth in whole pieces, Apparell, that goeth to be sold, or other goods whatsoeuer (though they be in remnants) manifestly knowne to bee carried for that end; or being comprehended in the Register, or Bills of lading, are not to be contayned vnder the name of Pillage.

But as I haue said of the consort, so can I not but complaine of many Captaines and Gouernours, who 10 ouercome with like greedy desire of gaine, condiscend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient Against the disloyalties of Captaines. discipline, the cleanlier to smother their owne disloyalties, in suffering these breake-bulkes to escape, and absent themselues, till the heate be past, and partition made. Some of these cause the Bills of lading to be cast into the Sea, or so to be hidden, that they neuer appeare. Others send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth then the ship and her lading, because they should not discouer their secret stolne treasure: for many times, that which is left out of the Register or Bills of lading (with purpose to de­fraud the Prince of his Customes (in their conceits, held to be excessiue) is of much more value, then Concealment; of much more value, then the Trading. that which the ship and lading is worth. Yea, I haue knowne ships worth two hundred thousand pounds, and better, cleane swept of their principall riches, nothing but the bare bulke being left vnsacked. The like may be spoken, of that which the disorderly Mariner, and the Souldier termeth Pillage. 20

My Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins, in his instructions, in actions vnder his charge, had this particular The preuen­tion of vndue pillagings. Article: That whosoeuer rendred, or tooke any ship, should be bound to exhibite the Bills of lading; to keepe the Captaine, Master, Merchants, and persons of account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England: If they should bee by any accident separated from him, whatsoeuer was found wanting (the prisoners being examined) was to be made good by the Captaine and Companie, which tooke the ship, and this vpon great punishments.

Running alongst the coast, till wee came within few leagues of Arica, nothing happened vn­to vs of extraordinarie noueltie or moment, for wee had the Breze fauourable, which seldome happeneth in this climate, finding our selues in 19. degrees, wee haled the shoare close aboord, purposing to see, if there were any shippi [...]g in the Road of Arica. It standeth in a great large Bay, Aric [...]. 30 in 18. degrees: and before you come to it, a league to the Southwards of the Road and Towne, is a great round Hill, higher then the rest of the land of the Bay, neere about the Towne: which we hauing discouered, had [...]ight presently of a small Barque, close aboord the shoare becalmed; manning our Boat, wee toke her, being loden with fish from Moormereno; which is a goodly Moormereno. head-land, very high, and lieth betwixt 24. and 25. degrees, and whether ordinarily some Ba [...]ques vse to goe a fishing euery yeere.

In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians; The Spaniard, for that he was neere the shoare, swam vnto the Rockes, and though we offered to returne him his barke, and fish (as was our meaning) yet he refused to accept it, and made vs answere, that he durst not, for feare lest the Iustice should punish him. In so great subiection are the poore vnto those who haue the administration of The [...] of Spaine. 40 Iustice in those parts, and in most parts of the Kingdomes and Countries subiect to Spaine. Inso­much, that to heare the Iustice to enter in at their doores, is to them destruction and desolation: for this cause wee carried her alongst with vs. In this meane while, wee had sight of another tall ship, comming out of the Sea, which wee gaue chase vnto, but could not fetch vp, be­ing too good of sayle for vs. Our small Prize and Boate standing off vnto vs, descried ano­ther shippe, which they chased and tooke also, loden with fish, comming from the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes.

After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica, but seeing it cleane without shipping, wee ha­led the coast alongst, and going aboord to visite the bigger Prize, my Companie saluted mee with a vollie of small shot. Amongst them one Musket brake, and carried away the hand of him that shot it, through his owne default, which for that I haue seene to happen many times, I thinke 50 it necessary to note in this place, that others may take warning by his harme. The cause of the Ouercha [...]gi [...]g of Artilerie [...]. Muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets, the powder being ordayned to carrie but the weight of one, and the Musket not to suffer two charges, of powder or shot. By this ouer­sight, the fire is restrained with the ouerplus of the weight of shot, and not being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to pieces, so to finde a way to its owne Centre.

And I am of opinion, that it is a great errour, to proue great Ordnance, or small shot, with double charges of powder, or shot; my reason is, for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot, which the Peece is to beare, and the powder correspondent to the waight of the bullet: and this being granted, I see no reason why any man should require to proue 60 his peece with more, then is belonging to it of right: for I haue seene many goodly peeces bro­ken with such trials, being cleane without hony combes, cracke, flawe, or other perceauable ble­mish, which no doubt, wi [...]h their ordinary allowance would haue serued many yeares. If I should make choice for my selfe, I would not willingly, that any peece should come into Fort, [Page 1398] or ship (vnder my charge) which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance, mis­doubting, least through the violence of the double charge, the Peece may be crased within, or so forced, as at another occasion, with his ordinary allowance he might breake in peeces: how ma­ny men so many mindes: for to others, this may seeme harsh, for that the contrary custome hath so long time beene receiued, and therefore I submit to better experience, and contradict not but that in a demy culuering, a man may put two Saker or Minion shots, or many of smaller waight: and so in a Musket, two Calieuer shot, or many smaller, so they exceede not the ordinary waight, prescribed by proportion, art, and experience.

Hauing visited our prizes, and finding in them nothing but fish, we tooke a small portion for our victualling, and gaue the bigger Ship to the Spaniards againe, and the lesser wee kept with 10 purpose to make her our Pinnace. The Indians (which we tooke in her) would by no meanes de­part The amity of the Indians. from vs, but desired to goe with vs for England, saying that the Indian and English were bro­thers; and in all places where wee came, they shewed them selues much affectionated vnto vs. These were Natiues of Moremoreno, and the most brutish of all that euer I had seene: and ex­cept it were in forme of men and speech, they seemed altogether voide of that which appertai­ned to reasonable men. They were expert swimmers, but after the manner of Spaniels, they diue, and abide vnder water a long time, and swallow the water of the Sea, as if it were of a fresh Their rudé manners and expert swim­ming. Riuer, except a man see them, he would hardly beleeue how they continue in the Sea, as if they were Mermaides, and the water their naturall Element. Their Countrie is most barren, and poore of foode: if they take a fish aliue out of the Sea, or meete with a peece of salted fish, they will de­uoure 20 it without any dressing, as sauourly as if it had beene most curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me beleeue, that they sustaine themselues of that which they catch in the Sea. The Spaniards profit themselues of their labour and trauell, and recompence them badly, they are in worse condition then their slaues, for to those they giue sustenance, house-roome, and clothing, and teach them the knowledge of God; but the other they vse as beasts, to doe their labour with­out wages, or care of their bodies or soules.

§. V. 30

The Viceroy sends an Armado against the English; which vieweth them and retur­neth: is againe set forth: their fight; the English yeelde vpon composition: Diuers martiall discourses.

BY generall accord we eased our selues of a leake prise, and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart of the Bay of Pisco, which lyeth within 15. degrees and 15. minutes. Presently after we were cleare of Cape Sangalean, and his Ilands, we Bay of Pisco. Cape Sangalean ranged this Bay with our Boate and Pinnace. It hath two small Ilands in it, but with­out fruite, and being becalmed, we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilca. Chilca. 40

By Sea and by Land, those of Clyly had giuen aduise to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca, Mar­quis Aduise giuen by Sea and Land. of Cauete, Vice-roy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the Coast. He presently with all possible diligence, put out six Ships in warlike order, with well neere two thousand men, and dispatched them to seeke vs, and to fight with vs, vnder the conduct of Don Be [...]rian de Castro Ydelaluca, his wiues brother; who departing out of the Port of Callao, turned to wind-ward, in sight ouer the shore, from whence they had daily intelligence, where wee had beene discouered. And the next day after our departure out of Chilca, about the middle of May, at breake of day, we had sight each of other, thwart of Cauete, we being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado, some two leagues, and all with little or no winde. Our Pinnace or prize being furnished with Oares came vnto vs, out of which we thought to haue taken our men, and so to leaue her; but 50 being able to come vnto vs at all times, it was held for better, to keepe her till necessitie forced vs to leaue her: and so it was determined, that if we came to likelihood of boording, she should lay our Boate aboord, and enter all her men, and from thence to enter our Ship, and [...]o to forsake her: Although by the euent in that occasion, this proued good, notwithstanding I hold it to be reproued, where the enemy is farre superiour in multitude and force, and able to come and boord, if he list: and that the surest course, is to fortifie the principall, and the best that may be, and to cut off all impediments, where a man is forced to defence; for that no man is assured to haue time answerable to his purpose and will, and vpon doubt whether the others in hope to saue them­selues, will not leaue him in greatest extremitie.

We presently put our selues in the best order we could, to fight, and to defend our selues: our 60 prayers we made vnto the Lord God of battels, for his helpe and our deliuerance, putting our selues wholly into his hands. About nine of the clocke, the Brese began to blow, and wee to stand off into the Sea, the Spaniards cheeke by iole with vs, euer getting to the wind-wards vp­on vs; for that the shipping of the South Sea, is euer moulded sharpe vnder water, and long; [Page 1399] all their voyages depending vpon turning to wind-wards, and the Brese blowing euer Sou­therly.

As the Sunne began to mount aloft, the winde began to fresh: which together with the rowling Sea, that euer beateth vpon this coast, comming out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping Sea, wherewith the Admirall of the Spaniards snapt his maine Mast asunder, and so began to lagge a sterne, and with him, other two Ships. The Vice-admirall split her maine­saile, being come within shot of vs vpon our broad side, but to lee-wards: the Reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the middest, being a head of vs: one of the Armado, which had gotten vpon the broad side of vs, to wind-wards, durst not assault vs.

With these disgraces vpon them, and the hand of God helping and deliuering vs, night com­ming, we began to consult what course was best to be taken, to free our selues; wherein were di­uers 10 opinions: some said it was best to stand off to the Sea close by, all the night: others to lye it a hull: others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and after all the night to stand off to Sea close by. The Admirall of the Spaniards with the other two were a sterne of vs, some foure leagues: the Vice-admirall a mile right to lee-wards of vs: the Reare-admirall in a manner right a head, some culuering shot; and one vpon our loofe, within shot also, the Moone was to rise within two houres. After much debating, it was concluded, that we should beare vp before the winde, and seeke to escape betwixt the Admirall and the Vice-admirall, which we put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, but that of the Reare-admirall: till after our surrender, when they recounted vnto vs all that had past. In the morning at breake 20 of day, we were cleare of all our Enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the Coast, for the Bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our Pinnace, and to renew our wood and water, and so to depart vpon our Voyage with all possible speede.

The Spanish Armado, returned presently to Callao, which is the Port of Lyma, or of the Citie Returne of the Spanish Armado. of the Kings. It was first named Lyma, and retaineth also that name of the Riuer, which passeth by the Citie called Lyma, the Spanish Armado being entred the Port, the people began to goe a­shore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the women, as scarce any one by day would Scoffed at. shew his face, they reuiled them with the name of cowards and golnias, and craued licence of the Vice-roy to be admitted into their roomes, and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe. I haue beene certified for truth, that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Dag­gers 30 and Pistols by their sides. This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed either to recouer their reputation lost, or to follow vs into England, and so with expedi­tion, the Vice-roy commanded two Shippes and a Pinnace to be put in order, and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition.

The foresaid Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs; who ranged the Coasts and They set forth the second time. Ports, enforming himselfe what he could: Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, we tooke a Ship halfe loaden with Wheate, Sugar, Miell de Canas, and Cordo­uan skins: which for that she was leake, and sailed badly, and tackled in such manner (as the Mar­riners would not willingly put themselues into her) we tooke what was necessary for our pro­uision, 40 and fired her. Thwart of Truxillo, wee set the company of her ashoare, with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reseruing the Pilot of the burnt Shippe, and a Greeke, who chose rather to continue with vs, then to hazard their liues in going ashore; for that they had de­parted out of the Port of Santa (which is in eight degrees) being required by the Iustice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was knowne to be cleare.

It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few men they vse to saile Few men [...], a Ship in the South Sea. a Shippe in the South Sea, for in this prise, which was aboue an hundred tunnes, were but eight persons: and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns, they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons: yea I haue beene credibly enformed, that with foureteene persons, a Ship of fiue hun­dred tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deepe loaden: which is aboue two hun­dred leagues. They are forced euer to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards, which is 50 the greatest toyle and labour that the Marriners haue; and slow sometimes in this Voyage foure or fiue moneths, which is generall in all the Nauigations of this coast: but the security from stormes, and certainty of the Brese (with the desire to make their gaine the greater) is the cause that euery man forceth himselfe to the vttermost, to doe the labour of two men.

In the height of the Port of Santa, some seuen hundred and fiftie leagues to the West-wards, Port of Sant [...]. Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon. lye the Ilands of Salomon, of late yeares discouered. At my being in Lyma, a Fleete of foure saile was sent from thence to people them; which through the emulation and discord that arose a­mongst them, being landed and setled in the Countrey, was vtterly ouerthrowne, onely one Shippe, with some few of the people, after much misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to 60 the knowledge of, by a large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the Philip­pines to Panama: I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards Spaine. Hauing edged neere the coast, to put the Spaniards on shore, a thicke fogge tooke vs, so that we could not see the land; but recouering our Pinnace and Boate, we sailed on our course, till wee came thwart of the Port Malabrig [...]. called Malabrigo. It lieth in seuen degrees,

[Page 1400] In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force, but neuer keepeth any certaine course, sauing that it runneth alongst the coast, sometimes to the South-wards, sometimes to the North-wards, Current. which now runneth to the North-wards, forced vs so farre into the Bay (which a point of the land causeth, that they call Punta de Augussa) as thinking to cleare our selues by rouing Punta de Au­gussa. North-west, we could not double this point, making our way North North-west. Therefore speciall care is euer to be had of the current: and doubtlesse, if the prouidence of Almighty God had not Freede vs, we had runne ashore vpon the Land, without seeing or suspecting any such danger; his name be euer exalted and magnified, for deliuering vs from the vnknowne danger, by calming the winde all night: the Suns rising manifested vnto vs our errour and perill, by disco­uering vnto vs the land within two leagues right a head. The current had carried vs without any 10 winde, at the least foure leagues: which seene, and the winde beginning to blow, we brought our tackes aboord, and in short time cleared our selues.

Thwart of this point of Angussa, lye two desert Ilands; they call them Illas de Lobos, for the multitude of Seales, which accustome to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, Point of Au­gussa. Illas de Lobos. and secure: they lye in six degrees and thirty minutes. The next day after we lost sight of those Ilands, being thwart of Payta, which lyeth in fiue degrees, and hauing manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port, we had sight of a tall Ship, which hauing knowledge of our being on the coast, and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea, then in the harbour, put her selfe then vnder saile: to her we gaue chase all that night, and the next day; but in fine, being better of saile then we, she freed her selfe. Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour, and discouered, we conti­nued 20 our course alongst the shore. That euening, wee were thwart of the Riuer of Guyayaquill, which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands: the Souther-most and biggest, called Puma, in three degrees; and the other to the North-wards, Santa clara.

Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build their principall shipping: from this Ri­uer, Lima and all the valleyes are furnished with Timber, for they haue none but that which is Puma. brought from hence, or from the Kingdome of Chile. By this Riuer passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito; it is Nauigable some leagues into the Land, and hath great abundance of Timber.

Those of the Peru, vse to ground and trim their Shippes in Puma, or in Panama, and in all o­ther parts they are forced to carene their Shippes. In Puma it higheth and falleth, fifteene or six­teene 30 foote water, and from this Iland, till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse; keeping the ordinary course, which the Tides doe in all Seas. The water of this Riuer, by experience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the stone and stran­gurie: the reason which is giuen, is, because all the bankes and low land adioyning to this Riuer, Medicinable Riuer. are replenished with Salsaperillia: which lying for the most part soaking in the water, it parti­cipateth of this vertue, and giueth it this force. In this Riuer, and all the Riuers of this coast, are great abundance of Alagartoes; and it is said that this exceedeth the rest, for persons of cre­dit haue certified me, that as small fishes in other Riuers abound in scoales, so the Alagartoes in this; they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadfull to all whom they catch Scoales of Crocodiles. within their clutches. 40

Some fiue or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma, is la Punta de Santa Elena; vnder which is good anchoring, cleane ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, wee had P. de S. Elena. sight of a Shippe, which wee chased, but being of better saile then wee, and the night com­ming on, we lost sight of her; and so anchored vnder the Isla de Plata; to recouer our Pinnace and Boate, which had gone about the other point of the Iland, which lyeth in two degrees, and fortie minutes. The next day we past in sight of Puerto Vicjo, in two degrees ten minutes; which Puerto vicjo. lying without shipping, we directed our course for Cape Passaos. It lyeth directly vnder the E­quinoctiall line; some fourescore leagues to the West-wards of this Cape, lyeth a heape of Ilands, the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos; they are desert and beare no fruite: from Cape Passaos, we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco, which lyeth in one degree to the North-wards 50 of the line: and being thwart of it, we descried a small Shippe, which we chased all that day and night, and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her; but being a Ship of aduise, and full of passengers, and our Ship not able to fetch her vp, they entreated our people badly, and freed themselues, though the feare they conceiued, caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King, as also of particulars into the Sea, with a great part of their loading, to be lighter and better of saile, for the Ships of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters or sand barges, presuming vpon the securitie from stormes.

Being out of hope to fetch vp this Shippe, we stood in with the Cape, where the Land begin­neth to trend about to the East-wards. The Cape is high land, and all couered ouer with trees, and so is the land ouer the Cape, and all the coast (from this Cape to Panama) is full of wood, 60 from the Straits of Magelan, to this Cape of San Francisco. In all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lye betwixt the North and North and by West, and sometimes more We­sterly, and that but seldome: It is a bold coast, and subiect to little foule weather, or alteration of windes, for the Brese, which is the Southerly winde, bloweth continually from Balparizo to [Page 1401] Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance. Trending about the Cape, wee haled in East North-east, to fetch the Bay of Atacames, which lyeth some seuen leagues from the Cape. In Bay of Ataca­mes. the mid way (some three leagues from the shore) lyeth a banke of sand, whereof a man must haue a care; for in some parts of it there is but little water.

The tenth of Iune we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames, which on the Wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an Iland, & in high Springs, I iudge, that the Sea goeth round about it. To the Eastwards it hath a high sandie Cliffe, and in the middest of the Bay, a faire birth, from the shoare lieth a bigge blacke Rocke aboue water: from this Rocke to the sandy Cliffe, is a drowned Marsh ground, caused by his lownesse; And a great Riuer, which is broad but of no depth. 10

Manning our Boate, and running to the shoare, wee found presently in the Westerne bight of the Bay, a deepe Riuer, whose Indraught was so great, that we could not benefit our selues of it, being brackish, except at a low water; which hindred our dispatch, yet in fiue dayes, wee filled all our emptie Caske, supplied ou [...] want of wood, and grounded and put in order our Pin­nasse. Here, for that our Indians serued vs to no other vse, but to consume our victuals, we eased They dismisse their Indians. our selues of them; gaue them Hookes and Lines which they craued, and some bread for a few dayes, and replanted them in a rarre better Countrey, then their owne, which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco; for victuals growing short with her, hauing many mouthes, shee was forced to put ashoare fifty of her pas­sengers, neere the Cape; whereof more then the one halfe died with famine, and continuall Distresse of Spaniards. 20 wading through Riuers and waters: the rest (by chance) meeting with the Indians, which we had put ashore, with their fishing, guide, and industry were refreshed, sustained, and brought to habi­tation.

Our necessary businesse being ended, we purposed the fifteenth day of May, in the morning, Occasion of their ruine. to setsaile, but the foureteenth in the eu [...]ning, we had sight of a Shippe, some three leagues to Sea-wards; and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie. I condiscended that our Pinnace should giue her chase, which I should not haue done, for it was our destruction; I gaue them precise order, that if they stood not in againe at night, they should seeke me at Cape San Francisco, for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay, and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her comming, at nine of the clocke in the morning, we waied our Anchors, and 30 stood for the Cape; where we beate off and on two dayes: and our Pinnace not appearing, wee stood againe into the Bay, where we descried he [...], turning in without a maine Mast, which stan­ding off to the Sea, close by, with much winde and a ch [...]ng Se [...] bearing a taut-sayle, where a A taut saile is that which proportiona­bly is to high for the vess [...]. Boy of S. Ma­thew. little was too much (being to small purpose) sodainely t [...]ey bare it by the bourd; and standing in with the shore, the winde, or rather God blinding th [...]m for our punishment, they knew not the land; and making themselues to be to wind-wards of the Bay, bare vp and were put into the Bay of San Mathew: It is a goodly harbour, and hath a great fresh Riuer, which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and is a good Countrey, and w [...]ll peopled with Indians; they haue store of Gold and Emeralds. Here the Spaniards from Guay aquill made an habitation, whilst I was pri­soner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but after not able to suffer the insolencies of their guests, 40 and being a people of stomacke and presumption, they suffered themselues to bee perswa­ded and led by a Molato. This leader many yeares before had fled vnto them from the The Indians led by a [...] Chase the Spa­niards. Spaniards, him they had long time held in reputation of their Captaine Generall, and was admitted also vnto a chiefe Office by the Spaniards, to gaine him vnto them. But now the Indians vniting themselues together, presuming that by the helpe of this Molato they should force the Spaniards out of the Countrey; put their resolution in execution, droue their enemies into the woods, and slew as many as they could lay hands on few escaped with life; and those who had that good hap, suffered extreame misery before they came to Quito; the place of neerest ha­bitation of Spaniards.

To this Bay, as soone as our people in the Pinnace saw their errour, they brought their tackes 50 aboord, and turned and tyded it vp, as they could. Assoone as we came to Anchor, I procured to remedy that was amisse; in two dayes we dispatched all we had to doe, and the next morn [...]ng we resolued to set sayle and to leaue the coast of Peru and Quito. The day appearing, we began to weigh our Anchors, and being a Pike ready to cut sayle, one out of the top descried the Spa­nish Armado, comming about the Cape: which by the course it kept, presently gaue vs to vn­derstand, Spanish Arma­do. who they were: though my company (as is the custome of Sea men) made them to be the Fleete bound for Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all haste wee should cut sayle and stand with them, which I contradicted, for that I was assured that no Shipping would stirre vpon the coast, till they had securitie of our departure (except some Armado that might be sent to seeke vs) and that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the treasure to Pa­nama. 60 And besides, in riding still at an Anchor, they euer came neerer vnto vs, for they stood directly with vs, and we kept the weather gage; where if wee had put our selues vnder sayle (the ebbe in hand) we should haue giuen them the aduantage, which we had in our power, by rea­son of the point of the Bay. And being the Armado (as it was) we gained time to fit our selues, [Page 1402] the better to fight. And truly (as before, to a stiffe-necked Horse) so now againe, I cannot but resemble the condition of the Mariner to any thing better, then to the current of a furious Riuer, repressed by force or Arte, which neuerthelesse ceasseth not to seeke a way to ouerthrowe both Pride and vn­rulinesse fore­runners of ruine. fence and banke: Euen so the common sort of Sea-men, apprehending a conceit in their imagi­nations, neither experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons nor authoritie, can alter or remoue them from their conceited opinions. In this extremitie, with reason I laboured to conuince them, and to contradict their pretences: but they altogether without reason, or against reason, breake out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage, others in­to wishings, that they had neuer come out of their Countrie, if wee should refuse to fight with two ships whatsoeuer. And to mend the matter, the Gunner (for his part) assured me that with The vnaduised courage of the multitude. 10 the first tire of shot, he would lay the one of them in the sods: And our Pinnace, that she would take the other to taske. One promised, that he would cut downe the Maine-yard, another that hee would take their Flagge; and all in generall shewed a great desire to come to triall with the Enem [...]. To some I turned the deafe eare, with others I dissembled, and armed my selfe with patience (hauing no other defence nor remedie for that occasion) soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and perswaded them to haue a little sufferance, seeing they gained time and aduantage by it. And to giue them better satisfaction I condiscended, that our Captaine with a competent number of men, should with our Pinnace goe to discouer them; with order, that they should not engage themselues in that manner, as they might not bee able to come vnto vs, or we to succour them. In all these diuisions and opinions, our Master, Hugh 20 Dormish (who was a most sufficient man for gouernment and valour, and well saw the errours of the multitude) vsed his office, as became him; and so did all those of best vnderstanding.

In short space, our Pinnace discouered what they were, and casting about to returne vnto vs, the Vice-admirall (being next her) began with her chafe to salute her with three or foure Peeces of Artilerie, and so continued chasing her, and gunning at her. My Companie seeing this, now began to change humour: And I then, to encourage and perswade them to performe the execu­tion of their promises and vaunts of valour, which they had but euen now protested, and giuen assurance of, by their profers and forwardnesse,. And that we might haue Sea-roome to fight, we presently weighed Anchor, and stood off to Sea with all our sayles, in hope to get the wea­ther gage of our contraries. But the winde scanting with vs, and larging with them, we were 30 forced to lee-ward. And the Admirall weathering vs, came roome vpon vs: which being with­in The beginning of the fight. Musket shot, wee hailed first with our noise of Trumpets, then with our Waytes, and after with our Artilerie: which they answer [...]d with Artilerie, two for one. For they had double the The inexperi­ence of the Spaniards, and ef the English Gunner. And careles­nesse of the English. Ordnance we had, and almost [...]en men for one. Immediatly they came shoaring aboord of vs, vpon our lee quarter contrarie to our expectation, and the custome of men of Warre. And doubt­lesse, had our Gunner beene the man hee was reputed to be, and as the world sold him to me, shee had receiued great hurt by that manner of boording: But contrarie to all expectation, our stearne Peeces were vnprimed, and so were all those, which we had to lee-ward (saue halfe one in the quarter) which discharged wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had fiue or sixe foot water in hold, before they suspected it. 40

Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such extremities, when How farre a Commander is to trust his officers. he himselfe may see it done: and comming to fight, let the Chieftaine himselfe bee sure to haue all his Artilerie in a readinesse, vpon all occasions. This was my ouersight, this my ouerthrow. For I, and all my Companie, had that satisfaction of the sufficiency and care of our Gunner, as not any one of vs euer imagined there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I with the rest of our Officers, occupied ourselues in clearing our Deckes, lacing our Nettings, making of Bulwarkes, arming our Toppes, fitting our Wast-clothes, tallowing our Pikes, slinging our Yards, doubling our Sheetes and Tackes, placing and ordering our People, and procuring that they should be well fitted and prouided of all things; leauing the Artilerie, and other Instru­ments of fire, to the Gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his Mates and Adherents: which 50 (as I said) was part of our perdition. For bearing me euer in hand, that he had fiue hundred Car­tredges in a readinesse, within one houres fight, wee were forced to occupie three persons, onely in making and filling Cartredges, and of fiue hundred elles of Canuas and other Cloth giuen him for that purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we haue no excuse, and therefore could not auoide the danger, to charge and discharge with the Ladle, especially in so hot a fight. And comming now to put in execution the sinking of the ship, as he promised, hee seemed a man without life or soule. So the Admirall comming close vnto vs, I my selfe, and the Master of our ship, were forced to play the Gunners.

Those Instruments of fire, wherein he made me to spend excessiuely (before our going to Sea) Deceit of the Gunner, and his extreme carelesnesse, and suspicious disloyaltie. now appeared not; Neither the brasse Bals of Artificiall fire to be shot with Slurbowes (where­of 60 I had sixe Bowes, and two hundreth Bals, which are of great account and seruice, either by Sea or Land) he had stowed them in such manner (though in double Barrels) as the salt water had spoyled them all; so that comming to vse them, not one was seruiceable. Some of our Com­panie had him in suspicion, to be more friend to the Spaniards, then to vs; for that hee had ser­ued [Page 1403] some yeares in the Tercea, as Gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few of our Pee­ces were cleere, when we came to vse them, and some had the shot first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry; it was laid to his charge, that he should say; he had a Bro­ther that serued the King in Peru, and that he thought he was in the Armado; and how he would not for all the world, he should be slaine. Whether this were true or no, I know not, but I am sure all in generall gaue him an ill report, and that hee, in whose hands the chiefe execution of the whole fight confisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected.

It is requisite that all Captaines and Commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices, that Who to ac­count a true Marriner. they might be able as well to controule as to examine all manner of errors in officers. For the Gouernment at Sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience. The deficiencie whereof hath occasioned 10 some ancient Sea-men to straighten the attribute of Marriner in such sort, as that it ought not to be giuen but to the man who is able to build his Ship, to fit and prouide her of all things necessarie, and after to carry her about the world: residue, to be but saylers. Hereby giuing vs to vnderstand, that hee should His knowledge for Materials. know the parts and peeces of the Ship, the value of the timber, planke and Iron-worke, so to be able as­well to build in proportion, as to procure all materials at a iust price. And againe, to know how to cut his sayles, what length is competent to euery Roape, and to be of sufficiencie to reprehend and reforme those who erre, and doe amisse. In prouiding his Ship for victuals, munition and necessaries, of force it must For prouisions. be expected that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once prouided and perfected) in season, and with expedition to see it loden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, Hee is to order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home, and at Sea, euer to know how much 20 is spent, and what remaineth to be spent. In the Art of Nauigation, he is bound also to know, so much For Nauigatiō as to be able to giue directions to the Pilot & Master, and consequently to all the rèst of inferior officers.

In matter of guide and disposing of the Saylers, with the tackling of the Ship, and the workes which be­long Office of the Master. thereunto, within bourd and without, all is to be committed to the Masters charge. The Pilot is to looke carefully to the Sterridge of the Ship, to be watchfull in taking the heights of Sunne and Starre; Office of the Pilot. The Boate­swaine. to note the way of his Ship, with the augmenting and lessening of the winde, &c. The Boateswaine is to see his Ship kept cleane; his Mastes, yards and tacklings well coated, matted and armed; his shrouds and staies well set; his sailes repaired, and sufficiently preuented with martnets, blayles, and caskets; his boate fitted with Sayle, Oares, thoughts, tholes danyd, windles and rother: His Anchors well boyed, sufe­ly stopped and secured, with the rest to him appertaining. The Steward is to see the preseruation of Vi­ctuals The Steward. 30 and necessaries, committed vnto his charge; and by measure and weight, to deliuer the portions ap­pointed, and with discretion and good tearmes, to giue sat [...]faction to all. The Carpenter is to view the The Carpenter mastes and yards, the sides of the Ship, her deckes and cabines; her pumpes and boate; and moreouer to occupie himselfe in the most forcible workes, except he be otherwise c [...]ded. The Gunner is to care The Gunner. for the britching and tackling of his Artillery; the fitting of his shot, T [...]pkins, coynes, crones and lin­stokes, &c. To be prouident in working his fire workes, in making and filling his Cartreges; in accommo­dating his ladles, sponges and other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleansing the armes, munition, and such like workes, intrusted vnto him.

In this manner euery officer in his office, ought to be an absolute Commander, yet ready in obedience and loue, to sacrifice his will to his superiors command: This cannot but cause vnitie; and vnitie cannot 40 but purchase a happie issue to dutifull trauels. Lastly, except it be in vrgent and precise cases, the Head Directions in secret. should neuer direct his command to any, but the officers, and these secretly, except the occasion require publication; or that it touch all in generall. Such orders would be (for the most part) in writing, that all might know what in generall is commanded and required.

The reason why the Admirall came to leewards (asafter I vnderstood) was for that her Artil­lery being very long, and the winde fresh, bearing a taut sayle, to fetch vs vp, and to keepe vs Why the Spa­nish Admirall came to lee­wards. company, they could not vse their Ordnance to the weather of vs, but lay shaking in the winde: And doubtlesse it is most proper for shippes to haue short Ordnance, except in the sterne or chase. The reasons are many: viz. easier charging, ease of the Shippes side, better tra­uersing and mounting, yea, greater securitie of the Artillery, and consequently of the Shippe. For Rule for Ord­nance. 50 the longer the Peece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the torment and danger of the Peece the greater. But here will be contradiction by many, that dare auouch that longer Peeces are to be preferred; for that they burne their powder better, and carry the shot further, and so necessarily of better execution: whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without bur­ning, and workes thereby the slenderer effect. To which I answere, that for Land seruice, Forts, or Castles, the long Peeces are to be preferred; but for shipping, the shorter are much more seruiceable. And the pow­der in them, being such as it ought, will be all fired long before the shot come forth; and to reach farre in fights at Sea, is to little effect: For he that purposeth to annoy his Enemie, must not shoote at randon, nor at point blanke, if he purpose to accomplish with his deuoire, neither must he spend his shot, nor powder, but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary; how much the neerer, so much the better: and this duely ex­ecuted, 60 the short Artillery will worke his effect, as well as the long; otherwise, neither short nor long are of much importance: but here, my meaning is not, to approue the ouershort Peeces, deuised by some per­sons, which at euery shot they make, daunce out of their cariages, but those of indifferent length, and which keepe the meane, betwixt seauen and eight foote.

[Page 1404] The entertainment we gaue vnto our contraries, being otherwise then was expected, they fell off, and ranged a head, hauing broken in peeces all our gallerie: and presently they cast a­bout Intertainment of Spaniards. vpon vs, and being able to keepe vs company, with their fighting sailes lay a weather of vs, ordinarily within Musket shot; playing continually with them and their great Artillerie; which we endured, and answered as we could. Our Pinnace engaged her selfe so farre, as that before she could come vnto vs, the Vice-admirall had like to cut her off, and comming to lay vs aboord, and to enter her men, the Vice-admirall boorded with her; so that some of our company entred our Ship ouer her bow-sprit, as they themselues reported. Wee were not a little comfor­ted with the sight of our people in safetie, within our Ship, for in all, wee were but threescore and fifteene men and boyes, when we began to fight, and our enemies thirteene hundred men and The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. 10 boyes, little more or lesse, and those of the choise of Peru.

Here it shall not be out of the way, to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline, and manner of their gouernment in generall; which is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two Generals, The Spanish discipline. the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute authoritie and command: The other Michael Angell Pilipon, a man well in yeares, and came to this preferment by his long and painefull seruice, who though he had the title of Generall by Sea, I thinke it was rather of courtesie then by Pattent; and for that he had beene many yeares Generall of the South Seas, for the carriage and swaftage of the Siluer from Lyma to Panama; Hee seemed to be an assistant, to supply that with his counsell, aduice, and experi­ence, whereof Don Beltran had neuer made triall (for he commanded not absolutely, but with the con­firmation of Don Beltran) for the Spaniards neuer giue absolute authoritie to more then one. A custome 20 that hath beene, and is approued in all Empires, Kingdomes, Common-wealths, and Armies, rightly disci­plined: the mixture hath beene seldome seene to prosper, as will manifestly appeare, if we consider the issue of all actions and iourneys committed to the gouernment of two or more generally.

The Spaniards in their Armadoes by Sea, imitate the discipline, order and officers, which are in an Army by Land, and diuide themselues into three bodies, to wit, Souldiers, Marriners and Gunners. Their Souldiers ward and watch, and their officers in euery Ship round, as if they were on the shoare; this is the onely taske they vndergoe, except cleaning their Armes, wherein they are not ouer curious. The Gunners The Souldiers. are exempted from all labour and care, except about the Artillerie. And these are either Almaynes, Flemmings, or strangers; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art. The Marriners The Gunner. are but as slaues to the rest, to moyle and to toyle day and night, and those but few and bad, and not suffe­red The Marriner. to sleepe or harbour themselues vnder the deckes. For in faire or foule weather, in stormes, sunne or 30 raine, they must passe voide of couert or succour.

There is ordinarily in euery Ship of Warre, a Captaine, whose charge is, as that of our Masters with vs, and also a Captaine of the Souldiers, who commandeth the Captaine of the Ship, the Souldiers, Gun­ners, Officers in a Ship of War. Captaine of the Ship. Captaine of the Soldiers. M. Del Campo. &. and Marriners in her; yea, though there be diuers Captaines, with their companies in one Shippe (which is vsuall amongst them) yet one hath the supreame authoritie, and the residue are at his ordering and disposing. They haue their Mastros de Campo, Sergeant, Master, Generall (or Captaine) of the Ar­tillery, with their Alfere Maior, and all other officers, as in a Campe. If they come to fight with another Armado, they order themselues as in a battell by land: In a Vanguard, rereward, maine battell, and wings, &c. In euery particular Ship the Souldiers are set all vpon the deckes; their forecastle they account 40 their head Front, or Vangard of their company; that abast the Mast, the rereward; and the waste, the maine battell; wherein they place their principall force, and on which they principally relye, which they call their placa de armas or place of Armes; which taken, their hope is lost. The Gunners fight not, but with their great Artillerie: the Marriners attend onely on the tackling of the Ship, and handling of the sailes, and are vnarmed, and subiect to all misfortunes; not permitted to shelter themselues, but to be still aloft, Ill order. whether it be necessary or needelesse. So ordinarily, those which first faile are the Marriners and Sailers, of which they haue greatest neede. They vse few close fights or fireworks, & all this proceedeth (as I iudge) of errour in placing land Captaines for Gouernors and Commanders by Sea, where they seldome vnder­stand what is to be done or commanded.

Some that haue beene our prisoners, haue perfited themselues of that, they haue seene amongst vs: and 50 others disguised, vnder colour of treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, & other Im­bassages, Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline. haue noted our forme of shipping, our manner of defences and discipline: Sit hence which espiall in such actions as they haue beene imployed in, they seeke to imitate our gouernment, and reformed discipline at Sea: which doubtlesse is the best, and most proper that is at this day knowne, or practised in the whole Their imitati­on of our Dis­cipline. world, if the execution be answerable to that which is known and receiued for true and good amongst vs.

In the Captaine (for so the Spaniards call their Admirall) was an English Gunner, who to gaine grace with those vnder whom he serued, preferring himselfe, and offered to sinke our Ship with Englishman lost the English and therefore the man. the first shot he made; who, by the Spaniards relation, being trauersing a peece in the bowe, to make his shot, had his head carried away with the first or second shot, made out of our Ship. It slew also two or three of those which stood next him, A good warning for those which fight a­gainst 60 their Countrie.

The fight continued so hot on both sides, that the Artillery and Muskets neuer ceased play­ing. Our contraries, towards the euening, determined the third time to lay vs abourd, with resolution to take vs, or to hazard all. The order they set downe for the execution [Page 1405] hereof, was, that the Captaine (or Admirall) should bring himselfe vpon our weather bow, and so fall aboord of vs, vpon our broad side: And that the Vice-admirall, should lay his Admirall aboord vpon his weather quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her, they might en­ter vs, or doe as occasion should minister.

The Captaine of the Vice-admirall, being more hardie then considerate, and presuming with his ship and company to get the prize, and chiefe honour; waited not the time to put in executi­on the direction giuen, but presently came aboord to wind-wards vpon our broad side. Which The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse. doubtlesse was the great and especiall Prouidence of Almightie God, for the discouraging of our e­nemies, and animating of vs. For although she was as long, or rather longer then our ship, being rarely built, and vtterly without fights or defence; what with our Muskets, and what with our fire-works we clered her decks in a moment; so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtlesse if 10 we had entred but a doozen men, we might haue enforced them to haue rendred vnto vs, or ta­ken her, but our company being few, and the principall of them slaine, or hurt, wee durst not, neither was it wisdome, to aduenture the separation of those which remayned: and so held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keepe our forces together in defence of our owne.

The Vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse, called to his Admirall for succour: who presently laid him aboord, and entred a hundred of his men, and so cleered themselues of vs. In this boording the Vice-admirall had at the least thirtie and six men hurt, and slaine; and amongst them his Pilot shot through the bodie, so as he died presently. And the Admirall also receiued some losse; which wrought in them a new resolution; only with their Artillery to batter vs; And take a new resolution 20 and so with time to force vs to surrender, or to sink vs, which they put in execution; and placing themselues within a Musket shot of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating vpon vs without intermission, which was doubtlesse the best and securest determination they could take, for they being rare ships, and without any manner of close fights, in boording with vs, their men were all open vnto vs, and we vnder couert and shelter. For on all parts our ship was Musket free, and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side (the ships being once grapled together) except we resolued to sacrifice our selues together in fire. For it is impossible, if the great Ordnance play (the ships being boorded) but that they must set fire Great Ord­nance [...]e [...] ship neere. on the ship they shoot at; and then no suretie can bee had to free himselfe, as experience daily confirmeth. A Peece is as a Thunder-clap. As was seene in the Spanish Admirall after my impri­sonment, 30 crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a Rayao, (for so the Spaniards call a Thun­derclap) brake ouer our ship, killed one in the fore-top, astonished either two or three in the shroudes, and split the Mast in strange manner; where it entred, it could hardly be discerned, but S [...]r [...]nge e [...] of Th [...]. where it came forth, it draue out a great splinter before it; and the man slaine, was cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt, although all his bones turned to powder, and those who liued and recouered, had all their bodies blacke, as burnt with fire. In like manner the Peece of Ordnance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand aslope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his leuell: though sometimes the wind of the shot ouerthroweth one, and the splinters (beeing accidents) mayne and hurt others. But principally where the Peece doth resemble the Thunderclap, as when the ships are boorded. For 40 then, although the Artillerie be discharged without shot, the fury of the fire, and his piercing na­ture is such, as it entreth by the seames, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch, Tarre, Oaombe, and sometimes with powder, presently conuerteth all into flames. For auoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by Pikes and o­ther inuentions of fire, and if any ship be oppressed with many ships at once, and subject by them to be boorded; I hold it a good course to strike his fire and mayne yards close to his decke, and to fight with sprit-saile, and myson, and top-sailes loose: so shall hee bee able to hinder them from oppressing him. Some haue thought it a good policie to launce out some ends of masts or yards by Policies to a­u [...]ide boor­dings. the Ports or other parts: but this is to be vsed in the greater ships, for in the lesser, though they be neuer so strong, the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides, and doe hurt, and 50 make great spoile in the lesser. And in boording, ordinarily the lesser ship hath al the harme, which the one ship can doe vnto the other.

Here is offered to speake of a point much canuassed amongst Carpenters, and Sea Captaines, diuersly maintained, but yet vndetermined: that is, whether the race or loftie built ship, be best for the Merchant, and those which imploy themselues in trading: I am of opinion, that the race ship is most conuenient; yet so, Dispute con­cerning ships of Trade. as that euery perfect ship ought to haue two decks, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preseruing of her Merchandize and victuall, and for her greater safetie from Sea and stormes. But for the Princes ships, and such as are imployed continually in the Warres, to bee Concerning the Prince his ships. built loftie I hold very necessarie for many Reasons. First, for Maiestie and terrour of the Enemie; Secondly, for harbouring of many men; Thirdly, for accomodating more men to fight: Fourthly, 60 for placing and vsing more Artillerie; Fiftly, for better strengthning and securing of the ship; Sixt­ly, for ouer topping and subiecting the Enemie; Seuenthly, for greater safegard and defence of the shippe and company. For it is plaine, that the shippe with three deckes, or with two and an halfe, shewes more pompe then another of her burthen with a decke and halfe, or two deckes, and [Page 1406] breedeth great terror to the enemy, discouering her selfe to be a more powerfulship as she is, then the other, which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a Barke, and with her low building hideth her bur­then. And who doubteth that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight, nor carrie the Artillerie so plentifully, nor so com­modiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe, as with two deckes, nor with two as with three, nor carrie her Masts so taut, nor spread so great a clue, nor contriue so many fights to answere one another for defence & offence. And the aduantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth.

That which hath beene spoken of the danger of the Artillerie in boording is not to be wrested, nor inter­preted Courses for Artillery after boording. to cut off vtterly the vse of all Artillerie after boording, but rather I hold nothing more conueni­ent in ships of Warre, then Fowlers and great Bases in the cage workes, and Murderers in the Cobridge 10 heads, for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging is of great moment. Many I know haue left the vse of them, and of sundry other preuentions, as of sherehookes, stones in their tops, and ar­ming Disuse of en­gines of Anti­quitie. them, Pikebolts in their males and diuers other engines of Antiquitie. But vpon what inducement I cannot relate, vnlesse it be because they neuer knew their effects and benefit, and may no doubt be vsed without the inconueniences before mentioned in great Ordnance. As also such may bee the occasion, that without danger some of the great Artillery may be vsed, and that with great effect, which is in the discre­tion of the Commanders and their Gunners, as hath beene formerly seene and daily is experimented. In the Reuenge of her Maiesties, good experience was made, who sunke two of the Spanish Armado lying aboord her.

In these boordings and skirmishes diuers of our men were slaine, and many hurt, and my selfe 20 amongst them receiued six wounds; one of them in the necke very perillous; another through Sir R. H. woun­ded. the arme perishing the bone, and cutting the sinewes close by the Arme-pit; the rest not so dan­gerous. The Master of our ship had one of his eyes, his nose, and halfe his face shot away. Master Henry Courton was slaine; on these two I principally relied for the prosecution of our voyage, if God by sicknes, or otherwise should take me away. The Spaniards with their great Ordnance lay The Spaniards patley. continually playing vpon vs, and now and then parled and inuited vs to surrender our selues a Buena Querra. The Captaine of our ship, in whose direction and guide, our liues, our honour, and welfare now remained; seeing many of our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy (if hee should againe boord vs) and that our contraries offered vs good pertido: came vnto me accompanied with some 30 others, and began to relate the state of our ship, and how that many were hurt and slain, and scarce any men appeared to trauerse the Artillery, or to oppose themselues for defence if the enemy should boord with vs againe. And how that the Admirall offered vs life and liberty, and to receiue vs a Buena querra, and to send vs into our owne Countrey. Saying, that if I thought it so meet, hee and the rest were of opinion that wee should put out a flag of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse of blood had weakned me much. The torment of my wounds new­ly receiued made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should giue vp the ghost.

But this parly pierced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words failed mee wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceiue it, but hee which findeth himselfe in the like 40 agonie: yet griefe and rage ministred force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following.

Great is the Crosse, which almightie God hath suffered to come vpon mee; that assaulted by our pro­fessed enemies, and by them wounded (as you see) in body, lying gasping for breath) those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me, those which I relied on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions. Those whom I haue nourished, cherished, fostered and loued as my children to succour me, helpe me, and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities, are they who first draw their swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giuing me vp into mine enemies hands, whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this fa [...]t­nesse of heart? whence this madnesse? is the cause you fight for, vniust? is the honor and loue of your Prince and Countrey buried in the dust? your sweet liues, are they become loathsome vnto you? will you exchange 50 your liberty for thraldome, will you consent to see that, which you haue sweat for, and procured with so great labour and aduenture at the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selues to suffer my bloud spilt before your eyes? and my life bereft me in your presence? with the bloud and liues of your deere bre­thren to be vnreuenged? is not an honourable death to be preferred, before a miserable and slauish life? The one sustaining the honor of our Nation, of our predecessors, and of our societie, the other ignominious to our selues, and reproachfull to our Nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you, that neuer leaueth to breake it with others when he thinketh it aduantagious? and know you not, that with him all is conuenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime; that, nulla fides est Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promi­ses. [...]ruanda cum hereticis. In which number they account vs to be. Haue you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in S. Iohn de Vlua, the conditions & capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy, & twelue 60 Hostages, all principall personages giuen for the more securitie of either partie to other? Haue you forgotten their promise broken with Iohn Vibao, & his company in Florida, hauing conditioned to giue them shipping and victuals to carry them into their country? immediately after they had deliuered their weapons & arms, had they not their throats cut? haue you forgotten how they dealt with Iohn Oxenham, & his Company, [Page 1407] in this Sea, yeelding vpon composition? and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries (being car­ried from Panama to Lyma) and there hanged with all his Company, as Pyrates, by the Iustice? And can you forget how daily they abuse our noble natures, which being void of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to our losse? for that when we come to demand performance, they stop our mouthes: Either with lay­ing the inquision vpon vs, or with deliuering vs into the hands of the ordinary Iustice, or of the Kings Ministers. And then vrged with their promises, they shrinke vp to the shoulders, and say, That they haue now no further power ouer vs. They sorrow in their hearts, to see their promise is not accomplished; but now they cannot doe vs any good office, but to pray to God for vs, and to intreat the Ministers in our be­halfe. The rest of this confe­rence, being long, is omit­ted. They resolue to fight out. Came wee into the South-sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to auaile our selues of white rags? 10

The Captaine and Company were perswaded to resolution; and in accomplishment of this promise and determination, they perseuered in sustaining the fight all this night, with the day and night following, and the third day after. In which time the Enemy neuer left vs day nor night, beating continually vpon vs with his great and small shot. Sauing that euery morning, an houre before breake of day, hee edged a little from vs to breath, and to remedie such defects as The Enemy breatheth. were amisse; as also to consult what they should doe the day and night following. This time of interdiction we imployed in repairing our Sayles and Tacklings, in stopping our Leakes, in fishing and woolling our Masts and Yards, in mending our Pumpes, and in fitting and prouiding our selues for the day to come: though this was but little space for so many workes, yet gaue it The English re­paire their defects. great reliefe and comfort vnto vs, and made vs better able to endure the defence: for otherwise 20 our ship must of force haue suncke before our surrendrie, hauing many shot vnder water, and our Pumpes shot to pieces euery day. In all this space, not any man of either part tooke rest or sleepe, and little sustenance, besides Bread and Wine.

In the second dayes fight, the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter, William Blanch, one of our Masters mates, with a luckie hand, made a shot vnto her with one of our sterne Peeces; it car­ried Vice-admirals mast shot away away his maine Mast close by the deck: wherewith the Admirall beare vp to her to see what harme shee had receiued, and to giue her such succour, as shee was able to spare: which we seeing, were in good hope that they would haue now left to molest vs any longer, hauing wherewithall to entertaine themselues in redressing their owne harmes. And so we stood away from them close Aduantages omitted. by as wee could: which wee should not haue done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our 30 selues close vpon her weathergage, and with our great and small shot hindered them from repai­ring their harmes: if we had thus done, they had beene forced to cut all by the boord, and it may be (lying a hull, or to le-wards of vs) with a few shot we might haue sunke her. At the least, it would haue declared to our enemies that we had them in little estimation, when able to go from them, we would not: and perhaps beene a cause to haue made them to leaue vs.

But this occasion was let slip, as also, that other to fight with them, sayling quarter winds, or before the wind: for hauing stood off to Sea a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our plea­sure, and no man hauing sea roome is bound to fight as his enemy will with disaduantage, being able otherwise to deale with equalitie: contrariwise, euery man ought to seeke the meanes hee can, for his defence and greatest aduantage to the anoyance of his contrary. 40

Now we might with our fore-saile low set haue borne vp before the winde, and the enemy of force must haue done the like, if he would fight with vs, or keep vs company; and then should we The difference of shot. haue had the aduantage of them. For although their Artillery were longer, waightier, and ma­ny more then ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence; yet ours being of greater bore, and carrying a waightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of better effect for sink­ing and spoyling: for the smaller shot passeth through, and maketh but his hole, and harmeth Their effects. that which lyeth in his way; but the greater shaketh and shiuereth all it meeteth, and with the splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt, then with his proper cir­cumference: as is plainely seene in the battery by land, when the Saker, and Demy-coluerin, the Coluerin, and Demi-canon (being peeces that reach much further point blanke then the Canon) 50 are nothing of like importance for making the breach, as is the Canon; for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficultie, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking and ouer­throwing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce better, and make onely their hole, and so hide themselues in the Wooll or Rampire.

Besides (our ship being yare and good of steeridge) no doubt but we should haue plaied better with our Ordnance, and with more effect then did our enemies; which was a greater terrour be­ing able to fight with lesse disaduantage, and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined, which I knew not of, neither was able to direct though I had knowne it; being in a manner senslesse, what with my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for that Errors in fight. had seldome knowne it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to be put in execution. 60

The General not being able to succour his Vice-admiral, except he should vtterly leaue vs, gaue them order to shift as well as they could for the present, and to beare with the next Port, and there to repaire their harmes. Himselfe presently followed the Chase, and in short space fetched vs vp, and began a fresh to batter vs with his great and small shot. The Vice-admirall (hauing [Page 1408] saued what they could) cut the rest by the boord, and with Fore-sayle and Myson came after vs also, and before the setting of the Sun, were come vpon our broad side, we bearing all our Sayles, and after kept vs company, lying vpon our weather quarter, and anoying vs what shee could.

Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things, which were most preiudiciall vnto vs, and the principall causes of our perdition, the errours and faults of late dayes, crept in amongst those who fol­low the Sea, and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our misfortunes others Learned from the Flemings & Easterlings. 1. To fight vnarmed. 2. To drinke to excesse. would take warning, and procure to redresse them as occasions shall be offered. The one, is to fight v [...] ­med, where they may fight armed. The other, is in comming to fight, to drinke themselues drunke. Yea, some are so mad, that they mingle Powder with Wine to giue it the greater force, imagining that it gi­ueth spirit, strength and courage, and taketh away all feare and doubt. The latter is, for the most part 10 true, but the former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though the nature of wine with moderation, is to comfort and re [...]e the heart, and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit; yet the im­moderate vse thereof worketh quite contrary effects.

In fights, all receits which adde courage and spirit, are of great regard to be allowed and vsed; and so is a draught of wine to be giuen to euery man before he come to action, but more then enough is pernicious; for, exceeding the meanes, it offendeth, and infeebleth the sences, conuerting the strength (which should re­sist the force of the enemy) into weakenesse: it dulleth and blindeth the vnderstanding, and consequently de­praueth any man of true valour. For that hee is disenabled to iudge and apprehend the occasion, which may bee offered to assault and retire in time conuenient, the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this nimium bred great disorder and inconuenience in our 20 ship, the pot continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many, who blinded with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus, and thus would stand at hazard; some in vaine Folly of the bold English. glory vaunting themselues; some other rayling vpon the Spaniards; another inuiting his companion to come and stand by him; and not to budge a foote from him: which indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the liues of many a good man, slaine by our enemies Muskettiers, who suffered not a man to shew himselfe, but they presently ouerthrew him with speed and watchfulnesse. For preuention of the second er­rour, although I had great preparation of Armour, as well of proofe, as of light Corselets, yet not a man would vse them, but esteemed a pot of wine, a better defence, then an armour of proofe: which truly was great madnesse, and a lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people, and well to be weighed by all Commanders. For if the Spaniard surpasseth vs in any thing, it is in his temperance The Spaniard surpas [...]eth vs onely in tem­perance. 30 and suffering: and, where he hath had the better hand of vs, it hath beene (for the most part) through our owne folly, for that wee will fight vnarmed with him being armed. And although I haue heard many men maintaine, that in shipping, armour is of little profit; all men of good vnderstanding, will condemne such desperate ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth the parts of a mans bodie (which it couereth) from pike, sword, and all hand weapons: it likewise giueth boldnesse and courage; a man ar­med, giueth a greater and a weightier blow, then a man vnarmed, he standeth faster, and with greater dif­ficultie is to be ouerthrowne.

And I neuer read, but that the glistering of the armour hath beene by Authors obserued, for that (as I imagine) his show breedeth terrour in his contraries, and despaire to himselfe if he be vnarmed. And The v [...]e & pro­fit of arming, exactly obser­ued by the Spanish. therefore in time of warre, such as deuote themselues to follow the profession of Armes (by Sea or by 40 Land) ought to couet nothing more then to bee well armed, for as much as it is the second meanes, next Gods protection, for preseruing and prolonging many mens lines. Wherin the Spanish nation deserueth com­mendation aboue others, euery one from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in prouiding faire and good Armes. Hee which cannot come to the price of a Corslet, will haue a coate of Mayle, a Iacket, at least, a Buffe-ierkin, or a priuie Coate; And hardly will they bee found without it, albeit they liue, and serue (for the most part) in extreame hot Countries.

Whereas I haue knowne many bred in cold Countries, in a moment complaine of the waight of their Armes, that they smoother them and then cast them off, chusing rather to be shot through with a bullet, or lanched through with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure a little trauaile and suffering. But let mee giue these lazie ones this lesson, that hee that will goe a warfare, must resolue himselfe to fight, 50 and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to endure both heate and weight, first, for the safeguard of his life, and next for subduing of his enemy; both which are hazarded and put into great danger, if hee fight vnarmed with an enemy armed. Now for mine owne opinion, I am resolued that ar­mour Armes more necessary by Sea, then at Land. is more necessary by Sea, then by Land, yea, rather to be excused on the shoare, then in the ship. My reason is, for that on the shoare the bullet onely hurteth, but in the ship, I haue seene the splinters kill and hurt many at once, and yet the shot to haue passed without touching any person. As in the Galeon, in which I came out of the Indies, in Anno 1597. in the rode of Tarcera, when the Queenes Maiesties ships, vnder the charge of the Earle of Essex, chased vs into the roade, with the splinters of one shot, were slaine, maymed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons, the most part whereof had beene excused if they had beene armed. 60

And doubtlesse, if these errours had beene forescene, and remedied by vs, many of those who were slaine and hurt, had beene on foot, and wee enabled to haue sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer; and perhaps at last had freed our selues. For if our enemy had come to boord with vs, our close fights were such as wee were secure, and they open vnto vs. And what with our Cubridge heads, [Page 1409] one answering the other, our hatches vpon bolts, our brackes in our Deckes and Gunner roome, it was im­possible to take vs as long as any competent number of men had remained, twentie persons would haue suf­ficed for defence, and for this such ships are called Impregnable, and are not to be taken, but by surren­der, nor to be ouercome, but with boording or sinking, as in vs by experience was verified; and not in vs alone, but in the Reuenge of the Queenes Maiestie, which being compassed round about with all the Ar­mado The Reuenge auenged. of Spaine, and boorded sundry times by many at once, is said to haue sunke three of the Armado by her side.

A third and last cause of the losse of sundry of our men, most worthy of note for all Captaines, owners, The third cause. Race-ships of Warre disliked and Carpenters: was the race building of our ship; the onely fault shee had, and now adayes held for a principall grace in any ship: but by the experience which I haue had, it seemeth for sundry reasons verie preiudiciall for ships of Warre. For in such, those which tackle the sayles, of force must bee vpon the 10 deckes, and are open without shelter or any defence: yet here it will bee obiected, That for this inconueni­ence, waste clothes are prouided, and for want of them it is vsuall to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men: worthily may it bee called a shadow, and one of the most pernitious customes that can bee vsed Wast-clothes, not so vsef [...]ull as other deuī ­ses. for this shadow or defence, being but of linnen or woollen cloth emboldneth many, who without it would retire to better securitie, whereas now thinking themselues vnseene, they become more bold then otherwise they would, and thereby shot through, when they least thinke of it. Some Captaines obseruing this errour, haue sought to remedie it in some of his Maiesties ships, not by altering the building, but by deuising a certaine defence made of foure or fiue inch planks, of fiue foot high, and sixe foote broad, run­ning vpon wheeles, and placed in such parts of the ship, as are most open. These they name Blenders, and made of Elme, for the most part, for that it shiuers not with a shot, as Oake and other Timber will doe, 20 which are now in vse and seruice, but best it is when the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proofe for defence of those, which of force must labour and be aloft.

This race building, first came in by ouermuch homing in of our ships, and receiued for good, vnder co­lour of making our ships thereby the better sea-ships, and of better aduantage to hull and try: but in my iudgement it breedeth many inconueniences, and is farre from working the effect they pretend, by disina­bling them for bearing their cage worke correspondent, to the proportion and mould of the ship, making them tender sided, and vnable to carry sayle in any fresh gaile of winde, and diminishing the play of their Artillery, and the place for accommodating their people to fight, labour, or rest. And I am none of those who hold opinion, that the ouer-much homing in, the more the better, is commodious and easier for the ship, and this is out of the experience that I haue learned, which with forcible reasons I could proue, 30 to be much rather discommodious and worthy to be reformed. But withall I hold it not necessarie to dis­course here of that particularitie, but leaue the consequence to men of vnderstanding, and so surcease.

All this second day, and the third day and night, our Captaine and company sustained the [...]ight, notwithstanding the disaduantage where they fought: The enemy being euer to wind­wards, The disaduan­tage of Ships to lee-ward. and wee to lee-ward, their shot much damnifying vs, and ours little annoying them, for whensoeuer a man encountereth with his enemie at Sea, in gayning the weather gage, hee is in possibilitie to sinke his contrarie, but his enemy cannot sinke him; and therefore he which is for­ced to fight with this disaduantage, is to procure by all meanes possible to shoote downe his con­traries Masts or Yards, and to teare or spoyle his tackling and sayles: for which purpose, Billets 40 of some heauie wood fitted to the great Ordnance, are of great importance. And so are Arrowes And the best remedie. of fire to be shot out of Slur-bowes, and Cases of small shot ioyned two and two together, with pieces of Wyer of fiue or sixe inches long, which also shot out of Muskets are of good effect for tearing the sayles, or cutting the tackling. Some are of opinion, that Crosse-barres and Chaine­shot, Crosse-barre, and Chainshot misliked. are of moment for the spoyling of Masts and Yards, but experience daily teacheth them not to bee of great importance, though neere at hand, I confesse, they worke great execution: but the round shot, is the onely principall and powerfull meane to breake Mast or Yard. And in this our fight, the Admirall of the Spaniards had his Fore-mast shot through, with two round The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through. shot, some three yards beneath the head; had either of them entred but foure inches further into the heart of the Mast, without all doubt it had freed vs, and perhaps put them into our hands. 50

The third day, in the after-noone, which was the two and twentieth of Iune, 1594. accor­ding to our computation, and which I follow in this my discourse, our sayles being torne, our Mastes all perished, our Pumpes rent and shot to pieces, and our ship with fourteene shot vnder water, and seuen or eight foot of water in hold; many of our men being slaine, and the most part of them (which remained) sore hurt, and in a manner altogether fruitlesse, and the enemy offe­ring still to receiue vs a buena querra, and to giue vs life and libertie, and imbarkation for our Countrey. Our Captaine, and those which remained of our Companie, were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender our selues before our ship sunke. And so by common consent a­greed the second time, to send a seruant of mine Thomas Sanders, to signifie vnto mee the estate 60 of our ship and company: and that it was impossible by any other way to expect for hope of de­liuerance The Company againe impor­tunate to come to com­position. or life, but by the miraculous hand of God in vsing his Almightie power, or by an ho­nourable surrender, which in euerie mans opinion was thought most conuenient. So was I desi­red by him to giue also my consent, that the Captaine might capitulate with the Spanish Gene­rall, [Page 1410] and to compound the best partido he could by surrendring our selues into his hands, vpon condition of life and libertie. This hee declared vnto mee, being in a manner void of sence, and out of hope to liue or recouer: which considered, and the circumstances of his relation, I answe­red as I could, that he might iudge of my state, ready euery moment to giue vp the Ghost, and vnable to discerne in this cause what was conuenient, except I might see the present state of the Ship. And that the honour or dishonour, the wel-fare or misery, was for them, which should be partakers of life: At last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing, in all the time, he had serued me, and in correspondence of it, had giuen him (as was notorious) charge and cre­dit in many occasions, I bound him, by the loue and regard he ought me, and by the faith and duetie to Almighty God, to tell me truely, if all were as he had declared. Whereunto he made 10 answere, that he had manifested vnto me the plaine and naked truth, and that he tooke God to witnesse of the same truth: with which receiuing satisfaction, I forced my selfe what I could, to perswade him to animate his companions, and in my name to intreate the Captaine and the rest to perseuere in defence of their libertie, liues, and reputation, remitting all to his discretion: not doubting, but he would be tender of his duetie, and zealous of my reputation, in preferring his libertie, and the liber­tie of the Company aboue all respects what soeuer. As for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altoge­ther vnlikely to be partaker thereof, Death threatning to depriue me of the benefit, which the enemie offe­red; but if God would be pleased to free vs, the ioy and comfort I should receiue, might perhaps giue mee force and strength to recouer health.

Which answere being deliuered to the Captaine, he presently caused a flagge of truce to be 20 put in place of our Ensigne, and began to parley of our surrendry with a Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose, from the poope of the Admirall, to offer in his name, the conditions before specified; with his faithfull promise and oath, as the Kings Generall, to take vs a buena querra, and to send vs all into our owne Countrey. The promise he accepted, and said, that vnder the same he yeelded, and surrendred himselfe, Ship and Company. Immediately, there came vnto me another seruant of mine, and told me, that our Captaine had surrendred himselfe and our Ship; which vnderstood, I called vnto one Iuan Gomes de Pineda, a Spanish Pilot, which was our Prisoner, and in all the fight we had kept close in hold, and willed him to goe to the Ge­nerall Don Beltran de Castro from me, to tell him, that if he would giue vs his word and oath, as the Generall of the King, and some pledge for confirmation, to receiue vs a buena querra, and to 30 giue vs our liues and liberty, and present passage into our owne Countrey, that wee would surren­der our selues, and Ship into his hands: Otherwise, that he should neuer enioy of vs, nor ours any thing, but a resolution euery man to dye fighting.

With this Message I dispatched him, and called vnto me all my Company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their liues fighting and killing the enemy, if hee gaue but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed vs to hoise out our boate, which was shot all to peeces; and so was theirs. Seeing that he called to vs to amaine our sailes, which wee could not well doe, for that they were slung, and we had not men enough to hand them. In this parley, the Vice-admi­rall comming vpon our quarter, & not knowing of what had past, discharged her two chase pee­ces at vs, and hurt our Captaine very sore in the thigh, and maimed one of our Masters Mates, cal­led 40 Hugh Maires, in one of his Armes, but after knowing vs to be rendred, he secured vs: And we The English surrender. satisfied them that we could not hoise out our boate, nor strike our sayles, the Admirall laid vs a­bourd, but before any man entred, Iohn Gomes went vnto the Generall, who receiued him with great curtesie, and asked him what we required; whereunto hee made answere that my demand was that in the Kings name, he should giue vs his faith and promise, to giue vs our liues, to keepe the Lawes of faire warres and quarter, and to send vs presently into our Countrey; and in con­firmation hereof, that I required some pledge, whereunto the Generall made answere; that in the Kings Maiesties name his Master, he receiued vs a buena querra, and swore by God Almighty, and by the habit of Alcautara (whereof he had receiued Knight hood, and in token whereof, he wore in his breast a greene crosse, which is the ensigne of that Order) that hee would giue vs our liues 50 with good entreatie, and send vs as speedily as he could into our owne Countrey. In confirmati­on Gloue sent for pledge. whereof, he tooke off his gloue, and sent it to me as a pledge.

With this message Iohn Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our Ship, euery one crying buena querra, buena querra, [...]y por immaniana por ti: with which our Com­pany began to secure themselues.

The Generall was a principall Gentleman of the ancient Nobilitie of Spaine, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was according to his promise; and therefore con­sidering that some bad intreaty and insolency might be offered vnto me in my Ship, by the com­mon Souldiers, who seldome haue respect to any person in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof he had enformed himselfe; for preuention, he sent a principall Captain, brought Braue & wor­thy Spaniard. 60 vp long time in Flanders, called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilest the Ship were one abourd the other, to bring me into his Ship: which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesie; despising the barres of Gold which were shared before his face, which hee might alone haue enioyed, if he would: And truely he was, as after I found by triall, a [Page 1411] true Captaine; a man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition that I haue knowne any Spaniard.

The Generall receiued me with great courtesie and compassion, euen with teares in his eyes, The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie. and words of great consolation and commanded mee to bee accommodated in his owne Cabbine, where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best hee could; the like hee vsed with all our hurt men, sixe and thirtie at least. And doubtlesse as true courage, valour, and resoluti­on, it requisite in a Generall in the time of battell. So humanitie, mildnesse, and courtesie after victorie.

Whilest the ships were together, the Maine-mast of the Daintie fell by the boord, and the peo­ple being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage neglected the principall; 10 whereof ensued, that within a short space the Daintie grew so deepe with water, which increa­sed for want of preuention, that all who were in her desired to forsake her, and weaued and cried for succour to be saued, being out of hope of her recouerie. Whereupon, the Generall calling to­gether The Daintie in danger of perishing. the best experimented men hee had, and consulting with them what was best to bee done: it was resolued, that Generall Michael Angel should goe aboord the Daintie, and with him threescore Mariners, as many Souldiers; and with them the English men, who were able to labour to free her from water, and to put her in order if it were possible: and then to recouer Pe­rico the Port of Panama for that of those to wind-wards it was impossible to turne vp to any of them, and neerer then to [...]eward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants, which lay from vs East, North-east, aboue two hundred leagues. 20

Michael Angel, being a man of experience and care accomplished that hee tooke in hand, al­though Michael Angel recouereth the ship. in cleering and bayling the water, in placing a pumpe, and in fitting and mending her Fore-saile he spent aboue six and thirtie houres. During which time the Ships lay all a hull; but this worke ended, they set saile and directed their course for the Iles of Pearles: And for that the Daintie sailed badly, what for want of her Maine-saile, and with the aduantage which all the South Sea ships haue of all those built in our North Sea. The Admirall gaue her a taw, which notwithstanding (the wind calming with vs as wee approached neerer to the Land) twelue daies were spent before wee could fetch sight of the Ilands, which lie alongst the Coast beginning some eight leagues West South-west from Panama, and run Many Ilands. to the Southwards neere thirtie leagues. They are many and most inhabited, and those which 30 haue people haue some Negros, slaues vnto the Spaniards, which occupie themselues in labour of the Land, or in fishing for Pearles.

In times past many enriched themselues with that trade, but now it is growne to decay. The Fishing for Pearles. manner of fishing for Pearles is, with certaine long Pinnasses or small Barkes, in which there goe foure, fiue, six, or eight Negros, expert swimmers and great dieuers, whom the Spaniards call Busos, with tract of time, vse, and continuall practise, hauing learned to hold their breath long vnder water for the better atchieuing their worke. These throwing themselues into the Sea, with certaine instruments of their Art, goe to the bottome and seeke the Bankes of the Oysters in which the Pearles are ingendred, and with their force and Art remoue from their foundation, in which they spend more or lesse time, according to the resistance the firmnesse of the ground affor­deth. 40 Once losed, they put them into a bag vnder their armes, and after bring them vp into their Boats, hauing loaden it they goe to the shoare, there they open them and take out the Pearles: they lie vnder the vttermost part of the circuit of the Oyster in rankes and proportions, vnder a certaine part which is of many pleights and folds, called the Ruffe, for the similitude it hath vnto [...] Ruffe. The Pearles increase in bignesse, as they bee neerer the end or ioynt of the Oyster. The meate of those which haue these Pearles is milkie, and not verie wholsome to be eaten. In An­no 1583. in the Iland of Margarita, I was at the dregging of Pearle Oysters, after the manner we dreg Oysters in England, and with mine owne hands I opened many, and tooke out the Pearles of them; some greater, some lesse, and in good quantitie.

They are found in diuers parts of the world, as in the West Indies, in the South Sea, in the East The places where Pearle are found. 50 Indian Sea, in the Straits of Magellane, and in the Scottish Sea. Those found neere the Poles are not perfect, but are of a thicke colour, whereas such as are found neere the line are most orient and transparent: the curious call it their water, and the best is a cleere white shining, with fierie flames. And those of the East India haue the best reputation, though as good are found in the West India: the choice ones are of great valew and estimation, but the greatest that I haue heard of, was found in these Ilands of Pearles; the which King Philip the second of Spaine, gaue to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus, Arch-Duke of Austria, and Gouernour of the States of Great Pearle. Flanders, in whose possession it remaineth, and is called, la Peregrina, for the rarenesse of it, being as big as the pomell of a Poniard.

In this Nauigation, after our surrender, the Generall tooke speciall care for the good intreatie The Generall continueth his honourable v­sage, towards the sicke and wounded. 60 of vs, and especially of those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our Surgions (be­sides that they were expert in their Art) that of all our wounded men not one died, that was aliue the day after our surrendry, and many of them with eight, ten, or twelue wounds, and some with more. The thing that ought to moue vs to giue God Almightie especiall thankes and praises [Page 1412] was, that they were cured in a manner without Instruments or Salues: For the Chests were all broken to pieces; and many of their Simples and Compounds throwne into the Sea; those which remayned, were such, as were throwne about the ship in broken pots and bagges, and such as by the Diuine Prouidence were reserued, at the end of three dayes, by order from the Generall, were commanded to be sought and gathered together. These with some Instruments of small moment, bought and procured from those, who had reserued them to a different end, did not onely serue for our cures, but also for the curing of the Spaniards, beeing many more, then those of our Company. For the Spanish Surgeons were altogether ignorant in their profession, and Spanish Surgi­ons ignorant▪ had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I haue noted, that the Spaniards in generall are nothing so curious, in accommodating themselues, with good and carefull Surgeons, nor to fit 10 them with that which belongeth to their profession, as other Nations are, though they haue greater need then any, that I doe know.

At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish Tongue, and so was forced to vse an Inter­preter, or the Latine, or French; which holpe mee much for the vnderstanding of those, which spake vnto me in Spanish; together with a little smattering I had of the Portugall.

Through the Noble proceeding of Don Beltran with vs, and his particular care towards mee, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and health; my seruants which were on foot, aduised me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the Generall; and said, he did [...]ll to vse vs so well; That we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the faith which was giuen vs, was not to be kept nor performed: 20 Others, that we had fought as good Souldiers, and therefore deserued good quarter. Others, nicknamed vs with the name of Corsarios, or Pirats; not discerning thereby that they included themselues within the same imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the Generall would send vs into Spaine; Others said, that he durst not dispose of vs, but by order from the Vice-roy of Peru, who had giuen him his authoritie. This hit the naile on the had.

To all I gaue the hearing, and laid vp in the store-house of my memory, that which I thought to be of substance, and in the store-house of my consideration, endeauoured to frame a proportio­nable resolution to all occurrents, conformable to Gods most holy Will. Withall I profited my selfe of the meanes, which should bee offered, and beare greatest probabilitie to worke our com­fort, helpe, and remedie. And so, as time ministred oportunitie, I began, and endeauoured to sa­tisfie 30 the Generall, and the better sort in the po [...]ts I durst intermeddle. And especially to per­swade (by the best reasons I could) that wee might bee sent presently from Panama: Alleaging the promise giuen vs, the cost and charges ensuing, which doub [...]lesse would bee such as deserued consideration and excuse: besides that, now whilest hee was in place, and power, and authoritie in his hands, to performe with vs, that he would looke into his honour, and profit himselfe of the occasion, and not put vs into the hands of a third person; who perhaps being more powerfull then himselfe, he might be forced to pray and intreate the performance of his promise; whereun­to he gaue vs the hearing, and bare vs in hand, that he would doe, what he could.

The Generall, and all in generall, not only in the Peru, but in all Spaine, and the Kingdomes thereof Misprision of the terme Pi­rats. (before our surrendry) held all Englishmen of Warre, to bee Corsarios, or Pirats; which I laboured to 40 reforme, both in the Peru, and also in the Counsels of Spaine, and amongst the Chieftaines, Souldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to haue conuersation; Alledging that a Pirate, or Corsario, is he, which in time of peace, or truce spoyleth, or robbeth those, which haue peace or truce with them: but the What a Pirate is. English haue neither peace nor truce with Spaine, but warre; and therefore not to bee accounted Pirats. Besides, Spaine broke the peace with England, and not England with Spaine; and that by Ymbargo, which of all kinds of defiances, is most reprooued, and of least reputation; The ransoming of prisoners, and that by the Canon, being more honorable, but aboue all, the most honorable is with Trumpet and Herald, to proclaime and denounce the warre by publike defiance. And so if they should condemne the English for Three sorts of defiances. Pirats, of force, they must first condemne themselues. Moreouer, Pirats are those, who range the Seas without licence of their Prince; who when they are met with, are punished more seuerely by their owne 50 Lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers: which is notorious to bee [...]ore seuerely prosecuted in England (in time of peace) then in any the Kingdomes of Christendome. But the English haue all license, either immediately from their Prince, or from other thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sense be comprehended vnder the name of Pirats, for any hostilitie vndertaken against Spaine, or the dependancies thereof.

And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spaine a particular man should arme a ship, and goe in warfare with it against the English, and happened to be taken by them: I make no question, but the com­pany The custome of Spaine for warre. should be intreated according to that manner, which they haue euer vsed since the beginning of the warre: without making further inquisition. Then if he were rich or poore, to see if hee were able to giue a ransome, in this also they are not very curious. But if this Spanish ship should fall a thwart his Kings 60 Armado, or Gallies, I make no doubt but they would hang the Captaine and his company for Pirats. My reason is, for that by a speciall Law it is enacted: that no man in the Kingdomes of Spaine, may arme any ship, [...]and goe in warfare, without the Kings speciall licence and commission; vpon paine to be reputed The custome of England. a Pirate, and to be chastized with the punishment due to Corsarios. In England the case is different, [Page 1413] for the warre once proclamed, euery man may arme that will, and hath wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption, from being comprehended within the number of Pirats.

With these, and or like Arguments to this purpose (to auoid tediousnesse) I omit; I conuinced all those whom I heard to ha [...]pe vpon this string; which was of no small importance for our good entreatie, and motiues for many, to further and fauour the accomplishment of the promise late­ly made vnto vs.

One day after dinner (as was the ordinary custome) the Generall, his Captaines, and the bet­ter sort of his followers, being assembled in the Cabbin of the Poope in conference, an eager con­tention arose amongst them, touching the capitulation of Buena Querra and the purport there­of. Some said, that onely life and good entreatie of the prisoners, was to be comprehended there­in; A disputation, concerning Buena Querra. 10 others enlarged, and restrained it, according to their humours and experience. In fine my o­pinion was required, and what I had seene, and knowne touching that point: wherein I pawsed a little, and suspecting the Worst, feared that it might be a baite laid to catch me withall, and so excused my selfe; saying that where so many experimented Souldiers were ioyned together, my young iudgement was little to be respected; whereunto the Generall replied: That knowledge was not alwaies incident to yeeres, (though reason requireth, that the aged should be the wisest) but an Art acquired by action, and management of affaires. And therefore they would bee but certified, what I had seene, and what my iudgement was in this point, vnto which, seeing I could not well excuse my selfe, I condescended; and calling my wits together, holding it better, to shoot out my bolt, by yeelding vnto reason, (although I might erre) then to stand obstinate, my 20 will being at warre with my consent, and fearing my deniall might bee taken for discourtesie, which peraduenture might also purchase mee mislike with those, who seemed to wish mee com­fort and restitution. I submitted to better iudgement, the reformation of the present assembly; The Resoluti­on, &c. saying, Sir, vnder the capitulation of Buena Querra, (or faire warres) I haue euer vnderstood, and so it hath beene obserued in these, as also in former times, that preseruation of life, and good entreatie of the prisoner, haue beene comprehended: and further by no meanes to bee vrged to any thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his Religion; nor to be seduced, or menaced from the allegeance due to his Prince and Countrey: but rather to ransome him for his moneths pay. And this is that which I haue knowne practised in our times, in generall amongst all Ciuill and Noble Nations. But the English, haue enlar­ged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendred a Buena Querra, in these warres; haue euer deliue­red The noble vsage of the English. But abused in these dayes. 30 them, which haue beene taken vpon such compositions without ransome: but the couetousnesse of our age hath brought in many abuses, and excluded the principall Officers from partaking of the benefit of this priuiledge, in leauing them to the discretion of the Victor, being many times poorer, then the common Souldiers, their qualities considered, whereby they are commonly put to more, then the ordinary ransome, and not being able of themselues to accomplish it, are forgotten of their Princes, and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should not.

With this, Don Beltran said, This ambiguitie you haue well resolued; And like a worthy Gen­tleman Don Beltran satisfied and answereth. (with great courtesie and liberalitie) added; Let not the last point trouble you: but be of good comfort, for I heere giue you my word anew, that your ransome (if any shall be thought due) shall be but a couple of Grey-hounds for me; and other two for my Brother, the Conde de Lemes, And this I sweare 40 to you by the habit of Alcantera. Prouided alwayes, that the King my Master leaue you to my dis­pose, as of right you belong vnto me.

For amongst the Spaniards in their Armadoes, if there bee an absolute Generall, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choise of the best: where in other Countries, it is by lot, that the Generals tenth is giuen; And if they be but two ships, hee doth the like, and being but one, she is of right the Generals. This I hardly belieued, vntill I saw a Letter, in which the King willed his Vice-roy, to giue Don Beltran thankes for our ship and Artillery, which hee had giuen to his Maiestie. I yeelded to the Generall, most heartie thankes for his great fauour, where with he bound me euer to seeke how to serue him, and deserue it.

In this discourse Generall Michaell Angell demanded, for what purpose serued the little short Short arrowes for Muskets. 50 Arrowes, which we had in our ship, and those in so great quantitie: I satisfied them, that they were for our Muskets. They are not as yet in vse amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution as our enemies confessed: for the vpper worke of their ships being Muskets proofe, in all places they passed through both sides with facilicie, and wrought extraordinary disasters, which caused admiration, to see themselues wounded with small shot, where they thought themselues secure; and by no meanes could find where they entred, nor come to the sight of a­ny of the shot.

Hereof they proued to profit themselues after, but for that they wanted the Tampkings, which are first to bee driuen home, before the Arrow bee put in, and as then vnderstood not the secret, Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece. they reiected them, as vncertaine, and therefore not to bee vsed, but of all the shot vsed now a 60 dayes; for the annoying of an Enemie in fight by Sea, few are of greater moment for many re­spects: which I hold not conuenient to treate of in publike.

A little to the Southwards of the Iland of Pearle, betwixt seuen and eight degrees, is the great Riuer of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth into the South Sea with three mouthes, the head of [Page 1414] which, is but a little distant from the North Sea. In the yeere 1575. or 1576. one Iohn Oxnam of Plimouth, going into the West Indies, ioyned with the Symarons. These are fugitiue Negroes, Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea. What the Sy­marons are. and for the bad intreatie which their Masters had giuen them, were then retired into the Moun­taines, and liued vpon the spoyle of such Spaniards, as they could master, and could neuer bee brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedome, where they should liue quietly by themselues. At this day they haue a great habitation neere Panama, called Saint Iago de los Negros, well peopled, with all their Officers and Commanders Their habita­tion. of their owne, saue onely a Spanish Gouernour.

By the assistance of these Symarons, hee brought to the head of this Riuer, by piecemeale, and in many Iourneyes a small Pinnace, hee fitted it by time in warlike manner, and with the Their assi­stance. 10 choice of his Companie, put himselfe into the South Sea, where his good happe, was to meete with a couple of shippes of trade, and in the one of them a great quantitie of Gold. And a­mongst other things two pieces of speciall estimation, the one a Table of massy Gold, with Emralds, sent for a present to the King; the other a Lady of singular beautie, married, and a mother of children. The latter grew to bee his perdition: for hee had capitulated with these Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them, Symarons, that their part of the bootie, should be onely the prisoners, to the end to execute their malice vpon them, such was the rancour they had conceiued against them, for that they had beene the Tyrants of their libertie.) But the Spaniards not contented to haue them their slaues; who lately had beene their Lords, added to their seruitude, cruell intreaties. And they againe to feede their insatiable reuenges, accustomed to roast and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom 20 at any time they could lay hand vpon.

Iohn Oxnam (I say) was taken with the loue of this Lady, and to winne her good will, what through her teares and perswasions, and what through feare and detestation of their barbarous His folly, and Breach of pro­mise. inclinations; breaking promise with the Symarons, yeelded to her request, which was, to giue the prisoners libertie with their shippes; for that they were not vsefull for him: notwithstan­ding Oxnam kept the Lady, who had in one of the restored shippes, either a Sonne, or a Ne­phew. This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards, made all the haste they could to Pamana, His pursuit. and they vsed such diligence, as within few houres, some were dispatched to seeke those, who little thought so quickly to bee ouertaken. The pursuers approaching the Riuer, were doubtfull See the Storie before. This is added of later intelligence. by which of the afore-remembred three mouthes, they should take their way. In this wauering 30 one of the Souldiers espied certaine feathers, &c.

Comming in sight of the Ilands of Pearles, the winde beganne to fresh in with vs, and wee profited our selues of it: but comming thwart of a small Iland, which they call La Pacheta, that lieth within the Pearle Ilands, close aboord the Mayne, and some eight or tenne leagues South and by West from Panama, the winde calmed againe.

This Iland belongeth to a priuate man, it is a round humocke, contayning not a league of La Pacheta. ground, but most fertile. Insomuch that by the owners industrie, and the labour of some few slaues, who occupie themselues in ma [...]uring it; and two Barkes, which he employeth in brin­ging the fruit it giueth, to Panama; it is said to be worth him euery weeke, one with another a barre of siluer; valued betwixt two hundreth and fiftie, or three hundreth Pezos: which in 40 English money, may amount to fiftie or threescore pound: and for that, which I saw at my be­ing in Panama, touching this, I hold to be true.

In our course to fetch the Port of Panama, we put our selues betwixt the Ilands and the Main: which is a goodly Channell, of three, foure, and fiue leagues broad, and without danger; except a man come too neere the shoare on any side; and that is thought the better course, then to goe a Sea-boord of the Ilands, because of the swift running of the tides, and the aduantage to stop the ebbe: As also for succour, if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expe­ctation; which happeneth sometimes.

The seuenth of Iuly wee had sight of Perico; they are two little Ilands, which cause the Port of Panama, where all the shippes vse to ride; It is some two Leagues West North-west of the 50 Citie, which hath also a Pere in it selfe for small Barkes, at full Sea, it may haue some sixe or seuen foot water, but at lowe water, it is drie.

The ninth of Iuly wee anchored vnder Perico, and the Generall presently aduised the Au­dienoia, The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe. The great ioy of the Spa­niards. of that which had succeeded in his Iourney: which vnderstood by them, caused Bon­fires to be made, and euery man to put Luminaries in their houses; the fashion is much vsed a­mongst the Spaniards in their feasts of ioy, or for glad tidings; placing many lights in their Churches, in their windowes, and Galleries, and corners of their houses: which being in the beginning of the night, and the Citie close by the Sea shoare, shewed to vs (being farre off) as though the Citie had beene on a light fire.

About eight of the clocke all the Artilerie of the Citie was shot off, which wee might 60 discerne by the flash of fire, but could not heare the report: yet the Armado being aduised thereof, and in a readinesse, answered them likewise with all their Artilerie: which ta­king end (as all the vanities of this earth doe) The Generall setled himselfe to dispatch ad­uice for the King, for the Vice-roy of Peru, and the Vice-roy of Noua Spana, for hee also [Page 1415] had beene certified of our being in that Sea, and had fitted an Armado to seeke vs, and to guard his coast.

But now for a farewell, (and note it) Let mee relate vnto you this Secret; How Don Bel­tran Note. English trea­cherie procu­red by Spanish Gold. shewed mee a Letter from the King his Master, directed to the Vice-roy, wherein hee gaue him particular relation of my pretended Voyage; of the shippes; their burden; their munition; their number of men, which I had in them, as perfectly as if hee had seene all with his owne eyes; Saying vnto mee: Hereby you may discerne, whether the King my Master haue friends in England, and good and speedy aduice of all that passeth. Whereunto I replyed; It was no wonder, for that hee had plenty of Gold and Siluer, which worketh this and more strange effects: for my Iourney was publique and notorious to all the Kingdome, whereunto he replyed, 10 that if I thought it so conuenient, leaue should be giuen me to write into England to the Queens Maiestie my Mistresse, to my Father, and to other personages, as I thought good; and leauing the Letters open; that hee would send some of them, in the Kings Packet, others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro, Cardinall and Archbishop of Seuill, and to other friends of his: Not ma­king any doubt but that they would bee speedily in England. For which I thanked him, and ac­cepted his courtesie, and although I was my selfe vnable to write, yet by the hands of a seruant I haue this Letter trans­lated into Spa­nish, and prin­ted by them; together with the discourse of the whole action, much agreeing with this, except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth. The Daintie, named the Uisitation. of mine, I wrote three or foure copies of one Letter to my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins. In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage.

The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine, went by ordinarie course in ships of aduice; but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals, called Don Francisco de la Cuena. Which 20 being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that euer he could, to put his ships in order, to returne to Lyma. Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed, for in those Ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foot water.

And the Generall with his Captaines, and some Religious men being aboord her, and new naming her, named her the Uisitation; for that shee was rendred on the day, on which they ce­lebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie. In that place the ground being plaine, and without vantage (whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe Ships) they are forced to shoare them on either side. In the middest of their solemnitie, her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell ouer vpon that side suddenly, intreating many of them (which were in her) very bad­ly, and doubtlesse had shee beene like the ships of the South Sea, shee had broken out her bulge: 30 but being without Masts and emptie (for in the South Sea, when they bring aground a shippe, they leaue neither Mast, Balast, nor any other thing aboord, besides the bare Hull) her strength was such, as it made no great showe to haue receiued any d [...]mage, but the feare shee put them all into was not little, and caused them to runne out of her faster then a pace.

In these Ilands is no succour, nor refreshing; onely in the one of them is one house of straw, and a little spring of small moment. For the water which the Shippes vse for their prouision, they fetch from another Iland, two leagues West North-west of these; which they call Tabaga, hauing in it some fruit and refreshing, and some few Indians to inhabite it.

What succeeded to mee, and to the rest during our Imprisonment, with the rarities and parti­cularities of the Peru, and Tierra firme, my Voyage to Spaine, and the successe, with the time I 40 spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera, in Seuill, and in Madrid, with the accidents which befell mee in them; I leaue for a second part of this discourse, if God giue life, and conuenient place and rest, necessarie for so tedious and troublesome a worke: desiring God that is Almigh­tie, to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions: that it and they may be fruitfull, to his glorie, and to the good of all: then shall my desires bee accomplished, and I account my selfe most happie. To whom be all glory, and thankes from all eternitie.

CHAP. VI.

A briefe Note written by Master IOHN ELLIS, one of the Captaines with Sir 50 RICHARD HAWKINS, in his Voyage through the Strait of MACE­LAN, begunne the ninth of Aprill, 1593. concerning the said Straite, and certaine places, on the coast and Inland of Peru.

THe second of Februarie, 1593. wee fell with the Land of Terra Australis, in 50▪ degrees fiftie fiue leagues off the Straite of Magelan, which Land lay East and by North, or East North-east from the Straite, which is a part of Terra Australis: from which Land wee entred the Straite vpon the West South-west course: 60 then we ran ten leagues West North-west, other ten leagues West South-west, then eight leagues South-west, and came to an anchor on the starboord side, in a hooke where you may moore any ship in twelue fathomes water. From thence wee ranne South-west and by [Page 1416] South seuen leagues, where we came to an Iland called, Penguin Iland, and tooke in fiue or sixe tunnes of Penguins, and flayed them, and salted them. Thence twelue leagues South South-west, Penguin Iland. and found good riding in twelue fathoms, fine sand: from thence to Port Famine, the new Towne of Pedro Sarmiento, fiue leagues South-west. Then West North-west sixteene Port Famine. leagues, where we anchored in good riding. Then North-west and by West, till wee came to the Riuer of Geneuera, on the starboord side eight leagues. Then fiue leagues North-west. The Riuer of Geneuera. Then North-west and by West thirtie leagues, till wee came out of the Straite, which is in length one hundred and eleuen leagues. The mouth or entrance of the Straite is in thirtie two degrees and an halfe, and the Out-let is in the same heigth. The middle is in fiftie foure degrees and a terce. 10

After wee were come out of the Straite wee went away North-west and by North fortie leagues into the Sea: then North, vntill wee came to the Iland of Mocha, which is in thirtie Mocha. eight degrees and thirtie minutes, where we had good trade with the People. This Ile is three leagues long, where great reliefe, of Mutton, Mais, and other things may bee had from the In­dians. This Ile is twelue leagues from the mayne Land. From thence wee went North, and past by the Ile of Saint Marie: from thence vnto Valparaiso, which standeth in thirtie three Santa Maria. Valparaso. degrees, into which Hauen I went with our Boate, and tooke foure shippes, in which wee had Wines, and other good prouition: and there wee remayned the space of twelue dayes. And in this time I went on shoare, and tooke fiue houses, which were full of Wine, and other good things: And in this time there came a shippe by the Harbour, which the Generall went to 20 take, but hee did not: yet I with twelue men did take her, and within one houre the Generall came to vs. The shippe had clothes of Cotton for men to weare, of the Indian making, and some Gold. Gold.

Valparaiso is a Port and a [...] in the bottome of the Bay, where they make excel­lent Wine. From thence eighteene leagues into the Land is Saint Iago, a great Towne of Spaniards. From thence wee passed to Arica, which is in twentie degrees, as I take it. All Arica. Pisco. Chincha. this Coast lieth North and South. From thence wee passed to Pisco and Chincha, where the Generall, and the Master Hugh Cornish, went to goe on shoare, but they did not. Heere wee met with sixe of the Kings shippes, which came to seeke vs: but at that time wee escaped Sixe of the Kings ships. them. These places are in fourteene degrees and an halfe. From thence wee passed by the Ci­tie 30 of Lima, which is in twelue degrees and an halfe. From thence by Paita, which is an Ha­uen, Lima. Paita. Atacame. and a Towne, and standeth in fiue degrees. From thence wee passed by the Equinoctiall Line, and went to Atacame, where wee were taken, the two and twentieth of Iune, 1594. This place is in one degree to the Northward of the Line. There is from thence some eight leagues, a Bay called, The Bay of Saint Matthew. From thence wee were carried vnto Pana­ma, Baia de Sant [...] Mateo. which is in nine degrees to the Northward of the Line: where wee were held Priso­ners. From Panama wee were returned to Payta, and so to Lima. Lima is neere as bigge as Panama. Paita. Lima. London within the walls: the houses are of Lome baked, for want of Stone. There are neere twentie thousand Negros in Lima. There are in it of Horsemen an hundred Launces, and an hundred Carbiners, at a thousand Ducats a man by the yeere. From Lima I went to Gnamanga, 40 which is a good Citie sixtie leagues from Lima, to the South-east. Twelue leagues from Lima Gnamanga. Eastward it raineth, but neuer at Lima. Twentie leagues more Southerly, towards Gnaman­ga, at Paricacco, which is a Mountaine, it is as cold as in England in our Winter: But none will dwell there, because of the cold. Then is the Valley of Choosa hauing Hills on both sides, and a Riuer in the middest. The Valley is eighteene leagues long, and well peopled, and hath diuers Townes: it is fortie leagues from Lima, and so through that I trauelled to Gnamanga.

From Gnamanga wee passed towards Cusco on hard wayes cut out of the Rockes by Gnama­capo, Cus [...]o. with great difficultie by the wayes there are Tamboes or houses to lodge people, and some Villages. Then wee came to Cusco, which is a Citie about the bignesse of Bristow, without a 50 wall, hauing a Castle halfe a mile off on the side of an Hill, builded with stones of twentie tuns weight strangely ioyned without morter. From Lima they trade to Cusco all that comes out of Spaine. They of Quito trade to Cusco, with wollen Cloth and Cottons: for Quito hath abun­dance of sheepe about it, and is a great Citie. They driue sheepe to Lima twentie thousand in a Flocke, and be halfe a yeere in the Passage.

Betweene Cusco and Potosi there is continuall trade, and the Lords or Caciquoes of the Na­turals Potosi. will entertaine you in the way, feed you in Siluer vessell, and giue you very good lodging, and if they like you, they will guide you with three or foure hundred Indians.

In Potosi there are at worke neere an hundred thousand Indians, which the Caciquoes bring in for so many dayes to worke the Mynes; and then other Caciquoes bring in as many more. 60

I haue also two Letters written by Thomas Sanders seruant to Sir Richard Hawkins, written to Master Lucas s [...]nne to Ma­ster Tho. Lucas. Sir Io [...]n Hawkins out of the prison of Saint Lucar; in one of which hee maketh a large relation of their Voyage and taking (which is here needlesse to reiterate) with mention of one Master Lucas, con­demned by the Holy House to the Gallies, and sent to Nombre de Dios, in which Voyage hee died: out [Page 1417] of the other I haue hither added this transcript touching the vsage and respect which Sir Richard Haw­kins found in Peru.

I wrote in like sort of my Masters health, and of his entertaynment in his taking, and in This is part of another Letter. the Citie of Lima by the Vice-king of the Countrey, and how hee was beloued for his valour, by all braue men in those parts, the which I learned by many which came from thence, as well rich as poore, and many Negroes, seruants to Merchants, which came from thence, and were there when hee came. Hee was receiued by all the best in the Countrie, carried by the [...] a Princely house all richly hanged, the which hee had to himselfe, with a great allowance from the King, besides many presents from the Queene: but within sixe or seuen dayes hee was car­ried by the Fathers to the Holy House, not as a man to be executed, but to rest there vn [...]ll they heard from the King what should be done with them. &c. 10

Hauing occasion here to mention Sir Iohn Hawkins, I thought good, in memorie of his name, to expresse a Pardon from the Spanish King Philip the second, to him, and to the Master George Fitz­williams, and the rest of their companie, both for the forme thereof, (being here printed from the Ori­ginall, superscribed and subscribed with the Kings owne hand) and to shew the strict prohibition of Trade in the Indies.

EL REY.

POr quanto por parte de Iuan Aquins y Iorge Fitzwilliams Ingleses por si yen nōbre de todos los demas 20 Ingleses que han ydo y estado ensu compania, enlo que de yuso sedira, nos hasido hecha relaceon que noenbar gante lo que por nos esta prohibido yordenado paraque ningun estrangero yque no sea natural de­stos nostros Reynos, naueque, tr [...]te, ni contrate enla carrera de las Indias, ni enlos puertos y lugares del­las, Los susudicbos han entrado y nauegado, tratado y contratado enla dicha carrera y puertos y lugares della, y porque su intencion no ha sido deruirnos ni offender ni damnificar, a nostros Vasallos, y por que como sabiamos su dess [...]o yuo luntad auia sido de nos seruir end tiempo que est unimos enel Reyne de Ingla­terra, nos ha [...] pedido y supplicado que vsando de clemencia y de benignidad conellos hiziesemos merced de perdonalles la culpa y penas en que auian incurrido, y nos por iust as causas y confirationes que aello nos mueuen y por les bazer merced lo auemos tenido por bien. Y por la presente les pardonamos y remitimos 30 todos y qualesquier penas en que por razon de auer entrado y nauegado enla dicha carrera de las Indias y tractado y cōtractado enlos puertos y lugares dellas hasta agora aya [...] incurrido, y queremos que en la dicha razon no puedanser acusados ni molestados, ni por esta razon ni causa puedan contra ellos proceder los del nuestro conceso de las Indias, ni los iuezes de la casa dela contratation, ni otros algunos. Porque no­stra merced y voluntad es de les remitir como les remitimos todas las dichas penas, y de les librar, como les libramos y damos por libres y quitos dellas, bien assi com [...] fienellas no hu [...]ieran caydo ni incurrido, no em­bargantes qualesquiera leyes, ordenanças, prouisiones y cedulas que en razon delo suso dicho ayamos he­cho y dado, con quales quiere clausulas que enellas aya, o, hauer pueda, las quales todas paraen quanto alo suso dicho las abrogamos y derogamos, auiendolas aque por expressadas & insertas de Verbo ad verbum,quedando en sufuerça y vigor quanto alodemas. El qual dicho perdon, gracia y remission qui­remos 40 que se entienda y estienda no solo alos dhos Iuan Aquins y lorge Fitzwilliams, pero a todos los de­mas [...]ngleses queens [...] compania sauydo conque esto sea y se entienda ser enrespecto delo passado, pero que por esto no seauisto permitirles ni darseles licencia paraque de aqui adelante puedan sin nuestra expressa y particular licencia, nauegar tratar y contratar enla dicha carrera, y que si lo hesieren, demas de incurrir en las penas contenidas en nuestras leyes ordenanças, cartas y prouisiones, este pardon y gracia sea y aya­deser ninguno y de ningun valor y effecto, y mandamos alos del nostro conseio delas Indias y alos nostros Iuezes y Officiales de la cas [...] dela contratacion y a otras quales quier Iuezes y Iusticias que assilo guar­den y cumplan,

a diez dias del mes de Agusto, anno del Sennor de mill y quinien tos y setenta y vn annos. 50
YEL REY.

Por mandado de su Mag.

S. Antonio Gracian.
V. Md. perdone a Iuano Aquins Ingles y a sus companneros le pena enque incurrienzo porauer naue­gado, y contratado enlas Indeas contra las ordenes de V. Md.
60

CHAP. VII.

A briefe Relation of an I found this paper amongst others of Ma­ster Hakl. with­out the name of the Author. Lima. Payta. Englishman which had beene thirteene yeeres Captiue to the Spaniards in Peru, &c.

THe eleuenth of October, 1602. we departed from the Citie of Lyma, and that day wee set sayle from the Calloa, in the Contadora, Captaine Andrea Brocho. The fifteenth of October wee came into Payta, and there watered, and tooke in fresh victuals: and set sayle from thence the foure and twentieth of the same, for 10 Mexico, 1602.

The fourteenth of December we came to an anchor in Acapulca, we were be­calmed in 17. degrees and an halfe, foure and twentie dayes, and were set with the current into Acapulca. 23. degrees to the Northward, we came all the coast alongst from Colyma and Nauydad to Aca­pulca. The twentieth of December we came from Acapulca, with sixe Mules: and on Christmas Day in the morning we came to Zumpanga, a Towne of Indians, where wee remayned all that Zumpanga. day being betweene this Towne and Acapulca thirtie leagues, no Towne betwixt. The last of December wee came to Querna vaca a Towne in the Marquesado of Hernan Cortes, thirteene leagues from Mexico.

The first of Ianuarie we came into the great Citie of Mexico, where we remayned vntill the Mexico. 20 seuenteenth, at which time we came from Mexico, in the euening, and came two leagues that night. The next day we came to Irazing, which is seuen leagues from Mexico, where wee re­mayned two dayes. The fiue and twentieth of Ianuarie wee came to Pueblo de los Angelos, pas­sing in our way the Vulcan being from Mexico twentie leagues, and thorow Chullula. The thir­tieth of Ianuarie I went to Atrizco, where we were sixe dayes, being fiue leagues from Mexico. Atrizco.

The sixteenth of Februarie we came from the Pueblo de los Angelos, with fourteene Carts, fiue or sixe temes of Oxen in a Cart, for to come to the Citie of Vera cruz. Angeles.

The seuenth of March, 1603. wee came into the Vera cruz, the new Towne, where wee re­mayned Vera Cruz. vntill the eight of Aprill, staying for a ship of aduise.

Tuesday the eight of Aprill, we set sayle from Saint Iuo de Ullua, in a Barque of aduise called 30 the Saint Lazaro, the Captaines name was Diego Garces, being of the burden of thirtie tunnes, Saint I. de Vllua. the Pilot named Diego Vyedall, we were eight and twentie persons. 1603. The nine and twen­tieth of Aprill we had sight of the Martyrs, and were in two fathomes water, off them we saw no more nor no other, while we fell with Alla Rocha in Barbarie, which was the 14. of Iune.

The sixteenth of Iune wee had sight of Chiprone, and Cales, that night we came into S. Lucar. The seuenteenth of Iune in the morning, the Kings Officers came aboord of vs for the Kings Let­ters, and the Letters of the Mexico Fleet: where I heard newes of our good Queene Elizabeths death, and our King Iames his comming to the Crowne in peace. Heere I was discharged, and had my libertie giuen me, so I went to Syuill the nineteenth day, where I remayned vntill the one and twentieth of September: at which time I came to Wellua in the Condado. 40

The fift of Nouember I came from Wellua in the George of London. Master Iuano Whary, the ship was Master Hangers. I arriued at the Reculluers the seuenth of December, 1603. being since my departure from England thirteene yeeres and nine moneths of captiuitie for the which the Lord be praised, and make me thankfull all the dayes of my life.

Amen.

CHAP. VIII.

The Relation of ALEXANDRO VRSINO concerning the coast of Terra 50 Firma, and the secrets of Peru, and Chili, where he had liued foure and thirtie yeeres.

THe first Towne inhabited of the Spaniards is Saint Iohn in the Ile of Porto ricco, it is a very poore Towne. They haue no Bread, but in stead thereof they vse a certaine Roote called Cazaue. There is in the Towne about sixtie Spaniards, and a Fort. In Saint Domingo there is a very strong Fort with aboue eightie great Saint Domingo. Peeces of Ordnance. It is one of the fairest Cities in all the Indies: there are aboue seuen hundred Spaniards in it. It is a Bishoprike. There is next the Towne of Monte Christo, wherein there are about eightie Spaniards. There is a small Fort. Then Ocoa, which is a very good Port, where the Fleete both comming and going, doe put in for fresh water and 60 wood, and other necessaries. Then Porto de Plata, a small Towne, with a little Fort, about se­uentie or eightie Spaniards. Porto Reale, a dishabited Towne, but a very good Port. There is nothing else in the Ile of Spagnola, of any importance. There are aboue 22000. Negros, men and women, slaues.

[Page 1419] From Saint Domingo to Iamaica, an hundred leagues in this Ile there is but one Towne, which Iamaica. standeth three leagues within the Land. There are in it about fiftie Spaniards. In all these places they make Sugar in great abundance, but especially at Saint Domingo there are aboue eightie In­genios, or Sugar-houses. They haue neither Siluer, nor Gold. They eate of the foresaid Roote for Not one natu­rall in Hispani­ola. Bread in euery place. The Ile of Spaniola is inhabited onely by the Spaniards, there is not one Naturall of the Countrey.

From Iamaica to Cartagena one hundred leagues. This Cartagena is a faire Citie, a very strong Cartagena. Fort in the Hauen mouth and Artilerie in three parts of the Towne. A Bishoprike. They haue neither Siluer nor Gold: there are about 150. Spaniards. Next to this is Tulu inhabited of the Spaniards about fortie or fiftie: it is eighteene leagues from Cartagena alongst the coast. 10

Then Santa Martha, a Citie with a small Fort, about 100. Spaniards: there they gather great Saint Martha. quantity of Gold very fine: they are a fierce people. Santa Martha is fiftie leagues from Carta­gena longst the same coast. Vpon the same coast is Nombre de dios about seuentie leagues from Nombre de dios. Cartagena, they haue no Fort but vpon the hauen side: there lyeth foure peeces of Artillary: there are in it about sixtie Spaniards. It is vnder the gouernment of Panama. Then Veragna, about se­uentie or eightie Spaniards: they gather great store of Gold aboue a million and a halfe yearely. Veragua. Vpon the same coast about one hundred leagues from Veragua, lieth a towne called Costa ricca, Costa ri [...]ca. inhabited onely of the na [...]urals: they gather great store of Gold.

Ouer against Nombre de Dios on the other Sea of Sur lyeth the Citie of Panama, eighteene Panama. leagues distant from thence: there is an Audience, and a President, and an Archbishop▪ there are 20 about foure hundred Spaniards; it is a very rich towne, full of treasure: all the Gold and Siluer that commeth out of those parts into Spaine, commeth by that towne: they haue no Fort but foure peeces of Ordnance that lye vpon the Hauen; but to returne to the coast of the ocean Sea. From Cartagena Eastwards there is a Riuer called Rio de Lahache, vpon this Riuer a prettie towne, with two hundred Spaniards, where is gathered great abundance of Pearle, about one million euery yeare: there is a little Fort.

A little beyond that you come to Baxemete, which is in the gouernment of Valenzuola, and Venesuela. Barbaruta, three leagues within land. Then Tocuo fiue leagues within land. Then Margarita with a strong Fort, in all these places is gathered most fine Gold. Nombre de Dios, Cartagena, San­ta Martha, Tulu, Rio de Lahache, Veragua, Barbaruta, these haue bin spoiled two or three times 30 by the Frenchmen.

Margarita is the vtmost Towne of the Spaniards vpon that coast, from whence passing into the Countrie, about foure dayes iourney we came to Granada, a towne in the gouernment of Va­lenzuola, Granada. from thence to Trugillo, which is the vtmost towne of that Prouince. So to Villetta, where beginneth the Nueno Regno de Granada, Vele Pa [...]pelona, Ocagna, Tunza, a proper Citie with foure hundred Spaniards. Santa Fe del Nueuo Regno di Granada, the principall Citie of the Kingdome, fiue hundred Spaniards: an Archbishop, a President, and an Audientia; Tocayma, Ayuage, Cariago, Arma, Caramanta, Santa Fe di Antiochia, Anzerma, Cali, Buga, Popaya, a gouern­ment. Aymage, Mocoa, Scanze, Timana, La Plata, Neua, Pasto. The end of the new Kingdome of Granada. In all these Cities is gathered great abundance of Gold. 40

Quito the first Citie of the Kingdome of Peru. There is a President, an Audience, and a Bishop. Quito. Riobamba, the Gouernment of the Squisos, Auila, Baeza, Acedonia, T [...]nibamba, Guaiaquill a Port towne in Mar del Sur, la Punta di Santa Helena, Porto, vi [...]io in Spanish, Manta in Indian, Pa [...]a, Port Townes. Cosibamba. The gouernment of Iohn di Salma, Sarigra, Saint Iaco [...]o de la [...] Valles, Santa Maria de las ne [...]es, Vallad [...]lid, Combinama, Zaem, in these six townes is gathered the grea­test quantitie of Gold and the finest of all the Country of Peru. Chachapoia, Moiobamba, Guani­co vpon the Sea, Malabrigo, the port of Tr [...]gillo. Trugillo is two leagues within the port of Reque, Santa, Casma, Guagnara, Chancai, Lima, Cagnette, Ica, Camana, (Aerquipa, Quilca and Chuli, ports of Arequipa) Arica, all these are vpon the Sea coast of Peru, Guamanga and Guancauallica, where they gather all the Quick-siluer aboue fiue millions euery yeare: the Citie of Cusco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome of Peru, Choguiago, Choquisaca, Potossi, and Porco, where all the Siluer is 50 gathered in the Kingdome of Peru. And this is the end of the Kingdome of Peru. In the Pro­uince of Tuquema, subiect to Peru, Tuquema the principall Citie of the Prouince. Saint Ia­como Tuca [...]. de las Torres, Arrian, Calchaqui. In the Prouince of Chiriguana, subiect to Peru. San­ta cruze de la Sera. In the Prouince of Chili alongst the coast; Tarapaqua, Ilo, Copiape, Co­quimba, Chili. la Serena, S. Iacomo, La conception, Cuyo, la Imperiala, Paraiso, Valdiuia, Ozorne. From Margarita or Barburata to Sancta Fe del nueno regno di granada is 300. leagues by land, the ordinary way. From Santa Fe to Quito 250. leagues. From Quito to Lima 300. leagues. From Lima to Chognisaca, or Potossi, or Porco 300. leagues. From Potossi to Copiapo chie [...]e Citie of Chili 500. leagues. And these are ordinary trauailed waies. 60

There are in Potossi and Porco 300. mines of the Spaniards, and 5000. of the Indians. The Siluer Potossi and Porco. that is for the King (which is supposed to be two millions) and all the rest that is sent into Spaine is brought vpon Sheepes backes vnto Arica or Port of Peru from thence by Sea into Lima. A Sheepe will carry 100. li. three leagues in one day.

[Page 1420] The Gold that is gathered in Chili, the Kings part which is about a million, and of others a million and a halfe is brought by Sea vnto Lima. All the Gold and Siluer that comes to Lima is about twelue millions, from thence it comes to Panama, from Panama by land to Nom­bre de Dios, from thence by Sea to Cartagena. The Gold that comes out of the new Kingdome of Fiue millions laden at Car­tagena yearely the Kings, and as much of o­ther Merchants Arequipa. Granada and the Prouince of Iohn di Salina is brought by a Riuer to Cartagena. So that at Cartagena there is laden out of those parts for Spaine euery yeare of the Kings about fiue milli­ons, and as much of other Merchants.

In all the Country of Chili there are not aboue 1300. Spaniards. In Arica 100. Spaniards. A­requipa is 17. leagues distant from Chuli or Quilca the ports: it hath about 200. Spaniards. In Li­ma 1000. Spaniards. In Seutu 100. Spaniards. In Trugillo 200. it is a very wealthy towne (the 10 Port of it Malabrigo two leagues from Trugillo. The Citie of Cusco is bigger then Rome: there is a Bishop and about 1000. Spaniards. They haue the Inquisition in Lima. In Payta which is the Cusco. harborough for all the Fleete for fresh prouision: there are 100. men. Porto Vicio, is also another harborough where the Fleete taketh in fresh victuals. There are not three Spaniards in the towne, but about fiue leagues off there is a small towne called Mantu, where there are but 50. Spaniards. In Panama 400. In February the Siluer comes from Potossi and Porco to Lima: about the same time the Ships returne from Chili to Lima with Gold.

In Aprill they set forth from Lima foure Ships, and in fifteene dayes they arriue at Panama. From the point Saint Helen to Copiapo it neuer raineth: this dry tract extendeth from the Sea coast into the Country in some places 40. miles, in some places 50. and in sundry parts of the 20 Country it is so hot that no man can endure it, and within sixe miles of that place so cold a­gaine, that it is inough to kill any man. This strange tract extends 1200. leagues. In the Citie of Lima and Trugillo there grow Oranges, Pomgranets, Citrons and Melons, bigger farre then those of these parts.

La Loma de Camana is a very fertile soile, yeelding abundance of grasse, which beginneth at Camana and passeth by Quilca towards Chuli eighteene leagues from Camana. The same Loma, is in some part within a mile of the Sea and in some other places a league off from the Sea. The same Loma is in breadth in some places halfe a league, and in other places a league, which is the greatest breadth that it beareth.

Betweene this Loma de Camana and the Sea, is nothing growing but barren sands and stones. 30 And within the said Loma, is also barren for the space of eight or ten leagues. And in all the said circuit both of the Loma, and from it to the Sea, and also in towards the land the said distance of eight or ten leagues in neuer raineth. But farder into the Land where the hils and mountaines are, there it raineth and sometimes snoweth.

Alessandro Orsino Romano antico dico che son de tempo de cinquanta vno agnos. Io son stado Trenta quatro agnos nel regno del Peru, e ho caminado todo el regno.

CHAP. IX. 40

Notes of the West Indies, gathered out of PEDRO ORDONNES de Ceuallos a Spanish Priest, his larger obseruations.

SAnta Fe de Bogota, is the Mother Citie of the New Kingdome of Granada, an Archbishops See, and of the Chamber. Muso is subiect to it, where is store of the best Emeralds taken out of a rocke, which a long time cannot waste. The fifth thereof is of inestimable value to the King. An Indian found there a stone Emeralds. which was sent to King Phillip, and his daughter Clara Eugenia, the price where­of 50 was aboue all price, nor could the Goldsmiths value it. In Saint Iuan de los lla­nos are men with white faces. In all the Kingdome the townes are very frequent. There are a­boue 14000. Negros which worke in the Mines there.

In Quito two things are deere, Wine, which is worth eight Rials a quart, if brought from Li­ma, 14000. Negros. and twelue from Spaine: and Asses, of which one hath beene worth 1500. Pesos, and that for the store of Mares in those parts. It is a prouerbe, What is dearest in Quito? An Asse. In Li­ma Wine and As­ses deare. Quito. Lima. no houses are couered with roofes, bee they neuer so large, because they neuer haue raine. No Citie in India is richer then it.

Out of Potosi are yeerely gathered great treasures. Ouer the top of this Mountaine alway hangs a cloud, euen in the cleerest dayes, as it were marking and pointing out the riches there­of. Potasi and the Mines. 60 It riseth in forme of a Pyramis, three leagues high, enuironed with cold ayre. At the foot is the Citie Potosi, inhabited by twentie thousand Spanish men, and ten thousand women, as ma­ny Negroes, and foure thousand Indians. Within six leagues about is no pasture of grasse, so that Preciosa peri­cula. to it, Wood, and Corne are brought from other places. The entrance and Myne-workes are so [Page 1421] dangerous, what they which goe in, vse to take the Sacrament of the Altar, as if they went to their death, because few returne. The Earle of Villar made a proclamation, that all the In­dians should haue leaue and libertie to labour in this Myne, and to haue foure Rialls a day for each mans worke, which they were before forced to doe for nothing; since which the King hath receiued greater profit. The King receiueth thence yeerely eight or ten millions of Siluer. The metalls lie two hundred Stades The Latine word is Stad [...]a, which in ordi­nary sense were 25. miles. Auracanes not su [...]iect. (or mans heights) beneath the earth. Raine is very needfull for the Myne-workes, which vsually falls about Christmasse. Then the President of Charcas comes thither (as also to haue care of the Quick-siluer) that in Februarie and March they may be readie for Lima. Chile hath two Bishoprickes, of Chile and Saint Iago. It brings forth the fruits of Castile, greater then Spaine it s [...]lfe. There are many Gold Mynes, if the Auracan Indi­ans 10 could be compelled to the workes, which doe our men great harmes. I went into Chile from Peru, and thence returned to Quito.

Mexico is as great as Siuill. There dwell in it three thousand Spaniards, many more women, Mexico. two hundred thousand Indians, twentie thousand Negros. The Natiues are capable of Arts and Discipline. They very much honour Priests, Monkes, and Regulars, and when the Bell rings R [...]ct to Priests. to Sermon, the Indian Boyes run vp and downe the streets crossing their fore-heads. When they goe out of the Church, they cry, Blessed be our Lord Iesus Christ, and blessed bee his Mother Saint Marie; the Priest answeres, For euer, and they, Amen. They are liberall Almes-giuers; to mee Deare Masse. saying Masse, I remember they gaue an hundred Duckets. D. Martin Cortez Marquesse of the Vallie, was author of this reuerence to Priests by his owne example, which would stand still bare 20 headed, till a Priest were past, and sometimes would goe forth to meet him and kisse his hand. Hides. In New Spaine is such store of cattell, that one man often kills one thousand Beeues, and as ma­ny Goates, and sends their hides into Spaine. The Magurie tree or Cabuya yeelds Wine, Vineger, Maguey tree. Hony, Beds, Threads, Needles (out of the prickles of the leaues) Tables and hafts of Kniues be­sides many medicinable vses. From Mexico to Acapulpo the Hauen on the South Sea, are ninetie leagues, and well inhabited.

The Vice-roy is President at the Court at Lima, and Gouernor and Captaine Generall of that The Viceroy of Peru. [...]allao. Territory, and of Charcas and Quito. He hath fortie thousand Duckets salary, and the charges of Warre are paid by the King. The Territory of Lima containeth in circuit three hundred leagues. Callao is the Port, two leagues from Lima, the chiefe in all the South Sea, where the Vice-roy v­seth 30 to abide much for furnishing the Fleets which carry the treasure.

The Mynes of Oruto are giuen ouer for want of Q [...]ick-siluer, or as some say, lest the Inhabi­tants of Potosi should remoue thither. Guacouelica hath rich Siluer Mynes, which yeerely yeeld Saint Philip of Au [...]iria. eight thousand Quintals. But some Mountaines falling haue stopped the mynings. Saint Francis of Quito is vnder the line very temperate, three hundred leagues from Lima. There is a Chancery, Bishop, Deane, and Vniuersitie. The Territory of this Court extends two hundred and sixtie leagues. Neere the Citie are many burning Hills.

There is a twofold gouernment in the Indies, one of Spaniards, which is the same with that of Indian gouern­m [...]nt. Spaine; the other of Indians. The Spaniards in these parts neither plow the ground, nor worke in the Mynes, especiall there where they are accounted gentlemen. Scarcesly shal you find any Spa­nish 40 youth, which will betake himselfe to the seruice of any man, except the Vice-roy. They Spaniards life. trade with Merchandise, are set ouer the Kings Rents, Garrisons, and Myners.

The Indians are base minded. They solemnize the Feasts of the Sacrament, Easter, and Midso­merday, with Dances, Musicke, Processions, and in the Temples religiously. On Mandy Thurs­day Indians dispo­sition & state. they are all chastised. In guilds they are obseruant. On a certaine day they are compelled to render account of all their goods and possessions. They procure Masses at Funeralls. They are generally wittie, liers, and strong drinkers. They will drinke two or three dayes together closly, and sometimes a whole weeke. Their Feasts are like the Negros with songs and dances. With these Rites they say they pray for the dead. They neuer make an end, till they haue spent all, and then they returne to their labours. They are very expert in the Arts which they learne, al­though 50 it be writing or reading, which yet is not granted them to learne. They pay yeerely to their Gouernours a certaine tribute of Siluer and other things, after they are eighteene yeeres old, till fiftie. The Commendator receiueth these things, conditionally to maintaine a Priest and a Corrigidor, and to pay the tenths to the Church. This and other places are there giuen for two liues, the sonne or eldest daughter succeeding. The Corrigidors amongst the Indians are prohibited merchandise. A Visitor is appointed in euery Court to goe to the places of that Precinct to en­quire Iustice i [...]ine­ran [...]. of affaires, and to decide controuersies.

The number of Mesticos is great, which wander vp and downe poore and beggarly, nor giue Mestizos. their minds to learne any handicrafts. It were good they were forced to labour.

A Councell celebrated at Lima, 1583. in the third Session, Chap. 22. approued of the Pope and Indian Prouin­ciall Councell. 60 our King, decreed that wheresoeuer one thousand Indians are found together, a Teacher and Priest should be set ouer them. The Indians Priests vse at the Kings charges to carrie with them many religious men: and the Iesuites by the supreme Councell of India, with aduise of the BB. are commanded to send many thither for the Bishops assistance.

[Page 1422] The Rents and Tenths of Bishoprickes are deuided into foure parts, one of which goeth to the Bishop, a second to the Deane and Chapiter, so as the Deanes proportion is 150. the dignities Ecclesiasticall Reuenues. 130. the Canons 100. The third and fourth part are diuided into nine shares called Ninths, of which two returne to the King, and are bestowed on the buildings of Cathedrall Churches; ano­ther ninth and halfe on the Fabrickes, another ninth and halfe on the Hospitall buildings, the fourth remayning are paid to the Vicars, Singers, Organists and other Church Officers. What remayneth is spent on the Fabrickes. All are laid out by the Bishops order. In my iudgement it were very good if euery Bishoprick had Seminaries and Colledges wherein the children of their Seminaries. Caciques and chiefe men might be educated, to be maintayned by the Caciques.

The Bishopricke of Cusco is 200. leagues long and 70. broad: that of Lima is greater by the 10 one halfe, as is that also of Quito. Whereupon the Bishops of the New World writ to the King that it were better to make them more Bishoprickes, each of which shall yet retaine 20000. Pezos. Euery seuenth yeere ordinarily is a Prouinciall Synod in Peru, to which the Bishoppes come, some by Sea, some by Land 400. or 600. leagues, the wayes not admitting Coaches. Some haue sought for Vniuersities in some places to bee erected (as those of Quito) at least for Diuini­tie, and the liberall Arts and Indian Tongue: the Professors to haue foure or 5000. Duckets a piece yeerely. There is no question but of the Indians many learned men may adorne the Schooles and Pulpits.

The Kings Reuenue out of the West Indies is twelue Millions yeerely growing out of the fifth Kings Reue­nu [...]s 12. Mil­lions from ten Springs. of Gold and Siluer, great Meltings, Customes of Ports, Indian Tributes, sale of Offices, the Cru­zada, 20 Tribute of Rents, Quicksiluer, Fines of Courts, and the ninth part of Ecclesiasticall Rents. Popes Buls and Collations of Benefices Ecclesiasticall and Secular are subiect to the King, and ordered by his supreame Councell of the Indies

CHAP. X.

Relation of the new Discouerie in the South Sea made by PEDRO FERNANDEZ GIROS Portugez 1609. with his Petitions to the King, one 30 Englished, another in Spanish.

THis man being a famous Pilot was sent with two ships from Peru to discouer the I­lands of Salomon. After hee had taken his course in the height of the Straits of Magellanu [...], little more or lesse, he did discouer a mayne Land, and sayled eight hundred leagues vpon the Coast, vntill he came to the height of fifteene degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctiall Line where hee found a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey and well peopled, abounding with Pearles, Gold and Siluer, great store of Limons; Orenges and other Fruites excellent good, and in great quantitie: great store of Goats, Hogges, Geese, Partridges, Conies and Fowle, Pepper and Spices. The Coun­trey is very temperate and healthfull, great store of fish of many different sorts; full of wood and 40 goodly high Trees for shipping; very good pasture, ground for Corne and Cattell.

The men of the Countrey are some tawnie, and some white of good disposition, more ciuill and politike then the Indians of Peru and Noua Hispania.

There is in the Coast a Bay of some twentie leagues into which there fals two great Riuers out of the Countrey, which is the place where they purpose to settle their first Plantations.

There are many Ilands in the same Coast both great and little, plentifull they are all and well inhabited.

This Captaine Giroz shall be presently sent vnto Peru, with order and Commission to take vp twelue hundred men and shipping with other necessaries for the Voyage to inhabit, and as ma­ny more shall be sent the yeere following from Noua Hispania, and for the whole businesse he 50 is to receiue fiue hundred thousand Duckets.

Walsingham Gresley.

The Copie of a Petition presented to the King of Spaine, by Captaine PETER FERDINAND de Quir, touching the Discouerie of the fourth part of the World, called Terra Australis incognita: and of the great riches and fertilite of the same: Printed with li­cense 60 in Siuill, An. 1610.

SIR,

I Captaine Fernandez de Quiros, shew vnto you, that this is the eighth Perhaps it is one of those eight or some later, which followeth in Spanish, contayning more particulars then this hath: Or else it may be of Luys di Vaez, &c. Petition, which by mee hath beene presented to your Maiesties view, to perswade the conduction of some Colo­nies, [Page 1423] vnto the Land which your Maiestie hath commanded to bee discouered in the parts of Australia incognita. And yet to this houre no resolution is taken, neither haue I receiued any answere or hope, whereby I might rest assured to obtaine my dispatch, although I haue at­tended fourteene moneths in your Court, and haue imployed fourteene yeeres in this Discouery without any profit or other respect but the benefit thereof; with which, notwithstanding infi­nite contradictions, I haue gone 20000. leagues by Land and by Sea, and haue diminished and sunke my estate, I haue trauelled with many afflictions in my person, and suffered such strange and extraordinary crosses that they seeme almost incredible to my selfe; and all, that so Religi­ous an vndertake should not vnworthily be abandoned. In regard whereof, I do most humbly be­seech your Maiestie in the bowels of the diuine charitie, that you would be pleased to take order, 10 that I be not depriued of the fruits of this Designe, which with such instance I doe desire, and which with so much iustice are due vnto my continuall paines and trauell: nor that I bee debar­red from the effects of so considerable and well grounded a request, whose principall scope is the glory of God, and of your Maiestie, and from whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth, which will liue as long as the fabrick of the World shall subsist, and after the dissolution thereof will remaine to all Eternitie.

1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discouered, grounding my iudgement on that which I haue seene with mine owne eyes, and vpon that which Captaine Lewes Paez de Torres Admirall of my Fleet hath represented vnto your Maiestie, the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the lesse, vnto the Sea of Bachu, Persia, and all the Iles, aswell of the Ocean, as 20 of the Mediterranean Sea, taking England and Island into this account. This vnknowne Coun­trey is the fourth part of the Terrestriall Globe, and extendeth it selfe to such length, that in The printed discourse (so I call it rather than translati­on) in English cals it the fifth part: but the Spanish hath the fourth, perhaps ac­counting the East Indies for a second, Ame­rica the third, and this the fourth, recko­ning all the first knowne parts for the first. Description of the people. probabilitie it is twice greater in Kingdomes and Seignories, then all that which at this day doth acknowledge subiection and obedience vnto your Maiestie: and that without neighbourhood ei­ther of Turkes or Moores, or of any other Nation which attempteth warre vpon confining Coun­treyes. The Land which we haue discouered, is all seated within the Torrid Zone, and a great tract thereof reacheth vnto the Equinoctiall Circle; the breath may be of 90. degrees, and in some places a little lesse. And if the successe proue answerable vnto the hopes, they will be found An­tipodes vnto the better part of Africke, vnto all Europe, and to the greater portion of Asia. But you must obserue, that as the Contreyes which we haue discouered in 15. degrees of latitude, are 30 better then Spaine, so the other which are opposed to their eleuation, must by proportion and analogie prooue some terrestriall Paradise.

2. All those quarters swarme with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants, whereof some are white, others blacke and in colour like Mulatos, or halfe Moores, and others of a mingled com­plexion. Some weare their haire long, blacke, and scattered, others haue their haire cripsed and thicke, and others very yellow and bright. Which diuersitie is an apparant argmument that there is an apparant argument, that there is commerce and communication amongst them. And this consideration together with the bountie which Nature hath bestowed on the soile, their inex­perience of Artillery and Guns, and their vnskilfulnesse in labouring in Mynes, with other sem­blable circumstances, doth induce mee to inferre, that all the Countrey is well peopled. They 40 know little what belongeth to artificiall Trades; for they haue neither fortifications nor walles, and liue without the awe of Kings or Lawes. They are a simple people cantoned into partialities, and exercise much disagreement amongst themselues. The Armes which they vse are Bowes and Arrowes, which are not poisoned or steeped in the iuice of venemous herbes, as the custome is of many other Countreyes; They doe also carrie Clubs, Truncheons, Pikes, Dartes to hurle with the arme, all which are framed only of wood. They doe couer themselues from the waste or girdling place down to the halfe of their thighs, they are very studious of cleanlinesse, tractable, cheerefull, and wonderously addicted to bee gratefull vnto those that doe them a courtesie, as I haue experienced many times. The which doth build in me a beliefe, that with the assistance of God, if they may be gently and amiably intreated, they will bee found very docible and easie of 50 mannage, and that we shall without much worke accommodate our selues vnto them. And it is most necessary to obserue this way of sweetnesse, especially in the beginning, that the Inhabi­tants may be drawne along to this so holy and sauing an end, whereof we ought to take a parti­cular care and zeale, aswell in small things, as in matters of more importance. Their houses are built of wood, couered with Palme-tree leaues; they haue Pitchers and Vessels made of earth, they are not without the mysterie of weauing, and other curiosities of that kind. They worke on Marble, they haue Flutes, Drummes, and wooden Spoones, they set apart certaine places for Oratories and Prayers, and for buriall places. Their Gardens are artificially seuered into beds, bordered and paled; Mother of Pearle and the shels which containe Pearle, they haue in much vse and estimation, of which they make Wedges, Rasors, Sawes, Culters, and such like Instru­ments: 60 They also doe make thereof Pearles and great Beads to weare about their neckes. They that doe dwell in the Ilands, haue Boats very artificially made, and exceedingly commodious for See of their Boats in Ma [...]es Voyag [...]. sayling, which is a certaine argument that they confine vpon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behauiour. And this also they haue of our husbandry, that they cut Cocks and geld Boares.

[Page 1444] 3. Their bread is vsually made of three sorts of Roots, which grow there in great abundance. Neither doe they imploy much labour in making this bread, for they do onely rost the Roots vn­till they are soft and tender. They are very pleasant to the taste, wholsome and nourishing, they are of a good leng [...]h, there being of them of an Ell long, and the halfe of that in bignesse. There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countreyes. There are sixe kinds of Plane Trees, Almond Trees of foure sorts, and other Trees called Obi, resembling almost in fruit and greatnesse the Melacatones; store of Nuts, Orenges and Limonds. They haue moreouer Sugar-canes, large in size and in great plentie, they haue knowledge of our ordinarie Apples; they haue Palme-trees without number; out of which there may easily bee drawne a iuyce, which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine, as also Whey, Vineger, and Honey, the kernels thereof are exceeding 10 sweet. And they haue fruits which the Indians call Cocos, which being greene doe make a kinde Vses of the Coco. of twine, and the pith is almost like in taste vnto the Creame of Milke: When they are ripe they serue for meate and drinke both by Land and Sea: And when they wither and fall from the Tree, there sweateth out an Oyle from them, which is very good to burne in Lampes, and is medicinable for wounds, and not vnpleasant to be eaten. Of their rindes or barks there are made Bottles, and other like Vessels, and the inner skin doth serue for calking of ships. Men doe make Cables and other Cordage of them, which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon, and are fit for other domesticke vses. But that which is more speciall, they do there vse the leaues of Palme­trees, which they a masse together, to make sayles of them for Vessels of small bulke and bur­then. They make likewise fine thinne Mats of them, and they do serue to couer the house with­out, 20 and for hangings within. And of them they doe likewise make Pikes, and other sorts of weapons, as also Oares to row with, and Vtensils for the house. You are to note, that these Palme-trees are their Vines, from whence they gather their Wine all the yeere long, which they make without much cost or labour. Amongst their herbage and Garden fruites; Wee haue seene Melons, Peares great and little, and sundry sorts of pot-herbes. And they haue also Beanes. For flesh, they are stored with a great number of Hogs which are as tame as ours: they haue Hennes, Capons, Partriges, Duckes Turtles, Pigeons, Stock-doues, and Goats, as one of my Captaines did see. And the Indians themselues haue giuen vs notice of Cowes and Oxen. There are also sun­dry sorts of fish, Harghi, Persereyes, Lize, Soles, Trowts, Shads, Macabises, Casanes, Pampani, Pilchard, Thorn-backes or Skate-fish, Cuculi, Congers, Porposes, Rochets, Muscles, Lobsters, 30 and many other, the names whereof I cannot now remember. But it is probable that there are diuers other kindes, since those which I haue recounted were taken hard by our ships. And vpon ripe and serious consideration of that, which I haue represented vnto you, a man may easily collect, that such plentifull and different varieties of all things, may yeeld great and singular de­lights. There is stuffe for Marchpane [...] and sweet Confections of all sorts, without borrowing any Spice for the composition of them else where. And for my Mates the Mariners, besides those par­ticulars which I haue before set downe, there will bee no want of Gammons, Sawsages, and o­ther salt meates which Hogges doe yeeld; neither of Vineger, Spiceries, and other Sawces that serue for delicacie, and to awake the appetite. And you must oberue, that many of these things, are the same with those which we haue in our parts, and possibly they are there in greater abun­dance; 40 by all which it is easily to be coniectured, that this Countrey is fit for the production of all that which groweth in Europe.

4. The Riches which I haue seene in those parts, are Siluer and Pearle; another Captaine in his Relation, doth report that he hath seene Gold, which are the three most precious Darlings that he and are cherished in the bosome of Nature: wee haue also both seene much Nutmegs, Mace, Ginger, and Pepper. There is also notice of Cinamon; and it is likely that Cloues may be found in those parts, since so many other sorts of Spiceries and Aromaticall drugges doe prosper there; and that the rather, because these Countryes lye very neere the parallell of the Iles of Ter­renatte, Bachian, and the Moluccos. There are likewise materials for all sorts of Silke, and wee haue seene A [...]ise-seed, and excellent good Ebonie, as also other kindes of wood proper for the 50 building of as many ships as one will desire, and stuffe to make sayles for the same. Three sorts of materials there are wherewithall to make Cordage, and one of them is very like vnto our Hemp. Moreouer out of the Oyle of Cocos, whereof I haue already made mention, there is a kind of bi­tuminous stuffe extracted, called Galagala, which may be well vsed for Pitch. They make also a kind of Rosen with which the Indians pitch their Boats, which they call Piraguas. And since there are Goats and Kowes in those parts, without question we shall haue Goat-skins, Leather, Tallow, and flesh in full abundance. The Bees which we haue seene there doe make proofe, that there will be no scarcitie of Honey and Waxe. And there is good appearance to discouer many other things which are not yet knowne, to say nothing touching the forme and scite of the Countrey. Vnto all which if that bee adioyned, which the industry of man may contribute to 60 those parts, since there is such abundance of commodities which the Countrey it selfe doth yeeld, and such hope to transport thither those things which grow with vs (the best and choisest which Peru and New Spaine bring forth, I haue resolued to transferre thither) it is to bee hoped, that this will so enrich that Countrey, that it will be able to nourish and furnish not only the Inhabi­tants [Page 1425] of the same, and those of America, but giue an accession vnto Spaine it selfe both of Ri­ches and extent of command: and this may bee accomplished after the manner which I haue proiected, and will vnfold vnto those which shall lend an assisting hand for the guiding and consummation of this worke. Now by that Land which we haue alreadie discouered outward­ly and along the shoares, without entrance into the inward parts, we doe conceiue a certaine Ar­gument, that as much Riches, Commodities, and greatnesse may bee hoped from thence, as wee haue already in these Countreyes. And you may bee pleased to vnderstand, that my principall ayme was to take a view only of these ample Regions which we haue discouered: for by reason of many sicknesses which haue weakened me, and some other chances whereof I will at this time make no mention, I was not able to suruay all which I desired, neither could I in a full moneth 10 haue seene all that, which I was of my selfe inclinable to view. You are not to make your iudge­ment of the Indians that inhabit these Countreyes, according to the honour of the people here, or conceiue them to bee affected with the same desires, pleasures, necesities, or estimation of things that we are: But you are to make account that they are a people whose care is studiously placed vpon this, that they may liue easily in this World, and passe their dayes with the least paine and perturbation they can. And this is indeed their practise, for they do not bestow them­selues on those things, which with such vexation and torment we here labour to obtaine.

5. There are found in this Countrey as many commodities, both for the support and delecta­tion of the life of man, as may bee expected from a soyle that is Manurable, pleasant and verie temperate. It is a fat and fertile Land, wherein many places clay is found, which will prooue of 20 excellent vse to build houses, and to make Tiles and Brickes, and will serue for whatsoeuer is v­sually made of earth. There is Marble and other good stones, wherewith if there bee occasion there may bee built structures of greater State and Magnificence. The Countrey aboundeth in wood, fit for all workes and vses, whereunto the same is commonly put. There are spacious and goodly plaines, and fields that are diuided and interlated with Brookes, Trenches, and Riuers. There are great and high Rockes, sundry Torrents, Riuers great and little, on which water-mils for Corne may with much commodiousnesse be built and placed, as also Engins to make Sugar, Tucking-mils, Forges, and all other Instruments which in their vse doe require water. We haue found Salt-pits there, and which is a note of the fertilitie of the soile, there are in many places Canes whereof some are fiue or sixe handfuls thick, with fruit answerable to that proportion. The 30 top of that Fruit is verie small and hard, and the skinne thereof is exceeding sweet. There are also flints for fire, equall in goodnesse with those of Madrid. The Bay of Saint Iames and Saint Philip, hath twentie leagues of banke, and is without mudde; into which there is a sure and safe entrance both by day and night. It is sheltered and couered with many houses, whi [...]h in the day time we haue seene afarre off to send forth smoke, and in the night store of fire. The Hauen cal­led The true Crosse, is of that spacious capacitie, that it is able to containe a thousand ships. The P. de la v [...]ra Cruz. bottome as I haue said is without mud, and hath a blackish coloured sand where withall it is co­uered. There are no gulfes or deepe pits, but an assured and easie anchorage in what part soeuer you will, from forty to halfe a fathome; and it is betweene the mouthes of two Riuers, the one whereof is as great as that of Guadalquiuir, and hath mud of a fathome deepe, ouer which our 40 shallops and boats did passe. For the other Riuer, when our Skiffe went to water there, they Riuers. found the entrance safe & easie. And a man may from the very mouth of the riuer take in as much fresh water as he will. The place where ships may bee vnloaded hath three leagues of grauell, mingled with little flints blackish and very heauy, which will serue for ballast for ships. The bank is straight and vnited, on which much green grasse doth grow and prosper, and that makes me to conceiue that the Sea doth not beate or rage thereupon; I obserue that the Trees are straight, and the branches not dismembred, which is a token that there are no tempests there. Touching the Port, besides the commodities which I haue alreadie discoursed of, there is one of maruellous pleasure and contentation. And that is, that at the dawning of the day you shall heare from a Wood which is neere at hand, a sweet and various harmonie of a thousand Birds of all sorts, a­mong 50 which we could distinguish the Nightingales, Black-birds, Quailes, Gold-finches, Swal­lowes almost without number Parrochitos, and one Parret wee marked there, and cr [...]atures of sundry other kinds, euen downe to Grashoppers, and Field-crickets. Euery Morning and Eue­ning we receiued a most odoriferous sweet smell, sent vnto our nostrels from the infinite diuersi­tie of Flowres and Herbes which grow there, amongst which wee obserued the blossomes of O­range and Basill. All which (with a number of other varieties) doth make vs thinke that the Aire is cleere and healthy, and that the nature of the place is of a good temperature. The Hauen and the Bay are therefore of the greater estimation, because they haue the Neighbourhood of so Great Ilands. many goodly Ilands that are there, and especially of those seuen, which are said to haue two hun­dred leagues of extent: and surely one of them (which is some twelue leagues distant from the 60 Hauen) is fiftie leagues in circuit. In briefe Sir, I doe aff [...]rme vnto your Maiestie, that you may giue command to haue a goodly and great Citie built in this Port and Bay which are 15. degrees Bay in 15 deg. 40. minutes. and fortie minutes of the Southerne El [...]uation, and those that shall inhabit there, shall haue plen­tie of riches, and all other conueniencies which they can desire. Time will shew and discouer [Page 1426] all these commodities, and in this place there may be made the discharge and vnloading of all the wares and merchandizes of the Countries of Chilly, Peru, Panama, Nicaragua, Guatimala, New-Spaine, Terre-natto; and the Philippines, all which Countries are vnder the command of your Ma­iestie. And if you shall acquire vnto your selfe the Dominion of these Seigniories which I doe now present, I doe make so great an esteeme of them, that besides their being the Key of all the rest, they will (in my opinion) proue another China or Iapan, and equallize the other rich Ilands which are on this side of Asia, in trafique of curious and precious merchandizes, to speake no­thing of the augmentation and extent of your power, and the establishment which you may make vnto your selfe of your Dominions, by the accession of so great a Countrie. That which I haue giuen vnto your view in my discourse, is of much slendernesse, in regard of that which I 10 doe probably conceiue of this land, the which I am ready to make appeare in the presence of Ma­thematicians. Neither will I vexe this paper to demonstrate vnto you, that these Countries will be able to nourish two hundred thousand Spaniards. In summe, this is Sir, the world whereof Spaine is the Center, and that which I haue related, is the nayle by which you may iudge of the whole body, which I pray you to take into your obseruation.

6. You may iudge by that which I haue already represented, what the goodnesse and tempe­rature of the ayre is: whereunto this may be added for a further testimonie, that although all our Companie were strangers, yet neuer a one of them was sicke, albeit they were in continuall trauell and labour, and did sometimes sweate, and sometimes take wet. They dranke water fa­sting, and fed many times on that which the earth did there bring forth. Neither had they any 20 regard to keepe themselues from the The Sereno is the Dew which fals eue­ry night in great (almost) snowers, infe­ctions to those which are a­broad in the aire, as is be­fore obserued in Drakes Voi­ages, &c. Serenes, nor from the Moone or Sunne, which indeede in those parts is not ouer-vehement. Onely about midnight, they couered themselues with Wooll, and did lye and repose themselues thereupon. And for the Inhabitants, they are commonly heal­thie, and many of them very aged, although they haue nothing but the bare earth for their pal­let; which is an argument of the wholesomnesse and purenesse of the soyle. For if it were a wet and weeping ground, or had any viciousnesse in the mould, they would raise their lodgings higher from the earth, as they doe that liue in the Philippines, and other Countries which I haue viewed. And this is further confirmed by their Flesh and Fish, which although it be vnsalted, yet will it keepe sweete and without corruption two dayes and more. And the Fruits which are brought from thence are exceeding good, as we had proofe by two that I tooke care to bring 30 along with mee, although they had not their full maturitie and growth when I gathered them from the Tree. We haue not seene any barren and sandie ground, nor any Thistles or trees that are thornie, or whose rootes doe shew themselues, no Marishes or Fennes, no Snow vpon the Mountaines, no Snakes or Serpents, no Crocodiles in the Riuers, no Wormes that vse with vs to hurt and consume our Graine, and to worke vs so much displeasure in our houses, no Fleas, Ca­terpillers, or Gnats. This is a Prerogatiue that hath the aduantage of all the priuiledges that nature hath bestowed on other places, and is worthy to be compared, or rather preferred before any delicacie of the Countries of India, some of which are abandoned and vnhabited, meerely by reason of these incommodities, and of sundry others that are distastfull vnto the Inhabitants, as my selfe haue oftentimes beene witnesse. 40

7. These (Sir) are the greatnesse and goodnesse of the Countries which I haue discouered, of which I haue already taken the possession in the name of your Maiestie, and vnder your Royall Banner, as appeareth by the Acts which I keepe safely in my power, whereunto I proceeded af­ter this ensuing manner. First (Sir) we erected a Crosse, and built a Church in honour of our La­die of Loretto. Then we caused twentie Masses to be celebrated there, and our troopes made haste thither to gaine some Indulgences, granted on Whitsunday. We also made a solemne Pro­cession, L. of Loretto. and obserued the Feast of the blessed Sacrament, the which was carried in Procession, your Banner being euer displayed, and marching before it, through a great circuit of Countries, which were honoured with the presence of the same. In three seuerall places we set vp your Ti­tle, in euery one of which we prepared and erected two Columnes, with the Armes of your Ma­iestie 50 tricked and garnished thereupon: so that I may with good right affirme, that since this will challenge to be one of the Parts of the world, the Impresse of Plus vltra is accomplished, and be­cause it stretcheth vnto the continent, whether it be forward or behinde it skils not, the bounds Plus vltra. of your Dominions are with much spaciousnesse enlarged. Now all this which I haue perfor­med, receiueth its roote from this the faithfull zeale which I beare vnto your Maiestie, that to all the Titles which you already doe possesse, you may adioyne this which I represent, and that the name de la Austrialia del spiritu santa, may bee blazoned and spread ouer the face of the whole world to the glory of God, who hath reuealed this Countrie, and hath giuen mee the grace to guide my course thither, and to returne to the presence of your Maiestie, before whom I doe present and prostrate my selfe with the same affection and zeale 60 vnto this worke which I had before, and which hath growne vp with mee as it were from my cradle, and for the noblenesse and worth thereof, I doe still tender and cherish the same with the greatest loue that can be.

8. I doe confidently beleeue, that your Maiestie doth vse so much prudence in your Councels, [Page 1427] and are so magnanimous and full of Christian pietie, that you will (with your best care) embrace all the conducements which may further the habitation of these new-discouered Countries. And the principall reason to put a tye and obligation vpon vs not to leaue them abandoned, is in regard that this is the sole ordinary way to establish the knowledge of God, and fai [...]h amongst them, and to bring to passe that his name may be adored and called vpon, where the Diuell vsur­peth so much reuerence and inuocation. And this ought to be embraced with the more readi­nesse, because it is the channell to conuey and disperse all abundance of commodities amongst your subiects. And hereby you shall be eased of many disturbances and vexations, which will as­suredly be put vpon you, in case the Enemies of the Church of Rome should enter and nestle there, and should vent their erronious doctrines amongst them, whereby they would conuert all the blessings which I haue hitherto recounted vnto you, into assured incommodities and mischiefes, 10 and would arrogate vnto themselues the names of the Lords of the Indias, to the vtter ruine and desolation of those Countries. I make no question but your Maiestie well weigheth, of what im­portance this danger, of which I speake, may proue, and what euill consequence some other ha­zards may carrie with them, which are either at this time imminent, or may succeede hereafter. And if this should happen, it would cost you innumerable thousands of gold and men, before you shall be able to giue a remedy vnto the same. Acquire therefore Sir, whiles that occasion is of­fered you (that one day you may purchase heauen vnto your selfe) acquire (I say) with a little money which you misplace vpon Peru, a neuer-dying reputation, and this New-world with all the benefits which it reacheth out vnto you. And since there is none that craueth a reward for 20 these good tidings, that is brought you concerning so great & singular a blessing, which God hath bin pleased to locke vp vntill your happie time, I am he Sir, that doe demand it, and my humble request vnto you is onely this, that you would be of that graciousnesse vnto mee, as to dispatch and giue me mine answer: for the Gallions are readie to hoise saile, and I haue much way to goe, and many things must be fitted and disposed for the voyage. There is no houre passeth, which carrieth not with it an assured losse both in regard of spirituall and temporall blessings, the dam­age whereof can neuer be made vp or repaired.

If vpon a bare suspition Christopherus Columbus did pursue his designe with so much obsti­nacie, you are not to account it strange in me, if the things which I haue beheld with mine eyes, and touched with mine hands, doe put some kinde of constraint vpon mee to be im­portunate. 30

Let it therefore please your Maiestie, amongst so many expedients which you haue at hand, to seuer and put apart some one for the accomplishment of this worke, that after all these languishments, I may at length meete with the successe of my desires. I doe assure you that you will finde my propositions most iust, and that I shall be of sufficiencie to giue you satisfaction in all things. This, Sir, is a great worke, amongst which the Diuell doth ban­die himselfe with all the puissance hee may: And it is not consonant to reason, to abandon these Countries to his tyrannie and power, whereof, know your Maiestie is Defender.

Here followeth another Petition or Declaration in Spanish, which I haue not translated, that the Originall may be of more authoritie; and haue added for further explanation and notice of particu­lars. I had thought also to haue giuen the other in Spanish, and had accordingly prepared it, 40 but for the English Readers sake, haue corrected the once printed Copie by it, and not troubled you with both.

EL Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros: Xa he dicho a V. M. que de la parte del Sur, esta oculta la quarta parte del Glouo, y que el descubrimiento que en ella hize, lo es de vente y tres is las, cuy os nombres son. La encarnacion. San Iuan Bantista. Santelmo. Las quatro Coronadas. San Miguel Arch­angel. La conuersion de san Paulo. La Dez [...]na. La Sagitaria. La Fugitiua, La del Peregrino. Nuestra Sennora del Socorro. Monterrey. Tucopia. San Marcos. El Uergel. Las Lagrimasde san Pedro. Los portales de Belen. El Pilar de Zaragoça. San Raymundo. Yla is la de la Uirgen Maria. Y iuntamente 50 de aquel las tres partes de tierra llamada la Austrialia del Espiritu santo: en laqual tierra se ba [...]o la Ba h ya de san Felipe, y Santiago, y puerto de la Veracruz, adonde estuuimos surtos con los tres nauios 3. Naui [...]s. Ki [...] Io [...]dan. treinta y seis dias. Entiendiose ser todas tres vna gran tierra, y sus altas y dobladas Serranias, y aquel rio Iordan por su grandeza pare ce que osseguran la de la tierra, como de todo mas largo consta por vna informacion quehize en Mexico, con diez testigos delos que fueron comigo, a la qual me re­mito. Mande V. M. que sea vista, y que se haga vna iunta de Matematicos, y Pilotos, y personas pla­ticas, pues al presente las ay muy insignes en esta Corte, y la causa lo merece, y a V. M. le importa mu­chisimo. Aduierto que esta i [...]to macion la hiziera, con todas quantas personas vinie ron de la ior­nada, si fuera bien admitida la ofrenda que para esto hize, o sue ra ayudado, o yo pudiera, que no me ob­ligue 60 a impossibles, y me veo obligado a ellos.

Digo pues sennor que en vna ista que se llama Taumaco, que al parecer dista de Mexico mil y do­zientas Taumaco Is [...]. y cincuenta leguas, estuuimos surtos diez dias, y que el sennor de aquella islaas, cuyo nombre es Tamay, hombre de razon, buen cuerpo, talle, y color algo moreno, los oios hermosos, la nariz afilada, las [Page 1428] baruas, y los cabellos crecidos, y crespos, y a su modo graue, nos ayudo con su gente, y embarcaciones, a ha­zer a guada, y lenna, de que en aquella sazon estauamos muy necessitados. Este tal vino a verme a la Na [...], y dentro en ella le ex [...]mine, en la manera siguiente. Lo primiero le mostre su isla, y la mar, y nuestras naos, y gente, y apunte a todas partes del Orizonte, y hize otras ciertas sennas, y con ellas le pregunte, si auia vi­sto nauios, y hombres como los nuestros, y a esto dixo que no, Preguntele si sabia de otras tierras lexas, ò cer­ca, pobladas, ò despobladas, y luego que me entendio nombrò a mas de sesenta Islas, y a vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo: yo sennor las fui escriuiendo a todas teniendo presente la guia de nauegar, para Mas desosenta Islas y vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo. saber hazia el rumbo que cada vna demoraua, que viene a ser de aquella su isla a la parte del Sneste, Sur Sudeste, ò Este, y Nordeste; y para que yo entendiesse quales oran las pequennas, hazia pequennos circu­los, y mostraua el mar con el dedo, y con el daua a entender cercana la tierra, y por las que eran mayores, 10 hazia mayores circulos, y las mismas demostraciones: y por aquella gran tierra abrio ambos los braços, sinboluerlos a iuntar, mostrandoque prosegnia. Y para dar a entender quales eran las lexanas, ò estauan de all. mas cerca, mostrana el Sol de Leuante a Poniente, recostana la cabeça sobre vna mano, cerra­ua los oios, y contaua por los dedos las noches que en el camino se dormia, y por semeiancas de­zia, quales gentes eran blancas, Negros, Indios, y mulatos, y quales estauan mezelados, y quales ran sus amigos, y enemigos, y que en alguuas islas se comia carne humana; y para esto hizoque mor­dia su braço, mostrando claro querer mal à estagente, y deste, y de otros modos al parecer, se en­tendio quanto dixo, y se lo repeti tantas ve zes, que mostro cansarse dello. Y dando con la ma­no hazia el Sur Sudeste, y otras partes, dio bien a entender quantas mas tierras auia. Mostro desseo de boluer a su casa, dile cosas que lleuasse, y se despidio de mi, aandome paz en el carrillo, y con 20 otras muestras de amor.

El siguiente dia fui a su pueblo, y para mas bien enterarme delo que Tumay declarò, lleue comigo mu­chos Indios a la playa, y teniendo en la mano el papel, y presente la aguia de marear: a todas fui pregun­tando muchas vezes porlas tierras a que Tumay puso nombre, y en todo conformaron todos, y dieron no­ticia de otras pobladas, todas de gentes de los referidos colores, y iuntamente de aquella grande tierra, en la qual con proprias sennas dixeron que auia Bacas, ò Bufalos: y para dar a enterder que auia perros la­drauan, y por gallos y gallinas, cantauan, y por puerc [...]s grunnian. Y assi desta manera dezian lo que que­rian, y respondian a quanto se les preguntaua: y por que les mostraron perlas en el boton de vn rosario, dieron a entender las auia. Todas estas preguntas y diligencias, hizieron otros de mi compannia, este dia, y otras vezes a estos, y a otros Indios, y siempre dixeron lo mismo, y por esto s [...] entendio ser gente que tra­ta 30 verdad.

Quando sali desta isla de Taumaco, hize [...]oger quatro muy gallardos Indios, los tres se becharon a na­do, y el que quedo, y despnes se [...] Pedro, declarò en el puerto de Acapidco, y por el camino, y enla ciu­dad de Mexico adonde murio [...]endola visto el Marques de Montes claros lo siguiente, sin nunca va­riar, annque se le pre gunto en diuersos tiempos, y por muchas personas, y de muchos modos, y se le nega­uan, y contradezian sus dichos.

Lo primero dixo Pedro, ser natural de vna isla que se llama Chicayana, mayor que la de Taumaco a­donde de hallamos, y que de la vna ala otra ay quatro dias de camino, de sus embarcaciones, y que Chi­cayana es tierra rasa y muy abundante de los frutos y a referidos, y que la gente della es de su bue na color Chicayana Isla. de Indio, cabello suelto y largo, y que se labran como el lo estaua, poco enel rostr [...], ombros, y pechos, y que 40 tambien ay hombres blancos que tienen los cabellos rubios, y muy largos, y que ay mulatos, cuyo cabello no es frisado, ni de todo suelto, y que el era texedor, y soldado flechero, y que en su lengua se llamaua Luca, su muger Layna, y su [...]lio Ley.

Dixo mas, que en aquella su isla ay muchas Ostras, como de las que visus conchas, y traxe algunas, que aqui tengo de tres tamarinos. El primero, es el comun de la Margarita; el segundo mayor al doble; y el tercero de palmo, ma [...] y menos de diam [...]tro, y que a todas estas Ostras llaman Totofe, y que en ellas se hallan perlas, a las quales llaman Futiquilquil: y por esto le mostre las conchas, y el las tomò en las ma­nos, y en ellas fue mostrando las partes a do se crian. Y preguntado quantas eran, y de que tamanno, dixo, que en vnas se hallan mas, y en otras menos; y para dar a entender el grandor dezia que las ay como are­na, y como sal, y como pedrezitas, y como cuentas de rosarios, y como botones como tenia en vn coleto, y 50 otras mayores, y que se pescan en menos de medio estado de fondo, de piedras y arena, y que son muy gran des los trechos de mar, que alli tienen poco fondo, y que el mismo sin çabullir se las sacaua con la mano, y las ponia en su Canoa, y que solo las quieren para comer su carne, a la qual llaman Canofe, y que las conchas les sir [...]en para hazer anzuelos, cucharas, y otras cosas, y que las perlas no les siruende nada.

Dixo mas, que ay en osta misma isla de chicayana o [...]ra suerte de ostras, a la qual llaman Taquila: y para dar a entender su tamanno, sennalò el grandor de vna buena rodela: y por hazerseme increyble la mucha camidad que dixo de todas perlas, y la grandeza destas Taquilas, le pregunte si nacian dentro en los cocos, o en los arboles, o en las pennas, o en la tierra, o por fuera de las conchas: dixo que no se hallan sino en le suelo del mar, y dentro en ellas las perlas, y que las ostras las vnas estan recostadas a todos lados, y otras enh [...]estas y abiertas hazia arriba, y que si en algunas destas ostras entran la mano que se ci [...]rra, y luego 60 go dixo no ay mano, y que a esta causa las sacan con palos, y con lazadas de cuerdas, y que tienen grande y muy buena carne que ellos comen, y no hazen caso de las perlas, y que las vezes que las queria el mismo las pescana, y las llenaua a su casa. Y como el Orro Viage yo mismo vi He made two Voyages. a las Indios de la isla de Santacruz, traer del cuello colgadas muchas patenas mayores y menores, [Page 1429] todas de conchas de nacar, entendi ser loque Pedro de zia, lo mismo de las patenas, y a esta causa no ha­zia mucha cuenta deste dicho: mas viendo que vnas vezes se enoiaua, y otras con muy grande ahinco trabaiaua por darse a entender, por esto le mostre vn guijarro negro y redon do, del tamanno de vna cir­uela temprana, y le pregunte si en su tierra auia per las assi como aquella, dixo que no, porque aquel guijar­ro era negro, y las perlas blancas como papel, y que quando las miraua al Sol, que la vislumhre dellas le da­na en los oios, y assi hazia con ellos como si las tnuiera presentes. Y preguntado si las auia tan grandes co­mo el referido guijarro, dix [...] que otras auia chiquitas como el guijarro. Y luego tuntò la cabeça del dedo pulgar con la del indice en forma de circulo, y alli con vn dedo de la otra mano, fue senna lando may ores y menores perlas, y que en cada hostia no ay mas de vna sola: y con todo temiendo ser lo que dezia las pate­nas de mi sospecha, le pregun te si eran chatas, o redondas, o de otras formas. Nome entendio por este len 10 guage. Luego hize como que queria poner el guij arro en el suelo a son de correr: y assi como lo vio, dixo con gran demostracion, que quando las echa nan en el suelo ynan rodando por manera que a mi entender dio claramen ta ser perlas redondas, y de los tamannos referidos, y que su hijo trahia al cuello vna dellas, y que el mismo la horadò con piedra blanca, y delgada, y que el fondo de adonde las sacana, es de dos esta­dos mas y menos, y que en sus conchas dan de comer a los puertos. Preguntele si las grandes conchas tie­nen el mismo lustre que tienen las ordinarias que le mostre dixo que si, todas estas y otras preguntas le hize muy trocadas, y como en su tierra se llaman los arcabuzes, y otras de nuestras cosas, dixo que no las ay, por manera que siempre respondio sin sospechas, y solo dio nombre con mucha resolucion a las cosas que ellos tie­nen, yo afirmo por verdad que no entendi escriuir la grandeza, ni el mucho numero que dixo auer de toda suerte de perlas, por parecerme noticia nunca oyda: mas considerando que naturaleza es po de­rosa 20 para criar como ya se han visto grandes perlas, y de las comunes tan gran suma en el rio de la Hacha, Margarita, y Cubagua: y yo porfie tanto en inquirir esta su declaracion, pareciome deuer dezir lo que este Indio me dixo tantas vezes, y a otras muchas personas, que no con me­nos cuy dado le examinaron, y en suma yo hago las diligencias, y escriuo como hombre que tengo de morir, y no se quando.

Dixo mas, que de la isla de Taumaco a tres dirs de camino, y de Chicayana ad os; ay otra isla mayor que Guatopo Isla. las dos dichas, que se llama Guaytopo, poblada de gente tan blanca, como loes en comun la nuestra, y que hasta los hombres tienen rubios los [...]abellos mas y menos, y tambien negros, y que se labran las bar­rigas, y a su nibel todo en rueda, y que todas tres islas son gente amiga, y de vna lengua, y que vsan darse la p [...] en los carrillos, y que tienen por sennal de enemigos quando huyen los rostros, y que en esta isla ay 30 muchos ostrales de los tres generos menores, en grandes trechos de mar, de fondo assi coma el de Chica yana, y que tienen much as perlas. Y preguntado si el auia estado en ella, dixo que no. Luego le bolui a pre­guntar como sa bia lo dicho, y lo coniò desta manera que de aquella isla salio vn nauio gran de los suyos, con mas de cincuenta personas, a buscar conchas de Carey, de que vsan hazer çarçillos, y otros iuguetes que cuelgan de las oreias, a otra isla poblada que llaman Mecaraylay, que estando a vist a della, [...]es dio Mecaraylay Is [...]. vn viento contrario que les obligò a buscar su isla, de la qual estendo cerca, boluio el viento a ser con­trario, y que andando en estas bueltas se les acabò el bastimento, a cuya falta murieron quarenta perso­nas de hambre y sed, y que el estaua en la Isla de Taumaco, quando este nauio aportò alli con solos siete hombres muy blancos, excepto eluno que era moreno, y con tres mugeres blancas, y hermosas como E­spannolas, que tenian los cabellos rubios, y muy largos, y que todas tres venian cubiertas de cabe ça [...]hasta 40 los pies con vuos como mantos azules, o Negros, y muy delgados, a que llaman foafoa, y que de todas estas diez personas, solo quedô viuo el Indio Olan, al qual los uuestros quando alli lo viero en Taumaco, tan blanco y tan bermeio. le llama ron el Flamenco, como q [...]eda referido, y que este Indio Olan y otros le con­taron quanto ha dicho, de aquella isla de Guay tupo, y g [...]e el mismo vio ve nir a su isla de Chicayana, otro nauio de aquellos de dos vasos cargado de gente blanca y hermosa, y con muchas y muy lindas mu­chachas, y dio a entender contando por los dedos de diez en diez, ser por todos ciento y diez per­sonas.

Dixo mas, que de otra isla que se llama Tucopio, que es a donde los dos Indios se echaron a nado, como queda referido, a cinco dias de su nauegar, ay aquella gran tierra Manicolo, poblada de mucha gente lo­ra Tucopio Isla. Manicolo terr [...] grande. y mulata en grandes pueblos, y para dar a entender su tamanno, sennalò el de Acapulco, y otros may­ores, y por esto le pregunte si auia pueblos tan grandes como Mexico, dixo que no, mas que muchas gen­tes, 50 y que son sus amigos, y no comen carne humana, ni se entienden las lenguas, y que es tierra de muy altas serra nias, y grandes rios, y que algunos dellos no se pueden vadear, sino passarse en canoas: y pue para ir de la isla Tucopia a aquella tierra, quando sale el Sol les queda a la mano izquierda, que viene a ser del Sur para el Sudeste. Digo pues, que si esto es assi como lo dixo, que viene bien con la cordillera de sierras que se vieron ir corriendo a la buelta del Poniente, como esta dicho en su lugar, quando fuimos desgarrando. Mucho encarecio Pedro la grandeza po placion y fertilidad, y otras cosas desta tierra, y que el y otros Indios fueron a ella en vna de sus embarcaciones, a buscar vn tron [...]o de vn grande arbol, de los muchos que ay en ella, para hazer vna piragua, y que vio alli vn puer to, y dio a entender ser mayor, y de boca mas cerrada que lo es el de la Bahia de san Felipe, y Santiago, y que el mirô su fondo ser de arena, 60 y su play a Del astre como el otro ya dicho, y que tiene dentro quatro rios y mucha gente, y que por la costa de aquella tierra anduuieron hazia el Poniente mas camino que ay de Acapulco a Mexico sin verle fin, y se buluieron a su isla. Aduierto que como yo auia visto aquella isla de Tucopia, dixe adrede que sabia auer en ella muchas ostras y perlas, y que dixo que no ay sino mucho fondo, y que es assi verdad porque lo hize sondar.

[Page 1430] Dixo mas, que de Taumaco atres dias de camino, y con viento fresco a dos, ay otra isla que se llama Fonoso no, partida en muchas islas pequennas y rasas, y por esto a cautela le dixe, que auia en ellas gran­des rios: pues grandes rios en islas pequennas, y rasas, no los puede auer, dixo que no sino poços, y que [...]ono fono Isla. son todas muy fertiles, y muy pobladas de gentes loras, Indios y mulatos, muy altos en demasia, y tanto, que con ser algo mas alto que yo, sennalo en vna pared todo quanto pudo alcançar con los dedos, estendi­dos braço y ma no, y dixo ser aquella su altura, y que son sus amigos mas no de su lengua, y que en estas islas ay grandes trechos de mar, de poco y de mucho fondo, commanchas de muchas hostras, y que el mis­mo las saco para comer las, y que te nian perlas de los tamannos que, tiene dicho, excepto las Taquilas, y que ay alli vn muy buen puerto: y tambien dixo que cerca destas islas ay otra que se dize Pilen, y otra Nupan, y que tienen lo mismo de comidas, gentes y perlas y de oydas y no de vista, dio nombre a otras mu­chas Pilen, Isla. Pupan Isla. 10 islas, y de todas dixo lo dicho. Aduiertese, que en todas las Indias en solo la Margarita, y en el ri [...] de la hacbo, se ha sacado y va sacando la multitud de las perlas que se sabe, de xo las pocas v no tan buenas de Panama, y digo que si es assi como est a dicho, que much os numeros se pueden esperar de adonde dio la noticia, assi por ser much as estas pàrtes, como por la grandeza de los mares que dixo tienen poco fondo, y mas se aduierte que solo dixo de las ostras que alcançan a ver los oios, y solo con las manos cogen sin zabu [...]rse, quedando siempre reseruadas las dos, quatro, ocho, y mas braças como oy se pescan en sa Margarita.

En Mexico lleue a Pedro por dos vezes a casa de vn h [...]r adador de perlas, y a mi ruego le mostro de todos los generos comunes: assi como los vio se alegro mucho, y dixo con gran demostration y encarccimi­ento, que en su tierra ay muchas perlas y mas blanchas que aquellas. Mostrole mas vnos barruecos, o as­sientos 20 grandes y abromados, hizo mal gesto, y dixoque aquello no era buono, y que en su tierra auia me­ior. Mas diligencia hizo el Alcalde mayor del puerto de Acapulco, don Pedro Flores, pues le mostro vna cadena de muchas sartas de perlas, y le preguntò si en su tierra auia de aquellas cadenas, dixo que no. Lu­ego saco de alli ciertas perlas, y se las mostrò en la mano, y le preguntò si auia assi como aquello, dixo que si, mas que no estauan hor adadas, y se puede presumir que a falta de brocas, y de taladros, no se aproue­chan de las perlas y de las conchas si por ser mayores, y del mismo lustre, y faciles de horadar.

Dixo mas, que en Taumaco ay vn Indio grau piloto, y que sabe los nombres de muchas tierras, en las quales ha estado muchas vezes, y que de vna Grantierra que se llama Pouro muy poblada, cu y a gente Pouro gran tierra. lora, e Indios, algunos son amigos su yos, y otros muy belieosos y guerrer os entresi, traxo a su isla de Taumaco vn pagagayo de pecho y cuello colorado, y ciertas flechas con puntas a forma de cuchillo, y que 30 el mismo las vto, y las tentò, y dio a entender que les querian para con ellas matar mas facilmente, por esto le mostre vn cuchillo, y dixo ser negro al respeto de las puntas. Mostrele vn vaso de plata, y dixo ser las puntas tan blancas como ella, muchas vezes le contradixe este dicho, y siempre mas se afirmò.

Admierto, que en la Bahiya de san Felipe y Santiago, se hallaron en vna casa muchas piedras negras y pesadas, y que a caso me traaeron dos partes tan grandes, cada vna dellas como vna nuez, y que en la ciudad de Mexico vn don Francisco Pachoco duenno de minas, y vn Diego Gomez de Molina las vie­ron en mi mi posada, y el vno dellos me mostraron lleno de oios de plata, por esto lo lleuamos luego a casa de vn ensayador que lo puso en vn crisol, y ella por sus razones le dio tanto fuego que el crisol se desfondo, y assino se vio na da toda via, yo me auia quedado con la otra parte que el ensayador requemò y en esta se vio vna puntilla que estendida al martillo se tocô luego en tres piedras, y dixeron seis plateros 40 ser toques de plata: y para mas certificarse tocaron plomo y estanno, y otra plata concscida iunto a ella, mas huuo alli quien dixo que aquel ensaye se auia de hazer por azogue, y otros que con salitron y ciertas cosas, y el ensayador afirmò ser bueno el metal, y aqui se tocò la puntilla, y dixeron dos plateros que es plata.

Estas piedras auia mostrado a Pedro, y assi como las vio, dixo que en los cerros de Taumaco a y mu­chas dellas, y que se llama Treaque, y que tanbien las ay en aquillo gran tierra Manicolo, y que todos los Indios las quieren, los vnos para labrarse, y otros para inuiexarse con ellas, ylo mismo dixo Paulo de su tierra, que es la Bahia de san Felipe y Santiago de adonde se traxeron, y dizen mineros que adonde ay inuixes ay metales, y que por los inuixes se descubreron las minas de plata y oro de S. Luis de la nueua Espanna, y las de azogue de Guancauelica del Piru. Y aduierto, que dezir Pedro que vio flechas con puntas de plata, parece que por razon de la poca que se hallò en aquel poco metal que tan a caso setra [...]ò y 50 por la dispusicion de la tierra, y el sitio ser paralelo delP [...]ru, obligan a creer que puede ser assi como lo dixo.

Aduierta se mas que Pedron despues que supo darse a entender en uuestra lengua, confor [...] con todolo que dixeron los Indios de Taumaco, y esto assi en la tierra grande, como en las muchas islas y muchas gen­tes, y algunas cor pulentas labradas y por labrar, varios coleres, largos cabellos rubios, negros, srisa dos, crespos, de que estan pobladas: y iuntamente en la mucha abundancia de comidas de vnos mismos gene­ros que todos tienem. Y tambien se aduierta, que to do lo referido lo auemos visto desta vez, y que lanti, erra donde estuuimos surtos, parece ser la misma que va prosiguiendo, y de la grandeza que ellos dizen a suma digo, fundado en razones fuertes, que aquellas gentes estan alli por vezindad y continuacionen otras tierras mas al Sur, Leste, y Oeste, y que si no ay milagro que en aquella oculta quarta de globo, estey muy grandes y muy estendidas prouincias, llenastodas de muchas y muy varia [...] gentes, y que en todos gene­ros 60 aura ventaia, quanto mas fueren subiendo de quinze grados arriba y por venderse tan caro, se deu esperar meior a en todo lo apuntado. 15. Grados. The first Voy­age.

Aduiertase que la primera vez que el Adelantado Aluaro de Mendasia, fue y d [...]scubrio las [...] que llamo, de Salomon, hallo en ellas, y se traxeron cantidad de perlas t [...]stadas al fuego, porque los [...] [Page 1431] solo comen la carne assando las ostras, y que el segundo viage que hizo el mismo Adelantado, descu­brio The second Voyage. Isl [...] de Santa Cruz. de nueuo la isla de Santacruz, donde murio, y que en ella yo mismo vi muchas conchas, y aquellas muchas patenas de nacar referidas, y que de vna cierta isla alli cerca, se traxo vn muchacho que se llamo Miguelillo, y que este despues que supo nuestra lengua, dio noticia de auer en su tierra muchas perlas, congrandes muestras de ser assi. Tambien se aduierta, que desta ida auemos visto en tres islas las conchas de nacar, de los tres tamannos, y en la vna dellas Ostiones secos, adonde se hallaron algunas perlas menu­das: pormanera, que iuntando lo que dixo Pedro, a lo que se ha visto, son quinze las islas de que ay noti­cia que tienen perlas, y por la vista de sus conchas, se pueden, y deuen esperar. y tambien por ser Aquella poca altura, tan propriaparacriarse, y quanto Aquellas grandes Taquillas, lo dexo al tiempo; y solo adui­erto, que pues Pedro dixo, que ay grandes perlas, que tambien dixo auer grandes conchas, capazes dellas. Y en suma digo, que Dios nuestro Sennor, no da de vna vez todo quanto puedo, y que primero haze la 10 prueua del costoso, y sufrido amor que le tienen las personas, a quien encamina vna tan gran cosa como a U. M. en esta.

Dixo mas Pedro que al diablo llaman Terua, y que habla con los Indios de vn palo, sin ser visto, y que a el mismo, y a todos ellos de noche, y muchas vezes, les palpaua los rostros, y los pechos con cosa muy fria, y que quertendo saber lo que era no hallauan nada: y esto dezia mostrando cierto recato y temor dan do bien a entender se cosa mala y para ellos bien aborrecible; y tanbien dixo a otros que no a mi, que antes que a su tierra fueramos, ya el diablo les auia dic ho que los auiamos de ir a matar. Mostraua muchos desseos de boluer a su tierra, para dezir al sennor de Taumaco, todo el bien que le auiamos hecho, y que los otros Indios sus companneros, ellos mismos se hecharon de las naos a nado, que nosotros no les hizimos ningun mal. Y tambien mas, para dezir a todos sus naturales quan buena cosa es ser Christiano, y que a 20 el despues que lo era, el diablo no le hablo, ni le o y o, ni de noche le palpo, y para traer su hijo, y venirse a viuir con nosotros. Y tamcien dixo, que ensu isla de Chicayana, ay perros grandes como los nuestros, y que los llaman Ticuri, y que ay muchas auas como las de Europa, mas que no las sabien comer: y vna fruta quiso dezir mançanas porque las vio, y mucho gengibre, y que en su tiempo haze buen frio, con ser en tan poca altura. Y mas dixo, que a los que matan honbres los ahorean, y que nuestros cauallos son buenos para andar en ellos, mas no para ser seruido de los honbres. Era Pedro al parecer de edad de venticinco annos, y en aquella sazon que declaro sabia poco de la lengua Castellana, y a esta causa costo mucho tra­baio esta su declaracion, porque se le ha negado y repeti do muchas ve [...]es, y parece que si viuiera dier a mas razon que ha dado: mas yo creo que es mas paracreer lo que esta dicho, que no lo fuera si llegara a ser se ladino, con que yo y todos quanto le trataro le teniamos por hombre de verdad, y de verguença. Vn 30 dia entro en la y glesia de San Francisco de Mexico, y por ver en ella muchos Crucifixos dixo, que como auia alli tantos Dioses, si le dezian que no auia mas que vn solo Dios Fuele respondido ser todos retratos del verdadeao Christo. Y con esto, y con lo demas que se le dixo parecio satisfacerse y los frayles que le oy­eron se alegraron por ser pregunta de hombre que sabia discurrir; y finalmente Domingo de Ramos mu­rio: yo fio de la misericordia de Dios, que pues por vn en estranno modo le traxo al bautismo, y a morir confessado, y olea, le y en tan sennalado di [...], y con muestas de buen Christiano, que ha sido para darle su santa gloria. Y este fue su dichoso fin, del qual deuo estar muy consolado, y parece que su diuina Mage­stad va ordenando, que casi no ay a medios humanos para, acabar Aquella su tan grande obra, ò alme­nos que falten Aquellos en que mas estriuo, ò puedo estriuar. 40

El otro Indio se llamaua Paulo, era muchacho de hasta ocho annos, de color loro, cabello frisado, tenia muy hermosos oios, muy buen talle y meior condicion, y tanto que todos quantos le trataron le querian mu­cho, por se tan docil, y agradable: sabia como Pedro las quatro oraciones, y se per signaua con mucha ale­gria, y bautizado y buen Christiano le lleuo Dios el dia dela Ascension: daua razon del Demonio, y que s [...] llamaua Hadanua, y de como habla con los Indios sin ser visto, y tanbien la daua de perros mayores y me­nores, y de vn animal como gato, y de vn granderio hazia la parte de supueblo que en Aquella su tierra ay mucha gente guerrera, enemiga vnade otra, y queno se come carne humana: y esto se deue creer porla mucha que tienen de puercos, y gallinas, y tantas otras comidas, pues el comer se carne humana entre otras gentes, par [...]ce proceder de la ester elidad de las tierras, ò de la vestialidad desus moradores: y porque era ninno y estaua enforma, no se pudo saber del quanto se quiso. Vn pe quenno vocabulario tengo, que es lo que pude iuntar de las lenguas de Pedro y Paulo, lo que dezir, que es muy pronunciable. 50

Por todo lo dicho se vee claramente, que solo ha auidodos grandes partes de tierras a partadas desta Europa, y de la Africa, y Asia: la primera es la America, que descubrio, Christoual Colon, y la se­gunda y postrer a del mundo, es la que vi, y pretendo poblar, y acabar de descubrir para U. M. Esta grandeza deue de ser abraçada, assi por tener tanto de Dios, como por ser dar principio a vna tan grande obra, y de tantos, y tan grandes bienes, que ninguna otra de su genero puede ser mas, ni tanto al presente, ni adelante, como lo podre mostrar si soy oydo, y preguntado.

Si [...]ndo pues este caso tan admirable quanto sueua, y viendo, tan empennada mi conciencia, y serme fu­erças, tan grandes y tan pessadas, cargas, que por abreuiar, prometo a U. M. de pudiere llegar con ellas, y tuniere de licencia, y aora, para mas obligar a V. M. a lo que tan obligado le tierie el titulo de Rey Cato­lico, 60 y defensor de la Fé, re [...]uerdo, quan Real, y sennalada merced de 'Dios es esta, negada a todos los Reyes dei mundo, y solo a V. M. concedida, cuyo sonido, ò retin, es fuerça causar grandes inuidias, y a su pessar de todas ellas V. M. ha de conseguir el mas principal intento que es solo hazer la guerra al in­fierno, que tanto estrago haze en vn numero tan copi [...]so de almas, redimidas por la persona de Christo, [Page 1432] con la esperanea que queda de quantas se han de saluar andando tiempos, siendo la saluacion de vna sola de tanto precio, quae si necessario fuera el mismo Christo viniera, a dar la vida por ella. Y con esto queda Sennor bien entendido de quanto valor es este hecho, y quantos premios dara Dios, por auerlo (contanto amor y feruor) intentado; y quantos mas grados de gloria tendra. V. M. si da fin a esta obra de tanta piedad y misericordia, y tan digna de recebir en la memoria de las gentes: aduirtiendo que no sera con tan­to gasto de d [...]neros, ni de hombres, ni con Aquellos estragos, ruynas, y escandalos, que suele auer para a­uerigar el derecho de muy pequennos estados, sino poner debaxo de la proteccion Real con medios todos muy suaues, y iustificados, quanto los puedo mostrar vna tan gran parte de toda la tierra poblada, para en ella sembrar bienes, y costellos frutos que yo espero en Dios han de ser muchos, muy dulces, muy ricos, y muy duraderos: y solo quiero por paga de tanto quanto tanto vale, que V. M. crea la mportancia del caso, 10 y quanto conuiene loque pido, y que en todo trato verdad, y que es animo de vender todo lo passado, pre­sente, y venidero por vn precio, y este es Sennor de valde.

A note of Australia del Espiritu Santo. Written by Master HAKLVYT.

SImon Fernandez, a Pilot of Lisbone, told me Richard Hakluyt, before other Portugals in Lon­don, the eighteenth of March 1604. That he hauing beene in the Citie of Lima in Peru, did per­fectly vnderstand, that foure ships and barkes departed from the said Citie of Lima, about the yeere 1600. 20 in the moneth of February toward the Philippinas. Their Generall was a Mestizo, that is to say, the Sonne of a Spani [...]r [...], and an Indian woman. And that seeking to make way toward the Philippinas, they were driuen with strong Northerne winds to the South of the Equinoctiall Line, and fell with diuers rich Cou [...]treyes and Ilands, as it s [...]emeth, not farre from the Iles of Salomon. One chiefe place they cal­led Monte de Plata, for the great abundance of siluer that is like to be there. For they found two crownes worth of siluer, as he reported, in two handfuls of dust. And the people gaue them for Iron as much, and more in quantitie of siluer. They report that this place is two moneths sayling from Lima, and as much backe againe.

Concerning this Voyage also; the Licentiate Luis de Tribaldo, a Gentleman of qualitie in the Conde de villa Mediana, the Spanish Ambassadours house, told me Richard Hakluyt, that two yeeres past he 30 saw at Madrid, a Captaine of quality su [...]ng for license to conquer this place, & that he obtained the same. And that diuers religious men and Fathers were to goe to conuert them to Christianitie. They arriued at their returne from this Voyage at Peru, in the moneth of August.

CHAP. XI.

The Historie of LOPEZ VAZ a Portugall (taken by Captaine WI­THRINGTON at the Riuer of Plate, Anno 1586. with 40 this Discourse about him) touching American pla­ces, discoueries and occurents; abridged.

NOua Hispania was called so by the Spaniards, when they made Discouery of it, for that it was like the Country of Spaine, though the people of the Country termed Part of this Discourse was published by M. Hak out of a written copie contayning the whole. I haue added & inserted those things which I thought fit, lea­uing out such as before haue bin by others deliuered. The Ports. Saint Iuan de Lua. Mexico. the Land after their owne Countrey Language (some one part after one, some after another) the most part of the people called it Eucata. This Countrey hath sundry great Prouinces in it, so fruitfull of all kinde of necessaries in it for man, that there is neither Africa, Asia, nor Europe, that is better; for that of suste­nance 50 for mans bodie there lacketh no store, as Wheat and all other Graines, all beasts necessary for man to eate or to vse, with great store of Silkes, Mynes of Gold, Siluer, Stones, and Pearle. The Countrey is very well inhabited, so that it is thought there is no part of the World better. The King of Spaine because hee hath many other Countries vnder him, hee doth little esteeme of this Countrey, but doth take out of it all things that are for his profit, hauing vsed those people with great crueltie, and taking of them much Tribute; this Land hath many Ports in the North Sea, and much more in the South Sea, the principall Ports in the North side is Saint Iuan de Lua. At this place doth he discharge the Armadas that come from Spaine, and from this place they carrie their Merchandize to the great Citie of Mexico: which Citie is sixtie leagues within the Land, and knowne by the Parishes in the same, to haue a hundred and fiftie thousand faire hou­ses 60 of Indians, and six thousand faire houses the Spaniards haue in it.

The feare and reuerence that they vse towards the Spaniards is such; that one Spaniard may goe among a thousand of them, and strike the chiefest of them and vse his pleasure, without any word giuen by the Indians to the contrarie, such is the feare that these silly people haue of the [Page 1433] Spaniards. But now, thankes be to Almightie God, the Indians of that Country and Kingdome are become Christians: yet notwithstanding now and then the old men, hauing not forgotten their former Law, doe vse their Idolatry, which being knowne are very cruelly corrected by the Friers for the same offence. The people of this Kingdome are of a sharpe wit, and good vnder­standing, for whatsoeuer it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing, the Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes, Silkes and clothes. so that they now beginne to carrie of these Silkes for Spaine. And haue all other things necessarie that any other Kingdome of the Christians haue, onely Wine and Oyle, which the King of Wine and oyle denied. Vineyards, Ports and shipping. Spaine denieth to haue made there, but such as commeth from Spaine, because of his customes, notwithstanding the King doth allow them to plant Vineyards for to eate of the Grapes. This 10 Land is greatly commended not for that aboue mentioned, nor yet for the Gold and Siluer Mynes that it hath, but for the great number of Ports for shipping it hath in the South Sea, where they make many great ships, with the which ships they haue traffique with them of Peru, and Paraw­na, and then they haue a Trade to the Philippinas, and to the Ilands of Moluccas and China, so that the commodities which the Portugall carrieth for Portugall out of the East Indies, are like­wise brought to the Citie of Mexico, by reason of their shipping, although not in so great quan­titie, as they carry for Lisbone, not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie, but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands, and not by the way of Traffique, as the Portugall doth, the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come, is called Aguatorke, in the Coast of China on the North side. Aguatorke.

After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico, the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land, was this. The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine, and to the Generall of this Conquest, who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis, they assigned vnto him a great Valley, or Cornauake Val­ley. 400000. fire­houses in this Valley. 20 as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines, which was called Cornouake, by which, Val­ley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley, where there were great Townes, in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses; whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere. These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer.

The other part of the Land that remayned, was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest, some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare, and other fortie thousand Duckets, and some fiftie thousand Duckets, and hee that had least had ten 30 thousand Duckets by the yeare, so that now there are very few which haue this Rent, for that they are most of them dead, so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand, wherefore there are many insurrections against the King, which cost many a mans life.

And now to proceed farther along the Coast, which is a Land full of great Mountains, and ve­ry hot with much raine, for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey, where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts, therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there, and no Spaniards, so that the Countrey is almost desolate. The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast, is called Veragua, this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies: Veragua rich of Gold. therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards. In this place the people are alwayes sicke, and it raineth continually, and the Land yeeldeth no fruit, so that all their sustenance commeth from other 40 places, all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold, the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes. I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes, or else the Egyp­tians, they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas (which A Channell to be made. issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua) to the South Sea, for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer, so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas, and to the Coast of China, so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals, and sooner made, then to goe through the Straits of Magellan; which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow.

From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta, the Coast along is called the firme Terra firma. Land, not for that the other places are not of the firme Land, but because it was the first firme 50 Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands. This Land is very hot, and hath much raine, and for this cause is very vnhealthfull, and the most vilest place of all the rest, is Nombre de Dios ha [...]h 400. hou­ses. called Nombre de Dios: which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua. There may be in Nombre de Dios: about foure hundred houses, and hath a very good Port for shipping. The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place, was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea, and for the Trade of Peru, that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama Panama. eighteene leagues. And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea. To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping, and there discharge them, then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called, The house of Crosses, 60 where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe. And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama, which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses, all which they doe with much labour and great charge, because the Land hath great store of raine, and full of Mountaines, and very vnhealthfull, therefore they often want victuals, for the victuals they haue come [Page 1434] from Peru, and Noua Hispania. This Towne of Nombre de dios, since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine, are growne maruellous rich, and very well inhabited, but in short time the people left the Towne, sauing onely the Merchants, because of the vnhealthfulnesse Here follow­ed h [...] [...]stori [...]s o [...] Sir [...] D [...]ke, and [...]o [...]n O [...]e [...]h [...]m, [...] you haue be [...]ore more com­pleat. [...]rre made with the Ne­gros. thereof.

The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham, sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen, which were slaues vnto the Spaniards, but runne away from their Masters, and ioyned with the Englishmen, thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie. But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie, at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros, and did on them great iustice; according to their faults committed, but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro. Which newes being sent vnto the 10 King by his Captaines, as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers, and very vnhealthfull, insomuch that his Souldiers died, he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros, to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet. And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them, so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros, from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day, on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward, they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue; but if they brought them not, that then they should pay for them, and to make all quiet in the Mountaines: and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon. So the Negros dwell in great Townes, where they haue Spaniards [...] Townes. for their Teachers, and a Spaniard for their Iudge; and with this they hold themselues very well 20 contented, and are obedient vnto their Rulers.

The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen, as well as Frenchmen, haue vsed that Coast, hee caused two Gallies to be made, and well appointed, to keepe the Coast; the first yeere that they were made, they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes, and after this was knowne, there vsed few Seuen French ships taken by two Gallies. Fr. Drake with 24. ships. Englishmen, or French men of warre, to come on the Coast, vntill this yeere 1586. that the afore­said Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet, of about foure and twentie ships, and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome: but God sparing the King of Spaines life, he will suf­ficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations.

Now, to goe forward with our begunne worke, the first People that is in this Coast, being Cartagena. past Nombre de Dios, is called Cartagena, it is a healthfuller Countrie, and a greater Towne then 30 the other, and a better Countrie, with plentie of Victuals, and a very good Port for shipping, passing any of the rest, and is called Cartagena, for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Car­tagena in Spaine: there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie; it is very rich, by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine. And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home, then they lie at Cartagena: also it is greatly enriched by the Mer­chandise that here they doe discharge, for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada; and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena. This new Kingdome of Granada, is New Granada. two hundred leagues within the Land. From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land, because of the Mountaines, and standing waters, which lie in their way, so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer, called The great Riuer of Magdalene: they can goe with their Magdalena a great Riuer. 40 Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues, yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe, but there runneth a great current, so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer, called Branco de Malambo, into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side. The Riuer of B [...]anco de Ma­lambo.

There is a passage by the New Kingdome, and Popayan, from Cartagena to Peru, by Land, which is about fiue hundred leagues, so that taking the two hundred leagues, which they goe vp the Riuer, the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited, and quiet trauelling, so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro, but because the way is long, the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto, if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea, the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru, and so into Spaine. For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards, against the King, 50 and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them.

Santa Marta is a very poore Towne, because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen, and hath no trade, but by a few Indians that dwell about them. Here beginneth the great Moun­taines couered all with snow, which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru, vntill you Great Moun­taines couered with snowe. come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan, these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea, in the bottome of this Wildernesse, or Mountains, there is a Valley called Tagrona, which is the richest place that is knowne: but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines, and the Inhabitants are very many, and withall Tagrona Valley. of a good courage, and they vse to poison their Arrowes, so that in striking of a man, hee can­not escape death. Therefore it lieth vnco [...]quered, and many Spanish Captaines there haue 60 beene slaine. 70. Ilands. Santa Domingo. Cuba, and Porta Rico.

On this Coast of The Firme Land, there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo, and Cuba, and Porto Rico, although it be not very great, yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard; the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians, where was good store o [...] Gold, and Pearles, and [Page 1415] Emeralds: but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth, and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value, therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them: but Santa Dom [...]ngo is an Iland of great bignesse, and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Pea [...]les, but now all is wasted away; for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world, yet now are there none left, for they were men of so hard a heart, that they killed themselues, rather then they would serue the Spaniards. It happened on a time, that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines, which kinde of labour did most A strange way to keepe men aliue. grieue them, and would rather doe violence on themselues, then to goe; which the Spaniard perceiuing, he said vnto them, seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke, I will likewise hang my selfe, and goe with you, because I will make you worke in the other 10 world: but the Indians hearing this, said, wee will willingly worke with you, because you shall not goe with vs; so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie: so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland, there was none escaped death, but onely these few, which was by the meanes of this Spaniard; or else they would haue hanged themselues also.

There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo, called Cuba; it is like Cuba. vnto Santa Domingo, although there is not such store of Sugar, the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana, and is a very good Harbour: these people are very rich, by reason of the ship­ping La hauana. that doth touch there, which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru, therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers; for there is no other Castle in all the Land, nor Souldiers but onely here, and in Florida. There is also another Iland inhabited with Spa­niards, 20 neere vnto this, which is called Porto Rico: it is but little, and euery way as plentifull as Porto rico. the other two are.

I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land, and pas­sing The Port Townes. once the Iland of Margareta, there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards, till you come to Fernanboke, which is on the Coast of Brasill: yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke, there is Fernanboke. The Riuer of Maranoyn. the great Riuer of Maranoyn. This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world, it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast, but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe; and withall there are many shelues of sand lying a­bout the mouth of it, whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne, vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered; at which time a Captaine called 30 Gonsalo Pizarro, entring into the Countrie of Peru, came into a Land which they named La Cane­la, La Canela. because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon, but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies. Proceeding further into the Countrie, he came to a great Ri­uer, The great Ri­uer of Maran­non. where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas, bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards. The Captaine seeing this, was desirous to see the end of this Riuer, but could not trauell by Land because of the Mountaines, wherefore he made a small Pinnace, to goe see from whence these Indians brought their Gold; and he sent in this Pinnace, a Captaine vnder him, called Orillana, with thirtie men, the which went downe the Riuer, but could not returne to their Captaine Pizarro, because of the great current which was very strong against them, Orillana. and forced them to passe the Riuer, and enter into the Sea, and so came to the Iland of Marga­reta: Margareta [...] Iland. 40 but as they passed the Riuer, they found it well inhabited with Indians, and to haue good store of Gold. These men with their Pinnace were passing downe this Riuer a yeere and a halfe; for the Riuer lieth very crooked, which maketh a long way by water, and the Spaniards neuer durst land, because they saw the Countrie so full of people; but tooke many Canoas, where they had good store of Victuals, and some Gold. Now this Captaine Orillana comming vnto Margareta with this good newes and riches, hee determined with himselfe, not to returne a­gaine vnto his Captaine Pizarro, which sent him, but tooke his way from hence to the King of Spaine, and presented him with the Gold that he brought out of the Riuer. Whereupon the King sent him with a Fleet of ships, and sixe hundred men, to inhabite the said Riuer: but because of the great current, and shoalds that are in this Riuer, he left the most part of his men, and ships, and with those that remained, hee went vnto certaine Ilands hard by the Riuer, and built him 50 Pinnaces: but the Countrie being very vnhealthfull, hee himselfe died, and many of his men, and the rest that remained, went euery one the way that pleased him best.

The fame of this Riuer was straightway spred thorow Spaine and Portugall, so that a Gentle­man of Portugall, called Leus de Melo, which asked licence of Don Iuan the third, then King of Portugall, that he might goe and conquer this said Riuer: for from the mouth of this Riuer to the mouth of this Riuer of Plate, is that part of America, which the Kings of Portugall doe hold according to the partition that the Kings of Spaine and Portugall both made betweene Brasill con­quered. themselues; so that the King of Portugall hauing this Riuer in his part, hee gaue it to the said Leus de Melo, to conquer: who taking ten ships, and eight hundred men, among which there 60 were many Gentlemen, and comming to the mouth of this Riuer, hee lost all the shippes sauing two sayle, and in one of them that were saued was Leus de Melo, also the most part of the men that were in the ships were saued and got to shoare, and so went along vnto the Iland Marga­reta, from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies. Thus these two seuerall Fleets [Page 1436] of ships being cast away, by such euill fortune, neuer any Captaine after, would giue the attempt to conquer this said Riuer. Yet from the new Kingdome of Granado, before spoken of, two or three Captaines haue gone by Land to discouer it.

None of all these came to any plaine discouerie till few yeeres past, a Captaine of the Coun­trie Pedro de Orzua, or Oss [...]a of Nauarre, called Pedro de Orzua, who came into the Countrie of Peru, neere the place where before Captaine Pizarro had first discouered, and had with him about seuen hundred men, all Spaniards, which was maruell that he could haue so many, and amongst them there were ma­ny Gentlemen, and old Souldiers of Peru, which caused many mutinies and insurrections. With all these men he came to the head of this Riuer, (all the matters that come from the Mountaines of Peru, and the Riuers which runne within the Land from sixteene degrees, and the Line, runne 10 all into this Riuer, which causeth it to be so great.) Now at the head of this Riuer, the Captaine Pedro de Orzua made fifteene Pinnaces, with many Canoas, in which he carried aboue two thou­sand Indians to helpe him, with many Horses and other prouision, for to inhabite there, for it was not possible for him to carrie all his prouision by Land, for that the Mountaines bee very great, and betweene them many small Riuers, which issue out of this great Riuer aboue twentie leagues into the Land. So this Captaine hauing all his things in good order, went downe this Riuer with all his men, and came to a plaine Countrie from the Mountaines, where the Indians did dwell, and there held a Counsell, determining in that place to build a Towne, and to fortifie Towne foun­ded. it very strong, because he would leaue all his stuffe, there and such men as were not Souldiers. So they began to make the said Towne, and worke on it all the Winter, where because it raineth 20 much, and is with all very hot, whereby sicknesse did beginne to rise among them, and also want of Victuals; wherefore his men began to murmure. These men came all out of the Land of Peru, which is the fruitfullest Land in all the World, and most richest; therefore these men were the more giuen to haue their fill of Bread and Meat, then to lay their bodies to labour, which was the cause: that although the Countrie in which they were, was very fruitfull, and also they saw with their eyes, the Gold that was there, as also how vp in the Countrie it seemed much better then the place in which they were, notwithstanding they murmured, and would needs returne for Peru, from whence they came.

There was among these men a Souldier of Bisca, called Lopez de Agira, a very little man of Lopez de Agira his mutinie. body, and was lame of one of his legs, but very vauant, and of good experience in the warres (this 30 man was one of the principall mutiners in Peru, and therefore giuen vsually thereunto) this fel­low asked the Souldiers, what they went to seeke in those Wildernesses where as they were brought, for said he, if you seeke riches, there is enough in Peru, and there is, said hee, Bread, Wine, Flesh, and faire Women, so that it were better to goe thither and conquer that, and take it out of the hands of the Spaniards, for that would easily be done: for that all the Souldiers, & poore men of Peru would turne vnto them, and that were a better way then to goe and conquer the sauage people in those Mountaines, so that they once hauing the gouernment of Peru, that then the King of Spaine should agree with them, if not said he, we shall not lacke them that will send vs succour for to haue the riches that is in the Land of Peru. By these perswasions hee brought many Souldiers to be of his minde; and agreed with a young Gentleman of Siuill, called Don 40 Fernando de Gosman, the which was in loue with a yong woman, that the Captain Pedro de Orzua or Ossone had, and therefore he did the sooner agree with Lope de Agire to fulfill his intent. On a The Captaine murthered. night, the Captaine being asleepe in his bed, these Souldiers entred into his Bed-chamber, & stab­bed him with their Daggers, as also they sloe all the Captains friends, and they made a great crie, saying, Liue the King, liue the King, wherwith all the Campe was in an vprore. Then Lope de Agira made vnto the Souldiers a long Oration, & got them all to consent with him, some by force, some because they durst not say to the contrarie, and others with their good will, in the end they all a­greed vnto his determined purpose. So they made the gentleman their head, and Lope de Agire was made Captaine, this done, and because the people should the better hold their opinion, hee did as great a villanie as euer any Spaniard did, for hee made an Altar, on which hee and all the Soul­diers 50 did denie their seruice vnto the King of Spaine, and so as people without a King, they chose the said Don Fernando to be their King, and did vnto him homage. Fernando de Gusman chosen King.

These matters being finished, they agreed among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru, for they could not goe vp the Riuer from whence they came, for the great currant, and also if they should goe thorough the land, they should be very weake for want of Horsemen, therefore they determined to goe downe the Riuer. Then said this Lope de Agire, that they would carry nothing with them, but the Pinnaces and Souldiers which should fight, and that it were best to leaue behinde them, all the Indians that they brought from Peru, with the women, and sicke men, vnto which their Generall Don Fernando would not agree, for that he knew that when they were gone, the people of the Countrie would kill them all. Lope de A­gire 60 hearing this, and longing to be chiefe Gouernour himselfe ouer all, and taking vnto him thirtie of his owne Countrie men, of his own disposition, he sodainly killed Don Fernando, whom He is slaine. not twentie daies before hee had sworne to obey. But now by his subtile working, and being withall eloquent in his talke, he caused the people to make himselfe Gouernour, and made the [Page 1437] people beleeue that all these cruelties were done to saue themselues, but the tyrannie of this man did not end here (he was of the Countrie of Bisca, a land ioyning vnto France, therefore I rather beleeue that he was a Frenchman then a Spaniard, for that in the heart of a Spaniard there is not Hard conceit of French cru­elty by Span. and Portugals. so much crueltie as this man had.) Now he being ready to goe his way, he determined not to carrie with him any Gentleman or other of high degree, and therefore hee slew all those which hee did know to be of high degree or Gentlemen, and then departed onely with the com­mon Souldiers, and left behinde him all the Spanish women and sicke men, with all other creatures.

If I should rehearse all the cruell murders of this wicked man one by one, I should be ouer much tedious vnto you; onely I say in as few words as I may, that this man proceeded downe the Riuer, and had with him onely foure hundred men, but before he passed this Riuer, and came to 10 Margareta, he had no more left but two hundred and thirtie men, for the rest hee had done to death, and left ashore among the people of the Countrie: he vsed this tirannie because hee al­waies Nothing so cruell as feare proceeding from an ill conscience. stood in feare of his life, for that if he had seene but two Souldiers talke together, hee thought that he had alwaies consulted on his death, and therefore hee vsed the order aboue said, now he neuer went any way but that they had in his companie thirtie Biscains of his owne will and minde, for to execute his cruell desire: As these Souldiers with their Captaine came downe the Riuer, they saw many Canoas with Gold in them going to and fro, and people on both sides the Riuer, where in their passage many times they landed and got good store of Gold, and victuals. 20

Now did they see also that which Oryllana had reported, which was that there were Ama­zones, R. Amazones why so called. Note the truth of that which hath mocked men touching Amazons in A­sia, Africa and America. None other haue yet by credible reports beene found but war­like wiues, and not solitary v­nimamians. His treason at Margarita. women that fight in the warre with Bowes and Arrowes, but these women fight to helpe their husbands, and not by them selues as Orillana reported from the company of men; there were of these women in diuers parts of the Riuer, and saw the Spaniards fight with their husbands, and came and helped them, and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbands, and therefore is named the Riuer of the Amazones: the Spaniards intent onely was to passe downe the Riuer, and therefore neuer sought to know the Countrie within the land; yet tooke they good store of Gold, and put it into one of the Pinnaces where he went himselfe, which Pinnace at the mouth of the Riuer was cast away, but he himselfe escaped, because as yet he had not made an end of his bloudie minde. But comming to the Iland of Margareta, the Gouer­nour 30 thereof thought he had beene one of the Kings Captaines, receiued him with Pinnaces, and brought to him good store of victuals, but he put him to death presently and landed on the I­lands, and tooke it and two Shippes that were in the Ilands, and tooke perforce one hundred and fiftie men to goe with him, and others that went willingly, with good store of victuals and many Horses, and then returned to the maine land, saying that with his small force hee would subdue the whole Indies; thinking that all the old Souldiers and poore peo­ple in seeing of him would all turne to his side, and take his part, and so hee went deceiued in his owne conceit, for he had not gone two dayes Iourney vp in the Land, when the Captaine of new Granado came against him with a power of men, but Lope de Agire hoping that the other Souldiers would haue come all vnto him, whereby his strength might bee the more; but hee was deceiued, for his owne men left him and tooke the Kings Captaines part. Now seeing 40 himselfe destitute of his Souldiers, and voide of all helpe, he then shewed himselfe more cruell then did the tyrant Nero, for this man killed his owne daughter, being but sixteene yeeres of Lope de Agire slayeth his daughter, and is slaine. age, which he brought with him from Peru, for that she should not be made the bed of Villains, nor be called the daughter of a Traitor: these words he vsed vnto her, after he had giuen her her deaths wound: but before hee could finish this cruell deed, the Souldiers came vpon him, and cuchim in pieces; yet his daughter did die of her wound in that place, and thus you haue heard the euill end of this cruell man, for hee was the cause likewise that the King would neuer suf­fer to haue this Riuer discouered, so that the riches resteth to this day vnknowne that is in Great riches hidden within the Riuer of Maragnon. The coast of Brasill. this Riuer. 50

Now hauing ended with this Riuer of Marannon, all the Coast between this Riuer and the Ri­uer of Plate, is called the Coast of Brasill, taking the name of the wood in the Countrie, which is called Brasill wood (for there is great store of it.) Brasill was first found by Pedro Arnales Ca­brall in the second time that the King of Portugall sent his ships for the East Indies, and so tooke possession of this Land, for the King of Portugall. The King Don Emanuel, hauing newes here­of, sent ships for to discouer the whole Countrie, and found it to be the Land of America, which ioyneth to the West Indies; wherefore there was some controuersie betweene him and the King of Spaine, but in the end being both kinsmen, and great friends, they agreed that the King of Portugall should hold all the Countrie that he had discouered, the which was as I haue said, from the Riuer of Marannon to the Riuer of Plate, although the Spaniards say that it is no further then 60 the Iland of Santa Catalina, and hereupon there haue beene many controuersies, betweene the Portugals and Spaniards and many men slaine. Two English ships. See their storie sup. l. 6.

There came in the yeere 1587. into this Riuer of Plate two English Ships and a Pinnace of the honorable the Earle of Comberland, being bound for the straights of Magelanos, and anchored ten [Page 1438] leagues within this Riuer, at a little Iland hard by the Iland called Seall Iland, &c. There is a port called la Para Iua, which few yeares past, the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles that were in Portugall, came to this place, and made there a Fort, and so the French Ships came euery yeare thither to lade Brasill wood. But they of Fernambocke with the helpe of the Spaniards went and Parawa now i [...]habited by Spaniards. Fernambock hath 3000. houses. burnt fiue ships within the Port, and tooke the Fort, but some of the Frenchmen ranne into the Mountaines, and others slaine, so that the Spaniards doe there inhabit to this day. Now to re­turne vnto Fernambocke, inhabited by a Portugall Captaine called Eduarte Coelio, this is the grea­test Towne in all that Coast, and hath aboue three thousand houses in it, with seuentie Ingenios of Sugar, and great store of Brasill wood, and good store of Cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals, for that all that they haue commeth out of Portugall, and from other places there on 10 the Coast. It is a barred Harbour, and for small Barkes, this place belongeth yet to the Sonne of Eduarte Coelio. Passing hence is the Cape of Saint Augustine, and next to that is the Riuer of Saint Francisco, which is also a great Riuer. Betweene this and the Bayha, it is all a Wildernesse, inhabi­ted with cruell Sauage people; for whom soeuer they take they kill to eate. The Towne of Baya Baya a town be­longing to the King: for hee gaue most part of this Coun­try to Gentle­men, becau [...]e they found no Myn [...]s, &c. As Ilhas hath 150. houses. belongeth to the King, and therefore the Gouernour that gouerneth all the Coast along, is in this Towne of Baya, and also the Bishop; it is a Towne of a thousand houses, and hath fortie Ingenios of Sugar, and much Cotton, but no Brasill wood. The Sea runneth vp fourteene or fifteene leagues, where they get some ye [...]res good store of Ambergreece; here there is plentie of victuals, and although it be hot, it is a healthfull Countrey, and holesome aires. The next Coast is called, Las Ilhas, it is a small Towne not aboue one hundred and fiftie houses, there are but three Inge­nios 20 of Sugar, the most part of these people are labouring men, and carry victuals to Fernambock in three small Barkes: this people belong vnto a Gentleman called Leucas Geralds.

From hence, the next to this Towne is called Porto Sequero: this hath foure smal Townes, and Porto Sequero h [...]th foure small townes. Rio de Ienero hath 300. houses. Villagagnons Fort taken. Of him and it you haue before in Lerius. are in all about three hundred houses, it belongeth to a Gentleman called Vasco Fernandes Coy­tenio: from hence they goe to the Riuer of Ienero, which hath about three hundred houses. In this place also the Frenchmen inhabited first, whóse Captaine was called Monsieur de Villegagnon, hee made here a Fort, and planted good Ordnance thereon, and lades euery yeere great store of Bra­sill from thence, and had great friendship with the Sauage people, which serued him very well. But the King of Portugall sent a power of men aganst the Frenchmen, and first tooke the French ships by Sea, and then landed, and besieged the Fort, and in time tooke them with the Captaine, 30 and because the French Captaine was a Gentleman, and neuer hurt the Portugals, therefore they gaue thirtie thousand Duckets for his Ordnance, with all things that they had in the Fort, and so sent him for France, and the Portugals inhabited the Riuer. There is not at this present but two Ingenios, and great store of Brasil-wood, with plentie of victuals.

From this Riuer of Ienero, they go along the Coast of Saint Vincent, which hath foure Townes, the greatest is called Santos, and hath foure hundred houses, there are here three Ingenios, but a The Coast of Saint Vincent hath foure townes. Two English ships by Fen­ton and Ward. very poore Country. About few yeeres past there came two English ships into this Harbor, which were going for the Straits of Magellanes, who being in this Port, there came thither three of the King of Spaines ships, and fought with the Englishmen, but the Englishmen sunke one of them, and therefore the King commanded a Fort to be made, because that no English shippes that were 40 bound to the Straits should not victuall there, the which Fort standeth on the mouth of the Har­bour, this Countrey belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Sousa, this is the last in­habitance in all the Coast of Brasill; this said Coast is very full of Mountaines, and raineth much, therefore they cannot goe from Towne to Towne by Land. All the dwellings in this Countrey are by the Sea side, yet the Portugals haue many times trauelled vp in the Countrie a hundred and fiftie leagues, but finding no profit, inhabited in no place.

The Coast from Saint Vincent is all full of Mountaines, till you come to the Iland of Saint Ca­talina, from this Iland till you come to the Straites of Magellanes, is very plaine and with­out The Coast of Saint Vincent. Woods.

The Riuer of Plate was discouered by Solis, and after by Sebastian Cabot, which went one 50 hundred and fiftie leagues vp in it and built a Fort; after by Don Pedro de Mendoza, who hauing lost eight ships, died in the way homewards: the poore men which hee left behind him for ve­ry hunger, died the most part of them, for that there about were very few Indians, and therefore small store of victuals, but onely liued by hunting of Deere and fishing. Of all the men See sup. in Schmidel. that this Don Pedro left behind him, there was liuing no more but two hundred men, which in the ships Boats went vp the Riuer, leauing in this place called bonas ayres, three Mares and Hor­ses. But it is a wonder to see, that of thirtie Mares and seuen Horses which the Spaniards left in Breed of 30. Mares and se­uen Horses. this place, that in fortie yeeres these beasts haue so increased, that the Countrey is twentie leagues vp full of Horses, whereby one may see the pasture, and fruitfulnesse of the Countrey. The Spaniards that went vp this Riuer, were three hundred leagues vp, and found the Countrey 60 full of Indians, where were great store of victuals, and the Spaniards dwelt among them as their friends, and the Indians did giue their Daughters to wise vnto the Spaniards, and so they dwelt in one Towne together, which the Spaniards called La Ascension, which standeth on the North La Ascension. side of the Riuer. These foresaid Spaniards, were twentie yeeres in this place, before any of them [Page 1439] in Spaine heard of these poore mens dwelling in this Riuer. But the Spaniards now waxing old, and fearing that if they were dead, that then there Sonnes which they had in this Countrey, which were very many, should liue without the knowledge of any other Christians; determined among themselues to make a ship, and so to send newes into Spaine, with Letters vnto the King, of all things that had passed within the Riuer among them. Vpon this newes the King sent them three ships, with a Bishop, Friers and Priests, and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattell. When this succour was come, they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the Riuer, and trauelled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension, but found neither Gold nor Siluer, but returned backe againe to Ascension: the people are so multiplyed in this Citie, that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies, and hath aboue two thousand houses, it is a 10 fruitfull Countrey of all kind of victuall, and there is Sugar and Cotton, from this Citie of As­cension, one hundred and fiftie leagues toward the Riuers mouth, there is another Towne, which they call Santa Fee. Also fiue yeeres past, they haue inhabited againe the Towne of Bonos Ayres Santa Fee. Bonos Ayres▪ on the South side, because they would haue some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill, but there fortune was such, that the first time that they went to Brasill, and would haue returned to the Riuer of Plate againe, they were taken by two shippes of England, that were going to the Straits of Magellanes. The Coast along from this Riuer to the Straits of Magellanes, is a Land which hath not beene discouered, neither by Sea nor Land, sauing only certaine Ports which they▪ haue seene going to the Straits.

The next that sought to passe the Straits after Magelanes were two shippes of Genoa which 20 came to the mouth of the Straits, and with a great storme were put back againe, and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo, put into the Riuer of Plate, and was cast away about Bonos Ayres, and to this day there is part of the ship to be seene, and some of the men are yet liuing in the Riuer among the Spaniards, and the other ship went home to Genoa againe. Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spaine, coueting Riches, made a fleet of foure ships to passe the Straits, and so to goe vnto the Moluccas, and getting license of the Emperour, he sent his ships to the Straits, and had very faire wind til they came thither, and entring the Straits twentie leagues, the storme of Westerly windes tooke them, and droue three of them ashoare, and the other went into the Sea, and the storme being past, hee returned into the Strait to seeke his companions, and found many men going on the shoare side, but the ships were [...]eaten all in pieces, and they on the Land 30 called vnto the ship. But the Captaine seeing that his ship was but little, and had small store of victuals, he would not goe to them ashoare, but went on his Voyage, and passed the Straits, and because he was alone, he would not goe to the Moluccas, but went to the Coast of Peru vnto the Citie of Lam [...], where the ship is yet vnto this day, the men that were in the Straits, where the three ships were cast away, were to the number of two hundred and fiftie men, whose Captaine was called Queros, being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia, it is fortie yeeres since these men Captaine Queros. Quiedo cais him Za­margo. were left there, but neuer heard of vnto this day. A yeere after this, certaine Merchants of the Groine in Galizia, set forth other three ships, which ship also came to the Straits mouth, where one of them was cast away withall the men, and the other returned for Spaine, also I haue had in­telligence that there hath beene certaine Portugall ships, which haue come to the mouth of the 40 Straits, and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land, and so the ships retur­ned, and after these other two French ships were sent from the Riuer of Ienero, by Monsieur de vil­lagagnon ouer for the Straits, but when they came into the height of fortie fiue degrees, they put backe againe by a great storme of contrary winds. After all this the Gouernour of Chili, called Don Garcia de Mendoza Sonne to the Marquesse of Taneta, would also discouer the Straits from the South Sea, and sent from Chili two ships with a Captaine called Latherelio; but the danger to seeke the Straits by the South Sea, is more then by the North Sea, because all the stormes on Fr. Drake. You haue [...] and C [...]nd [...]shes, and other English and Du [...] [...]y­ages thorow the Stra [...] be­fore. the North Sea, come from the Land, and in the South Sea the wind and stormes came all out of the Sea, and forceth the ship on the shoare, so that these two ships were lost in fiftie degrees. The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous, and the Voyage so trouble some, that it is 50 almost vnpossible to be obtained, so that for the space of thirtie yeeres, no man made account of it, till of late yeeres one Francis Drake an Englishman, &c.

Captaine Drake carried from the Coast of Peru, eight hundred sixtie sixe thousand pieces of siluer, which is eight hundred sixtie sixe Kintals at a hundred pound waight, the Kintall, and e­uery Kintall is worth twelue hundred Duckets of Spaine, which is a Million, thirtie nine thou­sand and two hundred Duckets, besides this, he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold, which is ten Kintals, and euery Kintall is worth fifteene hundred Duckets of Spaine, which a­mounteth to a hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets, besides that which hee had in the ship that was not customed, which I doe not know of, as well Pearles, Precious stones, and other things of great value, besides the money he had in coine, with all this he went towards Noua Hispa­nia: 60 and at an Iland which is before you come there called The Iland of Cockles, he discharged all The Iland of Cockels. Others say the Iland of Cario. things out of his ship and graued her there, and remayned there fiftie dayes, from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania, where he tooke many ships laden with Spices, Silkes, and Veluets: but no Gold nor Siluer, for here is none on this Coast.

Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships, and at the Straits met with a storme, [Page 1440] and he not knowing how, nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits, the other ship runne more into the Sea, and came into fiftie eight degrees, the storme being past, he found many Fiftie degrees fiue minutes. Ilands ioyning to the maine Lands, and so returned with faire weather all along the shoare, and neuer found any other way to enter the Straits, but only that which Magellanes did discouer, which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others, which affirme the Straits to be full of Ilands, to the Southwards.

Pedro Sarmiento entred the Straits, where his men were in a mutinie, and would haue retur­ned Pedro Sarmien­to. for Lima, but he hanged one of them, and so went on his Voyage for Spaine, and told the King that there were two narrow points in the Straits, where he might build a Fort, and that the Straits was a very good Countrey, and had great store of Riches and other necessaries, and 10 very well inhabited with Indians. Vpon whose words, and for that there were more ships ma­king readie in England to passe the Straits; The King sent Diego Floris de Valdes with three and twentie ships, and three thousand fiue hundred men, as also the Gouernour of Chili, with fiue hun­dred old Souldiers new come out of Flanders. These ships had the hardest hap of any ships that D. F. de Valdes his disaduen­tures. went out of Spaine since the Indies were found, for that before they came from the Coast of Spaine, a storme tooke them and cast away fiue of the shippes, and lost in them aboue eight hun­dred men, and the rest put into Calls, notwithstanding the King sent them word that yet they should proceed: and so did with sixteene saile of ships, for that other two ships were so shaken with the storme that they could not goe, and in the sixteenth saile Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee Gouernour in the Straits, and had committed vnto him fiue hundred men for to stay in the 20 Straits: he had also all kind of Artificers to make his Forts and other necessaries, with great store of Ordnance and other Munition.

This fleet because it was late, did winter on the Coast of Brasill in the Riuer of Ienero, and from hence they went where the Winter was past, and about the height of fortie two degrees they had a storme, so that Diego Flores beat vp and downe about two and twentie dayes, in which time he had one of his best ships sunke in the Sea, and in her three hundred men and twentie wo­men, that went to inhabit the Straits, and also most part of the munition that should bee left in the Straits. In the end the storme grew so great, that the ships might not indure it any longer, but were put back againe vnto an Iland called Saint Catalina, and there he found a Barke, where­in were certaine Friers going for the Riuer of Plate, which Friers told him of two great ships of 30 England, and a Pinnasse that had taken them, but tooke nothing from them, nor did them any harme, but only asked them for the King of Spaines shippes. Now Diego Flores knowing that these English shippes would goe to the Straits, hee also was determined to goe to the Straits, al­though it was the moneth of February, and choosing ten ships of the fifteene that were left, hee sent three ships that were old and shaken with the storme, he put in them all the women and sick men that were in the fleet, and sent them to the Riuer of Ienero: and left two other ships which The Riuer of Ienero. were not for the Sea at the Iland, and he with the other ten ships returned againe for the Straits. Now the three ships in which the sicke men and women were, came to the Port of Saint Uin­cent, where they found the two English ships, so they would haue the Englishmen gone out of the Port of Saint Vincent. Fenton. Harbour, and hereupon they fell at fight, and because that these three ships were weake with the 40 foule weather that they had, as also the men were the refuse of all the fleet, the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunke one of them, and might haue sunke another if they would, but they minded not the destruction of any man: for it is the greatest vertue that can be in any man, that when he may doe hurt, he will not doe it.

Vpon this the Englishmen went from this Port to Spirito Sancto, where they had victuals for their Merchandize, and so returned home to England, without doing any harme in the Country.

Iohn Drake went from them in the Pinnasse (the cause why I know not) but the Pinnasse came into the Riuer of Plato, and within fiue leagues of Seale Iland, not far from the place where Iohn Drake. Seale Iland. the Earle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water, this said Pinnasse was cast away vpon a ledge of Rockes, but the men were all saued in the Boate. They were eighteene men, and went 50 ashoare vpon the North shoare, and went a dayes iourney into the Land, where they met with the Sauage people, these people are no man-eaters, but take all the Christians that they can, and make them there slaues, but the Englishmen fought with them, and the Sauages sl [...]e fiue English­men, and tooke the other thirteene aliue, which were with the Sauages about fifteene monethes. But the Master of the Pinnasse, which was Richard Faireweather, beeing not able to indure this misery that hee was in, and hauing knowledge that there was a Towne of Christians on the o­ther Richard Faire­weather. side of the Riuer, he in the night called Iohn Drake, and another young man which was with them, and tooke a Canoa which was very little, and had but two Oares, and so passed to the o­ther side of the Riuer, which is aboue nine leagues broad, and were three dayes before they could get ouer, and in this time they had no meate, and comming to land, they hit vpon a high way 60 that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of Horses, they follow it, and at last came to a House where as there was Corne sowed, and there they met with Indians which were Seruants vnto the Spaniards, which gaue them to eate, and clothes to couer them, for they were all naked; and one of the Indians went to the Towne, and told them of the Englishmen, so [Page 1441] the Captaine sent foure Horsemen, which brought them to the Towne behind them, then the Captayne clothed them, and prouided for them lodging, and Iohn Drake sate at the Captaines Table, and so intreated them very well, thinking to send them for Spaine. But the Vice-roy of Peru hearing of this, sent for them, so they sent him Iohn Drake, but the other two they kept, because that they were married in the Countrey. Thus I know no more of their affaires. But vpon this newes, there were prepared fiftie Horsemen to goe ouer the Riuer, to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and Spaniards, that were also among these Sauage people, but I am not certaine where they went forward or not.

But now let vs returne to Diego Flores, who passed from the Iland of Santa Catalina, towards the Straits in the middle of February, and comming in the height of the Riuer of Plate, hee sent the Bonos Ayr [...]. 10 Gouernour of Chili, with three ships vp the Riuer Bonas Ayres, and so to go ouer land to Chili. Of these three ships they lost two, but saued the men and the other prouision, and the third retur­ned for Spaine. Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships came as high as fiftie two degrees, which is the mouth of the Straits, and because it was the end of March, which is the latter end of Summer, so that the Countrey was full of snow, and withall a sudden storme came, that he could not see Sarmiento and his men ashoare but returned the second time to the Coast of Brasill, to the Riuer of Ienero, where he heard newes of the English ships, by the two ships that escaped from the Englishmen, whereupon hee left his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera, and Sarmiento, that they might the next yeere returne for the Straits. So Diego de Flores with foure ships which hee had left, and other foure which the King had sent to succour him, went all along the Coast to seeke 20 for the Englishmen, but could not find them, for they were gone directly for England, so he went vnto a Port called Parayna, where he found fiue French ships, and burnt three, and tooke two, and Parayna. also the Fort that the Frenchmen had, and put in Spaniards, and the Frenchmen runne into the Mountaynes to the Sauages, this done, he returned for Spaine. And his Lieutenant Diego de Ri­bera, and Sarmiento had the next yeere such good fortune, that they arriued safely into the Straits with all their ships, and so set ashore foure hundred men, and because the ships Boat could not land being once laden, the ship that had all the victuals and munition, that ship they runne ashoare in a Bay, and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her, this beeing done, Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundred men, thirtie women, and a ship with victuals for eight moneths, and with the other three returned, being in the Straits but eight dayes. 30

Now Pedro Sarmiento made a Towne at the mouth of the Straits on the Northside, and put Pod [...]o Sa [...]mien­to builded within the Straits. Two townes in the Straits▪ Nombre de Ie­sus and Philips Citie. therein a hundred and fiftie men, and from hence hee went by Land, and sent the ship further in­to the Straits, and fiftie leagues within the Straits at the narrowest place of all, where is a very good Port, here he made another Towne, which he named the Towne of King Philip, and also would haue made a Fort, and planted Ordnance for the defence of the Straits, but the Snow and the Winter was so great, that hee could not proceed in it; but hee tooke aboue fiue and twentie Mariners into the ship with him, and said, hee would goe see how the other people did, and so came to the Straits mouth to the Towne, and after hee had beene there a day or two with them, he said, that a storme put him from the Straits by force, and broke his Cables (but his men said to the contrary, that he himselfe cut his Cables; God knoweth the truth) and so he came to the Ri­uer 40 of Ienero: and not finding any succour there came from the King, hee went to Fernambocke, asking aide of the Captaine for victuals, the Captaine incontinent, laded his ship with victuals and clothes for the men, so that hauing these things, hee tooke his way for the Straites, but be­tweene the Cape of Saint Augustine, and the Baya, the wind came out of the Sea, with such vio­lence, that it forced the ship to runne ashore, where Sarmiento had three of his men drowned, and he with the rest hardly escaped; the ship was lost, and all that was in her. And then he came by Land to the Baya, and the Gouernour of Brasill, bought a Barke that was there in the Harbour, and lading her with victuals and clothes for the men, hee hauing this prouision, with diuers o­ther more that were needfull for his men, he tooke his Voyage for the Straits, and comming as high as fortie foure degrees, he met with a sudden storme, and was forced to throw all ouer-boord that he carried, and was yet in the end compelled to returne for the Riuer of Ienero: where hee 50 stayed for succour from the King a whole yeere; but there came not so much as a Letter for him, for the King was sore grieued at Pedro Sarmiento, because he told him that in the narrowest place of the Straits it was but a mile ouer, but Diego de Ribera and others told the King that it was a­boue a league broad, that if a ship came with wind and current, all the Ordnance in the World could not hurt them, whereby the King thought that Pedro Sarmiento had deceiued him, in ma­king him to lose so many men, and to be at so great a charges to no effect. Also the Gouernour of Sarmi [...] [...] taken by [...] W. Ra [...] Barkes. Baya, seeing the King wrote not to him, would giue Sarmiento no more succour, wherefore Sar­miento went in his ship for Spaine, which he came last in from the Straits, and it is said, that he was taken by Englishmen, and so carried for England. It is reported that this Sarmiento▪ is the best Ma­nner 60 in all Spainè, and hath say led farthest. After all this, the Captaine of the Riuer Ienero, [...]ent This di [...] w [...] [...]. [...] a small ship with victuals for the Straits, but was also put backe in fortie degrees. This is all the Discouery that hath beene of the Straits of Magelanes, as well by the Spaniards, as other Nati­ons, vnto this yeere 1586. It is f [...]ure yeeres since these poore and miserable Spaniards were [...] [Page 1442] in the Straits, from which time there hath no succour gone vnto them, so God he knoweth whe­ther they be dead or aliue.

The Land that heth from the Straits to the Coast of Chili, no man hath trauelled it by land, because of the great Mountaines of Snow that lye in that Countrey, as also I may well say, that it hath not often beene done by Sea, for that all the ships that haue passed that way, haue at the least gone thirtie leagues of the shore, because of the shoalds, and many little Ilands that lie of the mayne land, and therefore there is nothing knowne what is in that Countrey. The first Inhabi­tance that you haue after you passe the Straits, is on the Coast of Chili, and is called Castro, it is Castro. the worst place of all the Coast, for that in it there is small store of Gold, and little victuall, and very cold; this place is compassed with many shoalds, so that it is a Port but for small Barkes. 10 The next to this is Baldiuia, but before I passe any further, I will declare vnto you the situation Baldiuia. Chili. of Chili.

This Coast lieth North and South, and is in length aboue a hundred leagues; and it is not in breadth aboue fiue and twentie leagues at the most, there runne from the great Mountaines into the Sea great store of Riuers, which maketh many Valleyes, and is the fruitfullest land in the World, for that it hath bread, wine, and other victuals great store. These Riuers bee very rich of Gold, and for to shew you in few words all that this Prouince hath: I say, that this land lack­eth nothing, but might be called Paradise, but for that it lacketh only one thing, and that is How Chili was first discouered peace. This land was first discouered in this order, after the Spaniards had conquered the King­dome of Peru, as hereafter I will shew vnto you, they found in this Kingdome of Peru great 20 store of Gold, and asking the Indians from whence it came, they answered from Chili, wherefore Don Diego de Almagro, which was one of the Captaines that conquered Peru, went vpon this newes toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen. Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow, which way the Indians that were his guides, did carrie this Captaine, because they should die all of cold. Yet the Spaniards, although they lost some of their Horses, came to the first Inhabitance of Chili, called Copiapo: which is the first plain land in the entring of the Prouince, but from hence he returned backe againe for Peru, because he had newes that the Indians had risen a­gainst Copiapo. the Spaniards, & enclosed them; vpon which newes he returned without going any farther into the Countrey. Now this Captayne Don Diego de Almagro, beeing slaine in the Warres of Peru, after his death, another Captayne called Don Pedro de Baldiuia, with foure hundred Pedro de Ual­diuia. 30 Horsemen went vnto Chili, and with smali labour he ouercame halfe the Countrey, which were subiect to the Kings of Peru, for they of Chili, knowing that Poru was ouercome by the Spa­niards, they straight way yeelded the Land vnto the Spaniards, but the other halfe which was the richest, and the fruitfullest part, so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Sauage people in the whole Land.

The Prouince which they inhabit, called El Estado de Arauco, is but a small Prouince about El Estado de Arauco. twentie leagues in length, and is gouerned by ten principall men of the Countrey, out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their Generall in the Warres. The Kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquer this part of Chili, nor yet any other Kings of the Indians. The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long Pikes, Halberds, Bowes and Arrowes: they also make 40 them Iacks of Seale-skinnes, and Head-pieces: in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brasse, but now they haue gotten store of Iron. They pitch their battels in manner like the Christians: for putting their Pikemen in rankes, they place Bowmen among them, and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour. Now the Spaniards comming vnto this Prouince, sent word vnto them by other Indians, saying, that they were the children of God, and came to teach them the Word of God, and that therefore they ought to yeeld themselues vnto them; if not, they would shoot fire among them and burne them. These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards, but desiring to see that which they had heard reported, met them in the field, and fought a most cruell battell: but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleeuers, they were in the end put to flight. Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spa­niards 50 were the children of God, because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise, and breathed out such flames of fire, yeelded themselues vnto them. So the Spaniards hauing diui­ded this Prouince, made the Indians to serue their turnes, for getting of Gold out of the Mynes, which they enioyed in such abundance, that he which had least had twentie thousand Pezos, but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had three hundred thousand Pezos by the yeere. The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine; from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili, whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabit sixe Townes: to wit, Villa nueua Villa nueua de la Serena, La Conception, Sant Iago, La Imperial, Baldi­uia, La Villa Rica, the first six Townes that were inha­bited in Chili. de la Serena, called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo; the second Sant Iago, which the Indians call Mapocha; the third, La Conception, called by the Indians Penco; the fourth, La Imperial; the fift, Baldiuia; and the sixt, La Villa Rica. Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land, wherein 60 he put Ordnance and Souldiers: how beit all this their good successe continued not long: for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they, determi­ned to rebell against them: wherefore the first thing that they did, they carried grasse into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses, and wood also for them to burne, among which gr [...]e the In­dians [Page 1443] conueyed Bowes and Arrowes, with great Clubs. This done, fiftie of the Indians entred the Fort, be tooke themselues to their Bowes, Arrows and Clubs, and stood in the gate of the said A stratagem of the Indians of Chili, against the Spaniards. Fort: from whence making a signe vnto other of their Nation for helpe, they wanne the Fort, and slue all the Spaniards. The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the Towne of Conception, where Captaine Baldiuia was, he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen, to seeke the Indians; taking no more men with him, because hee was in haste. And in a Plaine hee met the Indians; who comming of purpose also to seeke him, and compassing him about, slue most part of his companie, the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their Horses: but Baldiuia hauing his Horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue. Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage, and to feare nothing; for the cause (said they) why wee haue taken you, is to giue you Gold enough. And 10 hauing made a great banquet for him, the last seruice of all was a Cup full of melted Gold, which The death of Baldiuia. the Indians forced him to drinke, saying, Now glut thy selfe with Gold: and so they killed him. This Baldiuia was a most valiant man, who had beene an old Souldier in the Warres of Italie, and at the sacking of Rome.

Vpon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captaine, one Pedro de Uilla grande; Pedro de Villa grande. who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili, and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance, marched against those Indians; but with so bad successe, that hee lost not onely the field, and many of his men, but also those ten Peeces of Ordnance which he brought. The Indians hauing thus got­ten the victorie, went straightway against the Towne of Concepcion, from whence the Spaniards fled for feare, and left the Towne desolate. And in this manner were the Spaniards chased 20 by the Indians out of the Countrie of Arauco. But newes hereof being brought to the Marqueste of Cannete, Vice-roy of Pern, he sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoza, against those Indians, with Don Garcia de Mendoza. a great power of Horsemen, and Footmen, and store of Artilerie. This Nobleman hauing sub­dued Chili againe, and slaine in diuers battels aboue fortie thousand Indians, and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection, newly erected the said Fort, that stood in the midst of the Land, inhabited the Towne of Concepcion againe, and built other Townes for the Spaniards: and so leauing the Land in peace, he returned for Peru. But ere he was cleane departed out of the land, the Indians rebelled again, but could not do so much mischiefe as they did before, because the Spaniards tooke better heed vnto them. From that time vntil this present, there hath beene no peace at all: for not withstanding many Captianes and Souldiers haue done their vt­termost, 30 yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection. And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes, yet haue they little enough to main­tayne 11. Towns, and 2. Bishoprikes in Chili. themselues, by reason of the Warres; for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers: which would not bee so, if they had peace; for then they might worke in all their Mines.

Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili, and of the troublesome conquest there­of, A description of the Townes of [...]hili. Baldiuia. The Prouince of Arauco, ouer against the I­land La Mocha, situat [...] in 38. degrees and a halfe La Concepcion. I will returne to my former discourse where I left, Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses, hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians; so that now it is waxen poore, but before the Indians sacked it, it was very rich: and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea. Pas­sing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco, being situate ouer against the Iland 40 La Mocha, on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land.

Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco, the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto, is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili; but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times, it is now growne very poore, and hath small store of people: it containeth about some two hundred houses. And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco, where these valiant Indians bee, therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall, and hath a Fort built hard by it: and here are fiue hundred Souldiers conti­nually in Garrison. Betweene this place and Ualparizo, the Indians call the Coast by the name Valparizo, which is the Port of S. Iago standeth i [...] 3 [...]. d [...]gr. 40 min. Coquimbo st [...]n­deth in 20. deg. 30. min. Copiapo. of Mapocha. Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie, is the principall Towne of all Chili, and the seat of the Gouernour; it consisteth of about eight hun­dred 50 houses. The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping, hath about twentie houses standing by it. The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo, which standeth two leagues vp into the Land, and containeth about two hundred houses. Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne, called Copiapo, inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards: and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar: at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili. Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea, are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru, contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues, lieth desolate.

The first Towne on the Coast of Peru, called Atacama, is inhabited by Indians which are slaues A description of Peru. vnto the Spaniards. But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Dis­couerie 60 of Peru, with other matters there to belonging, and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe: and to the end you may vnderstand me the better, I will beginne with Panama. After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land, passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea: where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles, [Page 1444] they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios, hard vpon the Sea side, and called it Panama. From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna: and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards, there beganne a trade from thence to Panama: but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time, because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long, which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way: and by Land the passage was impossible, in regard of Mountaines and Riuers: Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles, which is but twentie leagues from Panama. There were at this time in Panama two men, the one called Francisco Pizarro, borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine, a valiant man, but withall poore; the other, called Diego de Almagro, was very rich. These men got a companie vnto 10 them, and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru: and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place, Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels, and an hundred men; and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama, to send him Victuals and other ne­cessaries. Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast, met with contrary windes and raine, which put him to great trouble; and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals, for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths, which they now passe in fifteene dayes, and not knowing the right course, hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast; which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage: also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast. At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo, being Isla del Gallo. situate from the maine Land sixe leagues. From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama, for a 20 new supplie of victuals, and of men: which ship being departed, fortie of his men that remay­ned behinde made a mutinie, and passed vp into the Countrie, meaning to returne by Land to Panama, but in the way they all perished, for they were neuer heard of vntill this day. So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men: who although hee had his ship there, in which he might haue returned, yet would hee rather die then goe backe; and his thirteene men also were of his opinion, notwithstanding that they had no other victu­als, but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season. Thus hee continued nine moneths, before any succour was brought him from Panama: but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely, and victuals: whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage, till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru, called Tumbez, where hee found a Fort, made by the King of Tumbez. 30 Peru, against the Indians of the Mountaines. Wherefore Pizarro, and his men were very glad, in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion, being rich also in Gold, and Siluer, and well apparelled. At this Port of Tumbez, hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise, and hauing two few men to proceed any further, he carried two Indians with him, to learne the Language, and returned backe for Panama. Vpon this Discoue­rie, Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine, to craue of the King the Con­quest of this Land. Whither being come, the King granted his request. And with the money which he carried ouer with him, he hired a great number of men, with a Fleet of shippes, and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren, very valiant and hardy men. And being come to Panama, he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru, being accompanied with his Partner, 40 Diego de Almagro. They sayled first to the Iland, called Isla de Gallo; where Francisco Pizarro, and his Brethren went on Land, and left Diego de Almagro in the ships. And the whole num­ber which afterward landed on the mayne Land were sixtie Horsemen, and one hundred and twentie Footmen, with two great Field-peeces.

But before we proceed any further, wee thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru, and the naturall disposition of the Inhabitants: This Countrie was called Peru, by the The Riuer of Peru. Spaniards, of a Riuer so named by the Indians, where they first came to the sight of Gold. From which Riuer standing vnder the Line, till you come to Copiapo, the first Towne on the Coast of Chili, stretcheth the Land of Peru, for the space of eight hundred leagues: vpon sixe hundred whereof, from Atacama to Tumbez, did neuer drop of raine fall, since the Floud of Noah: and 50 yet is it the fruitfullest Land for all kinde of victuals, and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life, that is to bee found in all the world besides. The reason why it raineth not in this The cause why it raineth not in Peru. Land, is because it being a plaine Countrie, and very narrow, and lowe, situate betweene the E­quinoctiall and the Tropike of Capricorne, there runneth on the West frontier, not aboue twenty leagues from the Sea called Mar del Sur, Eastward thereof, a mightie ridge of high Mountaines couered with snowe; the heigth of which Mountaines so draweth the moisture of the cloudes vnto it self, that no raine falleth vpon the Vallies of Peru, From these Mountains issue great store of Riuers into the South Sea, with the waters whereof drawn by certaine sluces and chanels, they moisten their Vineyards and Corne-fields, and by this meanes the Land is so exceeding fruitfull. Betweene these Mountaines and the Mountaines of Chili, that stretch vnto the Straites of Ma­gellan, 60 heth a Plaine of sixtie leagues ouer, being so cold, that it yeeldeth no Wheat, but good store of other vict [...]als. This Countrie of Peru is full of people well apparelled, and of ciuill Gold, Siluer, [...]er, [...] and [...]. behauiour. It hath many mines of God, and more of Siluer, as also great store of Copper, and Tinne-mines, with abundance of Saltpeter, and of Brimstone to make Gun-powder. There are [Page 1445] likewise Cattell of all sorts, among which there is a beast, in shape somewhat resembling a Ca­mell, The sheepe of Peru, called Llamas. but no bigger then a Steere of a yeere old; they serue to carrie burdens, their flesh being good to eate, and their wooll apt for many purposes. This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others, for the vse of man: howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue reple­nished this Countrie with Horses, Kine, Sheep and Goats, and likewise with plenty of Wheat. So that in few words, this Land hath abundance of riches and victuals, and is the healthfullest place in the world. There were in times past Kings of this Land which were mighty Monarchs, whose Dominions stretched twelue hundred leagues, and their Lawes were very ciuill, saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne. At what time the Spaniards first entred this Land, there were two Brethren of the bloud Royall, which stroue who should haue the Kingdome, the one 10 called Mango Inga, and the other, Atabalipa. Now Mango had possession of all the Mountaines Atabalipa and Mango, by o­thers called Gaspar, in strife. and the Land within them: and Atabalipa was Lord of all the Sea-coast, and of the Vallies si­tuate between the said Mountaines and the Sea. The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shoare, called them Uira coche, which in their Language signifieth, The some of the Sea. Also Atabalipa the Indian Prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his Land, and what they sought for: the Spaniards made answer, that they were the messengers of a great Lord, and that they came to speake with the Prince himselfe: who sent them word, that they should come with a very good-will; and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a Citie called Caxamalca, being thirtie leagues distant from the Sea side. Whither being come, they found the Indian Prince sit­ting in a Chariot of Gold, carried vpon mens shoulders, and accompanied with aboue sixtie 20 thousand Indians all ready armed for the warres. Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperour (vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that Land) to conuert them vnto the Christian Faith. Whereunto Atabalipa answered, that he would gladly be friends with the Emperour, because he was so great a Monarch, but in no case with the Pope, because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne.

Now while they were thus in talke, the Spaniards discharging their two Field-peeces, and their Caliuers, set vpon the Indians, crying, Sant lago. The Indians hearing the noise of the Ord­nance, and small shot, and seeing the fire, thought that flames of fire had beene come downe from Heauen vpon them; whereupon they fled, and left their Prince as a bootie for the Spa­niards. Whom they at the first intreated very gently, wishing him not to feare, for that their 30 comming was onely to seeke for Gold and Siluer. During the time of Atabalipas imprisonment, his Captaines had slaine his Brother Mango, and had subdued all the Mountaines, and plaine Countries. Vpon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards, that if they would release him, hee would giue them all that they should demand. This communication hauing continued a whole day, at length a Souldier named Soto said vnto Atabalipa; what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free? The Prince answered, I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand. Whereto the Soul­dier replied, Thou shalt giue vs this house full of Gold and Siluer, thus high, lifting vp his sword, and making a stroke vpon the wall. And Atabalipa said, that if they would grant him respite to send into his Kingdome, he would fulfill their demand. Whereat the Spaniards much maruel­ling, gaue him three moneths time, but hee had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe; a 40 matter scarce credible, yet most true: for I knowe aboue twentie men that were there at that time, who all affirme, that it was aboue ten millions of Gold and Siluer. Howbeit, for all this, they let not the Prince goe, but thought that in killing of him they should become Lords of the whole Land, and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him. But God the righteous Iudge seeing this villanous act, suffered none of those Spaniards to die by the course of nature, but brought them to euill and shamefull ends.

Vpon the newes of these great riches, there came store of people out of Spaine, and inhabited many places in this Countrie. The King in recompence of the good seruices of the two fore­said partners, appointed Diego de Almagro Gouernour of halfe the Land, and Francisco Pizarro of the other halfe, whom also he made a Marquesse. But these two consorts in parting of a Land belonging vnto other men, fell at variance and sharpe warre betweene themselues: and at length 50 Pizarro hauing slaine Almagro, got all the Land into his owne hands. Howbeit, this prosperi­tie of Pizarro continued not long: for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro, to bee reuenged of his fathers death, slue Pizarro, for which act he lost his head. In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine, also two brothers of Pizarro, and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine, and there died in Prison: but the fourth, called Gonsaluo Pizarro, rebelled with the whole Countrie, and became a cruell Tyrant, vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell, and possessing the Countrie in peace for two yeeres: howbeit, being in the end ouercome, hee lost his head like a Traitour. And thus died they all an euill death, that were causes of the death of that innocent King Atabalipa. And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spa­niards, 60 but the Indians neuer rebelled, after they had once peace granted vnto them. The Indian people of this Land, are parted among the Spaniards, some being slaues vnto the Gentlemen that conquered their Land, other some to others, and the residue to the King: and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seuen Pezos of fine Gold, which is about ten Ducats and an halfe. There [Page 1446] are in this Countrie aboue fortie Cities and Townes inhabited by the Spaniards: also they haue here erected nine Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke. Nine Bishop­ricks, and one archbishoprick in Peru.

Now after this Countrie was fully conquered and brought in good order, certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowie Mountaines, found a very wholesome Countrie, and there inhabited. The said Prouince situate behinde the Mountaines is called The Prouince of Tucuman, wherein are fiue townes inhabited by the Spaniards, the last of The Prouinces of Tucuman. Cordoua. them called Cordoua, from which towne vnto Santa Fee situate vpon the Riuer of Plate it is se­uentie leagues. This towne of Santa Fee was built in that place, to seeke a way to Peru by the Riuer of Plate. And from hence downe the said Riuer to Buenos Ayres are 120. leagues, and from Buenos Ayres vnto Seal-Island you haue 40. leagues. 10

Now hauing put down all that I know concerning the Countrie of Peru, and of the way from the Riuer of Plate vnto Tucuman, I will returne vnto Atacama the Southermost town vpon the coast of Peru, where I left. From this towne of Atacama till you come to Arica, all the coast is in­habited Atacama. by Indians subiect vnto the Spaniards. But since Captain Drake was here, they haue built Towers by the Sea side, whereon, seeing any saile that they doe mistrust, they presently make smoakes, and so from Tower to Tower they warne all the Countrey. Hauing before spoken of Camana. Arica all that I can, I will now proceede to the next Port called Camana being a Towne of Spa­niards, and containing about two hundred houses. Here they make store of Wine, and haue a­bundance of Figges and Reisins. The next Towne called Acari containeth about three hundred houses, and here is made the best and greatest store of Wine in all Peru. From hence passing along Acari. 20 the coast you come to El Calao the Port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses: and Al Calao. here was a strong Fort built since Captaine Drake was vpon the coast. The Citie of Lima stan­ding two leagues within the land, and containing two thousand houses, is very rich, and of more Lima. trade then all the Cities of Peru besides, and this Citie is the seate of the Viceroy, the Archbishop and the Inquisition.

Next vnto this standeth a small towne of the Spaniards by the Sea side called Santa: and next vnto Santa is another small towne of Christians called Cannete. From hence they saile vnto a rich Santa. Cannete. Truxillo. Paita. Guaiaquil. Tumbez. Citie called Truxillo, being one of the principall townes of Peru, and containing about fiue hun­dred houses. Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses. Leauing this towne they passe to Guaiaquil which standeth fortie leagues vp into a great Bay or Riuer, 30 at the entrance of which Riuer standeth Tumbez, a towne of the Indians. All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it neuer raineth, as I haue before said: so that all the houses in their townes are not tyled, but couered with boords to keepe off the heate of the Sunne, for they feare no raine at all. Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth, and here they gather Salsaperilla. Here Salsaperilla. Ships built at Guaiaquil. Puerto Vieio a place where Emralds a­bound. La Bucna ven­tura. La gouernacion de Popaian. is also great store of timber, and at this place they build many Ships. Hence they saile along the coast to a small and poore towne called Puerto Vieio, which in times past hath beene rich with Emralds: but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are growne nothing worth, this towne likewise is waxen very poore. Below this Village standeth another called La Buena Uentura: but whosoeuer goe thither must needes meete with euill fortune, the place it selfe is so waterish and vnholesome. Here abide not aboue twentie men, who serue onely to transport 40 goods into a Citie standing fiftie leagues within the maine, in a Prouince called La gouernacion de Popaian. From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other towne, by reason of the high Mountaines, the manifold Riuers, and the vnholesomenesse of the Countrie. In this place doe inhabit the Negros that run from their Masters, and vpon these Mountaines was Negros fled frō their Masters. Panama. Oxenham the English Captaine and his men taken, as is before mentioned. Beyond these Moun­tains standeth the Citie of Panama, being a rich place, by reason that all the treasure which com­meth from Peru is brought thither, and it consisteth of about foure hundred houses. The coast run­ning along betweene this Citie and Nueua Espanna is called Costa rica. Osta rico.

Next vnto Costa rica, which is a Mountainous and desolate place, lieth the coast of Nicaragua, being inhabited by the Spaniards, and hauing many good ports belonging to it and is frequented The Prouince of Nicaragua. 50 with trade of Merchandize; but hauing no knowledge of the situation thereof, nor of the towns therein contained, I surcease to speake any more of it.

A certaine Viceroy of Nueua Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certaine Ships to be built for the discouery of the Malucos and of the coast of China: which Ships in sailing thither­ward The discouery of the Philippi­nas. The Isse of Manilla. from certaine Islands, eightie leagues distant from the maine land, which the Spaniards, ac­cording to the name of their King, called The Philippinas: and hauing conquered one of these I­lands called Manilla, inhabited with a barbarous kinde of people, they built a fort and a towne thereupon, from whence they haue trade with the people of China. Vnto these Islands they haue foure great Ships that vsually trade, two of them continually going, and two comming: so that such Spices and Silkes as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies, the very same doe 60 the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China, for Mexico the chiefe Citie of Nueua Espanna. The principall Port townes of the coast of Nueua Espanna are Guatulco, and Acapulco.

All the Viceroyes and Gouernours that the King of Spaine sendeth for Peru and Nuena Es­panna [Page 1447] haue a custome, for the obtaining of his fauour, to seeke and discouer new Countries. But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles of Salomon, which were found in manner following. The Licenciate Castro being The discouery of the Isles of Salomon. gouernour of Peru, sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea, vpon the coast of Peru, appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his, called Aluares de Mendanio, and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant, and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega. This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima, and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru, found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall, inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion, and all naked, whose weapons are Bowes and Ar­rowes, and Darts. The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs, and they found some 10 Hens. Here also they found a muster of Cloues, Ginger, and Sinamon, although the Sinamon Cloues, Gin­ger, and Sina­mon. were not of the best; and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold. The first Island that the Spaniards discouered, they named Santa Izabella; and here they built a small Pinnace, with the which, and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude, eleuen great Islands, being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse. The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder, called Guadalcanal, The Isle of Guadalcanal. on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues, before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land: and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it, but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan; for they coasted it to eighteene degrees, and could not finde the end thereof. The Gold that they found was vpon 20 this Island, or maine land of Guadalcanal, whereas they landed and tooke a towne, finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof. But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey, and also for that the Indians were very stout men, and fought continu­ally against them, they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came, nor yet what store was in the Land.

These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas, that will carrie one hundred men a piece, wherein they haue many conflicts one against another: howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt; for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hun­dred of them. At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing, rowed to land, to take in fresh A Town burnt. water, whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon, tooke the Ships Boate, 30 and slew all the men therein: wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong, nor yet be too warie in a strange land. Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace, and burnt the Towne, and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned. They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths, at the end of which time (because that vpon the coast where they were, the winde continuing still in one place, might be an occasion of longer tarrying) they consulted which way to returne. Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall: wherefore sayling to the North of the line, they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna; on which coast they met with such terrible stormes, that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord, and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea, before they could get into any harbour of the Chri­stians. 40 In which time, by reason of euill gouernment, and for lacke of victuals and fresh water, most of the men in their Admirall dyed; for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water Abundance of good victuals vpon the Isles of Salomon. nor meate: but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well, that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land. He that passeth the Straits of Magellan: or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos, must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of. At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos, you may furnish your A new rich trade for Gold, Cloues, Gin­ger, and Sina­mon. selfe with plenty of victuals, as Hogs, Hennes, excellent Almonds, Potatos, Sugar-canes, with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance. Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold, which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodi­ties. For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands, not seeking nor being desirous of Gold, 50 brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them, besides great store of Cloues and Gin­ger, Why these Isles were cal­led the Isles of Salomon. and some Sinamon also, which is not so good as in other places. The discouerer of these I­slands named them the Isles of Salomon, to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem, might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same. Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands, Captaine Drake entered the South Sea; whereupon commandement was giuen, that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishmen, and of other Nati­ons as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos, might haue no succour there, but such as they got of the Indian people. 60

CHAP. XII.

Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS, three Bookes of the New World, touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians, and the effects thereof.

ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine, and thence to the New World, where he was entertained of the Spaniards, and practised with Ben. l. 1. c. 1. He serued 14. yeares in the Span [...]sh-Indian expeditions. C. 2. C. 3. them the huntings of the Indians; which they did by lurking in couerts, till some 10 of the Natiues came within their reach; by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues, and other meanes. Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues, and had brought many more, but with la­bour, wearinesse, hunger, and griefe, for losse of their Countrie and friends, many had perished in the way. Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march, were by them killed to preuent their taking armes. A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked, with their bodies rent, maimed, starued: the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling, the neckes of all, armes and hands chained; not any growne Maide amongst Indians spoiled. them which the spoilers had not rauished, with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases. The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and 20 Swords; the footemen, Sword Shield, and Crosse-bow, with lighter Iackes. The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts.

The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better, or place for worse, killed their children, and then hanged themselues. The women by the iuice of a certaine hearbe caused abortions, that C. 25. they might not procreate slaues to the Spaniards; others hanged themselues, as their husbands had done: some threw themselues from the tops of steepe hils, others into the Sea and Riuers; some starued themselues, and others with sharpe stones ripped and rent out their entrals: so that of two millions there found at first, now scarsely one hundred and fiftie persons remaine. Is this to conuert Sauages to the Christian faith? The same altogether hath happened in Cuba, Iamai­ca, Porto Ricco, and other places. Yea whatsoeuer slaues haue beene after carried into the I­slands, 30 to preuent their desolation, though in incredible multitudes, haue almost all perished with miserie. Once, in whatsoeuer places the Spaniards haue displaied their colours, by their examples of crueltie they haue left to the Natiues eternall monuments of implaca­ble hatred.

After the natiue Islanders were killed with too much labour, the Spaniards procured slaues from Guinnee in great multitudes, and vsed their seruices in the Mines; which being exhaust, L. 2. C. 1. Negro slaues succeede. they employed them in Sugar-mils, and in breeding of Cattell. Some of the Spaniards are so cruell, that if a slaue hath not brought his diarie or day-scot, or otherwise hath angred his imperi­ous Master, he strips him naked to cloath him with stripes (according to the Law of Baian, as they call it, deuised I thinke by some cruell Diuell) his hands and feete bound, and the prostrate Law of Bayon diuellish de­uise. 40 slaue tied to some crosse timber, with a rod or roape he is beaten till the bloud issue from all parts: after which the Master droppeth scalding Pitch or Oyle ouer all that wretched corpes, and then washed with Pepper of the Countrie and Salt mingled with water, he lies on a boord in a sheete or blanket till his Master thinkes him fit for labour. Others make a hole in the ground and there set him, his head onely excepted, all night long, which these Phisitians doe to cleanse and cure the vlcers of corrupt bloud. If any dye in these torments, his Master hath no other punishment but to pay the King another for him. These cruelties caused the Negroes to flie and wander a­bout, till gathering head together they grew dreadfull to the Spanish Ilanders, whom they (when they got any into their hands) repaied with like cruelties. Whiles I was in that Iland, their ar­mie was said to containe 7000. men, insomuch that the Spaniards feared to be driuen out by 50 these Moores and Negros. And when as An. 1545. the President Ceratus vrged Cesars Edict for Armie of 7000 fugitiues. the Indians libertie, the Iland was almost brought to a desert, not aboue 1100. Spaniards re­maining therein: which (the strangers increasing) were in danger to loose at once their l [...]e with the Iland. And the wonted meanes of getting wealth failing therein, few Spaniards are willing to stay there.

Nombre de Dios, in regard of the heate and moisture immoderate, is vnholesome, as also for the C. 9. See Drakes and Oxenhams sto­ries. Westerne Marish or Fenne, whence are frequent funerals of the inhabitants. Not farre from it to the East, some fugitiue Negros keepe in the woods, which haue slaine many Spaniards, and haue entred into league with the Indians, shooting likewise poisoned Arrowes, and killing all the Spaniards which they can get. Gotierez a Spanish Captaine going vp the Riuer of Suera, feasted 60 the Cacikes of Suera and Chiuppa, and said that he came thither to reduce them from their Idola­try C. 11. and the Diuels tyrannie, and to shew them the truth: namely, that Iesus Christ the Sinne of Gotierez his conuerting of Indians. God came from heauen to redeeme mankinde: and that he had brought a Priest with him, for no other purpose but to instruct them in Christianitie. Wherefore (said he) prepare your selues to the obedience of [Page 1449] the Diuine Law, and to acknowledge the soueraigntie of Charles the fifth, Caesar, King of Spaine, and Monarch of the whole world. The Indians answered nothing, and returned home. The next day the Gouernour sent for two other Caciques by a Spaniard, which trusting on his promise, came, and were bound in his Chamber with hard vsage. They had before giuen him 700. Duckets; now he picked a quarrell with them, and extorted from one 2000. Duckets, wrought in the formes of Tigres, Fishes, Birds, and other creatures: which the Gouernour seeing smaller then his expectation, caused a great fire to be kindled, and a chest to be brought forth, threatning to burne him, if in foure dayes he did not fill it with Gold six times; which hee promising to doe, found meanes to escape. Other Cacikes of the Countrie hearing hereof, burned their houses, cut downe their fruite trees and corne, and leauing a wildernesse to the Spaniards, fled to the Mountaines. 10 The other Cacike yet in durance, hauing beene often threatned with death except hee brought the Gold demanded, the Gouernour commanded to be cast to the Dogs: hee answered, that hee could not but maruell at the Gouernours vanitie, which had so often threatned that which he had rather should be performed, then to liue so miserable a life; contrary to his expectation, which had voluntarily Indian magna­nimitie. come to him vpon his promise. Hee added, that he meruailed much what kinde of creatures Christians were, which executed such mischiefes wheresoeuer they came, and that the earth could longer beare and nourish such cruell beasts so patiently.

But at last the Gouernour carried him prisoner in a miserable expedition, where at a turning the Gouernour demanding of a captiue Indian, whether way would bring him to some Indian habitation, he answered, he could not tell; whereupon he commanded his Negro slaues to kill 20 him, which was done. Then he demanded of the Cacike, and hauing like answer, gaue like sen­tence. He presently threw downe his burden, and prepared his head to the fatall stroke, with such patience, that the Gouernour remitted it, and gaue him his life. Three starued Spaniards were there left, and after killed by the Indians. The Gouernour commanded the Dogs to be kil­led for food, keeping the prouisions left to himselfe. I gaue my part to another, because of the Hungry March wormes therein; and went to the Gouernour, hoping to receiue somewhat of him, who sent me to the roots of trees to feed thereon. Then said another Spaniard; Sir Gouernour, if wee may not share together in good and bad fortune, warre you alone. Hereupon hee diuided three pounds of Cheese into foure and thirtie parts amongst vs. Two dayes after, the Indians suddenly set on vs, and slue the Gouernour as hee was doing his easement. I with anothers Helmet escaped that 30 showre of stones, wherewith it was then exceedingly battered; and the rest being slaine, with two others fled thorow a troupe of Indians making way to the Hills top, where wee found the Priest, with two others which had escaped by flight in the beginning of the fight, and after that, foure and twentie others ioyned themselues to vs. The Indians pursued vs, armed with our owne weapons, and dauncing about vs, cried in the Spanish tongue, Here is Gold Christian, here is Gold. Two which had lurked in the Woods till the Indians were gone, told vs, that the Indians had carried away the head, hands and feet of the Gouernour, and of two Negros, the rest being spoyled were throwne into the Riuer. If we had had but foure Horses (these they feare more then all armes) they had neuer aduentured on vs. On foot the Spaniards are commonly ouer­come by them. In the first Mexican expedition, they tooke the Horse and Man to bee but one Indians feare of Horses. 40 creature.

That which hath carried the Spaniards into those Prouinces, is onely couetousnesse, whatso­euer Cap. 13. Examples of couetousness. Sedegnus and his 700. men. Sotos acts in Florida. profession they pretend of Christian Faith. Neither will any of them stay in any place where Gold is not found. Antonius Sedegnus died with thought after three yeeres trauell in Paria with seuen hundred men, not finding this golden Sun-shine, fiftie onely of his men retur­ning. Soto spent in Florida, what he had gotten in Peru. He threatned fifteene Cacikes, to burne them, except they brought him to the place whence they had their Gold. These promised any thing to preuent present execution, and after twelue dayes wandring were sent away with their hands cut off. When he told a Cacike which visited him with a Present, that he was a Christians the sonn of God, Creator of Heauen and Earth; and came thither to teach them the Diuine Law: If thy God, said the Cacike, bids thee robbe, kill, burne, and commit all mischiefe, wee can nei­ther Pam. Naruaez. 50 beleeue Him, nor his Law. Soto finding no Mine, died at last of the bloudy Fluxe. The like may be said of Naruaez, twelue of whose companie fell mad with famine, and fell to biting and tearing each other. Of sixe hundred which hee carried forth, scarcely ten returned, which at Mexico reported that with breathing they had cured the sicke, and had raised three dead men to life. But I craue pardon of their holinesse, and shall easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men, then that they raised halfe a dead one. Cortez set forth by Velasquez gaue him no accounts at all. Peter Aluarado left by Cortez at Mexico, fell vpon the Indians amidst their dances, and slue them. And when Cortez had returned from the defeat of Naruaez, and besieged Mexico, Cortez and Al­uarado. the Mexicans gathered all their Gold and Siluer, and threw it into the Lake, and by no torments 60 could bee compelled to confesse where it was; although Cortez tortured the Kings Scribe to death, and put the King also to vaine tortures for that purpose. Some say that Cortez stran­gled him.

When I first trauelled in Nicaragua, I was entertained by a principall Cacike of those parts, C. [...]. [Page 1450] called Gonzallus, a man of seuentie yeeres of age, and well skilled in the Spanish Tongue. Hee one morning, I sitting neere him, fixed his eyes on my face, said, Christian, what are Christians? Indians conceit o [...] Christians. they require Maiz, Honie, Silke, a Garment, an Indian Woman to lie with; they demand Gold, and Siluer. Christians will not worke; they are Gamsters, Dicers, lewd and blasphemous. When they goe to Church to heare Masse, they back-bite the absent, and they strike and wound each other. Hee con­cluded, that Christians were not good. I said, they were the bad, and not the good, which did such things: hee replied, Where are those good? for I neuer yet saw any but bad. I asked, why they suffered Christians to enter their borders. Hee answered, Honest friend, thus it is: When the fame of the cruelty of Christians, which wheresoeuer they came, filled all with fire, sword and robbery, disper­sed in these Prouinces, had comne vnto vs, and wee had heard that they would inuade vs, wee called a 10 Councell, of all our friends, and generally decreed rather to die then to yeeld our selues subiects to the Christians. When they had entred our Borders, wee made head against them, but most of vs after long fight terrified by the Horses, fled. And wee sent two messengers to desire pardon, and peace; with no other purpose but to gaine time to re-enforce our strength. Wee carried them many presents, entertayned them with dances, and within three dayes fell on them againe, but with ill successe; we seeke peace againe, and after that by common consent decree rather to die then to serue the Christians, and to kill him who­soeuer shall flee from the battell. Thus wee take Armes. But our Wiues come weeping to vs, and beseech vs rather to serue the Christians, then to die shamefully: otherwise, to kill them first, with their chil­dren, that they may not after losse of their husbands, come into the power of those bearded and cruell men. These prayers and teares brake our hearts, and wee voluntarily submitted our persons and goods to the 20 greedy Christians. Some yet, prouoked by wrongs, rebell; but were punished grieuously by the Christi­ans, not sparing the very Infants. Others also which were innocent, were made slaues; and wee were then possessors neither of our wiues, nor children, nor any thing else. Many impatient hereof, killed their children, others hanged, and others famished themselues: till the King of Castiles Proclamation, by which wee were made free, made an end of those miseries.

The Indians, especially the sonnes of their Cacikes which can write and reade, confesse Gods Commandements good; but wonder that wee, of whom they haue them, doe not keepe them, Cap. 18. and vse thus to say. Ho sir Christian, God forbids to take his Name in vaine, and thou continually for euery cause, bee it neuer so light, swearest and for swearest. God sayth, Thou shalt not beare false witnesse: but you Christians doe nothing but slander, and speake euill. God commands to loue your 30 neighbours as your selues, and to forgiue one another: You oppresse the poore, are rigorous to your Det­tors, and if there be any poore Christians, you giue them nothing, but send them for reliefe to our houses. Some of them shewing a piece of Gold, will say, Lo here the Christians God, for this they are comne hither, for this they haue subdued vs, and done so many mischiefes, for this they are neuer quiet, but dice, blaspheme, curse, quarell, steale, commit rapes, and doe whatsoeuer villanie and lust.

There are Monkes which perpetrate those things openly by day-light, which others would bee ashamed to doe by night. And a Franciscan publikly preached, that there was neither Priest, Monkes and Friars. nor Monke, nor Bishop in India, worthie the name of a good man. For they all had giuen them­selues to couetousnesse, and still went to the wealthie Countries, and auoided the poorer. For these words he was apprehended, and carried to Guatimala. I haue also heard Priests discour­sing 40 together, that they came out of Spaine into India for gaine, and nothing else. A Casikes sonne, when hee was a childe of great towardnesse, proued afterwards very lewd; and being asked the reason, said, Since I was made a Christian, I haue learned to sweare by the name of God, and by the Crosse, and by the words of the holy Gospell, and to blaspheme by the life of God; and I denie him, nor doe I beleeue. I haue further learned to play with the Die, and neuer to speake truth. I haue also got mee a Sword to make frayes, and now want nothing to liue like a Christian, but a Concubine, which I meane to bring home shortly. I once reproued an Indian, for dicing and blasphemie: Wee, saith he, learned these examples of your selues. And the Indians which are so lewd, are such vsual­ly as haue beene brought vp by some Spaniards which studie nothing else. These for the most part, are the Miracles which the Spaniards haue done amongst the Indians. Span. Miracles. 50

Many other Indians being demanded whether they bee Christians, answere, they are, because the Bishop hath crossed and blessed them, they haue built a Church, set vp there our Ladies I­mage, Indian Christia­nitie. and gotten a Bell. I asked one whether he were a Christian: What, said he, would you haue me bee a Bishops seruant ten or twelue yeeres, and keepe his Mule? Others asked thereof, say, that a Priest washed their heads foure or fiue times, &c. Hee reciteth the Letter of Didacus Lopez de Zunega, and other passages of Spaniards vices.

In the third Booke Benzo relateth the Acts of the Spaniards in Peru. Francis Pizarro, Diego Almagro, and Fernand Luques a Priest, enter into a league of Triumuirate for the Southerne Dis­coueries, Lib. 3. c. 1. Triumuirate. and therein to share equally, both the care, charge and gaine. They procure ships, and conuenient prouisions, and with two hundred and twentie Souldiers, Pizarro and Almagro, in First Voyage. 60 the yeere 1526. one a little after the other, set sayle for Panama. Pizarro hauing sayled three hundred miles, goeth on land, and is repelled by the Indians, himselfe wounded, and many slaine. Hereupon he returneth to Panama. Almagro went vp a Riuer in another Region, and was kind­ly entertayned, and brought thence three thousand Duckets of Gold, with which in his re­turne [Page 1451] he came neere to the place where Pizarro had receiued his bad entertainment, and himselfe in fight with them lost one of his eyes, and many of his Souldiers. Being comne to Panama with Second Voyage. those showes of Gold, they redintegrate their designes, and with two hundred Souldiers, and many Indian slaues setting sayle, landed in another place, where they also were beaten backe to their ships, and many slaine. Thence they went to the Ile Gorgon, a small and desart Iland sixe I. Gorgon. leagues from the Continent. The Golden hopes would not permit them to giue ouer that which this strength could not enable them to winne, and therefore Almagro is sent to Panama to re­inforce and encrease their numbers. Hee returned with eightie fiue Spaniards, and found Pi­zarro, Third expedi­tion. and the rest almost starued. Being refreshed they set sayle, and againe landing were re­pelled with the losse of some Souldiers, and went to a desart Iland, which they called Cock­Iland, for the shape of the Cape or Promontorie. Almagro againe returneth to Panama for more 10 Souldiers to bee reuenged on these Indians. Most of the Spaniards cursing their couetousnesse, would haue returned with him, but were not permitted, no not to write to their friends; which yet some closely did complayning of the Countrie, the leaders and their designes. Pedro de los Rios was then newly Gouernour at Panama, and hearing hereof presently sent one to Cocke-Iland, Cock-Iland. to Pizarro that hee should not detayne any there against his will, whereupon they all saue four­teene departed. These liued on fish till Almagro came, who also could bring no supply by rea­son of the ill rumour.

At last they agreed to sayle by the shoare, and search if any riches there presented themselues. Fourth expe­dition. They sayled fiue hundred miles, and came to Chira, a Prouince of Peru, and there going on shoare tooke some cattell, and Indians to learne the Spanish Tongue. Then returning to Tumbez, when 20 no Spaniard had so much courage, Peter of Candie (a Greeke borne in Candie) aduentured to goe Peter of Candy. on shoare, which he did, armed with a two-hand Sword. This spectacle of a bearded man was no little wonder to the Natiues. The Gouernour vsed him kindly, leading him into the For­tresse, wherein was a Temple to the Sunne, full of stupendious riches. At the gate hee found certaine beasts like Lions, and two Tigres, but harmlesse. And when the Gouernour would haue giuen him at his departure certaine pieces of Gold, hee seemed to contemne them vtterly, so to dissemble the true cause of his comming. Then comming aboord he related what hee had seene: and they with ioy returned to Panama.

Hereupon Pizarro is sent to Spaine, by Almagro and Luquez, to obtaine of Cesar the conquest Cap. 2. of that Prouince, for which purpose they borrowed 1500. Duckets. He notwithstanding makes 30 the sute in his owne name and accordingly obtayning commission, returned with his brethren Fernandez, Gonzales, Iohn, Pizarri, and Martin de Alcantara. Hence grew a quarrell, his part­ners esteeming him perfidious, till Gama compounded the matter twixt him and Almagro (Lu­ques being excluded, and therefore afterwards surnamed, The Foole) that Almagro should employ his wealth, and therefore participate in the honours, swearing each to other, and taking the Sa­crament thereupon. Thus Pizarro went from Panama with 150. Souldiers, and many Horses, Fifth Voyage Puna now Saint Iago. leauing Almagro shortly to follow. Hee came to Colonchia, thence to the Iland Puna, where hee was well entertained till rapes and robberies made the Natiues take Armes, which was to their greater losse, the Spaniards getting the victorie. Thence Pizarro went to the Continent of Tum­bez, 40 fiftie miles distant. Where the Natiues refused his friendship, and sought to oppose him: but he by night entred the Riuer, and being guided by vnpassable wayes made a great slaughter of them, spoyled the Citie, and robbed the Sunnes Temple.

Atabaliba King of Peru was then at Cassiamalca, who hearing that a strange bearded Peo­ple Cap. 3. Atabaliba of Atabualpa. had robbed his Subiects, sent to Pizarro, threatning him, if he continued thus or there. Pi­zarro answered, that hee was sent by his Emperour to succour those which desired his friend­ship, nor might he safely returne to him, except hee had first seene his Royall person, and decla­red to him things good both for his body and soule. Thus hee trauels thorow Chira, and by the Lords in the way is sued to for friendship, which hated Atabaliba. Meeting with a nauigable Riuer, he layd the foundation of a Colonie there called Saint Michaels, and shared the spoyles Saint Michaels. amongst his followers. Atabaliba derided their paucitie, and sends to them, if they loued their 50 liues to be gone. But he proceeded to Cassiamalca, and thence sent messengers to the King (then two miles off) to signifie his desire of acquaintance. Fernand Pizarro told him, that hee was brother to the Leader who was sent from the Pope and Cesar, to desire his friendship, and there­fore desired audience, hauing some speciall matters to deliuer to him, after which hee would bee gone. The King answered, hee would first haue him depart his confines. The night following they prepared themselues for fight. The next day the King was in Pompe carried on mens shoulders, guarded with fiue and twentie thousand Indians. Friar Uincent de valle viridi a Do­minican, Frier Vincents embassage, not in Gods name. carrying in the one hand a Crosse, in the other a Breuiarie, went to him, and by an In­terpreter, signified that hee came to his Excellency by the mandate of the Imperiall Maiestie, 60 and that with the authoritie of the Roman Bishop, Vicar of the heauenly Sauiour, which hath giuen to Cesar the Lands before vnknowne, and now first discouered, that hee might send thi­ther learned and godly men, to preach his most holy Name publikely to those Nations, and to free them from Diabolicall errours. Hauing thus said, he gaue to the King, the Law of God So he calls his Breuiary., and [Page 1452] sayth, that he had created all things of nothing, and beginning with Adam and Eue, tells how Christ had assumed flesh in the wombe of the Virgin, and died on the Crosse, after which he rose againe, and ascended into Heauen. Then auerring the articles of the resurrection and of euerla­sting life, he sheweth that Christ appointed Peter his first Vicar for the gouerment of the Church, and that this power succeeded to his successors the Popes, declaring lastly the power and wealth of Caesar the King of Spaine, Monarch of the whole world. Therefore the King should doe as be­came him, if he accepted his friendship, and became his tributarie and vassall; and if lastly hee reiected his false gods and should become a Christian. Which if he would not doe voluntarily, let him know, that he should thereunto be compelled by force and armes.

The King answered, that not vnwillingly hee would accept the friendship of the chiefe Mo­narch 10 of the world, but for a free King to pay tribute to a man whom hee had neuer seene, see­med scarsely honest or iust. As for the Pope, he must needs appeare to be a foole, and a shamelesse man, which was so bountifull in giuing that which is none of his owne. Touching Religion, he denied that hee would alter that which hee professed; and if they beleeued in Christ, whom they confessed to haue died on the Crosse, they also beleeued in the Sunne which neuer died. And how (sayth he to the Frier) doe you knowe that the Christians God created all things of no­thing, and died on the Crosse? The Frier answered, that hee was taught it by his Booke, and withall reached it to him, which he looking on, said, it said nothing to him, and threw it to the ground. The Frier presently tooke vp his Booke, and cried amaine to the Spaniards, Goe to Christians, goe to, and make them smart for so hainous a deed, the Gospels are derided and throwne a­way. 20 Kill these Dogs which so stubbornly despise the Law of God.

Presently Pizarro giues the signe, and leades forth his men. The Gunnes amaze the Indians, as also the Horses, Drummes and Trumpets. Easily are they hereby, and terrour of their Swords chased, and Atabaliba himselfe taken by Pizarro, which commanded the footmen: without hurt or slaughter of any Spaniard. Ferdinand his brother, Captaine of the Horse, made a great slaugh­ter amongst the Indians, sparing neither age nor sexe, and filling the wayes with Carkasses. The Frier also all the time of the battell animated the Spaniards, admonishing them to vse the thrust rather then the stroke with their Swords, for feare of breaking them.

The next day Pizarro visits his prisoner, and giueth him good words, who grieued with his chaines, couenanted for his ransome to giue them as much Gold and Siluer vessels (so that they Cap. 4. Atabalibas ran­some. 30 should not breake them) as should fill vp the roome as high as a man could reach. But when halfe so much was not brought in a moneths space, they perswaded Pizarro to kill him. The King excused himselfe by the length of the way, that it could not come in so soone. If they would send to Cusco, they might see themselues cause to credit him. Soto is sent thither with two Spa­niards, which met Indians all the way laden with treasure. Almagro came to the sharing of this ransome.

Pizarro notwithstanding retayned his former purpose to kill him, that so hee might enioy Cap. 5. Pizarros perfi­dious cruelty. the Countrey. Atabaliba desired to bee sent to Caesar, which hee refused. And none that consented to his death, came to a prosperous end. When Pizarro had told him of the Sen­tence, hee exclaimed bitterly, and then turning with his deuotions to the Sunne, hee expo­stulated 40 with Pizarro for breaking his oath, not onely to restore him to libertie vpon his ran­some, but to depart out of his Countrie: but hee commanded his Negros to execute him, which with a cord fastned to a sticke, and wrung about his necke was soone dispatched. Then marched hee to Cusco, and was encountrered by Quisquiz, Atabalibas Captaine, whom hee Quisquiz. ouerthrew, and entred Cusco by force, and got there more prey then before by Atabaliba. The Souldiers tortured the Inhabitants to confesse their treasures; yea some killed the In­dians in sport, and gaue them to their Dogges to eate. After this hee beganne the Citie of Kings, on the Riuer of Lima, and made Almagro Gouernour of this new Prouince. Cae­sar also gaue him priuiledge to bee Marshall of Peru, and to conquer three hundred miles further then Pizarros conquest, for himselfe. Hence arose suspicions and iealousies of Pizar­ro Cap. 6. Chili. 50 to Almagro, and after some quarrels Almagro is sent to Chili by Pizarro, so to ridde his hands honourably of him. New Oathes also passed. Hee passeth ouer the snowy Hills, where diuers both Men and Horses were frozen to death. Pizarro receiueth soone after, the title of Marquesse, from Caesar.

Mango Inga, brother of Atabaliba, whom Francis Pizarro in those broyles had crowned, Mango Inga his acts. was by Fernandez Pizarro taken and committed to chaines in Cusco: and vpon great promises by his brother Iohn freed: who seeing the Spaniards tooke a course of robbery rather then warre, rebelled, slue many Spaniards at their Mines, and sent a Captaine to Cusco, which tooke it, and slue Iohn Pizarro, with some Spaniards. The Spaniards againe recouered it, and againe lost it The Citie: some say they held the Castle. Spanish dis­asters, Mango besieging it with an hundred thousand Indians, which burnt it, and slue the Spaniards. 60 The Marquesse sent Diego Pizarro, with seuentie Spaniards, against Mango; but not one of them was left to carrie tidings of their destruction. About the same time Morgonius had like successe with his Spanish Band, going to relieue Cusco. Gonçales Tapia was sent with eightie horse, but he and most of his were slaine neere Guamanga. Gaeta another Captaine with his fiftie Spani­ards [Page 1453] ranne the same fortune. The Marquesse sends Godoies with fortie Horse, but he being assay­led, and seeing his men slaine, fled, and brought newes to Lima. Then did the Marquesse send Peter Lerma with fiftie Horse, and followed himselfe, and slue many of the Indians in battell; two hundred Horses, and foure hundred Spaniards, had beene lost, neither could hee heare of his bre­thren any thing. He sent therefore to Cortese, to Truxillo, Nicaragua, Panama, to Alonso Alua­rado, who first came to his succour with three hundred Spaniards, the most Horsemen. He ouer­threw Tizoia (Mangos chiefe Commander) with 50000. Indians, and againe in another battell.

Meane while Almagro (whom the Marquesse thought to bee dead) returneth out of Chili, Cap. 7. which had not answered his expectations, the fame whereof caused Mango, fearing to be hem­med in of all sides, to leaue Cusco, (despairing to recouer his estate) with twenty thousand In­dians, 10 setling himselfe on the Mountaines ouer Guamanga. When Gasca the President sent for him after, promising him peace, he refused, as warned by Atabalibas example. Almagro would haue entred Cusco in his owne right, as Gouernour, which Ferdinand Pizarro refused till he had leaue from the Marquesse. But he by night-entred, and imprisoned both Gonzales and Ferdinand Pizarro. The next day hee was proclaimed Gouernour, according to the Imperiall commission. He hearing of Aluarado, and fearing his comming, sent to him Messengers which Aluarado stayed, but was soone after taken by Almagro in his Tents.

Then doth hee returne to Cusco pompous, swearing to cast out all the Pizarrists. Aluarado and Gonzales corrupting their keepers get out of prison, and acquaint the Marquesse with these things, who prouided fiue hundred men to march against him, but the case was compromitted. 20 Yet did the Marquesse set men to murther Almagro by the way as hee should come to the place appointed, which tooke no effect, hee being warned thereof. After this they are reconciled, Oaths going before and after, which soone after were broken, and brake out into open warres, in which Almagro was taken, sentenced to death, which no pleading, appeale, intercession Almagro put to death. could reuerse; but he was first strangled in prison, and then beheaded by Ferdinand Pizarro, who had before beene his prisoner. His Father is not knowne; hee left a Sonne by an Indian Concu­bine, bearing his owne name Diego.

The Marquesse sent his Brother Ferdinand to Spaine, with the processe of Almagro, and the Cap. 8. Ferd. sent to Spaine, where he is thought to haue died in prison. The Marquesse slaine. Cap. 9. Vacca de Castro cuts off Diego. Kings fifts. In the meane time one Rada a friend of Almagro, with yong Diego his son conspire against the Marquesse, who contemning their meannesse, was by them slaine in his owne house 30 with his halfe brother Martin de Alcantara: Diego Almagro inuades the gouerment, and makes all to sweare to him till Caesar had otherwise prouided. Hee goeth to Cusco, and there slayeth Garcia Aluarado, who had stabbed Sortello, and would haue done as much for him.

Caesar hearing of these broyles sent the Licentiate Vacca di Castro thither with commission, betwixt whom and Diego was fought a bloudy battell, three hundred slaine, on Caesars side one hundred and fiftie. Diego fleeth to Cusco, but by Roderigo Salazar, on whom hee had bestowed many benefits, was betrayed to Vacca, who cut off his head.

About this time the Decree for the Indians libertie was promulged and Blascus Nunnez Vela Cap. 10. Vice-roy Vela. made Vice-roy of Peru, who arriuing at Nombre de Dios, A. 1544. there met with many Spa­niards which had gotten much by the sale of Indian slaues; hee committed to the Officers, and 40 would haue confiscated their money, as against the late Law; which being done by him in a place out of his iurisdiction, it was vpon intercession restored. Going to Panama hee causeth the In­dians to be freed, at Tumbez he meets with a Priest and a seruant of Gonzales Pizarro, which had beene in the battell against Almagro, and hanged them both. He executed a Frier also which had taxed the seueritie of Caesars Edict, and ill rewarding those which had serued him. And whiles he Cap. 11. would remit nothing of vtmost rigour, he procured the hate of all, which after brake forth into a rebellion. He committed Vacca de Castro into prison, whereupon the Spaniards chose Gonzales Pizarro their Leader, Gouernor, and Procurator generall of the Peruan Prouinces. The Vice-roy also put the Kings Factor to death, whose brother the Licenciat Caruaial sware to be auenged of him. The Vice-roy after this was taken and imprisoned, but soone after sentenced to be sent back to Spaine by Aluarez, who at Tumbez freed him. His brother Vela Nunnez seeking to raise forces Cap. 12 50 for him was taken and executed. Ciuill wars grew hot, a battel was fought betwixt Pizarro and the vnfortunat Vice-roy there taken, whom Caruaial in reuenge of his brothers death caused to be done to death.

Gasca, a man of great subtilty, was sent to appease those affaires; who made the Indians to Cap. 13. Gascas acts in Peru. beare the carriages of his Armie on their shoulders, chained on a rowe, to preuent their flight; some fainting vnder the weight of their burthens, others with extreme thirst. Those which could not march with the Armie the Spaniards freed by cutting off their heads, to auoide the delay of the chaine: or if they were tied with ropes, they ranne them thorow with their wea­pons: of some they cut off the legs, of others the nose, or armes. Gonzales Pizarro the chiefe Cap. 14. Cap. 15. 60 of the Rebels, ouercame Centenus in one battell, but in another was taken by Gasca, and execu­ted; and after him his Camp-master Caruaial, a cruell man, which would deride his owne Countrimen, when he executed them; bidding them, because they were Gentlemen horsemen, chuse, which tree they would hang on. Gasca ordained that the Indians should pay tribute to Cap. 1 [...] [Page 1454] their Lords onely of such things as the Countrie yeelded. For before, the Spaniards forced them by tortures to bring them Gold: if any not hauing it fled those torturers into the Woods, the Spaniards hunted them out with Dogs, and many so found were torne with Dogs, others hanged themselues. Once; the men of Peru conceiued so hard an opinion of the Spaniards, and of their Peru [...]onceit of S [...]rds. Cap. 21. cru lties, that they not onely denied them to be the sonnes of God, but thought that they were not borne into the world like other men, supposing that so fierce and cruell a creature could not be procreated of man and woman. They called them therefore Uiracochie, that is, Sea-froth, as if they thence had receiued originall. Nor can any alter this their opinion so deeply rooted, but God Almightie, saying, The windes ouerthrowe trees and houses, fire burnes them, but these Vi­racochie deuoure all things, [...]nsatiably seeking Gold and Siluer, which as soone as they haue gotten, they 10 play away at Dice, warre, kill one another, robbe, blaspheme, wickedly forsweare and denie God, neuer speake truth; and vs they haue spoyled of our Countrie and fortunes.

Lastly they curse the Sea, which hath brought to the Land so fierce and dreadfull an issue. If I asked for a Christian, they would not answere, nor looke on mee. But euery childe could say, There goeth a Uiracochie. They hid their ancient treasures, that the Spaniards should not finde them; saying, that all which they got, in comparison of these hidden, was but as a graine of Maiz to a dishfull. Some they buried in the Earth, and some [...]b [...]y th [...]ew into the Sea. &c.

CHAP. XIII. 20

Obseruations of things most remarkable, collected out of the first part of the Com­mentaries Royall, written by the Inca GARCILASSODE LA VEGA, Naturall of Cozco, in nine Bookes; Of the Originall, Liues, Conquests, Lawes and Idolatries of the Incas, or Ancient Kings of Peru

THis Authour (of the bloud of the Incas, or as others call them, Ingas, Empereurs of Peru, by the mothers side, his father a Spaniard) hath written three L [...]ge Volumes of 30 American affaires, one of Sotos expedition into Florida, in sixe Bookes; both the o­ther of his owne Countrie of Peru the one contayning in nine Bookes the Historie of things done by the Incas, before the Spanish Conquest, the later those later Spanish-Peruan occurrents. Of his Floridan Historie wee haue onely borrowed a few notes, bringing on our Stage a Portugall, eye-witnesse of that Voyage, to act his owne part in our next Act or Booke [...] out of the other I purposed more liberalitie, that thou mightst [...]eare a Peruan speake of Peru: L. 8. c. 2. but the Worke growing so great, and wee hauing out of Acosta, and so many others presented so much before, fearing to [...] the Reader with fulnesse (which may, if not here satisfied, goe to the Au­thour) haue principally collected such things a [...] either they had not, or had by false information recei­ued and deceiued their Readers, whom this Authour correcteth; out of better intelligence. Besides, 40 hee seemes to hold counterpoise, as drawing things from their originall, with our Mexican Picture­antiquities.

THe Language generall of Peru, hath three manner of pronunciations of some syllables much Ex Praesatione. O [...]e cusco Tongue. Three pronun­ciations. Accent. b. d. f. g. i. x. l. rr. wanting. different from the Spanish, in which variety of pronunciation lieth the different significa­tions of the same word. One way in the lips, another in the palate, and the third in the throat. The accent is almost alway in the last syllable but one, sildome in the syllable before that, and neuer in the last of all, as some ignorant of the Tongue haue affirmed. That Language of Cuzco doth also want these letters following, b, d, f, g, i consonant, the single l (they vse the double ll, as on the other side they pronounce not the double rr, in the beginning or midst of a word, 50 but alway single) and x: so that of the Spanish Alphabet they want eight letters, accounting the single l, and double rr. Hence they hardly pronounce Spanish words in which these letters are. Neither is there any plurall number, but certaine particles which signifie pluralitie, other­wise the singular serues for both numbers.

In my time about 1560. and twentie yeeres after, in my Countrie there was no money coy­ned, but they reckoned by weight, the marke, or ounce; as in Spaine they reckon by Duckets, so Monie. in Peru by Pezos or Castellans, euery Pezo of Siluer being foure hundred and fiftie Marauedies, P [...]zos. and reduced to Spanish Duckets, euery fiue Pezos are sixe Duckets.

ANno 1484. Alonso Sanchez of Huelua, in the Countie of Niebla, traded in a small ship from The first Book of the first part. 60 Spaine to the Canaries, and thence to Madera. In this his triangular trade, hee was one day taken with a tempest, which carried him twentie and eight or nine dayes hee knew not whence nor whither, and then the tempest ending, hee arriued at an Ile (which some thinke to bee Hi­spaniola) where he went on land, and tooke the height. Hee wrote all occurrents, and after a [Page 1455] tedious voyage arriued at Tercera, but fiue of seuenteene being left, which all died there (spent This Spanish re­port some of themselues conceale, o­thers deny: see sup. ca. 1. §. 4. To. 1. l. 2. I haue here giuenthis voyage (or fa­ble) because the particulars are so full and plaine in this author: where­as Gomara saith neither in the man, nor time, hor place, &c. is agreed on: see G [...]m p 2. c. 13. Name of Peru whence and how. with their ill passage) at Christopher Colon or Columbus his house, which gaue him that heart and courage to the discouery of the New World.

Blasco Nunnez de Balboa, An. 1513. discouered the South Sea, & was thereof made Adelantado, and the conquest of those Regions granted him by the Catholike Kings. He made three or foure Ships for discouery, one of which passed the line to the South, sailing along the coast; and seeing an Indian Fisherman at the mouth of a Riuer, foure of the Spaniards went ashore farre from the place where he was, being good runners and swimmers to take him.

The Indian maruailing what kinde of creature the Ship vnder saile might be, was taken in the mids of his muse and carried a shipboord. They asked him by signes and words (being somewhat 10 refreshed after that dreadfull surprize and bearded sight) what Countrie that was, and how cal­led. The Indian not vnderstanding what they demanded, answered and told them his proper name, saying Beru, and added another word, saying Pelu: as if he should haue said, if yee aske me what I am, my name is Beru, and if you aske me whence, I was in the Riuer, Pelu being the common name of a Riuer in that language. The Christians conceiued that hee had vnderstood them, and answered to the purpose; and from that time Anno 1515. or 1516. they called by the name of Peru that great and rich Empire, corrupting both names, as they vse in Indian words. Some later authors call it Piru. After the discouery of the Incas Kingdome the name still conti­nued, howsoeuer the Natiues to this day (seuentie two yeares since the conquest) will not take it in their mouthes, although they speake with Spaniards and vnderstand them: neither haue 20 they one generall name for all those Prouinces, as Spaine, Italy, France with vs, but call each by The like you may before read of China, a name no [...] ther knowne, &c. Iucatan. its proper name; and the whole Kingdome they called Tauantinsuyu, that is to say, the fourth part of the World. That Riuer also where they tooke the Indian, was after by the Spaniards called Peru. Yucatan receiued the name from like accident, the first discouerers asking the place, the In­dian answering tectetan, tectetan, that is, I vnderstand you not, which they vnderstood of the pro­per appellation, and corruptly called the place Yucatan.

From Panama to the Citie of Kings, the sailing is very troublesome, by reason of Southerne windes which alway ranne on that coast, as also of many currents: these forced the Shippes in Sir F. Drake teacher of na­uigating the S. Seato the Span. that voyage to make large boords of fortie or fiftie leagues into the Sea, and then againe to land­ward; vntill Fra [...]cis Drake an Englishman (which entred by the Magellan strait 1579.) taught 30 them a better course of sailing two or three hundred leagues into the Sea, which the Pilots be­fore durst not doe, being fearefull of calmes, if they were once one hundred leagues from land, otherwise also vncertaine and ignorant.

Touching the originall of the Incas Kings of Peru, this author affirmeth, that when hee was a C. 15. Atahualpa or Atabalipa his cruelties. childe, his mother residing in C [...]sco her Countrie, euery weeke there came to visite her some of her kindred which had escaped the tyrannies of Atauhuallpa, at which time their ordinary dis­course was alway of the originall of their Kings, of their Maiestie and great Empire, Conquests, and Gouernment: such discourses the Incas and Pallas hold in their visitations, bewailing their losses. Whiles I was a boy I reioyced to heare them as children delight to heare tales, but being growne to sixteene or seuenteene yeares of age, when they were one day at my Mothers in this 40 discourse, I spake to the ancientest (my Mothers Vncle) desiring him to tell me what he knew of their first Kings, seeing they kept not memory of their antiquities, as the Spaniards vse in wri­ting, which by their Bookes can tell all their antiquities and changes which haue happened since God made the World. I desired him to tell me what traditionary memorials he had of their Ori­ginals. He willing to satisfie my request, recounted to me in manner following, aduising mee to lay vp these sayings in my heart.

In old times all this region was vntilled and ouergrowne with bushes, and the people of those times liued Indian fables of their Origi­nals. as wilde beasts, without religion or policie, without towne or house, without tilling or sowing the ground, without raiment, for they knew not how to worke Cotten or Wooll to make them garments. They liued by two and two, or three and three, in caues and holes of the ground, eating grasse like beasts, and rootes of trees, and wilde fruits, and mans flesh. They couered themselues with leaues, and barkes of trees, and skins 50 of Beasts, and others in leather. Once, they liued as wilde beasts, and their women were in common and brutish. Our Father the Sunne (this was the Incas manner of speech, because they deriued their pe­degree from the Sunne; and for any besides the Incas to say so, was blasphemie, and incurred stoning) seeing men liue in this fashion, tooke pittie on them, and sent from heauen a Sonne and a Daughter of his owne, to instruct men in the knowledge of our Father the Sunne, and to worship him for their God; to giue them lawes also and precepts of humane and reasonable course of life in ciuill fashion, to dwell in houses and townes, to husband the earth, to sowe and set, to breede cattle. With these ordenances our father the Sunne placed these his two children in the lake Titicaca, eightie leagues from Cusco; and gaue them a barre of Gold two fingers thicke, and halfe a yard long, for a signe that where that barre should melt with 60 one blow on the ground, there they should place their residence and Court. Lastly, hee commanded that when they had reduced the people to serue him, they should vphold them in iustice with clemencie and gentlenesse, behauing themselues as a pittifull Father dealeth with his tender and beloued children, like as he himselfe gaue them example in giuing ligh: and heate to all the world, causing the seedes and grasse [Page 1456] to grow, and the trees to fructifie, the cattle to encrease, the seasons to be faire, and encompassing the world once euery day: that they should imitate him, and become benefactors to the Nations, being sent to the earth for that purpose. Hee constituted also and named them Kings and Lords of all the Nations which they should instruct and ciuilize.

After these instructions he left them, and they went vp from Titicaca trauelling to the North, still as they went striking with that barre of Gold, which neuer melted. Thus they entred into a resting place seuen or eight leagues Southwards from this Citie Cusco, now called Pacarec Tampu, that is, morning sleepe, and there slept till morning, which he afterwards caused to be peopled, and the inhabitants boast greatly of this name, which the Inca imposed. Thence they trauelled to this valley of Cusco, which was then a wilde wildernesse, and staid first in the hillocke, called Huanacanti, in the midst of the Citie; and 10 there making proofe, his Golden Barre easily melted at one stroake, and was no more seene. Then said our Inca to his Sister and Wife, In this Valley our Father the Sunne commands vs to make our aboade; and therefore O Queene and Sister, it is meete that each of vs goe and doe his endeuour to assemble and draw hither the people to instruct and benefit them as our Father the Sunne hath enioyned vs. From the hil­locke Huanacauri our first Kings went each to gather together the people. And because that is the the first place on which they were knowne to haue set their feete, and thence to haue gone to doe good to men; wee builded there a Temple to worship our Father the Sunne, in memorie of this benefit Temple to the Sunne. to the world.

The Prince went to the North, and the Princesse to the South: to all the men and women which they found in those wilde thickets, they spake, saying that their Father the Sunne had sent them fromheauen to 20 become instructers and benefactors to all that dwell in that land, to bring them from a brutish life to ci­uilitie, with many other words to like purpose. Those Sauages seeing these two persons attired and ador­ned with ornaments, which our Father the Sun had giuen them, and their eares bored and open, as their descendants haue continued, and that in their words and countenance they appeared like children of the Sun, and that they came to giue them sustenance; they gaue them credit, and reuerenced them as chil­dren of the Sun, and obayed them as Kings, and calling other Sauages and acquainting them herewith, ma­ny men and women came together and followed our Kings whether they would conduct them. Our Prin­ces gaue order that some should be occupied in prouiding victuall in the fields, least hunger should force them backe to the Mountaines; others in making cottages and houses, the Inca instructing them how they should doe it. In this manner this our Imperiall Citie began to be peopled, being diuided into two Cusco or Cozco first inhabited. halues, Hanan Cozco and Harin Cozco, that is, the high and the low Cozco, those which the King 30 drew thither dwelling in the high, those which followed the Queene in the low. One halfe had not more priuiledges then the other, but they were all equall; but those names remained as a memoriall of those which each had attracted: onely those of high Cozco were as the elder, and the other reduced by the Queen as the second sons of the same parents; or as the right hand and left. In like sort the same diuision was held in all the great townes and small of the Empire, by the high linages and the low, the high and low streetes or wards.

Moreouer, the Inca taught the men to doe the offices pertaining to their sexe, as to till the Land, to sowe seedes (shewing them which were profitable) teaching them to make instruments for that purpose, to Vse of Arts. make trenches for the water, &c. The Queene on the other side taught the women to worke in Cotten and 40 Wooll, and to make garments sor their husbands and children, with other houshold offices. These Indians thus ciuillized, went thorow the hils and wilde places to search out others, and acquainted them with these affaires, telling them what the children of the Sun had done for them, shewing for proofe thereof their new garments, and meates, and so brought much people hither, that in sixe or seuen yeares the Inca had trained many to armes for their defence, and to force those which refused to come to him. He taught them Vse of Armes. Bowes and Arrowes, and Clubs, &c. And to be short, I say that our first Father Inca reduced all the East to the Riuer Paucartampu, and Westward conquered eight leagues to the great Riuer Apurimac, and nine leagues Southward to Quequesana. In this Region our Inca caused to people aboue a hundred Townes, the greater of them of one hundred houses.

These were our first Incas, which came in the first ages of the World, of whom all the rest of vs haue 50 descended. How many yeares haue passed since our Father the Sunne sent these his first children, I cannot precisely say; we hold that it is aboue 400. yeares. Our Inca was called Manco Capac, and our Coya, The Incas Em­pire dured a­bout 400. years Valera hath 5. or 600. Mama Ocllo Huaco, brother and sister, children of the same Sunne, and the Moone, our progenitors. I thinke I haue giuen thee large account of that which thou desiredst, and because I would not make thee cry, I haue not recited this storie with teares of bloud shed by the eyes, as I shed them in my grieued heart, to see our Incas come to an end, and our Empire lost.

This relation I haue faithfully translated from my mother tongue, which is that of the Inca, to the Spanish, which is farre short of the Maiestie of the stile, nor so significantly as that lan­guage affordeth, and haue abbreuiated some things which might make odious the discourse. It is enough that I haue deliuered the truth of their conceit, as befits an Historian. Other like things 60 the said Inca told me in those visitings and discourses at my mothers house, which I shall recite in their due places.

The common people of Peru recite other fables of their Originals, the Collasuyu which dwell to the South from Cozco, and the Cuntisuyu, which dwell to the West; fabling that after the The Floud. [Page 1457] floud, the waters ceasing, there appeared a man in Tiahuacan [...] Southwards from Cusco, so migh­tie that he diuided the World into foure parts, and gaue them to foure men which hee called Kings, to Manco Capac, the North; the South to Colla; to Tocay, and Pinahua the East and West, and sent each of them to their gouernments, &c. Those of the East and North haue ano­ther tale, that foure men and foure women in the beginning of the world came out of a rocke by Paucartampu, all brethren and sisters, the first of which was Manco Capac and his wife Mama See sup. p. 1060. Ocllo which founded Cosco (which signifieth a nauell) and subiected those Nations; the second Ayar Cachi or salt; the third Ayai V [...]hu (a kinde of Pepper) the fourth Ayar Sanca, that is, mirth and content. These fables they allegorise also, and some Spaniards would here finde the Fables and al­legorisers. eight persons which came forth of Noahs Arke; wherewith I meddle not, nor with the other fa­bles 10 which other Indian Nations haue of their progenitors; there being no honourable stocke Conceits of the originals of all chiefe fa­milies. which is not deriued from some Fountaine, or Lake, or Lyon, Tigre, Beare, Eagle, Cuntur or other Birds of pray, or Hils, Caues, &c. But I by the said Incas relation, and of many other In­cas and Indians of those townes which the said Inca Manco Capac peopled, in the space of twen­ty yeares which I there liued, receiued notice of all that I writ: for as much as in my childe­hood they related their stories to me, as they vse to tell tales to children; and after being grown in age they gaue me large notice of their Lawes and gouernment, comparing this Spanish with the old, telling me how their Kings proceeded in peace and warre, and how they handled their subiects: and as to their owne Sonne they recounted to me all their Idolatrie, Rites, Ceremonies, Sacrifices, Feasts, [...]d Superstitions, much whereof I haue seene with mine eyes, it being not 20 wholly left when I was twelue or thirteene yeares old, who was borne eight yeares after the Spaniards had gotten my Countrie. I also purposing to write a storie of these things, did write to my Schoolefellowes for their helpe to giue me particular information of the seuerall Prouin­ces of their Mothers, each Countrie keeping their annals and traditions; which reporting my intent to their Mothers and kindred, that an Indian, a childe of their owne land, ment to write a Historie thereof, searched their antiquities, and sent them to me; whereby I had notice of the conquests and acts of euery Inca.

Manco Capac to the East of Cosco, peopled thirteene townes of the nation called Poques, to c. 20. the West thirtie, with the Nations Masca, Chilqui, Papuri; twentie to the North of foure peo­ples, Mayu, Cancu, Chinchapucyu, Rimac tampu: 38. or. 40. to the South, 18. of which were of the 30 Nation Ayarmaca, the others of the Quespicancha, Mugna, Vrcos, Quehuar, Huaruc, Cauinna. This Nation Cauinna, beleeued that their first Parents came out of a certaine Lake, to which they [...]. say the soules of the dead haue recourse, and thence return into the bodies which are borne. They had an Idoll of dreadfull shape, which Manco Capac caused them to leaue, and to worship the Sun, as did his other vassals. These townes from 100. housholds the greater, and 30. or 25. the lesse, grew to 1000. families, and the lesse to 3. or 400. The tirant Atauhuallpa for their priuiledges which the first Inca and his descendents had giuen them, destroyed them, some in part, others wholly. Now a Viceroy hath remoued them out of their ancient scituation, ioyning fiue or sixe townes together in one place, and seuen or eight in another, a thing so odious and inconuenient Spanish altera­tions. that I cease to mention it. 40

Manco Capac to reduce the abuses of their women, ordained that adultery should be punished with death, as likewise murther and robberie: hee enioyned them to keepe but one wise, and to Mancos lawes. marrie in their kindred or tribe that they should not be confounded, and that they should marrie from twenty yeares vpwards. He caused them to gather together tame and harmelesse cattle in flockes and heards to cloath them; the Queene teaching these women to spin and weaue. Hee taught them to make the shooe which they call Vsuta. He set a Curaca (or Cacique) ouer each se­uerall Nation, chusing them to that dignitie which had taken most paines in reducing the Saua­ges, the mildest and best minded to the common good, to instruct the rest as fathers. He ordai­ned that the fruits which were gathered in each towne should be kept together, to giue to each man as he had neede, till lands were disposed to each in proprietie. Hee taught them how to 50 build a Temple to the Sunne, where to sacrifice and doe him worship as the principall God, and to adore him as the Sun and Moone, which had sent them to reduce them to ciuilitie. He caused them to make a house of women for the Sunne, when there should be women sufficient of the Suns Nunnery bloud royall to inhabit it; and propounded all things to them in the name of the Sun, as inioy­ned by him; which the Indians simply beleeued, adoring them for his children, and men diuine come from heauen.

Manco and his successours wore their haire poled, vsing to that purpose Rasors of flint, a Poled heads. thing so trouble some, that one of our Schoolefellowes seeing the readinesse of Scissers said, that if your Fathers the Spaniards had onely brought vs Scissers, Looking-glasses, and Combes, wee would haue giuen them all the Gold and Siluer in our Land. They weare Wide bored eares. 60 their eares with wide holes caused by art to grow into a strange and incredible widenesse, whereupon the Spaniards called them Oreiones, or men with gteat eares. Hee ware on his head as a Diadem or royall ensigne a kinde of Ribben of many colours, which compassed his head foure or fiue times a finger breadth, and almost a finger thicke. These three were Fillets. [Page 1458] Mancos deuises, the llautu or ribband, the wide hole in the eare, and polling, as a kinde Ensignes of dignitie. of Royaltie: and the first Priuiledge which the Inca gaue to his Vassals was to weare the fillet or ribband like the Inca, but theirs of one colour only, his of many. After some time, hee vouchsafed (as a great fauour) the polling diuersified in Prouinciall differences of the Eare-fa­shions (which was a later and greater fauour) both for the boaring and Earing, or Iewell there worne.

The Inca growing old, assembled his principall Vassals in Cusco, and in a solemne speech told them, that he intended to returne to Heauen, and to rest with his Father the Sunne which called Cusco and the Neighbours Incas by priuiledge, which none elsewere ex­cept of the Royall bloud. Royall Dia­deme. him, (which was practised by all his successors, when they perceiued themselues neere death) and now at his departure he minded to leaue them his chiefe fauour, to wit, his Royall Title, com­manding 10 that they and their Descendants should be Incas without difference, as hauing beene his first subiects which he loued as children; and hee hoped that they would likewise serue his S [...]ccessor, and augment the Empire: that their wiues also should be called Pallas, as those of the Royall bloud. Only he reser [...]ed the Royall Head- [...]ire to himselfe and his Descendents the Kings which was a fringe or lace coloure [...], extending from one side of the fore-head to the other. His sirname Capac signifieth rich (which they vnderstood of the mindes vertues) and mightie in armes. The name Inca signifieth Lord, or generally those of the Royall bloud. For the Curacas, though great Lords, might not vse that Title. The King is distinguished from all others by the appel­lation Capa, Capa Inca signifying the only Lord, as the Grand Signior among the Turkes. They C [...]a and Huac­charuyak pecu­liar titles to the King. stiled him also Huacchacuyak, that is, Benefactor to the poore. They called them also Intip cha­rin, 20 the Sonnes of the Sunne. Manco Capac reigned, some say thirtie yeeres, others fortie. Hee had many children by his Wife Mama Ocllo Huaco, and by his Concubines (saying, it was good to multiply children to the Sunne.) He called his Vass [...]ls also of the better sort, and recommen­ded his Heire as by Testument in way of discourse to them, and to the rest of his children their loue and seruice of the Vassals, and to the Vassals their loyaltie to their King, and obedience to the Lawes. Then dismissing the Vassals, hee made another speech in secret to his children, that they should alway remember that they were children of the Sun, to worship him as their God, and to maintaine his Lawes giuing others examples therein; also to be gentle to the Indians, to vphold them in Iustice without oppression: that they should recommend these things to their posterities in all generations, saying, that they were the people of the Sunne, which he left vn­to 30 them as his Testament; to whom he was now going to rest with him in peace, and from Hea­uen would haue a care to succour them.

Thus died Manco Capac, and left his Heire Sinchi Roca the eldest brother, and begotten of Coya Manco dieth. Sinchi Roca succeedeth. Mama Ocllo Huaco his wife and sister. Besides the Heire, those Kings left other sonnes and daugh­ters which married amongst themselues to keepe the Royall blou [...] entire, which they fabulously beleeued to be diuine, and of others humane, although they were great Lords of Vassals, called Curacas. The Inca Sinchi Roca married with his eldest sister, after the manner of his parents, Curacas. and of the Sunne and Moone, thinking the Moone to be sister and wife to the Sunne. The Inca Manco was lamented by his Vassals very heauily, the Obs [...]quies continuing many moneths. Mancos Fune­rall. They embalmed his corps to preserue it amongst them, and worshipped him for a God, Sonne 40 of the Sunne, offering many Sacrifices of Rammes, Lambes, Birds, Graines, &c. con [...]essing him Lord of all those things which he had left.

The name Inca descended to all the posteritie by the Male Line, not by the Female; all of this Titles of ho­nour. ranke were also called Yntip churin (children of the Sunne) and Auqui, or Infanta, which Title they kept till their Marriage, and then were called Inca. The lawfull Queene was called Coya; also Mamanchic, that is, Our Mother. Her daughters were likewise called Coya; the Concubines and other wiues of the bloud Royall, were called Palla, which signifieth a woman of Royall bloud. Concubines which were not of Royall bloud, were called Mamacuna, Mother. All the Royall Daughters were called Nusta, and if not of Royall Mothers, the name of the Prouince was added as Colla Nusta, Quitu Nusta. The name Nusta continued till they were married, and 50 then they were stiled Palla.

THe first Incas and their Amautas (which were their Philosophers) by light of Nature ac­knowledged The second Booke. God the Creator of all things, which they called Pachacamac (the Sunne they held to be a visible God) Pacha signifieth the World, and Camac to quicken, of Cama, the Soule, as Amautas, the learned Peru­ans. Pachacamac, the name of God. Ignoto [...]. August in Z [...]r [...]t. l. [...]. [...]ith that [...] V [...]cent de valle vir [...]i, that they held the Sun for God, the earth for Mother, & Pachacamac for Creator of all. if Pachacamac, were the soule or quickner of the Vniuerse. This name they had in such venera­tion that they durst not mention it; and if they were by occa [...]on forced thereto, they did [...]t with holding downe the head, and bowing the bodie, lifting vp their eyes to Heauen, and casting them downe to the ground, lifting vp their hands open straite from the shoulders, giuing smacks or lip-motions to the ayre (Rites per [...]ormed only to him and the Sunne) holding Pachacamac in 60 more internall reuerence then the Sunne, whom they named commonly on any occasion. They said that he gaue life to the World, but they knew him not, for they had neuer seene him, and therefore neither built Temples, nor offered Sacrifice to h [...]m; but said they worshipped him in [Page 1451] their minds, and held him for the vnknowne God. The Spaniards which tooke him for a Deuill, Acosta cals him Uiraro [...]ha, and saith [...]hey had no proper name for God. and knew not the generall Language, found out another name for God, Tici Uira-cocha, which neither I, nor they know what it meaneth: and if any should aske mee how I in my Language would call God, I would answre, Pachacamac: nor is there in that generall Language any o­ther name for him. And all those which Authors report are corrupted of other Languages, or deuised by them.

The Incas in Cozco kept a Crosse of Marble, White and Garnation, which they call Iaspe Cristaline. They know not how long they had it. Anno 1560. I left it in the Vestry of the Ca­thedrall Church of that Citie. The Crosse was square, three quarters of a yard lond, and A Crosse in Cozco before the Spaniards came. three fingers th [...]ke, and so much in br [...]adth, all of one piece well wrought. They 10 kept it in one of their Houses Royall, in [...] roome which they call Hnaca, a holy place. They did not ado [...], but held it in venerable esteeme, either for the goodlinesse, or for some other respect which they knew not. The I [...]as and all Nations subiect to them, knew not what it was to sweare: you haue heard of their respect to the name Pachaca­m [...]c. The Witnesses were solemnely demanded in [...] cases by the Iudge, Doest thou No swearing. promise to [...]ell t [...]th to the Inea? which he promising, the Iudge gaue him a caue at for lying or con­cealing. They exceedingly feared to lye, and [...] they were found to doe [...], were grieuously pu­nished, and in cases of great importance, with death, as hauing lied to the Inca: for so they spake to the Iudge as if it were to the Inca whom they worshipped for God. Besides Pachacamac, the Sunne, and Moone (as his wife and sister) and starres, they were forbidden by Law to adore Acosta by this will bee better vnderstood & corrected. 20 any thing. Pachacamac the supreme God had no Temples ordinarily, yet in a Valley called Pa­chacamac was a Temple dedicated to that vnknowne God. The Spaniards attribute many other Gods to the Incas, through ignorance of their Rites in the first and second age, and of their lan­guage; and not knowing the diuers significations of the word Huaca, which in the last syllable pronounced high in the roofe of the mouth signifieth an Idoll. It signified also things sacred in which the Deuill gaue answeres, also things consecrated as offerings to the Sunne; Temples like­wise and Chappels and Sepulchres whence the Deuill spake: they gaue that name also to all Huaca and the diuers signifi­cations there­of, vnknowne to the Spani­ards occasio­ne [...] [...] in their stories, Twins rare. things eminent and superexcellent in their kind, as the [...] Trees, &c. On the contrary they called the filthiest and most monstrous things Huaca, which might cause horrour, as the great Snakes of fiue and twentie or thirtie foot long. Huica was applied to all things also which go out 30 of the common course, as to a woman which had Twinnes, making great Feasts, and strowing flowres in the street with Dances and Songs for such her fruitfulnesse. The same name they gaue to sheepe which had Twinnes (for vsually there they had but one) and in their Sacrifices rather offered a Twinne [...]be, if they had i [...], then another: likewise to an Egge with two yolkes, to those which had in their birth any member more or lesse then vsuall, as if one had six toes on his foot, a shorne lip, &c. also to Fountaines which yeelded extraordinary source of waters, to the ranke of the snowie Hils which runne thorow all Per [...] to the Magelane Straits, to all extraor­dinary Mountaines. Neither did they (as the Spaniards say) hold these for Gods, nor worship them, but for their eminence held them in He seemeth also to make a difference twixt the ado­ration to the Sunne, & wor­ship or reue­rence of the Inca. Acosta taxed. See before in Acosta. pag. 1041. &c. venerable respect. The same word Huaca pro­nounced with the last syllable in the inner part of the throat, signifieth to weepe; a thing vsuall 40 in that Langu [...]ge, for the same word in differing pronuntiation, to signifie things different.

As for the Idoll Tangatanga, which one Authour saith they worshipped in Chuquisaca, and that the Indians said it was [...]hree in one, and one in three: I know no such Idoll, nor is there any such word in the generall Language of Peru: but the Prouince is one hundred and eightie leagues from Cozco, and the Spaniards corrupt all the words they take in their mouthes. It is likely that the Indians to flatter with the Spaniards, when they heard them preach of the Trinitie pretended some such likenesse of beliefe. The like I hold concerning their confessions, all which was inuen­ted by the Indians to currie fauour with the Spaniards. I speake this as an Indian which know the naturall condition of the Indians: and I say that they had no Idoll with the name of the Trinitie, nor had any such word in their Language.

They beleeued the immortalitie of the soule, that the bodie was of earth, and called it Allpa­camasca, Their beliefe of the soule. 50 that is quickened earth. They beleeued another life after this, with punishment for the bad and rest for the good. They diuided the Vniuerse into three Worlds, Heauen called Hanan pa­cha, or the high World, whither they said the good men went to bee rewarded for their vertues▪ this World they called Hurin pacha, the World below: the third vo [...] pacha, the centre of the Earth, cal­led, also Cuparpa huacin, that is, the house of the Deuill. The life in Heauen they said was quiet, free Three Worlds. from troubles, as that of the inferior World, which we call Hell full of paine and trouble with­out any rest or content, whereas this present life participated of both. Amongst the ioyes of the other life they did not reckon carnall delights nor other vices, but quietnesse of the minde only with rest of the bodie. They beleeued the Resurrection vniuersall, not glory nor paine, but to Resur [...]ctio [...] 60 this same temporall life. They made great reckoning of their haire which they polled or com­bed from their heads, to lay it vp in some place, or in a hole of the wall, and if another Indian had seene it falne thence, he would take and lay it vp safe. I haue often asked the cause, and they Ha [...]-super­stition. would tell mee that wee were to returne againe to liue in the World (they haue no word for the [Page 1460] Resurrection) and that the soules should raise all that belonged to their bodies forth of the graues; we therefore lay our haire together that our soules should not bee troubled to seeke the same at that day when there shall be so great hurliburly and pressure, and if it were possible wee would haue it all in one place for quicker dispatch.

The Sacrifices to the Sunne were diuers: as creatures tame, great and small; Lambes were the Sacrifices. principall, next Rammes, and then barren Ewes; Conies, all Birds which were for meate, and Sewet, or Tallow; Corne and Pulse to the Herbe Cuca, and fine garments (which they burned instead of Incense; their drinkes also, as that made of water and Maiz; and in their ordinarie meales when they haue eaten and are about to drinke (for they neuer drinke whiles they are ea­ting) Peru diet. they put their finger in the midst of the first vessell, and looking vp to Heauen with reue­rence, 10 they turne vp as it were, with a fillip, a drop of that drinke, offering it with thankfulnes to the Sunne, for that hee hath giuen them to drinke, Dau [...] dos o tres besos [...]l ayre Peruans no Man-eaters. or Officers. Acosta and o­thers taxed. and kissing wife mooued their lips twice or thrice to the aire, which with them is a signe of adoration; and then drinke off the rest without more Ceremonies. This I haue seene them often doe. Yet did not the Indians of the second age (which began and ended with the Incas gouernment) offer the bloud or flesh of men, but prohibited the eating thereof, wherein Historians haue bin deceiued, it beeing true indeed of some Regions before the conquest of them by the Incas. Neither did they sacrifice either men or children when their Kings were sicke, as one Historian writeth; for they held them not for dis­eases, as those of the common people; but esteemed them as Messenges of their Father the Sunne, Incas conceit of sicknesse. which came to call his Sonne to rest with him in Heauen; and those were their ordinary spee­ches, 20 when they were to die.

When they entred into their Temples, the principall of those which went in, put vp his hand Eybrow-rite. to his eye-browes, as if he would pluck off some of the haires, and whether he plucked off any or no, he puffed to the Idoll in signe of adoration and offering; this they did not to their Kings but only to their Idols, or Trees, or places where the Deuill gaue answeres. Their Priests and Witches did the like, when they went into their corners or secret places to conferre with the Deuill. This I dolatry I haue also seene them performe.

The Priests of the house of the Sunne in Cozco, were all Incas of the Royall bloud: for other Priests of Peru. seruice of the Temple were Incas of those which were such by priuiledge. They had a High or Chiefe Priest, which was Vncle or Brother to the King: or atleast legitimate of the bloud. The 30 Priests had no peculiar Vestment. In other Prouinces where were Temples (which were many) the Natiues were Priests, the Kinsmen of the Lords of those Countries; notwithstanding the Cozco Metro­politan: others had as it were 7 Bishops and Priests. principall Priest (or Bishop as it were) was to bee an Inca, that so they might hold conformitie of Rites with the Metropolitan: for in all preeminent Offices of Peace or Warre, they had In­cas their Superiours. They had many houses of Virgins which obserued perpetuall Virginitie without going out of their house; and others of the Concubines for the King.

All their Lawes Ciuill and Sacred were attributed to Manco Capac, saying, that hee had left and perfected some himselfe, the others for his Successors to accomplish in their times: so to giue authoritie to all, as from the Sunnes Ordnance. And though some of the Incas were great Law­makers, All Ordinan­ces attributed to Manco. yet no memory is left of any particulars vnder their name, but all is attributed to the 40 first Inca.

The Incas deuided their Empire into foure parts: they called it Tauantinsuya, that is, the foure parts of the World. Hereof Cozco was the Centre, which in that Inca-language signifieth the Na­uill Diuision of the Empire. of the Earth, or Land. The East-diuision they called Antisuyu of the Prouince Anti (a name also giuen to the Rew of Snowie Mountaines in the East) the West Cuntisuyu, the North Chin­chasuyu; Anti, called by Acost [...], Arides. the South Collasuyu; each name deriued of some Prouince therein so called, and conti­nued to the furthest extent that way, as Collasuyu to Chili, sixe hundred leagues from Colla, and Chinchasuyu to Quitu foure hundred leagues from Chincha to the North.

They ordained that in euery Towne great or small of their Empire, the Inhabitants should be registred by Tithings, and one of them should take charge of the other nine, as a Decurion or Ti­thing man, Tithings and Tithingmen. See the like with vs in Lamb. peramb. of Kent. Orders of Of­ficers. Chunca Camayu. 50 called Chunca Chancapa. Fiue of these Decurions had another Superiour, which had the charge of fiftie. Ouer two of those was another Superiour or Centurion. Fiue Centuries were subiected to one which had charge of fiue hundred, and two of those charges had a Chili­arch or Captaine of one thousand: higher they went not.

The Tithingman gaue account to the Gouernour of those in his charge, to prouide them Seed or Bread-corne, or Wooll, or House-reparations, or other necessaries. He also was to informe of thir faults to the Iudges, which according to the greatnesse of the offence were also diuersified in order for dispatch of Iustice, and to take away need of Appeales, except in cases betwixt one Prouince and another, for which the Inca sent a speciall Iudge. If the Decurion neglected to in­forme, the fault was now made his owne, and hee corrected for it: as also in the other case of 60 prouision. Hence there were no Vagabonds nor idle persons. The Father was corrected which did not educate or correct his children; the children also were punished in correspondence of their age: and the Tithingman was to informe of both. The Iudges punished them, they said, not for the fact, but the fault in transgressing the Incas commandement which they respected as Gods.

[Page 1461] They had no purse-punishments, Fines or Confiscations; for to leaue them poore, was but to Penalties. No fines. giue them more libertie to euill. If any C [...]aca rebelled and deserued death; his sonne succeeded notwithstanding to his State. In warre they had Natiues for Captaines ouer their owne Countrimen, hauing Incas for their Superiours. The Iudge durst not arbitrate, but execute the Law, [...]e hee died for breaking the Royall commandement. This seueritie of the Officers and of the Lawes which for light offences inflicted death, prooued rather gentle then Nothing more merci [...]ull then seueritie vn­partiall, which makes all to feare; so Guns haue prooued sauers o [...] mens liues, the gene­rall feare of Ordnance cau­sing few bat­tels, and con­sequently [...]wer sl [...]ine in warres then when & where they haue not beene. No auricular confessi [...]n in Peru, as Acosta, &c. Iudgements examined. Quippos. cruell and barbarous, few daring to transgresse: so that all that Empire, extended thirteene hun­dred leagues; and consisting of, so many Nations and Languages, was gouerned by one Law, as if it had beene one house, the rather because they held the same diuine, and from the Sunnes ordi­nance by the [...]. 10

And the Law-breaker was therefore accounted sacrilegious and accursed, insomuch that some accused by their owne consciences haue made confessions without other accusers, fearing to bring publike plagues on the State, as Diseases or Dearths, which they sought to preuent by appeasing God with their deaths. And I conceiue, that from these publike confessions, the Spanish Histo­rians haue w [...]itten that the Indians of Pe [...] had confession in secret like Christians, and Confes­sours appropriated: which is false, for in Peru they had no other then I haue mentioned: and the Indians which told the Spaniards thus, answered so to their questions, as they thought might best please them. Neither had they any Appeales Ciuill or Criminall. Euery Towne had a Iudge, and for higher matters they went to the Superiour Iudge in the Mother Citie. The Sentences of ordinary Iudges, were euery moneth related to the Superiour Iudges; and theirs to others their 20 Superiours, which were in the Court in diuers degrees according to the qualitie of Cases. The Su­preame were the Presidents or Vice-royes of the foure parts of the World. This report was made to examine Sentences which had passed, and if they were found vniust, the Authors were seuere­ly punished. The manner of rendring these reports to the Inca, and to those of his Counsell, was by knots in li [...]es of diuers colours, which serued them as it were Ciphers: for the knots of such or such colours declared the offences, and certaine threads of diuers colours fastned to the lines, shewed the punishment. This was their Arithmetike in which they were expert and certaine, some applying themselues to nothing else. If any Prouinciall controuersie could not be decided by those whom the King sent, it was suspended till his Visitation of those parts, and then hee himselfe would see, heare and sentence. 30

The Tithingmen also gaue account euery moneth of all which were borne or died, and like­wise Monethly and yeerely ac­counts. at the end of the yeere; such as perished in the warres; they also related. The like Officers and Orders were in the Campes of warre, as in the Townes of peace. They permitted not to sacke the Townes which they conquered by force. For euery of those foure diuisions of the Em­pire the Inca had Councels of Warre, of Iustice, of necessary businesse. These had subordinate Of­ficers in diuers degrees which rendred accounts of all to the Supreme Councell. Each had a Pre­sident But foure pri­uy Counsel­lors. or Vice-roy which receiued those accounts, and rendred the same [...]o the King. These were Incas legitimate, of great experience in Warre and Peace. And these foure only were Counsellors of State.

Roca succeeded his Father Manco; he was called Sinchi, that is, valiant; excelling in manly Roca Inca his acts. 40 feates of Actiuity, Running, Leaping, casting stones or Darts, Wrestling, any of his time. His Fathers Obsequies beeing finished, hee sought to augment his Empire, assembled his Curacas to that end, and put them in minde of that which his Father had said to them, when he would re­turne to Heauen, commanding the conuersion of the Indians, to the knowledge and worship of the Sunne; whereunto he was now obliged by his place, and for the profit of the bordering Na­tions which had need thereof. They promised all readinesse, and he made his expedition to Col­lasuyu and perswaded with faire words, the Nations Puchina and Chanchi, being simple and cre­dulous Indian creduli­tie. of euery noueltie (as are all the Indians) and so proceeded without violence twentie leagues that way to the people Chuncara, in all things following his Fathers example. Hee also brought in other Nations on each hand; some affirme a great many. He is thought to haue reigned thirtie yeeres: and then professing that he went to rest with his Father the Sunne, hee left Llo­que 50 Yupanqui his sonne to succeed him, and a numerous Issue besides. His name Lloque signifieth Lloque Yupan­qui the third Inca. left handed (for so he was) Yupanqui was added for his vertues, and signifieth, thou shalt account or reckon, to wit, his great exploits and good parts. If any thinke the word may imply aswell the recounting of vices, let him know that in that Language it is not so, the same Verbe not beeing flexible to euill transition which is vsed to good, nor to good which may be applyed to euill, but their elegance enforceth a change of the Verbe in change of the obiect. The name Yupanqui, as Strange Grammer. that of Capac were for their merits giuen to three other Incas. He reduced vnder subiection pro­ceeding by the Collasuyu, the people Cama by perswasions. The Ayavari refused and fought with him, and after fortified themselues and indured many skirmishes, but by siege and famine were 60 subdued.

After that he went to Pucara, which was a Fortresse builded by him: and sent to the Pancar­colla and Hatuncolla, which listned to his proposition, being a great Nation, or rather a multitude of Nations, which had many fables of their originall, some from a Fountaine, others from a [Page 1462] Caue, others from a Riuer. They worshipped a white Ramme as their principall God, being Lords of much cattell. They said that the first Ram in the world aboue, made more reckoning See Acosta. of them then other Indians, and had multiplied their Cattell. They offered to that Ram Lambs and tallow in Sacrifice. All of them agreed in this Ram deitie, in other their gods differing, but now exchanged all for the Sunne. Afterwards Titicaca, and Chucuytu, and Hurin Pa [...]ssa were subdued by him. Now to intermixe somewhat of the Sciences which the Incas had.

Their Astrologie and and naturall Philosophie was little, by reason their Amautas or Pphylo­sopher, Of the Peruan A [...]s. Astrologie. wanted letters. They bet [...]er vnderstood mortall learning, and left it written in the practise of their lawes. They obserued the solstices and equinoctials by certaine towers. The Moone and Moneth they called Quilla, the yeare huata. The eclipses of the Moone they attri­b [...]ted 10 to her sicknesse, fearing that she would dye and fall from heauen, and kill all below, and Dreames of Ecclipses. therefore they sounded Trumpets, Cornets, Drums, and such Instrumencs as they had, beating, and making their Dogs also to houle, thinking her affectioned to Dogges, for a certaine seruice which they fable done by them, and therefore imagine she would respect them, and awake out of her sleepe caused by sicknesse. The ecclipse of the Sunne they say happeneth for some offence done against him, for which he is angrie. The spots in the Moone they fable to haue come of a Foxe, which being in loue with the Moones beautie, went to heauen, and touching her with his forefeete left those foule memorials. They make their children to cry Ma [...]a Quilla, Mother Moone doe not dye lest all perish. The men and women cry likewise in her ecclipse with horrible noise: when she recouers her light, they say Pachacamac hath cured her and commanded her 20 not to dye, that the world should not perish; and giue her great thankes. All this I haue seene with mine eyes. The lightning and thunder they adore not for gods, but honour and esteeme them as the Sunnes seruants resident in the ayre, not in heauen. Like account they make of the Thunder and lightning. Rainbow. Rainebow, which the Kings Incas placed in their armes and scutchion. In the house of the Sunn [...] was a roome for each of them. They made no Prognostications nor Predictions by signes of the Sunne, Moone, Comets, but by their dreames often and strange, and by their sacrifices. The Sun Dream-diuina­tions. euery euening set in the Sea, and with his heate dried vp much of the water, and swam vnder the earth thorow it to the East. For Phisicke they vsed purging and bleeding, but had no skill of Vrines or Pulse: some rootes and hearbes they made medicinable vse of, especially of Tobacco. Medicine. 30

In Geometrie they had some skill for partitions of their grounds, but nothing for speculation; and so much Geographie, as with plats or pictures to expresse the Nations. I haue seene one of Geometry. Chorography. Arithmeticke. Cusco, and the confines admirably artificiall. Arithmeticke they practised with knots, as is said, and with graines of Maiz, and small stones, making perfect accompts. Musicke they had in some ru [...]es of art; with diuers Instruments, as Pipes proportioned to a consort, and flutes and songs. Musicke. The Amautas also had some practise of Poetrie, and composed Comedies and Tragedies. The Actors were not base persons, but Incas and the Nobilitie, sonnes of the Cur [...]as. The argu­ment Poetry. was the acts of their ancestors. These were represented before the King and Lords at Court. They had no base or dishonest parts intermixed. They made Verses short and long with measuring the syllables without rimes, I haue giuen an instance; the argument is (like that of Iu­piter 40 and Iuno in our Poets) the daughter of a King had a pitcher full of water to moisten the earth, which her brother brake, and with the blow caused thunders and lightnings. They were found in knots and particoloure [...] threads, being very ancient. The words are thus in Peruan and Eng­lish, A Peruan hym in spondaike verses. the syllables also in like number and meeter.

Cumac Nusta
Totallay quim
Puyunuy quita
Paquir Cayan
Hina Mantara
Cunun numum
Ylla pantac
Camri Nusta
Unuyu Quita
Para Munqui
May [...]piri
Chich [...] [...]qui
Riti munqui
Pacha rurac
Pacha camac
Vira cocha
Cay h [...]apac
Ch [...]ras [...]nqui
Cama sunqui.
Fairest of Nimphes,
Thine owne Brother,
This thy Pitcher
Now is breaking;
Whose hard striking
Thunders, lightens,
And throwes fire-bolts.
But thou sweet Nimph,
Thy faire Pitcher
Powring, rainest:
Sometimes also
Thou sendst forth haile,
Thou sendst forth snow.
The worlds maker,
Pachacamac
Viracocha 50
To this office
Hath thee placed
And authorised.

Now for Handicrafts, the Goldsmiths (of which they had so many) knew not to make an Handicrafts. Goldsmiths. an [...]le of Iron, nor of other mettall; nor to cast Iron, although they had Mines thereof. They v­sed for anuiles certaine hard stones, of a pale greene colour, which they plained and smoothed with rubbing one against another. They were rare and precious. They knew not how to make hammers with handles of wood, but wrought with instruments made of Copper and Laton mingled, in forme of a Dye, of seuerall sizes, which they held in their hands to strike with as men 60 doe with stones. They had no Files nor Chissels, nor Bellowes for casting of mettals, but vsed Pipes of Brasse, halfe a yard long or lesse, and ioyned eight or tenne together as there was neede. Neither had they skill to make tongues. And yet did they make marueilous workes. Their Car­penters Carpenters. were as much to seeke or more, hauing no Iron tooles, but an Axe and a Hatchet and [Page 1463] those of Brasse; no Saw, nor Augre, nor Plainer, nor Nailes, but fastned all things with lines or ropes of a kinde of heath. Neither were their Masons in better case: they vsed a certaine blacke Masons. stone not to cut but to beate their stoneworks with force of their armes, and yet haue left incre­dible Monuments of their art. The Iesuites and other Religions haue instructed the youth since in other arts, in Dialogues and Comedies of Scripture. One Iesuite in praise of our Lady the Virgin Mary composed a Comedie in the Aymara tongue, the argument was Gen. 3. I will Note. put emnitie betweene thee and the woman, and betweene thy seede and her seede: She (so the Romists reade and make of it this remarkeable vse) shall breake thy head, &c. A dialogue of the faith was recited at Potocsi before 12000. Indians, and another of the Sacrament at the Citie of Kings be­fore innumerable, the Indian youth acting and pronouncing with such seemely gestures as much affected the Spaniards. The Licentiate Iuan Cuellas read the Latin Grammer to the Mestizos of 10 Cozco, with good fruite.

MAyta Capac followed his predecessors examples, and went forth with 12000. men (the for­mer The third Booke. expeditions had beene with lesse company, as of 7000 and so vpwards as the state en­creased) and couering his couetousnesse and ambition with pretence of conuerting people to his religion This lesson the Spaniards haue learned too well since., came to the disemboking of the great lake Titicaca, and made Boates for transport­ing his army. He brought vnder by faire meanes the Tiahuanacu, which people had admirable buildings. One was a hand-made Mount admirable high, founded on stones ioyned with mor­ter, none could tell for what cause. In one roome thereof stood two figures of Giants cut in stone 20 with long garments downe to the ground, with couerings on their heads, well worne with age. Admirable buildings. Pe­dro de C [...]eaza. c. [...]05. han [...]th this [...]m his owne [...]t more largely. There was also a huge wall of stones so great that it may breede wonder what force of men might be able to bring or raise them where they are, seeing that in a great distance there are no quar­ries. There are other braue buildings, great porches or frontals, in diuers places each made of one stone in all the foure parts; yea to greater admiration some of these are set on stone, of which some are thirtie foote long, and fifteene broad, and sixe in front, and these stones so great, and the porches are of one peece; nor can it be imagined with what instruments they were wrought. The Naturals say they are ancienter then the Incas times, and that they imitated these in buil­ding the fortresse of Cozco; and knew not who made them, but haue a tradition that they were all made in a night. It seemeth that they were neuer finished, but were onely beginnings of what 30 the founders intended. Diego de Alcobaça a Priest, my Schoolefellow, & borne in the same house that I was, being also my foster brother, and a Preacher to the Indians; which hath beene there, wrote to me that in that Region Tiahuanacu fast by a lake called Chuq [...]i [...]itu, there stands a mar­ueilous house, with a faire Court fifteene yards square, compassed with a high wall, on one side whereof is a great hall 45. foote long, and 22. wide, couered like the house of the Sunne in Cus­co. This Court with the wals and floore, hall, roofe, porches, and thresholds of two doores (the one of the hall, the other into the court) is all made of one peece wrought in one rocke: the wals of the hall and of the wall are three quarters of a yard thicke. The roofe though it seeme of tha [...]ch is of stone. They say it was dedicated to the Maker of the World. There are also many stones cut Men-stones. in shapes of men and women, so naturall as if they were aliue drinking with cups in their hands, 40 some sitting, some on their feete, others as it were passing, others with children in their armes, and 1000. other postures. The Indians say that for their sinnes, and for stoning a man which pas­sed thorow that Prouince, they were conuerted into statues. But to returne to our Inca, he sub­dued many Nations or pettie habitations; such as would not be wonne by perswasions, hee mastered with seege and hunger. Battels were very rare. Hee died hauing raigned about thirtie yeares, and was bewailed a yeare after the custome. His Sonne Capac Yupanqui succeeded, the Capac Yupa [...]qui the fi [...]th Inca. fifth Inca.

His first care, after his Diadem assured, was to visite his Kingdome; in which visitation hee spent two yeares, enquiring into the courses of his Ministers and Gouernours. After this hee went vp from Cozco with 20000. men, and went Westward. Hee caused a Bridge to be made in the Riuer Apurimac at Huacachaca, lower then that of Accha. Hee passed ouer it to the 50 faire Prouince Yanahura, which gladly receiued him; thence to Aymara, there being be­twixt those two Prouinces a Region dishabited of thirtie leagues; which passed, he found at the hill Mucansa much people of that Prouince (which is thirtie leagues long, fifteene wide, rich of Osyer Bridge. Mines of Gold, Siluer Lead and Cattell) to encounter him. But he sought rather to beseege them on the hill, hauing purposely sent men about, and by hunger forced them to composition after a moneths siege. Hauing pacified the Aymaras, hee proceeded to Cotapampa and Cotanera of the Nation Quechua; and after to the Vallie of Hacari, great and fertile. Hee made ano­ther expedition, leauing his Brother his Lieutenant of his Kingdome, and the foure Masters of his Campe his Councellours, chusing others to serue him; and went to the Lake of Paria, 60 where two Curacas at contention, made him arbitrator, and themselues his subiects in the diuision Collasuyu. Thence thorow a spacious Countrie vnpeopled, but full of Cattell and hot Springs; hee came to the Prouinces Tapacri and Cochapampa. Hee made another Bridge in the water-passage of Titicara. The former of Huacacha [...]a was made of Osyers, this of Bull­rushes [Page 1464] there growing, of which they made foure cables as big as a mans legge, reaching from one side to the other; on which they laid great bundles of the same matter as bigge as an Oxe, strongly tied together and to the Cables: ouer these bundles they made two other cables which Bul-rush bridg See Acosta of their waies to passe Riuers. they fastened surely with the bundles: vpon these they laid other little bundles as bigge as a mans arme, wouen into each other and with the cables; these were as the causey of the Bridge. This Bridge is thirteene or foureteene foot broad, and about one hundred and fiftie paces long. They renewed it euery sixe moneths. Often vse made readinesse and quicke dispatch. They re­moued it as they saw occasion. The In [...]a passed further to Chayanta, thorow a dishabited Coun­trey: this with fiue other great Prouinces he subiected, and then returned to Cozco, and rewar­ded his Captaines. 10

The Kingdome now reached one hundred and eighty leagues from Cusco Southwards, and Westwards to the Sea, sixtie leagues one way, and eightie another: to the East thirteene, to the South-east fortie. He adorned the houses of the Sunne which Manco Capac had founded, and that of the Virgins, with other great workes. After this he sent the Prince Roca with an army of 20000. men, by the way of Chi [...]chasuyu Northwards from Cuzco, which had continued at a Remouing of people from one place to another. stay since Manco Capac, but seuen leagues from the Citie, the Country beyond being rough and vnpeopled. He entred into the rich Countrey of Sura, which gently receiued him, as did also the next called Apucara, which was in enmitie with the former. The like successe hee had in Rucana, Namasca, and other Vallies to Arequepa eightie leagues outright, and foureteene in breadth. The Inca transplanted people from those parts to Apurimac, both being hot Regions. 20 Old Inca Capac Yupanqui after these things dyed, leauing about eightie children (some of them left one hundred, some two hundred, and some aboue three hundred) and his Sonne Roca succeeded. Let vs now speake of Cozco and the holies thereof. Many children

One of the principallest Idols of that Empire was Cosco, the Imperiall Citie, which the Indi­ans Religious re­putation of Cozco and the superstitious holies therein. worshipped as a thing sacred, because it was founded by Inca Manco Capac, and because it was the house and Court of the Incas their gods. If an Indian in the way met another which came from Cozco, though otherwise equall, and now he himselfe were going thither, he gaue him respect therefore as his superiour for hauing beene there; how much more if he were a neere dweller, or Citizen there? The like was in Seedes, Pulse, or whatsoeuer was brought from Coz­co, more esteemed for that cause then those of other parts in other respects as good. To hold it 30 still in reputation, the Kings adorned it with sumptuous buildings, of which the principall was the Temple of the Sunne, euery Inca increasing it, which is said to be builded by Yupanqui, be­cause The Temple of the Sunne. he enriched it, being before founded by Manco. The Chappell or shrine of the Sunne was that which is now the Church of Saint Domingo (although not the same altogether) wrought of polished stone. The high Altar (that we may so call it, for they knew not how to make an Altar) stood to the East, the roofe was thatched (for they could not make tile.) All foure wals were co­uered from the top to the bottome with Plates of Gold. In the East or high Altar stood the figure of the Sunne, made of one planke or plate) of Gold, twice as thicke as the other plates Rich hangings on the wals; the face round with rayes and flames of fire, all of a peece. It was so great that it tooke vp all the end from one wall to the other. Neither had they any other idols in that or any Sunnes image. 40 other Temple but this: for indeede (whatsoeuer others say) they worshipped no other gods but the Sunne. This Idoll fell by lot, in the Spanish Conquerours sharing, to one Mancio Serra, whom I knew and left aliue when I came to Spaine, who lost it at play in a night, whence they said Prouerbially, hee had plaid away the Sunne before it was vp. Hee was after chosen the ordinary Alcalde of the Citie many yeares, and grew to abhoore play very much. But by such a share falling to one man, may be guessed the exceeding riches of that Citie. On the one side and on the other of that Image were the deceased bodies of the Kings, pla­ced according to their antiquitie, as children of the Sunne, embalmed (wee know not how) so that they seemed aliue. They were set in their seates of Gold placed on plankes of gold, Bodies of Kings deceased. Huayna Capac. holding their faces to the people. Onely Huayna Capac was placed before the figure of the 50 Sunne with his face to it: as his best beloued sonne, whom they worshipped in his life time for his vertues. These corpes the Indians did hide with the rest of their treasures, the most of which is not yet knowne. Anno 1559. the Licentiate Polo found fiue of them, three of the Kings, and two of the Queenes. The principall doore looked to the North, as it still abides. That and the other lesse doores were lined with plates of Gold, in manner of a Porch. Without the Temple, on the top of the wals ran all alongst a chamfred worke of gold, in forme of a Crowne, aboue a yard broad, round about the Temple.

Beyond the Temple was a Cloister of foure squares (one of which was the Temple) round a­bout the top whereof was such a crowne of chamfered gold, as is before mentioned, aboue a A rich Cloister yard broad, instead of which the Spaniards haue set vp one of white plaister. There were Fiue Chappels 63 squares, or seuered Chappels standing by themselues, couered like a pyramis, which made the three other sides of the Cloister. One of them was dedicated to the Moone, all which and the doores thereof was couered with plates of Siluer. Her Image was placed therein like that of the Moone Chap­pell. Sun, with a womans face in a planke of Siluer. Thither they went to visite her, and to commend [Page 1465] themselues to her as the wife and sister of the Sunne, and mother of the Incas, and all their ge­neration; and called her Mamaquillia, Mother Moone: but offered no Sacrifices to her as to the Sunne. On each hand of the Moones image were the bodies of the Queenes deceased ranked in order of their antiquitie. Mamaoello Mother of Huayna Capac stood before the Moone face to Chappell of Venus & Stars. face, for producing such a Sonne. The next roome to that of the Moone, was dedicated to the Planet Uenus, and to the seuen Starres, and to all the Starres in common, which they held to Chappell of Starrie skie. Chappell of thunder, light­ning and bolt. Chappell of Rainebow. be the seruants of the Moone, and therefore placed them about their Lady to be ready at hand for any seruice. The next roome was lined with siluer also, and the porch of siluer. The roofe was made with resemblances of Starres great and small, like the starrie firmament. The next to this of the Starres was dedicated to the Thunder and Lightning and Thunderbolt, all 10 which were signified in one word Yllapa. They worshipped them not for gods, but held them for seruants of the Sunne. They made no picture thereof. The fourth roome or Chappell was dedicated to the Rainebow, which they esteemed seruant to the Sunne; this roome and the former were all garnished with gold. On the golden plankes of this was the Rainebow painted. When they saw a Rainebow in the skie, they couered their mouth with their hand, saying, that if their teeth were vncouered they would consume. The fifth building was for the chiefe Priests, and the other Priests which serued in the Temple, not to eate or drinke in, but for consultation about their Sacrifices: it was garnished with gold from the top to the bottome.

The chiefe Priest was called Villac Vmu, that is, the Priest which speaketh, namely to the people, Priests. 20 what the Sunne hath giuen him in charge, or diuels, or dreames, or other diuinations haue fore­told. Three of those fiue roomes remaine, the Gold and Siluer except. Those of the Moone and Starres are downe. Euery side had foure Tabernacles without, which had like workes on them in stone, as within of mettall. Not onely the wals but the floores of those Tabernacles also was of Gold. The Images were also pouldered with Gemmes, Turkesses, and Emeralds; for they had no Diamonds nor Rubies. There were twelue doores to the Cloister, and as many Taberna­cles or shrines, besides that of the Moones Chappell and of the Starres, these were of S [...]luer, the rest were all plated ouer with Gold in forme of Porches. They had also in the house of the Sunne Women might not enter. Moueable weekes. many other roomes or chambers for the Priests and seruants of the house, which were Incas of priuiledge: For none but an Inca might enter into that house; nor any woman, no not the wiues 30 or daughters of the King. The Priests serued their courses by weekes, which they reckoned by the quarters of the Moone: in which space they departed not out of the Temple day nor night. The Porters and all inferior officers were of the same townes which serued in the Kings house; Seruitors. there being no difference made in the two houses of the Father and the Sunne, but that one had Sacrifices. Fountaines. women, the other no Sacrifice in it, equall otherwise in Maiestie. For seuerall Sacrifices they had seuerall roomes. In the house were fiue Fountaines of water which runne thence in pipes of Gold: the Pillars were some of stone, others of Gold hollow, others of Siluer; there they wash­ed the Sacrifices. Onely one of these Fountaines were left to water the garden of the Couent, till 1558. when it being occasionally broken, no Indian could tell whence that water came, or how tohelpe it. Such traditions of sacred things it seemes were kept by their Priests, and now 40 lost. Occasion seuen moneths after found the water, which they amended without further search of the Fountaine, the pipes lying very low. Garden of gold and siluer.

This Garden was in the Incas time a Garden of Siluer and Gold, as they had in the Kings houses, where they had many sorts of Hearbes, Flowers, Plants, Trees, Beasts great and small, wilde, tame, Snakes, Lizards, Snailes, Butterflies, small and great Birds, each set in their place. They had Maiz, Quinua, Pulse, Fruit-trees with the fruite on them all of Gold and Siluer, re­sembling the naturall. They had also in the house heapes of wood, all counterfeit of Gold and Golden coun­terfeits. Siluer, as they had in the house royall: likewise they had great statues of men and women, and children, and many Pirua or Trosses for corne, euery day inuenting new fashions of greater Ma­iestie, vsing yearely on the Sunnes chiefe festiuities to present him so much Siluer and Gold 50 wrought into counterfeit formes. All the Vessell (which was infinite) for the Temples seruice, Pots, Pans, Tubs, Hogsheads, was of Gold and Siluer, euen to the Spades, and Pickaxes for the All vessels and instruments of Gold. Garden. Like to this Temple of Cozco were others in many Prouinces of that Kingdome, in which euery Curaca indeuoured according to his power to haue such riches of Gold and Siluer. But the most famous was that of Titicaca.

This might for Gold and Siluer compare with that of Cozco. It is an Iland in the mids of a Lake of the same name, where their fables tell that after the floud, the Sunne first shined; and Rich Temple at Titicaca. after that, he exposed his Sonne and Daughter (as ye haue heard) to ciuillize the world. In these respects it was holden for a place sacred thorow all that Empire, and a Temple was built therein, all lined with plates of Gold, dedicated to the Sunne. All places subiect to the Empire, yeerely 60 offered Gold and Siluer and Precious stones, in thanksgiuing to the Sunne for his benefits there done them. This Temple had the same Seruice as that at Cozco. Of the offerings of Gold and Siluer was such a quantitie stored in the Ile, besides that which was wrought, that it is more matter of wonder then credit. Blas Valera saith, that the Indians reported that there was enough [Page 1466] to build another Temple from the foundation, and when the Spaniards came, they threw it all into the Lake.

In the Valley of Orcos, six leagues Southwards from Cuzco is a little Lake aboue a mile about, but very deepe, into which the report was that much of Cuzco treasure was throwne. Some Spanish vnder­taking for trea­sure. Spaniards agreed to be at cost to emptie it, Anno 1557. but hauing entred fiftie paces into their maine worke, by which they had thought to haue conueied the water into the Riuer Yucay, they were encountered with a rocke, which seeking to make way thorow, they brought forth more fire then stone, and were enforced to giue ouer. The Indians are thought to haue hidden infinite treasures. But for that barren rockie Ice the Incas were at further cost to couer the stone with good earth, that it might beare Mayz (which growes no where in that cold Region) of which a 10 little quantitie grew, and by the King was offered to the Sunne in his Temple, and to the cho­sen Virgins in Cuzco, which were to send it to other Monasteries and Temples, one yeare to one, and another to another, that they might haue of that graine which seemed to haue come from Sup [...]st [...]tious corne. heauen. They sowed it in Gardens of the Sunnes Temple, and made such adoe about keeping and bestowing it, that that Indian thought himselfe a happy man which had a graine of that Maiz, and that he should neuer want bread all da [...]es of his life.

THe Incas had houses of Virgins retired in many Prouinces, touching which the Spanish Hi­st [...]rians haue beene deceiued. I will speake of the house at Cusco called Acllahua, that is, the The fourth B [...]k [...]. Ho [...]es of Vir­gins. [...]ouse of the chosen, to wit, for their beautie, or stocke, to serue the Sunne. These liued not in the 20 Te [...]pl [...] of the Sunne, but distant a streete from it, a row of houses going betweene them. For neither might men enter where the Nuns were, nor women where the Priests were. It was ne­cessary that these women hould be of royall bloud, without any mixture of either side. There were in inordinarily 1500. Nunnes. Some of them were ancient, called Mamacuna, that is, 1500. Nuns. Mothers which take charge, or care of the rest. Some were as Abbeffes, others as teachers of the Nouices both in [...]tes and handiworkes, as to spin, weaue and sow; others were porters, or pro­u [...]ders of necessaries. They liued in perpetuall closure to their dying day, neither might they Exceeding st [...]ktnesse. speake with any man, or see any man or woman, but those of their owne house. Onely the Coya and her daughters might haue leaue to enter and conferre with them. By them the Inca sent to know how they did, and whereof they had neede. The principall gate was not opened 30 but for the Queene, or to receiue Nouices. They had twentie Porters, which men might not passe the second gate vnder paine of death. They had fiue hundred Girles for seruice of the Mo­nasterie, Men Porters. daughters to those which the first I [...]ca had priuiledged to be Incas. These also had their Nun [...]workes. Mamacunas. The principall exercise which the women of the Sunne did, was to make all the garments and robes that the Inca or his Coya did weare, and those fine robes which were offered Robes for perfume. to the Sunne. The King himselfe might not giue those Garments to any of his Curacas which were not of his bloud. They made also the Bread for the Sacrifices to the Sunne at the great feasts Raymi and Sittua, called Zancu, and the drinke which the Inca then dranke.

All the Vtensils of the house, euen to Pots and Pans, were of Gold and Siluer, as in the house of the Sunne. They had such a Garden also as the other, of golden Plants, Birds and Beasts. O­bedience Golden Gar­den. P [...]rpetuall vir­ginitie. 40 and Virginitie was perpetuall, vnder paine of burying quicke. Any man which should defloure, must not onely dye himselfe, but his wife, children, kindred and neighbours. Such the Law, but there was neuer found cause of execution. Like to these of Cuzco, dedicated to the Sunne, were other Nunnes and houses in principall Prouinees of the Kingdome. In which were Other Nunne­ries. admitted those of the bloud Royall, pure, and mixed, and daughters also of the Curacas as a great fauour. Also some of the fairest of the common people to be concubines for the Inca, and not for the Sunne, but kept with like vigilance. Their life was like the other, and their maintenance from the Inca. Their workes the Inca might impart with others, and themselues also he might take out for his Concu [...]ines, which then might not returne againe, but either serued the Queene or were sent into their Countries with great credit. Those also which were old in these houses 50 might haue like license. Those that were dedicated for the King present, when hee was dead, were called Mamacumas, and were instructers of those Concubines which entred for the New Inca. Mamacumas when.

Euery of these houses had a Gouernour, which must be an Inca: a steward and others officers. All the vessels were of Gold and Siluer, as in the houses of the Sunne and of the King, so that all the Gold and Siluer in the whole Kingdome was spent in manner in the Sunnes seruice, and of those which were esteemed his descendants. The Curacas were stinted what vessels of Plate they might haue for their owne vse, which was but little. They might neuer be bestowed on o­ther men, which had beene chosen women for the I [...]ca; for they held it a profanation of that Spanish authors deceiued. which was holy; yea to be a slaue to the Inca was more estee [...]ed then to be wife of another 60 Lord. esteeming him as next to the Sunne; wherein some Spanish authors haue beene deceiued. yet did he reward his great men with women, but they were the daughters of other C [...]cas [...] Captaines, which held this for a fauour done them that he should esteeme their daughter as a i [...]well, which with his owne hand he would bestow. Sometimes (but [...]dome) he be [...] on [Page 1453] some of the Curacas his owne Daughters which were (as they esteemed such as were not of the whole bloud) bastards, which hee had by women not of his Inca-kindred, which was holden Diuine.

Besides these, there were many other of Royall bloud which liued retired in their owne hou­ses Another sor [...] of Nunnes. with vow of Virginity, though not inclosed in any Monastery: which tooke libertie to goe out to visit their kindred neere them in their sicknesse or trauell. Such were highly reputed and were called Ocllo, a sacred name: and if they lost their chastitie, were burned aliue or cast to the Lyons Denne. One of these very old I knew, which visited my Mother, beeing her Grandfa­thers sister. Widowes in the first yeere of their widow-hood kept very close; those which had Widowes. no children married againe; but those which had, continued continent all their liues: in which 10 respect the Lawes allowed them many priuiledges, and the tillage of their grounds before the Cutacas of Incas.

And for matter of Marriage in Cozco, once in a yeere or two, the King assembled all the youth Marriages. of both Sexes, of his owne Linage, the Males of twentie to foure and twentie, the Maids of eigh­teene and so to twentie (he permitted them not sooner to marry) and called them forth, such a man and such a maide, and hauing ioyned them with his owne hand, deliuered them to their Parents: after which the Marriage Feast was solemnized by the new Parents, two, foure, or sixe dayes. These were legitimate wides and the most honoured. The day following his Officers did the like for the Citizens, obseruing the distinction of High and Low Cozco. The Gouernour in each Diuision with the Curacas did the like in their gouernments, the Inca neuer vsurping but 20 assisting the Curacas Iurisdiction. Those of one Prouince might not marry with those of another, Tribes, towns; wards, not in­termarrying. Lawes of Inhe­ritance. but obserued the Rites of the Tribes of Israel: not might they got to liue out of their Prouinces or out of their owne Townes, or the Wards of the same Towne.

In defect of children by the lawfull Wife, the Inheritance by Law fell on the eldest of the bloud lawfull, as from Huascar to Manco and neuer to Bastards: for which Lawes sake Ata­hualpa destroyed all the Royall bloud, hee being a Bastard. Others might not marrie their sister, but the Inca only. The Prouinces differed in some cases, the elder Sonne of the Inca succeeding, in other places all the brethren after each other, and somewhere the best esteemed of the Sonnes. Diuers cu­stomes. Such vsages were before the Incas times, and not broken by them.

The Incas made a great Feast at the wayning of the [...] [...]st Son, which was at two yeeres old 30 or vpwards, & they first cut off his haire with a flint-razor, the Fathers beginning, each following in his dignity: then did they name him and offer presents. The same was imitated by the Curacas Care of In­fants. and the people. Their children were brought vp without any dainty nicenesse. Assoone as they were born they washed them in cold water, and then put them in blankets. They gaue them the breast but at morning, and noone and night, thri [...] a day, how much soeuer they cried, lest they should be gluttons. But if I should follow our Author in houshold affaires, I should be too long.

Inca Roca their sixth King pursued his Northerne Conquests to Chanca, a valiant Nation, Inca Roca the six King [...] conquests. which say they descended of a Lyon, and therefore worshipped the Lyon for God. I haue seene them in their Feast of the Sacrament twelue of them like Hercules, at tired in a Lyons skinne. He proceeded to the end of the Prouince A [...]ta [...]lla and thence to Uramarca and Hancohuallu and 40 Uillea, Sulla, and Vtunsulla. After that he sent his Sonne the Prince Yabuarhuarac to Antisuyu or the East, where since Manco Capac they had done nothing. They say that when this Prince was borne, he wept bloud, and so his name signifieth. Other Historians haue herein beene decei­ued. Acosta and o­ther, say that it was thorow gri [...]e of cap­tiui [...]ie, Cuca. Steep & deepe descent of fiue leagues. He tooke with him fifteene hundred Warriours, and three Campe-masters. Hee went to Hau [...]sca (which was after, the lot of my Father Garcilasso de la Vega) and thence to the Vallies where the herbe Cuca groweth, so much esteemed by them: and beyond it to Cannac-buay which hath fiue leagues of descent almost perpendicular, and striking terrour to the beholders: how much more to them which goe downe, the way winding like a Snake? In these Prouinces of the Antis they worshipped Tygres and great Snakes fiue and twentie or thirtie foot in length, called Amaru, which doe no harme, being as some say, charmed to that innocence by a great Magi­cian. They worshipped also the herbe Cuca or Coca as the Spaniards call it. In this Expedition 50 the Prince added thirtie leagues to the Empire, but ill peopled. The Inca Roca leauing the Prince his Deputie, went with thirty thousand to the Conquest of Chareas: and added fiftie leagues square to his Souereigntie: after which he dyed and his Sonne Yahuar Huaeac succeeded. Rocas Yahuar Huaeac the seuenth Inca. Apophtheg [...]es. Lawes and Schooles which he is said first of all to haue founded in Cozco, for the Arts aforesaid, I omit. He was wont to say that Pachacamac must needs be a great King which had such a house as the glorious Heauens to dwell in: also, that if he were to worship any thing below, he would worship a wise and vnderstanding man: Yet saith he, that which beginneth, groweth, dieth ir­recouerably, ought not to be worshipped.

Yahuar Huacar or weep-bloud, for the ill diuinings of that accident at his birth, stayed a good 60 while in visiting his Kingdomes before hee thought vpon Conquests. Yet at length hee sent his Brother Inca Mayta with twenty thousand South-westward, which conquered from Arequepa to Tacama. After this he minded a more haughtie Designe to conquer Caranca and other Regi­ons Yahuarhu [...]ac acts. in the Diuision Collasuyu valiant people, but was soone called to other thoughts by the ill [Page 1454] demeanour of his eldest Sonne, whom therefore hee purposed to disherit for his cruell conditions. He caused him to liue with the Shepherds which kept the Cattle of the Sunne in Chita, which Feare of his Sonne. he did, carrying himselfe like a Shepherd three yeeres and a halfe. He came one afternoone to his Fathers house and sent to speake with him, who sent him word that he should goe thither where he had placed him, hauing incurred death by breaking his precept. Hee sent word that hee came with a message from as great a Lord as himselfe, which when he had deliuered he would returne. He maruelling what Lord that should be, admitted him to his presence, and heard him tell that at noone that day, as he was feeding the Sunnes cattell, there stood a man, before him in a strange A vision of the Prince. habit and forme, hauing a beard on his face aboue a span long, and clothed to the foot, with an vnknowne creature fastened to his necke. He said (that he was the Sonne of the Sunne and brother 10 of Manco Capac the first Inca, and therefore to them all: that hee was named Viracocha Inca, and came from the Sunne our Father to giue him aduise that the most of the Prouinces of Chinchasuyu, both subiects and others, were in armes and comming with a mightie Armie to destroy the Imperiall Ci­tie Cozco: that therefore he should preuent and prouide in time. And feare them not, for in whatso­euer aduersitie I will succour thee as my flesh and bloud. After these words hee vanished away. His Father chid him and would not beleeue him. Three monethes after came newes of the Re­bellion of many Nations which had killed their Gouernours, and had assembled thirty thousand Souldiers in demand of Cozco: Hancohuallu was their Generall. This was the first Rebellion of the Prouinces which the Iucas had conquered, and was so sudden to Yahuar Huacac that hee fled out of Cozco with a few followers, with purpose to secure himselfe in Collasuyu. The Citizens 20 were readie to flee each his way, till some thinking of the Prince (whom vpon that Dreame or Vision they called Viracocha Inca, his former name is vnknowne) gaue him intelligence thereof. He gathered what forces he could, and followed his Father to whom hauing presented in a pithy speech, the miserable leauing of the house and holies of the Sunne, and of the Sunnes Virgins to such prophane Enemies, hee bid those which loued an honourable death before a shameful life to follow him: which foure thousand of the Royall bloud did, to whom others from all parts assem­bled. Hauing set order in Cozco, hee went with eight thousand resolute Warriours to meete the enemy which had now passed the Riuer Apurimac.

THe next day came newes of 20000. men, comming to his aide from Cuntis [...]y [...], which 30 hee attributed to Viracocha which had promised him succour in all distresse; this bred him The fift Book. respect, and confidence to the businesse with the Indians. He entertained these supplies ioyfully, which told him of other fiue thousand comming two dayes behind. To these hee sent word to Embuscado themselues in a place appointed, that so in the fury of the battle they might come forth vnexpected. This they did and much daunted the enemies, especially when with shouts and cryes manifold small troupes came in also which were of such as had fled from Cozco, Great battle. who hearing of the Princes resolution made head as they could and made the Rebels thinke that they should neuer see an end of their enemies.

A brute was also raised, and rumoured in both Campes that Virachoca turned stones and trees Aduantage by Fa [...]les. into men, to fight for the Prince. The battle continued eight houres with so much bloud, that 40 a Brooke in the Plaine ranne therewith. Twentie thousand were slaine on both sides, twelue thousand of the Rebels side besides their Generall and Campemasters taken.) Father Acosta hath Acosta taxed, See sup. 1060. much of this Viracocha, but altogether fabulous. For the Indians esteeme him next to the Sunne, and his Son not aboue him, beleeuing but two Gods the inuisible and visible as is said; the Indians telling Fables to please the Spaniards, and some things for want of the Language were not rightly vnderstood by the Spaniards. The Prince after the Victory sent three Messengers, the first to Their dealing with the Sun. the house of the Sunne (for in all things they dealt with him as if he had beene a bodily man, set­ting him meate and drinke, &c.) the other to the house of the Virgins, the third to his Father. He dealt very midly with the Rebels and their wiues and children, pardoning them and proui­ding for the Widowes and Orphans. Hee was receiued with great Iubilee in Cozco, and thence 50 went to the Straits of Muyna, to visit his Father which seemed malcontent. They spake some words in priuate, and the Prince came forth and said that his Father would not returne to Coz­co. This (whether true or false) was enough, and in vaine had he now gainsaid it; so that a Pal­lace of pleasures was there built for the Father to spend the rest of his dayes, his Sonne taking Why the Spa­niards were called Viraco­cha. the Diademe. This Vision of Virachoca with a beard and clothed to the foot, whereas the beard­lesse Natiues are clothed but to the knees, was the cause that the Spaniards at their first comming were called Virachoca: and for that they tooke and killed the Tyrant Atahuallpa, which had slaine Huascar the right Heire, and wrought so many cruelties. Which caused that six Spaniards a­lone, of which was Soto and Barco, went to Cozco two or three hundred leagues without harme. They called them also Incas, Sonnes of the Sunne. That which some say, Acosta saith they were so called because they came by Sea: Benzo, as the froth or scumme of the Sea, in con­temp [...] that they were cal­led 60 Virachoca, because they came by Sea, saying that the word signifieth the fat (or scumme) of the Sea, they are deceiued: for Virachoca is the Sea of fat, or tallow (Vira, sebo; cocha, mar) so that it appeares to be a proper name, and not compounded. I conceiue further that the Artillery was the cause that they were called Virachoca.

[Page 1453] This Inca Uiracocha by his victorie and vision was so esteemed, that in his life time they wor­shipped him as a God sent by the Sunne for reparation of things amisse, reuerenced him beyond his predecessors. He b [...]ilt a Temple for memoriall of that Vision to Uiracocha in Cacha, therein Viracochas Temple. imitating, as much as was possible, the place where hee saw the same, and therefore without a roofe: it was an hundred and twenty foot long, and eighty wide, of stone fairely wrought, with foure doores, the Easterne onely open, with his figure [...]n a Chappell, somewhat resembling those Images which wee make of the Apostles. The Spaniards destroyed it, as they did other famous workes which they found in Peru, scarsely any Monument remayning: which they did to search for [...]easure vnder them. He made also two h [...]ge Birds called C [...]ntures (so great, that Condores or Contors, huge birds. some haue beene found with the extremes of their wings extended, fiue Varas, or Spanish yards 10 asunder) they are fowles of prey, so fierce, that their dammes breake their talons; [...]he beake so strong, that at once they will breake the hide Cuero, per­haps it should be cuer [...], the borne: of a Cow. Hee made the picture of these two Birds, one representing his father in mysterie fleeing from Cozco, the other Uiracoch, He sought to gratifie his Commanders and Subiects, and sought new conquests. Hee sent Pahnac [...]y t [...] Inca his brother against Caranca, Ullaca, Llipi, Chicha and Ampara. These two last worshipped the ranke of Hills for their heigth, and for the Riuers which t [...]ey yeeld. These were all subie­cted: and Eastward to the Sierra, or snowy H [...]ll, Southwards to the furthest Prouince of Char­cas two hundred leagues from Cozco. So that the Sea and the Hills on each hand, and South­ward the Defarts betwixt them and Chili, bounded the Empire. Northwards hee went with thirty thousand warriours to Huamanca, and other Nations which hee subiected. Hee made a 20 water-passage twelue foot in the channell, to run an hundred and twenty leagues from betwixt Huge Aquae­ducts. Pareu and Picuy to Rucana [...]; and another thorow all the diuision Cuntisuyu from South to. North one hundred and fifty leagues from the high Sierras to the Quechuas: which may be ranked with the Wonders of the world considering the Rockes they brake thorow without instruments of steele, and onely by stones with force of hands. Neither know they to make arches, but were driuen to goe about. The Spaniards haue suffered them all to perish: as they haue permitted two third parts of those which were to water the Corne grounds to be lost also.

Embassadours came from Tucma (the Spaniards call it Tucuman) to the Inca, offering vassalage, Tucma. whom hee made to drinke in his presence (an inestimable fauour) and promised so much better respect as his course deserued. Hancohuallu not withstanding all his kinde vsage, left his Coun­tries 30 to goe seeke new and the Inca sent Colonies to the Chancas. This Inca they say had a fore­telling of the Spaniards comming. Hee died, and left his sonne Pachac [...]ec Inca his heire. It is supposed that he raigned aboue fiftie yeeres. Anno 1560. I saw his body in Cozco, in the pos­session Bodies of [...] Kings seene. See sup. Acost [...] of Licenciate Polo, with foure others: this with white haires, the second of T [...]pac Inc [...] Tupanqui, the third of Huayna Capac, which two were hoary but not white: the two other were Q [...]eens; Mama Rantu wife to Viracocha and Mama Ocllo mother of Huayna Capac. They were so whole that there wanted not haire, eie-brows, nor haire on the eie-lids. They had their garments, ribands, & diadems, as while they liued. They were set as the Indians vse with their hands acrosse on their breasts, the right hand ouer the left, their eyes downwards, as looking on the ground, and seemed as if they had beene aliue, and full fleshed. The Indians would neuer tell the Spaniards 40 their embalming arte. They weighed so little, that they were easily carried to the Gentlemens houses which desired to see them. The Indians by the way kneeled to them with sighs and tears.

When the Inca had conquered any Prouince, and setled the gouernment, hee improued the lands which would beare Mayz, sending Enginers to that purpose for conueyance of waters, Manner of i [...] ▪ prouing and allotting lands. without which they sowed no Mayz in those hot Countries. They also made plaine the fields, and layd them in squares, the better to receiue the water. They made plaine the Mountaines which were capable of seed, as it were in scales or steppes, one plaine subordinate to another, therefore called Andenes. Hauing thus improued the Land, they diuided it, to each Towne their share by themselues; each subdiuided into three parts, one for the Sunne, a second for the King, The Sunne, Inca and p [...]o­ple sharers. and the third for the Naturals; with that prouision, that alway the Naturals should haue suffi­cient, and if the people increased, the Sunnes and Incas part were lessened, that they should not 50 want. The like diuision they made of the grounds which needed not such watering, sowed with other seeds. The Andenes commonly belonged in greatest part to the Sunne, and the Inca. The Andenes. Mayz grounds they sowed euery yeere, heartning them with dung, as Gardens.

They first husbanded the Sunnes grounds, next that of Widowes and Orphanes, and of the Order of til­lage. old and sicke, all which were holden for poore, and had peculiar men in euery Towne appoin­ted Officers for that purpose. They had seed also, if they wanted, out of the Store-houses. Each man was tied to husband enough for prouision to his owne houshold. The lands of those which Care of Wi­dowes, Poore, and Souldiers. serued in the warres were prouided as those of the poore; their wiues for that time being re­spected as widowes. And if any were slaine in the warres, great care was had of his children. 60 After these lands, each man tilled his owne, one helping another in course; then those of the Curaca, which were last culti [...]ated in euery Towne. In Huayna Capacs time, one of the Cha­chapuyas was hanged for tilling the Curacas land his kinsman, before the widowes, and the Gal­lowes was set vp in the Curacas land, where hee had transgressed the Incas precept. The last of [Page 1470] all was the Incas lands, which thought his good to be grounded on the prosperitie of his Sub­iects. These and those of the Sunne were common workes which they did with their best or­naments Workes in common done with festiuall alacritic. and rayment, with spangles of Siluer and Gold, and feathers on their heads, as on fe­stiuall dayes; with songs in breaking vp their ground, in praise of their God and Prince. One Anden neere Cozco, being the first in the Kingdome which was dedicated to the Sunne, was til­led onely by Incas and Pallas of the bloud Royall with a great feast in their beast iewels, making Incas labour. Songs of Haylli, that is, of triumph. Their Plough (or Spade rather) was of wood, a yard long, Spade. plaine before and pointed, round behind, foure fingers thicke; halfe a yard from the point was a stirrup of two pieces of wood fastned to the principall, in which he set his foot, leaping and thrusting it forcibly into the ground vp to the stirrup. They went in companies, seuen er eight 10 together, and digged vp turfes of incredible bignesse. The women went besides them to helpe Women. with their hands to lift vp the earth, and weed out the rootes, and to cheare them with Songs. The Land was diuided to each man according to the number of his familie, and to the Curacas in greater proportions: likewise the water and other things necessary.

The principall tribute which they payed was this labouring the grounds of the Sunne and Tributes of labour. Inca, gathering their fruits, and keeping them in places appointed. Of their owne priuate lands they payd nothing. Other tributes were their making of clothes, shooes and armes for expense in warre, to which end they had wooll of the Cattell of the Sunne and Inca, which were innu­merable in the Hills, and Cotton in the Plaines. The poore were [...]ied to giue on certaine dayes so many pipes of Lice so to acknowledge subiection, and to keepe themselues cleane. The Roy­all Lowse-tribute. 20 kindred, Priests, Ministers, and Curacas were tribute-free; the chiefe Captaines to Centu­rions, the Iudges, Officers and Souldiers in time of seruice, young men vnder 25. and old men Scotfree-men. aboue 50. and all women and maidens: Their labour was not imposed but voluntary. Gold, Siluer and Gemmes were not reckoned tribute, nor treasure, nor price of other things bought and sold, or of mens labour. Onely they esteemed them for beautie, and thereof made voluntary Gold and Sil­uer no money. Presents. presents for the Temples, Nunneries and houses Royall. For they might not visite a Superiour without a Present. The Curacas in the principall feasts must visite the Inca, and made him Pre­sents of these or other things of account, as materials for buildings, Lyons, Tigres, Beares, Pa­rots, Monkies, great Snakes, or any other thing faire, fierce, great or strange. The King had in Repositories. euery Towne two places, one to keepe his goods for the seruice of the Sunne and himselfe, ano­ther 30 for prouision against deare yeeres; besides others for high-wayes, &c. Wooll was distribu­ted euery two yeeres, as any had need for garments for them and theirs, so that none needed to begge, neither had they any beggars in later times. I neuer saw Indian man or woman in my No beggars. time that begged, but one old woman named Isabell, which did it more to goe from house to house, as a Gipsie or Iuggler, then for any need. The Incas also caused to build publike Innes for Innes and tra­uellers. Hospitals. Course in new conquests. entertainment of Strangers, which had all necessaries free out of the Kings Store-houses: and if any were sicke, they were likewise prouided for. None trauelled in priuate affaires, but in the Kings businesse. When any new co [...]quest was made, they recorded on their quipus the quantitie, qualitie, site and other conditions of the lands of each Prouince, Towne and Diuision, that order might accordingly be taken. The Mines were giuen to the Curacas. Salt, Fish and Cotton were 40 common, none to applie any part to himselfe, but to gather what hee needed. Each man might plant trees in his owne ground and enioy them at his pleasure. The lands were diuided as you haue heard.

THe seruice and ornament of the houses Royall of the Incas may seeme to haue exceeded any Kings of the world in some things. The buildings of their Houses, Temples, Gardens, and The Sixth Booke. S [...]upendious buildings and riches of the Incas. Baths were adorned with stone fairely wrought, and set so close that the ioynture could not bee seene. Many of them had melted Lead or Siluer or Gold for the ioyning, which caused the to­tall destruction of them all, by the Spaniards seeking for those metals. They had the counter­feits in Gold and Siluer of herbs which growe on walls, as if they had beene the plants there 50 growing: and likewise the resemblances of Mice, Butterflies, Snakes great and small, Lizards seeming to moue; the Incas chambers were lined with Gold, with figures of Men, Women, Their houses. Birds, all knowne Beasts wilde and tame, all in their naturall figure and largenesse in Gold and Siluer; the Incas Chai [...]es of state were of solid Gold, without backes, hauing a great square Table of Gold ouer them. All the vessels of seruice both for Table, Butterie and Kitchin, small and great, were of Gold and S [...]luer; and that in all the Kings houses, so that when hee iour­neyed in progresse they did not remoue them from one house to another, as likewise in the Pro­uinces where he had occasion to march with his Armies, or to visite his Kingdomes. Hee had in Garments. Cieça, Zarate, Gomera, and o [...]her Spa­nish writers te­stifi [...] the same of th [...]se prodi­gious t [...]easures in Peru. them also of like metals many Granaries and Repositories not to keepe Graine, but to expresse Maiestie. 60

Hee had store of rich garments, the Inca neuer vsing to weare one thing twice, but giuing them once worne, to his kindred. The bed-furniture was of the wooll of the Uicunna, so fine, that King Philip: Beds are thence furnished. Feather-beds they had not, but had such Mantles layd ouer and vnder them. Tapistrie was suppl [...]ed with linings of Gold and Siluer on the walls. [Page 1471] Their prouisions for diet were abundant, they preparing for all their kindred and seruants: the houres were from eight to nine in the morning, and in the euening lightly by day-light. Their drinking lasted till night, for whiles they eate they drinke not.

Their Gardens and Orchards had all the fairest trees and plants planted, and many others Gardens, Or­chards and Bathes. counterfeited of Gold or Siluer; as Mayz with the leaues, stalkes, roots, and reedy tops of gold and siluer mixed, and so in other herbs and flowers; some comming forth, some halfe growne, some ripe; with counterfeits of Lizards, Butterflies, Snakes, Foxes, wilde Cats (for they had none tame) Birds of all sorts and postures, set on trees and plants; Deere, Lions, Tigres, and whatsoeuer creatures the Land had, set in due places. Their Baths had great vessels in which they bathed themselues, of gold and siluer, and water pipes of the same. They had also 10 wood-stackes counterfeited thereof. The most of which treasures the Indians hid from the couetous Spaniards, vnwilling that others should bee serued with that which was for the seruice of their Kings.

The seruants and officers for Water, Fewell, and the Kitchin, for the Tab [...]e of state (for the Seruants and Officers. Women and Concubines prouided for the Inca himselfe) Butlers, Porters, Keepers of the Ward­robe, Iewels, Gardens, and in other Offices, were not particular persons: but for euery Office they had two or three Townes assigned, whose charge it was to send men of ab [...]litie and trust, by dayes, weekes, or moneths changed in course: and this was their tribute; the whole Towne being punished in any defect. These Townes were within sixe or seuen leagues of Cozco, being those which Manco the first Inca had reduced from Sauages to Townes of ciuilitie, and these 20 were Incas by priuiledge, and had the title and attire according. The Incas huntings were at Huntings. certaine times of the yeere with twentie or thirtie thousand men, one halfe going on the right hand, the other on the left, circling in twen [...]ie or thirtie leagues, bringing in whatsoeuer wilde beasts [...]n that compasse, and killing all they pleased. Euery foure leagues they had Posts, swift Posts. runners for sudden messages, called Chasquis, either by word or quipus. But now wee will re­turne to Pachacutec.

Pachacutec hauing finished the solemnities visited his Kingdome, to examine the courses of Pachacutec, the ninth Inca. Sausa Dog­worshippers. his Gouernours: and then set forth his brother Capac Yupanqui with an Armie, which passed thorow the Prouince Sausa, corruptly by the Spaniards, called Xauxa, which professe to be de­scended of a man and a woman which came out of a Fountaine; their Townes were l [...]ke For­tresses: 30 they worshipped the fig [...]re of a Dog, and did eate Dogs flesh sauourly. They had also an Idoll like a man, in w [...]ich the Deuill spake. This people called Huanca were subiected, the Tarma and Pumpu also and Chucurpu, Ancara, Huayllas (in which Prouince he grieuously puni­shed Sodomites, a sinne before vnknowne to the Indians) after which conquests hee returned to Cozco, ha [...]ing gained sixtie leagues North and South in that Expedition, continuing three Benefite and prerogatiue of Nunneries an [...] Sun-temples. yeeres. Pachacutec was busie in making Lawes, building Temples, founding Houses for elect or chosen Uirgins in the Prouinces (which was to make such Prouinces, Citizens and Naturals of Cozco) in erecting Fortresses also in his frontiers, and Royall Palaces in the most delectable pla­ces, and Store-houses to keepe prouisions against yeeres of dearth. He spent three yeeres in visi­ting his Kingdome, and after sent his brother Inca Capac Yupauqui with his sonne the Prince In­ca 40 Yupanqui, knighted that yeere after their manner, and fiftie [...]housand men by Chinchusuyu to Peruan Knight. Pincu, Huaras, Piscopampa, Cunchucu, which being subiected, hee proceeded to Huamachucu, where they worshipped particoloured stones, and sacrificed mans flesh, which was in that con­quest altered. After that they came to Cassamarca (famous for the taking of Atahualpa by the Spaniards) where they first stood out and after yeelded, and there was founded a Temple for the Sunne, and a house of Virgins, which after grew one of the chiefe in the Kingdome. In re­turning Forme of Pe­ruan triumph. they subdued the Yauious, and were with festiuall pompe entertained in Cozco, each Na­tion in the Citie gracing the solemnitie, singled in their seuerall bands with warlike Musike, ad­ding Songs of triumph: betwixt the Generall and the Prince went the Inca Pachacutec, till they came to the limits of the Temple of the Sun, and then they put off their shooes, except the Shoo c [...]re­monie. Inca which at the doore of the Temple was vnshod also, where entring, adoring and rendring 50 praises for the victories, they returned to the Market place where they solemnized the feast with songs, dances, and good cheere. Each Nation arose from their place and sung and danced before the Inca after their Countrie guise. This continued a moneth.

After this the King with his sonne and brother went to the conq [...]est of the Vallies Pisco, Riuer turned out of the cour [...]e. Sea worship­ped. Pachacamacs T [...]mple, and Oracle [...]t [...] [...]ac o [...] [...]. Yea, Chincha, which Countries hee enriched with a R [...]uer from the Sierras, turning the course which naturally went Eastward into the West, to water the grounds. All those Nations for fiue hundred leagues space worshipped the Sea, besides the particular Idols of each People, and called it Mamacocha, or Mother Sea, for her plentie of fish, wh [...]h shee gaue them to eate. They worshipped also the Whale for the monstros greatnesse. In another expedition the Vallies Runa 60 huanac, Huarcu, Malla, Chilca, all subiect to one Prince, were subdued, the Inca besieging and fa­mishing their Armie. Then passed they to the Vallies of Pachacamac, Rimac, Cancay and Hua­man, which also h [...]d one King, called Cuysmancu. The Spaniards corruptly call Rimac, Lima: Pachacamac had the name of the inuisible God, neither had they any Temple to him in all P [...]res [Page 1472] but here, the edifices and sacrifices whereof were remarkable. Besides beasts they sacrificed men, women and children. The Spaniards confound the Temple of Rimac, with that of Pachacamac, which were differing, that of Rimac being an Oracle (for Rimac signifieth him that speaketh) of much veneration with the Natiues, and after the conquest with the Incas. The Spantards foun­ded there the Citie of Kings, so named, because founded on the day of the Epiphanie. Their Idoll was kept in a Temple, not so sumptuous as that of Pachacamac.

Cuysmancu refused subiection to the Incas demands in name of the Sunne, saying his Pachaca­mac was the Creator and preseruer of all, and therefore greater then the Sunne, to whom they had erected a Temple, where they offered the best things they had, and held him in such reue­rence, that wh [...] the King entred his Temple to worsh [...]p him, he did not dare to looke on him, Rites of Pacha­camacs Temple 10 but he and the Priest went backwards with their shoulders towards the Idoll: and that hee also adored Rimac which fore-told things to come; and Mamacocha, the Sea. The Inca sent him word that they also in their hearts worshipped Pachacamac, but without Temple or Sacrifice, because they knew him not, and were fearefull to pronounce his name. Many other words of perswasion passed, and peace was concluded, on condition that they should worship the Sunne, as did the Incas, and make him a Temple apart as to Pachacamac; that they should take away their Idols in the Temple of Pachacamac, and worship him without Statue; and that they should cease humane Sacrifices: that a House of Virgins should be erected in the Valley of Pachacamac: that Cuysmancu should remaine in his Lordship, acknowledging the In [...]a Lord Soueraigne, and obeying his Lawes, and that Rimacs Oracle should still bee in estimation. And thus Royall af­faires, 20 and those of greatest moment were after consulted of in Pachacamacs Temple, vulga [...] busin [...]sses were remitted to Rimac. Pachacutec hauing beene a great King and Priest and Cap­taine, enriched the Temple of the Sunne, couering the walls with plankes of Gold, as also the Shrines, and of the Cloister. Where the Idoll of the Sunne was, there is now the blessed Sacra­ment, Exch [...]nge and succ [...]ssion of Idols. and in the Cloister are Processions, and yeerely Festiuals in the Couent of Saint Domingo.

Hee sent his sonne in another Expedition, who comming to the Valley, entred Pachacamacs Temple, but without Sacrifices or verball Orisons, onely professing mentall adoration. He vi­sited also the Temple of the Sunne with rich offerings, and then the Idoll Rimac: and after mar­ched to Huamac, where Chimu a great Lord reigned: from thence to Truxillo in the Vallies Par­munca, Huallmi, Santa, Huarapu and Chimu. Here while Chimu would admit no new Gods, a Other Vallies subdued. 30 bloudy warre followed, which at last ended in his vassallage. The Inca now hauing enlarged his estate aboue an hundred and thirty leagues North and South, and in breadth from the Hills to the Sea some sixtie or seuenty leagues, fell to founding Townes, Temples, St [...]re-houses, and re­formed the Empire, ennobled the Schooles, augmented the Schoole-masters, caused all the Ca­racas and all Officers to learne the Cusco Language (as common) and much enlarged Cozco. Hee Common Tongue. reigned about fiftie yeeres, or as others, aboue sixtie, and left Ynca Yupanqui his successor, leauing aboue three hundred sonnes and daughters. The Spanish Authours confound the father and the sonne. Many of his sentences and lawes are recorded by the authour, here omitted: as likewise the See of their Feasts in Acosta. transplanting of Colonies, order of bringing vp the Curacas heires in the Court; the common or Court Tongue; the description of Cozco, the Schooles, and the three Royall Palaces, Almes, &c. for all these 40 I remit the curious to the Authour, fearing blame for this our length. Yet their chiefe Feast of the Sun, rites of triall and installing of Knights, I haue added.

Cozco was another Rome, in which the Sunne had foure Festiuall solemnities obserued, the Cozco as Reme, mother of su­perstitions. Raymi, that is, the Feast. principall in Iune, which they called Yntip Raymi, as it were The Sunnes Easter, and absolutely Raymi, in acknowlegement of the Sunnes Deity ouer all, and his being Father of the Incas, Manco and his descendants. All the principall Captaines which were not then in the warres came to it, and all the Curacas, not by precept but of deuotion, in adoration of the Sunne, and veneration of the Inca. And when age, sicknesse, distance or businesse in the Kings affaires de­tained Generall as­sembly. them, they sent their sonnes or brethren with the chiefe of their kindred to that solem­nitie. The King did performe the first ceremonies as Chiefe Priest: for although they had a high The King was chiefe Priest at that Feast. 50 Priest alwaies of the bloud Royall, Brother or Vncle to the King, legitimate by Father and Mo­ther; yet in this Feast proper to the Sunne, the King himselfe, as first-borne of the Sunne, was the principall Solemn [...]zer. The Curacas came in their greatest brauerie, and best deuises; some like Hercules, in Lions skinnes with their heads in the Lions head-skinne, as boasting of descent Brauerie and Deuises. from a Lion; some like Angels, with great wings of a Cuntur fourteene or fifteene foot distant in the extremes stretched out, as descended of that Fowle; some with vizors of most abomi­nable and deformed formes, and those are the Yuncas; others with golden and siluer ornaments; and others with other inuentions. Euery Nation carried the armes which they vsed in fight, as Bowes and Arrowes, D [...]rts, Slings, Clubs, Lances, Axes, &c. the pictures also of whatsoeuer ex­ploits they had done in the seruice of the Sunne o [...] Incas. Once; all came in their best accoultre­ments 60 and brauerie that they were able.

They prepared themselues to this festiuitie with a rigorous Fast, in three dayes eating no­thing but a little white raw Mayz, and a few herbs with water; not kindling a fire in the Ci­tie, Fast of three dayes. or accompanying with their wiues all that time. The Fast ended, or the night before the [Page 1473] Feast the Priests Incas made ready the Sacrifices and Offerings, which euery Nation is to pro­uide. The women of the Sunne make that night a great quantity of dowe of Maiz called çancu, Bread festiual. whereof they make little loues as bigge as a common Apple. Neyther do these Indians euer eat their Maiz made into bread but at this Feast and at another called Citua; then eating two or three bits at the beginning of the meale; their ordinary meales in stead of bread haue çara par­ched or boyled in graine. The Virgins of the Sunne prepare this bread for the Inca, and those of his bloud; for the rest, innumerable other women are appointed, which make it with Reli­gious care.

In the morning early the Inca goeth accompanied with all his kindred, [...]ed according to Adoration of the rising Sun. their age and dignitie, to the chiefe street of the Citie called Haucapata: and there expect the 10 Sunne rising, all barefooted, looking to the East with great attention; as soone as he peepes forth, fall on their elbowes (which is as kneeling here) adoring him with their armes open, and their hands before their faces, giuing kisses to the ayre (as in Spaine it is the vse to kisse a mans owne hand, or the Princes garment) so acknowledging him their God. The Curacas set themselues in Festiuall and consccrsted Drinke. another street next thereto, called Cussipata, and make the same adoration. After this the King riseth on his feet, others remaning on their elbowes, and taketh two great vessels of Gold full of drinke, the one in his right hand, as in the name and steed of the Sunne, as if he did drinke to his kindred (this was their greatest courtesie of the S [...]perior to the Inferior, and amongst friends, to giue them drinke) and powres it into a pipe of Gold, by which it runneth into the house of the Sunne. After this he drinketh part of that in his left hand, giuing the rest to the Incas in a 20 small Cup, or out of the same vessell (this sanctifying or giuing vertue to all that is brought forth) euery man drinking a draught. The Curacas drinke of that which the women of the Sunne haue Procession bare-foot. made. This done, they went all in order to the House of the Sunne, and two hundred paces be­fore they came at the doore, they put off their shooes; only the King stayed till hee came at the doore. Then the Inca and his entred in and adored the Image of the Sunne, as naturall Sonnes. The Curacas abode in the street before the Temple. The Inca offered with his owne hands the Oblations, vessels in which he had done that ceremony; the other Incas gaue their vessels to the Priests (for they which were not Priests, might not doe the Priestly office, although they were of the bloud.) The Priests hauing receiued the Incas offered vessels, went forth to receiue those of the Cu­racas which brought them in order of their antiquity, as they had bin subiect to the Empire; they Strange Offe­rings. 30 gaue also other things of Gold and Sil [...]er, with Sheep, Lizards, Toads, Snakes, Foxes, Tigres, Li­ons, variety of Birds, and whatsoeuer most abounded in their Countries. The offerings ended, they returned to their streets in order. Then the Incas Priests, bring sorth great store of Lambes, barren Ewes and Rams of all colours (for sheep in those parts are of al colours, as Horses in these) all being the C [...]tle of the Sun. They take a black Lambe (which they esteeme the holiest colour for Sacrifices and Auguries. Black fairest. Soothsaying vsuall. Rites thereof. Sacrifices and the Kings weare commonly black) and offer that first for Soothsaying (a thing vsed by them in all things of moment in peace and warre, looking into the heart and lungs for prog­nostications) they set the head to the East, not tying any of his feet, open him aliue (being hol­den by three or foure Indians) and that on the left side, to take out his heart and entrals with their hands, without cutting. The best Augury was if the lungs mooued when they were taken 40 forth: the worst, if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet ouercomming those which held it. If one prooued vnluckie, they assayed another of a Ram, and another of a barren Ewe; if all prooued v [...]ucky they gaue ouer keeping the Feast, and said the Sunne was angry for some fault. which they had done, and expected wars, Dearth, Murrayne, &c. After this Augury, they ope­ned not the other Sacrifices aliue but cut off their heads, offering the bloud and heart to the Sun.

The fire which they vsed must bee new, giuen them, as they said by the hands of the Sunne, which they did by the force of the Sunne beames shining thorow a Iewell which the High Priest Holy fire. held in his hand (as by a burning Glasse) on Cotton. With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and rosted that dayes flesh: and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sunne, and to the house of Vir­gins to keepe all the yeere. And if the Sunne did not shine, they made fire with motion of two smooth round stickes: but this absence or refusall of the Sunne they esteemed vnlucky. All the 50 flesh of those Sacrifices was rosted openly in the two streets aforesaid; they parted it amongst the Incas, Curacas, and common people which were at the Feast, giuing it with the bread çancu. After this they had many other Viands: and when they had done eating they fell to drinking, in Festiual eating and drinking. which vice they exceeded, though now the Spaniards example haue that way done good, and this vice is infamous amongst them. The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principall in his name to make them drinke, first the valorous Captaynes, next the Curacas which haue not bin Commanders in war, then to Cozco-Incas by priuiledge: the manner was this; the Inca which brought the drinke said, the Capa Inca sends thee banketting drinke, and I come in his name to drinke with thee. The Captaine or Curaca tooke the Cup with great reuerence and lifted vp his eyes to 60 the Sunne, as giuing him thankes for such a fauour, and hauing drunke, returned the Cup to the Inca with shew of adoration, not speaking one word. Hee sends to the Captaines in generall; but to some speciall Curacas only; the rest the Incas in their owne name, and not in the Kings, cause to drinke. The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched [Page 1474] them with his hands and lips. After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another, and after that to dancing, the Feast continuing nine dayes with great iollity, but the Sacrifices held but the first: and after they returned to their Countries.

Now for their Knights, till they had that order, they were not capeable of the dignities of Manner of making Knights. warre or peace. The youths of the Royall bloud (for none else might be in election) from sixteene yeeres old vpwards, first made experiments of themselues in rigorous tryals, whether they could indure the hard Aduentures of warre. Euery yeere, or each other yeere, these noble youths were shut vp in a house where old Masters examined them. They were to fast seuen dayes strictly, with a little raw [...]ne and water, to try their endurance of hunger and thirst. Their Parents and brethren al [...]ed for them to intreate the Sunne to fauour them. They which could not 10 sustaine this fast, were reiected as vnsufficient. After this they heartned them with meate, and tryed their actiuitie in running of a certaine Race a league and halfe long, where was a Banner set, which he that first came at was Captaine of the rest: others also to the tenth were subordinate­ly honoured. Their next tryall was in skirmish, one halfe to keepe, the other to get a Fort; and they which were now keepers, were another day besiegers, where eagernesse and emulation sometimes cost some their liues in that ludicrous warre. Then followed wrestling betwixt e­quals, leaping, throwing small and great stones, also a Launce and a Dart, and other Armes, shoo­ting, casting with a sling, and exercise in all weapons of warre. They caused them to watch ten or twelue nights as Centinels, comming suddenly on them at vncertaine houres, shaming those which they found sleeping. They tryed with wands how they could indure stripes, beating them 20 cruelly on the armes and legs (where the Indians goe bare) and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they reiected them, saying how would they beare their enemies weapons? They were to bee in manner vnsensible. A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club cal­led Macana, another while wit [...] a Pike, to hit or strike them, and if they shrugged, or in their eyes or body made shew of feare, they were reiected. Next they made triall whether they had skill to make their armes of all sorts, and shooes called Vsuta, like those which the Franciscans weare.

After all these, the Captaines and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sunne, the noble Acts of their Ancestors, and instruct them in courage, clemency and milde­nesse to the poore, with other parts of morality. The Heire apparant indured no lesse rigorous 30 tryals then others, except in running for the Banner, and all that tryall time (which was from one New Moone to another) he went in poore and vile habit to teach him to pity the poore. These things done, the King solemnly attended, made a Speech to them, and each on their knees receiued at his hand the first Ensigne of dignity, which was to boare a hole in their eares.

The New Knight kissed his hand, and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas, and put him on gallant shooes of Wooll. Then did he goe to another place, where other Incas put him on breeches, as the token of manhood, which before he might not weare: after which they put on his head two kinds of flowres, and a leafe of another herbe which will long keepe greene. No other men might weare those flowres. The Prince had the same Ensignes, and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wooll (which none but he, and that first after his tryall, might weare) and 40 an Axe of Armes with a kinde of Iaueline aboue a yard long; which when they put in his hand, they said Aucunapac, that is, for tyrant Traytors. The Kings fringe was coloured; he ware besides on his head two feathers of a B [...]rd called Coreq [...]enque, which are said to bee but a Male and a Fe­male, in one place only called Villacanuta. These they weare vpon their fringe; and euery new Successor must haue new. When the Prince is Knighted all of the bloud Royall adore him as their Prince.

INca Yupanqui bestowed three yeeres in visiting his Kingdome, and afterwards resolued on a The seuenth Booke. Inca Yupanqui the tenth Inca. The Musus in­uaded. difficult designe, namely to passe the Antis Eastward from Cozco, that hauing trauersed those hig [...] Hils, he might find passage by some Riuers running thence Eastward: for the Hils them­selues 50 still couered with Snow falne and falling were impassable; mooued by a tradition of many Habitations and Countries in those parts. One of which was called Musu (by the Spaniards, Moxos) to which he might enter by a Riuer in the Antis diuided into fiue, which all make the Riuer Amarumayis; which I suspect to fall into the Riuer of Plate, the greatest Riuer knowne after Orellana. With this determination he sent to cut a great quantity of that stuffe which the Spaniards call Higuera, wherein they spent two yeeres, making thereof a kind of Boats, so many as receiued ten thousand Souldiers with their prouisions, each holding thirtie, fortie, fiftie more or lesse, with their prouisions in the midst. Thus went they downe the Riuer, and had great encounter with the Chanchu which liued on both sides the Riuer, all painted and naked with fea­thers on their heads armed, with Bowes and Arrowes. They were reduced to subiection, and The Chunchus su [...]dued. 60 sent presents of Poppenjayes, Monkies and Huacamayas, Waxe and Honey, which they conti­nued till the death of Tupac Amara the last of the Incas, whom the Vice-roy Francis de Toledo beheaded.

A Colonie of these was planted neere Tono, some sixe and twenty leagues from Cozco. They [Page 1475] proceeded in their Conquest till they came at Musu two hundred leagues from Cozco. These hearing their Relations of the Iucas conquests and deuotions, and Viracochas vision, were content to accept of their friendship, and confederacie, but not to acknowledge vassallage. They per­mitted them to make a plantation there, and gaue them their Daughters for Wiues, being now Peruan Colony in the Musus Countrie. not aboue a thousand left, the rest wasted in the ill wayes and warres. They sent an Embassage also to Cozco which were well entertained and instructed in all their Rites. These Peruans would haue returned into their Countrey about the time of Huayna Capacs death but hearing of the Spanish conquest, stayed.

Anno 1564. one Diego Aleman a Spaniard hearing of Gold in those parts, with twelue others Spanish at­tempts fru­strate. went on foote with an Indian Curaca for his guide (the ill wayes admitted no Horses) and ha­uing 10 trauelled into the Musus Countrey after eight and twentie dayes, were set vpon and tenne Spaniards killed, Diego himselfe taken, and two only escaped in the darknesse of the night. The Indians made Diego their Captaine (of a Captiue) against their enemies. About this Golden prize the Spaniards after fell into contention, diuers hauing gotten the grant, and many were slaine by their emulous Competitors, and so made an easie prey to the Chunchus. Three they took and after two yeeres dismissed them. One of them was a Frier and Priest whom they requested at his departure to send for their conuersion which was not done. But let vs returne to Inca Yupanqui.

After this Expedition to the Musus, hee resolued on the Conquest of the great Prouince Chirihuana, which is vpon the Antis Eastward from Charcas. And because the Countrey was Chirihuana. A Sauage beast­ly Nation. 20 vnknowne, he sent Spies which brought word that it was a wretched Countrey, wilde Moun­taynes, m [...]ry Marishes, Lakes and Bogs, vnprofitable for Seed and Husbandry, and the Natu­rals brutish worse then beasts without Religion or worship of any thing, without Law, Townes, or Houses, and eating mans flesh, hunting to that end the Neighbour Prouinces, and drinking their bloud, without difference of sexe or age; eating also their owne when they dyed, and w [...]en they had eaten their flesh, they layd the bones together and mourned for them, burying those Re­likes in Rockes or hollow Trees. They were clothed in skinnes, and abstayned not from sisters, mothers, daughters. Good Inca Yupanqui (so they vsed to call him) hearing this, said they were more bound to the Conquest, to the end to ciuilize them; for therefore our Father the Sun hath sent vs. 30

Hee sent tenne thousand men which spent two yeeres, and returned without hauing ef­fected Inuasions of the Incas and S [...]aniards [...]o­strate. their Designe by reason of the ill condition of the Countrey. Neyther had the V [...]ce-roy Do [...] Francis de Toledo any better successe in the like attempt. Anno 1572. in which by reason of the badnesse of the wayes vnpassable for Mules, his Litter was carried on mens shoulders, whom the Chiribuanas followed with cryes threatni [...]g to eate them. Such terrour they cause to the borderers, that an hundred of them will flee from ten: yet this little conuersation with those which the Inca sent, instructed them to leaue eating their dead friends, and to dwell in houses in common.

The good King Inca Yupanqui after this, proceeded to another purpose of conquering Chili, Chili dis [...] ­red. and from Atacama sent Spies to discouer it, and the difficulty of the wayes; which passed the 40 Deserts and left markes in the way left they should loose it at their returne, there beeing eighty leagues of Wildernesse from Atacama to Copayapu, which is a little Prouince well peopled, from which to Cuquimpu are other eightie leagues vnpeopled. These hauing giuen aduice to the Inca, he sent ten thousand men of warre vnder the command of Sinchiruca with prouisions necessary; and after them sent ten thousand others both to succour them, and to terrifie the enemy. When words would not perswade the men of Copayapu to receiue the command of the Lord of the foure Sudued. parts of the World, they came to skirmishes and after to composition, vpon the comming of the second Army. The Inca hereupon leuied other ten thousand, and sent them to follow the former which marched eighty leagues, and after many troubles came to another Valley or Prouince called Cuquimpu, which they subdued. And so proceeded conquering all the Nations which are till you come to the Valley of Chili, whereof that whole Kingdome takes the name. This ex­ploit 50 was sixe yeeres in hand, the Inca still sending fresh supplies of men and prouisions of armes, clothes and other necessaries, so that he had fiftie thousand men of warre in Chili. They went fifty leagues further Southwards to the Riuer of Maulli, stil vsing faire meanes rather then cruel­tie B [...]le at Pu­rumancu. to reduce them. And thus the Empire was aduanced aboue two hundred and sixty leagues beyond Atacama: yet ambition looking further, they passed the Riuer Maulli with twenty thousand men. Three dayes they fought cruelly till halfe of both sides were slaine: the three dayes following they were content to sit still in expectation, and after that departed from each other without further accomplishment. Maulli was now the Southerne boundarie, and the Inca hauing intelligence sent them word rather to cultiuate and order what they had got­ten 60 then to seeke new Conquests. Thus they fortified the Frontiers and attended the admi­nistration Spanish acts in Chi [...]i. Almagros Di [...] ­couery. of Iustice, and building Houses for the Sunne and the King.

Diego de Almagro was the first Spaniard which discouered Chili, but hauing purchased nothing [Page 1476] but the sight and innumerable troubles in the way, he returned to Peru, which was the cause of the generall Rebellion of the Indians of Peru, and of the discords and Ciuill warres of the Spa­niards. Pedro de Valdiuia, made the next Discouerie, and happily conquered them, but as vn­happily P [...]d [...] Valdiuia. was put to death by the Araucans his vassals, after hee had raised his profits to a hundred thousand Pezos yeerely, which yet did but enlarge his appetite. The Araucans had assembled twelue or thirteene thousand, notwithstanding which numbers Valdiuia still had the better, by reason of the Horsemen, ten of which would breake thorow a thousand Indians, which there­fore would not deale with the Spaniards in the Plaines but kept the Hils. A certaine old Cap­taine An old [...]ili Captaine his policie, where­by Arauco hath beaten the Spaniards. hearing hereof, would needs goe thither to see what that Military mysterie might be, that one hundred and fiftie men should hold vnder so many thousands. He called a Councell, and asked 10 if the Spaniards were mortall and made of flesh, subiect to humane infirmities of wearinesse and sleepe; and likewise of their Horses; which being affirmed, hee taught them another course of battle, diuiding all their thousands into so many bands single, each of which should fight, and doe what they could, and when they were wearie should conuay themselues away, and giue place to another Regiment; meanewhile to recollect themselues into their ranke againe, and to refresh themselues: so likewise should the second and third and all of them doe in their order. Thus they fought and fled, and still seemed to the Spaniards both broken and whole, they hauing often broken the bands, which yet kept still neere the number which they had at first. This troubled them, their bodies and horses yeelding to wearinesse by long continuance from morning till afternoone: and then Valdiuia commanded his men that they should re­coyle 20 by degrees, making a defensiue warre till they might recouer certayne Straits, where they might easily by the strength of the place bee defended. This was heard by one Philip a Chili Seruant of the Gouernours (by his Indian name, Lautram) who fled to his Countrimen, Philip [...]etray­eth his Master. and told them this his Masters intent. Whereupon they sent some Regiments to make good that place, so that about Sunne-set the Spaniards thinking to secure themselues there, came to the Sunne-set and irrecouerable night of their Fates. The Gouernour and a Frier were taken, the rest slaine: three Indians fled and carried newes of this disaster. Val­diuias death is diuersly told; some say that that Philip killed him, some that another Captayne did it with a Clubbe whiles others by his promises were wonne to giue him libertie. Francis de Rieros which then was a Captayne in Chili, from the reports of Others say, they powred molten gold downe his throate. Later acci­dents in Peru and Chili. Prodigious showres of sand & ashes 1600. They tell also of fearefull Earthquakes at Arequepa 1582. See su [...]. p. 940. 941. 30 Indians, tels that the Chilois made dances all night, at the end of each dance cutting off a piece of the flesh of both their Prisoners and eating it before their faces. Notwith­standing they doe not ordinarily eate mans flesh. This was Anno 1553. and euer since the Rebellion hath continued: at which time Don Sebastian rebelled in Potosi and Fran­cis Hernandes Giron in Cozco, Rebellions later then those of the Pizarrists and Almagrists.

I might adde to these affaires of Chili, the great Earth-quakes, A. 1600. in Peru, at Arequepa, the rayning of sand, as also of ashes about twenty dayes from a Vulcan breaking forth; the ashes falling in places aboue a yard thicke, in some places more then two, and where lest aboue a quar­ter of a yard, which buried the Corne-grounds of Maiz and Wheat, and the boughes of Trees were broken and fruitlesse, and the Cattle great and small dyed for want of pasture. For the 40 sand which rained couered the fields thirty leagues one way, and aboue forty another way round about Arequepa. They found their Kine dead by fiue hundred together in seuerall Heards, and whole Flockes of Sheepe and Heards of Goates and Swine buried. Houses fell with the weight of the sand, others cost much industry to saue them. Mighty Thunders and Lightnings were heard and seene thirty leagues about Arequepa. It was so darke whiles those showres lasted that at m dday they burned Candles to see to doe their businesse. This from Peru: from Chili they write that the Rebellion of Arauco groweth euery day stronger. On Wednesday the foure and twentieth A Letter writ­ten by a Citi­zen of Iago in Chili. of Nouember 1599. there came in the morning vpon the citie of Valdiuia, about fiue thousand Indians of the bordering places, and of the places adioyning to Imperiall, Pica, and Putem, three thousand hors­men and the rest foot; seuenty of them Harcabuse men, and two hundred in coates Note the A­vaucans armes gotten from the Spaniards. of Maile (Cotas.) 50 They came vnperceiued, hauing set double Espials on the citie. They came in Squadrons ranked in or­der; for they knew that the Spaniards were asleepe, and had but foure men in their Corps de gard, and to walke the round. They were blinded with their fortune some twentie dayes before hauing beaten the In­dians from their Fort in Vega, and the Marishes of Paparlen, slaying many that for eight leagues a­bout no Indian durst be seene. Thus entred they the streets of that vnhappy citie, and fired the houses; then tooke the gates, and in two houres space with fire and Sword destroyed the Towne, and wanne the Fort and Artillery, killing foure hundred Spaniards of both Sexes; sacked three hundred thousand Pe­zos of spoile, consuming all the rest. The shippes of Vallano, Villaroell, and another of Diego de Roias, were at anchor in the Riuer, and if some had not escaped in Canoas to carry them newes, they had runne the like fortune. The Spaniards seuerity a little before made them thus cruell, hauing sold so ma­ny 60 of their wiues and children for slaues to Merchants, which carried them out of their Countries, be­ing Valdiuia de­stroyed. baptized, and hauing kept Priests fiftie yeeres. Now first, they destroyed the Churches, and bra [...]e the Images in pieces. Ten dayes after Coronel Francisco del Campo, came with three hundred men sent [Page 1477] from his Excellency from Peru, to succour those Cities. Hauing seene this lamentable destruction, he went to succour Osorno, and Villarrica, and sad Ymperiall, of which hee knew nothing but that it had Ymperiall fami­shed. beene besieged a yeere by the enemies, hauing nothing to eat but dead Horses, Cats, Dogges, and Hides. But first he succoured Osorno, to which the victorious enemies had gone from Valdiuia. Newes came at the same time, whiles I was writing, that those of Ymperiall were dead with famine, all saue twentie whom hunger forced to a worse destinie, to goe to the Indians. Lord haue mercy on vs. Amen. March 1600. from Saint Iago.

Father Diego de Alcobaza (whom I haue before mentioned) writ to me, Anno 1601. that the Indi­ans Another letter 1601. Indians Valour. were growne of such dexteritie in warres, that euery Indian on horsebacke with his Lance, durst sally out on any Spanish Souldier, were he neuer so valiant: and euery yeere many goe from Peru thither 10 but none returne. They haue sacked two Townes, and killed all they found in them, carrying away the wo­men and daughters and seruants: and lastly, they killed in an Enboscada the Gouernour Loyola, which Gouernour Loyola slaine. was married to a daughter of Don Diego Sayritupac the Inca, which went from Viliacapampa, be­fore your Worship went to those parts. God haue mercy on the dead, and giue remedie to the liuing. Other things he writ so irkesome, that I forbeare to recite, as of the plagues of Arequepa, one of which Dearth. was that Wheate was worth that yeere ten or eleuen Ducats, and Maiz thirteene. Anno 1602. the disasters of Arequepa, continued as the Iesuites haue written. Anno 1604. Padre Maestro 1604. Francisco de Castro gaue mee this further Relation of Chili. Of thirteene Cities which are in this Realme of Chili, the Indians haue destroyed sixe, viz. Valdiuio, Imperiall, Angol, Sancta Cruz, Sixe Townes destroyed. Chillan and Conception. They wasted and consumed therein, the Houses, Churches, Deuotion, Bean­tie 20 of the fields; and yet the greatest misery is, that the Indians haue gathered heart and courage for greater spoyles and destructions of Cities and Monasteries. They haue bent their minds to mischiefe and cunning stratagems. They besieged the Citie Osorno, and consuming the Spanish forces, they retired to Osorno Fort taken. a Fort in which they haue held them as it were in a continuall siege, the besieged sustayning themselues with seeds and herbes. In one of the sieges which that Citie sustained, they broke the Images: in the last they killed the Centinels, and safely entred and seised the Fort, the Spaniards not perceiuing, and whiles they were busie in spoyle, the Spaniards came on them, and got from them the women and Nuns. The last Victory of the Indians, was the taking of Villarrica, with great slaughter of Spaniards, firing Villarrica ta­ken. it in foure parts. They killed all the Freers of Saint Domingo, Saint Francis, and our Lady of Pitie, and the Clergie men: they captiued all the women which were many, and of a good account. 30

Now let vs returne to the Inca Yupanqui, who now determined to ceasse further inuading and conquest, His Realme now extending a thousand leagues. He made many Fortresses and Tem­ples to the Sunne, and Nunneries, and Royall Palaces, and Conueyances of water. Especially hee bestowed paines on the Fortresse of Cozco, for which his Father had brought great store of stones. He visited his Kingdome to see with his eyes the necessities thereof that he might reme­die them, which he did with such care, that he merited the surname of Pious. After which hee dyed full of Trophees, hauing enlarged his Empire so farre to the South, and a hundred and forty leagues Northwards.

Tupac Inqua Yupanqui his eldest Sonne succeeded. The Fortresse of Cozco which hee built may Yupanqui Inca his acts and death. seeme a worke of Deuils rather then men, the stones (or Rockes rather) in three circuits about 40 being so many and great, the Indians hauing neither Iron nor Steele to cut or worke them, nor Oxen, nor Carts to draw them, but all done with force of men with great Cables, and that tho­row vneuen wayes in rough Mountains. Many of them they brought ten, twelue, fifteen leagues, Fortresse of Cozco a rare worke. particularly that stone which the Indians call Saycusca, that is, wearied, which was brought fif­teene leagues, and passed the Riuer Yucay little lesse then Guadalquiuir at Corduba. The most came from Muyna, fiue leagues off. Many of them are so close, that scarsly the place where they are See sup. 1056. Acostas Rela­tion. ioyned can be discerned, which required the lifting vp and often setling one stone vpon another, hauing neyther Square, nor Rule. Nor could they make Cranes or any sort of Engine to helpe them. It seemes that the Incas thought hereby to expresse their magnificence and power, and the skill of their workmen. This Fortresse was built on a Hill on the Northside of the Citie, so steepe that way that it could not bee assaulted, and therefore one wall serued on that side two 50 hundred fathomes long. They had no morter but vsed a kind of coloured clay faster then it. On the other parts they made three wals one before another, each aboue two hundred fathomes, in forme of a halfe Moone; there were stones in them, but such as were admirably great. A Priest of Montilla hauing beene in Peru and seene them, told me that hee could not imagine how they The wonders of the world not so wonder­full as Cozco Fortresse. could be laid but by the blacke Art. And indeed this in respect of the want of Art may bee said to exceed the seuen Wonders of the World: for it is easie to conceiue how the Pyramides of Egypt and wals of Babylon might be made, which here is not. Eu [...]ry wall in the midst had one gate which had one stone eleuated the breadth and height thereof. Betwixt one wall and ano­ther was about thirty foot: the battlements were aboue a yard high. The height I cannot ex­actly 60 tell. Within those wals were three strong Forts, the middlemost called Moyoc Marca, or the round Fort, in which was a Conduit of good water brought farre off vnder ground, the In­dians One round Fort and two square. knew not whence: it was knowne only to the Inca and some chiefe Councellors. In this the Kings remained when they went to visit the Fortresse, and the wals were all adorned with [Page 1478] gold and siluer and counterfeits of beasts, and birds, and plants, enchased therein, which serued for Tapestry. The second Fort was called Paucar Marca, the third, Sacllac Marca, both square, with Roomes for Souldiers which must be Incas of priuiledge, for no other Nation might enter, it being the house of the Sunne for warre, as Temples were for Prayer. The Captaine was of House of the Sun for warre. the bloud Royall legitimate. They had vnder earth passages from one Fort to another very ar­tificiall with Labyrintian windings and turnings inextricable but by a Thread. When I was a Boy I often saw the ruines thereof, but none of vs durst enter the Vaults further then wee had Labyrinth. Sun-light.

The whole worke was of stone, some polished, some rude. They had to draw the great Stone Saycusca twenty thousand Indians with Cables, one halfe before, the other behind; in one vne­uen 10 passage it killed three or foure thousand Indians. They call it wearied, because they were wea­rie Spanish acts. and neuer layd it in the building. The Architect was Callacunczuy. The Spaniards not only doe not repaire the Fortresse, but pull it downe to build their priuate houses, euery of their hou­ses in the Citie beeing therewith adorned. In such manner haue they cast so great Maiesty to the ground. The three wals stand because they cannot ruine them for their greatnesse, yet some part they demolished to seeke the Chaine of gold which Huayna Capac made. This Inca beganne this Fortresse which continued fiftie yeeres before it was finished.

THe Great Tupac Inca Yupanqui (his name Tupac signifieth Resplendent or Illustrious, for such were his Acts) after the accomplishment of solemnities concerning his Fathers Funerals, The eigh [...]h Booke. Tupac Inca Yu­panqui the 11. King of Peru. 20 and his owne Coronation, which consumed one yeere; visited his Kingdome, the better to know and to be knowne of his Subiects, and for better execution of Iustice by his Officers and Iudges, in which he spent foure yeeres. This done, he leuied forty thousand Souldiers to proceed in the course of his Fathers, which palliated their ambition of Souereigntie and Dominion, with re­ducing men from Barbarisme and beastiality to Ciuility and Religion. He marched to Cassamar­ca, and entred the Prouince of Chachapuya. Eastwards from Cassamarca, a Countrey of valiant Cassamarca. men and very faire women. They worshipped Snakes, and the bird Cuntur was their principall God. It then contayned aboue fortie thousand Families. Their chiefe Armes were slings, and they wore a kinde of sling-net for their head tyre (hee cals both by the name honda.) Beyond them are the Huacrachucu a fierce and warly Nation, which weare on their head a blacke leash of Wooll 30 with white flyes here and there, and for a feather a piece of a Deeres horne: these worshipped in those times Snakes, and kept them pictured in their Temples and houses. These lay in the way to the former, and much bloud was lost in fight on both sides; whereupon the Inca, after their ancient custome, sought to reduce them by faire meanes, intimating that hee came more to doe them good as they had done to other Nations, suffering the Curacas to rule still; then to rule ouer them, seeking no more but that they should worship the Sunne, and leaue their barba­rousnesse. Huacrachucus subdued. He diuided his Armie, and sent some to take the most commodious places, so that they were forced to seeke peace. He stayed there, the Countrey being rainy, till the next Summer, and sent for twenty thousand men more, instructing the Huacrachucus meane while in his de­uotions and Lawes, and to conuay away the waters, and make the grounds fit for seed to their 40 great benefit.

The next Summer hee entred the Prouince Chachapuya, where notwithstanding the wonted gentle message he was incountred with a cruell warre. This Prouince was fiftie leagues long, and Chachapuya. Muyupampa. twenty broad, reaching to Muyupampa, which is thirtie leagues long. The Hils were craggie, and in places very steepe and snowie; three hundred which he sent to spie, were drowned in the snow, not one escaping. The prowesse and numbers of the Inca brought all by degrees to subie­ction, Pias, Charmac cassa (an open passage of the snowie Hill, very dangerous where the three hundred were lost) Cuntur Marca, Cassa Marquilla, all Mountaynous and craggie places, till hee came to Raymipampa, so called of a Feast which he solemnized there to the Sunne in his Campe, Raymipampa. being a faire Valley; and thence to Muyupampa, where Ancohualla entred as is before said in Vi­racochas 50 time, rather then he would bee a subiect to the Inca; these and Cascuyunca now yeel­ded. The next Summer hee marched on to Huancapampa, a great Nation, but diuided amongst themselues, naked and warring not for wealth but women, worshipping Birds, Beasts, Plants, Huancapampa. euery one as himselfe pleased. These he tamed by hunger (staruing such as came not in) and gaue them Masters to instruct them in husbandry, and how to clothe themselues, to water their fields, and to plant Townes, so that it became one of the best Prouinces in Peru. More to ennoble it, hee after built there a Temple and house of Virgins, prohibiting the eating of mans flesh, and gaue them Priests and men learned in the Lawes to instruct them. Afterwards he Three ciuill Prouinces subdued. added three great Prouinces, Cassa Ayahuaca and Callua to his Signory, which liued ciuilly, hauing Townes and Fortresses, and a kind of Republike or free State, hauing their meetings and choice 60 of Gouernours. These Conquests ended, he spent long time in visiting his Kingdom, and bu [...]lding Temples, Nunneries, Store-houses, Aquaeducts, especially taking care of the Fortresse at Cozco.

Some yeeres this way spent, hee marched Northward to Huanucu, which containeth many Huanacu or [...]. disunited Nations, whom he easily conquered, and planted Townes there, being a fertile Coun­trie, [Page 1479] and temperate, making it the chiefe Prouince of many others in those Confines. He built Pedrode Cieç [...] sa [...]th 3000 [...]. c. 80. h [...] calls it Guanuco, and sai [...]h, there was a Royall hou [...]e very admirable of great stones cunningly placed; neere to which was the Temple, &c. Cannari. Quillacu. Louse-tribute. Cieça cap. 44 p. x calls it Thome­bamba, and is large in this point. there a Temple for the Sunne, and a house of chosen Virgins, twenty thousand Indians perfor­ming seruices in course to those two houses. He went next to the Prouince Cannari, which ware their haire long, tied on a knot in the Crowne. By these head-tires in the time of the Incas, each Indian was knowne of what Nation he was; which in my time they continued, but now they say all is confounded. These Cannaris before this worshipped the Moone as chiefe Deity, and great Trees and Stones in the second place; but now were brought to the Incas Sunne-religion, and their Countrie ennobled with a Temple, Nunnerie, Palaces, Water-passages, &c. The Na­tion Quillacu is belowe the Cannari, the most miserable of Nations, neither hauing good land, nor aire, nor water, whence grew a Prouerbe applied to couetous misers, hee is a very Quillacu: on these the Inca imposed a tribute of Lice, that so they might learne to be cleanly. Tupac Inca 10 Yupanqui and his sonne Huayna Capac much ennobled those Prouinces of the Cannaris, and of Tumipampa, with building Royall houses, adorning the Lodgings in stead of Tapestry with coun­terfeits of Herbs, Plants and Creatures of gold and siluer, the Porches chased with Gold and in­layed with Emeralds and Turquesses: a Temple also of the Sunne enchased with Gold and Sil­uer, the Indians custome being to make oftentation of seruice to their Kings, and to flatter them filling their Temples and Palaces with all the treasures they were able (in Pots, Pannes, and o­ther vessels of gold and siluer and much costly raiment.) Hauing returned to Cozco, his ambition not long after brought him backe to Tumipampa, where he gained many Prouinces vnto the con­fines of the Kingdome of Quitu, viz. Chanchan Moca, Quesna, Pumallacta, (that is, the Land of 20 Lions, by reason of the store there, being also worshipped for Gods) Ticzampi, Tiu cassa, Capam­pi, See Ci [...]ça c. 46. Vrcollasu and Tincuracu, barren and barbarous Regions, which he sent Masters to teach Ciui­litie and Religion. After that, he made another expedition with fortie thousand men to Quitu, Quitu. the name of the Kingdome and King. It is seuenty leagues long and thirtie broad, fertile and rich. They worshipped Deere, and great Trees.

The warre continuing long, he sent for his sonne Huayna Capac to come with twelue thou­sand men more to exercise him in warre. Huayna Capac signifieth from a childe rich in magnani­mous exploits. Capac was a title giuen to things of greatest eminence. And this seemed praeemi­nent in him that he neuer denied any woman any sute, v [...]ing to them gentle compellations of Huayna Capacs bounty to wo­men. Mother, Sister, Daughter, according to their age, &c. Tupac Inca returned to Cozco, and left his sonne to dispatch the warre, which was three yeeres before Quitu was reduced, beside two 30 yeeres which his father spent: the reason whereof was the Incas custome to gaine not by fire and sword, but as they could make the Natiues forsake it; which had this effect, that their con­quest was more durable, and their vassals bare them better affection. At the end of those fiue Quitu subdued yeeres the King of Quitu [...]ed, and the people subiected them to Huayna Capac, which vsed them gently. He passed on to Quillacenca, that is, Iron-nose Prouince (so called for their boring the Quillacena. nostrils, and wearing Iewels thereat) a vile, brutish, lousy People, without Religion, eating any carion. They were easily subiected, as likewise the next Prouince of like condition Pastu, and Otauallu a People more ciuill and warlike, and Caranque a barbarous Nation which worship­ped Tigres, and Lions, and great Snakes, in their Sacrifices offering the hearts and bloud of men 40 which they ouercame in warre: these he ciuillized also.

Tupac Inca was busie in his Fortresse at Cozco, keeping twenty thousand men at worke therein with great order and emulation of each Nation to exceed other. Huayna Capac returning, was receiued with great triumph,: and because he had no children by his eldest Sister Pillcu Huaco, he was secondly married to his second Sister Raua Ocllo, the Incas still vsing that marriage in imi­tation Huayna Capa [...] marriages. of Manco Capac, and for certainty of the bloud on both sides. King Tupac, and his Coun­cell ordained that both should be lawfull Wiues, and holden for Queenes, and not for Concubins. Hee married also Mama Rucu, his Vncle Amara Tupacs eldest daughter the next in bloud to the former, hauing no third Sister of whole bloud. By Raua Ocllo he had Huascar Inca; and by his Cousin-german, Manco Inca. Tupac Inca drawing neere to death called together his children (which were aboue two hundred) and made the wonted discourse or Testament, commending Tupa Inca [...] death and pro­genie. 50 peace and iustice and care of their vassals to them, and to shew themselues indeed the children of the Sunne: recommending to the Prince, the reducing and conquest of the Sauages to the seruice of the Sunne, and a politike life, and to follow the example of his Fore-fathers, and to chastise the Huallcauilcas which had slaine his Captaines in rebellion. Hee said h [...] was now go­ing to another life, his father the Sunne calling him to rest with him. Thus died Tupac Inca, fa­mous for the benefits done to his Countrie, therefore called Tupac Yaya, Illustrious Father. By Mama Ocllo he had sixe sonnes; the eldest, Huayna Capac: the second, Auqui Amaru Tupac Inca; the third, Quehuar Tupac; the fourth, Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui (my mothers grand­father;) the fi [...]th, Titu Inca Rimachi; the sixth, A [...]qui Mayta. They embalmed his body which 60 I saw Anno 1559. as if it had beene aliue. The rest of this eighth Booke the Authour hath spent in description of the creatures of principall note of those parts, in which out of Acosta, and others hauing beene tedious already, we will not here trouble the Reader.

[Page 1480] THe mighty Huayna Capac, after other things set in order, hauing a sonne (Huascar) borne, for whom he made twenty dayes feast; began to propound great and rare deuises to him­selfe. The ninth Booke. Huayna Capac the twelfth. One was a Chaine of gold, much sought but neuer seene by the Spaniards. The Indians vse much dancing, and are as easily distinguished one Nation from another by their dances, as by their head-tires. The Incas had a graue kinde of dancing in measures, men alone without wo­men, hand in hand, singing in their soft paces, three hundred or more in a solemne feast, the Inca himselfe sometimes dancing with them: at other times they danced about, still comming nee­rer to that Royall centre. This holding of hands in a ring gaue occasion to make the golden Chaine, that they might dance by it without touching hands, as I haue heard the fore-mentio­ned old Inca, (my mothers Vncle) discourse. Hee told mee that it contained the length and A gold chaine of incredible length and greatnesse. 10 bredth of the great street of Cozco, which is seuen hundred foot, and the bignesse of euery linke thereof was (he said) as bigge as his wrest. Augustin de Zarate calls it Maroma, a Cable, from the report of Indians then liuing, and sayth, it was as much as two hundred Indians could lift) Much haue the Spaniards sought for this and other treasures, whereof they could neuer finde any foot-print. Prince Ynti Cusi Huallpa (that was his name before, and signifieth Huallpa the Sunne Huascar as Roper. of reioycing) was in memorie of that which was made to honour his birth called Huascar, an r added to Huasca (which signifieth a Rope, their Language not differencing a Chaine from a Rope) by which addition Huascar might be without signification, and auoyde the ill sound of a Rope, which was added to his former name at his waining and polling Feast, when hee was two yeeres old. After that hee leuied fortie thousand Souldiers, and went to Quitu, in which Voyage hee Atahuallpas mother. Further con­quests. 20 tooke for his Concubine the eldest daughter of King Quitu aforesaid, which was there kept in the House of the chosen, or Nunnerie; and by her had Atahuallpa, and other children.

Thence he went to the Plaines, and made conquest of the Valley of Chimu (now Trugillo) and Chacma, Pacasmayn, Canna, Collque, Cintu, Tucmi, Sayanca, Mutupi, Puchiu Sallana, bestowing much cost to conuey water, and benefit his new conquests. After some time spent at Quitu, hee Vallies in the Plaines sub­dued. leuied another Armie of fifty thousand, and conquered Tumpiz (a vicious, luxurious People, and Sodomiticall, which adored Tigres and Lions, and sacrificed the hearts and bloud of Men) and Chunana Chintuy, Collonche, and other confining places. Hee made a faire Fortresse in Tum­piz, and set there a Garrison: he built a House of the Sunne, and another of Virgins: and after Tumpiz or Tumbez sub­dued. Huancauilca punished. that entred into the Prouince Huancauillca, which had killed those Masters which his Father Tupac Inca Yupanqui had sent to instruct them. Hee commanded all the Curacas to come before 30 him, which durst doe no other, with all the chiefe men, to whom one of the Masters of the Campe made a Speech of their treason and bad demerits: Notwithstanding the Inca vsing his naturall clemency, and making account of his title Huacchacuyac (The benefactor or louer of the Huacchacuyac a title of the Incas. poore) both pardoned all the common people, and would so farre remit the better sort which had beene doers in that businesse, that though all had deserued death, yet one onely of tenne whom the lot should designe to execution, should die: and of the Curacas, and Captaines, each should lose two teeth in the vpper iaw, and as many in the lower, both they and their descendants, in memorie of falsifying their promise to his father. They which feared that all should passe the sword were content, and the whole Nation would needs both men and women participate in 40 that tooth-losse, and did likewise to their sonnes and daughters, as if it had beene a fauour. One Tooth-rite. of that Nation I knew in my fathers house at Cozco, which largely recounted the premisses.

The Inca spent much time in visiting his Kingdome from Quitu to Charcas, aboue seuen hun­dred leagues, and sent Visitors to Chili, whence his father had drawne much Gold. This done, he raised an Armie of fifty thousand men of the Northerne Prouinces, and hauing visited the Temple of Pachacamac, and caused the Priests to consult with the Oracle, which promised pro­speritie to his designes, and the l [...]ke at Ramac; hee passed thorow those Vallies to Tumpiz, and sent to the Iland Puna, twelue leagues in compasse, the Lord whereof was called Tampalla, a man 1. Puna subie­cted. Their treason. which kept many women and boyes for his lust; besides the Sea, their common Deitie, they wor­ship Tigres and Lions, and sacrificed the heart and bloud of Men: These receiued the Incas com­mands, 50 but after killed and threw ouerboord his men as they were conueying them to the Con­tinent, and sacrificing some of them, which the Inca seuerely reuenged, both on them, and on their consederates in the Continent, and commanded them to keepe the memorie of that dis­mall execution in mournfull songs; enioyning them to obey his Gouernour which kept the For­tresse of Tumpiz. From Tumpiz he proceeded in visitation of his Kingdome to the Chichas, with Di [...]ry songs. intent to doe the like in the Southerne part, and sent Presents fine garments to the Gouernours, Curacas, Captaines and Royall Officers, according to the custome of the Incas. But hearing that the Chachapuyas were in rebellion (to whom hee sent Messengers, which receiued ill vsage and answers) he made a Bridge, and marched ouer the Riuer, and came to Cassa marquilla, with purpose to destroy them. 60

The people not being able to hold out, fled into the Mountaines, and others more wisely knowing his gentle disposition, procured a Matron of their Countrie, which had beene Concu­bine Chachapuyas rebellion and pardon. to Tupac Inca Yupanqui to meet him with a multitude of feminine supplicants, which so well played her pitifull part in a perswasiue speech seconded with cries and lamentations of [Page 1481] that chorus of women, that the Yuca relented, taking her vp from the ground, called her Ma­manchic (our mother) granted her request, and gaue her commission to make an end of the busi­nesse, sending some vnarmed Incas with her to that purpose. The Chachapuyas in remembrance Thankfulnesse. of this fact encompassed the place where shee had met the Inca, with three walls, not permit­ting the foot of man or beast to touch so holy ground: the vttermost wall of clay, the second of stone vnpolished, the inmost of polished stone, which the couetousnesse of the Spaniards ouer­threw, as they did other the best buildings, to search for treasure.

Huayna Capac went to Manta (in which Countrie stands the Port which the Spaniards call Marta. Puerto Vieco. Their foolish deuctions. Puerto Uteio) which worshipped the Sea and Fishes, Tigres, Lions, and great Snakes, and a­mongst other things a great Emerald, which they say, was little lesse then an Estriches egge. 10 In their greater Feasts they shewed it publikely; the Indians came from farre to adore it, and sacrifice to it, and to present it with small Emeralds, as daughters to the mother; the Priests and Cacike, telling them that this was the most agreeable offering. Thus were many Emeralds ga­thered here together, where Don Pedro de Aluarado and his companions (one of which was my father Garcilasso de la Vega) found them in the conquest of Peru, and brake most of them on an Anuill, saying (like bad Lapidaries) that if they were precious stones they would not breake with the greatest blowes, and if they brake they were but Glasse. But their goddesse-Emerald Emerald­goddesse a huge gemme, the Indians had conueyed away before, neither could it since be found by any industrie. The peo­ple of Manta were open and shamelesse Sodomites, and in their marriages the Bridegrooms kins­men and friends had first hansell of the Spouse. They flayed the Captiues which they tooke in 20 Warre, and filled the skinnes with ashes, and hanged them vp at the doores of their Temples, and in their feasting and dancing places. These with the Apichiqui, Pichunsti, Saua, and other Nations confining on the Coast, he subiected. These were more brutish then the Mantans, and not onely raced their faces with stones, but deformed their children with laying one boord on the fore-head, and another in the necke, so keeping them in presse from day to day, till they were foure or fiue yeeres old, to make them broad-faced, shauing away the haire of the crowne Platter-faced; and necke, and letting it growe on the sides, making it curle and bush out to more monstrositie.

From these he went to Saramissu and Passau, vnder the Equinoctiall Line, where they wor­shipped Barbarous people. nothing at all, and had neither Towne nor House, but liued in hollow Trees, went na­ked, vsed women in common, neither did their lusts stay there; had their faces quartered into 30 foure coloures, yellow, azure, particoloured and blacke, their haire, long, curled and full of filth, (I saw them with mine eyes when I came for Spaine) and are the sauagest people that can bee imagined. Huayna Capac would none of them, but said, let vs returne, for those are not wor­thie to haue vs to be their Lord. The Indians haue a tradition that at the Point of Saint Elena Giants. See sup in Acosta. pag. 1002. &c. there came in Boats of Rushes, huge Giants higher then common men from the knees vpwards, their eyes as bigge as Saucers, and other members proportionable; they had no women with them, and were clothed in beasts skinnes, or naked. They setled themselues there, and dig­ged Wells admirably deepe in the Rocke, yeelding very coole water. One of them did eate more then fiftie men; and were forced to get fish for their diet. They killed the women of the Countrie in vsing them; were great Sodomites, and were therefore at last by fire from Hea­uen 40 consumed, leauing onely some bones of them as memorials, which haue beene, and still are there found. Anno 1550. there were as great bones found at Mexico. In this Point of Saint Elena, neere to Puerto Uteio, are certaine Fountaines of pitchie substance fit to calke ships, boi­ling Bituminous Springs. out very hot.

Huayna Capac one Raymi or Feast day of the Sunne, looked vp to the Sunne, which the high Reuerence to the Sunne. Priest, one of his Vncles, told him was vnlawfull. But soone after hee looked vp againe, and againe was reproued by the Priest: but he answered, Answere mee to these questions; I am your Lord, and which of you dares bid mee rise and goe a long Iourney? None, said he, would bee so mad. And if any the greatest Curaca be commanded by me to goe from hence to Chili, will he not doe it? The Priest answered, that none would disobey him in any thing. Why then I say (said the Inca) that Wife apoph­thegme. See sup. 1028. 50 our Father the Sunne must needs haue a greater and mightier Lord then himselfe, which commands him euery day to take such a Iourney: for if he were a superiour Lord, he would some time or other rest him­selfe. The Caranques rebelled and were seuerely chastised, and 2000. of them beheaded in a Lake, Caranques re­bell. [...]a sai [...]h 20000. perhaps including all which were sl [...]ine in the wa [...]re. Atabuall [...]a put in posi [...]ssion. of Quitu, and oth [...]r Prouin­ces subdued by his f [...]th [...]r. and rherefore called Yahuarcocha, or Sea of bloud. After this, with much griefe that he was forced to such sharpe medicines, he went to Quitu, and finding his Sonne Atahuallpa, wittie, wise, war­like, and comely of personage (as vsually were the Incas and Pallas) hee much affected him, and still would haue him about him, and so handled the matter, that with consent of his Brother Hu­ascar, he set him in possession of the Kingdome of Quitu, and other Prouinces, giuing-him expe­rimented Captaines and part of his Armie, the better to secure himselfe, and to pacifie the vn­settled new-gained Prouinces in his Fathers life time, to that end transplanting Nations from one 60 Region to another.

Huayna Capac made two famous Royall wayes, the one alongst the Hills within Land, the other by the Sea-side. From Cozco to Quitu are fiue hundred leagues by the Sierras, rockie and craggie way, which hee made plaine, breaking downe the high, and exalting the lowe places [Page 1482] sometimes fifteene or twenty stades or mans heights, that a Cart might haue gone on them till the wars of the Indians and Christians much endammaged them. By the Plaines he made another High way workes gr [...]ater thē the worlds seuen wonders o [...] A [...]s Alpe-way. Span [...]sh Ship. of lesse diffi [...]ultie, making mud-wals to hold in the way, forty foote broade with a high causie both in the Vallies, and in the sands, driuing stakes therein to know the way which is there so moueable and changeable, the like space of 500. leagues.

B [...]ied in these affaires and great workes he had newes of the Spaniards (those which Basco Nunez de Balboa first discouerer of the South Sea, had sent vpon discouery 1515. who, as before is said, imposed the name Peru) which filled him with wonder and care. Hee liued after this in peace eight yeares, and dyed Anno 1523. hauing [...]aigned two and fortie yeares, not minding the prosecuting of further conquests after he had heard of the Spanish Ship, by reason of a Prophesie 10 or ancient Oracle which the Incas had, that after so many Kings a strange Nation should come Prophesies and and destroy their Kingdome and Idolatry. Three yeares before that Ship was seene, as they were celebrating the Sunnes festiuall solemnity, an Eagle Royall, which they call Anca, pursued fiue or sixe kistrels and as many small haukes, which set vpon the Eagle and beate her, so that hauing Prodigies fore­signifying the l [...]ss [...] of the In­cas Empire. no way to escape, she fell in the market place amongst the Incas, as seeking helpe at their hands. They tooke her and did what they could to relieue her; but within few dayes she died; an au­gurie seeming to presage some disaster to that state. There were also greater earthquakes then the ordinary (to which Peru is vsually subiect) and the Sea often swelled ouer the shores; the aire no lesse terrified them with comets. The Moone in a cleere night had three circles round a­bout her very great, one of bloud, the middlemost blacke, the vtmost of smoake. Llayca a diuiner [...] a diui­ner. 20 told the Inca; Onely Lord, know that thy mother the Moone aduiseth thee that Pachacamac threat­neth the royall bloud, and to send great plagues on thine Empire; the first circle signifying the bloudy warre which shall follow when thou art gone to rest with thy Father the Sunne, betwixt thy posteri­tie, that in few yeares it shall altogether faile: the second shewes the destruction of our Religion and re­publique and alienation of thy Empire, which shall turne all into smoake as is signified by the third circle. Inca was troubled, but put it off saying, thou hast dreamed those fooleries last night, and saist my Mother hath sent me such intelligence. But the Soothsayer answered, he might see it with his owne eyes, and consult with other diuiners, which he did, and found the same sight and answere; hee yet made seemings not to beleeue, saying hee did not beleeue the Sunne would permit that to happen to his progenie. He offered notwithstanding many Sacrifices to him, and appointed the 30 Soothsayers in all parts to consult with their seuerall Oracles, especially with Pachacamac and Rimac, whose answers were obscure and doubtfull. These things I heard of two Captaines of Huayna Capacs guard, then eightie yeares old, and baptised, speaking hereof with teares, Don Iuan Pechuta, and Chauca Rimachi, as also of Cusihuallpa that old Inca, and of my Mother and her Brother Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca.

Huayna Capac one day bathing himselfe came forth cold, and found himselfe deadly sicke, made a testamentall discourse, saying, that he was now going to heauen to rest with his Father the Huayna Capacs sicknesse and last will, or speech before his death. Sunne, which called him out of the bath, euer since which time he was so indisposed of body: when I am dead you shall burie my body as is vsed to be done with Royall bodies, my heart and entrals in Quitu, in token of the loue which I beare it; my body you shall carrie to Cozco to lay it with my ancestors. I com­mend 40 you to my Son Atahuallpa whom I so much loue, who remaineth for Inca in my place in this King­dome of Quitu, and in all the rest which he shall conquer by armes to augment his Empire. And for you the Captaines of my armie, I charge you in particular to serue him with that fealty & loue which you owe to your King, in all and euery thing doing what he shall command you, which shall be the same that I shall reueale to him by order of our Father the Sunne. I likewise commend vnto you iustice and clemencie to­wards the Vassals, that the Title of Louer of the poore giuen vnto vs, be not lost; and that in euery thing you doe like the Incas, Sonnes of the Sunne. Hauing made this speech to his children and kinsmen, he called the rest of the Captains and Curacas which were not of the bloud royall and gaue them in charge fealty and seruice due to their King, and at last concluded: It is many yeares since that by reuelation of our father the Sunne, we hold that when twelue Kings are passed of his Sonnes, there shall The Prophesie of the Incas Empire. 50 come a new and vnknowne people into those parts, and shall gaine and subiect to their Empire all our King­domes and many others. I suspect that they shall be of those whom we know to haue gone alongst the coast of our Sea: they shall be a valiant Nation which euery way shall exceede you. We well know that in mee is compleat the number of twelue Incas. I certifie you that a few yeares after my departure from you, that new Nation shall come and fulfill that which our Father the Sunne hath spoken, and shall gaine our Empire and rule ouer it. I command you that yee obey and serue them as men which euery way shall haue aduantage of you: whose Law shall be better then ours, and their armes more mightie and inuincible then yours. I leaue you in peace, for I goe to rest with my Father the Sunne which cals mee.

All this the Indians held in great veneration, and fulfilled euery iot thereof. I remember that 60 one day that old Inca speaking in presence of my Mother, and rehearsing these things, and the Cusihuallpa his comment on that speech. Spaniards entrance, and their conquest: I asked him how, their Countrey being so rough, their people so warlike, and their number so many, they lost their Empire to so few Spaniards. He an­swering me, repeated the foretelling or prophesie of the Spaniards aforesaid, and said that the [Page 1483] Inca had commanded them to obey and serue them, for euery way they should haue the aduantage of them. And for that obiection of cowardise, he answered me. These words which our Inca said vnto vs, being the last that euer he spake to vs, were more powerfull to subiect vs and quite our Empire, then the armes which thy Father and his companions brought into this Land. Thus died Huayna Capac; Huayna Capacs death. his body was embalmed, and carried to Cozco; his heart interred in Quitu. His funerall solem­nities and mourning continued a yeare, according to the custome of the Inca Kings. Hee left a­boue Indians hate to Atahuallpa for causes follow­ing. two hundred sonnes and daughters; some Incas affirme aboue three hundred to exaggerate the crueltie of Atahuallpa, which slew them almost all: who therefore was so odious, that the Spaniards hauing put him to death, were thought men sent from their God the Sun to take vengeance on the destroyer of his seede. And when they brought Cockes and Hens with them Cock conceit, whrreby it ap­peareth that they had no Cocks before in Peru. 10 into Peru, they hearing the Cockes crowing said, that in perpetuall infamie of that tyrant and abhominable memory of his name, they pronounced it in their crowing, saying Atabuallpa, and would answer the Cockes crowing with reckoning the name Atahuallpa: wherein the children imitated them in those times, so that if they had heard a Cocke crowe, they would recrow in like tune the name of Atuhallpa: a thing which I my selfe and other boyes my Schoolefellowes, chil­dren of Spaniards by Indian women haue often done, together with the Indian children. They named likewise on such occasion his principall Captains, whose names were of so many syllables, Challcuchima, Quilliscacha and Ruminnaui. The Spaniards thought they did this for his honour, saying the Cockes made this honorable mention of him: so Blas Valera writeth, which receiued it of the Indians of Quitu his naturall subiects, which applied to a good mention that which those 20 of Cozco deuised in euill, for his cruelties there done.

Huayna Capac being dead, his two Sonnes Huascar and Atahuallpa raigned quietly for the space Huascar the thirteenth, and last Inca Empe­rour. of foure or fiue yeares, one in Cozco, the other in Quitu. After which Huascar began to thinke with himselfe that he had done ill in consenting to his father in the matter of Quitu, which now was his brothers; whereby he was barred vp also from further conquests; the other three waies being locked vp by the Antis, the Sea and Chili; so that his brother might by new conquests make himselfe greater then he: and whereas now his stile was Capa Inca (onely Lord) in time, the other might both equall and exceede him. These things more and more troubling him, hee Huascars mes­sage to Atabu­allpa. sent a Messenger to his brother, saying; that by the ancient constitution of the first Inca Manco Ca­pac, the Kingdome of Quitu, and all the Prouinces which he possessed, belonged to the crowne and Em­pire 30 of Cozco, which howsoeuer he had quitted to him vpon his Fathers command, yet was it more by force then iustice, being to the losse of the crowne and preiudice of the successors; and therefore neither ought his Father to command it, nor was he obliged to fulfill it. Yet seeing he had giuen consent, he was content vpon these two conditions; first that he should adde nothing to his Empire; secondly, that hee should doe him homage and fealtie, as his vassall and feudatarie. Atahuallpa receiued this message with great humilitie and seeming submission, and three dayes after returned answere, that in his heart he had alwayes reknowledged vassallage; being returned to the Inca by Post, he was much Hisanswer and pretended hu­militie. content, sending reply, that he againe confirmed that estate to his Brother conditionally, that by such a time he should make his personall homage at Cozco. Atahuallpa answered hee was a happy man to vnderstand such the Incas pleasure, that he would doe it by the time set him; but 40 for greater solemnitie, he did beseech his Maiestie to giue him leaue that all the Prouinces of his estate should come with him to celebrate in Cozco the obsequies of Huayna Capac his Father, with rites agreeable to those of Quitu and the other Prouinces, which ended, hee and his would doe their due homage.

All this did Huascar grant, and Atahuallpa made vse of to his proiect of soueraigntie. He sent proclamation to all his Prouinces, that all men seruiceable should in such a space make ready to Atahuallpa le­uieth forces to assault Huascar vnder pretèce of obsequies to Huayna Ca­pac. goe to Cozco to celebrate his Fathers obsequies, and to performe the homage to the Monarch Huascar Inca, and that therefore they should set forth in their best ornaments and brauery for greater solemnitie. But priuily he sent to his Captaines to leuie the best Souldiers which should carry their armes closely; for he more minded executions then exequies. He commanded them [...]o march in bands, fiue or sixe hundred together, one band two or three leagues after the other: 50 and when they came within ten or twelues dayes iourney of Cozca, that they should ioyne to­gether, the last doubling their iournies to ouertake the former. In this manner Atahuallpa sent aboue 30000. men, most of them old Soldiers of his Fathers, with choise Captaines, and appoin­ted two Camp-masters or Generals, Challcuchima and Quizquiz. Huascar relying on the loyal­tie Huascars secu­ritie. of his Subiects, and his Brothers faire promises, not onely suspected no treason, but prouided them necessaries. Atahuallpa vsed this dissimulation, knowing himselfe of vnsufficient power to warre openly on his brother. But some of the experimented Gouernors and Captaines, as they passed, could not but resent and disgust this course; and signified so much to the Inca, who thus awakened out of his dreame, sent to gather forces in the South parts and East and West: to Chin­chasuyu 60 he sent not, which were the best Soldiers, because of these forces marching thorow their Countrie. The other through long peace were vnaccustomed to armes, of which were leuied a­boue Se [...]o medicina [...]aratur. 30000. the rest being too remote for a sudden businesse.

Atahuallpas men passed the Riuer Apurimac without contradiction, and embattelled them­selues [Page 1484] in three squadrons, so marching to Villacunca within six leagues of Cozco. He himselfe a­bode still in the confines of his Kingdome, there to obserue the successe of this battel, wherein he placed his chiefe trust, by reason of the negligence of the other side, & the courage of his old soul­diers. These thought the shortest way the surest, before more forces might be assembled by The battell be­twixt Atahuall­pas men and Huascar. Huascar taken. Huascar, and within two or three leagues Westwards from the Citie was the battell fought, in which one side fought to get, the other to keepe the Inca, whose vnhappy fate made him priso­ner to Atahuallpas men as he was fleeing thence with 5000. which were all in manner slaine in presence, some by the enemies, some by themselues seeing their Lord prisoner. Many also not willing to enioy liberty after he was taken, offered themselues prisoners. They set a sure guard about the Emperours person, and sent to proclaime his taking thorow all the Empire, lest other 10 forces should come to his succour; sending word also to their Master Atahuallpa. Hee vsed his victory most cruelly; for dissembling that he would restore Huascar to the Kingdom, he summo­ned Atahualpas cru­elty and dissi­mulation. all the Incas in the Empire, and all the Rulers and Officers to appeare at Cusco by such a day, to capit [...]late on certaine Articles to be obserued betwixt the two Kings, that they might liue together in loue like brethren. Thus all the Incas, except those whom sicknesse, age, or remotenesse hindred, came thither, whom Atahuallpa caused to be put to diuers and cru­ell deaths.

For he knowing that he was not of the Incas bloud legitimate, that is, by the C [...]ya or sister of the King, nor yet of the whole bloud, so to challenge the inheritance by Father and Mother, Ill conscience fearefull, and therefore ty­rannically cruell. remoued these rubs out of the way of his ambition; yea all those who were of the halfe bloud, 20 though further from claime, yet lest they might imitate his example, he caused also to be slaine. Not contenting himselfe with the death of his two hundred brethren and sisters, the children of Huayna Capac, he proceeded to the Vncles, Cousens, and all, whe [...]her legitimate or bastards: some he caused to be beheaded, some hanged, some were cast into Riuers with weights at their neckes, some cast from high precipices. All which were done before he had passed Sausa, nintie leagues off the Citie. Yea they brought forth Huascar to see these dismall executions, that he might dye in the death of euery of his kinsmen. The Curacas Captaines and Nobility they brought forth being the rest of the prisoners bound, to the Valley of Sacsahuana, and made a long lane of them, thorow which they made poore Huascar to passe couered with mourning weedes, and hauing a roapeabout his necke: they seeing their Inca in this case, fell downe with cries to 30 doe him reuerence, and were therefore s [...]ine with Ha [...]chets and Clubs before his fa [...]e. After this the cruelty passed to the women and children o [...] the bloud royall, Atahuallpa commanding to take them all (but those in the house of Virgi [...]s) which were brought to the field Yahuarpam­pa, or bloudie field, a name confirmed by the cruell executions, by staruing, hanging, and diuersi­fied See of it in Vi­ [...]acoch [...]. tortures on that tender sexe, and innocent age. E [...]ery quarter of the Moone they renewed these cruelties, from which some were yet suffered to escape, of which number were my Mother and her Brother then eleuen yeares of age or vnder, which they sent away in disguised habits of the common people; for all degrees might they be knowne by their habit.

Of the Auquis or Infants Royall which escaped, were Paullu and Titu the Sonnes of Huayna A Catalogue of the posteri­ty of the Incas. Capac. Don Carlos the sonne of Paullu, marr [...]ed with a Spanish woman, by whom hee had Don 40 Melchior Inca, which in the yeare 1602. came into Spaine to receiue rewards promised for the seruices of his Father and Grandfather in the pacification of Peru, Anno 1604. I receiued a let­ter Don Melchior next in bloud kept in Spaine. At [...] son and second daughters. His whol [...] po­sterity w [...]sted. of Valladolid that he was allowed 7500. Duckets of reuenue in the Citie of Kings, and that he must bring his wife to Spaine, that the Indians which are his inheritance shall be set ouer to the Crowne, and that he shall no more passe to the Indies. This is the chiefe of the bloud of the Incas, by the male line descended of Huayna Capae. Of Ataruallpa I knew one Sonne and two Da [...]ghters, one of which Donna Angelina by Marquesse Piçarro had a Sonne called Don Fran­cisco, he died a little before I came [...]o Spaine: the next day, before his buriall many Incas came to my Mothers, and amongst others her old Vncle, who said that Pachacamac had preserued him many yeares to see an end of all his enemies; and instead of mourning much, reioyeed; 50 whereof I demanded the reason why we should be glad for the death of our Kinsman? he biting his ma [...]le (which with them is a token of grea [...] a [...]ger) said, What, wouldst thou be the kinsman of an Auca, sonne of an Auca (that is, a tyrant traitor) which destroyed our Empire, killed our Inca, con­sumed our bloud and linage, which did so many cruelties so differing from the nature of the Incas? I could eate him raw without sauce now he is dead: for his Father the traitor Atahuallpa was not the son of Huayna Capac our I [...]ca, but sonne of Q [...]i [...]u Indian, which with his mother wrought treason to our King; otherwise he would neuer haue done, no not imagined such things to his enemies, much l [...]sse to his kindred, say not therefore, he is our kinsman, thou wrongst thy kindred to reckon to it so cruell a tyrant, &c. This Francisco whiles he liued, seeing the hatred which the Incas, and all [...]hee Indians bare Hatred of thè Incas and In­dians to Atahu­allpas Sonne. him, had little to doe with them, and came little abroad, they still calling him Auca. His Fa­ther 60 destroyed the Officers and Seruants of the Kings house, and the Townes whereof they were, being by Manco Inca priuiledged Incas, of some a third, of others a fifth or a tenth part. Hee na­med also and committed great mischiefes on the Cannaries, & slew 70000. of them, because they would not subiect themselues to him at the beginning of his rising, whereby there were said to remaine fifteene times as many women as me [...].

[Page 1485] In the end of the yeare 1603. the Incas of Peru writ to Don Melchior Carlos Inca, and to me, [...]all their names desiring vs to make supplication to his Maiestie, to command that they should Miscrable state of the Incas in Peru. be exempted from tributes which they paid, and other vexations which they suffer no lesse then other common Indians. They sent painted in white Chia taffata the Tree royall from Manco Capac to Huaina Capacs sonne Paullu, in their ancient habit, with the coloured ribbon of their heads, and eare-rings in their eares, with Partisans instead of Scepters in their hands. Their phrase was much mixt with Spanish, for now they are all Spaniolized. They rehearse much mi­series Tree Royall of Incas and their posteritie li­uing in April 1603. of their life, for which cause I doe not here record it. They write with much confidence that the King would not onely relieue them, if he were made acquainted, but reward them, as the posterity of Kings. At the side of euery Kings picture they set those of his posteritie, with 10 the title Capac Ayllu, or the Royall stocke, distinguishing each Kings descendents. Of Manco Ca­pacs posterity there remaine 40. Incas: of Sinchi Roca 64. of Lloque Yupanqui 63. of Capac Yupan­qui 56. of Mayta Capac 35. of Inca Roca 50. of Yahuar Hnacac 51. of Viracocha Inca 69. of Pa­chacutec and his Sonne Yupanqui put together 99. of Tupac Inca Yupanqui 18. of Huayna Capac 22. These two last generations (as neerer the Crowne) Atahuallpa with great diligence destroy­ed. The whole summe is 567. persons, all descended by the male line; for of the female they made no such account, except they were Sonnes of the Spaniards which conquered the Land; for those they call Incas also, beleeuing that they descended of their god the Sunne. This writing was signed by eleuen Incas, agreeing to the eleuen descents, each for all of his race.

CHAP. XIIII. 20

The suppliment of the History of the Incas, briefely collected out of the Authors second part, or Generall Hi­story of Peru.

THus haue we run thorow the Authors first part, or Commentaries Roiall, of the o­riginall and liues of the Incas. In his second part, entituled the Generall History of Peru, he relates the Spanish Acts, Discoueries, and conquests there; part of 30 which in Benzo, Vaz, and others ye haue seene already, and the Spanish Authors haue related the same at large. I will briefely touch a few things to perfect this Frier Vincents speech to Ata­huallpa. our story of the Incas. In the taking of Atahuallpa he relateth at large the Ora­tion of Frier Uincent de valle viridi. First, touching God, his creation of the world, and of man. Secondly, Touching Adams sinne and Christs redemption on the Crosse. Thirdly, his power gi­uen Note the lat­ter part of this Friers Orati­on: for which cause I haue inserted it at large. to the Apostles, and ouer them and all Christians to Peter and his successor the Pope. Fourth­ly, the Popes gift of all those Countries to the Emperour, Lord of the world, to the end to bring them to the Christian faith. Fifthly, the Emperours authorising Francis Pizarro as his Embas­sador and Lieutenant, that those Realmes might receiue that benefit, and that he might begin alliance 40 and confeder acie betwixt the Emperours Maiestie and the Inca, in such sort that his whole Kingdome should become tributarie, and the Inca become his subiect and wholly deliuer vp his Kingdome and re­nounce the administration thereof, as other Kings and Lords haue done. Secondly, after such peace and friendship, and subiection voluutary or by force, hee was to giue obedience to the Pope, and receiue the faith of Christ, quite abandoning his superstition of Idols, inuented by the Diuell. All which, O King, thou art to take well in worth as being very profitable to thee and thine: and if thou deniest, know that thou shalt be compelled by warre, fire and bloudshed, and all thine Idols shall bee throwne downe to the ground. And we will constraine thee with the Sword, that leauing thy false Religion whether thou wilt Strange Preaching of Christianiti [...]. or no, thou shalt receiue our Catholike Faith and pay Tribute to the Emperour giuing vp thy Kingdome to him. But if thou shalt obstinately resist, know for most certaine, God will suffer, as of old Pharao and all his Army perished in the Red Sea, that thou likewise and thine Indians shall bee destroyed by our 50 Armes.

This Oration was kept by the tradition of Quipu [...] (or Quippos) which are the knot-records of Cassamarca where the deede was done: the words of trinity and other Christian Mysteries were not well vnderstood, and therefore ill deliuered by the Interpreter: that language still wanting proper tearmes for them, and being forced to Indianize Spanish words for that purpose. Atahuallpas answere was, with great griefe for those last words, of Pharao and destruction, say­ing, A [...]huallpas an­swer. Atac (an interiection of sorrow) and first complained of his Interpreter, and that this mi­nacing message was contrary to the former which they had sent him; that their Prince and they might seeme tyrants so to goe about destroying the world, killing and robbing those which had 60 done them no wrong: or else that they might seeme the seruants of Pachacamac which had sent them to their destruction; which if it be so, he and his were ready to offer themselues to what­soeuer pleased them, not for feare of their minaces or armes, but to fulfill his father Huayna Ca­pacs command at the houre of his death, that they should serue a bearded Nation more valiant [Page 1486] then they, which was to come and bring them a better Law and Customes. But if this bee so, Pachacamac is pitifull and mercifull, whom they ought to imitate, and not to beginne with robberies and cruelties as they had done in Tumpiz, and the confines. It seemed strange, he said, to him, that the Emperour should bee Lord of the World, and yet the Pope should make him a new grant; and then also is the Pope greater then he, and Lord of the world. Againe hee had shewed no reason why hee should pay tribute onely to Charles; which rather hee thought was due to God, as Creator, or to Adam the first man, or to Christ the best man, or to the Pope which hath power to giue his Kingdome and person to another, of all which he in his speech had dis­coursed. And if he had any right ouer him, it had beene meet, fi [...]st to haue signified it to him, before menacing of warre, fire, and slaughter, &c. The Spaniards impatient of this long dis­course 10 fell to rifling the Indians, others to robbing an Idoll Temple of the Siluer plates; and com­ming forth to fight, the Indians raised a great shout. But the Inca with a great voice comman­ded Easie victorie an [...] cruell Spa­niards which kill [...]o m [...]ny not resisting. that they should not smite nor hurt the Spaniards, though they tooke or killed the King. Frier Uincent made a plausible Speech to the Spaniards, in fauour of the Indians; but they could not heare him for the crie: neither did the King cast the Booke on the ground, or the Frier crie ven­geance So they which were there, and Go­m [...]ra, Benzo, Herer, &c. but the later In­quifi [...]ors seem ashamed of Vincents fu [...]ie., as some haue written, with other things against the Pope and the death of Christ. Fiue thousand Indians were slaine, and no Spaniards hurt, but the Generall by one of his owne, slight­ly, in the taking of Atahuallpa. When he had agreed on his ransome, which was neuer wholly paid, for want of time to accomplish it See contra. cap. vlt. Huascars pro­mises to the Spaniards. Huascar slaine.: (4605670. Ducke [...]s of it came in) Soto and Barco were sent to Cozco, which at Sausa in the way had sight of Huascar, there kept prisoner; who by 20 signes desired aide of the Spaniards to restore him to his Empire, promising three times as much as Atahuallpa had done, better able to performe it, as hauing and knowing where to fetch the treasures of his progenitors: whereas Atahuall [...]a had little treasure but what he tooke from Churches. They answe­red, t [...]at they must first goe to Cozco whither they were sent: and in the meane time Atahuallpa had intelligence of these passages. Hee subtilly to sound the Spaniards, how they would take the dea [...]h of his brother, fained himselfe very sorrowfull for that hee had heard one of his Captaines had killed him, and refused to eate, making shew of much griefe. Pizarro comforted him, and promised to right and reuenge the euill on him which had done it. He seeing that Pizarro tooke it in no worse part, sent a speedy Post to dispatch him so suddenly, that the Spaniards could not tell but that it had beene done before. His owne death followed after (as before is recited, a [...]d 30 Huascar at his death foretold) by the vniust iustice of the Spaniards, many of which protested by word Atahuallpa slaine. and writing against that cruelty, in vaine. His corps were carried to Quitu to be interred, where vnder pretence of more honourable Obsequies, Ruminnaui one of his Captaines (following his Ruminnauia cruelties. examples) wrought a great treason; made a feast to Q [...]illiscacha brother of Atahuallpa, and o­ther great men, whom hauing made drunke vnawares with the drinke Sora, a heady liquour for­bidden by Law, hee siue, with Challcuchima the Generall, and the Sonnes and Daughters of Atahuallpa, and all that might stand in the way of his ambition. Hee buried aliue the Chosen Virgins, which smiled at his reports of the Spaniards (interpreting it to lust, being done ra­ther to please him) causing to vndermine and cut the Hills to execute that dismall fate more terribly. After some bickerings with the Spaniards, hee fled to the Antis, and there peri­shed 40 miserably.

Manco Inca Brother of Huascar, came to the Spaniards at Cozco, to demand the repossession Manco Inca. The Incas be­gan and ended with Manco; as the Empire of Rome with Au­gustus and Au­gustu [...]u [...], and of Constantinople with two [...]on­stantines. of the Empire, by inheritance due to him. They made him faire semblance: and he offered to promote the Gospell (according to his Fathers testament, as a better Law) and the Spanish af­faires. Articles were agreed on, and they granted him a Diadem with great solemnitie, bu [...] so farre short of the wonted, that the old men cried as fast for the want of that, as the yong boyes shouted for ioy of this. When afterwards he propounded the accomplishment of those Articles which had beene made betwixt the Spaniards and the Indians, that the Naturals might liue in quiet, and knowe what seruice to performe to the Spaniards, with the reall restitution of his Empire: the Gouernour Pizarro, and his brethren excused themselues by the broyles and stirres 50 which had growne amongst themselues, which hither to permitted not the accomplishment. They further expected answer from the Emperor their Lord, of whom he might hope for al good, (the Articles being good for both parts) to whom they had giuen account of the capitulations, his brother Hernando being shortly to returne with answere. But when he was a [...]riued at Tum­piz, the Ma [...]quesse tooke occasion to rid himselfe of the Incas importunitie, and with many faire words intreated him to returne to his Fortresse till things might be perfected: which he doing, they held him there Prisoner, fearing his haughty courage. The Indians seeing their Inca Priso­ner, Manco impri­soned. were much grieued, but he comforted them, saying, that he and they ought to obey the Spa­niards, for so Huayna Capac had commanded in his Testament, and that they should not be wea­ry till they had seene the last issue of these things. Hee hoped that this his imprisonment would 60 turne into greater liberalitie with him, these Utracochas being a Nation comne from Heauen.

The Marquesse dismissed himselfe of the Inca, whose person and guard hee commended to his brethren Iuan and Gonzalo, and went to the Citie of Kings, to people and e [...]large it. The Inca Manco with much obsequiousnesse to all the Spaniards, and many presents of Gold, Siluer, [Page 1487] Gemmes, Fruits, &c. making no shew of griefe for his imprisonment, obtayned his libertie; which he had laboured the rather, hearing that Hernando Pizarro was comming to gouerne in Mancos en­largement and taking Armes. Cozco. Hee gate leaue to goe to Yucay, which was the Garden of the Kings, to which place he summoned his Captaines, and complained of the Spaniards breach of promise, in not performing the Capitulations which they had made with Titu Autauchi, his brother, and that they had laid him in prison with Iron fetters: that he had perceiued their ill mindes from the beginning, but suffered it to iustifie his cause with God and with the world, that none might obiect to him the disturbing of the peace. But now he could no further relie on their vaine promises, well know­ing that the Spaniards shared the Land amongst themselues in Cusco, Rimac, and Tumpiz, where­by it well appeared that they intended not the restitution of the Empire to him: and that he 10 was loth to make further triall of their fetters, and therefore required their best aduice, intending with Armes to recouer his right, trusting in Pachacamac, and his father the Sun, that they would not herein forsake him. They told him, that he might looke for like reward at the hands of those strangers as Atahuallpa had found, notwithstanding the payment of his ransome: and it was Pachacamacs great grace, they had not dealt with his Royall Person likewise, &c.

Thus Manco raised forces, so that 200000. Indians came to Cozco, and shot Arrowes with fire An Armie of 200000. Indi [...] on them on all the houses of the Citie generally, without respect of the Royall houses, only they reserued the Temple of the Sunne, with the Chappels within it, and the house of the Virgins: Cozco burnt. which two they spared (thogh their wealth was gone) not to commit any sacrilegious act against their Religion. Three Hals also they reserued wherein to make their feasts in time of raine, one 20 of which was in the house that had belonged to the first Inca, Manco Capac. (The author proceedes in the particular fights and seege of the Spaniards, too long here to rehearse.) In diuers places they killed seuen hundred Spaniards. But at last Manco was driuen to forsake the Countrey When Alma­gro returned out of Chili and Alu [...]rado with other Spaniards came in. by the inequality of the Spaniards horses, Guns and other offensiue and defensiue armes, against which they had no experiments to make resistance. In the ciuill-vnciuill broiles and warres of the Spa­niards in Peru, some of them fled to Manco Inca to auoide the Viceroies seuerity, one of which was Gomez Perez a cholericke man, which playing at Bowles with the Inca, would stand so stiffely on measuring of his cast, and the earnest folly of play, that forgetting all good manners, he one day vsed the Inca as if he had beene an Indian slaue; wherewith the Inca prouoked gaue him a blow with his fist on the breast, whereupon Gomez with his Bowle strooke the Inca on the 30 head so great a blowe, that hee fell downe dead. Whereupon the Indians set on the Spaniards, Gomez an vn­grateful proud Sp [...]d. Manc [...] [...] slaine. which first fled into the house to defend themselues there, but were fired out; and the Indians hauing killed them with enraged furie, had purposed to eate vp their flesh raw: but after left them to the birds and wilde beasts, for foode. Thus died Manco by the hands of those whom hee had preserued from death, and had kindly vsed in those wilde Mountaines of Uill­ca campa, which hee had chosen for his securitie. I was present, when some Inca [...] present at the act, with teares recounted this to my Mother, which came afterwards from these Moun­taines Sayri Tupac his sonne. with the Inca Sayri Tupac, the sonne of that vnfortunate Prince, by order of the Vice­roy Mendoza, Marquesse of Canete. This Vice-roy vsed (to perswade that comming in of the Inca) the Ladie Beatriz his Fathers Sister, which so wrought with his Guard, hee be­ing 40 then too young to take the Diademe, that vpon promise of certaine conditions hee came and rendted himselfe to the Vice-roy, and after went to Cusco, and was baptised by the name of Don Diego, together with his wife Cusci Huarcay, grandchilde to Huascar Inca, An­no 1558. Shee was a faire woman, but somewhat pale, as are all the women of that Coun­trie, about sixteene yeeres olde. I went in my mothers name to visite the Inca, and to kisse his hand, which vsed mee courteously, and two small vessels of gilt Plate were brought forth, of which he dranke one, I the other. He spent his time, one day visiting one part, and another, ano­ther part of the Citie. Hee adored the Sacrament, calling it Pachacamac, Pachacamac. He went thence to the Valley of Yucay, and there remayned till his death, which was about three yeeres after, leauing no issue but a daughter, which was married to Martin Garcia de Loyola. His bro­ther 50 Tupac Amaru tooke the Mountaines.

Francisco de Toledo second sonne to the Earle of Oropesa, being Vice-roy, determined to bring Tupac Amar [...] his tragedie. from the Mountaines of Uillca campa the Prince Tupac Amaru, the lawfull Heire of that Em­pire, after his said brothers death without issue male. Hee sought to doe it by faire and gentle perswasions sending Messengers to that purpose, promising him maintenance from his Maie­stie for his person and familie. His kindred and friends told him that his brother had receiued small recompense from them, or society with them, and therefore counselled him not to goe, it being better for him to liue there, then to die with his enemies. The Spaniards counselled the Vice-roy to force him, alledging that his Indians robbed the Merchants, hoping also by his im­prisonment to recouer the treasures Hinc ill [...] [...] cry [...]. which his progenitours had hidden. Such robberies were 60 indeed committed in his father Mancos time, but seldome, they being forced thereto of ne­cessitie for want of victuals, which the Mountaines yeeld not. But after his death there was no such matter. The Vice-roy sent Martin Garcia Loyola, with two hundred and fiftie Soul­diers well prouided ag [...]inst the [...] [...]he strength of those passages was abated, and the wayes [Page 1488] plained after the issue of Sayri Tupac, so that the Prince Tupac Amaru fled, and the Spa­niards pursued, and hee being guilty to himselfe of no crime, yeelded himselfe with his wife, two sonnes and a daughter, and all his Indians, looking for no ill measure, but maintenance at their hands.

The Vice-roy framed a processe against the Prince, and against all the Incas of his kindred, and Bloudy Vice-roy. against the Mestizos begotten of that stocke by the Spaniards, some of which were condemned to be tortured, that so they might finde some clearer matter against them. One of their mothers came to the prison, and cried out that they had got that reward, for that their Fathers had con­quered the Countrey, for which their Children should be all hanged. Why did they not as well kill their Mothers, for whose sinnes Pachacamac had suffered this, which had beene traytors to What became of the Incas race. 10 the Inca for loue of the Spaniards; with other outcries of vengeance in this world, and the next from Gods hand. Thus went shee crying in the street, which made the Vice-roy surcease his pur­pose, & he proceeded not to put any to death: but banished them to liue a lingring death in diuers parts of the world, out of that, which their Fathers had conquered. Some he sent to Chili (one of which was the sonne of Barco aforesaid, which had beene with Huascar) others to the new Kingdome of Granada, to the Iles of Barlouent, to Panama, to Nicaragua, and some hee sent to Spaine, one of which was Iuan Arias Maldonado, who liued there an exile ten yeeres, and recoun­ted these things to mee; hee after got leaue of the supreme Councell of the Indies to returne to Peru, for three yeeres to recouer his goods, and then to returne to Spaine, there to end his dayes. All the rest perished in banishment. The Indians of the bloud Royall, which were sixe and thir­tie of the principall of the bloud Royall, he exiled and confined to the Citie of Kings, and with 20 them the two sonnes and daughter of the poore Prince, the eldest not ten yeeres old; the Arch­bishop of Rimac or The Kings, pitied the young g [...]le, and brought her vp: the two sonnes with three and thirtie more died in little aboue two yeeres, comming out of a cold hilly Countrie to the hot Plaines by the Sea. The three remayning were Don Carlos my School-fellow, sonne of Don Christouall Paullu, and two others, which were sent home to their houses, but died all in a yeere and halfe after. Of Don Carlos sonne we haue said before, that hee came into Spaine in Don Melchi [...]s the last Incas death. hope of great rewards which in Peru were promised him. He died Anno 1610. at Alcala de He­nares of griefe to see him selfe shut vp in a Monastery, and left one sonne with three daughters. The sonne died being a childe of little more then a yeere old, and so the Rent granted by the Contractation house at Siuill to his father ceassed. 30

Now for the Prince Tupac aforesaid (to returne to him) they sentenced him to lose his head, which was executed, the Crier proclayming his treason and tyrannies against the Catholike Ma­iestie Tupac Am [...]ru executed. of King Philip the second, King of Spaine, and Emperour of the New Word. They told the Inca that he was sentenced to lose his head, without any particular cause mentioned: hee answered, hee had done nothing worthie of death, that the Vice-roy might send him prisoner to Spaine, to kisse the hands of his Soueraigne King Philip which would be securitie enough. And if his father were not able with 200000. Indians, to subiect 200. Spaniards in Cozco, what needed the Vice-roy now feare any new commotion? The religious hastened to instruct him for bap­tisme, to which he was willing, he said, his Grandfather Huayna Capac hauing commended the 40 Christian Law, as better then theirs: He was Christened by the name of Don Philip, with as much griefe of those which were present, as was ioy made at the baptising of Saiti Tupac. The Spa­niards did not imagine that the sentence should be executed, being so contrarie to humanitie, and disagreeable to the Maiestie of King Philip. It was performed on a Scaffold in the chiefe Street of Cozco. Many sought to petition the Vice-roy, which knowing their errand, would admit none to audience. They set the Prince on a Mule, with a rope about his necke, his hands tied, one go­ing before, to proclaime his treason. He not vnderstanding Spanish, asked the Friers, and hearing that he proclaimed him Auca, called him to him, and said to him, Say not so for thou knowest it is a lye, and I neuer did or thought treason, as all the world knoweth; but [...]ar, that I must die for the Vice-roys pleasure, and not for my faults against him or the King; I appeale to Pachacamac, that this is true. 50 The multitude crying and lamenting, they feared some stirre, there being 300000. soules assem­bled in the streets, they hasted to set him on the Scaffold. The Priests prayed him to still the cla­mours and out-cries of the people. Hee stretched out his arme with his hand open, which hee layd on his eare, thence letting it fall by degrees to his thigh; whereupon followed a sudden si­lence, as if there had not beene a man left in the Citie. Which made the Spaniards to wonder, and the Vice-roy amongst others which stood at a window to see the execution. Thus died the Inca with great magnanimitie, as the Incas haue beene in such cases accustomed, he worshipping the Images of our Sauiour, and of the Vargin, as the Priests taught him.

The Vice-roy returned with great wealth, and with 500000. Pezos in gold and siluer, and He is baptised Philip. going to kisse the Kings hand, he had him get him to his house; he had not sent him to Peru, to kill 60 Kings, but to serue Kings. The Councell of Indies receiuing information against him arrested all his treasure aforesaid, which filled him with such griefe that hee died within few dayes after. Vice-roys iust reward. Leyolas death. Loyola, which had taken him, and was husband to his brothers daughter, was sent generall to Chili, where the Araucans hauing spies on him, when hee had sent most of his Souldiers to gar­risons, [Page 1489] with voices of birds and beasts gaue signes to their fellowes, which came in with a great power of Indians, and killed him and all his Spaniards. Anno 1603. Araucans policy

Thus haue wee fleeted the creame of the Incas Historie of the Incas; the Spaniards (whose acts hee principally handleth in his second part) haue enough of their owne to relate their acts, some of which also follow, and others haue gone before, to shew how they conquered and vsed their conquests of and in the New World. The greatnesse of that State, and strangenesse of the rising, proceeding, and ruine of the Incas, made mee the larger, though all this be not so much in words, as one of the seuenteene Bookes, out of which it is gathered. It may bee of good vse, both to vnderstand the Spanish Indian Historians, as Acosta, &c. and in many things in which for want of Language, and acquaintance with the Incas, they haue receiued and deliuered errours, to amend them: and in this kinde, for antiquities, is a iewell, such as no other Peru Merchant hath set to sale. If I haue seemed confused, and without exact method, I 10 haue followed my Authour, who setting forth the former part, Anno 1608. published the other, 1617. hauing receiued of some later occurrents better intelligence. Wee will now leaue this Inca-Spaniard, and briefly recount from the Spanish Actors and Authors, what passed in those first and great mutations. Ramusio published these three following Discourses at large, which wee haue thus contracted.

CHAP. XV.

Briefe Notes of FRANCIS PIZARRO his conquest of Peru, written by 20 a Spanish Captaine therein employed.

A Certaine Spanish Captaine, whose name is not added to his Tractate writeth, that in Februarie 1531. he went with Pizarro from Panama, who arriued, and stayed three moneths at Tumbez, and thence went to Tangarara, and founded Saint Mi­chaels, where he heard of Atabalipa or Atahualpa, and his warres with his bro­ther Cusco: who sent a Spie thither, and as hee marched, presents, to Pizarro. Hee with tortures learned of two Indians what and where Atabalipa was. They marched on (he sayth) to Cax [...]malca, a Citie foure miles in circuit, entred with two Gates. On Cax [...]malca or Cassamarca de­scribed. one side of the Citie is a great Palace walled about, with a great Court planted with trees. This 30 they call the House of the Sunne, whom they worship, putting off their Shooes when they enter. And such there are in euery great Towne. There were two thousand houses, in streets straight as a Line, the walls of strong stone, three paces (or fathoms) high; within are faire Fountaines of water, and in the midst a greater street then any in Spaine, walled about; before which is a For­tresse of stone, with staires from the Street to the Fort. On one side of this Street is the Pa­lace of Atabalipa with Gardens and Lodgings, the houses all painted with diuers colours: in one roome were two great Fountaines adorned with plates of Gold, in one of which runnes water so hote that a man cannot indure his hand therein, the other being very cold. The people are neate, the women are honest, weare a wrought Girdle on their long garments, aboue that a Mantle which couereth them from the head to the midst of the thigh. The men weare white 40 Frockes without sleeues. The women in a Palace made Chicha for the Armie. After the Armies Chicha is a kind of Drinke made of Maiz. Frier Vincent. This is denied by Inca Vega, because (it seemes) the thing seemes odious, rather then false: and he might not tell tales offen­siue to Spanish eares: epsecial­ly to the Friers which authori­zed his Booke to the presse. approached, a Frier of the Order of Saint Dominike, went and told him that the Christians were his friends. The Cacique (Atabalipa or Atabuallpa) answered, that first hee would haue them restore all that they had taken in his Land, and after hee would doe as hee should see cause. The Frier with a Booke in his hand, beganne to speake to him the things of God; hee demanded the booke, and the Father gaue it him, and he threw it downe about his people. The Indian Inter­preter ranne and tooke it vp and gaue it the Father, who suddenly returned, crying, Come forth Christians, come forth, and set on these Enemies, Dogs, which will not accept the things of God, whose Prince hath throwne on the ground the Booke of our holy Law. Thereupon the Gouernour sounded the Trumpets, and gaue a token to the Gunner to discharge the Ordnance, and the Spaniards on foot and horsebacke rushed on with such furie, that the Indians hearing the dreadfull thunders 50 of the Artilerie, and seeing the force of the Horses, fled: the Gouernour went directly to the Litter in which Atabalipa was whom hee tooke, many Indians whose hands were cut off bea­ring the same Litter on their shoulders. Sixe or seuen thousand were slaine besides many which had their Armes cut off, and other wounded.

Atabalipa, by an Indian, sent to the other Indians, that they should not flee, for hee was still aliue in the Christians hands, whom hee commended for a good Nation, and commanded his to serue them. Hee was about thirtie yeeres old, a personable man, somewhat grosse, with thicke Atabalipa ta­ken; descrip­tion of his per­son. lips, and eyes incarnate with bloud; his speech graue. The next day the Spaniards got fiftie thousand Pezos of Gold (each worth one Ducket and two Carolines) and seuen thousand Markes 60 of Siluer, and many Emeralds, wherewith the Cacique seemed content: and said, that he would giue him as much Gold as would fill a roome to such a marke, higher then a tall man could reach A Marke is in these discour­ses 8. ounces. by a spanne, the roome being twenty fiue foot long, and fifteene broad. The Gouernour asked how much Siluer hee would giue? he said, that hee would haue tenne thousand Indians, which [Page 1490] should make a partition in the midst of the Palace, and fill it with vessels of Siluer of diuers sorts, all which he would giue for his ransome. The Gouernour promised him his libertie on this con­dition, and to worke no treason against the Christians. Fortie dayes were set, and twentie pas­sed in which came no Gold. Then we learned that he had taken his brother Cusco These first entrers of Peru call both Huay­na Capac and Huascar by the name of their chiefe Citie Cusco. his brother by the father, a greater man then himselfe. He had told some, that Atabalipa promised the Gold which he had, and hee would giue the Christians foure times as much as the other had promised: which being told to Atabalipa, he caused him suddenly to bee dispatched. Hee killed another of his brothers, which had said he would drinke in Atabalipas skull, but contrariwise he drunke in his; which I my selfe saw, and all that went with Hernando Pizarro. I saw the head with the skinne, the flesh drie, and the haires on, and his teeth closed, and betwixt them a Pipe of Sil­uer, 10 and on the top a Cup of Gold fastned to the head, with a hole going into it. His Slaues put Chicha into the Cup, which ranne by the mouth into that pipe, whence Atabalipa drunke.

Anno 1533. the Gouernour gaue his brother Hernando leaue to goe with a Companie of Spa­niards to Guamachuc [...], and there he found an hundred thousand Castiglians of Gold, which they brought for Atabalipas ransome. Diego Almagro came with an hundred and fiftie men to our succour. Because the Gold came so slowly, Atabalipa willed the Gouernour to send three men to Cusco, laying the blame on his imprisonment, which made the Indians not to obey him. These Christians were carried by Indians in Hamacas, a kinde of Litters, and were serued. They arriued at Xauxa, where was Chilicuchima, a great Captaine of Atabalipa, the same which had taken Cusco, which had all the Gold at his command. He gaue the Christians thirty burthens of Gold, of which each weighed an hundred pounds. They said it was little, and he gaue them fiue bur­thens 20 more, which they sent to the Gouernour by a Negro, whom they had brought with them. They went on to Cusco, where they found Quizquiz, a Captaine of Atabalipas, which made Iourney to Cusco, and gold there. little account of the Christians. He said that if they would not restore his Master for that Gold he would giue, he would take him out of their hands: and sent them presently to a Temple of the Sunne, couered with plates of Gold. The Christians without the helpe of any Indian (for they refused, saying they should die, it being the Temple of the Sunne) with Pickaxes of Brasse In the inside, &c. See sup. in the Inca Vegas relation. disfurnished the same, as they told vs afterwards, and spoyled the Temple. Many Pots and vessels of Gold were also brought (which there they vsed for their cookery) for ransome of their Lord Atabalipa. In all the house, there was such store of Gold, that it amased them. They were 30 amazed to see one seat in their house of Sacrifices which weighed nineteene thousand Pezos of Huayna Capacs Sepulchre. Gold: in another where old Cusco lay buried, the pauement and the walls were couered with plates of Gold and Siluer, which they did not breake, for feare of the Indians displeasure, nor many great earthen Pots there, couered with Gold likewise. In that House were two dead and embalmed, neere to whom stood a woman with a Maske of Gold on her face, which fanned a­way the winde and Flies. Shee would not let them enter with their shooes on: they went in and tooke much Gold, but not all, for Atabalipa had intreated them, because there lay his Fa­ther. They found there a great house full of Pots and Tubs, and vessels of Siluer. They would haue brought much more then they did, but that they were alone, and aboue two hundred and fiftie leagues from other Christians: but they shut it vp, and sealed it for his Maiestie, and the 40 Gouernour Francis Pizarro, and set a guard on it.

Ouer the Riuers as they passed, they found two Bridges together, one open for the vulgar, the other shut for the passage of great men. Hernando Pizarro trauelling ouer the Mountaines with his Horse, where the way was made with hands in many places as a Scale or Staires, which Poore shifts for horse shooes. ware off his Horse shooes, commanded the Indians to shooe his Horses with Gold and Siluer, and so came to the Citie, bigger then Rome, called Pachalchami This was the Temple of Pa­chacamac, in the former re­lation. This Idoll perhaps was that which the Natiues had kept from before the In­cas conquest, for then they worshipped none. Estet [...]s treatise of this Voyage is in R [...]musio., where in one filthie chamber was an Idoll of wood, which they said, was their God which giues life to all things, at whose feete were many Emeralds fastned in Gold. They haue him in such veneration, that none may serue nor touch him, nor the walls of the house, but such, as they say, are called by him. It is certanie, that the Deuill there speakes to them, and tells them what they should doe. They come 50 300. leagues off to him, and offer him gold, siluer, and iewels, giuing it to the Porter which goeth in and returnes them an answer. They which serue him must be pure and chaste, abstaining from eating, and women. All the Countrie of Catamez payeth him tribute. The Indians feared that the Idoll would haue destroyed the Spaniards: which neuerthelesse entred without scruple, and brought very little Gold thence, for the Indians had hidden it all; they found the places whence they had carried great store; so that they got not aboue 30000. Pezos, & of a Cacike 10000. more. Chilicuchima sent them word, that he had store of Gold for them at Xauxa, but deceiued them.

They brought him and other great men to Atabalipa, which put coarse Cloth on them be­fore their entrance, and did him great reuerence, lifting vp their hands to the Sunne, with thankes that they had seene their Lord, and came by little and little neerer him, and kissed his 60 hands and feet, who shewed great signes of Maiestie, and would not looke any of them in the face. They tied Chilicuchima to a stake, and set fire to him, to extort a confession of old Cuscos Gold from him, which (much burned first) said that Quizquiz had it in keeping: and that old Cusco, though dead, was still obserued, and had victuals set before him; and told of another Pa­uilion, [Page 1491] where were great vessels, from whence the Gouernour sent and fetched much Gold. The Christians came from Cusco with aboue an hundred and ninety Indians laden with Gold. Some vessels were so great, that twelue Indians had much adoe to bring them. The Gouernour mel­ted all the small pieces, which I can well tell, for I was keeper of the house of Gold, and saw it melted, and there were aboue nintie Plates of Gold: there were in that roome two hundred great tankards Cantari. of Siluer and many small, with pots and other peeces very faire. I thinke I saw weighed of the Siluer 50000. Markes. There were also in the same roome eighty tankards of Gold, and other great peeces: there was also a heape higher then a man of those plates of ve­ry fine Gold; and to say truth, in all the roomes of the house were great hils or heapes of Gold and Siluer. The Gouernour put them together and weighed them before the Offi [...]rs, and then 10 those some to make the shares for the company. The Gouernour sent the Emperour a present of 100000. pesoes in fifteene tankards, and foure pots, and other rich peeces. Euery footman had 4800. Pesoes of gold, which made 7208. Duckets, and the Horsemen twice as much, besides other aduantages. Before the sharing he gaue Almagros company 25000. Others say 100000. pesoes, and 2000. pesoes of Gold to those which had staid at Saint Michaels: and much gold to all that came with the Captaine, two or three great Cups of gold a peece to the Merchants, and to many which had gotten it, lesse then they deserued. I say it, for so it fared with me. Many presently, a­mongst which I was, demanded leaue to returne to Spaine, and fiue and twenty obtained it. When Atabalipa heard they would carry the gold out of the Country, he sent for men to come Atabalipas pre­tended trea [...]on and assault the Gouernour. A few dayes before two Sonnes of old Cusco came thither and lodg­ed 20 with the Gouernour, one Manco. of them was naturall Lord of the Countrey. Vpon newes of for­ces comming, they brought Atabalipa by night to a stake to burne him aliue, by the command of the Gouernour; but he said he would be a Christian; whereupon after Baptisme th [...]y strang­led him that night, and the Countrey was quiet. The Gouernour made the eldest Sonne of old Cusco Lord of the Countrey, which caused great ioy to the Natiues. Wee arriued in Siuil, Ianu­ary the fifteenth 1534.

CHAP. XVL. 30

The Conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castile, and directed to the Emperour by FRANCISCO de XERES, Secretary to Captaine FRANCIS PIZARRO which conquered them.

FRancis Pizarro liued in Panama which the Gouernor Pedrarias de Auila had peo­pled. He was Sonne of Captaine Gonzalo Pizarro of Trugillo: hee obtained li­cence Pizarros be­ginning. of Pedrarias to goe vpon new discoueries; and hauing bestowed a good part of his estate in a Ship and necessaries, he departed from Panama Nouember the 40 foureteenth 1524. with one hundred and twelue Spaniards, and some Indians: Land of Hun­gre. seuentie daies after they went on land, which after they named Of Hunger, with eightie men, the rest being dead, and sent the Ship to the Iland of Pearles neere Panama for victu­als, hoping of their returne in twelue dayes, which continued forty seuen, they liuing on the Seas wilde prouisions meane whiles, whereby twenty dyed, and the rest were very weake. A Cow hide which they had for seruice of the Ship, they had shared amongst them and eaten be­fore the Ship returned. Then did they proceede on the Voyege, and came to a Towne which the inhabitants had forsaken, where they found store of prouisions: and the next day the Countrie Pizarro woun­ded. people set on them, easily ouerthrew ours being weake, gaue the Captaine seuen wounds very dangerous, and left him for dead; slew fiue, and wounded seuenteene of the rest: whereupon they returned for Panama, and he staied at Chuchama to refresh and cure himselfe. A little before 50 Diego de Almagro his companion was gone for his succour with a Ship and seuenty men; and lan­ding at the place where Pizarro was beaten, was there assaulted and lost one of his eyes; many Almagro woun­ded. Christians were wounded, but for all that they fired the towne, and put the enemy to flight: sailing thence, they came to a great Riuer which they called Saint Iohns, and found there some shew of Gold, and returned, and found Pizarro in Chuchama.

Almagro was sent to Panama, where Pedrarias misliked and crossed this designe which had proued hitherto so vaine; but he with much adoe returned with one hundred and ten men to Pi­zarro, Three yeares troubles. with whom fiftie of the former remained of both companies, one hundred & thirty being dead. In two Ships they set forth and spent three yeares in great trauell; hunger killed the most 60 of them, that fiftie onely remained: not finding neuerthelesse any good Countrie. Then it was their hap to finde great hopes of Gold and riches, comming to Cancebi, and tooke six men to Cock Iland. learne their language. Almagro was sent for more men to Panama, whiles Pizarro staied at Cock-Iland. But some had written to the Gouernour to be freed from thence. The Gouernour [Page 1492] sent licence to those which would; onely sixteene staied there with Pizarro fiue moneths till the Ship returned, and then on the last day of the time granted them, hauing made better dis­couery ariued at Panama.

Pizarro was sent into Spaine to get graunt of the Countrey, which in large Commission hee obtained, and after his returne departed from Panama with three Ships, and 180. men, and 37. Horse. In thirteene dayes he arriued at the Port of Saint Matthew, which was as much as before he could doe in two yeares, and landing there, found all the Country in armes. They marched till Vnderstand of pounds by weight, as by m [...]rk [...]s eight ounces, by Ca­stellines Pezos. Puna. they came to a great towne called Coache, which they suddenly assaulted, and there got in Gold, to the value of 15000. Castellines, and 750. pounds Perhaps they had done this before the In­c [...] conquest. But our Inca author de [...]ieth this, and Casas tels that the Spaniards deui­sed such impu­tations of so­domy and hu­mane sacrifices &c to couer and colour their cruelties in all places. of Siluer, and many Emeralds, which they then knew not, and therefore for small trifles exchanged them with the Indians. Thence the Go­uernour 10 sent backe for men and horse to Panama and Nicaragua. He went with his Spaniards to the Isle Puna, rich and populous, which subiected themselues, and because it was winter, staid there. Those Indians rebelled and raised forces. Hee tooke the Cacique (hauing vnderstanding hereof) and made great slaughter of the Ilanders, and hauing beheaded ten principall men, he set free the Cacique to call together the Ilanders, which had fled to Tumbez. Pizarro went thence to Tumbez, where he found the Indians in armes. Three which had gone in the Boates were robbed and slaine, but Tumbez and many other places rued it.

May 16. 1532. he departed from Tumbez and was well receiued in many places, to which he gaue notice that he came to bring them in subiection to the Emperor, and to the knowledge of the holy Catholik fai [...]h; to which many of the Caciques yeelded. Comming to a good Riuer, which he found to haue a good Port, he planted a Colonie sixe leagues from the Sea, and called it Saint 20 Michaels. At Chira he found that the Cacique of that Towne, and another of Almotaxe had con­spired Saint Michaels founded. Cacike and o­thers burned. to kill certaine Christians; hee tooke them both with their chiefe men and burned them aliue, sparing the Cacique himselfe of Chira, whose fault was left, and giuing him Almotaxe also. This execution was dreadfull to the whole Country. There he shared the Gold which the Ca­ciques, and the men of Tumbez had giuen them, and paid the Marriners their fraight. He depar­ted thence the foure and twentieth of September 1532. hauing newes of Atabalipa at Caxamal­ca: 55. abode at Saint Michaels, and with the Gouernor remained 62. horsemen and 102. footmen. Pizarros army.

As he marched he receiued better intelligence of Atabalipa, and of Cusco, in which old Cusco lay interred in a place which had the roofe and wals couered with Gold and Siluer. Hee sent a 30 Captaine to Caxas and G [...]camba, with certaine horse and foote. He learned of the way (which he passed betwixt these two townes, the latter of which had a faire stone Castle) that it reacheth from Cusco to Quito aboue 300 leagues, so broad that six h [...]rsemen may ride abrest, with water passages all alongst for trauellers to drinke, and houses for their lodging euery dayes iournie; with Long high­way. Atabalipas pre­sents. this Captaine returned an Indian with a present from Atabalipa, of two Fountaines of stone and two b [...]rtnens of dried Ducks (which is the fashion of that Country) signifying his great desire to see the Gouernour at Caxamalca. All the way from the Riuer of Saint Michaels to Chineha is a Vallie well peopled, hath the way made by hands, walled on both sides with trees in many pla­ces set for shadow, made by old Cusco. The people liue much after one manner. They sacrifice their children, and sprinkle the bloud on their Sepulchers, and daube their Idols faces therewith. 40 Their sacrifices goe dancing and singing to their death. The Temples are compassed with stone wals and seated in the highest part of the Citie. He sent an Indian messenger to Atabalipa with words of greatest kindenesse. Leauing the Chincha way, he tooke that which goeth to Cassamal­ca, and ascended a great Mountaine, the horsemen leading vp their horses, sometimes mounting as it were by staires, there being no other way; till they came to a fortresse of Stone walled with and founded on the rocks. As they proceeded in this Mountaine, they found it very cold. The wa­ters on the top were very cold that without heating they could not drinke them, and they set vp their tents and made fires when they staid, because of the cold.

Here came messengers with ten Sheep for a present from Atabalipa, which told Pizarro of the great victories which he had had against his brother. But hee answered that his Emperour was 50 King of Spaine, and of the Indies, and Lord of the whole world, & had many seruants which were greater Lords then Atabalipa; and he had sent him into these Countries to draw the people to the knowledge of God & to his subiection: and with these few Christians, said he, I haue ouercome greater Lords then is A­tabalipa. If he will haue friendship I will helpe him in his wars, & leaue him in his estate, but if he choose warre, I will doe to him as to the Cacikes of Puna and Tumbez. The Indian which Pizarro had sent returned from Caxamalca and related that Atabalipa there abode with an armie, and would haue slaine him, had hee not said that the like should be done to his Messengers, then being with the Spaniards: that he could not speake with him, but an Vncle of his, which had enquired of the Christians and their armes, all which he extolled to the vtmost.

The Gouernor came to Caxamalca the fifteenth of Nouember 1532. Atabalipa sent other mes­sengers 60 with presents. Fernando Pizarro was sent to his campe with another Captain, which did Caxamalca. For di [...]and Pi­zarro and Soto sent to Ataba­lip [...]. his message to him, but he did not once looke on him, but was answered by a principall man; till the other Captain signified that he was brother to the Gouernor; & then the tyrant lifted vp his eyes and obiected the reports of their ill vsage of his Caciques, but for his part he would be friend [Page 1493] to the Christians, taking them to be good men. They promised helpe against his enemies. He said, he would employ them against a Cacique which had rebelled, together with his Soldiers. Pizar­ro answered, ten of their horsemen would be enough to destroy him without helpe of your Indi­ans. Atabalipa laughed and bad they should drinke, saying he would the next day see his Brother. They to excuse drinking, said they fasted, but he importuned them, and women came forth with vessels of gold full of drinke of Mayz. Hee looked on them without speaking a word, and they went againe and brought greater vessels of gold, whereof they dranke, and were licenced to de­part. There seemed to be 30000. men in the Campe; they stood without their tents with lances Atabalipa taken without fight of the Indians. Braue bragge. in their hands, like to Pikes. The next morning, being Saturday, came a Messenger from Atabali­pa, saying that he would come to see him with his people armed. He answered, that he should vse 10 his pleasure. The Gouernour had placed his horse and foote couertly in great houses that they Spanish mira­cle; none woū ­ded where non striketh, as he saith before. Atabalipas ran­som, which was paid and be ac­quitied, as Pi­zarro himselfe w [...]es in the next chap. yet was he mur­thered, & that after they had made him a Christian C [...]za c.119. saith that God [...]unish [...]d the Spaniards for their cruel­ties to the In­dians, and few died naturall deaths, all that had hand in A­tabalipas death died miserably. For this God suffered the wars, &c. he na meth also Car­uaias, Robledo, Belalcazar, To­uar, Martin, &c. whom God plaged for ty­rannies to the Indians. should not stirre forth till opportunity serued (the signe being giuen, and the Ordnance thereupon discharged) then to rush out suddenly from diuers parts & assault the Indians. And seeing Atabalipa staid so long, till neere night, he sent a Messenger to him, signifying his desire to see him. Hereupon he moued to the town with his armie in squadrons, singing & dancing, richly adorned with gold and siluer. The Gouernors purpose was to take him aliue, & therefore expected his entrance into that walled or closed stree of Caxamalca, which the Indians had forsaken with the fortresse, & left to him. It was late before he came into the town, and being come into the streete he made a stand.

The Gouernor sent Frier Vincent to him with a Crosse in one hand, and a Bible in the other, be­ing entred where Atabalipa was, he said by an Interpreter, I am a Priest of God, and teach the 20 Christians things diuine, and come likewise to instruct you that which the great God hath taught vs, and is written in this Booke. And therefore on Gods behalfe, and of the Christians, I pray you to become their friend; for God commands it, and it shall be well for you; and come to speake with the Gouernor which expects you. Atabalipa asked for his Booke, which he gaue him shut. He not knowing which way to open it, the Frier stretched forth his hand to doe it, and he with great disdaine hit him on the arme, and at last opened it himselfe. And without wondring at the letters or paper, as other Indians vse, cast it a way fiue or six paces from him: and to the words which the Frier had said to him, he answered with great pride: I well wot what thou hast done in this voiage, and how thou hast handled my Caciques, and taken away their goods. The Frier an­swered, the Christans haue not done this, but some Indians without the Gouernours knowledge, 30 who knowing it caused them to make restitution. Atabalipa replied, I will not depart hence till they bring it all to me. The Frier carried this answer to the Gouernor, and that he had throwne the holy Scripture on the ground; who presently set on the Indians, and came to the litter where Atabalipa was, and tooke him by the left arme, crying Saint Iames, S. Iames. The Ordnance plaied the trumpets founded; the horse and foot set forth; the Indians fled, the horsemen pursuing & slay­ing, the footmen killing all in the streete, the Gouernour got a wound on the hand in sauing his prisoner. In all this hurliburly there was not an Indian which lifted vp his armes against the Chri­stians. Pizarro bid his prisoner not be amased at his captiuity, for with these Christians, though few, I haue subiected greater Lords then thou art to the Emperor, whose vassall I am, who is Lord of Spaine, and of all the world; a [...]d by his order I am come to conquer these lands that you may 40 come to the knowledge of God, &c. adding many words of their pitie to the conquered and his good parts and acts. The Spaniards had no harme, onely one horse had a small wound: whereupon the Gouernor thanked God for the bmiracle. The Sun was down before they began, and the bat­tell lasted halfe an houre. 2000. Indians were killed, besides those which were wounded, and 3000. taken. In the stree of Caxamalca, Pizarro caused to build a Church for the Masse, and forti­fied the place against all occurrents.

Atabalipa promised for his ransome to fill a roome 22. foot long, and 17. wide, with gold vp as high as the middle of the roome, higher by one halfe then a mans height, in pots and other vessels, plates & peeces: and the same roome twice filled with siluer, in two moneths space. But so much not comming in so soone, the Gouernor sent three men to Cusco, February 15. 1533. commanding one of them in the name of his Maiesty, & presence of a Notary, to take possession thereof. A Ne­gro 50 which went with them returned, Aprill 28. with 107. burthens of gold, and seuen of siluer, May 25. Fernand Pizarro came to He had been at Pachacamac, Est [...]tes dis­course of that Voiage is at large in Ramu­ [...], here omit­ted. Herera saith, that in their sharings, the Spaniards valu­ed gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abun­dance thereof grew to great excesses in ga­ming, pride & other vices: he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fooles & [...]heir behauior cau­s [...]d the Indians to vnde [...] value the Spaniards. Caxamalca with Chilicucima, May the thirteenth, the Nota­ry returned from Cusco with relation that they had taken possession, & had found 30. great Cities in the way besides small. He said that there was a Pallace with plates of gold, foure square, each square containing 350, pases from corner to corner, 700. of which they had taken away, each of which waighed 500. Castilians: from another house the Indians had taken as much as 200000. Castilians, which they reiected dbecause the gold was base. He said that Chischis was there w [...]th 30000. men for guard of the Citie. They brought 178. burthens of gold, each as much as foure In­dians bare on their necks, so that it could not come thither in a moneth by reason of requiring so 60 many Indians to carry it. It was the thirteenth of Iune before the gold came from Cusco, w [...]ich was two hundred burthens & twenty fiue of Siluer. After this came sixtie burthens of base gold, taken from wals of houses. It was shared on S. Iames his day. The fifth being taken out for his Maiesty, euery horseman had 8880. Castilians in gold, and 362. markes in siluer, each marke being eight ounces. The footemen had halfe so much, some more and some lesse, as the Gou [...]rnour [Page 1494] valued their merits. The Emperours fifth was 262259. Castilians A Ma [...]ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pez [...] which containeth in this Peru ac­connt after In­ca Uega 450. Marauediz; e­uery 5. Pe [...]s or Caste [...]s being six Duc­kers: about seuen shillings English. Golden Age. Miserable com­forters. of Gold and 51610. Markes of Siluer.

He set apart a quantity for those of Saint Michaels, and for those which came with Alma­gro, and the Merchants, and all the Marriners, Prices of things were according: a Horse was commonly sold for 1500. Castilians of Gold; a vessell of six quarts (Bocali) of wine for sixtie Castilians, I paid fortie for foure quarts: a paire of shooes for forty, as much, or fiftie for a sword. I paid twelue for halfe an ounce of bad Saffron: ten for a sheet of Paper to write; nothing see­med cheape but Gold and Siluer, insomuch that they would not stand to weigh their Gold, but gaue it in masse; and if hee gaue not twice the quantitie, hee cared not. Debtors a went from house to house with Indians laden with Gold to pay their debts. Atabalipa beeing accused of 10 Treason by another Cacique, that he sought to rayse forces in Quito, was therefore sentenced to be burned, and brought forth to execution, where he said he would be a Christian, and Frier Vincent baptized him and comforted him at his death; the Gouernour commanded he should not be burnt but strangled, which was executed on a Saturday, about the same houre that he was taken. One of his Brothers was made Lord by the Gouernour in presence of the Caciques, with great solem­nitie, they lifting vp their eyes to the Sunne with thankes for giuing them a naturall Lord. Fer­nando Pizarro was sent to Spaine, and some others had license, many flocking thither, hearing of the Riches there gotten.

Herera Dec. 5. l. 3. saith that Atahuallpa had desired his libertie because his ransome was paid, and his promise fulfilled (as Pizarro himselfe by sound of Trumpet acknowledged) which being deferred, his 20 Captaines offered him to free him by force. Atahualpa refused and commanded them to serue the Christi­ans. The Yanaconas a slauish kind of people, desiring to free themselues from the Oreiones and Incas in those broyles raysed false newes that Armies were raysed to assault the Spaniards. Pizarro seeing th [...] Atahualpa stood in his way, and hindered his foundation of a Spanish Empire in those parts, which could not be without the dissipation of that of the Incas, nor that without Atahualpas death, Y esto tenia por iusto, pues era prouechioso, He held it iust because it was profitable: Hee spake to the Inca complaning of insurrection which he answered was but the rumour of his enemies, that he had paid his ransome, &c. Pizarro made shew (dissembling his purpose) of great feare of the enemies (which caused the Spaniards to vrge and importune Atabalipas death (and to speake as you haue read in them) whereupon Pizar­ro had sufficient colour for his Designe, [...]king shew that the Treasure paid in name of a ransome was 30 not for the Incas libertie, but lest the Indians should hide it. Frier Vincent consented also, and so he was sentenced to be burned, &c. Hee addet [...] out of Seneca, Prosperum ac [...]oelix scelus virtus vocatur. Thus the Kings Chronicler, saying also that Fernand Pizarro was Atahualpas friend, and his brother did it after his departur [...]. He died in Prison, and all the rest (of whose names Herera giueth a Catalogue) were slaine and murthered in ciuill [...]rres, or came to ill ends. Yea, still the warres continue in Arauco, to the death of many Spaniards, besides the ciuill [...]arres of Giron, &c. in Peru after that of the Pizar­rists. God is iust, and therefore Pizarro the Mu [...]herer of Atahualpa (a cruell Murtherer also) was murthered, and so hee that murthered Pizarro, and so forwards; the Serpents Issue and Generation of Hell proceeds from murther to murther, the Deuill himselfe being a Murtherer from the beginning. Once; Peru alone with Chili (both subiects to the Incas Empire) hath more aduanced the Spanish Treasures 40 then all the New World besides: neither is there any so likely way to supplant that Castilian-American greatnesse, as by the Araucos.

CHAP. XVII.

Relations of Occurrents in the Conquest of Peru after FERNAND PIZARROS departure written at XAVXA, Iuly 15. 1534. by PEDRO SANCHO, Notary Generall in the Kingdomes of New Castile, and Secretary 50 to the Gouernour FR. PIZARRO, subscribed by the said Gouernour himselfe and others, and sent to his Maiestie.

TEn or twelue dayes after Fernand Pizarros departure, two Spaniards came from Cuzco with Gold, part whereof was melted being small and fine pieces, taken out of the wals of a certaine house in Cusco, being aboue fiue hundred wedges or plates of Gold, the small weighing foure or fiue pounds a piece, the greater ten or twelue. All the wals of that Temple had beene couered with them. They brought a chaire or throne of most fine Gold, weighing eighteene thousand Pezos, and a Fountayne of Gold of 60 excellent workmanship, and the mould in which it was cast; and many other pieces, pots and vessels: which all mounted to two Millions and a halfe, and beeing melted into most fine Gold came to be one Million 320000. Pezos and vpwards: out of which his Maiesties fifth was taken, aboue 260000. Pezos, they made it vp 270000. Of Siluer there was 50000. Markes, his Ma­iesties [Page 1495] part 5000. the rest was shared amongst the company according to their qualities and me­rits. After this, the Gouernour made an act before a Notary, in which he acquitted Atabalipa of his promise to the Spaniards, for so much as the house would hold, and caused it to bee published in Caxamalca by the sound of a Trumpet, acquainting Atapalipa himselfe therewith by an Inter­terpreter, declaring withall that for his Maiesties seruice and security of the Countrey, he would still detayne him with a guard, till more Spaniards came for his security: specially considering that hee had taken order for leuying of men of warre to assault the Spaniards, which hee had no meanes to auoid but by keeping him fast, and his Captayne Generall Chilichuchima. A few dayes after the Indians reuealed the Treasons of that Tyrant, notwithstanding all his good vsage by the Gouernour and Spaniards, which was preuented by his death: his sentence of burning by reason 10 of his Baptisme being executed with strangling, and after his death some part of his clothes and flesh were burned. It was late in the Euening, and the next morning he was solemnely buried in the Church, as if he had beene the chiefe Spaniard in the Campe: which gaue much satisfaction to his principall Caciques and Captaines.

This done, in presence of many Commanders and Cacikes he gaue them a Lord in the name of the Emperour, a Sonne of Guaynacaba (Huayna Capac, or as the Spaniards vse to call him Guai­nacapac) called Atabalipa, Other Incas made; one cal­led Atabalipa, to serue the Spaniards turn. Without them (as in the con­clusion they confesse) they could, being so few, neuer haue perfected their cōquest. But first they vsed the Cus­coans against those of Quito, and lastly to pacifie all to the Spanish subiection. Af­ter which they performe no­thing but fal­shood and cruelty, Pi [...]ar­ros purpose be­ing alway by any way to e­rect the Spanish Empire. Second sha­ring. Garitico slaine: for as the war had bin begun by Atabalipa the first, a­gainst Cusco: so after his death, it was by his Cap­taines conti­nued against the Iucas there seeking to ad­uance Quito aboue Cusco, & the seed of A­tabalipa to the Souereigntie. Chilichuchima burned. Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and siluer at Cus [...]o: Images of beasts & men in gold, to whom the Empire was due, and placed him in his Seat, they all offering the Rites of vassallage to him, to wit, a white feather, according to their custome. The new Inca fasted three dayes for the deceassed, shut vp from all societie but his Pages, and after came forth honourably attired and attended with about fifty Cacikes and Captaines there pre­sent, 20 and did eat together on the ground (for they vse no Tables) after which, he offered a white Feather in token of his vassallage to the Emperour. The Gouernour receiued it and embraced him with much loue, and concluded a peace, taking the names of the Cacikes, and the Countries vnder their command, and intimated that he was sent by his Emperour to giue them knowledge of the true God, Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost, and what they should obserue for their saluati­on; and that that God and his Vicars left on earth (for he ascended to Heauen their to remayne in glorie) had giuen those Prouinces to the Emperour to take charge thereof, who had sent him to instruct them in the Christian Faith, and to bring them vnder his obedience: and caused his Commission to bee read and interpreted to them. They all acknowledged the Emperour for their supreme Lord, and next vnder him their Lord Atabalipa, and in signe thereof lifted vp 30 (each of them twice) the Royall Banner. All this act was entred into writing with testimonies, and great Feasts were made by them.

At this time the Gouernour ceased the partition of the Gold and Siluer amongst the Spani­ards, and Atabalipa gaue the Gold of the Fifths Royal to the Treasurer of his Maiesty, which was carried to Xauxa where the Gouernour intended to plant a Colonie of Spaniards, hauing intelli­gence of the good Countrey thereabouts. He prouided him of Indians for carriages, and sent a Captaine with ten Horsemen to inhabit Saint Michaels till ships came, and after that to returne to Xauxa. He heard that some of Atabalipas Captaines had slaine Gariticus his Brother, which grieued much both the Gouernour and the present Atabalipa. He as he marched heard of diuers which were vp in Armes against him, fiue leagues from Xauxa, whereupon he put Chilichuchima 40 in chaines, by whose meanes the report was that they had done it. They went and adioyned themselues to Quizquiz. When he came to Xauxa, none of his Spaniards were willing to abide there because the Countrey was in Armes, yet he left a Colony of eighty men with Officers. A­bout this time died Atabalipa of sicknesse, of poyson giuen by Chilichuchima, as was reported, who sought to haue the rule remaine in Quito, and not in Cusco. The Gouernour bad them pro­uide a Successor. Calichuchima would haue Aticoc Sonne of Atabilipa, but others and the Gouer­nour liked better of a Brother of Atabalipa (Sonne of Guanacapa.) He came to a Towne where he found much Siluer in great sheets of twentie foot long and one broad, a finger thicke. They receiued intelligence of a skirmish with the enemy by another band of Spaniards, in which eigh­teene horses were hurt and one slaine; in another the Spaniards had the victory. The Gouernour caused Chilichuchima to be burned, who refused to become a Christian, and called vpon Pachaca­mac. 50 After this he marched to Cusco, which hee entred on Friday the fifteenth of Nouember 1533. And the next day made that Sonne of Guaynacapac their Lord, being the right heire, and commanded the Cacikes to obey him.

Incontinently the New Cacike (or Inca) gaue order to assemble forces against Quizquiz; in foure dayes fiue thousand were comne together well armed, with whom the Gouernour sent a Captaine with fiftie Horse, remayning himselfe for the guard of the Citie. These hauing done somewhat against the enemy, were forced to returne by the ill mountanous passages. The Caci­que hauing fasted three dayes, and performed and receiued the Rites of vassallage (before mentio­ned in his Predecessor) at the Gouernours request leuied greater forces, so that aboue fiue and twen­tie 60 thousand went with the Spaniards, which made a Bridge of three hundred and sixtie foote long, broad enough for two Horsemen to passe abreast, and passed to Bilcas. Some of them went to the succour of Xauxa which had obtayned good successe against their enemies.

The Gouernour after this caused all the Gold to bee melted by experienced Indians, which a­mounted [Page 1496] to 580200. Pezos and vpwards of good Gold. The Emperours fifth was 116460. Pe­zos and vpwards. The Siluer was melted, and weighed 215000. Markes, of which 170000. and vpwards was good, in Vessels and Barres, the rest alayed with other Metals. The fifth was de­ducted thence for his Maiestie. Amongst other things there were sheepe of fine Gold very great, and ten or twelue Statues of women in their iust bignesse and proportion, artificially composed of fine Gold. They performed like veneration to them as if they had beene aliue, clothing, a­doring, giuing them to eate and talking with them. There were others of Siluer in the same sta­ture. All this Treasure was shared betwixt those of Cusco and the Spaniards of Xauxa.

In March 1534. the Gouernor assembled all the Spaniards, and made a solemne act of the foun­dation of a Towne and possession taken in the midst of the chiefe street, by the name of the noble and great Citie of Cusco: bounds were set out for a Church, and priuiledges allotted to such as Cusco a Spanish Colonie. 10 within three yeeres should come thither to dwell. Aboue twelue thousand married Indians were designed to the Prouince of Collao, to his Maiesties Mynes of Gold in those parts.

After this he departed with the Cacique towards Xauxa. There he had newes of two hundred and fiftie comne from Panama to Saint Michaels, seuenty of them horsemen, and of Aluarados landing with foure hundred men, and one hundred and fiftie horsemen. Hauing ouerthrowne his enemies, he tooke order for founding a Church in Xauxa, and sent some Spaniards with an Army Other Spani­ards enter Peru. of Indians to pursue the enemies. There is a Mountayne of Snow which continueth from Caxa­malca to Xauxa, where Snow lyeth all the yeere. The people are more ciuill and better Souldiers. On the other side the Mountayne (Eastward) they are Sauage people feeding on fruites, hauing small store of Maiz. All their Tribute was Feathers. From Xauxa to Cusco the Countrey enlar­geth 20 it selfe from the Sea. Collao is a plaine Countrey and cold, and hath many Riuers where gold is taken. The Mountaynes continue from Tumbez to Xauxa, and thence to Cusco, if the way bee not made by hands, footmen could not passe, much lesse horsemen: and they haue many houses Countrey de­scribed. full of Brasse to worke Immatonare. vp the same. All the rough Mountaynes are wrought like staires Scaloni. of stone. There are some places where foure or fiue mens heights, the way is wrought and made vp with stone worke; in others it is cut out of the stone. There are places of entertainment in e­uery Countrey, and by the way one within two or three leagues of another, made for the Lords which visit the Countrey: and euery twenty leagues principall Prouinciall Cities where the tri­butes of smaller places are kept. All those great Townes haue store-houses full of the Countrey 30 Commodities. There are store of cattle and pastures with their Pastors.

The Citie of Cusco might be worthy the sight if it were in Spaine, full of great mens houses, all Lords and Caciques, hauing houses there. The most of those houses are of stone, and some are Description of Cusco, as it was when the Spa­niards first came thither. For after the Indians burnt the most part of it in Mancos wars with Pi­çarro. The Fortresse halfe of stone: the streets are straight in right crosses, and narrow; in the midst runneth a Con­duit of water inclosed with stone on each side of which a horseman may passe and no more. The Citie is situate on the top of a Hill, and many houses are built on the side of it, and others below on the Plaine. The Market place is square, paued with small stones. About it are foure houses of Lords of stone painted and wrought; the best of which was Guainacabas: the gate is of white and red Marble, and of other colours, and hath faire Terrasses. On the sides of the City ranne two Riuers, which rise a league higher, ouer which are Bridges. Vpon a Hill hard and rough is 40 a very faire Fortresse of earth and stone, with great windowes towards the City. Within it are many Roomes, and one principall Towre in the midst of foure or fiue circuits Gironi. one higher then another; the Lodgings within are small, the stone very fairely wrought and so close ioyned that there is no shew of morter, and as smooth as planed boords. It hath so many Roomes and Towres that a man is not able to view them all in a day. Many Spaniards which haue beene in Lumbar­die and other strange Kingdomes, say that they haue neuer seene such a building as this Fortresse, nor Castle more strong. There may abide within fiue thousand Spaniards. It cannot be vndermi­ned being seated on a Rocke. On the City side which is a ragged Hill, is but one wall, on the o­ther side three, one higher then another, the inmost being highest. The goodliest spectacle are these encompassing circuits, being of stones so great, that no man would imagine them layd 50 there by the hands of men, as great as pieces of stonie Mountaynes and Rockes; some being of the height of thirty See sup. pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some aboue 38. foot long, &c. spannes, and and as much in length, and none is so little but it is more then three Cart- [...]odes. The Spaniards preferre them before the buildings of Hercules or of the Romanes. They are reuersed Voltati. that they cannot be battered in plano, but in the slipping Sguincio de i­gironi. tur­nagaines which goe outwards, made of the selfe-same stone. Betwixt wall and wall is earth laid so broad that three Carts may goe abreast. They are made like three steps, the second be­ginning on the height of the first, and the third on that of the second. All this Fortresse was a Store-house of Armes, Clubs, Launces, Bowes, Arrowes, Axes, Shields, Cotton Mandilions quilted, and other armes and garments for Souldiers, gathered from all parts of the Empire, co­lours of diuers sorts and Metals. From this Fortresse may bee seene many houses. In the Val­which is compassed about with Hils are aboue 100000. houses; many of them houses of plea­sure 60 of the Souereignes Lords and Caciques, others are Store-houses full of Wooll, Armes, Mettals, Clothes and such things as the Countrey yeeldeth; there are Horses where the Tributes are kept, and there is one, where are aboue 100000. dried Birds, of whose Feathers they make [Page 1497] garments. And there are many houses for that purpose. There are Shields, Targets, Plates of Brasse to couer houses, and incredible store of prouisions for Warre. Euery Souereigne Lord de­ceassed hath his owne house of these goods and Tributes which they had in their life (for by their Law the Successor may not inherit it) their Gold, Siluer, and Clothes apart. They worship the Sunne and haue made him many Temples, and of all things they offer somewhat to the Sunne.

Two Spaniards were sent to Colao, and were forty dayes in the iourney. They say it is well peopled, mountaynous, and out of measure cold: so subiect, that hauing many cattle, no man dares kill any without license, though neuer so great. There is a great Lake (Titicaca) in the midst of the Prouince, in which are two Ilands, in one of which is a Temple of the Sun in great veneration, where they offer Gold and Siluer and other things. There are aboue sixe hundred In­dians 10 which serue there, and a thousand women. The Mynes of Gold are beyond this place, some of ten, some twenty, and that of Guarnacabo is forty fathome deepe, darke and narrow, in which one alone at once, entreth, none following till he be comme forth. Other Mynes they pursue no further then a mans height, that he may reach the earth to another: which made some say that all the fields were Gold Mynes. Guainacapa is honoured as if hee were aliue, and his bodie is brought forth into the street with Musicke and Dances, and there are some day and night atten­ding him to chase away the flyes. The Lords that come to the Citie, goe first and salute him, and then the King. To these Feasts 100000. soules assembled. Had it not beene for the quarrels be­twixt those of Quito and those of Cusco, the Spaniards could not haue entred into Cusco, nor haue Note this▪ it. And the Mountaynes are such that ten men may defend ten thousand. Many Horses fell 20 downe and brake their neckes. The Spaniards themselues maruell at what they haue done, and how they are still aliue. It hath fal [...]e out well that this Sonne of Guainacaba was made their Lord, for whose loue other Lords haue giuen their obedience to the Emperour. He is very friend­ly to the Christians. Iuly 15. 1534. in Xauxa Subscribed Francisco Piçar­ro, &c. 30

The end of the seuenth Booke. 40 50 60

VOYAGES TO AND 10 LAND-TRAVELS IN FLORIDA, VIRGINIA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE NORTHERNE AMERICA. FRENCH Plantings, Spanish Supplantings; English VIR­GINIAN 20 Colonies, and to the Ilands Azores.
THE EIGHTH BOOKE.

CHAP. I.

A Relation of ALVARO NVNEZ called Capo di Vaua, See sup. l. 7. c. [...]. con­cerning 30 that which happened to the Fleet in India, whereof PAMPHILO NARVAEZ was Gouernour, from the yeere 1527. vntill the yeere 1536. who returned vnto Siuill with three of his companions only: translated out of RAMV­SIO, Ramus. vol 3. and abbreuiated.

§. I. 40

Their Fleet; and admirable and vnheard of tempest: their entrance into Flo­rida: the Lakes, troublesome passages, incounters, disastrous successe, building Boats for returne.

THE sixteenth day of Iune, in the yeare 1527. the Gouernour The Gouernor of the Fleete. Pamphilo di Naruaez departed from the hauen of Saint Lucar of Barrameda, with power and commandement from your Ma­iestie to conquer and gouerne the Prouinces, which lye from the Riuer of Palmes vnto the Cape of Florida, all in the firme 50 land. And the Fleete which the Gouernour brought with him The officers o­uer the Fleete. were fiue Ships, wherein six hundred men went. The Officers, because I am to make particular mention of them in this Booke, were these: Capo di Vaua Treasurer, Agozino Prouost Marti­all, Alonso Eurriquez Auditor, and Alonso de Solis Factor, and ouerseer for his Maiestie. And besides, there was for Commis­sary, a Frier of the order of Saint Francis, called Frier Giouanni, Iohn Gottierrez, and with him foure other Friers of the same Order.

We arriued first at the Iland of San Dominica, where we stayed but fortie fiue dayes, to pro­uide The Iland of S. Dominico. 60 our selues of certaine necessary things, and principally of Horses. There we left more then an hundred and forty of our men, which would stay by promise and agreement which they of the Village made with them. Departing thence, we arriued at Saint Iago or Giacomo, which is an hauen in the Iland of Cuba, and reposing our selues there certaine dayes, the Captaine furnish­ed The hauen of S. Iames. himselfe with men, munition, and horses. It hapned in that place, that a Gentleman, called [Page 1500] Uasques Parcalle, neete vnto the towne of the Trinitie, which is in the same Iland, offered the Gouernour to giue him certaine victuall, which he had in the said towne of the Trinitie, which The Trinitie. is an hundred leagues off from the said port of Saint Iago. Whereupon the Gouernour departed with all the Fleete, towards that towne. But arriuing halfe the way at an hauen which they call the Cape of Santa Cruz, it seemed good vnto the Gouernor to abide there, and send one Ship onely to receiue those victuals, and so he appointed one Captaine Pantoxa to goe thither with An hauen cal­led the Cape of Saint Cruz. his Ship, and that for the greater security, I also should goe with him, and he remained still there with the foure Ships: we hauing now gotten another in the Iland of Saint Domenica. Being ar­riued with our fiue Ships at the hauen of the Trinitie, the Captaine Pantoxa went with Vasquez Porcalle to receiue the victuals at the towne, which was one league distant from the hauen. One 10 houre after I was landed, the Sea began to be outragious, and the Northwinde was so strong, An Huracano or t [...]pest, no­table both at Sea and Land. that the Boates durst not goe aland, nor could they with the Shippes in any sort put to the contrary side; the winde being in the prowe, whereupon with very great trauaile, with two contrary seasons, and with much raine they continued all that day, and the Sunday. The night approaching, the Sea and tempest began so much to increase, that it no lesse tor­mented those on the land then them at Sea; for all the houses fell downe, and all the Churches, and wee were enforced to goe seuen or eight men embracing one another arme in arme together, to be able to resist the winde, that it might not carry vs away, and to auoide the ruine of the houses, flying vnto the Forrest, the trees gaue vs no lesse cause of feare, then the houses had giuen vs: because they falling held vs in continuall feare, 20 that they would kill vs. In this tempest and danger wee passed all the night, without Presages. finding any part or place, where for one halfe houre onely wee might stand secure: but principally, the midnight before wee heard noyses and great crying, and the sound of Belles, Flutes, and Drummes, and other instruments, which continued vntill the mor­ning, that the tempest ceased. In those Countries so fearefull a thing had neuer beene seene, whereof I caused a testimoniall and true certificate to be made, which I haue sent vnto your Maiestie.

On Munday morning we went downe to the hauen, and found not the Ships there, but saw some of their furniture in the water; whereby we knew that they were cast away. And so we purposed to goe along the coast, searching if we might finde any thing, but finding nothing, 30 we determined to search by the Mountaines, and hauing gone about a quarter of a league of from Boate placed vpon trees by the tempest. the water side, wee found the Boate of a Ship set vpon certaine trees: and further beyond, ten leagues along the coast they found two persons of my Ship, and certaine couerings and roofes of houses. And those two men were so actually transfigured and changed with wea­therbeating, both of the shore, and of the Sea, that they could not know who they were. we found also a Friers habit, and a Couerlet torne in peeces, and found no other person or thing any more. Threescore men were lost in those two Ships, and twenty horses, and those that re­mained aliue were thirty persons onely, who the same day we arriued in that hauen, went aland together with the Captaine Pantoxa. Wee remained in such manner for certaine dayes, with much trouble and great necessitie, because the sustenance and prouision of that people, was all 40 lost, and destroyed, with certaine wilde Beasts, and the Countrey remained in such sort that it moued great compassion in the beholders, the trees being falne, the mountaines burned, and re­maining without leaues, or grasse, and so we passed vntill the fift day of Nouember, that the Go­uernour Fifth of No­uember. of our Fleete came thither to vs, with his other foure Ships, who also themselues had passed great dangers and torments, and were escaped, because in good time they had retired themselues vnto some place of safety.

The men which he had brought with him, and those that he found there, were so much affrigh­ted, and terrified with the losses and dangers past, that they resolued to imbarke themselues no more in the winter, and besought the Gouernour that he would suffer them to repose and rest themselues in those places; he perceiuing their mindes, and the desire of the inhabitants, did so, 50 and gaue me the charge of the Ships, and the men, which should goe with me to winter at the hauen of Xaqua, which is twelue leagues distant from that place, and so going thither, we staied The hauen of Sagua, or Xaqua. vntill the twentieth of February following. At this time the Gouernour came thither vnto vs, with a Brigantine which he had gotten at the Trinitie, and brought with him a Pilot, called Mi­ruelo, who (as they said) was a man very well practised, and an excellent Pilot for all the coast of the North. Besides that, the Gouernour left on the coast of the Lissart Captaine Aluaro della Querda, with a Ship which the Gouernour had procured there, and left forty men with him, and twelue other with the horse.

Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs, wee imbarked our selues, and were (in the whole) foure hundred men, and fourescore horses in foure Ships, and one Brigantine. The Pi­lot 60 which we had newly taken, brought the Ships through the quicke sands, which they call Sands of Cu­narreo. Canerreo, so that the day following we found our selues on dry land, and so remained fiue dayes, the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground. At the end of those fiue dayes, a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands, that wee might come out, al­though [Page 1501] not without much danger. Departing thence, we arriued at Guanignanico, where ano­ther tempest assailed vs so fiercely, that we stood in great danger to be lost: at the head of the Guaniguanico. currents we had another, where we staid three dayes. And these being ouerpassed, we went a­bout the Cape of Saint Anthony, and with a contrary winde, we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana. and standing the day following to put in there, a Southerne gale The Cape of S. Anthony. The Hauana. Martes. of winde tooke vs, which droue vs farre from the land, so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida, and arriued the twelfth of Aprill, at the land of Martes; so coasting the way of Florida, vpon holy Thursday in the same coast, we ancored in the mouth of an open roade, at the head whereof we saw certaine houses, and habitations of the Indians.

The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship, and landed vpon an Iland 10 which is in the same open roade, and called to those Indians, who came and abode with vs a good space, and by way of ransome gaue him fish, and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh. The day following, which was good Friday, the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry, and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians, which wee had seene, which we found all emptie and desolate, because that night the people were gone in their Ca­noes. One of those houses was very great, and able to containe more then three hundred per­sons, the other were much lesser, and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets. The Great houses without hous­keepers. Golden Bell. The first towne taken in Flori­da, in the Em­perors name. next day, the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty, and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name, and presented the Commissions and was receiued, and obayed as Gouernour, according to your Maiesties appointment. And so in like manner, we presented our 20 other prouisoes vnto him, which he accepted, and obeyed according to the contents thereof, and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped, and the horses, which were not aboue two and fortie, because the other, through the many tempests, and beating of the Sea, and length of time, were dead. And these few that remained, were so weake and wearied, as at that time we could doe little seruice. The day following, the Indians of those places came vnto vs, and al­though they spoke vnto vs, yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not.

The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida, and search for the hauen, which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew, but was now astonished, and knew not in what part we were, nor where the hauen was; and the Brigantine was appointed, that if they found not the hauen, to crosse ouer to the Hauana, and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della 30 Querda was, and hauing taken in some victuall, to returne to finde it. The Brigantine being de­ing departed, we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before, with some other more, and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found, and hauing gone about foure leagues, we tooke foure Indians, and shewed them Maiz, because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof: they said, they would bring vs where it grew, and so they brought vs to their Village, which was not farre from thence, at the head of the gulfe, and there they shewed vs a little Maiz, which was not yet ripe to be gathered. There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile, and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man, all which were couered with Deeres skins painted. The Commissary thought, that it was a kinde of Idolatry, so he burned the chests with all the bodies. We also found peeces of webs of cloath, 40 and Pennacchi, which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola, and certaine mosters of Gold. Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes, from whence they had such things. They Samples. The Prouinc [...] Apalachn. by signes, shewed vs: that very farre from thence there was a Prouince, called Apalachen, where­in there was great quantity of Gold. Departing from thence, wee went further, carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken, and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place, wee found another people of fifteene houses, where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz, which now was ready to be gathered, and we found some also dry. There we abode two dayes, and after returned.

May the first, the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit, and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs, and so we departed, to enter within the 50 land. The summe of all them who went, was three hundred men in all, among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez, and another Frier, called Frier Iohn de Palis, and three Clarkes, and the Officers. Forty of vs were on horsebacke, and so with that prouision which wee had brought, wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate, except Dates, like those of Andaluzia. In all this time we found not any Indian, nor saw any house, nor place inha­bited: and in the end we found a Riuer, which wee passed with much danger and trouble, by swimming, and vpon rafts, and staied a day to passe ouer it, because it ranne with much fury. Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer, two hundred Indians came against vs, and the Go­uernour went before, and after he had spoken to them by signes, they made much signes againe vnto vs, that we should ioyne our selues with them, taking fiue or sixe, who brought vs vnto 60 their houses which were about halfe a league off, and there wee found great quantity of Maiz, which staod now ready to be gathered. After some search of the Countrey to the Sea, wee de­parted from that place, alwayes (as we went) inquiring for that Prouince, which (the Indians said) was called Apalachen, and brought for guides, them that we had taken, and so went forward [Page 1502] vntill the seuenteenth of Iune, and found no Indians that durst abide our comming. There, a y Ca­cique came vnto vs, whom an Indian carried vpon his necke, and hee was couered with a Deeres [...]a [...]ique [...]gni­ [...]eth [...] Lord a­mong the In­dians. skinne painted, and brought with him many people, who went before him playing vpon cer­taine Flutes made of canes, and so came vnto the Gouernour, and abode with him an houre, and we gaue him to vnderstand (by signes) how that we went to Apalachen, and by those signes which he made vs, it seemed he ment to signifie that hee was an enemy to them of Apalachen, and would aide vs against them. We gaue him Crownes, Bels, and such other things, and he gaue the Gouernour the skin which he wore vpon him, and so turned backe againe, and we followed presently after him. That euening we came vnto a Riuer, which was very deepe and very broad, and ran very furiously, and not presuming to passe ouer it vpon rafts, we made a Canoa, and stai­ed one whole day to passe ouer it: so that if the Indians would haue iniured vs, they might ea­sily 10 haue disturbed our passage, and yet although they holped vs the best they could, wee had much trouble. One of our Horsemen, called Iohn Velasquez, a natiue of Cuellar, because he would Strong stream. not stay, tooke the Riuer with his Horse, and the current of the Riuer being very strong, cast him from his Horse, who catching hold on the raines of the bridle, drowned himselfe, together with the Horse. And those Indians of that Lord, called Dulcancellin, found the Horse, and told vs where we should finde him in the Riuer below: and so they went to search for him, whose death Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them. much discontented vs, because vntill that time there was not one man of our company wanting. The Horse gaue many their suppers that night. And so hauing passed that Riuer, the day follow­ing we came vnto the people of that Lord, who sent vs some of their Maiz. The next day we departed, the Indians being fled. The Gouernour left by the way an ambuscado of certaine 20 Horsemen, which as those Indians passed by, issued out vpon them, and tooke three or foure, who before serued vs for guides, and they brought vs through a very troublesome Countrey to trauaile, and maruelous to behold, where were huge Mountaines, and very high Trees, whereof Toublesome Countrey. so many were fallen to the ground, that they intangled and stopped the way, in such sort that we could not passe without going farre about, to our great trouble; and of those trees that were fal­len, the greater part were cleft from one end to the other, through the thunderbolts that fall Trees cleft with thunder­bolts. there, great tempests being alwayes in that place: with this trouble wee marched vntill the six and twentieth day of Iune, at which day we came within the sight of Apalachen before they of the Towne perceiued vs. We rendered great thankes vnto God, seeing our selues so neere vn­to Ap [...]l [...]chen. 30 that place, and supposing that to be true which had been spoken, and hoping we should there end our great trauailes which wee had passed, as well for the long and euill iourney, as for the great famine which we had sustained. Because, although we sometimes found Maiz, yet for the most part we went six or eight leagues without finding any. And there were many amongst vs, that through hunger and wearinesse had wounded their shoulders with continuall wearing of their armes, besides the other calamities they daily incountered.

The Gouernour commanded me to take with me nine horse, and fiftie foote, and enter the towne, which the Controler and I did, and found none but little children, and women, because at that time the men were not there, but going a little way from those places, the Indians came, and began to fight, and shoot at vs, and slew the Controulers horse; but in the end they fled, and 40 left vs, There we found great quantity of Maiz which stood ready to be gathered, and had suf­ficient, of which was dry, romeining. We found there many skinnes of wilde beasts taken by hunting, and some garments of thred, little and nought worth, wherewith the women couer some Caccoago [...]o. parts of their person.

They had many Mils to grinde Maiz. Among these people there were forty little houses, low built, and in close places, for feare of the great tempests to which that Countrey continually is accustomed. The houses are made of straw of stubble, and compassed about with Mountaynes Great tem­pests in those parts. standing thicke together, and great Trees, and many Seas of water, where so many and so great Trees are falne, that they trouble euery thing, and cause that no man is able to trauell there with­out great incumberance. 50

The land from the place where we di barked vnto this people of Apalachen, for the most part is plaine, and the soyle consisteth of hard and solid sand, and throughout all the same many great Trees, and famous Mountaines are found, where Nut trees are, and Labrani, and other, which they call Laquidambares: there are also Cedars, Sauine-trees, Holme-trees, Pines, Okes, and low Palme-trees like those of Castile. Throughout all that Countrey there are many great and little Lakes, and some are very troublesome to passe, as well for the great depth thereof, as also by rea­son Lakes. of the many trees, which are fallen there. The ground or bottome of them is sand: and those Lakes which we found in the Prouince of Apalachen, are much greater then all the other which we had found vntill then. There are many fields of their Maiz in this Prouince: and the houses are scattered through the Plaine, like those of Gerbe. The beasts which we saw there are Deere Beasts. 60 of three sorts, Conies, Hares, Beares, and Lions, and other, among which we saw one, that car­rieth her young in a bagge, which shee hath in her belly, where shee carrieth them all the time Beast which carrieth her yong in a bag. that they are little, vntill they be able to goe, and seeke their meate themselues. And if by chance the young stand seeking food without the damme, and people come vpon them, shee flyeth not [Page 1503] before she haue gathered them into her bagge. The Countrey is very cold there, and there are many good pastures for flockes.

There are also many sorts of Fowle, Go [...]ings in great abundance, Geese, Duckes, Herons, Fowles. Black-birds, and others of diuers sorts, and there we saw many Falcons, Ger-falcons, Sparrow­hawkes, and many other sorts of Birds.

Two dayes after we came to Apalachen, the Indians that were fled returned vnto vs in peace, demanding their children, and we gaue them all, except one Cazique of theirs, whom the Go­uernour retayned, which was the occasion to cause them to depart offended, who the day fol­lowing returned as enemies, and assailed vs with such fury and suddennesse, that they came to set fire to the house where we were: but so soone as wee came forth, they fled and retired them­selues 10 vnto the Lakes, which were very neere thereunto. Whereupon by reason of them, and the Corne which was very thicke there, we could not doe them any hurt, saue that we killed one man only. The day following, other Indians of another people, which was on the other side, came to vs and assailed vs after the same manner, that the other had done before, and fled like­wise: and one of them also was slaine. We abode there fiue and twentie dayes, in the which we caused three to enter within the Land, and found it very poorely peopled, and hard trauelling, in respect of the troublesome passages, Mountaynes and Lakes which are there. Wee demanded of the Cazique whom wee had retayned, and of the other Indians whom wee had brought with vs, who were borderers and enemies to them of Apalachen, the qualitie and condition of that Countrey, of the people, the victuall, and other things about it, who all plainly answered vs, that 20 the greatest people of all that Countrey, were they of Apalachen, and that further beyond it was without people, and very poore, that all that Countrey, and theirs were ill peopled, and that the Inhabitants were much dispersed, and that going further forth, exceeding great Lakes are found, Mountaynes standing thicke together, and mighty Desarts, and without Inhabitants. Wee asked them of the Countrey which lay toward the South, what people and sustenance it had, who answered vs, that going from thence towards the Sea nine dayes iourney, were a peo­ple called Aute, and that the Indians of that place had much Maiz, and that there were small Pulse, which are like to our Ciches and Gourds, and that being so neere to the Sea, fish was there to be found: and that they were their friends.

Seeing the pouerty of the Countrey, we agreed to depart from them, and goe to seeke out the 30 Sea, and that people of Aute, whereof they told vs. And so at the end of fiue and twenty dayes after we came thither, we departed. The first day we passed those Lakes and troublesome passa­ges, without seeing any Indian. But the second day they came vpon vs, at a Lake which was very ill to passe: so that the water tooke vs vp to the breast, and many Trees were falne there, so that we being in the middest thereof, the Indians assayled vs, they being hid behind the trees that we might not see them: and others were vpon the trees that were falne, and beganne to shoote at vs in such sort, that they wounded many men and horses, and tooke the guide from vs which we had brought, they suddenly cast themselues into the Lakes and wounded fifteene men and horses. The Gouernour seeing this, commanded them on horsebacke to dismount, and as­saile Indian fight. them on foot, and so they did, and the Auditor dismounted with them, and assayling them 40 put them all to flight, so that they entred into a Lake, and thus wee gained the passage of them. In that skirmish some of our men (whose good armes they carried preuayled not) remayned Strong ar­chers. wounded: and some of them swore, that they saw two Okes, each of them as great as a mans legge, shot through from side to side with the Arrowes of the Indians. Which therefore is not a thing that wee should wonder at, seeing the force wherewith they deliuer them, and I my selfe haue seene an Arrow at the foot of an Elme, which entred an handfull in.

As many Indians as we saw in Florida, vntill wee came to that place, are all Archers, tall of stature, and goe naked, and seeme to them that see them afarre off mighty Giants. They are mar­uellously well set, pleasant, and of much strength and agilitie. The Bowes they vse are as thicke as a mans arme, of eleuen or twelue spannes long, and they shoot two hundred paces off, and so Men of tall [...] ture, good archers. straight and leuell, that they neuer shoote and misse. Hauing got ouer that passage, about one 50 league from thence, we came to another Lake of the same sort, saue that it was halfe a league long, which was much worser then the former. This we quietly passed, and without disturbance of the Indians: because they hauing spent all the munition of their Arrowes, in that first assault, it remayned not in their power to be able to assault vs afresh. The next day following going ouer another such passage, I who went in the Vantgard descryed the Sauage people, and gaue intelli­gence to the Gouernour who came in the Rereward, and so going well ordered and prouided, they could not offend vs, and as soone as we were come forth into the Plaine, they came alwayes following vs. Whereupon turning about and diuiding our selues into two parts, we slue two of them. Auellaneda turning about ranne to helpe his boy, the Indians smote him with an Arrow 60 on the side of the Cuiras, and the stroke was such, that the whole Arrow almost went through behind the head, so that he suddenly dyed, and we carried him dead vnto Aute. We came to Au­te, the ninth day after our departure from Apalachen: and found all the people of that place fled, hauing burned their houses. There we found much Maiz and Gourdes, and certaine Pulse which [Page 1504] were then readie to be gathered. So we reposed our selues two dayes there, and after the Gouer­nour prayed me, that I would goe to discouer the Sea, seeing the Indians said, it was so neere, and we also had discouered it as we went, by a very great Riuer, which wee found by the way: and called it the Riuer of Madalena. I was sent to discouer the Sea. The day following we departed The Riuer Madalena. from Aute, and marched all that day vntill wee came where I had beene before: the way was very troublesome, because the Horses were neither able to carrie them that were feeble, nor knew we what remedy to take, because they were euery day worse then other. Hauing prooued many remedies, we all agreed in one iudgement, to put a very hard thing in execution, and that was to make Boats for vs to goe from thence. It seemed a thing impossible to all, because some of vs knew not how to make them, and wee had neither Iron Tooles, nor Forge, nor Ockam, 10 Pitch, nor Ropes, nor finally, any thing of so many, which were needfull in such an exercise: and aboue all we had not prouision of victuall for so long time while they should be made. The day following it pleased God, that one of our men came, who said, that hee would make certaine Pipes of wood, and that with the skinnes of wild beasts, certaine Bellowes should bee made to blow. And finding vs at a time, wherein what thing soeuer he would, which had the least colour, or shadow of remedie, seemed sufficient: we said, that he should make them, and so we agreed, that of the Stirrops, Spurres and Crosse-bowes, and other things of Iron which were among vs, Nayles, Sawes and Hatchets should be made; and other Tooles of Iron, seeing they were so need­full. And we tooke for remedie, to haue some food while this should be put in execution, that foure entries should be made into Aute, with all the Horse, and others that could goe thither, Hard shift. 20 and that euery third day one Horse should be killed, to be diuided among them that wrought in the making of the Boates, and them that were sicke. The entries were made with as many men and horses, as was possible, who brought thence about foure hundred Staras of Maiz, although not without controuersie and contention, with those Indians. We caused many Palmiti also to be gathered, that with the woolley part and barke thereof, twisting and drawing them in length we might be able to vse them in stead of Ockam for the Boats.

And we vsed so great diligence therein, that beginning the fourth of August, the twentieth of September next fiue Boates were finished, of two and twenty Cubits a piece, and we stopped the chinkes, and calking with Ockam of the Palmiti; and pitched them with a certaine Gumme, Ockam of Palmiti. which a Grecian called Don Theodoro, brought from certaine Pine-trees, and with the same barke 30 of the Palmiti, and of the traines, and haire of Horses we made cordage and tackling, and made sayles of out shirts, and of the Sauine trees which were there, we made such Oares as we thought necessary: and such was that Countrey, whereinto our sinnes conducted vs, that no stones were found there, to ballast the Boates, nor saw wee any throughout all that Countrey. Wee likewise No stones. flayed the whole legges of horses, and sewed the skinne together, to make bottles to carrie water. In this meane time, some of our men went to gather Tamarindi in the strond of the Sea, where the Indi [...]s at two seuerall times wherein they incountred them, slue ten Christians, so neere to our Tents, that we saw them, and could not helpe them, and found them shot through from side to side, with Arrowes, so that although our men had excellent Armour, they were not able to re­sist, Strong shot. their strokes, those Indians shooting with such dexteritie and force, as aforesaid. And our Pi­lots 40 said and swore, that from the flat shoare which we called by the name of the Crosse, vnto this Crosse shoare. place, we had gone about two hundred and fourescore leagues, little more or lesse, and in all that Countrey we saw no Mountaines, nor had any notice by any meanes, that there were any, and Miserable suc­cesse of the Spaniards in this Voyage. before that we imbarked, besides those which the Indians had slaine, there were more then for­ty other men dead through sicknesse and famine.

The two and twentieth day of September, they ceased to eate horses, so that only one re­mayned, and on that day wee imbarked in this order. In the Gouernours Boate went nine and fortie men, and in the other which hee gaue to the Auditour and Commissary, went as many more. The third, he gaue to Captaine Alonzo del Castiglio, and Andrea Durante, with eight and forty men, and another he gaue vnto two other Captaines, the one called Telles, and the o­ther 50 Pigualosa, with seuen and forty men, and the fift he gaue to the Controuler and mee, with nine and forty men. And after the victuals and furniture, and other things were shipped, they a­rose no more then a fourth part aboue the water, and beside this we were so streighted, that we could not guide nor turne in the Boats. Necessitie was so powerfull, that it made vs aduenture to goe in this manner, and commit our selues vnto so dangerous a Sea, without hauing any one a­mong vs, who knew the art of Nauigation.

That flat shoare from whence we departed, is called the shoare of the Horses, and we went se­uen Spiaggia de Caualli. dayes through those gulfes with the water vp to the girdle, without seeing any signe of the Coast: and at the end of those seuen dayes, we arriued at an Iland which standeth neere vnto the Land. My Boat went before, and we saw fiue Canowes of Indians comming, who forsooke 60 them all, and left them in our hands seeing vs come towards them. Our other Boates went be­fore, and lighted vpon certane houses in the same Iland, where they found many of their Egges and Thorn-back were dry, and greatly releeued vs in the necessitie wherein we were.

After this, we went further, and two leagues from thence we passed a Strait which that Iland [Page 1505] maketh with the Land, and called it the Strait of Saint Michael, because we passed it vpon that holy day. Being gotten out of that Strait, wee arriued at the Coast, where with the fiue Ca­nowes The Strait of Saint Michael. which I had taken from the Indians, we remooued some things out of our Boats, making them fast and ioyning them to ours, so that they arose two handfuls aboue water, and therewith­all we turned to goe along the Coast by the way of the Riuer of Palmes, thirst and famine al­wayes R. of Palmes. increasing: because the victuals were very scant, and almost at an end, and we wanted wa­ter, because the bottles which we had made of the skinnes of horses, became suddenly putrified and mustie, and were good for nothing, and many times wee entred into certaine gulfes and flat shoares, which went farre within the Land, and found them all shallow and dangerous. And so we went thirty dayes, and sometimes found some Indian fishers, a poore and miserable people: 10 and at the end of these thirty dayes, when our necessitie for want of water, was extreame, go­ing to the Coast, one night we perceiued a Canow comming, and seeing her wee expected that she would haue arriued; but although we called vnto her she would not come nor behold vs, and because it was night we followed her not, but held on our course. When day began to appeare; we saw a small Iland, and went thither to see if wee could find any water there, but wee labou­red in vaine because there was none. While wee stayed there, a mightie tempest arose vpon vs, whereupon we abode there sixe dayes, not daring to put out to Sea againe, and hauing passed fiue dayes without drinking, our thirst was so great, that we were forced to drinke the Sea-wa­ter, and some dranke so largely that fiue of our men dyed suddenly. We went out the same way, which we had seene the Canow goe, the night before we departed thence. This day we saw our Miserable thust. 20 selues many times drowned, and so cast away, that there was none of vs, who did not assure him­selfe of death. But it pleased our Lord God, who in the greatest necessities vseth to shew his fa­uour, that about Sunne set we weathered a point which the Land maketh, where wee found it very calme and quiet. Heere many Canowes came towards vs, and the Indians that were in them, spake vnto vs, and without wondring at vs returned. They were a people of a great bo­die and well set, and carried neither Bowes nor Arrowes. Some of vs followed them vnto their houses, which stood neere vnto the water side, and leaped aland, and before the entrance of the houses, we found many pots of water, and great quantitie of fish, and the Lord of that Countrey offered it all vnto the Gouernour, and taking him by the hand, brought him to his house (their houses are of Mats very well made.) And after we entred into the house of their Cazique or 30 Lord, he gaue vs much fish, and we gaue them bread of Corne which we brought, and they eat it in our presence, and demanded more, which we gaue them, and the Gouernour gaue the Ca­zique many small trifles, and abiding with him in his house, about halfe an houre within night, the Indians assaulted vs, and the rest of our men, who road very ill, beeing cast vpon that Coast, they assaulted also the house of the Cazique where the Gouernour was, and with a stone smote him on the face: and tooke the Cazique. But he hauing his men so neere escaped away, and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables, which in my iudgement are the best of all the World, and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise, and Muske is not compara­ble: Rich Furres & sweete Mardole Zibelline. and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off. We saw also other but none like vnto that.

Now seeing the Gouernour wounded, we set him aboord, and caused him to bring with him 40 the greater part of the men vnto the Boats: and fifty of our men only remayned on land, to fight with the Indians, who that night assaulted vs three times, and with so great violence, that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast, so that there was not one of our men, that was not wounded.

After this we returned to imbarke our selues, and sayled three dayes: and hauing taken a little water, as much as the few vesiels we had, were able to carrie, wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first. And going on our Voyage, we entred into a Strait, where a­biding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming, and as we called vnto them, they came, and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest, demanded water of them, who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it: so a Greeke Christian, called Theodoro, of whom 50 mention is made before, said that he would goe with them. And although the Gouernour, and many other laboured to disswade him, yet he would needs goe thither, and carried a Negro with him, and the Indians left for hostages two of their men.

Those Indians returned in the Euening, and brought vs our vessels without water, but brought not our two Christians againe: and those two men of theirs, who remayned for pledges, as soone as they spake vnto them, would haue cast themselues into the water, but our men who had them in the Boat held them, and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful, for the two Christians which we had lost.

The morning following, many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs, demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages. The Gouernour answered, that he would giue them 60 vnto them, so that they would restore vs our two Christians. Fiue, or sixe Lords came with those people, and it seemed to vs, that they were of a very good disposition, and of greater authority, and retinue, then all the rest wee had found hitherto, although they were not of so tall a sta­ture Desription of th [...]se Indians. as the other before mentioned. They wore their haire loose, and very long, and were co­uered [Page 1506] with mantles of Martinets, of the same sort whereof we spake before, and some of them were made of a very strange fashion, hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes, which seemed very faire. They prayed vs, that we would goe with them, and they would giue vs our two Christians, and water, and many other things: and many Canoas came continually vpon vs, endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage, and so therefore, because the place was very dangerous, we went out to Sea, where we stayed with them vntill noone. But, not being wil­ling to restore our Christians, and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages, they began to cast stones at vs with slings: making shew also that they would shoot at vs, although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them. And while wee continued thus: a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe, and they went their way. So, we sayled all that day vntill the 10 euening, at what time my Boat that went before, discouered a point which the Land made, and at the other end I saw a Riuer: then I anchored at a small Iland, which maketh that point, to stay for the other Boats. The Gouernour would not come neere it, but put into a flat shoare ve­ry neere thereunto, where many small Ilands were, and there wee all met together, and tooke fresh water within the Sea, because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually, and with great vio­lence. And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought, because for two dayes before, we had eaten it raw, we went aland on that Iland, but finding no wood there, we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer, which was behind the Point one league from thence. And as wee went, the current of the Riuer was so great, that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue, but Current. droue vs backe from the Land. 20

§. II.

Misery pursues them at Sea, and betrayes them to the Indians: their miserable liues and death.

WEe sayled foure dayes, euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement. At the end of these foure dayes, a tempest tooke vs, which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles, and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs, 30 we were not wholly drowned. And being Winter, and exceeding cold, and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger, with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea, the day following the men began very much to faint, in such manner, that when the Sunne went downe, all those that were in my Boat, were fallen one vpon the other, so neere vnto death, that few of them had any sense, and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete, and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe, that could mannage the Boat, and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee, that I should take charge of my Boat, because he was in such case, that he held it for certainty, that hee should die that night. And so I tooke the rudder, and midnight being past, I went to see if the Master were dead, who said vnto me, that suddenly he was better, and that hee would guide the Boat vntill 40 day. Then surely I found my selfe in such state, that much more willingly I would haue recei­ued death, then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were: and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little, but very vnquietly, because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe. And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea, because being a very lowe Coast it raged much, whereupon when I heard this, I called to the Master, who answered me, that he supposed we were now neere vn­to the Land; and sounding, we found our selues in seuen fathome, and he thought it fit, that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared. And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side, which we found one league distant, and put the stearne to the Sea. And being neere to the Land, a waue tooke vs, which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might 50 well fling a stone, and with the great blowe which it gaue, almost all the men who remained there as dead, receiued their senses againe, and seeing vs so neere vnto the Land, beganne to arise and goe on their hands and feete. And hauing landed, wee made fire in certaine trenches, and boyled some of the Maiz which wee had brought, and found raine-water: and with the heate of the fire, the men beganne to recouer and take strength: and the day that we arriued there, was the sixth of Nouember.

After the men had eaten, I commanded Lopez de Ouiedo, who was the best able, and strongest of all the rest, that he should goe close to any tree of them that were there at hand, and climing vp into one of them, he should discouer the Land where we were, and see if hee could haue any knowledge thereof. He did so, and saw that we were in an Iland, and found certaine poore Cot­tages 60 of the Indians, which stood solitary, because those Indians were gone vnto the field. And so he tooke a pot, a young whelpe, and a little Thorn-backe, and returned vnto vs. About halfe an houre after, an hundred Indian Archers came suddenly vpon vs, who though they were great, yet feare made them seeme to be Giants: and they stood round about vs, where the first three [Page 1507] were. It had beene a vaine thing amongst vs to thinke that there were any to defend vs, because there were scarce sixe that were able to rise from the ground. The Controller and I came to­wards them, and called vnto them, and they came neere vnto vs, and wee endeauoured the best we could, to secure them; so we gaue them Crownes and Bells, and euery one of them gaue mee an Arrow, which is a token of friendship, and they told vs by signes that they would returne vnto vs in the morning, and bring vs somewhat to eate, because at that time they had nothing.

The next morning at the breake of day, which was the houre whereof the Indians had spo­ken, they came vnto vs, and brought vs much fish, and certaine Roots which they eate, and are like vnto Nuts, some bigger, and some lesse, which they digge vnder the water with much trou­ble. At the euening they returned againe, and brought vs more fish, and some of the same Roots, 10 and brought also their wiues and little children with them that they might see vs: and so they returned rich in Crownes and Bells which we gaue them, and the next day they returned to vi­site vs with the same things, which they had done before.

Then seeing we were now prouided of fish, of those roots, and water, and other things which we could get, we agreed to embarke our selues, and proceed on our Voyage: so wee digged the Boat out of the sand, where it was fast moored, and were constrained to strippe our selues naked, and indured great labour to launch her into the water. Being embarked, about two Cros-bow shots within the Sea, there came such a waue of water that it washed vs all, and being naked, and the cold extreme, wee let goe the Oares, and another blowe which the Sea gaue vs, ouer­turned the Boat, whereupon the Controller and two other went out to escape by swimming: 20 but the cleane contrary befell them, because the Boat strucke them vnder water, and drowned Three drow­ned. them. That Coast being very faire, the Sea cast vs all aland on the same Coast, all tumbled in the water, and halfe drowned, so that we lost not a man, but those three, whom the Boat smote vnder water. Wee which remained aliue were all naked, hauing lost all that which wee had, which although it were but a little, yet was it much for vs at that time: and being then No­uember, and the cold very extreme, and being in such case, that a man might easily tell all our bones, we seemed to be the proper and true figure of Death. As for my selfe, I am well able to say, that from the moneth of May past, I had not eaten any other thing then parched Maiz, and sometimes I was in so great necessitie, that I haue eaten it raw, because although the Horses were killed while they made the Boats, yet I could neuer eate them, and I did not eate fish ten times. 30 I speake this, that euery one might consider, how we could continue in that case, and aboue all, the North wind blew that day, so that we were neerer vnto death, then life. It pleased God, that seeking the brands of the fire which we had made before wee embarked, wee found light there, and so making great fires, we stood crauing mercy from our Lord God, and pardon of our sinnes, with many teares, euery one of vs grieuing not onely for himselfe, but for all the rest, that hee saw in the same state. At the setting of the Sunne, the Indians supposing that we had not beene gone, came to finde vs, and brought vs somewhat to eate, but when they saw vs thus, in so dif­fering an habite from the first, and in such strange manner, they were so afraid, that they turned backe againe: but I went towards them, and called them, who beheld mee with much feare. Hereupon I gaue them to vnderstand by signes, that the Boat was caft away, and three men 40 drowned, and there they themselues saw two dead, and the rest of vs that were now remayning were going the high way to death.

The Indians seeing the misfortune which had befallen vs, and the lamentable case wherein we Humanitie of Sauages. were, with so great calamitie and miserie, came amongst vs, and through great griefe and com­passion which they had of vs, beganne mightily to weepe and lament, and that from the heart, insomuch that they might be heard farre from thence, and they thus lamented more then halfe an houre. And surely, seeing these men so depriued of reason, and so cruell after the manner of brute beasts, so bewayled our miseries, it caused that in me, and all the rest of our men, the com­passion and consideration of our miseries should be much more increased. The mournfull lamen­tation being somewhat appeased, I demanded of the Christians, whether they thought it fit, that I should intreate those Indians to bring vs to their houses, whereunto some of them that were of 50 Noua Spagna, answered me, that I should not speake a word thereof, because if they brought vs home to their houses, they would haue sacrificed vs to their Idols. Now seeing there was no other remedie, and that, what other way soeuer, death was more certaine and more neere, I ca­red not for that which they said, but prayed the Indians, that they would bring vs to their hou­ses, and they shewed vs, that it pleased them very well, and that wee should tarrie a little, and they would doe as much as wee desired, presently thirty of them laded themselues with wood, and went vnto their houses, which were farre from thence: and wee remained with the rest, vntill it was almost night, and then they tooke vs, and conducting vs, we went with much an­guish and heauinesse vnto their houses. And because they feared lest through the extreme cold­nesse 60 of the way any of vs should die, or swound and faint, they had prouided, that by the way foure or fiue great fires should bee made, some small space distant each from other, and at euery one of them they warmed vs, and when they saw that we had taken a little strength and heate, they brought vs to another, with so great care, that they did not so much as suffer vs to set our [Page 1508] feete on the ground, and after this manner we were brought vnto their houses: where we found that they had prouided an house for vs, & many fires therein, and about one houre after we were come thither, they beganne to dance and reioyce, which continued all the night. Although a­mongst vs there was neither ioy nor sleepe, expecting when they would haue sacrificed vs. In the morning they returned to giue vs fish, and rootes, and vsed vs so well, that wee somewhat assured our selues, and lost some part of the feare of sacrificing.

In those dayes wherein wee abode there, I saw a small Net, with one of those Indians, and knew that it was not any of them which wee gaue them, and demanding whence they had it, they answered me by signes, that other men, such as we were, gaue it them, who abode behind that place. I seeing this, sent two Christians, and two Indians, to shew them those men, and be­ing 10 gone, they met with them very neere, who came to seeke vs out, because the Indians of those places had told them of vs. These men were Captaine Andrea Dorante, and Alonso del Castiglio, with all the men of their Boat. And being come vnto vs, they were afraid to behold vs in that manner wherein we were, and were very sorrowfull that they had not any thing to giue vs, be­cause they had no other garments, then those which they wore. And they abode there with vs, and told vs, how on the fift day of that same moneth, their Boat had crossed ouer, one league and an halfe from thence, and that they had escaped without losing any thing.

Wee all agreed together, to trimme that Boat of theirs, and that all such as had strengh, and abilitie to doe it, should goe therein, and that the rest should remaine there vntill they recouered: and that when they were able, they should goe along the Coast, and waite there till God should 20 conduct them with the rest of vs vnto a Land of the Christians. And as we determined, so wee did, and before we lanched the Boat into the water, Tauera an Horseman of our companie died: and the Boat which we thought should carrie vs, she also made her end, and was not able to vp­hold her selfe, but was suddenly drowned. Whereupon being in that manner aforesaid, and na­ked, and the weather so vnseasonable to trauell, and passe ouer Riuers and Gulfes by swimming, and hauing no victuall, or any sustenance, nor meanes to carrie them, we determined to doe that which necessitie and force compelled vs vnto, that is to say, to winter there. And wee likewise agreed, that foure of our lustiest and strongest men should goe to Panuco, supposing it neere vnto Panuco. that place. And that if it should please our Lord God, that they arriued there, they should giue intelligence that we were there, and tell them of our necessitie and miseries. They who went were very great swimmers, the one was called Alnaro Ferrante, a Portugall, who was a Carpen­ter, 30 and a Mariner, the second was called Mendos, and the third Figeroa a natiue of Toledo, and the fourth was borne in Zaffra, and they carried an Indian with them of the Iland of Auia.

These foure Christians being departed, within few dayes after there came such vnseasonable weather of cold and tempests, that the Indians could not finde the roots, and out of the chan­nels where they were wont to fish, they digged no fruit at all, and things falling out so vnhap­pily, many people began to die: and fiue Christians who were in Xamo, vpon that Coast, came to such extremitie, that they eate one another, vntill there remained but one onely, because there was none to eate him. Their names are these Siera, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palatio, Gonzalo Ruis. The Christians eate one ano­ther, for hun­ger. The Indians were so altered through this accident, and tooke so great an offence, that without 40 doubt, if they had knowne it in the beginning, they would haue killed them all, so that all wee had beene in very great danger. Finally, in a small time, of fourescore men (which wee were in all) there remained onely fifteene. After this mortalitie, a certaine infirmitie of the stomacke happened to the Indians, through the which halfe of them died, and they beleeued that wee Indian sick­nesse and mor­talitie. were the men that killed them: and holding it for an assured truth, they contended among themselues to kill all those few of vs that were remaining: and now comming to put it in execution, an Indian which I had, said vnto them, that they should not beleeue that we were those that killed them; for if we had such power, we would haue procured, that so many men of our owne should not haue died, which they had seene dead, without any abilitie of ours to remedie and helpe them, and that now wee were very few remaining, whereof none had done 50 them any preiudice or harme: wherefore it were better that they suffer vs to liue. Thus it plea­sed our Lord God, that the rest followed his counsell and iudgement, and so ceassed from that pur­pose. Wee called this Iland the Iland of Malhado. Iland Malhado.

The people which wee found there, are of a great stature, and well set, and haue no other weapons but Bowes and Arrowes, with the which they are exceeding readie and quicke. The men haue one of their paps pierced from the one side to the other, and there are some who haue Pierced paps, with canes for gallantry. them both pierced, and in the hole which they make, they carrie a Cane acrosse, of the length of two spannes and an halfe and two fingers thicke. They likewise haue the nether lippe bored, and within the same they carrie a piece of a thin Cane, about halfe a finger thicke. The women indure much drudgerie and labour. The habitation which they make in that Iland, is from Octo­ber 60 vntill the end of Februarie, and their food is the rootes aforesaid, digged vnder water in The Indians poore life. Nouember and December. They haue Weares, but haue no fish but at this time, and before that they eate roots. At the end of Februarie they goe into other Parts to seeke food: because the roots beginne then to growe, and are not very good. This Nation, aboue all other parts of the [Page 1509] world, loue their children, and vse them best. And when it happeneth that any one of their children dieth, the father, mother, and kindred, with all the people lament him, and the mour­ning Mourning for children. and lamentation, continueth one whole yeere, so that euery day before the Sunne ariseth, the parents beginne first to lament, and after them all the people, and they doe the same at noon, and in the morning: and the yeere being ended, they accomplish their Funerals, and honou­rable rites of Buriall, which they performe vnto the dead: and then they wash themselues, and shift all the apparell which they wore. They bewayle all their dead in this manner, except the aged, whom they esteeme not, for, say they, that they haue now passed their time; and are Age di [...]estee­med. no more good for any thing, but occupie the earth, and take away the maintenance from Infants and little children. They vse to bury the dead, vnlesse they be such as are Physicians among them, Physicians burned. 10 whom they burne, and while the fire flameth they stand all dancing with great ioy, and make powder of the bones: and when the yeere is past, wherein they performe the honourable rites, vnto their dead, they all tumble, and wallow vpon the earth, and giue that powder of the bones to the kinsfolke, to drinke in water. Euery one haue their proper and peculiar wiues. The Phy­sicians are they that haue most libertie, who may keepe two or three wiues, and among them there is great friendship and conformitie. When any marrieth his daughter, hee that taketh her, bringeth vnto the wife, whatsoeuer he taketh by hunting or fishing, euen vnto the day wherein he is espoused vnto her, who carrieth it vnto the house of the father, without daring to take or eate any thing thereof: and afterward they bring food to the house of the father-in-law for him to eate, and in all this time, neither father-in-law nor mother-in-law enter into their house, 20 nor are they to enter in [...]o their house, nor the houses of their kindred. And if by chance they meete each other in the way, they goe a Cros-bow shot off one from the other, and so long time as they thus goe farre off, they hang downe their heads, and cast their eies on the ground; for they hold it a wicked and an euill thing to be seene, and to be spoken vnto. The women haue libertie to conuerse with the fathers-in-law, and other kinsfolke: and they of that Iland haue Filthie and foolish cu­stomes. this custome more then fiftie leagues within the Land.

They haue another custome, and that is this, that when any of their brethren or children die, for three moneths they prouide nothing to eate for them of the house where they died, but let them die through hunger, if the kinsfolke and neighbours prouide them not somewhat to eate. Whereupon, at the time that we were there, many people dying, there was very great famine. In the most part of the houses, because they strictly obserue their customes and ceremonies: and 30 they who prouided food for them, it being a very hard time, could finde but a little. And vpon this occasion, those Indians that had mee went out of the Iland, and in their Canoas passed ouer vnto the firme Land, vnto certaine flat shoares, where; they had many Oysters: and for three moneths in the yeere they eate no other thing, and drinke very bad water. They haue great scarcitie of wood, and great multitudes of Flies: their houses are made of mats spread vpon the sh lls of Oysters, and ouer them they sleepe vpon the hides of beasts, which yet they haue not but by a chance. And so we continued vntill the middle of Aprill, that wee went to the Sea­coast, where wee eate Mulberries all that moneth, wherein they end their sports, and festi­uall iollitie. 40

In that Iland whereof I haue spoken, they would make vs Physicians, without examining They are made Physicians. vs, or demanding the titles of our profession, and because they heale the infirmitie with blowing vpon the diseased, and cure them with that, and with their hands: they would that wee also should doe the like, and serue them in any thing whatsoeuer. But wee laughed thereat, saying it was a iest and mockery, and that wee knew not how to heale, whereupon they tooke away our food, vntill we did that which they said. And seeing our vnbeliefe, an Indian said vnto me, that I knew not what I said, because stones and herbes that growe in the fields haue vertue, and that he with an hot stone, laying it vpon the stomacke, cured the paine: and that wee who are men, must of a certaintie haue greater vertue, then all other things of the world. In the end, seeing Learned argu­ment. our selues in so great necessitie we were constrained to doe it, yet not hoping to helpe any at all: the manner and meanes which they obserue in curing is this, that seeing themselues sicke they 50 send for the Physitian, to whom (after they are cured) they giue all that they haue; and besides procure other things from their kindred to giue them. The cure which the Physitians doe vnto them, is to cut certaine gashes where the disease or griefe is, and sucke it round about. They seare Manner of curing. it also with fire, which among them is held a verie profitable thing, and I haue proued it and it succeeded well. After this, blowing in the place where the griefe is, they suppose the disease thereby to be remoued. The meanes whereby we cured them, was to blesse them and blow vp­on them, and say a Pater noster and an Au [...] Mary, and pray the best we could vnto our Lord God, that he would giue them their health, and put it into their hearts to vse vs well. It pleased his mercy that all they for whom he praied, as soone as wee had blessed and hallowed them, said 60 vnto the rest that they were sound and well: and for this they vsed vs verie curteously and left eating themselues to giue it vnto vs, and gaue vs skins and other trifling things. The fa­mine was so exceeding great in that place, that many times I continued three dayes with­out eating any thing at all, and so did they also, insomuch as I thought it impossible to bee [Page 1510] able to liue: although afterward, I found my selfe in farre greater famine and necessitie, as I shall hereafter speakē.

The Indians who had Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante and the rest that remayned a­liue: being of another Language, and other parentage, passed ouer to another part of the firme Land, to eate Oysters where they abode vntill the first day of Aprill, and presently after they returned vnto an Iland neere vnto it about two leagues, for that it yeelded more water, and the Iland is halfe a league ouer and fiue in length. All the people of that Countrey goe naked, and the women only haue some parts of their bodie couered with a certaine kind of Cotton which they gather from certaine trees, and the Damsels couer themselues with the skinnes of wild beasts. The people differ much one from another in their Garments. There is not any Lord or Cazique 10 among them, and all they who are of one Family and stocke goe together. Two sorts of Langua­ges dwell there, one of them that are called Capoques, and the other Han: they haue a custome, that if at any time they see such as they know, they stand halfe an houre lamenting, before they speake: and after that, he that is visited ariseth first and giueth vnto the other whatsoeuer hee possesseth, and he receiueth it: and a little after he goeth away with that Garment, and some­times Lamentable salutations. after they haue receiued it, they depart without speaking a word.

After Dorante and Castiglio returned to the Iland, they gathered together all the Christians, who were somewhat dispersed, and found them fourteene in all. I (as I said) abode on the other side in the mayne Land, whither my Indians had brought me, and where a great sicknesse tooke me. Now when the Christians knew that, they gaue the Mantle of Martinets (which wee had 20 taken from the Cazique as aforesaid) vnto an Indian that he might bring them where I was, to see me: and so twelue of them came, because the other two were so weake, that they feared to bring them with them. And when they were come to the firme Land, they found another of our men, called Francesco del Leon. All these thirteene went along the Coast, and as soone as the Indians who kept me were gone, they aduised mee, and told mee that Ieronimo d' Alaniz, and Lope d' Ouiedo, were yet remayning in that Iland. My infirmitie hindered mee that I could not follow them, and so I saw them not otherwise, and I was of necessitie to stay with those same Indians of the Iland more then a yeere. But by reason of the great trauell and paines whereun­to they put me, as also their euill vsage of me, I determined to flye from thence, and passe ouer The Indians of Carruco. vnto them, who abide in the Mountaines and firme Land, whom they call the Indians of Carr [...] ­co, 30 because I could not indure the life, which I led with the other. For among many other pain­full labours, I was compelled to digge Roots vnder the water, and among the Canes where they grew vnder the ground. And herewith I had my fingers so spoyled, that a straw that should haue touched me, would haue drawne bloud: and the Canes being full of splinters tare mee in diuers parts, among which I was to goe with the Garment aforesaid, which I wore. Whereupon I endeuoured to goe from thence vnto those other, and with them I continued somewhat better. And because I made my selfe a Merehant, I was carefull to performe that office with the best knowledge I had. And for this cause they gaue mee food, and vsed mee well, and prayed mee to goe from place to place for such things as they needed, because in respect of the Warres which they continually make among themselues, there is neither trauelling, nor much trading among 40 them: so that now with my trafficke and Merchandise, I went throughout the whole Countrie as farre as I would, and trauelled along the Coast, fortie or fiftie leagues. The principall trafficke I had, were pieces of shels of the Sea, and their hides, and shels wherewith they knit a certaine fruit like vnto Beech mast, with the which they prouide for their dancings and festiuall sports: and this is the greatest thing of price among them, and crownes of the Sea, and such other like things. And this is that which I carried within Land, I afterward carried hides in exchange, and red Ocre with the which they anoint and die their faces, and their haire: I also carried flint stones to make Arrow heads and Glue, and stiffe Canes to make Arrowes: and certaine flockes which they make of Deeres haire so died, that it remayneth coloured. And this office greatly auailed me, because I had libertie to goe whither I would, and was not bound to doe any thing, for I was 50 not a slaue, and whithersoeuer I went they vsed mee well, and gaue mee somewhat to eate in re­spect of my Merchandize, but that which most imported mee, was, that going thus I searched, and saw how I might goe further: and among them I was very well knowne. And such as knew mee not desired my company, and procured meanes to know mee for the fame which I had among them. I continued about six yeeres with them in that Countrie alone, and naked as they all goe.

I got Lope de Ouiedo to trauell with me to seeke out the Christians: but hearing by the Indians Queuenes and Dragnanes, In­dians. that only three were left of our company, he left me: and I remained alone with those Indians, who were called Queuenes, and they with whom Lope went, were called Dragnanes. Two daies after Lope de Ouiedo was gone, the Indians who kept Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante 60 came vnto the place, as those other Indians had foretold vs to eate of certaine Nuts wherewith they maintaine themselues, grinding certaine graines with them two monethes in the yeere, without eating any other thing; although they haue them not euery yeere, because some yeeres they grow, and some not. They are of the bignesse of those of Galicia, and the trees are very [Page 1511] great, and are there in great number. Being now neere vnto the place where they lodged, An­drea Dorante came forth to see who it was, because the Indians had now told him that a Christi­an was come. And as soone as he saw me, he remained much astonished, because they supposed I had beene long since dead, for so the Indians told them. Wee gaue God heartie thankes to see one another, and that day was one of them, wherein wee had the greatest ioy and pleasure in our liues.

And after comming where Castiglio was, they asked mee whether I would goe, I answered, that my purpose was to passe into the Land of the Christians, and that I went seeking and sear­ching how I might doe it. Andrea Dorante answered, that long since hee intreated Castiglio and Esteuamico, that we might go further, but they durst not venter to do it, because they could not 10 swimme, and greatly feared the Riuers and Gulfes which they were to passe ouer, there being many in those Countries. Wherefore seeing it had pleased our Lord God to preserue mee among so many dangers and diseases, and in the end to bring mee into their company, they determined to flie, and that I should carrie them ouer the Riuers and Gulfes which wee found. And they aduertized mee, that by no meanes, I should let the Indians know that I would goe further, because they would presently kill me, and that for this cause I was of necessitie to stay with them sixe monethes, which was the time in the which those Indians went into another Countrie to eate Tune.

These Tune are certaine Fruits of the bignesse of an Egge, red and blacke, and of a very good Tune, fruits of India. taste. They eate them three monethes in the yeere, wherein they eate no other thing, and be­cause 20 at the time when they gathered them, other Indians beyond would come with Bowes to contract and barter with them, we (when they returned) might escape from our Indians, and goe with them. With this determination I remained there, and yeelded my selfe a slaue vnto an Indian, with whom D [...]rante abode.

These Indians are called Mariane, and Castiglio remained with other of their Neighbours, cal­led Iguales. And while we continued there, they reported vnto mee, that after they were come Marianes. Igu [...]bes. out of the Iland of Malhado vpon the Sea Coast, they found the Boat wherein the Auditor and the Friers crossed ouer, and that passing those Riuers which are foure, and very great: the many currents tooke the Boat wherewith they went to Sea, and foure of them were drowned, the rest with much labour passed the Gulfe: and that fifteene leagues further they found another, and as 30 soone as they met together there, two of their companions died in the time that they had tra­uelled sixtie leagues, and that all the rest were yet at the point of death, and that all that iournie they had eaten nothing but Creuises and Herbs of the wall, and comming to this last Gulfe, they said, that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberies, who when they saw the Chri­stians they went vnto the other end, and so they standing still and deuising meanes to passe the Gulfe, an Indian and a Christian came vnto them, and being come, they knew it was Figheroa, one of the foure we had sent before from the Iland of Malhado, who recounted vnto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine, because they were come thither in the hardest time of the yeere: and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himselfe and M [...]ndes, which Mendes fled afterwards, 40 trauelling the best hee could towards Pa [...]co; and that the Indians followed after him and slue him. And that abiding thus with those Indians, hee vnderstood that with the Marianes there was a Christian, who had passed to the other side, and he found him with them whom they call Queuenes. Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquiuel, a Natiue of Badaioa, who came in the company of the Commissary, and that from Esquiuell, hee vnderstood what end the Gouernour had, together with the Auditor and the rest: telling them how the Auditor and the Friers had lanched their Boat into the Riuers, and comming along the Coast, the Gouernour landed his people, and went with his Boat vntill they came vnto that great Gulfe, where he turned to take in his men, and passe ouer to the other side, and returned for the Auditor and the Friers, and all the rest. And he declared, that being thus imbarked, the Gouernour reuoked the authoritie of his Lieutenant, which the Auditor had, and gaue that charge vnto a Captaine that went with him, 50 called Pantossa. And that the Gouernor stayed that night in his Boat, & would not come on Land, and the Master abode with him, and one Page who was not well, and they had neither water nor any thing to eate in the Boat: so about midnight so hard a gale of winde from the North tooke them, that it droue the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it, for he had nothing to re­leeue him but one flint stone, and they knew not that he had any other thing besides. And when the men who remained on the land saw this, they went along the Coast, and finding the water so rough, they made floats with much trouble and paines, and so passed ouer vnto the other side. And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side, and found Indians there, who when they saw them comming put their things into their Canowes, and passed ouer to the other 60 side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in Nouember, abode in that Mountaine because they found water, wood, and certaine Creuises there, where through cold and famine, by little and little, they beganne to die. And beside this, Pantossa who remained Lieutenant, vsed them very ill, and not being able to indure it, the Sergeant Maior Brother of [Page 1512] Vasquez Porealle, who came in the fleete from Cuba, Master of the Campe, reuolted from Pan­tossa, and smote him with a piece of wood, with the which blow hee died, and such as died be­came the morsels of the other, and the last that died, was the Sergeant Maior, and Esquiuel did The Spaniards cate one ano­ther. the like, and eating him, maintained himselfe vntill the first of March, that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead, and after brought Esquiuel away from thence with him, who being in subiection to this Indian Figheroa spake with him, and vnderstood all this of him which wee haue before declared, and prayed him to come with him, that they might goe together towards Pamico: but Esquiuel would not doe it, saying, that hee vnderstood by Friers that Pamico was behind them, and so he remained there, and Figheroa went to the Coast where he vsed to abide. 10

All this Figheroa reported vnto vs, by the relation which Esquiuel made vnto him, and so from hand to hand it came vnto me. Whereby hee might see and know the end which all that fleete had, and the particular mischances which happened to euerie one of the rest. And hee further said, that if the Christians at any time should goe through those parts, it might bee, that they should see Esquiuel, b [...]cause hee knew that hee was fled from that Indian with whom hee a­bode, vnto the other which are called Marianes, who were their Neighbours. And so hauing ended his Discourse, he and Asturiano, were about to goe vnto the other Indians that were further beyond, but those Indians who kept them perceiuing them, went forth and came to giue them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturian [...], and wounded him on the arme with an Arrow, but yet in the end they fled, and the other Christians remained: and procured those Indians to take them for slaues, although abiding with them and seruing them, they were as euilly intreated as euer a­ny 20 slaues were or other men of the World. Because of sixe which they were, not being conten­ted continually to buffet, and [...]udgell them, and plucke off their beards with the skinne, only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another, they killed three, who are those of whom I spoke before, to wit, Diego Dorante, Ualdeuiesso, and Diego de Helua: and the other three that remained, expected that they also should make the like end, and not being able to indure that life, Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes, who were they with whom Esquiuel abode, and they themselues repor [...]ed that they had kept Esquiuel there, who after­ward would ha [...]e fled, because a woman had dreamed that hee should kill a childe of hers: the Indians pursued him and slue him; and they afterward shewed Andrea Dorante his Sword, 30 Crowne, Booke, and other things which he had.

They haue this custome also euen to kill the same male children while they sleepe, and when A cruell cu­stome of the Indians, who vse to kill their male children while they sleep, and cast their female children (as soone as they are borne) to the dogges to eate them, be­cause they would not marrie them to their ene­mies, nor to their kindred. the female children are borne, they leaue them for the Dogs to eate, and cast them away in those places. And the reason why they doe it is this, because they say that all they of the Countrey are their enemies, and make very great warres with them. Wherefore if by chance they should marrie their Daughters, their enemies should be the more increased, who would subiect them, and hold them all in captiuitie. And for this cause, they would rather kill them, then haue any borne of themselues to become their enemies. Wee demanded of them why they married them not among themselues, who answered, that it was a beastly thing to marrie them vnto their kin­dred, and that it was much better to kill them, then giue them for wiues vnto their kinsfolke 40 and enemies. And they obserue this custome, and other of their Neighbours also called Iaguanes, and no other of that Countrie, but they obserue the same. And when they take wiues, they get the women of their enemies, and the price which they pay is the best Bow that they can get, with two Arrowes. And if peraduenture they haue not a Bow, they giue a Net of the widenesse of a mans arme, and as much more in length. Dorante abode with them, and not long after fled from them. Castiglio and Esteuamico came into the firme Land to the Iaguanes. All they are Ar­chers, and well [...]et, although they be not so great as the other which we left behind, and haue all their paps and their lips pierced like them. Their food principally are roots of two or three sorts, Penutious die. which they seeke throughout the whole Countrie, which are very harsh and puffe vp such as eat them. They stay two dayes to roast them, and many of them are very bitter, and withall they 50 dig them with much paines, but the famine in those Countries is so great, that they cannot liue without them: and they goe two or three leagues to seeke them. They sometimes kill any wil [...]e The Indians in this Prouince eate Serpents, Vipers, and o­ther beastly things, by rea­son of the fa­mine which continually is th [...]re. Women. beast whatsoeuer, and at certaine times take fish, but this is so little, and their hunger so great, that they eat Frogs, Ants Egs, Wormes, Lizards, Salamanders, Serpents and Vipers, which with their stinging kill men: they also eat earth, wood, and whatsoeuer they can get the dung of wild beasts, and other things which I leaue to report, and I certainly beleeue, that if there were stones in that Country they would eat them. They keep the sharpe bones of fishes and Serpents, which they eat to grind them all afterwards, and so eate that powder. The men load not themselues nor carrie burdens, but the old men and women do all this, who are least esteemed among them, they beare no such loue to their children as the other doe, whereof I haue spoken before. 60

There are some among them, who vse that sinne which is against nature. Their women are very sufficient, and able to indure labour, for of the foure and twentie houres of the day and night, they haue but sixe houres of rest, and all the greater part of the night they spend in heating their Ouens, to dry those Rootes which they eate. And when the day beginneth to appeare, [Page 1513] they beginne to draw water, and carrie wood vnto their houses, and giue order for other things which they want.

The greater part of them are great Theeues, because although among them they are well di­uided, yet if the Father or the Sonne turne but their heads about, the one taketh from the other Theeu [...]s. whatsoeuer he can get. They are great and monstrous Liers and great Drunkards, and for that purpose they drinke a certaine kind of drinke. They are so well vsed to runne, that without re­sting themselues, or standing still at all, they runne from Morning vntill the Euening following Indians which runne a whole day to take a Deere, and ti­ring him with running, est­soones take him aliue in the chase. Natures nur [...] ­lings. Dogs life. Tune-time. a Deere, and in this manner they kill many, following them vntill they tire them, and some­times take them aliue. Their houses are of Mats set vpon foure Arches, and they take them vp and remooue them, euery two or three daies to seeke food. They sow nothing at all to be able to 10 haue fruit thereof, and are a very pleasant and cheerefull people, and notwithstanding the great hunger they indure, they cease not to dance and sport themselues.

The best time which they haue is when they eate Tune, because then they haue no hunger, and passe all that time in dancing, and eate day and night all the time they haue them. They wring them, open them, and set them to dry, and beeing thus dried they hang them vp in Gar­lands like figges, and keepe them to eate by the way, when they returne thence: they also dry their Pils and make powder of them. Many times while we were with them, it so fell out, that we continued foure daies without eating any thing, because it was not there to be had; to make vs merrie they told vs, that wee should shortly haue Tune, and should eate many of them and drinke their juice, and fill our bellies very well, and that wee should be verie cheerefull and con­tented, 20 and without any hunger. And when they told vs this, it was fiue or sixe monethes to the time of Tune.

And when the time came, wee came to eate Tune, and by the way wee found many flies of three sorts, very mischieuous and noisome, and all the rest of the Summer they put vs to much Flies trouble­some. trouble. And to defend vs from them we made fires of rotten and moist wood, that it might not burne but make a smoake, but this defence put vs to another trouble, for all the night wee did nothing else but complaine of the smoake which came into our eyes, and also of the great heate Noisome re­medie. which the much fire gaue vs, and wee went out to sleepe by the side thereof, and if at any time we could sleepe, they remembred vs with their bastinadoes to returne and make the fires burne. They who dwell further within the Land, vse a remedie for these flies, as intollerable as this and 30 worse, that is to say, they goe with fire-brands in their hands burning the Fields and the Woods wheresoeuer they meete with them, to make the flies to flie away: and so also they vse to digge vnder the earth for Lizards, and other such like things to eate them, they vse also to [...]ill Decre; compassing them with many fires. Which they also doe to take away food from the beasts, that they might be constrained to goe from thence to find it, where they would haue them. For they neuer settle themselues to dwell, but where wood and water are, and sometimes they load them­selues all with this prouision, and goe to seeke Deere, which (most commonly) abide where Decre hau [...] dry places to auoid Hunt­men. there is neither water nor wood: and the day they came thither they killed Deere, and some o­ther hunting game such as they could get, and consumed all the water and wood in preparing them to be eaten, and in the fires which they made to hunt the flies, and tarried till the next day 40 to take some thing to carrie with them by the way.

When they depart they goe so miserably vexed with flyes, that they seeme to haue the disease of Lazarus, and in this manner they expell hunger two or three times in the yeere with so great paines as hath beene said: and because I haue proued it, I dare affirme, that there is no trauell in the World found like vnto this.

They found Oxen there and I saw them three times, and eate of them: and (as I thinke, they are of the bignesse of those of Spaine. They haue little hornes [...]e the Moresche cattle, and very Oxen of that Countrie. long haire, and some of them are ash-colour, and others blacke, and in my iudgement they haue better haire and much thicker then those of our Countries. Of those which are not great, they make Garments to couer them, and of the greater they make shooes and Targets and these came 50 from the North further through the Land vnto the Coast of Florida, and extend themselues farre within the Land more then foure hundred leagues. And in all this way, through the Vallies by which they come, the people that dwell there, come downe and eat of them, and send great store of hides into the Countrie.

When the sixe moneths were ended, wherein I abode with the Christians, hoping to put the determination made betweene vs in execution, the Indians went to eate Tune, which might bee some thirtie leagues from thence, and being now readie to flie from them, the Indians with whom we abode, fell at variance among themselues about a woman, and b [...]ffetted and beate her, and broke her head: and for the great hatred and anger they conceiued, they tooke their houses, and euery one went vnto their place. Whereupon it was necessarie, that all the Christians who were 60 there, should separate themselues with them, so that by no meanes wee could meet together a­gaine vntill the next yeere: and in this time I passed much miserie, as well for the great famine I indured, as for the euill vsage, and bad entertainment those Indians gaue mee which was such, that I was faine to flie three times from those Masters that kept me, who all came diligently to [Page 1514] seeke me that they might kill me, but it pleased our Lord God, not to suffer them to find mee, and to preserue me from their hands through his infinite mercie.

As soone as the time of Tune returned, wee Christians found our selues together againe in the same place where we were before, and hauing now ioyned together to flie from thence, and ap­pointed the day, that very selfe same day the Indians separated vs, and euery one went vnto their place, so I said vnto the Christians, that I would expect them at the Tune, vntill the Moone were full, and that day when I said this vnto them, was the first of September, and the prime of the Moone. And further I assured them, that if they came not within that time, I would go thence alone and leaue them. And so we separated our selues, and euery man went with their Indians, and I stayed with mine vntill the thirteenth of the Moone: and my determination was to flie 10 thence vnto the other Indians, when the Moone should be full. On the thirteenth of the said moneth, Andrea Dorante and Esteuamico came vnto me and told me, that they had left Castiglio with other Indians, whom they call Canagadi, who dwelt neere thereabout, and that they had passed many miseries, and had lost their way. And that the day before our Indians remooued from Ca [...]ag [...]di In­dians. their place, and were gone towards the place where Castiglio abode to ioyne themselues with them who kept him, and make themselues friends hauing beene enemies and at warres, euen vn­till that day: and in this manner also we recouered Castiglio. In all the time that wee eate the Tune wee were thirstie and for remedie wee dranke the juice thereof, which wee powred in a trench which we made in the Earth, and when it was full, we dranke thereof vntill we were sa­tisfied: it is sweet and pleasant, and of the colour of new wine boyled, and this they doe because 20 there are no other vessels there wherein to put it. There are many sorts of Tune, among which some are verie good, although all seemed good vnto me, and hunger gaue mee no time to bee able to make choice.

The greatest part of all this Nation drinke raine water, gathered together in certaine Tren­ches. For although they haue Riuers there, neuerthelesse, because they neuer haue any certaine and setled place of abode, they haue no particular water knowne to them, or appointed place where to take it. Throughout the whole Countrie there are many great and goodly fences, and of excellent pasture for flockes and herds of cattle, and it would be a very fruitfull Countrie if it Pastures. were manured, and inhabited by a people which had reason and knowledge. We saw no Moun­taines in all that Countrie all the time we stayed there. Those Indians told vs, that further be­yond 30 there were another people, called Camoni, who liue toward the Coast, who had [...]laine all Cam [...]i Indians. the men which came in the Boat of Pig [...]al [...]sa and Telliz, and that they were all so weake and sicke, that although they killed them, they did not any way defend themselues, and so they made an end of them all, and they shewed vs their Garments and Weapons, and that the Barke remayned there on the other side. This is the fift Boat which made vp the account, because wee haue alreadie said, that the Sea carried away the Boat of the Gouernour, and that of the Aud­tour What became of their fift Boat. and the Friers was seene cast athwart the Coast, and Esquiuel declared the end of them. The two wherein Castiglio, my selfe, and D [...]rante went, we haue alreadie said, that they were drowned at the Iland of Malhado. 40

§. III.

Their flight from the Indians to others, wonderfull cures, backe and belly cares: their trauells thorow the Countrey, and hungry aduentures. Diuers peoples and their customes.

AFter we were remoued from the place, about two daies iourney from them, wee recom­mended our selues vnto our Lord God, and went flying thence, hoping that although 50 the time of the yeere were now late, and the Tune ended, yet with the fruits that re­mained in the fields, wee should be able to trauell a great part of the Countrie. And so going that first day with much feare that the Indians would haue followed vs, wee saw certaine smoakes, and going towards them after the euening we saw an Indian, who when hee saw vs fled without tarrying for vs. Whereupon we presently sent the Negro vnto him, who when he saw him alone staied forhim. The Negro said vnto him, that we came to seeke out those people that made those smoakes, so he answered, that their horses were neere that place, and that hee would guide vs thither, and so we followed him and hee went running to giue notice of our comming. And about sun-set we saw the houses, and about two crosse-bow shoots before wee came thither, we found foure Indians who staied for vs and courteously entertained vs. Wee told them in the 60 language of the Mariames that we came to seeke them, who seemed to be glad of our company, and so they brought vs to their houses, and placed Dorante and the Negro in the house of a Phi­sitian, and me and Castiglio, with certaine others. These people haue another language, and are called A [...]uares, and are they who vsed to bring the Bowes vnto those our first masters, and to A [...]uares In- [Page 1515] contract with them: and although they be of another nation and language, yet they vnderstand the language of them with whom we first abode: and they themselues also that selfe same day came into that place with their houses. The people presently offered vs much Tune, because they knew vs both that we had healed them.

The verie same night that we came thither, certaine Indians came into Castiglio, and told him that they had verie great paine in their heads, intreating him that he would heale them: and after he had blessed them and recommended them vnto God, in the verie same instant they said that they were well, and that the paine was gone. So they went into their houses and brought vs much Tune, and a piece of flesh of a wilde beast, which we knew not what it was. This being Cures very wonderfull, yet true. Benzo (which trauelled four­teene yeeres in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541.) saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company sears­ly t [...]n returned, which at Mexi­co reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sicke, raised to life three dead men, &c. But, saith hee, Let their holines pardon me, I will easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men th en th [...]t they raised halfe one de [...]d man to life. Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relati­ons, more for knowledge of the Countrey, then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies, which you shal find in Cas [...]s of another na­ture. These here challenge no Diuine end to conuert the people to God, and therefore are not like to haue any di­uine begin­ning, but [...]re either falsly told, or falsly done, or falsly intended by the Father of falshood. And why may they not be ascribed to the Deuill, either as lies, if neuer done, or if done, as de­uillish Arts to maintaine rapine and superstition, which are here mentioned the eff [...]cts thereof? Acosta tells of a great miracle­worker in the Indies, a vicious man, and hanged for knaueries. This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before, recorded for a bad man in his acts at the Riuer of Plate. I will conclude with S. Aug. de vnit. Ecc. [...]. 16. Remoueantur ista, v [...] figment [...] mendac [...] ▪ hominum vel por [...]enta fallacium spirituum &c. published among them, many other diseased people came that night that he should heale them, 10 and euerie one of them brought a piece of Venison, and they brought so many that we knew not where to put them. We yeelded great thankes vnto God, who so continually euerie day increa­sed his mercie and his grace towards vs. Thus when the cures were ended, they began to dance and sing their rimes, and make their sports vntill the next day at the rising of the Sunne, and this festiuall iollitie continued three daies by reason of our comming thither. Afterward wee asked them of the Countrie beyond, and of the people and victualls that are found there, and they an­swered vs, that throughout all that Countrie there was much Tune, but that they were now en­ded and that we should find no people, because after they had gathered the Tune, euerie one returned to their houses, and that it was a verie cold Countrie, and verie few skinnes were found there. 20

Seeing this, and considering that the Winter, and cold time of the yeere was come we agreed to winter with them. And at the end of fiue daies, after we came thither they departed thence, and went to seeke other Tune, where other people were of other Nations and diuers languages: and hauing trauelled fiue daies iourney with much hunger, because neither Tune, not other fruits are found by the way, wee came to a Riuer and set vp our houses there, and after went to seeke certaine fruits of a tree like vnto a fig tree, and there being no high way in all those places, I stai­ed longer then the rest in finding them, and so they returned to their houses, and I remained alone, and comming to seeke our men that night I had almost lost my selfe: and it pleased God that I found a tree vnder the which there was a fire, and at that fire I passed the cold of that night. In the morning I loaded my selfe with wood, and taking two fire brands I returned to seeke them, and went in this manner fiue daies, alwaies with my fire and burden of wood, because if my fire 30 should haue beene extinguished in places where there had been no wood (as in many places there is none) I was to kindle other fire brands and not to remaine without fire, because I had no other remedie against the cold, being as naked as euer I was borne. And in the night I had this reme­die, that I went to any small plat of ground beset with trees neere vnto the Riuer, and there a­bode before the Sun went downe and made a trench in the ground and put much wood therein, which they vse to doe of certaine trees, whereof in those places there is great a [...]undance, and put many stickes together of such as were falne and drie, and about that trench I made foure fiers a crosse, and thought to come from time to time to renew the fiers, and had made certaine bun­dels of straw, whereof in those places there is much, and therewith I couered me in that trench, and in this manner defended my selfe from the cold of the nights: and on a certaine night and 40 the fire lite on the straw which couered mee while I was sleeping in the trench. So the fire be­gan to burne verie fiercely, and although with much furie I leaped out, yet the token of the dan­ger which I had passed remained in my haire. In all this time I eate not one morsell nor found any thing to eate, and going thus scorched and singed much bloud issued from my feet, and God vsed great mercie towardes mee that in all this time the North winde blew not, for otherwise there had beene no remedie but I must needs haue died. At the end of my fiue daies I came to a Riuer side where I found my Indians, who together with my Christians held me for dead, and al­waies thought that some viper had stung me. And when they found me they greatly reioyced to see me, but principally the Christians, who said vnto me, that vntill that time they had trauelled with much hunger, and for that cause they came not to seeke mee, and that night they gaue mee of the Tune which they had. The day following we departed thence, and went vnto the place 50 where much Tune was, wherewith we all satisfied the great hunger which we had, and we Chri­stians gaue many thankes vnto our Lord God, who left vs not without remedie.

The next day many Indians came to vs in the morning, and brought fiue sicke men with them, who were lame and verie ill, and they came to seeke Castiglio that he might heale them, and eue­ry one of them that were diseased gaue him their Bowes and Arrowes, which he receiued, and at the setting of the Sun he blessed them, and recommended them vnto God, and wee all be [...]ought him with the best deuotion we could that he would giue them health, seeing wee saw there was no other remedie but to doe the best we could that those people might helpe vs, that so we might 60 [Page 1516] be able to get out of that miserable life: and his infinite goodnesse dealt so mercifully with vs, that when the morning came they all arose as sound and strong, as if they had neuer had any dis­ease. This caused them much to wonder, and likewise to render infinite thankes vnto our Lord, and that we more entirely acknowledged his great goodnesse, and had assured hope that he would deliuer vs, and conduct vs vnto the place where we might better serue him. And for my selfe, I can boldly speake, that I alwaies had an assured trust in his mercie, that hee would raise me from that captiuitie, and so I alwaies said to my companions. When the Indians were gone, and carried away their sicke men healed, wee went thence, where the other abode eating Tune, and these are called Cacalcuches and Maticones, who are of another language, and together with Cacalcuches. Maticones. Coaios. Susolas and Ataios. Indians: them were other called Coaios and Susolas, and on the other side others called Ataios, and they 10 maintaine warres with the Susolas, and they shot euery day amongst them: and because in those places they talked of nothing else but of miracles which our Lord God wrought by our meanes, they came from many parts to seeke vs that we might heale them, and at the end of two daies wherein we staied there, certaine Indians of Susolas came vnto vs and intreated Castiglio that hee would goe to cure one that was wounded and other sicke men, saying, that among them there was one who was readie to die. Castiglio was a verie fearefull Physitian, especially when the cures were grieuous and dangerous, and beleeued that his sinnes would haue caused that all the cures should not succeed well. The Indians said vnto mee, that I should goe to heale them, be­cause they wished mee well, and remembred that I had sometimes healed them where the nuts grew, and that for the same they had giuen me nuts and hides: and this was when I came to 20 ioyne my selfe with the Christians; wherefore I agreed to goe with them, and Dorante and Este­vamico went with me.

And when we were come neere vnto the Cottages which they haue, I saw the sicke man whom we went to cure, who was now dead, and about him stood many people lamenting, and his house plucked downe, which among them is a signe that the master thereof is dead. So when I came I found his eyes distorted, and that he had no pulse, and had all the tokens of a dead man, and as it seemed to mee it was so, and Dorante affirmed the same vnto me. I tooke vp the matt which he had vpon him to couer him, and the best I could I prayed vnto the Lord, that he would giue mee grace to giue health vnto that sicke men, and to all the rest that had need thereof. And after I had blessed him and blowne vpon him many times, they brought me his Bow and gaue it vnto me, and a chest of Tune; and brought me to cure many other who were ill at ease with gid­dinesse, 30 and gaue me two other chests of Tune, which I gaue vnto our Indians which came with vs, and hauing done this wee returned vnto our lodgings: and our Indians to whom I gaue the Tune remained there, and at night returned to their houses also, and said, that hee who was then dead whom I had cured in their presence, arose vp and was well, and walked, and eate, and spoke A dead man raised. If Ben­zos opinion be not rather to be emb [...]aced, that they killed the liuing; as this author also reports of his Country-men in the end of this booke. with them; and so all the rest which I cured remained sound without any feuer, and very cheer­full. This caused very great admiration and feare, and throughout that whole Countrey they speake of nothing else. All they to whom this report went came to seeke vs, that we might heale them and blesse their children: and when the Indians who abode in the company of our men, who were the Catalcuchi were to go thence, they gaue vs all the Tune that they had for their iourney, 40 without leauing any for themselues, and gaue vs fire-stones of an handfull and an halfe in length with the which they cut, and among them they are held in great estimation. They intreated vs that we would remember them, and pray vnto God that they might alwaies be in health, and we promised them to doe it, and with this they went away the most contented men in the world, hauing giuen vs all the best of that which they had. So we staied with those Indians Auauares eight moneths, and this account we made by the Moone. In all this time many people came to seeke vs and said certainly that wee were the children of the Sunne. Dorante and the Negro Children of the Sunne. vntill then had not healed any, but through the great importunitie of so many people which flocked together from all parts we became all Physitians, although for the assurance to vndertake euery cure I was most noted amongst them all, and we neuer vndertooke to cure any who told vs All become Physitians. not that hee was sound and well: And they had so great confidence in vs, that they thought 50 they could not be healed but by our hands, and they beleeued that as long as wee staied with them not one of them could die.

They, and those who are further behind them, declared a very strange matter vnto vs, and by the signes which they made it appeared that it fell out fifteene or sixteene yeeres since; and this it is, they say, that a man went about that Countrey (which they call an Euill thing) which was An euill thing of spirit of the Indians. of a little bodie and had a beard, although they could neuer cleerely see his countenance. And when he came to any house all their haire, who were within stood vpright and they trembled, and presently at the doore of the house appeared a flaming fire-brand, and then that man entred into the house and tooke from them whatsoeuer he would, and gaue them three great cuts vpon 60 the flanke with a fire-stone very sharpe, as broad as a mans hand, and two handfulls long, and put Diabolicall appatition. his hand vpon those gashes and drew out their bowells, and cut them about an handfull, and that piece which he cut he put vpon the coales to broile: and presently gaue them three other cuts in one arme, and then smote them where he had lanced them, and disioynted their arme and a [Page 1517] little after returned to set it againe and put his hand vpon their wounds, and they say that they became suddenly whole. And that many times while they danced that Euill thing appeared among them, sometimes in the habite of a woman, and at another time like a man. And some­times he tooke away an house or a cottage, and tooke it vp on high, and a little after fell downe againe together with it and gaue a great blow. Moreouer they told vs that they giue him meat, but he neuer eateth; and that they asked him whence he came, and in what part his house was; so he shewed them a cleft of the earth, and said that his house was vnder that. At these things which they told vs we laughed exceedingly, and made a iest thereof: who seeing wee beleeued it not they brought vs many of them whom that man had taken, and we saw the signes of the cuts which he had giuen them in the places which they had told vs. Wherefore wee said vnto them 10 that he was a wicked man, and after the best manner we could we gaue them to vnderstand, that if they would beleeue in our Lord God, and become Christians as we were, they should not need to feare him, and that he durst not come to doe those things vnto them: and that they should hold it for a certaintie, that while wee staied in that Countrie hee durst not appeare there, with this they remained verie well contented.

These Indians told vs that they had seene Austuriano and Figheroa, with others who abode on the coast beyond, whom we called those of the Fig-trees. All this Nation knew not the times by the Sunne nor Moone, nor keepe any account of the moneths or the yeere: but know the diffe­rence of the times according as the fruits come to bee ripe, and by the mouing of the fishes and Their compu­tation of times appearing of the Stars, wherein they are verie wise and well experienced. With them we were 20 alwaies well intreated, although we were faine to dig that which we had to eate with our owne hands, and carrie our burdens of water and wood. Their houses and sustenance are such as the o­ther haue behinde them, although they haue much greater hunger, because they haue neither Maiz, mast, nor Nuts. We went alwayes in leather like them, and in the night wee couered our selues with Deere skins. Of eight moneths which we staied with them, in six of them we indu­red much hunger, because the fi [...]h was not yet found. And at the end of that time the Tune be­gan now to grow ripe, and before those Indians perceiued vs wee went further vnto the other, called Maticones. Maticones.

They were one dayes iourney from thence, whither I and the Negro came, and at the end of three dayes I sent the Negro to bring Dorante and Castiglio, and when they came wee departed 30 all together, with those Indians, who went to eate certaine small fruites of certaine trees, where­with they maintaine themselues ten or twelue dayes, vntill the Tune come. And there other Indians ioyne with them, called Arbadaos, and among them we found many sicke, weake, and swollen, inso much as we greatly maruelled thereat. And the Indians with whom wee came, Arbada [...]. returned againe the same way, and we said we would remaine with those other, for the which they signified that they were greatly displeased, and so we abode in the field with them, neere vnto those honses. And when they saw vs, they withdrew themselues, and after they had reaso­ned a little, euery one of them tooke one of vs by the hand, and brought vs to their houses. With Hungers per­ambulation. them we indured greater hunger then with the other, so that in the whole day we eate but two handfuls of those fruits which were greene, and had so much iuice, that they burned our mouthes; 40 and there being great scarcitie of water, they caused much thirst to them that eate them. And the famine being so great, wee were faine to buy two Hogges of them, and in exchange thereof, wee gaue certaine Nettes, and other things, and one skinne wherewith I co­uered mee.

I haue already said, that throughout all that Countrey we went naked, and not being accusto­med vnto it before, we changed our skins twice in the yeare, after the manner of Serpents. And Appareli. the Sunne and the weather caused many great sores to arise vpon the brests & shoulders of some of vs, which put vs to great paine, in respect of the burdens which wee carried, that were very heauie, and made the cords to stick in our armes. And the earth was so rough and iagged, that ma­ny times when we gathered wood, when we had made an end of digging, the blound ran down 50 from many parts of our bodies, by reason of the thornes and briers wherewith wee met, which tore vs wheresoeuer they touched vs. On a time I happened to seeke wood, and after it had drawne much bloud from me, I could not carrie it on my shoulder, nor traile it along the ground; when I found my selfe in this torment, I had no other remedy nor comfort, but to thinke on the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ, and of the bloud which he shed for me, and consider how much greater the torment might be, which hee suffered through the crowne of thornes, then that which I indured. I contracted with those Indians, making Combes, Bowes, Arrowes, and Nets for them. Wee also made Mats, which are things whereof they haue very great neede, and although they know how to make them, they will make none for seeking foode to eate the meane while, for when they set themselues to worke, they sustaine very grear hunger. At other 60 times they made me shaue skins, and make them thin, and the greatest prosperity that I had a­mong them, was the day when they gaue mee any hide to shaue, because I shaued it much, and eate those shauings, and that suffi [...]ed me for two or three dayes; yet it hapned, both with these and the other whom we left behinde, that when they gaue vs a peece of flesh, wee eate it raw, [Page 1518] for if wee had boiled it, the first of them that came would haue taken it, and eate it, wherefore wee thought it had not beene well done to put it to that danger; and besides, wee were none of them that would bethinke our selues whether wee should rather eate it sod­den or raw.

This was the life we led with these Indians, and that little sustenance which we had we got it by small trifles which we made with our hands. After we had eaten these Dogs, supposing that we had some little strength to be able to goe further, we recommended our selues vnto our Lord God, that he would guide vs, and freed our selues from those Indians, who brought vs vnto o­ther of their language, who dwelt neere thereunto: and so as we went it rained all that day, and beside that, we lost the way, and were to stay at a very great Mountaine, where wee gathered 10 many leaues of Tune, and bakd them that night in an Ouen which we had made, and put so much fire to them, that in the morning they were ready to be eaten, and after wee had eaten them, we recommended our selues vnto God, and went from thence, and found the way which we had lost. And hauing passed the Mountaine, we found other houses of the Indians, and be­ing come thither, we saw two women and certaine little children that went on that Mountaine, who seeing vs were afraid, and fled to call their Indians, who went through the Mountaine. And being come, they staid to behold vs behinde certaine trees, so wee called vnto them, who ranne with much feare, and after we had spoken vnto them, they told vs that they had indured great Famines Dis­coueries. famine, and that neere vnto that place many of their houses stood, and said, that they would bring vs thither: and so that night we came where fiftie houses were, and they were all ama­zed to behold vs, and stood astonished through exceeding feare: and after they were somewhat 20 comforted, they came neere vnto vs, and laid their hands vpon our faces and bodies, and after put them vpon their owne faces and bodies. So we staied that night, and when the morning came, they brought the diseased that were among them vnto vs, intreating vs that wee would blesse them, and gaue vs such as they had to eate, which were the leaues of Tune and greene Tune rosted or dry, and for the good intertainment they gaue vs, and because they parted with that little which they had willingly, and were contented to be without meate themselues to giue it vnto vs, we abode with them certaine dayes. And while we thus staied, other Indians, of them that were farre beyond, came thither, and when they would be gone, wee said to the for­mer Indians, that we would goe with the other, which much displeased them, and so we left them 30 sorrowing for our departure, at they which they conceiued great displeasure.

From the Iland of Malhado, all the Indians which we saw in that Countrey, obserue this for a common custome, that if they perceiue their women to be great with childe, they lye not Sine Cerere & liber [...] fr [...]g [...]t Venus The Indians let their children sucke [...]ll the age of tw [...]lue yeares. with them, vntill two yeares be passed, after the children be borne, to the which they giue sucke, vntill they be of the age of twelue yeares, that they are now of vnderstanding to prouide foode for themselues. We demanded of them, for what reason they did thus nourish them, who answered vs, that they did it for the great famine which was in that Countrey: where, as wee our selues saw, they were faine to continue sometimes three or foure dayes without eating, and therefore they let them sucke, that in that time they might not dye through hunger, and if not­withstanding some should escape, they would become too delicate, and of little strength. If by 40 chance it happen that any among them be sicke, they let them dye in those fields, if he be not a childe, and all the rest that cannot goe with them remaine there, but for a childe, or a brother of theirs, they lay them vpon their necke, and so they carry them.

They haue all this custome to be seperated from their wiues, when there is no agreement be­tweene them, and that both they and she may marry againe with whom they please. And this is vsuall among the yonger sort; but such as haue children neuer forsake their wiues. And when they contend with other people, or be at variance one with another, they buffet and beate each o [...]r with cudg [...]ls vntill they be very weary, and then they part, and sometimes the women part them, going betweene them, because the men come not in to part them: and what choller or passion soeuer they haue, they fight not together with their Bowes and Arrowes. And after No deadly fights. 50 they haue [...]ffetted and cudgelled each other, the braule being ended, they take their houses and women, and goe to liue in the fields, seperated from the rest, vntill their anger and choller be past: and when they are now pacified, it is not needefull that others interpose themselues to make peace and friendship, because in this manner they make it themselues. And if they who be at variance haue no wiues, they goe to other of their neighbours, who although they were their enemies, receiue them courteously, and doe them much flattering kindnesse, and giue them such as they haue, so that when their choller is past, they returne rich vnto their people. They are all warlike people, and vse as great subtilty to defend them from their enemies, as they would doe, if they had bin brought vp in Italy, and in continuall warre. The horses are they that onely ouercome them, and which the Indians generally feare. They who are to fight with them, must be Vse of Horses. 60 very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly, and while the battaile continu­eth, they are to vse them the worst they can. For if they perceiue them to be timerous or cow­ards, it is a people that very well knoweth the time to auenge themselues, and to take courage and strength from the feare of their enemies. When they are shot in the warres, and haue spent [Page 1519] Arrowes, they returne euery one their way, without any pursuit of the enemy, although the one part be few, and the other many, and this is their custome. They goe many times away shot cleane through with Arrowes, and dye not, if they touch not the bowels or heart, nay, they quickely heale them. They see and heare, and haue the sharpest sences, I thinke, of any men in Quicke senses. the world. They are very well able to endure hunger, thirst, and cold, as they who are more ac­quainted there with then any other.

In the Iland of Malhada there are two languages: the one called Canoques, and the other Han. Names of the Nations of those parts. Ma [...]hada. Cauoques. Ca [...]uco. Deguenes. M [...]ndica. Qu [...]uen [...]s. Marian [...]s. G [...]ai [...]ones. I [...]gu [...]zes. Ataios, and Acubada [...]s. Qui [...]oles. Auauares, and Matiacon [...]s. Culia'culches. Susolus. Comos. Camoles. Fich [...]. In the firme land, afront that Iland, are others called Carruco, who take their name from the Mountaines where they liue. Further, vpon the Sea coast are others, called Deguenes, and a­front them, are others called Mendica. Further vpon the coast are the Queu [...]nes, and afront 10 these within the firme land are the Marianes, and going further vpon the coast are other, called Guaicones, and afront those within the firme land the Iegunzes, at the end of them are other, cal­led Ata [...]s, and behinde them other called Acubadaos, and of these there are many along this banke further. Other called Quitoles, liue on the coast, and afront them within the firme land, are the Auauares, and with these the Maliacones vnite themselues, and the Cultalculebes, and other called Susolus, and other called Comos, and further vpon the coast abide the Cumoles, and on the same coast beyond are others, whom we called them of the Figtrees. All these Nations haue ha­bitations, and people, and diuers languages. Among them there is one language, in the which, when they say vnto men, looke there, they say arraca, and to the Dogs, they say Xo: and in all that Countrey they make themselues drunke with a certaine smoake, and giue whatsoeuer they 20 haue to get it.

Likewise they drinke another thing which they take from the leaues of trees, like vnto the Mulberry trees, and boile it in certaine vessels on the fire, and after they haue boyled it, they fill the vessels with water, and so keepe it ouer the fire, and when it hath beene twice boiled, they poure it out into certaine vessels, and coole it with halfe a goord, and when it gathereth much [...]ome, they drinke it as hot as they are able to suffer it, and while they put it out of the vessell, and vntill they drinke it, they stand crying, who will drinke. And when the women perceiue these exclamations, they presently settle themselues, not daring once to moue, although they Foolish drink­rites. finde that they are very well beloued. And if by chance any of them moue, they accompt her shamelesse, and cudgell her, and with much choller and anger cast away the water or drinke 30 which they haue made: and if they haue drunke it, they vomit it out againe, which they doe very easily. The reason of this their custome, they say is this, that if when they will drinke of that water, the women moue themselues from the place where they heare that voyce, some bad thing might be put into that drinke, which entring into the body, in short space would cause them to dye. And all the time, that that water is boyled, the vessell must be well closed and shut, and if peraduenture it should stand vncouered, and any woman should come and passe by, they cast it away and drinke no more of it. It is of the colour of Saffron, and they drinke it three dayes without eating, and euery day they drinke one A vessell con­taining diu [...]rs gallons. amphora, and an halfe. And when the women haue their naturall purgation, they prouide no meate but for themselues, because no o­ther person will eate of that which she carrieth. In the time that I continued among them, I saw 40 a most brutish and beastly custome, to wit, a man who was married to another, and these be cer­taine effeminate and impotent men, who goe cloathed and attired like women, and performe the Sodomy. office of a woman; they carry no Bowes, but beare very great and waightie burdens: and among them we saw many such effeminate persons, as I haue said, and they are of greater lims and tal­ler then the other men.

After we departed from them whom wee left lamenting, wee were with the other at their houses, and were very well intertained of them, who brought vs their children that wee should touch their hands, and so they gaue vs much Meale of Mesquiquez. These Mesquiquez are cer­taine Fruits, which when they are on the Tree are very bitter, and are of the same sort that the Mesquiquez a fruite of India, Carobe are, and they eate them with the earth, and with it they are very sweet and good to eat. The manner how they prepare them is this; they make a Trench in the Earth of what depth 50 they please, and after they haue cast the fruit into this Trench they bruize and breake them very well, with a piece of wood as great as a mans legge, and three Cubits long, and after they are mingled with the earth of the Trench, they take other that are sitted, and put them into the said Trench, and returne to bruize them a little more, and after put them into a vessell like vnto a basket, and cast so much water thereon, as is sufficient to couer it, that the water may rise to the top, and hee that hath bruized them, tasteth them in his mouth, and if hee thinke they be not sweet and pleasant, he demandeth earth and mingleth it therewith. And this he doth vntill he find it sweet, and so afterward they prepare themselues to sit round, and euery one putteth in his hand, and taketh as much as he can, and the seeds or kernels of those Fruits, and so the huskes 60 they cast vpon certaine hides, and he that hath bruised them gathereth them together, and re­turneth afterward to put them all in a basket, and casteth water vpon them, as at the first, and so they returne to wring out the iuyce and water so long as it will drop. And likewise they re­turne to put the seedes and huskes vpon the hide, and so in this manner they doe three or foure [Page 1520] times fer euerie bruising: and they that are found at this banquet, which because it is verie great, remaine with their bellies much puffed vp through the earth and water which they drinke; and of this the Indians made vs many great feasts, and vsed much dancing and iollitie among them­selues, for so long time as we staied there. And when we slept in the night, sixe men watched with great diligence and care, at the doore of the cottage where we abode, not ceasing to come in vnto some of vs till the Sunne arose.

And when we would depart from them, certaine women of other people who liued further beyond came thither, and being informed by them where their houses were, wee departed to­wards those parts, although they earnestly entreated vs that we would not depart for that day, because those houses were very farre from thence, and that there was no way to goe thither, and 10 that the women who came were weary; but resting themselues vnto the next day, they would afterwards goe with vs, and conduct vs thither. But we dispatched our selues thence, and went away; and a little after those women who came thither with certaine others of the former In­dians, came after vs: but there being no beaten way nor path, we presently lost our selues, and so went foure leagues, at the end whereof we came to drinke at a water, where wee found the women that followed vs, who told vs what great paines and trauaile they had taken to finde vs. Departing thence, and bringing those women for our guides, wee passed a Riuer somewhat late, and the water tooke vs vp to the brest, and might be as broad as that of Siuill, and it ranne very strongly. And at the setting of the Sunne we came to an hundred houses of the Indians, who before we came, went all forth to receiue vs with so vehement shouting and loud exclamation, The Toupin Erasilians vse such Marakas or Raeles, and haue like con­ceits thereof. 20 that it was a fearefull thing, and gaue great blowes with their hands vpon their thighes, and brought hollow guords with stones within them, which is the instrument of their greatest iol­litie & sport, and neuer vse them but for their dancings, and for medicine; and none dare to take them in his hand but they. And they say that these guords haue vertue and come from heauen, because they grow not in those Countries, nor doe they know from whence they come, vnlesse the Riuers bring them when they ouerflow. And the feare and confusion of them was so great, that striuing to come neerest vnto vs and touch vs, they so thrunged vs, that it was a wonder that they had not killed vs: and not suffering vs to set our feete on the ground, they carried vs vnto their houses, and bare vs so aboue ground, and the presse of people so thrunged vs, that we entred into the houses which they had prepared for vs, and would not consent that they should make their festiuall sports any more with vs for that night. 30

They passed all that night, among themselues, in sports and dancing, and the day following, at a good houre, they brought vs before all the people of that place, that we might touch and blesse them, as we had done to the rest with whom we abode. And after this, they gaue many arrowes to the women of another people, who were come with them. The next day we departed thence, and all that people went with vs. And when we came to the other Indians, we were very well entertained, as of the other; and they gaue vs such as they had, and Deere which they had kil­led that day. Among these Indians we saw a new custome, to wit, that they who were first with vs, tooke the Bowes & Arrowes, Shooes and Crownes (if they had any) from them who came to vs to be healed, and after they had thus taken them away from them, they brought them before 40 vs, that we should heale them, and being healed, that we should haue them, so they departed ve­rie well contented, and said that they were whole.

After this, we departed from them, and went vnto other, of whom we were verie courteously receiued, and they brought vs their diseased persons, who when we had blessed them, said they were cured, and he that was not whole, beleeued that we could cure him, & for that which others told them whom we had healed, they made such great sport and dancing, that they suffered vs not to sleepe. Departing from them, we went where many other houses were, and where another new custome began, to wit, that entertaining euery one of vs very well, they who came with vs, tooke all their substance from them, and rifled their houses, without leauing them any kinde of thing, which displeased vs verie much, seeing them so ill vsed who so curteously receiued vs, 50 and also fearing that least this might be the occasion of some alteration, or offence among them. But not being able to remedy the same, and chastise those that did it, wee were then to suffer it, vntill we saw we had more authoritie among them. And so, euen they themselues who lost their wealth, seeing we were displeased, comforted vs, saying, that we should not conceiue any dis­pleasure thereat, considering they were so well contented that they had seene vs, and that they had bestowed their substance very well, and would hereafter be paid of others who were ex­ceeding rich.

The next day they brought all their people before vs, the greatest part whereof are squint-eyed, Blinde and [...]quint-eyed people. and other of the same people are blinde, whereat we greatly maruelled: they are well set, and of good behauiour, and whiter then all the rest that we had seene vntill then. There we be­gan 60 to see Mountaines, which seemed to extend themselues towards the Sea, from the North, and by the rela [...]n which the Indians made, I suppose they are fifteene leagues from the Sea. We departed thence with those Indians towards the Mountaines, whereof I now spake. And they brought vs where some of their kindred were, for they would not bring vs but to their kinsfolk, [Page 1521] because they were vnwilling that their enemies should receiue so great a benefit, as they thought it was to see vs. And when wee were come thither, they that came with vs spoiled the other, who knowing the custome had hid certaine things before we came thither. And after they had receiued vs with much ioy and gladnesse: they tooke out that which they had hidden, and pre­sented it vnto vs, and they were Crownes, Magra, and certaine small plates of Siluer. We, accor­ding to our custome, gaue them all presently to the Indians that came with vs, and hauing giuen vs that which they had, they began their dancing and festiuall iollitie, and sent to call other people neere thereabouts, that they might come to see vs, who came all about the euening, and brought vs Garlands, Bowes, and other trifling things, which for the most part we diuided a­mong those other Indians. And the day following, we being desirous to depart, they would 10 all bring vs to their friends, who remained on the top of the Mountaines, laying that there are many houses and people, that they would giue vs many things: but because it was out of our way we would not goe thither, and therefore tooke our iourney through the plaine neere vnto the Mountaines, which we supposed should not be very farre from the coast. All those people are very poore and miserable, wherefore we held it better to crosse ouer the land, because the people that dwelt further into the Countrey were better conditioned, and would vse vs better, and we wer [...] certainely perswaded, that we should finde a more populous Countrey, and of bet­ter sustenance. And lastly, we therefore did it, because crossing ouer the land, we saw more par­ticularities, so that if it should please our Lord God to bring some of vs out of that Countrey, and to conduct vs into the land of the Christians, wee might be able to make relation and report 20 thereof.

The Indians seeing that we were determined to goe whither they would not, told vs, that there was neither people nor Tune, nor any other thing to eate, and therefore praied vs that we would stay there for that day, and so we did. Then they sent two Indians to discouer the peo­ple that way which we purposed to goe, and the next day we departed, carrying many of them with vs, and the women went laden with water, and our authoritie was so great among them, that none durst presume to drinke without our leaue. Two of their Phisicians gaue vs two Gourds, and from that time we afterward began to carry Gourds with vs, ioyning this ceremo­ny to our authority, which among them is very great. They who accompanied vs, rifled the houses: but the houses being many, and they but few, they could not carry all away, but should 30 haue bin forced to haue lost the halfe, and so we went thence through many Mountaines; en­tring within the land more then fiftie leagues, at the end whereof we found fortie houses, and among other things which they gaue vs, Andrea Dorante had a thicke and great Bell of cop­per, Copper Bell ingrauen. with a visage ingrauen in it, which they seemed greatly to esteeme, saying that they had gotten it of their other neighbours: who being demanded whence they had it, they said, that they brought it from the Northward, and that it was much worth, and greatly esteemed there. Whereupon we knew, that from what place soeuer it came, the art of casting and melting of mettals must needes be there. And hereupon we departed the day following, and crossed ouer a Mountaine of six leagues; and the stones which were there, were of the scumme of Iron, and late in the euening we came to many houses, seated on the side of a most pleasant Riuer, 40 and the Lords of the same came into the middle of the high way to receiue vs with their chil­dren in their armes, and gaue vs many small plates of Siluer, and Antimonie made in powder, Plates of Plate wherewith they annoint their faces, and gaue vs many garlands, and many mantles of the hides of Kine, and laded all them that came with vs with such as they had: they eate Tune, and Pine apples.

They told vs, that in the place where the Bell was made, were many plates of that mettall vnder ground, and that that Bell among them was a thing greatly esteemed, and that houses were built there, and wee supposed that it was the South Sea, for we alwayes knew that that Sea was alwayes richer then that of the North. So we departed from them, and went South Sea. through so many sorts of Nations, and diuers languages, that the memory of man is not able to reckon them, and one people alwayes spoyled the other, and so both they that lost, and they 50 who gained remained well contented. Through those Valleyes where we passed, euery one of them carried a sticke or cudgell of three handfuls long, and they went all in troopes, and if any Hare arose, whereof there are many in that Countrey, they turned her suddenly, and so many Pleasant hu [...] ­ung. cudgels fell vpon her, that it was a marueilous matter to behold, and in this manner they made her goe from one to another, so that in my iudgement it was the goodliest hunting that could be imagined, because sometimes they came euen into their hands. And when wee setled our selues at night, we had so many of them that were giuen vs, that euery one of vs carried eight or ten, and such as carried Bowes, appeared not among vs, but went apart through the Mountaines to seeke deere, and when they came in the euening, they brought fiue, or six for euery one of vs, 60 and many Fowles, and Quailes, and other hunting game; and finally, whatsoeuer all those people tooke, they presented before vs, not daring to touch or take thereof for themselues, although they should dye for hunger (because they accustomed so to doe, since they came with vs) vn­lesse they had first blessed the same. The women carried many Mats, with the which they made [Page 1522] houses for vs, to euery one apart, his seuerall house, and with all the people which hee knew.

When that was done, wee commanded them to bake those Deere and Hares, and whatsoeuer else they had taken; which is very quickly done in certaine ouens which they make for the same purpose. Then we first tooke a little of euery thing, and gaue the rest to the principall and chiefe Superstitious sanctifying their meat. men of the people to diuide it among them all: and when euery one had receiued his part, they came vnto vs that we should blow vpon it and blesse it, for otherwise they durst not presume to eate thereof. And many times we brought with vs three or foure thousand persons; whereupon it was a great trouble to vs to blow vpon and blesse the meate and drinke of euery one of them: and for euery other thing of the [...]rs which they would doe they came to vs to aske leaue: where­by it may be considered how great the incumbrance and trouble was which wee endured. The 10 women brought before vs the Tune, Frogs, Wormes, and whatsoeuer else they could get; because although they should bee readie to die through hunger, they would not haue eaten any thing which they had not receiued from our hands. And so going with them wee passed ouer a great Riuer which came from the North parts, and hauing trauelled ouer certaine Plaines of thirtie leagues, wee found many people who came very farre off to receiue vs, and came forth vnto the way whether wee were to passe, and receiued vs after the same manner that the other had done.

From thence forward they obserued another manner of receiuing vs, as touching saccage and spoiling. For they that came forth into the high-way to bring vs any thing, were not spoiled of them who came with vs; but after we were entred into their houses, they of their owne accord 20 offered vs whatsoeuer they had and the houses also. Wee gaue all vnto the chiefe and principall, to the intent that they should diuide it among them; and alwaies they who remained so spoiled followed vs, whereby the number of people greatly encreased through desire to bee satisfied of their losses. And they said vnto the rest that they should beware how they hide any thing, be­cause it could not be but we should know it, and cause them all suddenly to die. The feare and frighting wherein they put them were so great, that the first da [...]es they abode with vs they stood alwaies trembling, not presuming to speake, nor to lift vp their eyes to heauen. They guided vs aboue eightie leagues through a desert Countrey, and very rough mountaines which Desert Coun­trey. were so dry, that there was no hunting game there whereby to sustaine our great hunger. In the 30 end hauing passed ouer a very great Riuer, where the water tooke vp to the brest, many of those who came with vs began to lament, through the exceeding great hunger and trauell which they had endured through those mountaines, which were extreame rough and trouble some to passe. A riuer. The same people brought vs vnto certaine plaines, and at the end of those mountaines much people came farre off to receiue vs, as the former had done, and gaue so many garments afterward to them that were with vs, that because they could not carry them they left the halfe behinde them; so that we told those Indians that brought them, that they should take them againe that Many gar­ments. they might not be lost: who answered, that they would not doe it for any thing, because it was not their custome after they had once giuen a thing, to returne afterward to take it againe and Foolish libera­litie. so they suffered them to be lost. 40

Then we told them that we would goe toward the place where the Sunne went downe, who said that in those places the people were verie farre off. But wee commanded them to send to vnderstand that wee were comming, yet they excused themselues the best they could; saying, that they were their enemies, and that they were vnwilling we should goe thither; but not da­ring to doe contrarie to our will, they sent two women thither, whom both the one and the other their enemies kept prisoners. And they sent these, because the women may well negotiate with Women­ [...]reaters. the men euen in the warres: and we followed them, and rested our selues in a place where wee determined to expect them, but they staied fiue daies before they returned, and the Indians said that they should find no people. Wee told them that they should bring vs toward the North, whereupon they gaue vs the same answere, that is to say, that in those places there were no peo­ple 50 but farre off, and that there was nothing there to eate nor water to bee found; yet notwith­standing all this we continued obstinate, and said, that we would goe thither, although they al­waies excused themselues the best they could: and for this cause wee were angrie, so that one night I arose and went out to sleepe in the open fields apart from them, but they came presently where I was, and neuer slept all that night with much feare, and speaking vnto me they said that if we would not continue any longer angrie, they would bring vs whether we purposed to goe, although they were certainly assured to die by the way. Neuerthelesse wee alwaies fained that we were yet angrie, and because their feare was not remoued, a verie strange accident happened, that is to say, that on the verie same day many of them became sicke, and the day following eight of them died. Whereupon through all the Countrey where it was knowne, they were so afraid of vs that when they saw vs they seemed euen to die as it were for feare. So they besought 60 vs that wee would not continue angrie any longer, and that wee would not cause any more of them to die, certainly perswading themselues that wee killed them onely with our will and de­sire. We prayed our Lord God that hee would relieue vs, and so all those that were sicke began [Page 1523] to recouer: at which time wee saw a verie maruellous thing, to wit, that the fathers, brethren, and wiues of them that died were exceedingly grieued to see them so sicke, but after they wEre No lamenting for the dead. dead they shewed not any signe or token of sorrow, nor did wee see them lament nor speake one to the other, nor make any other signe, nor durst they come neere vnto them vntill we comman­ded them to burie them: And for the space of fifteene daies and more that we abode with them, we neuer saw one speake to the other, nor any of their little children either laughed or cried, and if any of them lamented they carried them verie farre from thence: and with verie sharpe teeth they gashed and cut them from the shoulders to the legs; so seeing their crueltie and being angrie thereat, I demanded why they did it, they answered me, that they did it to chastise them for la­menting before me. Al these fears which they haue of vs, they yet put into the heads of those who 10 came lately to know vs, because they should giue vs whatsoeuer they haue, for they know that we tooke nothing for our selues, but gaue euerie thing to them. This was the most obedient peo­ple, and best conditioned that we found in all that Countrie, and commonly they are well dispo­sed. Those that were sicke, being recouered and restored vnto health, and wee hauing continued there three daies, the women that we had sent came vnto vs, and said, that they had found ve­rie few people, because they were gone to the kine, which was now their time. Then we com­manded them that were weake to remaine behinde, and those that were well to come with vs: and that two daies iourney from thence those two women should goe with two of our men, to cause the people to come forth to the highwaies to receiue vs. And so the morning follow­ing all those that were the lustiest departed with vs, and after three daies iourney wee set­led 20 our selues, and the day following Alonso del Castiglio and Esteuanicco the Negro, together with those two women for their guides; and that who was their prisoner brought them vnto a Riuer which ranne within a mountaine where a people abode, among whom their father was; and these were the first houses that wee saw, which had the forme and manner of Houses artifi­cially built. true houses.

There Castiglio and Esteuanicco arriued, and after they had spoken with those Indians, at the end of three dayes Castiglio returned to the place where they left vs, and brought fiue or sixe of those Indians, and said, That hee had found houses of people and of artificiall building, and that the people eate pulse and gourds, and that hee had seene Maiz there. Mays.

There wee abode one day, and the next wee departed, they bringing vs with them to 30 other built houses, where wee did eate of the same food that they eate. And after from thenceforth there was another custome, that they who knew of our comming came not forth into the high-way to meete vs as the other did; but wee found them in their houses, and they did nothing else for vs. And they were all sitting, and all held their faces towards Other strange behauiour. the wall, hanging downe their heads with their haire ouer their eyes, and all their clothes were hanged vp aloft in the middle of the house, and from thence forward they began to giue vs many mantles of hides, and they had not any thing which they gaue vs not. It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of bodie that euer wee saw there, and of a more liuely spirit and agilitie, and that vnderstood vs better, and answered vs to whatsoeuer wee Goodly peo­ple. demanded them, and wee call them, The people of the Kine, because the greater part of 40 the Kine which dye in those Countries is neere thereabouts, and vp that Riuer more then fiftie leagues, they goe killing many. These people goe all naked, after the manner of those whom wee found first. The women goe couered with certaine Deere skinnes; and so doe some few men also, and particularly the aged, who are not seruiceable for the warres▪ It is a verie populous Countrey; and being demanded why it did not sowe Maiz, they said, They did it because they would not leese that which they should sowe for two yeeres since their water failed, and the seasons was so dry, that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed, and that they could not by any meanes be assured to sowe, vnlesse first it had rained very much; and they prayed vs to speake vnto the Heauens that they might send downe raine: they boyle pulse in this manner. They fill a great pot halfe full with water, and put many of those Old fashion of boiling pulse. 50 stones in the fire, which will quickely burne, and when they seeth them on fire they take them vp with certaine tongs of Wood, and cast them into that water in the gourd vntill they make it boyle with that fire of those stones; and when they perceiue that the wa­ter boyleth, they put in that which they haue to boyle, and all this time they doe no­thing else but take out one stone and put in another fired redde hot to make the water boyle. 60

§. IIII.

They come to the South Sea, and trauell through a plentifull Countrey, till they meet with Spaniards; whose crueltie and manner of con­uerting Sauages is related.

WE went Westward on our iourny, & crossed ouer all the land vntil we came forth at the South Sea, and the feare wherein they had put vs of the great famine which we were They come to the South Sea. to passe (as surely we passed it for seuenteen daies together, as they had told vs) was not able to diuert vs from our intended purpose. Throughout all that Countrey vp the Ri­uer, 10 they gaue vs many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and wee did not eate of those their fruites, Barren Coun­trey. but our sustenance was euery day a piece of the fat of Deere, of the bignesse of a mans hand, which for this necessitie wee prouided alwaies to haue in a readinesse, and so wee passed all those seuenteene daies iourney, and at the end of them wee crossed ouer the Riuer, and trauel­led other seuenteene daies more to the West, through certaine plaines and verie great moun­taines which are found there: and there wee met with a people; who the third part of the yeere eate no other thing saue the powder of straw, and because wee passed that way at that season of the yeere wee also were constrained to eate it, vntill hauing finished those daies iourney wee found setled houses, where there was great quantitie of Maiz, and of that People which liue on the powder of straw. and Meale they gaue vs enough, and Gourds, and Pulse, and Mantles of Bombasin Cot­ton, 20 withall which we laded them whom wee had hyred there, who returned the most con­tented men in the world. Wee yeelded many thankes vnto God who had brought vs thither, where we found such plentie of sustenance.

Among these houses they had some that were of earth, and all the rest were of mats A plentifull Countrey with houses and corne. and from thence wee passed more then an hundred leagues into the Countrey, and al­waies found setled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse: and they gaue vs ma­ny Deeres skinnes and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten, better then those of New Spaine; and gaue vs also many Garlands, and certaine Corall which grow in the South Sea, and many Turkie stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gaue vs what­soeuer Corall and Turkesses. Emeralds. they had, and vnto Dorante they gaue Emeralds made into Arrow heads, and with 30 those Arrowes they make their sports and festiuall iollitie, seeming to mee very good. I deman­ded of them whence they had them, who told me that they brought them from certaine very high mountaines, which lye towards the North, and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrats feathers, and there were many people there and very great hou­ses. Among them wee saw the women more honourably and honestly vsed, then in any Women well vsed. other part of India which wee had seene. They weare certaine smockes of Bombasin Cotton which reach to the knee and ouer them: soft sleeues of certaine folds or plaits of Deere skinnes without haire which touch the ground, and they perfume them with certaine roots which make them very fine, and so they vse them very well: they are open before and tied toge­ther 40 with silken strings. They goe shod with shooes. All this Nation came vnto vs, that we should touch and blesse them, and they were so importunate herein that they put vs to much trouble; because the sicke and the whole would all goe from vs blessed: and it often happe­ned Desire of the Spaniards bles­sing. that of the women that came with vs; some were deliuered, and as soone as the children were borne they brought them vnto vs, that wee should touch and blesse them. They accompanied vs vntill they left vs with another Nation, and among all these people they held it for a certaintie that wee came from Heauen: because all the things which they haue not, and Conceit that they came from heauen. know not whence they come: they say, that they descend from Heauen. For so long time as wee went with them, wee trauelled all the day without eating vntill night, and wee eate so little that they were astonied to see it. They neuer knew vs wearie, and surely wee 50 were so accustomed to trauell that we were neuer weary. We had great authoritie among them, Many langua­ges. and they held a reuerent opinion of vs, and to preserue the the same wee seldome spake vnto them. The Negro was the man that alwaies spoke and informed himselfe of the way that wee would goe by the direction of the people that were there, and touching euery other thing which we desired to know. We passed through diuers languages, and our Lord God fauoured vs withall, for they alwaies vnderstood vs and we vnderstood them, and if we demanded any thing of them by signes they answered vs as if they should haue spoken our language and wee theirs. For al­though we, vnderstood six languages, we could not thereby preuaile with all, because wee found more then a thousand differences of language. Throughout all these Countries they who haue warre among themselues, became suddenly friends that they might come vnto vs and receiue vs, 60 and bring vs whatsoeuer they had.

Dorante had sixe hundred Deeres hearts giuen him, whereupon we called it the people of [...]popolo de C [...]ori. Hearts. Through this Countrey, entrie is made into many Prouinces which stand vpon the South Sea, and if they that desire to goe thither enter not from hence, they are lost, because the Coast [Page 1525] hath no Maiz, so that they are faine to eate the powder of beetes, straw, and fish, which they take in the Sea with floates, because they haue no Canowes, nor any Boat. The women couer their priuities with herbs and straw: they are a people of little vnderstanding and miserable. We sup­posed that neere vnto the Coast by the way of those people which way wee went, it is more then a thousand leagues of a populous Countrey, and that they haue much prouision wherein they A thousand leagues of a populous Countrey. liue, for they sowe Pulse and Maiz three times in the yeere. We saw three sorts of Deere there, one as great as the biggest steeres of Castiglia. The houses of all those people for habitation are cottages. They haue poyson of a certaine kind of tree of the bignesse of an apple tree; and they doe no more but gather the fruit and anoint the Arrow therewith, and if they haue no fruit they breake of a bough, and with a certaine milkie iuyce which it hath they doe the same. There are Great Deere. 10 many of these trees that are so poysonous, that if the leaues thereof be bruised and cast into any standing poole and not running water, all the Deere and whatsoeuer other beast that drinketh Poisonous tree thereof suddenly burst asunder. Wee abode three daies with these people, and about one daies iourny from thence there was another people, where such showres of raine came powring downe vpon vs, that by reason the Riuer which was there was so growne we could not passe it, and so we continued there fifteene daies.

In this meane time, Castiglio saw the buckle of a Spanish girdle about an Indians necke, and an Iron key sewed together with it, which he tooke from him: then we demanded what that thing was, and they answered, that it came from heauen; and questioning further with them who brought them, they answered, that certaine men brought them which had beards like vnto vs, 20 who came from heauen: and comming to that riuer with Horses, brought Lances and Swords, Newes of Spaniards. and two of them passed ouer with their Lances. Afterward, as cunningly as we could, we asked them what became of those men, so they answered vs, that they went to the Sea. Wee went through many Countries, and found them all dispeopled and not inhabited, for the countrie peo­ple went their way flying through the mountaines, not daring to keepe their houses nor labour for feare of the Christians. It greatly discontented vs, seeing the Countrie verie fruitfull and ex­ceeding Countries dis­peopled by Spaniards. pleasant and full of water and goodly riuers, and to see them afterward so solitarie and scorched, and the people so feeble and weake fled away and all hid, and because they sowed not in so great famine, they maintained themselues onely with the barkes of trees and roots. Wee had our part of this famine in all this iourney, because they could not so well prouide for vs being 30 so euilly hired, that it seemed they would all die. They brought vs couerings and beades, which they had hid for feare of the Christians, and gaue them vnto vs, and declared how at other times the Christians had entred and passed through that Countrie, and had destroied and burned the people, and carried halfe the men away, and all the women and little children, and that such as were able to escape out of their hands fled away. Wee seeing them so affrighted that they could not be secured to settle themselues in any place, and that they neither would nor could sowe nor labour and manure the Countrie; nay, they rather determined to suffer themselues to die, which seemed better vnto them, then to expect to bee so ill intreated with so great crueltie as they had beene vntill that time: and they seemed to bee greatly pleased with vs. Notwithstanding wee feared that being come vnto them who were vpon the Frontiers, and in warre with the Christi­ans 40 least they would vse vs cruelly, and make vs pay for that which the Christians had done vnto them. But God being pleased to conduct vs where they were, they began to feare and reuerence vs, as the former had done and somewhat more, whereat we did not a little maruell. Whereby Gentlenesse fitter then crueltie. it may cleerely appeare, that to allure this Nation to become Christians, and make them obedi­ent to the Imperiall Maiestie, they ought to be gently and curteously vsed, and this is the onely and most certaine way of all other. They brought vs to a people that abode on the top of a moun­taine, where they were faine to climbe vp by reason of the exceeding roughnesse of those places, where we found many people gathered together for feare of the Christians. These people recei­ued vs with great good will and kindnesse, and gaue vs whatsoeuer they had, and aboue two thousand burdens of Maiz, which wee gaue vnto those miserable and famished people who fol­lowed 50 vs and conducted vs thither: and the day following wee dispatched foure Messengers through the Countrie, as we vsed to doe, to the intent that they should assemble and gather toge­ther as many people as they could, vnto one people which abode three daies iourney off from thence: and hauing done this, wee departed with all the people that were there, and alwaies found the trackes and tokens where the Christians had lodged, and about midday wee found our Messengers, who told vs that they could not meet with any people, because they were all gone and fled, and hidden in the mountaines, least the Christians should either kill them or make them slaues. And that the night before they had seene the Christiàns; they themselues standing be­hinde certaine trees to behold what they did, and they saw that they led certaine Indians in a Chaine tied. 60

From this place, which is called the Riuer of Petutan, vnto the Riuer where Diego di Guzman R. Petutan. arriued, where we vnderstood of the Christians, may be some fourescore leagues: and from thence where the waters staied vs, twelue leagues: and from thence to them whom we called the peo­ple of the Harts, fiue leagues: and from thence to the South Sea, were twelue leagues. Through­out P [...]r, [Page 1526] all that Countrey wheresoeuer wee found mountaines, wee saw great shew and tokens of Gold, Iron, Antimony, and Copper, and other mettalls. In those places where the setled houses Shew [...]s of Gold. are, in Ianuary it is very hot. From thence towards the South of the vnpeopled Country, vnto the North Sea, it is a very naughtie Countrey and poore, where wee endured incredible famine, and they who inhabit there are a most cruell people, and of a very euill nature and behauiour. The Indians that haue settled houses, and the rest also make no account of Gold, nor of Siluer, nor know for what purpose it may serue.

I tooke the Negro and eleuen Indians with mee, and following the Christians by the tracke which they found, I went to three places where they had lodged, and the first day I tra­uelled ten leagues, and in the morning following found foure Christian Horse-men, who wonde­red 10 much to see me so strangely attired, and in the company of the Indians, and when they saw He speakith wihh his coun­trey-men. me they made a stand, and beheld me a good space, so much astonished that they durst not speake to me nor aske mee any question. Wherefore I spake vnto them, intreating them to bring me where there Captaine was; and so we went about halfe a league where Diego di Alcaraz abode, who was their Captaine, and after I had spoken vnto him, he told me that hee was in verie euill case because he had beene there many daies and could not take any Indian, and that he had not a­ny prouision to depart, because they began to be in great necessitie and famine there. I told him that Dorante and Castiglio were remaining behinde, who abode ten leagues from thence, with ma­ny people who had conducted vs: Whereupon he presently sent three Horse-men, and fiftie In­dians of those they brought, and the Negro returned with them to guide them; but I remained 20 there, and requested him to make me a testimoniall of the yeere, moneth, and day that I came in­to that place, and so he did. From this Riuer, vnto the people of the Christians called Saint Mi­chael, which pertaineth to the iurisdiction of that Prouince, which they call Noua Galitia, are thirtie leagues.

After sixe daies were past Andrea Dorante, and Arlonzo del Castiglio came vnto vs, with those who came for them, and brought aboue sixe hundred persons with them, which were of them whom the Christians had caused to climbe into the mountaines, and hide themselues in the Coun­trey: and they, who vntill then were come with vs brought them, and accompanied with the Christians, and they had dispatched away all the other people which they had brought thither, and came where I was. Alcaraz intreated me that I would send to call the people who abode at 30 the Riuer sides, and had fled into the mountaines, and that they should command them to bring them victualls although it were not needfull, because of their owne accord they brought vs as much as they could, and so we presently sent our Messengers to call them: whereupon six hun­dred persons came who brought vs all the Maiz they had, and they brought it in certaine pipkins couered with clay, wherein they had hid it vnder ground, and they brought vs whatsoeuer they had besides: but wee would not take any thing saue victualls to eate, but gaue all the rest to the Ingratefull crue [...]tie. Christians to be diuided among them. And after this we had much controuersie with them; be­cause they would haue made those Indians slaues whom wee brought with vs: And through this displeasure and disdaine at our departure, we left many Turkish Bowes which we brought, and many Budgets and Arrowes, and among them fiue of Emerands, which wee remembred not and 40 so we lost them. We gaue the Christians many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and other things which we brought, and much adoe with the Indians to cause them to returne to their houses, and to secure them and make them sowe their Maiz. They were not willing to goe but with vs, vn­till they left vs with other Indians as the custome was: for otherwise if they returned without being left with others, they feared least they should die, and comming with vs they feared not the Christians nor their Lances. This thing greatly displeased the Christians, who caused an In­terpreter to speake vnto them in their owne language, and tell them that wee were the very same men, who for a long time had beene terrified and lost, and were a people of meane condition and of small force, and that they were Lords of the Countrey whom they were to serue. But the Indians made little no no account of all this, so that among themselues they said one to ano­ther 50 that the Christians lied, because we came from the place where the Sunne riseth, and the other Christians from the place where the Sunne went downe: and that wee healed the sicke, they kil­led the [...] that were sound; and that wee went naked and without garments; they clothed on [...]backe and with Lances, and that wee had not any couetous or insatiable desires: so that whatso [...]uer was giuen vs, wee presently gaue it vnto others and had nothing our selues: and the Christians intend nothing else, but to rob and steale whatsoeuer they find and giue nothing to [...]v: and arter this manner those Indians gaue their iudgement of vs, censuring all our actions cleane contrary to that which the Christians doe. And thus they answered the Christians in their [...] [...] language, and did the like to others in a language which was among them which we vnderstood, and those that vse it wee call Pringaitu: which wee had found vsed for aboue the space of foure 60 hundred leagues of the Countrey where we trauelled, so that we found no other language for the space of foure hundred leagues and more. Finally, it was not possible for vs to make those Indians beleeue that we were any of those other Christians; yet with much adoe, and through our per­swasion we made them returne vnto their houses, commanding them to rest satisfied, and bring [Page 1527] backe their people to sowe and till the ground, which because it was so desolate, became now full of woods, albeit of it owne nature surely, it were the best Countrey, and more fertile and a­bundant then any in all those Indies: for they sowe three times in the yeare, and haue many fruites, and many goodly Riuers, and other very good waters. There are many signes, and great tokens of Mines of Gold and Siluer. The people are very well conditioned, and serue the Chri­stians, that are their friends, with a very good will: they are much better disposed then the peo­ple of Mexico; and finally, it wanteth nothing to make it an absolute Countrey. The Indians being dispatched, they told vs, that they would doe as much as they had commanded, and bring backe their people, if the Christians would suffer them to continue: whereupon I said and cer­tainely affirmed, that if they did it not, the Christians should be much to blame. And after wee 10 had sent them away, the Christians sent vs with an Alcado, named Zebrero, and with him three other Christians, whereby it appeareth how much the imaginations of men were deceiued, in that we went to seeke liberty among the Christians; and when wee had thought to haue found it, the q [...]ite contrary befell vs, and by seperating vs from the conuersation of the Indians, they brought vs through desolate Mountaines, because we should not see what they did, nor their euill vsage; for they had determined to goe to assault the Indians, whom wee sent away secured Sauage inside­l [...]y o [...] Christi­ans were [...]h [...]n Infidels and Sauages. and in peace; and so they did as they imagined: they brought vs two dayes through those Moun­taines, without water, and without any beaten way or path, insomuch as we thought we should haue burst for thirst, whereof seuen of our men died, & many friends which the Christians brought with them, could not come till the next day at noone, where we found water: and we trauailed 20 with them about fiue and twenty leagues, at the end whereof, we came vnto a people of the In­dians, which were in peace, and there the Alcado, who brought vs, left vs, and went three leagues further to a people called Culiazzan, where Melchior Diaz, the Sergeant Maior, and Captaine of that Prouince abode. As soone as he knew of our comming, hee presently came the same night to finde vs out, and lamented much with vs, highly praising our Lord God, for his excee­ding mercy towards vs, and spake vnto vs, and vsed vs very well, and in the behalfe of the Go­uernour Nunnez di Guz [...]an, and himselfe, offered vs whatsoeuer hee had or could procure, and began to speake much of the euill vsage wherewith Alcaraz and the rest had vsed vs, so that we held it for certaine, that if hee had bin there, that which was done vnto vs had not bin done, and that night being passed, we departed for Auhacan, and the Sergeant Maior intrea­ted 30 vs earnestly to stay there, and that wee might doe great seru [...]e vnto our Lord God, and to your Maiestie, because the Countrie was desolate, without manuring, and altogether destroyed, and the Indians went and hid themselues, flying through the Mountaines, vnwilling to come and stay with their people, and that we should send to call them, and command them in the name of our Lord God, and of your Maiesty, to come and inhabit the Plain, and till the Countrie. But this seemed a troublesome matter vnto vs to put it in execution, because wee had not any of our Indi­ans, or those who were wont to accompany vs, to helpe and further vs in such like offices. Not­withstanding we thought good to proue two of our Indians which we had prisoners there, who were of the same Country, and were found with the Christians when we first came among them, and saw the people that accompanied vs, & vnderstood by them the great authority & dominion 40 which we had had throughout all those Countries, & the miraculous things which we had done in healing the diseased, and many other things, and with these we sent others of the same people which were also with them, to call the Indians that abode in the Mountains, & those of the riuer Patachan, where we had found the Christians. And we willed them to tell them, that they should come vnto vs, because we would speake with them, and so secure them that went, and the other who should come, we gaue them a great gourd, of those which we caried in our hands, which was a principall token and speciall argument of great state, and with this they went and trauailed se­uen daies, and in the end came and brought with them three Lords of those who had fled into the Mountaines, who were accompanied with fifteene men, who brought vs Crownes, Turkies, and plumes of Feathers: and the messeng [...] told vs; that they had not found them of the Riuer from whence we came, because the Christians had caused them to flye into the Mountaines: So 50 Melchior Diaz willed the Interpreter to speake vnto those Indians in our behalfe, and say vnto them, that we were come from God, who abideth in heauen, and had tranailed through the world nine Manner of Spanish [...] ­ing to the In­dians. yeares, saying vnto all them that we found, that they should beleeue in God, and serue him, because he is Lord of all the things in the world, and that he giueth a reward and paiment vnto the good, and perpetuall punishment of hell fire vnto the wicked: and that when the good men dye, he taketh them vp into heauen, where afterwards they shall neuer dye any more, nor suffer hunger or cold, or endure any other necessi­tie; but finde there greater glory then can be imagined. And they who will not beleeue nor obay him, shall be throwne downe vnder the earth in the company of Diuels, into an exceeding huge fire which neuer shall haue end, but continually and eternally torment them. And besides that, if they will become 60 Christians, and serue God after the manner that we will tell them, the Christians shall hold them for brethren, and vse them very well; and that we would command that they should not doe them any hurt, nor take their Counyrie from them, but become their good friends. And if they would not doe it, the Chri­stians should vse them very cruelly, and carry them for slaues into farre and remote Countries. To this [Page 1528] they answered the Interpreter, that they would become very good Christians, and serue God. And demanding of them, whom they adored, and to whom they sacrificed, and of whom they asked water for their seede time, and health and safety for themselues; they answered, that they praied vnto a man which is in heauen, and being demanded how they called him, they said Aguar; and they beleeued that he created all the world, and the things therein. Then wee questioned them further, whence they knew that, who answered, that their Parents told them so, and that of a long time they vnderstood it, and knew that he sent water, and all other good things. So wee caused the Interpreter to tell them, that hee whom they called Aguar, we cal­led God, and that they also should call him so, and serue him, and adore him, as we had appoin­ted, and they should finde it very good for them. They answered, that they vnderstood all ve­ry 10 well, and that they would doe so; wherefore wee commanded them to descend from the Mountaines, and that they should liue secure and in peace, and dwell in the Countrey, and build their houses, and among them make a house for God, and set a Crosse at the entry there­of, like vnto that which we had there: and when the Christians should come, they should goe to meete them with the Crosse, without Bowes and weapons, and conduct them to their houses, and giue them such as they had to eate, and so they would not doe them any harme, but would become their friends: and the Captaine gaue them some of the Mantles, and vsed them very well. So they departed, carrying with them the two Indians, which before were priso­ners, whom we had sent as Messengers, and all this was done in the presence of the Secreta­ry of the Gouernour, and many other witnesses. Now when the Indians were returned, all the rest of that Prouince, who were friends vnto the Christians, came to see vs, and brought 20 vs Crownes and Feathers, and wee commanded them to make Churches, and set Crosses there, because vntill then they had not made them, and wee made them bring the children of the principall Seigniory to Baptise them: whereupon the Captaine presently made a vowe and pro­mise vnto God, neither to make nor cause any entry to be made vpon them, nor take slaues or people in those Countries, which we had secured, and that he would obserue this, vntill your Maiesty or the Gouernour Nunez di Guzman, or the Viceroy in his name, should prouide better for the seruice of our Lord God, and of your Maiesty.

Christianity shall not be so difficult a matter to bring in, because two thousand leagues which we trauailed by land and Sea, and other ten moneths, after we came out of captiuitie, we trauai­led without stay, and neuer found Sacrifices nor Idolatry. In this time, we crossed ouer from one 200. leagues betwixt the coast of the North and South Seas. 30 Sea to another, and by the notice, which through much diligence wee procured to haue, from the one coast to the other, wee suppose it to be about two hundred leagues broad and more, and wee vnderstand that on the coast of the South Sea are Pearles and great riches, and that all the best and richest are neere there abouts. We abode in the towne of Saint Michael, vntill the fifteenth of the moneth of May, and the occasion why we staied there so long was this, because from thence vnto the Citie of Compostella, where the Gouernour Nunez di Guzm [...] made his re­sidence, it was 100. leagues distance; and the Country was not inhabited & enemy, and it was fit, that other people should go with vs to conduct vs, among whom there were forty horsemen, who accompanied vs about fortie leagues, and from thence forward, six Christians came with vs, who He could not weare apparell for many daies nor sleepe on the ground. He also descri­beth his voi­age to Spaine, which is here omitted. 40 brought fiue hundred Indian slaues, and being come to Compostella, the Gouernour Nunez recei­ued vs very curteously, and gaue vs such as he had to cloath vs, which apparell for many dayes, I was not able to carry, and wee could not sleepe but on the ground. And so after tenne or twelue dayes wee departed for Mexico, and came thither on Saint Iames his euen, where the Viceroy and the Marquesse of the Valley kindely intreated vs, and gaue vs apparell and whatsoeuer they had.

To the Reader. 50

CAptaine Soto was the sonne of a Squire of Xerez of Badaioz. Hee went into the Spanish Indies when Peter Arias of Auila was Gouernour of the West Indies: And there he was without any thing else of his owne, saue his Sword and Target: and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made him Captaine of a troope of horsemen, and by his commandment he went with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru: where (as many persons of credit reported, which were there present) as well at the ta­king This Preface is contained more at large in the sixe first Chapters of the authors Booke: which being no part of Florida dis­couery, I haue here reduced to a Preface. of Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault ef the Citie of Cusco, and in all other places where they found resistance, wheresoeuer he was present, he surpassed all other Captaines and principall persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share: whereby in time hee gathered an hundred and fourescore thousand Duckets together, with that which fell to his part; which 60 he brought into Spaine: whereof the Emperour borrowed a certaine part, which he repaied againe with 60000. Rials of Plate in the rent of the Silkes of Granada, and all the rest was deliuered him in the Con­tractation house of Siuil. From Siuil he went to the Court, and in the Court, there accompanied him Iohn Danusco of Siuil, and Lewis Moscoso D'aluarado, Nunno de Touar, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo. [Page 1529] Except Iohn Danusco, all the rest came with him from Peru; and euery one of them brought foureteene or fifteene thousand Duckets: all of them went well and costly apparelled. And although Soto of his owne None of those men prospered which were guilty of Ata­balipa or Atu­halpas death: but by ciuill wars or other­wise were con­sumed. And so it happened to this Soto. nature was not liberall, yet because that was the first time that he was to shew himselfe in the Court, be spent franckly, and went accompanied with those which I haue named, and with his seruants, and many other which resorted vnto him. He married with Donna Isabella de Bouadilla, daughter of Peter Arias of Auila, Earle of Punno en Rostro. The Emperour made him the Gouernour of the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or President of Florida; with a title of Marquesse of certaine part of the lands that hee should conquer.

This History partly for better knowledge of those parts of the world and partly for the profit of Vir­ginian aduenturers, and discouerers, I haue here published far briefer then the author in Portuguse (and 10 out of him Master Hakluyt) had done; and added this to that of Neruaz. Cabeza de Vaca the Au­thor of that at this time had come to the Court to beg the conquest of Florida: but seeing Don Ferdi­nando Cabeza de Vac [...] was the Gouer­nour of the Ri­uer of Plate. de Soto had gotten it already, for his oathes sake, he said, he might tell nothing of that which they would know. Soto made him great offers: and being agreed to goe with him, because he would not giue him money to pay for a Ship, which he had bought, they brake off, and he went for Gouernour to the Ri­uer of Plate. His kinsmen Christopher de Spindola, and Baltasar de Gallegos went with Soto. Those 600. men went with Soto into Florida. Ynca in his large sto­ry of this voi­age containing six Books, saith he had 1000. men with him. passed and were counted and enroled, which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompany him into Flo­rida; which were in all six hundred men. He had already bought seuen Ships, and had all necessary pro­uision aboord them.

In the yeare of our Lord 1538. in the moneth of Aprill, the Adelantado deliuered his Shippes to the 20 Captaines which were to goe in them. They arriued at Saint Iago in Cuba on Whitsunday. The Citie of Iago hath eightie houses which are great and well contriued. The most part haue the wals made of boords, and are couered with thatch; it hath some houses builded with lime and stone, and couered with tiles. It hath great Orchards and many trees in them, differing from those of Spaine: there be Figge­trees Great Figs. which beare Figges as big as ones fist, yellow within, and of small taste; and other trees which beare fruite which they call Ananes, in making and bignesse like to a small Pineapple: it is a fruit very sweete Ananes. Great Pine­apples. in taste: the shel being taken away, the kernell is like a peece of fresh cheese. In the granges abroad in the Countrie there are other great Pineapples, which grow on low trees, and are like the Erua babosa. Aloetree: they are of a very good smell and exceeding good taste. Other trees doe beare a fruite, which they call Mameis of the bignesse of Peaches. This the Islanders doe hold for the best fruit of the countrey. There Mameis, an excellent fruit. Guayabas. 30 is another fruit which they call Guayabas like Filberds, as bigge as figges. There are other trees as high as a iaueline, hauing one onely stocke without any bough, and the leaues as long as a casting dart: and the fruit is of the bignesse and fashion of a Cucumber, one bunch beareth twenty or thirty, and as they ripen the tree bendeth downwards with them: they are called in this Countrie Plantanos, and are of a Plantanos. good taste, and ripen after they be gatherod, but those are the better which ripen vpon the tree it selfe: they beare fruit but once, and the tree being cut downe, there spring vp others out of the but, which beare fruit the next yeare. There is another fruit, whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaues, which are called Batatas. These grow now in the Isle of Terzera, belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall, Batatas, or Potatos. and they grow within the earth, and are like a fruit called lname, they haue almost the taste of a Chest­nut. The Bread of this countrie is also made of rootes which are like the Batatas. And the stocke whereon 40 those rootes doe grow is like an Elder tree: they make their ground in little hillocks, and in each of them The Cassani root. they thrust foure or fiue stakes; and they gather the rootes a yeare and an halfe after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a Batata or Potato root, chance to eate of it neuer so little, he is in great danger of death; which was seene by experience in a Soldier, which as soone as he had eaten a very little of one of those roots be died quickly. They peare these roots and stampe them, and squese them in a thing like a presse: the iuyce that commeth from them is of an euill smell. The Bread is of little taste and lesse substance. Of the fruits Store of good Horses. of Spaine there are Figs and Oranges, & they beare fruit all the yeare, because the soile is very ranke and fruitfull. In this Countrie are many good Horses, and there is greene grasse all the yeare. There be many wilde Oxen and Hogs, whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with flesh: Without the townes a­broad in the Countrie are many fruits. And it happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth ont of the way 50 and is lost fifteene or twenty daies, because of the many paths in the thicke groues that crosse to & fro made by the Oxen: and being thus lost, they sustaine themselues with fruits and palmitos: for there be many great groues of Palme trees through all the Island; they yeelde no other fruite that is of any profit. The Isle of Cuba is 300. leagues long from the East to the West, and is in some places 30. in others 40. leagues from The length and breadth of Cuba. North to South. It hath six towns of Christians: to wit, S. Iago, Baracôa, Bayamo, Puerto de Princi­pes, S. Espirito, and Hauana. Euery one hath betweene thirty and forty housholds, except S. Iago and Ha­uana, which haue about sixtie or eightie houses. They haue Churches in each of them, and a Chaplen which confesseth them and saith Masse. In S. Iago is a Monasterie of Franciscan Friers: it hath but few Friers, and is well prouided of almes, because the Countrie is rich: The Church of S. Iago hath honest reuenew, and there is a Curat and Prebends and many Priests, as the Church of that Citie, which is the chiefe of 60 all the Island. There is in this Countrie much Gold, and few slaues to get it: For many haue made a­way themselues, because of the Christians euill vsage of them in the Mines. A Steward of Vasques A wittie stra­tagem. Porcallo, which was an inhabitour in that Island, vnderstanding that his slaues would make away them­selues, staied for them with a cudgell in his hand at the place where they were to meete, and told them, [Page 1532] that they could neither doe nor thinke any thing, that hee did not know before, and that hee came thither to kill himselfe with them, to the end, that if he had vsed them badly in this World, hee might vse them worse in the World to come: And this was a meane that they changed their purpose, and turned home a­gaine to doe that which he commanded them.

CHAP. II.

FERDINANDO de SOTO his Voyage to Florida and Discouerie of 10 the Regions in that Continent: with the Trauels of the Spaniards foure yeeres together therein, and the accidents which befell them: written by a Portugall of the Company, and here contracted.

§. I.

SOTOS entrance into Florida, taking of IOHN ORTIZ 20 one of Naruaz his company, comming to Paracossy, and diuers other Caciques, with accidents in the way.

ON Sunday the eighteenth of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1539. the Adelantado or President departed from Hauana in Cuba with his fleet, which were nine ves­sels, May 18. 1539. Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega hath written a story of this voyage. He saith Soto had with him 950. souldiers, besides Mari­ners, which he had entertai­ned for the conquest of Florida, and came with him in this Fleet from Saint Lu­cars. This Author hath but 600. The ships came vp to the Towne of Vcita. fiue great shippes, two Carauels, and two Brigantines: They sayled seuen dayes with a prosperous wind. The fiue and twentieth day of May, the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo (which we call Whitson Sunday) they saw the Land of 30 Florida; and because of the shoalds, they came to an anchor a league from the shoare. On Friday the thirtieth of May they landed in Florida, two leagues from a Towne of an Indian Lord, called Vcita. They set on Land two hundred and thirteene Horses, which they brought with them, to vnburden the ships, that they might draw the lesse water. He landed all his men, and only the Seamen remained in the ships, which in eight daies, going vp with the tide euerie day a little, brought them vp vnto the Towne. Assoone as the people were come on shore, he pitched his Campe on the Sea side, hard vpon the Bay which went vp vnto the Towne. And presently the Captaine Generall Vasques Porcallo with other seuen Horsemen foraged the Coun­trie halfe a league round about, and found sixe Indians, which resisted him with their Arrowes, which are the weapons which they vse to fight withall: The Horsemen killed two of them, 40 and the other foure escaped; because the Countrie is cumbersome with Woods and Bogs, where the Horses stacke fast, and fell with their Riders, because they were weake with trauelling vpon the Sea. The same night following the Gouernour with an hundred men in the Brigantines lighted vpon a Towne, which he found without people, because, that assoone as the Christians had sight of Land, they were descried, and saw along the Coast many smokes, which the Indi­ans had made to giue aduice the one to the other. The next day Luys de Moscoso, Master of the Campe set the men in order, the Horsemen in three Squadrons, the Vantgard, the Batalion, and the R [...]reward: and so they marched that day, and the day following, compassing great Creekes which came out of the Bay: They came to the Towne of Vcita, where the Gouernour was, on Sunday the first of Iune, being Trinitie Sunday. The Towne was of seuen or eight houses. The The Towne of Vcita. Iune. 50 Lords house stood neere the shoare vpon a very high Mount, made by hand for strength. At ano­ther end of the Towne stood the Church, and on the top of it stood a fowle made of wood with gilded eies. Here we found some Pearles of small value, spoiled with the fire, which the Indi­ans doe pierce and string them like Beads, and weare them about their neckes and hand-wrists, Some Pearles found. and they esteeme them very much. The houses were made of Timber, and couered with Palme leanes.

From the Towne of Vcita the Gouernour sent Alcalde Maior Baltasar de Gallegos with for­tie Horsemen and eightie Footmen into the Countrie to see if they could take any Indians: and the Captaine Iohn Rodriguez L [...]billo another way with fiftie Footmen. Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the Campe with sixe men wounded, whereof one died, and brought the foure Indian 60 women, which Baltasar Gallegos had taken in the Cabbins or Cottages. Two leagues from the Towne; comming into the plaine field, he espied ten or eleuen Indians, among whom was a Chri­stian, which was naked and scorched with the Sunne, and had his armes razed after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing at all from them. And assoone as the Horsemen saw them [Page 1551] they ranne toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid themselues in a Wood, and they ouertooke two or three of them which were wounded: and the Christian seeing an Horse­man runne vpon him with his Lance, began to crie out, Sirs, I am a Christian, slay mee not, nor these Indians, for they haue saued my life. And straight way hee called them, and put them out of feare, and they came forth of the Wood vnto them. The Horsemen tooke both the Christian and the Indians vp behind them; and toward night came into the Campe with much ioy: which thing being knowne by the Gouernour, and them that remained in the Campe, they were re­ceiued with the like.

This Christians name was Iohn Ortiz, and hee was borne in Siuill, of Worshipfull Parentage. Iohn Ortiz li­ued 12 yeeres, among the Floridians of Vcita and Mo­coço. Naruaez. He was twelue yeeres in the hands of the Indians. He came into this Countrie with Pamphilo de 10 Naruaez; and returned in the ships to the Iland of Cuba, where the Wife of the Gouernour Pam­philo de Naruaez was: and by his commandement with twentie or thirtie other in a Brigandine, returned backe againe to Florida: and comming to the Port in the sight of the Towne, on the shoare they saw a Cane sticking in the ground, and riuen at the top, and a Letter in it: and they beleeued that the Gouernour had left it there to giue aduertisement of himselfe, when hee resolued to goe vp into the Land: and they demanded it of foure or fiue Indians, which walked along the Sea shoare: and they bad them by signes to come on shoare for it: which against the will of the rest Iohn Ortiz and another did. And assoone as they were on the Land, from the hou­ses of the Towne issued a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and tooke them in a place where they could not flee: and the other which sought to defend himselfe, they pre­sently 20 killed vpon the place and tooke Iohn Ortiz aliue, and carried him to Vcita their Lord. And those of the Brigandine sought not to land, but put themselues to Sea, and returned to the the Iland of Cuba. Vcita commanded to bind Iohn Ortiz hand and foot vpon foure stakes aloft vpon a raft, and to make a fire vnder him, that there he might bee burned: But a daughter of his desired him that he would not put him to death, alleaging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling him, that it was more for his honour to keepe him as a Captiue. And Ucita granted her request, and commanded him to bee cured of his wounds: and assoone as he was whole, he gaue him the charge of the keeping of the Temple: because that by night the Wolues did carrie away the dead corpses out of the same: who commended himselfe to God and Wolues. tooke vpon him the charge of his Temple. One night the Wolues gate from him the corpses of 30 a little child, the Sonne of a principall Indian; and going after them he threw a Dart at one of the Wolues, and strooke him that carried away the corps, who feeling himselfe wounded, left it, and fell downe dead neere the place: and hee not woting what he had done, because it was night, went backe againe to the Temple: the morning being come, and finding not the bodie of the childe, he was very sad. Assoone as Vcita knew thereof, he resolued to put him to death; and sent by the tract, which hee said the Wolues went, and found the bodie of the childe, and the Wolfe dead a little beyond: whereat Vcita was much contented with the Christian, and with the watch which hee kept in the Temple, and from thence forward esteemed him much. Three yeeres after he fell into his hands, there came another Lord called Mocoço, who dwelleth two Mocoço dwel­leth two dayes iournie from Vcita. daies iourney from the Port, and burned his Towne. Vcita fled to another Towne that he had in 40 another Sea Port. Thus Iohn Ortiz lost his office and fauour that he had with him. These people being worshippers of the Deuill, are wont to offer vp vnto him the liues and bloud of their In­dians or of any other people they can come by: and they report, that when hee will haue them doe that Sacrifice vnto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that hee is athirst, and Humane Sa­crifice. willeth them to sacrifice vnto him. Iohn Ortiz had notice by the Damosell that had deliuered him from the fire, how her father was determined to sacrifice him the day following, who willed him to flee to Mocoço: for she knew that he would vse him well: for she heard say, that he had asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him: and because he knew not the way, she went with him halfe a league out of the Towne by night, and set him in the way, and returned be­cause she would not be discouered. Iohn Ortiz trauelled all that night, and by the morning came A Riuer. vnto a Riuer, which is in the Territorie of Mocoço. Three or foure Indians carried the newes to 50 their Lord: who came forth a quarter of a league from the Towne to receiue him; and was very glad of him. He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the Christians, that he would not runne away from him to any other Lord: and promised him to entreate him very well; and that if at any time there came any Christians into that Countrie, he would freely let him goe, and giue him leaue to goe to them: and likewise tooke his oath to performe the same according to the Indian custome. He dwelt with Mocoço nine yeeres, with small hope of seeing any Christians. Assoone as our Gouernour arriued in Florida, it was knowne to Mocoço, and straightway he signified to Iohn Ortiz, that Christians were lodged in the Towne of Vcita. And Mocoço gaue him ten or eleuen principal Indians to beare him company: and as they went to the 60 P [...]rt where the Gouernour was, they met with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I haue declared before. Assoone as hee was come to the Campe, the Gouernour commanded to giue him a sute of appa­rell, and very good Armour, and a faire Horse; and enquired of him, whether hee had notice of any Countrie where there was any Gold or Siluer? He answered, No, because hee neuer went [Page 1552] ten leagues compasse from the place where he dwelt: But that thirty leagues from thence dwelt an Indian Lord, which was called Parocassi, to whom Mocoço and Vcita, with all the rest of that Par [...]ssi 30. leagues from Puerto de Spiri­to Santo. Goast payed Tribute, and that he peraduenture might haue notice of some good Countrie: and that his Land was better then that of the Sea-coast, and more fruitfull and plentifull of Maiz. Whereof the Gouernour receiued great contentment: and said that hee desired no more then to find victuals, that he might goe into maine Land, for the Land of Florida, was so large, that in one place or other there could not choose but bee some Countrie. The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to visit the Gouernour.

The Gouernour answered him, That although in freeing and sending him the Christian, he had preserued his honour and promise, yet he thanked him, and held it in such esteeme, as it had no 10 comparison; and that he would alwayes hold him as his Brother, and would fauour him in all things to the vtmost of his power. Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him, and other things wherewith the Cacique being very well contented, to his leaue of him, and departed to his owne Towne.

From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Gouernour lay, he sent the Alcalde Maier Baltasar de Gallego; with fiftie Horsemen, and thirtie or fortie Footmen to the Prouince of Paracossi, to view the disposition of the Countrie, and informe himselfe of the Land farther inward, and to send him word of such things as he found. Likewise he sent his ships backe to the Iland of Cu­ba, that they might returne within a certaine time with victuals. Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa, which went with the Gouernour as Captaine Generall, (whose principall intent was to send slaues from Florida, to the Iland of Cuba, where he had his goods and Mynes) hauing made some 20 In-rodes, and seeing no Indians were to be got, because of the great Bogges and thicke Woods that were in the Countrie, considering the disposition of the same, determined to returne to Cu­ba. And though there was some difference betweene him and the Gouernour, whereupon they neither dealt nor conuersed together with good countenance, yet notwithstanding with louing words hee asked him leaue and departed from him. Baltasar de Gallegos came to the Paracossi: Paracossi. There came to him thirty Indians from the Cacique, and said, that their Lord was ill at ease, and therefore could not come, but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded. Hee asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Country where there was Gold or Siluer. They told them they did: and that toward the West, there was a Prouince which was called Cale; and Cale. that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie, where 30 the most part of the yeere was Summer, and that there was much Gold: and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Cale, these Inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of Gold, in manner of Head-pieces. Baltasar de Gallegos, seeing that the Cacique came not, thinking all that they said was fained, with intent that in the meane time they might set them­selues in safetie, fearing, that if he did let them goe, they would returne no more, commanded the thirtie Indians to be chained, and sent word to the Gouernour by eight Horsemen what had passed whereof the Gouernour with all that were with him, at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great comfort, supposing that that which the Indians reported, mght be true. Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port, with thirtie Horsemen and seuentie Footmen, with prouision for two 40 yeeres, and himselfe with all the rest marched into the mayne Land, and came to the Paracossi, Paracossi. at whose Towne Batasar de Gallegos was: and from thence with all his men tooke the way to Cale. He passed by a little Towne called Acela, and came to another called Tocaste: and from thence he went before with thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen toward Cale. And passing by Acela. Tocaste. Another Towne. A Lake. A swift Riuer. a Towne, whence the people were fled, they saw Indians a little from thence in a Lake; to whom the Interpretor spake. They came vnto them and gaue them an Indian for a guide: and hee came to a Riuer with a great current, and vpon a Tree, which was in the midst of it, was made a Bridge, whereon the men passed: the Horses swamme ouer by a Hawser, that they were pulled by from the otherside: for one which they droue in at the first without it, was drowned. From thence the Gouernour sent two Horsemen to his people that were behind, to make haste 50 after him; because the way grew long, and their victuals short. He came to Cale, and found the Cale. Towne without people. He tooke three Indians which were Spies, and tarried there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed with hunger and euill wayes, because the Coun­trie was very barren of Maiz, low, and full of water, bogs, and thicke woods; and the victuals, which they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo, were spent. Wheresoeuer any Boggie coun­trey. Towne was found, there were some Beets, and he that came first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eate them without any other thing: and such as could not get them, gathe­red the stalkes of Maiz and eate them, which because they were young had no Maiz in them. When they came to the Riuer which the Gouernour had passed, they found Palmitos vpon low Palme-trees like those of Andaluzia. There they met with the two Horsemen which the Go­uernour 60 sent vnto them, and they brought newes that in Cale there was plentie of Maiz; at which newes they all reioyced. Assoone as they came to Cale, the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field, which was sufficient for three moneths. At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians, and one of them which were taken told [Page 1533] the Gouernour, that within seuen dayes iourney, there was a very great Prouince, and plenti­full of Maiz, which was called Apalache. And presently hee departed from Cale with fiftie Horsemen, and sixtie Footmen. He left the Master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso with all the rest of the people there, with charge that he should not depart thence vntill he had word from him. And because hitherto none had gotten any slaues, the bread that euery one was to eate, hee was fame himselfe to beate in a Morter made in a piece of Timber with a Pestle, and some of them Trauelling Souldiers shifts for bread. did sift the flowre through their shirts of Mayle. They baked their bread vpon certaine Tile­shares which they set ouer the fire. It is so troublesome to grinde their Maiz, that there were many that would rather not eat it, then grind it: and did eate the Maiz parched and sodden.

The eleuenth day of August 1539. the Gouernour departed from Cale; hee lodged in a little Towne called Y [...]ara, and the next day in another called Potano, and the third day at Vtinama, and Ytara. Po [...]ano. Vtinama. The Towne of Euill peace. 10 came to another Towne, which they named the Towne of Euill peace; because an Indian came in peace, saying, That he was the Cacique, and that he with his people would serue the Gouernour, and that if he would set free eight and twentie persons, men and women, which his men had ta­the night before, he would command prouision to be brought him, and would giue him a guide to instruct him in his way: The Gouernour commanded them to be set at libertie, and to keepe him in safegard. The next day in the morning there came many Indians, and set themselues round a­bout the Towne neere to a Wood. The Indian wished them to carrie him neere them; and that he would speake vnto them, and assure them, and that they would doe whatsoeuer he comman­ded them. And when he saw himselfe neere vnto them he brake from them, and ranne away so 20 swiftly from the Christians, that there was none that could ouertake him, and all of them fled into the Woods. The Gouernour commanded to loose a Greyhound, which was alreadie fleshed Greyhound catcheth the fugitiue. on them, which passing by many other Indians, caught the counterfeit Cacique, which had es­caped from the Christians, and held him till they came to take him. From thence the Gouer­nour lodged at a Towne called Cholupaha: and because it had store of Maiz in it, they named it Cholupaha. A Riuer. Caliquen. Villa farta. Beyond the same there was a Riuer, on which he made a Bridge of Timber, and tra­uelled two daies through a desert. The seuenteenth of August, he came to Caliquen, where hee was informed of the Prouince of Apalache: They told him that Pamphilo de Naruaez had beene there, and that there he tooke shipping, because he could find no way to goe forward: That there was none other Towne at all; but that on both sides was all water. The whole company were 30 verie sad for these newes; and counselled the Gouernour to goe backe to the Port de Spirito San­to, and to abandon the Countrie of Florida, lest he should perish as Naruaez had done: declaring, that if he went forward, he could not returne backe when he would, and that the Indians would gather vp that small quantitie of Maiz which was left. Whereunto the Gouernour answered, that he would not goe backe, till he had seene with his eies that which they reported: saying, that he could not beleeue it, and that wee should be put out of doubt before it were long. And he sent to Luys de Moscoso to come presently from Cale, and that hee tarried for him heere. Luys de Moscoso and many others thought, that from Apalache they should returne backe; and in Cale they buried their Iron Tooles, and diuers other things. They came to Caliquen with great trou­ble; because the Countrie, which the Gouernour had passed by, was spoiled and destitue of Maiz. 40 After all the people were come together, he commanded a Bridge to bee made ouer a Riuer that passed neere the Towne. Hee departed from Caliquen the tenth of September, and carried the Cacique with him. After hee had trauelled three dayes, there came Indians peaceably, to visit A Riuer. their Lord, and euery day met vs on the way playing vpon Flutes: which is a token that they vse, that men may know that they come in peace. They said, that in our way before was there a Cacique, whose name was Vzachil, a Kinsman of the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord, wayting for him with many presénts, and they desired the Gouernour that hee would loose the Cacique. But hee would not, fearing that they would rise, and would not giue him any Guides, and sent them away from day to day with good wordes. He trauelled fiue daies, passed by some small Townes, came to a Towne called Napetuca, the fif­teenth Some small Townes. Napetuca. Two very great L [...]kes. day of September. There were thirtie or fortie Indians slaine. The rest fled to two very 50 great Lakes, that were somewhat distant the one from the other: There they were swimming, and the Christians round about them. The Calieuermen and Crosse-bowmen shot at them from the banke; but the distance being great, and shooting afarre off, they did them no hurt. The Go­uernour commanded that the same night they should compasse one of the Lakes, because they were so great, that there were not men enow to compasse them both: beeing beset, assoone as night shut in, the Indians, with determination to runne away, came swimming very softly to the banke; and to hide themselues, they put a water Lilly leafe on their heads. The Horsemen assoone Indian subtlety. as they perceiued it to stirre, ranne into the water to the Horses breasts, and the Indians fled a­gaine into the Lake. So this night passed without any rest on both sides. Iohn Ortiz perswaded 60 them, that seeing they could not escape, they should yeeld themselues to the Gouernour: which they did, enforced thereunto by the coldnesse of the water; and one by one, hee first whom the cold did first ouercome, cried to Iohn Ortiz, desiring that they would not kill him, for he came to put himselfe into the hands of the Gouernour. By the morning watch they made an end of yeel­ding [Page 1534] themselues: only twelue principall men, being more honourable and valorous then the rest, resolued rather to die then to come into his hands. And the Indians of Paracossi, which were now loosed out of chaines, went swimming to them, and pulled them out by the haire of their heads, and they were all put in chaines, and the next day were diuided among the Christians A new Con­spiracie. for their seruice. Being thus in captiuitie, they determined to rebell; and gaue in charge to an Indian, which was Interpretor, and held to bee valiant, that assoone as the Gouernour did come to speake with him, hee should cast his hands about his necke, and choake him: Who, when he saw opportunitie, laid hands on the Gouernor, and before he cast his hands about his necke, he gaue him such a blow on the nostrils, that he made them gush out with bloud, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any weapons at hand or the handle wherwith he 10 did grind the Maiz, sought to kill his Master, or the first hee met before him: and hee that could get a Lance or Sword at hand, bestirred himselfe in such sort with it, as though he had vsed it all his life time. One Indian in the Market place enclosed betweene fifteene or twentie Footmen, made away like a Bull with a Sword in his hand, till certaine Halbardiers of the Gouernor came, which killed him. Another gat vp with a Lance to a loft made of Canes, which they build to keepe their Maiz in, which they call a Barbacoa, and there he made such a noyse, as though tenne men had beene there defending the doore: they slue him with a partisan. The Indians were in all about two hundred men. They were all subdued. And some of the youngest the Gouernour gaue to Two hundred [...] tak [...]n. them which had good chaines, and were carefull to looke to them that they gat not away. All the [...] he commanded to be put to death, being tyed to a stake in the midst of the Market place: 20 and the Indians of the Paracossi did shoot them to death.

The G [...] nour departed from Napetuca the three and twentieth of September: hee lodged by a Riuer, where two Indians brought him a Bucke from the Cacique of Vzachil. The next A Riuer. day he passed by a great Towne called Hapaluya; and lodged at Vzachil, and found no people in it, because they durst not tarrie for the notice the Indians had of the slaughter of Napetuca. Hee H [...]a a [...]at Towne. Vzachil. found in that Towne great store of Maiz, French Beanes and Abobora [...]. Pompions, which is their food, and that wherewith the Christians there sustained themselues. The Maiz is like course Millet, and the Pompions are better and more sauourie then those of Spaine. From thence the Gouer­nour sent two Captaines each a sundry way to seeke the Indians. They tooke an hundred men and women: of which aswell there as in other places where they made any inrodes, the Captain 30 chose one or two for the Gouernour, and diuided the rest to himselfe, and those that went with him. They led these Indians in chaines with Iron collars about their neckes; and they serued to carrie their stuffe, and to grind their Maiz, [...]and for other seruices that such Captiues could doe. Sometimes it happened that going for wood or Maiz with them, they killed the Christian that led them, and ranne away with the chaine: others filed their chaines by night with a piece of stone, wherewith they cut them, and vse it in stead of Iron. Those that were perceiued paid for themselues, and for the rest, because they should not dare to doe the like another time. The wo­men and young boyes, when they were once an hundred leagues from their Countrie, and had forgotten things, they let goe loose, and so they serued; and in a very short space they vnder­stood the Language of the Christians. From Vzachil the Gouernour departed toward Apalache, 40 and in two dayes iourney, he came to a Towne called Axille, and from thence forward the Indi­ans, Axille, were carelesse, because they had as yet no notice of the Christians. The next day in the mor­ning, the first of October, he departed from thence, and commanded a Bridge to be made ouer a A Riuer. Riuer which he was to passe.

The Gouernour passed vpon Wednesday, which was Saint Francis his day, and lodged at a Uitachuco. Towne which was called Vitachuco, subiect to Apalache: he found it burning; for the Indians had set it on fire. From thence forward the Countrie was much inhabited, and had great store of Maiz. He passed by many Granges like Hamlets. On Sunday the fiue and twentieth of Octo­ber, October 25. V [...]a. A [...]a Ap [...]a­c [...]. he came to a Towne, which is called Uzela, and vpon Tuesday to Anaica Apalace, where the Lord of all that Countrie and Prouince was resident: in which Towne the Campemaster, 50 whose office it is to quarter out and lodge men, did lodge all the company round about within a league and halfe a league of it. There were other Townes, where was great store of Maiz, Pom­pions, French Beanes, and Plummes of the Countrie, which are better then those of Spaine, and they grow in the fields without plantin. The victuals that were thought necessary to passe the Winter, were gathered from these Townes to Anaica Apalache. The Gouernour was informed, Ap [...] with­i [...] [...] of [...] Sea. [...]. The Sea. that the Sea was ten leagues from thence. He presently sent a Captaine thither with Horsemen and Footmen: And sixe leagues on the way he found a Towne, which was named Ochete, and so came to the Sea, and found a great tree felled, and cut it into peeces, with stakes set vp like mangers, and saw the skuls of horses. He returned with this newes. And that was held for cer­taine, which was reported of Pamphilo de Naruaez, that there he had builded the barkes where­with 60 he went out of the land of Florida, and was cast away at Sea. Presently the Gouernour sent Iohn Danusco with thirty horsemen to the port de Spiritu Santo, where Calderan was with order that they should abandon the port, and all of them come to Apalache. He departed on Sa­turday the seuenteenth of Nouember. In Uzachil and other townes that stood in the wa [...] hee [Page 1535] found great store of people already carelesse. He would take none of the Indians for not hindring himselfe, because it behooued him to giue them no leasure to gather themselues together: Hee passed through the Townes by night, and rested without the Townes three or fou [...]e houres. In The Port de Spiritu Santo ten daies iour­nie from Apa­lache. ten daies he came to the Port de Spirito Santo. Hee carried with him twenty Indian women, which he tooke in Yeara, and Potano, neere vnto Cale, and sent them to Donna Isabella, in the two Carauels, which he sent from the Port de Spirito Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footemen in the Brigandines, and coasting along the shoare, came to Apalache. And Calderan with the horsemen, and some crossebow-men on foote went by land; and in some places the Indians set vpon him, and wounded fome of his men. As soone as he came to Apalache, presently the Go­uernour sent sawed plankes and spikes to the Sea side, wherewith was made a Piragna or Barke, 10 wherein were embarked thirty men well armed, which went out of the Bay to the Sea, looking for the Brigandines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which passed along the harbour in their Canoes. Vpon Saturday, the twenty nine of Nouember, there came an Indian through the Watch vndiscouered, and set the Towne on fire, and with the great winde that blew, two parts of it were consumed in a short time. On Sunday the twenty eight of December came Iohn Danusco with the Brigandines. The Gouernor sent Francisco Maldonado, a Captain of footmen, with fiftie men to discouer the coast Westward, & to seeke some Port, because he had determined to goe by land, & discouer that part. That day there went out eight horsemen by commandement of the Gouernour into the field, two leagues about the Towne to seeke Indians: for they were now so emboldened, that within two crossebow shot of the campe, they came & slew men. They 20 found two men and a woman gathering French Beanes: the men, though they might haue fled, yet because they would not leaue the woman, which was one of their wiues, they resolued to die fighting: and before they were slaine, they wounded three horses, whereof one died within a few daies after. Calderan going with his men by the Sea-coast, from a wood that was neere the place, the Indians set vpon him, and made him forsake his way, and many of them that went with him for sooke some necessary victuals, which they carried with them. Three or foure dayes after the limited time giuen by the Gouernor to Maldonado for his going and comming, being already determined and resolued, if within eight dayes he did not come, to tarry no longer for him, hee came, and brought an Indian from a Prouince, which was called Ochus, sixty leagues Westward Ochus sixtie leagues West of Apalache. from Apalache; where he had found a good Port of good depth and defense against weather. And 30 because the Gouernor hoped to finde a good Countrie forward, he was very well contented. And he sent Maldonado for victuals to Hauana, with order, that hee would tarrie for him at the Port of Ochus, which he had discouered, for he would goe seeke it by land: and if he should chance to stay, and not come thither that summer, that then he should returne to Hauana, & should come againe the next summer after, and tarry for him at that Port: for he said he would doe none other thing but goe to seeke Ochus. Francisco Maldonado departed, and in his place for Captaine of the Chap. 11. footemen remained Iohn de Guzman. Of those Indians which were taken in Napetuca, the treasu­rer Iohn Gaytan had a yong man, which said, that he was not of that Countrie, but of another far off toward the Sunrising, and that it was long since he had trauelled to see Countries; and that his Countrie was called Yupaha, and that a woman did gouerne it: and that the Towne where shee 40 was resident was of a wonderfull bignesse, and that many Lords round about were tributaries to her: and some gaue her clothes, and others Gold in abundance: and he told, how it was taken out of the Mines, and was moulten & refined, as if he had seene it done, or the Diuell had taught Abundance of Cold. it him. So that all those which knew any thing concerning the same, said that it was impossible to giue so good a relation, without hauing seene it: And all of them, as if they had seene it, by the signes that he gaue, beleeued all that he said to be true.

On Wednesday the third of March, of the yeere 1540. the Gouernour departed from A­naica Apalache to seeke Yupaha. He commanded his men to goe prouided with Maiz for sixtie leagues of desert. The horsemen carried their Maiz on their horses, and the footemen at their sides: because the Indians that were for seruice, with their miserable life that they lead that win­ter, Death of In­dian slaues. A great Riuer. being naked and in chaines, died for the most part. Within foure dayes iourney they came 50 to a great Riuer: and they made a piragua or ferrie boate, and because of the great current, they made a cable with chaines, which they fastened on both sides of the Riuer; and the ferrie boate went along by it, and the horses swam ouer, being drawne with capstans. Hauing pas­sed the Riuer, in a day and a halfe they came to a Towne called Capachiqui. Vpon Friday, the e­leuenth of March, they found Indians in armes. The next day fiue Christians went to seeke Capach [...] morters, which the Indians haue to beate their Maiz, and they went to certaine houses on the backe-side of the Campe enuironed with a wood: and within the wood were many Indians which came to sp [...]e vs; of the which came other fiue and set vpon vs. One of the Christi­ans came running away, giuing an alarme vnto the Campe. Those which were most ready an­swered 60 the alarme. They found one Christian dead, and three sore wounded. The Indians fled vnto a lake adioyning neere a very thicke wood, where the horses could not enter. The Gouer­nour departed from Capachiqui, and passed through a desert. On Wednesday the twenty one of the moneth he came to a Towne called Toalli: And from thence forward there was a diffe­rence [Page 1536] in the houses. For those which were behinde vs were thatched with straw, and those of Toalli were couered with reedes, in manner of tiles. These houses are very clenly. Some of them Toalli. Their houses for winter and summer. had wals daubed with clay, which shewed like a mudwall. In all the cold Countries the Indians haue euery one a house for the winter daubed with clay within & without, and the doores is ve­ry little; they shut it by night, and make fire within, so that they are in it as warme as in a stoue: and so it continueth all night that they neede not cloathes: and besides these, they haue others for Summer; and their kitchins neere them, where they make fire and bake their bread; and they haue barbacoas wherein they keepe their Maiz; which is an house set vp in the aire vpon foure stakes, boorded about like a chamber, and the floore of it is of cane hurdles. The difference which Lords or principall mens houses haue from the rest, besides they be greater, is, that they haue 10 great galleries in their fronts, & vnder them seates made of canes in manner of benches: and round about them they haue many lotts, wherein they lay vp that which the Indians doe giue them for tribute, which is Maiz, Deeres skins, and mantles of the Countrie, which are like blankets: they A grasse like flaxe. make them of the inner rinde of the barkes of trees & some of a kinde of grasse like vnto nettles, which being beaten, is like vnto flaxe. The women couer themselues with these Mantles; they put one about them from the waste downeward; and another ouer their shoulder, with their right arme out, like vnto the Egyptians. The men weare but one Mantle vpon their shoulders after the same manner; and haue their secrets hid with a Deeres skin, made like a linnen breech, which was wont to be vsed in Spaine. The skins are well corried, and they giue them whatco­lour they list, so perfect, that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloath in graine, and the blacke is Excellent co­lours. 20 most fine: and of the same leather they make shooes; and they dye their Mantles in the same co­lours. The Gouernor departed from T [...]alli the foure and twentieth of March: he came on Thurs­day at euening to a small Riuer, where a bridge was made whereon the people passed, and Benit Fernandez a Portugall fell off from it, and was drowned. As soone as the Gouernour had passed A small Riuer. the Riuer, a little distance thence he found a Towne called Achese. The Indians had notice of the Achese. Christians; they leaped into a Riuer: some men and women were taken; among which was one that vnderstood the youth which guided the Gouernour to Yupaha: whereby that which he had reported was more confirmed. For they had passed through Countries of diuers languages, and some which he vnderstood not. The Gouernour sent by one of the Indians that were taken to call the Cacique, which was on the other side of the Riuer. He came. The Gouernour told him 30 that he was the Sonne of the Sunne, and came from those parts where hee dwelt, and trauelled through that Countrie, and sought the greatest Lord, and richest Prouince that was in it. The Ca­cique S [...]to preteuds to be the Son of the Sunne. told him, that farther forward dwelt a great Lord, and that his dominion was called Ocute. He gaue him a guide and an Interpreter for that Prouince. The Gouernour commanded his In­dians to be set free, and trauelled through his Countrie vp a Riuer very well inhabited. Hee de­parted A Riuer very well inhabited. Mannerof Spa­niards praying. from his Towne the first of Aprill; and left a very high crosse of Wood set vp in the mid­dest of the market place: and because the time gaue no more leasure, hee declared to him onely, that that crosse was a memoriall of the same, whereon Christ, which was God and man, and created the heauens and the earth, suffered for our saluation: therefore he exhorted them that they should reuerence it: and they made shew as though they would doe so. The fourth of A­prill 40 they passed by a Town called Altamaca, and the tenth of the moneth he came to Ocute. The Atamac [...] ▪ Ocute. Cacique sent him two thousand Indians with a present, to wit, many Conies, & Partridges, bread of Maiz, two Hens, and many Dogs: which among the Christians were esteemed as if they had Conies, Partri­ges, Hens, Dogges. beene fat Wethers, because of the great want of flesh meate and Salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great neede; and they were so scarse, that if a man fell sicke, there was no­thing to cherrish him withall; and with a sicknesse, that in another place easily might haue beene remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones were left: and they died of pure weakenesse, some of them saying, If I had a slice of meate, or a few cornes of Salt, I should not di [...]. And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when six hundred men that went with Soto, came to any Towne, and found thirty or forty Dogs, he that could get one and kill it, thought him­selfe 50 no small man: and he that killed it, and gaue not his Captaine one quarter, if he knew it, he frowned on him, and made him feele it, in the watches, or in any other matter of labour that was offered, wherein he might doe him a displeasure. On Monday, the twelth of Aprill, the Gouernour departed from Ocute: The Cacique gaue him two hundred Tamenes, to wit, Indians to carrie burdens: he passed through a Towne, the Lord whereof was named Cofaqui, and came to a Prouince of an Indian Lord, called Patofa. Cofaqui. Patofa.

This Countrie, from the first peaceable Cacique, vnto the Prouince of Patofa, which were fiftie leagues, is a fat Countrie, Beautifull, and very fruitfull, and very well watered, and full An excellent Countrie for fi [...]tie leagues. of good Riuers. And from thence to the Port de Spirito Santo, where we first arriued in the land of Florida (which may be 350. leagues, little more or lesse) is a barren land, and the most of it 60 groues of wilde Pine-trees, low and full of lakes, and in some places very high and thicke groues, Barren Coun­trie. whither the Indians that were in armes fled, so that no man could finde them, neither could any horses enter into them.

In the Towne of Patofa, the youth which the Gouernour carried with him for an Interpre­tour [Page 1537] and a guide, began to fome at the mouth, and tumble on the ground, as one possessed with the Diuell: They said a Gospell ouer him; and the fit left him. And he said, that foure daies iournie from thence toward the Sunne rising, was the Prouince that hee spake of. The Indians of Patofa said, that toward that part they knew no habitation; but that toward the Northwest, they knew a Prouince which was called Coço, a very plentifull Countrie, which had very great Townes in it. The Cacique told the Gouernour, that if he would goe thither, he would giue him guides and Indians for burdens; and if he would goe whither the youth spake of, that hee would likewise giue him those that he needed: and so with louing words and offers of courtesie, they tooke their leaues the one of the other. He gaue him seuen hundred Indians to beare burdens. He tooke Maiz for foure dayes iournie. He trauelled six daies by a path which grew narrow more and more, till it was lost altogether: He went where the youth did lead him, and passe two Riuers Two swift Riuers. 10 which were waded: each of them was two crossebowshot ouer: the water came to the stirrops, and had so great a current, that it was needefull for the horsemen to stand one before another, that the footemen might passe aboue them leaning vnto them. He came to another Riuer of a greater current and largenesse, which was passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim Another grea­ter Riuer. at the comming out about a lances length. Hauing passed this Riuer, the Gouernour came to a groue of Pinetrees, and threatned the youth, and made as though hee would haue cast him to the dogs, because he had told him a lye, saying, it was but foure daies iournie, and they had trauelled Nine dayes iourney, nine, euery day seuen or eight leagues, and the men by this time were growne wearie and weake, and the horses leane through the great scanting of the Maiz. The youth said, that he knew not where he was. It saued him that hee was not cast to the dogs, that there was neuer another 20 whom Iohn Ortiz did vnderstand. The Gouernour with them two, and with some horsemen and footemen, leauing the Campe in a groue of Pinetrees, trauelled that day fiue or six leagues to seeke a way, and returned at night very comfortlesse, and without finding any signe of way or towne. The next day, the Gouernour sent other foure with as many horsemen that could swim, to passe the Ose and Riuers which they should finde, and they had choise horses the best that were in the Campe. The Captaines were Baltasar de Galleg [...]s, which went vp the Riuer; and Iohn Danusco, downe the Riuer: Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo went into the inward parts of the land. The Gouernour brought with him into Florida thirteene Sowes, The great in­crease of swin [...] and had by this time three hundred Swine: Hee commanded euery man should haue halfe a 30 pound of Hogs flesh euery day: and this he did three or foure dayes after the Maiz was spent. With this small quantitie of flesh, and some sodden hearbes, with much trouble the people were sustained. Iohn Danusco came on Sunday late in the euening, and brought newes that hee had found a little Towne twelue or thirteene leagues from thence: he brought a Woman and a Boy that he had tooke there. With his comming and with those newes, the Gouernour and all the rest were so glad, that they seemed at that instant to haue returned from death to life. Vpon Monday, the twenty six of Aprill, the Gouernour departed to goe to the Towne, which was called Aymay; and the Christians named it the Towne of Reliefe. He left where the Campe had lien at the foote of a Pinetree a letter buried, and letters carued in the barke of the Pine, the Aymay. contents whereof was this: Digge here at the foot of this Pine, and you shall finde a letter. And 40 this he did, because when the Captaines came, which were sent to seeke some habitation, they might see the letter, and know what was become of the Gouernour, and which way hee was gone. There was no other way to the Towne, but the markes that Io [...]n Danusco left made vp­on the trees. The Gouernour with some of them that had the best horses came to it on the Mon­day: And all the rest inforcing themselues the best they could, some of them lodged within two leagues of the Towne, some within three and foure, euery one as he was able to goe, and his strength serued him. There was found in the Towne a storehouse full of the flowre of parched Maiz; and some Maiz, which was distributed by allowance. Here were foure Indians taken, and none of them would confesse any other thing, but that they knew of none other habitation. The Gouernor commanded one of them to be burned; and presently another confessed, that two daies An Indian b [...] ­ned for his falsehood, iournie from thence, there was a Prouince that was called Cutifa-Chiqui. Vpon Wednesday came 50 the Captaines Baltasar de Gallegos, Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo: for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the Gouernour had taken toward the towne. As soone as they came, he departed toward Cutifa-Chiqui. In the way three Indians were taken, which said, that the Lady of that Countrie had notice already of the Christians, and staied for them in a Towne of hers.

Within a little while the Lady came out of the Towne in a Chaire, whereon certaine of the principall Indians brought her to the Riuer. She entred into a Barge which had the Sterne tilted ouer, and on the floore her mat ready laied with two custions vpon it one vpon another, where she sat her downe; and with her came her principall Indians in other Barges, which did wait vp­on 60 her. She went to the place where the Gouernour was. She presented vnto him great store of cloathes of the Countrie, which she brought in other Canoes; to wit, Mantles and Skins; and A great cor­don of Pea [...] tooke from her owne necke a great cordon of Pearles, and cast it about the necke of the Gouer­nour, entertaining him with very gracious speeches and courtesie, and commanded Canoes to [Page 1528] be brought thither, wherein the Gouernor & his people passed the Riuer. As soon as he was lodged in the Town, she sent him another present of many Hens. This Countrie was very pleasant, fat, They passe the Riuer. and hath goodly Medows by the Riuers. Their woods are thin, & full of Walnut trees & Mulber­ry trees. They said the Sea was two daies iourny from thence. Within a league & halfe about this Walnut trees. Mulbery trees for silke. The Sea two dayes iournie off. Mantles of the barkes of trees. Mantles of Feathers. Pearles found in graues. Towne were great Townes dispeopled, and ouergrown with grasse; which shewed, that they had been long without inhabitants. The Indians said, that two yeers before there was a Plague in that Countrie, and that they remoued to other Townes. There was in their store-houses great quanti­ty of Clothes, Mantles of yarne made of the barkes of trees, and others made of Feathers, white, greene, red, and yellow, very fine after their vse, and profitable for winter. There were also many Deeres skins, with many compartiments traced in them, and some of them made into hose, 10 stockings, and shooes. And the Lady perceiuing that the Christians esteemed the Pearles, adui­sed the Gouernour to send to search certaine graues that were in that Towne, and that he should finde many: and that if he would send to the dispeopled Townes, he might loade all his Horses. They sought the graues of that Towne, and there found foureteene rooues of Pearles, and little Babies and Birds made of them. The people were browne, well made, and well proportioned, Three hundred nintie two pounds of Pearles found. and more ciuill then any others that were seene in all the Countrie of Florida, and all of them went shod and cloathed. The youth told the Gouernour, that he began now to enter into the land which he spake of: and some credit was giuen him that it was so, because hee vnderstood the language of the Indians: and he requested that he might be Christened, for he said he desired to become a Christian: He was Christened, and named Peter; and the Gouernour commanded 20 him to be loosed from a chaine, in which vntill that time he had gone. This Countrie, as the Indians reported, had beene much inhabited, and had the fame of a good Countrie. And as it see­meth, This Towne was but two daies iournie from the ha­uen of Santa Helena. In the yeere 1525. It is in 32. deg. and a halfe. the youth which was the Gouernours guide, had heard of it, and that which hee knew by heresay, he affirmed that he had seene, and augmented at his pleasure. In this Towne was found a Dagger and Beades, that had belonged to Christians. The Indians reported, that Christi­ans had beene in the hauen, which was two dayes iournie from this Towne, many yeeres agoe. He that came thither was the Gouernour, the Licenciate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, which went to conquer this Countrie, and at his comming to the Port hee died; and there was a diuision, quarrels and slaughters betweene some principall men which went with him, for the principall gouernment: And without knowing any thing of the Countrie, they returned home to His­paniola. 30 All the Company thought it good to inhabit that Countrie, because it was in a tempe­rate climate: And that if it were inhabited, all the Ships of New Spaine, of Peru, Santa Mar­tha, and Tierra firme, in their returne for Spaine, might well touch there: because it was in their way; and because it was a good Countrie, and sited fit to raise commoditie. The Gouernour, since his intent was to seeke another treasure, like that of Atabalipa Lord of Peru, was not conten­ted with a good Countrie, nor with Pearles, though many of them were worth their weight in Gold. And if the Countrie had beene diuided among the Christians, those which the In­dians had fished for afterward, would haue beene of more value: for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did leese their colour. The Gouernour answered them, that vrged him to inhabit, That in all the Countrie, there were not victuals to sustaine his men 40 one moneth; and that it was needefull to resort to the Port of Ocus, where Maldanado was to stay for them: and that if no richer Countrie were found, they might returne againe to that Chiaha twelue daies iournie from Santa He­lena: and Coste seuen daies iournie from Chiaha: at which towne of Coste, they had an Oxe hide. Chap. 16. whensoeuer they would; and in the meane time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians, whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land. They told him, that twelue daies iourney from thence, there was a Prouince called Chiaha, subiect to the Lord of Coça. Presently the Gouernour determined to seeke that land. And being a sterne man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet after he had deliuered his owne, hee would not be contraried, and al­wayes did what liked himselfe, and so all men did condescend vnto his will. 50

§. II.

SOTOS further Discoueries in Florida and manifold various Aduen­tures till hee came to Tulla.

THe Gouernour departed from Cutifa Chiqui the third day of May. And because the In­dians had reuolted, and the will of the Ladie was perceiued, that if shee could, shee would depart without giuing any Guides or men for burdens, for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians: (for there neuer want some among many of a base 60 sort, that for a little gaine doe put themselues and others in danger of vndoing.) The Gouernour Baggage of the Campe. commanded her to be kept in safegard, and carried with him, not with so good vsage as shee de­serued for the good will she shewed. And he carried her on foot with his bond-women to looke vnto her. In all the Townes where the Gouernour passed, the Lady commanded the Indians to [Page 1539] come and carrie the burdens from one Towne to another. Wee passed through her Countrie an hundred leagues, in which, as wee saw, shee was much obeyed. For the Indians did all that shee commanded them with great efficacie and diligence. In seuen dayes space the Gouernour came Chalaque seuen dayes iournie from Cutifa-chiqui. to a Prouince called Chalaque, the poorest Countrie of Maiz that was seene in Florida. The In­dians fed vpon Roots and Herbes which they seeke in the fields, and vpon wilde beasts, which they kill with their Bowes and Arrowes: and it is a very gentle people. All of them goe naked, and are very leane. There was a Lord, which for a great Present, brought the Gouernour two Deeres skinnes: and there were in that Countrie many wilde Hens. In one Towne they made him a Present of seuen hundred Hens, and so in other Townes they sent him those which they 700. Hens. had or could get. From this Prouince to another, which is called Xualla, hee spent fiue dayes: 10 here he found very little Maiz; and for this cause, though the people were wearied, and the horses very weake, hee stayed no more but two dayes. From Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui may bee Xualla fiue dayes off. some hundred and thirtie leagues, whereof eightie are Wildernesse. From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, two hundred and fiftie, and it is an Hilly Countrie. The Gouernour departed from Xualla to­ward Guaxule: he passed very rough and high hils. In that iourney, the Lady of Cutifa-chiqui (whom the Gouernour carried with him, as is aforesaid, with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule, because her Territorie reached thither) going on a day with the bond-women which lead her, Rough and high hils. went out of the way, and entred into a Wood, saying, shee went to ease her selfe, and so shee de­ceiued them, and hid her selfe in the Wood; and though they sought her they could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made of Canes in manner of a Coffer, which they call 20 Petaca, full of vnbored Pearles. Some which could iudge of them, said, that they were of great value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them. The Gouernour not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, making account that in Guaxule he would aske them of her, when he giue her leaue to returne: which Coffer shee carried away, and went to Xualla with three slaues which fled from the Campe, and one Horseman which remained behind, who falling sicke of an Ague went out of the way, and was lost. This man, whose name was Alimamos, dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose, and returne with him to the Christians: which two of them did; and Alimamos and they ouertooke the Gouernour fiftie leagues from thence in a Prouince called Chiaha; and reported how the Lady remayned in Xualla with a slaue of Andrew de Vasconcellos which would not come backe with them, and that of a certaintie they liued as 30 man and wife together, and meant to goe both to Cutifa-chiqui. Within fiue dayes the Gouer­nour came to Guaxule. The Indians there gaue him a Present of three hundred Dogges, because Guaxule fiue dayes off. they saw the Christians esteeme them, and sought them to feed on them: for among them they are not eaten. In Guaxule, and all that way, was very little Maiz. The Gouernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of Chiaha, to desire him to gather some Maiz thither, that he might rest a few dayes in Chiaha. The Gouernour departed from Guaxule, and Canasagua two dayes iourney off. Great store of Mulberie trees to make silke. in two dayes iourney came to a Towne called Canasagua. There met him on the way twentie Indians euery one loaden with a basket full of Mulberies: for there be many, and those very good, from Cutifa-chiqui thither, and so forward in other Prouinces, and also Nuts and Plums. And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them, and are as bigge and as ranke, as 40 though they grew in Gardens digged and watered. From the time that the Gouernour depar­ted from Canasagua, he iournied fiue dayes through a Desert; and two leagues before he came to Chiaha, there met him fifteene Indians loaden with Maiz, which the Cacique had sent; and they told him on his behalfe, that he waited his comming with twentie Barnes full of it; and farther, that himselfe, his Countrie, and subiects, and all things else were at his seruice. On the fift day of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Chiaha: The Cacique voided his owne houses, in which hee lodged, and receiued him with much ioy.

There was in this Towne much Butter in Gourds melted like Oyle: they said it was the fat of Beares. There was found also great store of Oyle of Walnuts, which was cleere as Butter, The fat of Beares. Oyle of Wal­nuts. Hony of Bees, Chiaha seated in an Iland. and of a good taste, and a pot full of Honie of Bees, which neither before nor afterward was seene in all the Countrie. The Towne was in an Iland betweene two armes of a Riuer, and was 50 seated nigh one of them. The Riuer diuideth it selfe into those two branches two Crosse-bow shot aboue the Towne, and meeteth againe a league beneath the same. The plaine betweene both the branches is sometimes one Crosse-bow shot, sometimes two Crosse-bow shot ouer. The branches are very broad, and both of them may be waded ouer. There were all along them very good Medowes, and many fields sowne with Maiz. And because the Indians stayed in their Towne, the Gouernour only lodged in the houses of the Cacique, and his people in the fields; where there was euer a tree, euery one tooke one for himselfe. Thus the Campe lay separated one from another, and out of order. The Gouernour winked at it, because the Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the people should haue suffered great extremitie, if it had 60 not beene so. The horses came thither so weake, that for feeblenesse, they were not able to carry their Masters: because that from Cutifa-chiqui, they alwayes trauelled with very little Prouen­der, and were hunger-starued and tired euer since they came from the Desert of Ocute. And be­cause The Desert of Ocute, chap. 8. the most of them were not in case to vse in battell, though need should require, they sent [Page 1540] them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Campe. The Christians were there in great danger, because that if at this time the Indians had set vpon them, they had beene in euill Thirtie dayes rest. case to haue defended themselues. The Gouernour rested there thirtie dayes, in which time, be­cause the Countrie was very fruitfull, the horses grew fat. A Cacique of a Prouince called Coste, came to this Towne to visit the Gouernour. After he had offered himselfe, and passed with him some words of tendring his seruice and courtesie; the Gouernor asking him whether he had no­tice of any rich Countrie? he said, yea: to wit, that toward the North, there was a Prouince na­med Chisca: and that there was a melting of Copper, and of another metal of the same colour, saue that it was finer, and of a far more perfect colour, and far better to the sight; and that they vsed it not so much, because it was softer. And the selfe same thing was told the Gouernour in Cutifa-chiqui; Mines of Cop­per and Gold in Chisca to­ward the North. Hatchets of Copper hol­ding Gold. Chisca is direct­ly North from Cutif [...]-chiqui, which is with in two daies of Santa Helena. Two Christians sent from Chia­ha to seeke Chisca. Coste seuen dayes from Chiaha, chap. 14. 10 where we saw some little Hatchets of Copper, which were said to haue a mixture of Gold. But in that part the Countrie was not wel peopled, and they said there were Mountaines, which the horses could not passe: and for that cause, the Gouernour would not goe from Cutifa-chiqui directly thither: And he made account, that trauelling through a peopled Countrie, when his men and horses should bee in better plight, and hee were better certified of the truth of the thing, he would returne toward it, by Mountaines, and a better inhabited Countrie, whereby he might haue better passage. He sent two Christians from Chiaha, with certain Indians which knew the Countrie of Chisca, and the language thereof to view it, and to make report of that which they should find; where he told them that he would tarrie for them.

In seuen dayes he came to Coste. The second of Iuly he commanded his Campe to be pitched 20 two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne: and with eight men of his guard he went where hee found the Cacique, which to his thinking receiued him with great loue. As he was talking with him, there went from the Campe certaine Footmen to the Towne to seeke some Maiz, and not contented with it, they ransacked and searched the houses, and took what they found. With this despite the Indians began to rise and to take their armes: and some of them with cudgels in their hands, ranne vpon fiue or sixe Christians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure. The Gouernour seeing them all in an vprore, and himselfe among them with so few Christians, to escape their hands vsed a stratagem, farre against his owne disposition, being, as he was, very franke and open: and thought it grieued him very much that any Indian should bee so bold, as with reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he tooke vp a cudgell, and tooke A wise Stra­tagem. 30 their parts against his owne men; which was a meanes to quiet them: And presently hee sent word by a man very secretly to the Campe, that some armed men should come toward the place where he was; and he tooke the Cacique by the hand, vsing very milde words vnto him, and with some principall Indians that did accompany him, he drew them out of the Towne into a plaine way, and vnto the sight of the Campe, whither by little and little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them. Thus the Gouernour led the Cacique, and his chiefe men vntill he entred with them into the Campe: and neere vnto his Tent, hee commanded them to be put in safe custodie: and told them, that they should not depart with­out giuing him a guide and Indians for burthens, and till certaine sicke Christians were come, which he had commanded to come down the Riuer in Canoes from Chiaha; and those also which 40 he had sent to the Prouince of Chisca: (for they were not returned; and he feared that the Indians had flaine the one, and the other.) Within three dayes after, those which were sent to Chisca re­turned, Those which were sent to seeke Chisca re­turne. High Moun­taines. A little poore Towne. An Oxe Hide with haire like wooll. cap. 215. saith so. Tali, one day from Coste. Many Townes of Coça. Coça. Iuly 26. Marterns. and made report, that the Indians had carried them through a Countrie so poore of Maiz, and so rough, and ouer so high Mountaynes, that it was impossible for the Armie to trauell that way; and that seeing the way grew very long, and that they lingred much, they consulted to returne from a little poore Towne, where they saw nothing that was of any profit, and brought an Oxe hide, which the Indians gaue them, as thin as a calues skin, and the haire like a soft wool, betweene the course and fine wooll of sheepe. The Cacique gaue a guide, and men for burdens, and departed with the Gouernours leaue. The Gouernour departed from Coste the ninth of Iu­ly, and lodged at a Towne called Tali. 50

The Cacique commanded prouision necessary for two dayes, while the Gouernour was there, to be brought thither: and at the time of his departure, he gaue him foure women and two men, which he had need of to beare burthens. The Gouernour trauelled sixe dayes through many Townes subiect to the Cacique of Coça: and as he entred into his Countrie many Indians came vnto him euery day from the Cacique, and met him on the way with messages, one going, and another comming. He came to Coça vpon Friday, the sixe and twentieth of Iuly. The Caci­que came forth to receiue him, two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne in a chaire, which his prin­cipall men carried on their shoulders, sitting vpon a cushion, and couered with a garment of Mar­terns, of the fashion and bignesse of a womans Huke: hee had on his head a Diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing vpon Flutes, and singing. 60

There was in the Barnes, and in the fields great store of Maiz and French Beanes: The Coun­trie Many great Townes. Many Plum- [...]ees of diuers sorts. was greatly inhabited with many great Townes, and many sowne fields, which reached from the one to the other. It was pleasant, fat, full of good Meadowes vpon Riuers. There were in the fields many Plum-trees, as well of such as grow in Spaine, as of the Countrie: and [Page 1541] wild tall Vines, that runne vp the trees; and besides these, there were other low Vines with bigge and sweet Grapes; but [...]or want of digging and dressing, they had great kernels in them. Two sorts of Grapes. Note. The Gouernour vsed to set a guard ouer the Caciques, because they should not absent themselues, and carried them with him, till he came out of their Countries: because that carrying them a­long with him, he looked to find people in the Townes, and they gaue him guides, and men to carrie burdens: and before hee went out of their Countries, hee gaue them license to returne to their houses, and to their Porters likewise, assoone as hee came to any other Lordshippe, where they gaue him others. The men of Coça seeing their Lord detained, tooke it in euill part, and reuolted, and hid themselues in the Woods, aswell those of the Towne of the Cacique, as those of the other Townes of his principall subiects. The Gouernour sent out foure Captaines, euery 10 one his way to seeke them. They tooke many men and women, which were put into chaines: They seeing the hurt which they receiued, and how little they gained in absenting themselues, came againe, promising to doe whatsoeuer they were commanded.

The Gouernor rested in Coça fiue and twentie dayes. He departed from thence the twentieth 20. of August. of August to seeke a Prouince called Tascaluca: he carried with him the Cacique of Coça. Hee passed that day by a great Towne called Tallimuchase, the people were fled: hee lodged halfe a Tallimuchase, a great Towne. Ytaua. A great Riuer. Vllibahali. league farther neere a Brooke. The next day he came to a Towne called Ytaua, subiect to Coça. He stayed there sixe dayes because of a Riuer that passed by it, which at that time was very high; and assoone as the Riuer suffered him to passe, he set forward, and lodged at a Towne named Vl­libahali. There came to him on the way, on the Caciques behalfe of that Prouince, ten or twelue 20 principall [...]ndians to offer him his seruice; all of them had their plumes of feathers, and Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour comming to the Towne with twelue Horsemen, and some Foot­men of his Guard, leauing his people a Crosse-bow shot from the Towne, entred into it, hee found all the Indians with their weapons: and as farre as he could ghesse, they seemed to haue some euill meaning. It was knowne afterward, that they were determined to take the Cacique of Coça from the Gouernour, if he had requested it. The Gouernour commanded all his people Vllibahali w [...]l­led about. The fashion of their wals. to enter the Towne, which was walled about, and neere vnto it passed a small Riuer. The wall, aswell of that, as of others, which afterward wee saw, was of great posts thrust deepe into the ground and very rough, and many long railes as bigge as ones armes laid acrosse betweene them, and the wall was about the height of a Lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, 30 and had loope-holes. On the otherside of the Riuer was a Towne, where at that present the Ca­cique was. The Gouernour sent to call him, and he came presently. After he had passed with the Gouernour some words of offering his seruices, he gaue him such men for his carriages as he nee­ded, and thirtie women for slaues. In that place was a Christian lost, called Mançano, borne in Salamanca, of noble Parentage, which went astray to seeke for Grapes, whereof there is great store, and those very good. Great store of good Grapes.

The day that the Gouernour departed from thence, he lodged at a Towne subiect to the Lord of Vllibahali: and the next day hee came to another Towne called Toasi. The Indians gaue the Toasi. Gouernour thirtie women, and such men for his carriages as hee needed. He trauelled ordinarily fiue or sixe leagues a day when he trauelled through peopled Countries: and going through De­serts, Hee trauelled o [...] a [...] [...] or [...] leagues a day. Tallise a great Towne. Septem. 18. A maine riuer▪ 40 he marched as fast as he could, to es [...]hew the want of Maiz. From Toasi, passing through some Townes subiect to a Cacique, which was Lord of a Prouince called Tallise, he trauelled fiue dayes: He came to Tallise the eighteenth of September: The Towne was great, and situated neere vnto a maine Riuer. On the other side of the Riuer were other Townes, and many fields sowne with Maiz. On both sides it was a very plentifull Countrie, and had store of Maiz: they had voided the Towne. The Gouernour commanded to call the Cacique; who came, and be­tweene them passed some words of loue and offer of his seruices, and he presented vnto him for­tie Indians. There came to the Gouernour in this Towne a principall Indian in the behalfe of the Cacique of Tascaluca.

After hee had rested there twenty dayes, hee departed thence toward Tascaluca. That day when he went from Talisse, he lodged at a great Towne called Casiste. And the next day passed Casiste a great Towne. Tascaluca. 50 by another, and came to a small Towne of Tascaluca; and the next day hee camped in a Wood two leagues from the Towne where the Cacique resided, and was at that time. And he sent the Master of the Campe, Luys de Moscoso, with fifteene Horsemen, to let him knowe how he was comming. The Cacique was in his Lodgings vnder a Canopie: and without doores, right against his Lodgings, in an high place, they spread a Mat for him, and two Cushions one vpon another, where he sate him downe, and his Indians placed themselues round about him, somewhat distant from him, so that they made a place, and a voide roome where hee sate: and his chiefest men were neerest to him, and one with a shadow of Deeres skinne, which kept the Sunne from him, being round, and of the bignesse of a Target, quartered with blacke and white, hauing a rundell 60 in the middest: afarre off it seemed to be of Taffata, because the colours were very perfect. It was set on a small staffe stretched wide out. This was the deuice which he carried in his warres. He was a man of a very tall stature, of great limmes, and spare and well proportioned, and was much feared of his neighbours and subiects. Hee was Lord of many Territories and much people: [Page 1542] In his countenance he was graue. After the Master of the Campe had spoken with him, he and those that went with him coursed their Horses, pransing them to and fro, and now and then to­ward the place where the Cacique was, who with much grauitie and dissimulation now and then lifted vp his eyes, and beheld them as it were with disdaine. At the Gouernours comming, hee made no offer at all to rise. The Gouernour tooke him by the hand, and both of them sate down together on a seate which was vnder the Cloth of Estate.

When he departed from thence, he determined to carrie him along with him for some causes, and at two dayes iourney he came to a Towne called Piache, by which there passed a great Riuer. Piache. A great Riuer. The Gouernour demanded Canoas of the Indians: they said, they had them not, but that they would make Rafts of canes and drie timber, on which hee might passe well enough: And they made them with all diligence and speed, and they gouerned them; and because the water went 10 very slowe, the Gouernour and his people passed very well.

From the Port de Spirito Santo to Apalache, which is about an hundred leagues, the Gouer­nour, The course of Soros trauels, whereby it ap­peareth that hee iourneved not farre from Uirginia. went from East to West: and from Apalache to Cutifa-chiqui, which are foure hundred and thirtie leagues, from the South-west to the North-east: and from Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, which are about two hundred and fiftie leagues, from the South to the North: and from Xualla to Tascaluca, which are two hundred and fiftie leagues more, an hundred and ninety of them he trauelled from East to West, to wit, to the Prouince of Coça: and the other sixtie from Coça to Tascaluca, from the North to the South.

Hauing passed the Riuer of Piache, a Christian went from his companie from thence to seeke a woman-slaue that was runne away from him, and the Indians either tooke him captiue, or slue 20 him. The Gouernour vrged the Cacique that he should giue account of him, and threatned him, that if he were not found, he would neuer let him loose. The Cacique sent an Indian from thence to Mauilla, whither they were trauelling, which was a Towne of a principall Indian and his subiect, saying, that he sent him to aduise them to make ready victuals, and men for carriages. But (as afterward appeared) he sent him to assemble all the men of warre thither, that hee had in his Countrie. The Gouernour trauelled three dayes; and the third day he passed all day tho­row a peopled Countrie: and he came to Mauilla vpon Monday the eighteenth of October. He went before the Campe with fifteene Horsemen, and thirtie Footmen. And from the Town Mauilla. 18. of October. came a Christian, whom he had sent to the principall man, three or foure dayes before, because 30 he should not absent himselfe, and also to learne in what sort the Indians were: who told him, that he thought they were in an euill purpose: for while he was there, there came many people into the Towne, and many weapons, and that they made great haste to fortifie the wall. Luys Mauilla walled de Moscoso told the Gouernour, that it would bee good to lodge in the field, seeing the Indians were of such disposition: and he answered, that he would lodge in the Towne, for he was wea­ry of lodging in the field. When he came neere vnto the Towne, the Cacique came forth to re­ceiue him with many Indians playing vpon Flutes and singing: and after hee had offered him­selfe, he presented him with three mantles of Marterns. The Gouernour, with both the Caciques, Three mantles of Marterns. and seuen or eight men of his guard, and three or foure Horsemen, which alighted to accompanie him, entred into the Towne, and sate him downe vnder a Cloth of Estate. The Cacique of Ta­scaluca 40 requested him, that he would let him remaine in that Towne, and trouble him no more with trauelling: and seeing he would not giue him leaue, in his talke hee changed his purpose, and dissemblingly fained that hee would speake with some principall Indians, and rose vp from the place where he sate with the Gouernour, and entred into a house, where many Indians were with their Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour when he saw he returned not, called him, and he answered, that he would not come out from thence, neither would hee goe any further then that Towne, and that if he would goe his way in peace, hee should presently depart, and should not seeke to carrie him perforce out of his Countrie and Territorie.

Baltasar de Gallegos, which stood by, tooke hold of a Gowne of Marterns which hee had on; A gowne of Marterns. and he cast it ouer his head, and left it in his hands: and because all of them immediatly began 50 to stirre, Baltasar de Gallegos gaue him such a wound with his Coutilas, that hee opened him downe the backe, and presently all the Indians with a great crie came out of the houses shooting their Arrowes. The Gouernour considering, that if he taried there, he could not escape, and if he commanded his men to come in, which were without the Towne, the Indians within the houses might kill their Horses, and doe much hurt, ranne out of the Towne, and before he came out, he fell twice or thrice, and those that were with him did helpe him vp againe; and hee and those that were with him were sore wounded: and in a moment there were fiue Christians slaine in the Towne. The Gouernour came running out of the Towne, crying out, that euery man should stand further off, because from the wall they did them much hurt. The Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and some of them, or the most part, more then an ordinarie pace, shot 60 with great boldnesse at them, and strooke downe such as they could ouertake. The Indians which the Christians did leade with them in chaines, had laid down their burthens neere vnto the wall: and a [...]oone as the Gouernour and his men were retired, the men of Mauilla laid them on the Indians backes againe, and tooke them into the Towne, and loosed them presently from their [Page 1543] chaines, and gaue them Bowes and Arrowes to fight withall. Thus they possessed themselues of all the Clothes and Pearles, and all that the Christians had, which their slaues carried. And All the clothes and Pearles of the Christians were lost. because the Indians had beene alwaies peaceable vntill wee came to this place, some of our men had their weapons in their fardels and remained vnarmed. And from others that had entred the Towne with the Gouernour they had taken Swords and Holbards, and fought with them. When the Gouernour was gotten into the field, he called for an Horse, and with some that ac­companied him, he returned and slue two or three Indians: All the rest retired themselues to the Towne, and shot with their Bowes from the wall. And those which presumed of their nimble­nesse, sallied forth to fight a stones cast from the wall: And when the Christians charged them, they retired themselues at their leasure into the Towne. At the time that the broyle beganne, there 10 were in the Towne a Fi [...]er, and a Priest, and a seruant of the Gouernour, with a woman­slaue: and they had no time to come out of the Towne: and they tooke an house, and so re­mained in the Towne. The Indians become Masters of the place, they shut the doore with a field gate: and among them was one Sword which the Gouernours seruant had, and with it he s [...]t himselfe behind the doore, thrusting at the Indians which sought to come into them: and the Frier and the Priest stood on the other side, each of them with a barre in their hands to beate him downe that first came in. The Indians seeing they could not get in by the doore, beganne to vncouer the house top. By this time, all the Horsemen and Footmen which were behind, were come to Mauilla.

As soone as the battell and the rereward were come to Mauilla, the Gouernor commanded all A consultation of the Indians to send away their Cacique. 20 those that were best armed to alight, and made foure squadrons of Footmen. The Indians seeing how he was setting his men in order concluded with the Cacique that hee should goe his way, saying vnto him, as after it was knowne by certaine women that were taken there, that he was but one man, and could fight but for one man, and that they had there among them many prin­cipall Indians, very valiant and expert in feates of Armes, that any one of them was able to order the people there. The Gouernour was informed how there went men out of the Towne, and he commanded the Horsemen to beset it, and sent in euery squadron of Footmen one Souldier with a fire-brand to set fire on the houses, that the Indians might haue no defense: all his men being set in order, he commanded an Harquebuse to be shot off. The signe being giuen, the foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe with great fury, gaue the onset, and with great hurt on both 30 sides they entred the Towne. The Frier and the Priest, and those that were with them in the house were saued, which cost the liues of two men of account, and valiant, which came thither to succour them. The Indians fought with such courage, that many times they draue our men out of the Towne. The fight lasted so long, that for wearinesse and great thirst many of the Christians went to a Poole that was neere the wall, to drinke, which was all stained with the bloud of the dead, and then came againe to fight. The Gouernour seeing this, entred among the Footmen into the Towne on horsebake, with certaine that accompanied him, and was a meane that the Christians came to set fire on the houses, and brake and ouercame the Indians, who run­ning out of the Towne from the Footmen, the Horsemen without draue in at the gates againe, where being without all hope of life, they fought valiantly, and after the Christians came among 40 them to handy blowes, seeing themselues in great distresse without any succour, many of them fled into the burning houses, where one vpon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. The whole number of the Indians that died in this Towne, were two thousand and fiue hundred, The death of 2500. Indians. little more or lesse. Of the Christians there died eighteene; of which one was Don Carlos, bro­ther in law to the Gouernour, and a Nephew of his, and one Iohn de Gamez, and Men Rodriguez Portugals, and Iohn Vazquez de Villanoua de Barca Rota, all men of honour, and of much valour: the rest were Footmen. Besides those that were slaine, there were an hundred and fiftie woun­ded with seuen hundred wounds of their Arrowes: and it pleased God that of very dangerous wounds they were quickly healed. Moreouer, there were twelue Horses slaine, and seuenty hurt. All the Clothes which the Christians carried with them to clothe themselues withall, and the 50 ornaments to say Masse, and the Pearles, were all burnt there: and the Christians did set them on fire themselues; because they held for a greater inconuenience, the hurt which the Indians might doe them from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods together, then the losse of them. Here the Gouernour vnderstood, that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it was sixe dayes iourney from thence; and he dealt with Iohn Ortiz to keepe The Port of Ochuse 6. dayes iourney from Mauilla. it secret, because hee had not accomplished that which hee determined to doe; and because the Pearles were burnt there, which he meant to haue sent to Cuba for a shew, that the people hea­ring the newes, might be desirous to come to that Countrie.

From the time that the Gouernour entred into Florida, vntill his departure from Mauilla, there died an hundred and two Christians, some of sicknesse, and others which the Indians slue. 60 He stayed in Mauilla, because of the wounded men, eight and twentie dayes; all which time he lay in the field. It was a well inhabited and a fat Countrie, there were some great and walled Great and walled Towns. 18 o [...] Nouem­ber. Townes: and many houses scattered all about the fields, to wit, a Cros-bow shot or two, the one from the other. Vpon Sunday, the eighteenth of Nouember, when the hurt men were [Page 1544] knowne to be healed, the Gouernour departed from Mauilla. Euery one furnished himselfe with Maiz for two dayes, and they trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart: they came to a Prouince called Pafallaya, vnto a Towne, named Taliepataua: and from thence they went to another, cal­led Taliepataua. Cabusto. A great Riuer. Cabusto: neere vnto it ranne a great Riuer. The Indians on the other side cried out, threat­ning the Christians to kill them, if they sought to passe it. The Gouernour commanded his men to make a Barge within the Towne, because the Indians should not perceiue it: it was finished in foure dayes, and being ended, hee commanded it to bee carried one night vpon sleds halfe a league vp the Riuer. In the morning there entred into it thirtie men well armed. The Indians perceiued what was attempted, and those which were neerest, came to defend the passage. They resisted what they could, till the Christians came neere them; and seeing that the Barge came Canauarales. 10 to the shoare, they fled away into the Groues of Canes. The Christians mounted on Horsebacke, and went vp the Riuer to make good the passage, whereby the Gouernour and his companie passed the Riuer. There were along the Riuer some Townes well stored with Maiz, and French Some Towns. Be [...]nes. From thence to Chicaça the Gouernour trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart. He came to a Riuer, where on the other side were Indians, to defend the passage. He made another Barge A Riuer. in two dayes; and when it was finished, the Gouernour sent an Indian to request the Cacique to accept of his friendship, and peaceably to expect his comming: whom the Indians that were on the other side the Riuer slue before his face, and presently making a great shout went their way. Hauing passed the Riuer, the next day, being the seuenteenth of December, the Gouer­nour December 17. Chicaça. came to Chicaça, a small Towne of twentie houses. And after they were come to Chicaça, 20 they were much troubled with cold, because it was now Winter, and it snowed, while most of them were lodged in the field, before they had time to make themselues houses. This Countrie Snowe and much cold. was very well peopled, and the houses scattered like those of Mauilla, fat and plentifull of Maiz, and the most part of it was fielding: they gathered as much as sufficed to passe the Winter. Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the Cacique esteemed greatly. The Gouer­nour sent an Indian to signifie to the Cacique, that hee desired to see him and to haue his friend­ship. The Cacique came vnto him, to offer him his person, Countrie and Subiects, and told him, that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace; who within few dayes after came with him, and with their Indians: The one was called Alimamu, the other Nicala. They Conies. gaue a present vnto the Gouernour of an hundred and fiftie Conies, and of the Countrie gar­ments, 30 to wit, of Mantles of skinnes. The Cacique of Chicaça came to visite him many times; and sometimes the Gouernour sent to call him, and sent him an Horse to goe and come. He com­plained vnto him, that a Subiect of his was risen against him, and depriued him of tribute, re­questing his aide against him, for he meant to seeke him in his Countrie, and to punish him ac­cording to his desert. Which was nothing else but a fained plot. For they determined, as soone An Indian stra­tagem. as the Gouernour was gone with him, and the Campe was diuided into two parts, the one part of them to set vpon the Gouernour, and the other vpon them that remained in Chicaça. Hee went to the Towne where he vsed to keepe his residence, and brought with him two hundred Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour tooke thirtie Horsemen, and eightie Footmen, and they went to Saquec [...]uma (for so was the Prouince called of that Chiefe man, Saquechuma. 40 which he said had rebelled.) They found a walled Towne, without any men: and those which A walled Towne. went with the Cacique set fire on the houses, to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and heedfulnesse that was as well in the Gouernours people which hee carried with him, as of those which remained in Chieaça, they durst not assault them at that time. The Go­uernour inuited the Cacique, and certaine principall Indians, and gaue them Hogs flesh to eate. And though they did not commonly vse it, yet they were so greedy of it, that euery night there came Indians to certaine houses a Cros-bow shot from the Campe, where the Hogs lay, and kil­led, and carried away as many as they could. And three Indians were taken in the manner. Two of them the Gouernour commanded to be shot to death with Arrowes; and to cut off the hands of the other; and he sent him so handled to the Cacique. Who made as though it grieued him 50 that they had offended the Gouernour, and that he was glad that he had executed that punish­ment on them. He lay in a plaine Countrie halfe a league from the place, where the Christians lodged. Foure Horsemen went a stragling thither, to wit, Francisco Osorio, and a seruant of the Marquesse of Astorga, called Reynoso, and two seruants of the Gouernour, the one his Page cal­led Ribera, and the other Fuentes his Chamberlaine: and these had taken from the Indians some Mantles, wherewith they were offended, and forsooke their houses. The Gouernour knew of it, and commanded them to be apprehended; and condemned to death Francisco Osorio, and the Chamberlaine as principals, and all of them to losse of goods. The Friers and Priests and other principall persons were earnest with him to pardon Francisco Osorio his life, and to moderate his sentence, which he would not grant for any of them. While he was ready to command them 60 to be drawne to the Market place to cut off their heads, there came certaine Indians from the Cacique, to complaine of them. Iohn Ortiz, at the request of Baltasar de Gallegos and other per­sons, changed their words, and told the Gouernour, that the Caciquo said, hee had notice how his Lordship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that they were in no fault, neither [Page 1545] had they done him any wrong, and that if hee would doe him any fauour, hee should set them free. And he told the Indians; that the Gouernour said, he had them in prison, and that he would punish them in such sort, that they should be an example to others. Hereupon the Gouernour commanded the prisoners to be loosed. As soone as March was come, he determined to depart from Chicaça, and demanded of the Cacique two hundred men for carriages. Hee sent him en­swere, that he would speake with his principall men. Vpon Tuesday the eighth of March, the March, 1541. Gouernour went to the Towne where he was, to aske him for the men: he told him, he would send the next day. As soone as the Gouernour was come to Chicaç [...], he told Luys de Moscoso the Camp-master, that hee misliked the Indians, and that hee should keepe a strong watch that night, which he remembred but a little. The Indians came at the second watch in foure squa­drons, 10 euery one by it selfe, and as soone as they were descried, they sounded a Drum, and gaue the assault with a great crie, and with so great celeritie, that presently they entred with the scouts, that were somewhat distant from the Campe. And when they were perceiued of them C [...] [...] fi [...] [...] the Indians. which were in the Towne, halfe the houses were on fire, which they had kindled. That night three Horsemen chanced to be scouts, two of them were of base callings and the worst men in all the Campe, and the other, which was a Nephew of the Gouernour, which vntill then was held for a tall man, shewed himselfe there as great a coward, as any of them: for all of them ranne away. And the Indians without any resistance came and set the Towne on fire; and taried behind the doores for the Christians, which ranne out of the houses, not hauing any leasore to arme themselues; and as they ranne hither and thither amazed with the noise, and blinde [...] with 20 the smoke and flame of the fire, they knew not which way they went, neither could they light vpon their weapons, nor saddle their Horses, neither saw they the Indians that shot a [...] them. Many of the Horses were burned in the Stables, and those which could breake their Ha [...]gat loose. The disorder and flight was such, that euery man fled which way he could, without lea­uing any to resist the Indians. But God (which chastiseth his according to his pleasure, and in the greatest necessities and dangers sustaineth them with his hand) so blinded the Indians, that they saw not what they had done, and thought that the Horses which ranne loose, were men on Horsebacke, that gathered themselues together to set vpon them. The Gouernour onely rode on Horsebacke, and with him a Souldier called Tapia, and set vpon the Indians, and striking the first he met with his Lance, the Saddle fell with him, which with haste was euill girded, and so 30 hee fell from his Horse. And all the people that were on foot were fled to a Wood out of the Towne; and there assembled themselues together. And because it was night, and that the In­dians thought the Horses were men on horsebacke which came to set vpon them, as I said before, they fled; and one onely remayned dead, and that was hee whom the Gouernour slue with his Lance. The Towne lay all burnt to ashes. There died in this hurlibu [...]lie eleuen Christians, and fiftie Horses; and there remayned an hundred Hogges, and foure hundred were burned. If any The increase of Hogs. perchance had saued any clothes from the fire of Mauilla, here they were burned, and many were clad in skinnes, for they had no leasure to take their Coates. They indured much cold in this place, and the chiefest remedie were great fires. They spent all night in turnings without sleepe: for if they warmed one side, they freezed on the other. Some inuented the weauing of certaine 40 Mats of drie Iuie, and did weare one beneath, and another aboue: many laughed at this deuice, whom afterward necessitie inforced to doe the like. The Christians were so spoyled, and in such want of Saddles and weapons which were burned, that if the Indians had come the second night, they had ouercome them with little labour. They remoued thence to the Towne where The Towne where the Ca­cique lay. Ash trees. the Cacique was wont to lie, because it was in the champaine Countrie. Within eight dayes af­ter, there were many Lances and Saddles made. There were Ash-trees in those parts, whereof they made as good Lances as in Biscay.

Vpon Wednesday the 15. of March, 1541. after the Gouernour had lodged eight dayes in a Plaine, halfe a league from the place which he had wintered in, after he had set vp a forge, and tempered the Swords which in Chicaça were burned, and made many Targets, Saddles, and Lan­ces, on Tuesday night, at the morning watch, many Indians came to assault the Campe in three 50 squadrons, euery one by themselues: Those which watched gaue the alarme. The Gouernour with great speed set his men in order three squadrons, and leauing some to defend the Campe, went out to encounter them. The Indians were ouercome and put to flight. The ground was champaine and fit for the Christians to take the aduantage of them; and it was now breake of day. But there happened a disorder, whereby there were not past thirtie or fortie Indians shine: and this it was: that a Frier cried out in the Campe without any iust occasion, To the Campe, To the Campe: Whereupon the Gouernour and all the rest repaired thither, and the Indians had time to saue themselues. There were some taken, by whom the Gouernour informed himselfe of the Countrie, through which he was to passe. The fiue and twentieth of Aprill, hee departed Aprill 2 [...]. Alimama. 60 from Chicaça, and lodged at a small Towne called Alimamu. They had very little Maiz, and they were to passe a Desart of seuen dayes iourney. The next day, the Gouernour sent three Captaines euery one his way with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke prouision to passe the De­sart. And Iohn Danusco the Auditor went with fifteene Horsemen, and fortie Footmen that [Page 1546] way that the Gouernour was to goe, and found a strong Fort made, where the Indians stayed for him, and many of them walked on the top of it with their weapons, hauing their bodies, thighes and armes okered and died with blacke, white, yellow and red, striped like vnto panes, Blacke, white, yellow and red colours. so that they shewed as though they went in hose and doublets: and some of them had Plumes, and others had hornes on their heads, and their faces blacke, and their eyes done round about with streakes of red, to seeme more fierce.

Iohn Danusco sent three horsemen to aduertise the Gouernour hereof. He came presently: for his intent was to driue them from thence, saying, that if he did it not, they would be embold­ned to charge him another time, when they might doe him more harme. Hee made the horse­men to alight, and set his men in foure Squadrons: The signe being giuen, they set vp the In­dians, 10 which made resistance till the Christians came neere the Fort, and assoone as they saw they could not defend themselues, by a place where a Brooke passed neere the Fort, they ran away, and from the otherside they shot some Arrowes: and because at that instant wee knew no ford for the horses to passe, they had time enough to get out of our danger. Three Indians were slaine there, and many Christians were hurt, whereof within few dayes, there died fifteene by the way.

The Gouernour was inforced to depart presently toward Quizquiz. He trauelled seuen dayes A Desert of seuen dayes. through a Desert of many Marishes and thicke Woods: but it might all bee trauelled on horse­backe, except some Lakes which they swamme ouer. Hee came to a Towne of the Prouince of Quizquiz without being descried, and tooke all the people in it before they came out of their A Towne of Quizquiz. 20 houses.

There came to the Campe sixe principall Indians, and said, they came to see what people they were, and that long agoe, they had beene informed by their fore-fathers, That a white people An old Pro­phesie. should subdue them: and that therefore they would returne to their Cacique, and bid him come presently to obey and serue the Gouernour: and after they had presented him with sixe or seuen skins and Mantles which they brought, they tooke their leaue of him, and returned with the o­ther, which waited for them by the Brookes side. The Cacique neuer came againe nor sent other message. And because in the Towne where the Gouernour lodged, there was small store of Maiz, Another Towne. Ri [...] G [...]nde, or [...] de Espi [...]itu Santo. he remoued to another halfe a league from Rio Grande, where they found plentie of Maiz: And he went to see the Riuer, and found, that neere vnto it was great store of Timber to make Bar­ges, 30 and good situation of ground to incampe in. Presently he remooued himselfe thither. They made houses, and pitched their Campe in a plaine field a Crosse-bow shot from the Riuer. And thither was gathered all the Maiz of the Townes, which they had lately passed. They began presently to cut and hew downe Timber, and to saw plankes for Barges. The Indians came presently downe the Riuer: they leaped on shoare, and declared to the Gouernour, That they were subiects of a great Lord, whose name was Aquixo, who was Lord of many Townes, and Aquix [...], a great Lord on the West side of Rio Grande. 200. Canoes. gouerned many people on the other side of the Riuer, and came to tell him on his behalfe, that the next day he with all his men would come to see, what it would please him to command him. The next day with speed, the Cacique came with two hundred Canoes full of Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes, painted, and with great plumes of white feathers, and many other colours, 40 with shields in their hands, wherewith they defended the Rowers on both sides, and the men of Warre stood from the head to the sterne, with their Bowes and Arrowes in their hands. The Canoe wherein the Cacique was, had a Tilt ouer the sterne, and hee sate vnder the Tilt; and so w [...]re other Canoes of the principall Indians. And from vnder the Tilt where the chiefe man sat, he gouerned and commanded the other people. All ioyned together, and came within a stones cast of the shoare. From thence the Cacique said to the Gouernour, which walked along the Ri­uers side with others that wayted on him, that he was come thither to visit, to honor, and to o­bey him; because he knew he was the greatest and mightiest Lord on the Earth: therefore hee would see what he would command him to doe. The Gouernour yeelded him thankes, and re­quested him to come on shoare, that they might the better communicate together. And with­out 50 any answere to that point, hee sent him three Canoes, wherein was great store of fish and loaues, made of the substance of Prunes like vnto Brickes. After hee had receiued all, hee than­ked him, and prayed him againe to come on shoare. And because the Caciques purpose was, to Loaues made of Prunes. see if with dissimulation he might doe some hurt, when they saw that the Gouernour and his men were in readinesse, they beganne to goe from the shoare: and with a great cry, the Crosse­bowmen which were ready, shot at them, and slue fiue or sixe of them. They retired with great order: none did leaue his Oare, though the next to him were slaine; and shielding themselues, they went farther off. Afterward they came many times and landed: and when any of vs came Goodly great Canoes. toward them, they fled vnto their Canoes, which were very pleasant to behold: for they were very great and well made, and had their Tilts, Plumes, Paueses, and Flagges, and with the mul­titude Foure Barges made. 60 of people that were in them, they seemed to be a faire Armie of Gallies. In thirtie dayes space, while the Gouernour remayned there, they made foure Barges. Assoone as those that passed first, were on Land on the other side, the Barges returned to the place where the Gouer­nour was: and within two houres after Sunne rising, all the people were ouer. The Riuer They passe o­uer Rio Grande. [Page 1547] was almost halfe a league broad. If a man stood still on the other side, it could not bee discer­ned, whether hee were a man or no. The Riuer was of great depth, and of a strong current: the water was alwayes muddie: there came downe the Riuer continually many trees and tim­ber, which the force of the water and streame brought downe. There was great store of fish in it of sundry sorts, and most of it differing from the fresh water fish of Spaine, as hereafter shall bee shewed.

Hauing passed Rio Grande, the Gouernour trauelled a league and an halfe, and came to a great Towne of Aquixo, which was dispeopled before hee came thither. They espied thirtie Indians comming ouer a plaine, which the Cacique sent to discouer the Christians determination: and assoone as they had sight of them, they tooke themselues to flight. The Horsemen pursued 10 them, and slue tenne, and tooke fifteene. And because the Towne, whither the Gouernour went, was neere vnto the Riuer, hee sent a Captaine, with as many men as hee thought suffi­cient to carrie the Barges vp the Riuer. And because in his trauelling by land, many times hee went farre from the Riuer to compasse the creekes that came from it, the Indians tooke occasion to set vpon them of the Barges, and put them in great danger, because that by reason of the great current, they durst not leaue the shoare, and from the banke they shot at them. Assoone as the Gouernour was come to the Towne, hee presently sent Crosse-bowmen downe the Riuer, which came to rescue them: and vpon the comming of the Barges to the Towne, hee comman­ded them to be broken, and to saue the Iron for others, when it should be needfull. He lay there one night, and the day following, he set forward to seeke a Prouince, called Pacaha: which he 20 was informed to bee neere vnto Chisca, where the Indians told him there was gold. Hee passed P [...]caha neer [...] vnto Chisc [...]. Great townes. through great Townes of Aquixo, which were all abandoned for feare of the Christians. Hee vnderstood by certaine Indians that were taken, that three dayes iournie from thence dwelt a great Cacique, whose name was Casqui. He came to a small Riuer, where a Bridge was made, by which they passed: that day till Sun-set, they went all in water, which in some places came to the waste, and in some to the knees. When they saw themselues on dry land, they were ve­ry glad, because they feared they should wander vp and downe as forlorne men all night in the water. At noone they came to the first Towne of Casqui: they found the Indians carelesse, be­cause The first towne of Casqui. they had no knowledge of them. There were many men and women taken, and store of goods, as Mantles and skinnes, as well in the first Towne, as in another, which stood in a 30 field halfe a league from thence in sight of it; whither the Horsemen ranne. This Countrie is higher, drier, and more champaine, then any part bordering neere the Riuer, that vntill then they had seene. There were in the fields many Walnut-trees, bearing soft shelled Walnuts, in fashion Walnut trees with soft she is. like bullets, and in the houses they found many of them, which the Indians had laid vp in store. The trees diff [...]red in nothing else from those of Spaine, nor from those which we had seene before, but onely that they haue a smaller leafe. There were many Mulberie trees and Plum trees, which bare red Plums like those of Spaine, and other gray, somewhat differing, but farre better. And Many Mulbe­rie trees and Plum trees. all the trees are all the yeere so fruitfull, as if they were planted in Orchards: and the Woods were very thinne. The Gouernour trauelled two dayes through the Countrie of Casqui, before he came to the Towne where the Cacique was: and the most of the way was alway by Cham­paine 40 ground, which was full of great Townes, so that from one Towne, you might see two or Many great Townes. three. Hee sent an Indian to certifie the Cacique, that hee was comming to the place where hee was, with intent to procure his friendship, and to hold him as his brother. Whereunto hee an­swered, That he should be welcome, and that he would receiue him with speciall good will, and accomplish all that his Lordship would command him. He sent him a Present vpon the way; to wit, skinnes, Mantles, and fish: And after these complements, the Gouernour found all the Townes as he passed, inhabited with people, which peaceably attended his comming, and offe­red him skinnes, Mantles, and fish. The Cacique accompanied with many Indians came out of the Towne, and stayed halfe a league on the way to receiue the Gouernour.

Within a while after both of them vsed words of great offers and courtesie the one to the o­ther, and the Cacique requested him to lodge in his houses. The Gouernour, to preserue the 50 peace the better, excused himselfe, saying, that hee would lodge in the fields. And because it was very hot, they camped neere certaine trees a quarter of a league from the Towne. The Ca­cique The ch [...]e [...] Towne of th [...] Cacique of C [...]squi. went to his Towne, and came againe with many Indians singing. Assoone as they came to the Gouernour, all of them prostrated themselues vpon the ground. Among these came two In­dians that were blind. The Cacique made a speech: that seeing the Gouernour was the Sonne of the Sunne, and a great Lord, he besought him to doe him the fauour to giue sight to those two blind men. The blind men rose vp presently, and very earnestly requested the same of the Go­uernour. He answered, That in the high Heauens was hee that had power to giue them health, and whatsoeuer they could aske of him; whose seruant he was: And that this Lord made the Heauens and Spanish India [...] Preaching. 60 the Earth, and man after his owne likenesse, and that hee suffered vpon the Crosse to saue Mankind, and rose againe the third day, and that he died as he was man, and as touching his Diuinitie, he was, and is immortall; and that he ascended into Heauen, where hee standeth with his armes open to receiue all such as turne vnto him: and straight way hee commanded him to make a very high Crosse of wood, [Page 1548] which was set vp in the highest place of the Towne; declaring vnto him, that the Christians worshipped the same in resemblance and memorie of that whereon Christ suffered. The Gouernour and his men kneeled downe before it, and the Indians did the like. The Gouernour willed him, that from thence­forth he should worship the same, and should aske whatsoeuer they stood in need of, of that Lord that he told him was in Heauen. Then he asked him how farre it was from thence to Pa­caha: He said, one dayes iournie, and that at the end of his Countrie, there was a Lake like a Brooke which falleth into Rio Grande, and that hee would send men before to make a Bridge whereby hee might passe. The same day that the Gouernour departed thence, hee lodged at a Towne belonging to Casqui: and the next day he passed in sight of other Townes, and came to A Towne be­longing to Casqui. Other townes. the Lake, which was halfe a Crosse-bow shot ouer, of a great depth and current. At the time of 10 his comming, the Indians had made an end of the Bridge, which was made of timber, laid one tree after another: and on one side it had a course of stakes higher then the Bridge, for them that passed to take hold on. The Cacique of Casqui came to the Gouernour, and brought his people with him. The Gouernour sent word by an Indian to Caciqui of Pacaha, that though he were enemie to the Cacique of Casqui, and though he were there, yet hee would doe him no disgrace no [...] hurt, if hee would attend him peaceably, and imbrace his friendship; but rather wouldin­treate him as a Brother. The Indian, which the Gouernour sent, came againe, and said, that the Cacique made none account of that which he told him, but fled with all his men out at the other side of the Towne. Presently the Gouernour entred, and ranne before with the Horsemen, that way, by which the Indians fled; and at another Towne distant a quarter of a league from thence, 20 they tooke many Indians: and assoone as the Horsemen had taken them, they deliuered them to the Indians of Casqui, whom, because they were their enemies, with much circumspection and reioycing, they brought to the Towne where the Christians were: and the greatest griefe they had, was this, that they could not get leaue to kill them. There were found in the Towne many Mantles, and Deere skinnes, Lions skinnes, and Beares skinnes, and many Cats skinnes. Many came so farre poorely apparelled, and there they clothed themselue: of the Mantles, they made them Coates and Cassocks, and some made Gownes, and lined them with Cats skinnes; and like­wise their Cassocks. Of the Deeres skinnes, some made them also Ierkins, Shirts, Hose and Shooes: and of the Beare skinnes, they made them very good Clokes: for no water could pierce them. There were Targets of raw Oxe Hides found there; with which Hides they ar­med Targets of raw Oxe hides. Pacaha, a verie great Towne beset with Towres. 30 their Horses.

Vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Pacaha: He lodged in the Towne, where the Cacique vsed to reside, which was very great, walled, and beset with Towres, and many loope-holes were in the Towres and Wall. And in the Towne was great store of old Maiz, and great quantitie of new in the fields. Within a league and halfe a league were great Townes all walled. Where the Gouernour was lodged, was a great Lake, that came Great walled Townes. neere vnto the wall: and it entred into a ditch that went round about the Towne, wanting but a little to enuiron it round. From the Lake to the great Riuer was made a weare by the which the fish came into it; which the Cacique kept for his recreation and sport: with Nets that were Nets found. found in the Towne, they tooke as much as they would: and tooke they neuer so much, there 40 was no want perceiued. There was also great store of fish in many other Lakes that were therea­bout, but it was soft, and not so good as that which came from the Riuer, and the most of it was different from the fresh water fish of Spaine. There was a fish which they called Bagres: the The diuers sorts of excel­lent fish in Rio Grande. third part of it was head, and it had on both sides the gils, and along the sides great prickes like very sharpe Aules: those of this kind that were in the Lakes were as bigge as Pikes: and in the Riuer, there were some of an hundred, and of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight, and many of them were taken with the hooke. There was another fish like Barbels; and another like Breames, headed like a delicate fish, called in Spaine Besugo, betweene red and grey. This was thereof most esteeme. There was another fish called a Pele fish: it had a snowt of a Cubit long, and at the end of the vpper lip it was made like a Peele. There was another fish like a Westerne Shad: And all 50 of them had scales, except the Bagres, and the Pele fish. There was another fish, which somtimes the Indians brought vs, of the bignesse of an Hogge, they call it the Pereo fish: it had rowes of teeth beneath and aboue.

From thence he sent thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen to the Prouince of Caluça, to see if from thence he might trauell to Chisca, where the Indians said, there was a worke of Gold Gold & Cop­per in Chisca. and Copper. They trauelled seuen dayes iournie through a Desert, and returned very wearie, eating greene Plums and stalkes of Maiz, which they found in a poore Towne of sixe or seuen houses. From thence forward toward the North; the Indians said, That the Countrie was very A poore towne Great store of Oxen toward the North of Pacaha. This is like Quiuera. ill inhabited, because it was very cold: And that there were such store of Oxen, that they could keepe no Corne for them: and that the Indians liued vpon their flesh. The Gouernour 60 seeing, that toward that part the Countrie was so poore of Maiz, that in it they could not bee sustained, demanded of the Indians, which way it was most inhabited: and they said, they had notice of a great Prouince, and a very plentifull Countrie, which was called Quigaute, and it was toward the South.

[Page 1549] The Gouernour tooke his iournie toward Quigaute. The fourth day of August, hee came to Quigaute. The greatest Towne seene in Florida. the Towne, where the Cacique vsed to keepe his Residencie: on the way hee sent him a Present of many Manties and Skinnes, and not daring to stay for him in the Towne, hee absented him­selfe. The Towne was the greatest that was seene in Florida.

They tooke many men and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their Re­bellion, they came to see what the Gouernour would command them, and passed to and fro many times, and brought Presents of Cloth and Fish. The Cacique and his two wiues were in the lodging of the Gouernour loose, and the Halbardiers of his Guard did keepe them. The Gouer­nour Cloth. asked them which way the Countrie was most inhabited? They said, that toward the South downe the Riuer were great Townes and Caciques, which commanded great Countries, 10 and much people: And that toward the North-west, there was a Prouince neere to certaine Coligoa neere to certaine Mountaines North-west. Mountaines that was called Coligoa. The Gouernour and all the rest thought good to goe first to Coligoa: saying, that peraduenture the Mountaines would make some difference of soile, and that beyond them there might be some Gold or Siluer: As for Quigaute, Casqui, and Pacaha, they were plaine Countries, fat grounds, and full of good Medowes on the Riuers, where the Indians sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande, or the great Riuer, is about three hundred leagues: it is a very low Countrie, and hath many Lakes. From Paca [...]a to Qui­gaute may bee an hundred leagues. The Gouernour left the Cacique of Quiga [...]te in his owne Towne: And an Indian, which was his Guide, led him through great Woods without any way seuen dayes iournie through a Desert, where at euery lodging, they lodged in Lakes and Pooles 20 in very shoald water: there was such store of fish, that they killed them with cudgels; and the A new way to take fish. Indians which they carried in chains, with the mud troubled the waters, and the fish being there­with, as it were, astonied, came to the top of the water, and they tooke as much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the Christians, and when they came so neere the Towne, that the Indians saw them, they fled vp a Riuer, which passed neere the Towne, and Coligoa. A Riuer. some leaped into it; but the Christians went on both sides of the Riuer, and tooke them. There were many men and women taken, and the Cacique with them. And by his commandement within three dayes came many Indians with a Present of Mantles and Deeres skinnes, and two Oxe hides: And they reported, that fiue or sixe leagues from thence toward the North, there Two oxe hides Store of oxen toward the North. were many of these Oxen, and that because the Countrie was cold, it was euill inhabited: That 30 the best Countrie which they knew, the most plentifull, and most inhabited, was a Prouince called Cayas, lying toward the South. From Quiguate to Coligoa may be fortie leagues. It was a fat soile and so plentifull of Maiz, that they cast out the old, to bring in the new. There was al­so great plentie of French Beanes and Pompions. The French Beanes were greater, and better then those of Spaine, and likewise the Pompions, and being roasted, they haue almost the taste of Chestnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gaue a Guide to Cayas, and stayed behind in his owne Towne. We trauelled fiue dayes, and came to the Prouince of Palisema. The house of the Caci­que The Prouincs of Palisema. was found couered with Deeres skins of diuers colours and workes drawne in them, and with the same in manner of Carpets was the ground of the house couered. The Cacique left it so, that the Gouernour might lodge in it, in token that hee sought peace and his friendship. But hee 40 durst not tarrie his comming. The Gouernour, seeing he had absented himselfe, sent a Captaine with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke him: He found much people, but by reason of the rough­nesse of the Country, he tooke none saue a few women and children. The Towne was little and scattering, and had very little Maiz. For which cause the Gouernour speedily departed from thence. He came to another Towne called Tatalicoy [...], he carried with him the Cacique thereof, Tatalicoya. which guided him to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are foure dayes iournie to Cayas. When he came to Cayas, and saw the Towne scattered; he thought they had told him a lye, and that it was not Cayas. the Prouince of Cayas, because they had informed him that it was well inhabited: He threatned the Cacique, charging him to tell him where he was: and he and other Indians which were taken neere about that place, affirmed that this was the Towne of Cayas, and the best that was in that Country, and that though the houses were distant the one from the other, yet the ground that 50 was inhabited was great, and that there was great store of people, and many fields of Maiz. This Towne was called Tanico: he pitched his Campe in the best part of it neere vnto a Riuer. Tanico. The same day that the Gouernour came thither, he went a league farther with certaine Horse­men, and without finding any, he found many skinnes in a pathway, which the Cacique had left there, that they might bee found, in token of peace. For so is the custome in that Countrey.

The Gouernour rested a moneth in the Prouince of Cayas. In which time the horses fattened and thrined more, then in other places in a longer time, with the great plentie of Maiz and the leaues thereof, which I thinke was the best that hath beene seene, and they dranke of a Lake of 60 very hot water, and somewhat brackish, and they dranke so much, that it swelled in their bellies A Lake of hot and somewhat brackish [...]ter Store of Salt made at Cay [...] when they brought them from the watering. Vntill that time the Christians wanted Salt, and there they made good store, which they carried along with them. The Indians doe carrie it to o­ther places to exchange it for Skins and Mantles. They make it along the Riuer, which when [Page 1550] it ebbeth, leaueth it vpon the vpper part of the sand. And because they cannot make it, with­out much sand mingled with it, they throw it into certaine baskets which they haue for that purpose, broad at the mouth, and narrow at the bottome, and set it in the Aire vpon a barre, and throw water into it, and set a small Vessell vnder it, wherein it falleth: Beeing strained and set to boyle vpon the fire, when the water is sodden away, the Salt remayneth in the bottome of the Pan. On both sides of the Riuer the Countrie was full of sowne fields, and there was store of Maiz.

Immediately the Gouernour with certaine Horsemen and fifty Footmen, departed toward Tulla, hee found the Towne abandoned: for the Indians durst not tarrie his comming. The Many Oxe hides with wool on them, as so [...]t as [...] sheeps wooll, Gomara Histor. Ge [...]. cap. 2 [...]5. Many Oxen toward the North. The great elo­quence of the Indians. Ca [...]que came, and eightie Indians with him. He brought a Present of many Oxe hides: which, 10 because the Countrie was cold, were very profitable, and serued for Couerlets, because they were very soft, and woolled like sheepe. Not farre from thencee toward the North were many Oxen. The Christians saw them not, nor came into the Countrie where they were, because those parts were euill inhabited, and had small store of Ma [...]z where they were bred. The Cacique of Tulla made an Oration to the Gouernour, wherein he excused himselfe, and offered him his Country, subiects, and person. Aswell this Cacique as the others, and all those which came to the Gouer­nour on their behalfe, deliuered their message or speech in so good order, that no Oratour could vtter the same more eloquently.

§. III. 20

His departure to Autiamque, ORTIZ his death and disasters following: SOTO takes thought and dieth. MOSCOSCO succee­deth. They leaue Florida, and arriue at Panuco.

THe Gouernour informed himselfe of all the Countrie round about; and vnderstood, that toward the West was a scattered dwelling, and that toward the South-east were great 30 Townes, especially in a Prouince called Autiamque, ten daies iou [...]ie from Tulla; which might be about eightie leagues; and that it was a plentifull Countrey of Maiz. And because A winter of two or three moneths. Winter came on, and that they could not trauell two or three moneths in the yeere for cold, wa­ters, and snow: and fearing, that if they should stay so long in the scattered dwelling, they could not be susteined; and also because the Indians said, that neere to Autiamque was a great water, and according to their relation, the Gouernour thought it was some arme of the Sea: And be­cause hee now desired to send newes of himselfe to Cuba, that some supply of men and horses might be sent vnto him: (for it was aboue three yeeres, since Donna Isabella, which was in Ha­uana, or any other person in Christendome had heard of him, and by this time hee had lost two hundred and fiftie men, and one hundred and fiftie horses) he determined to winter in Autiam­que, 40 and the next Spring, to goe to the Sea Coast, and to make two Brigantines, and send one of them to Cuba, and the other to Nueua Espanna, that that which went in safetie, might giue newes of him: Hoping with the goods which he had in Cuba, to furnish himselfe againe, and to attempt the Discouerie and conquest toward the West: for he had not yet come where Cabe­ca de Uaca had beene. Thus hauing sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla, hee tooke his iournie toward Autiamque: He trauelled fiue dayes ouer very rough Mountaines, and came to Quipana, fiue daye▪ [...]ournie from Tulla. a Towne called Quipana, where no Indians could bee taken for the roughnesse of the Countrie: and the Towne being betweene Hils, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they tooke two In­dians; which told them, that Autiamque was sixe dayes iournie from thence, and that there was another Prouince toward the South eight dayes iournie off, plentifull of Maiz, and very well 50 peopled, which was called Guahate. But because Autiamque was neerer, and the most of the Guahate. Indians agreed of it, the Gouernor made his iournie that way. In three dayes hee came to a Towne called Anaixi. He sent a Captaine before with thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen, and Anoixi. tooke the Indians carelesse, he tooke many men and women prisoners. Within two dayes af­ter the Gouernour came to another Towne called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the Catamaya. Towne. Two Indians. came with a false message from the Cacique to know his determination. He had them tell their Lord, that hee should come and speake with him. The Indians returned and came no more, nor any other message from the Cacique. The next day the Christians went to the Towne, which was without people: they tooke as much Maiz as they needed. That day they lodged in a Wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque. They found much Maiz Autiamque sixe dayes iournie from Quipana. 60 laid vp in store, and French Beanes, and Walnuts and Prunes, great store of all sorts. They tooke some Indians which were gathering together the stuffe which their wiues had hidden. This was a Champaine Countrie, and well inhabited. The Gouernor lodged in the best part of the Towne, and commanded presently to make a fence of timber round about the Campe distant from the hou­ses, [Page 1551] that the Indians might not hurt them without by fire. And measuring the ground by paces, he appointed euery one his part to doe according to the number of Indians which he had: pre­sently the timber was brought by them; and in three dayes there was an inclosure made of ve­ry high and thicke posts thrust into the ground, and many rayles laid acrosse. Hard by this Towne passed a Riuer, that came out of the Prouince of Caya [...]; and aboue and beneath it was ve­ry A Riuer. well peopled. They stayed in Autiamque three moneths with great plentie of Maiz, French Three months abode in A­tiamque. Beanes, Walnuts, Prunes, and Conies: which vntill that time they knew not how to catch. And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them: which was; with great springes. which lifted vp their feet from the ground: And the share was made with a strong string, where­unto was fastned a knot of a cane, which ranne close about the necke of the Conie, because they 10 should not gnaw the string. They tooke many in the fields of Maiz, especially when it freezed or snowed. The Christians stayed there one whole moneth so inclosed with snowe, that they Frost and sno [...] went not out of the Towne: and when they wanted fire-wood. the Gouernour with his Hors­men A moneth of snow. going and comming many times to the Wood, which was two Cros-bow shot from the Towne, made a path-way, whereby the Footmen went for wood. In this meane space, some Indians which went loose, killed many Conies with their Giues, and with their Arrowes. These Conies were of two sorts, some were like those of Spaine, and the other of the same colour and Conies of two sorts. fashion, and as bigge as great Hares, longer, and hauing greater loines.

Vpon Monday the sixt of March, 1542. the Gouernour departed from Autiamque to seeke March 6. 1542. Nilco, which the Indians said was neere the Great Riuer, with determination to come to the Sea, 20 and procure some succour of Men and Horses: for he had now but three hundred Men of warre, and fortie Horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but helpe to make vp the num­ber: and for want of Iron, they had gone aboue a yeere vnshod: and because they were vsed to it in the plaine Countrie, it did them no great harme. Iohn Ortiz died in Autiamque; which The death of Iohn Ortiz. and the great misse of him, being their Interpre­ter. Ayays. A Riuer. grieued the Gouernour very much: because that without an Interpreter he feared to enter farre into the Land, where hee might bee lost: whereby it often happened, that the way that they went one day, and sometimes two or three dayes, they turned backe, and went astray through the wood here and there. The Gouernour spent ten dayes in trauelling from Autiamque to a Prouince called Ayays; and came to a Towne that stood neere the Riuer that passeth by Cayas and Autiamque. There hee commanded a Barge to bee made, wherewith hee passed the Riuer. 30 When he had passed the Riuer, there fell out such weather, that foure dayes he could not trauell for Snow. As soone as it gaue ouer snowing, he went three dayes iourney through a Wildernesse, Great snow a­bout the twen­tieth of March. and a Countrie so lowe, and so full of Lakes and euill wayes, that he trauelled one time a whole day in water, sometimes knee deepe, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swamme. He came to a Towne called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and without Maiz: there passed by it a Lake, Tutelpinco. A great Lake. that entred into the Riuer, which carried a great streame and force of water.

The Gouernour went a whole day along the Lake seeking passage, and could finde none, nor any way that did passe to the other side. Comming againe at night to the Towne he found two peaceable Indians, which shewed him the passage, and which way hee was to goe. There they made of canes, and of the timber of houses thatched with canes, rafts wherewith they passed Rafts where­with they pas­sed the Lake. 40 the Lake. They trauelled three dayes, and came to a Towne of the Territorie of Nilco, called Tianto. There they tooke thirtie Indians, and among them two principall men of this Towne. The Gouernour sent a Captaine with Horsemen and Footmen before to Nilco, because the In­dians, Tianto. 3. or 4. great Townes. might haue no time to carrie away the prouision. They passed through 3. or 4. great Towns; and in the Towne where the Cacique was resident, which was two leagues from the place where the Gouernour remained, they found many Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes, in manner as though they would haue stayed to fight, which did compasse the Towne; and as soone as they saw the Christians come neere them without misdoubting them, they set the Caciques house on fire, and fled ouer a Lake that passed neere the Towne, through which the Horses could not passe.

The next day being Wednesday the nine and twentieth of March, the Gouernour came to March 29. Nilco. 50 Nilco: he lodged with all his men in the Caciques Towne, which stood in a plaine field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league: and with in a league and halfe a league were other very great Townes, wherein was great store of Maiz, of French Beanes, of Walnuts, and Very great Townes. The best Countrie of Florida. Marterns skinnes. A cordon of Pearles. Prunes. This was the best inhabited Countrie, that was seene in Florida, and had most store of Maiz, except Coca, and Apalache. There came to the Campe an Indian accompanied with o­thers, and in the Caciques name gaue the Gouernour a Mantle of Marterns skinnes, and a Cor­don of Pearles. The Gouernour gaue him a few small Margarites, which are certaine Beades much esteemed in Peru, and other things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to returne within two dayes, but neuer came againe: but on the contrary the Indians came by night in Canoas, and carried away all the Maiz they could, and made them Cabins on the other 60 side of the Riuer.

This Riuer which passed by Nilco, was that which passed by Cayas and Autiamque, and fell A Riuer falling into [...] gra [...]. into Rio grande, or the Great Riuer, which passed by Pachaha and Aquixo, neere vnto the Pro­uince of Guachoya. Within few dayes the Gouernour determined to goe to Guachoya, to learne [Page 1552] there whether the Sea were neere, or whether there were any habitation neere, where he might relieue his companie, while the Brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the Land of the Christians. He came to Guachoya vpon Sunday the seuenteenth of Aprill; hee lodged in Guachoya. the Towne of the Cacique, which was inclosed about, and seated a Cros-bow shot distant from the Riuer. Here the Riuer is called Tamaliseu; and in Nilco, Tapatu; and in Coça, Mico; and in Foure names of Rio grande. the Port or Mouth, Ri.

The Cacique of Guachoya brought with him many Indians with great store of Fish, Dogges, Deeres skinnes, and Mantles. Hee asked him whether he had any notice of the Sea. Hee an­swered, no, nor of any Townes downe the Riuer on that side. The Gouernour thought that the Cacique lyed vnto him, to rid him out of his owne Townes, and sent Iohn Danusco with eight Horsemen downe the Riuer, to see what habitation there was, and to informe himselfe, if there 10 were any notice of the Sea. He trauelled eight dayes, and at his returne he said, that in all that time he was not able to goe aboue fourteene or fifteene leagues, because of the great creekes that came out of the Riuer, and groues of Canes, and thicke Woods that were along the bankes of the Riuer, and that he had found no habitation. The Gouernour fell into great dumpes, to see how hard it was to get to the Sea: and worse, because his Men and Horses euery day dimini­shed, The Gouernor falleth sicke of thought. being without succour to sustaine themselues in the Countrie: and with that thought hee fell sicke. But before he tooke his bed, he sent an Indian to the Cacique of Quigalta, to tell him, that he was the Child of the Sunne, and that all the way that he came all men obeyed and serued him, that he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come vnto him; for he would be ve­ry glad to see him: and in signe of loue and obedience to bring something with him of that 20 which in his Councrie was most esteemed. The Cacique answered by the same Indian:

That whereas he said, that he was the Childe of the Sunne, if he would drie vp the Riuer hee would A most wittie and stout an­swer of the Ca­cique of Qui­galta. beleeue him: and touching the rest, that he was wont to visit none: but rather that all those of whom hee had notice did visit him, serued, obeyed and paid him tributes willingly or perforce: therefore if hee desired to see him, it were best he should come thither: that if he came in peace, hee would receiue him with speciall goodwill; and if in warre, in like manner he would attend him in the Towne where he was, and that for him or any other he would not shrinke one foote backe.

By that time the Indian returned with this answere, the Gouernour had be taken himselfe to bed, being euill handled with Feuers, and was much aggrieued, that hee was not in case to passe 30 presently the Riuer, and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, considering the Ri­uer went now very strongly in those parts; for it was neere halfe a league broad, and 16. fathoms deepe, & very furious, and ran with a great current; and on both sides were many Indians, and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to helpe himselfe rather by slights then force.

The Gouernour felt in himselfe that the houre approached, wherein he was to leaue this pre­sent life, and called for the Kings Officers, Captaines and principall persons. Hee named L [...]ys de Moscoso de Aluarado his Captaine generall. And presently he was sworne by all that were present, and elected for Gouernour. The next day, being the one and twentieth of May, 1542. The death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, the 21. of May, 1542. at G [...]acoya. departed out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and valiant Captaine, Don Fernando de Soto, Go­uernour of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida: whom fortune aduanced, as it vseth to doe others, 40 that he might haue the higher fall. Hee departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sicknesse he had but little comfort: and the danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that Countrie, which appeared before their eyes, was cause sufficient, why euery one of them had neede of comfort, and why they did not visite nor accompanie him as they ought to haue done. Luys de Moscoso determined to conceale his death from the Indians, because Ferdinando de Soto had made them beleeue, That the Christians were immortall; and also because they tooke him to be hardy, wise, and valiant: and if they should knowe that hee was dead, they would be bold to set vpon the Christians, though they liued peaceably by them. In regard of their dis­position, and because they were nothing constant, and beleeued all that was told them, the Ade­lantado made them beleeue, that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselues, 50 without their knowledge, how, or in what manner he came by them: and that the figure which appeared in a Glasse, which he shewed them, did tell him whatsoeuer they practised and went A wittie stra­tagem. about: and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might be pre­iudiciall vnto him.

As soone as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly in an house, where he remayned three dayes: and remouing him from thence, commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates of the Towne within the wall. And as the Indians had seene him sick, and missed him, so did they suspect what might be. And passing by the place where he was bu­ried, seeing, the earth moued, they looked and spake one to another. Luys de Moscoso vnder­standing of it, commanded him to be taken vp by night, and to cast a great deale of sand into the Mantles, wherein he was winded vp, wherein he was carried in a Canoa, and throwne into the 60 midst of the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya inquired of him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the Gouernor: Luys de Moscoso told him, that he was gone to Heauen, as many other ti [...] he did: [...]d because he was to stay there certaine dayes, he had left him in his place. [Page 1553] The Cacique thought with himselfe that he was dead; and commanded two young and well pro­portioned Indians to be brought thither; and said, that the vse of that Countrie was, when any This is also the custome of the old Tartars. Lord died, to kill Indians, to waite vpon him, and serue him by the way: and for that purpose by his commandement were those come thither: and prayed Luys de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serue his Lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the Gouernour was not dead, but gone to Heauen, and that of his owne Christian Souldiers, he had taken such as he needed to serue him, and prayed him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to vse any such bad custome from thenceforth: straightway he comman­ded them to be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them would not goe; saying, that he would not serue him, that without desert had iudged him to death, but that hee would serue him as long as he liued, which had saued his life. 10

All were of opinion, that it was best to goe by land toward the West, because Nueua Espan­ua Their generall resolution to trauell by land Westward. was that way; holding the Voyage by Sea more dangerous, and of greater hazard, because they could make no ship of any strength to abide a storme, neither had they Master, nor Pilot, Compas, nor Chart, neither knew they how farre the Sea was off, nor had any notice of it; nor whether the Riuer did make any great turning into the Land, or had any great fall from the Rockes, where all of them might be cast away. And some which had seene the Sea-chart, did finde, that from the place where they were, by the Sea-coast to Nueua Espanna, might be foure hundred leagues little more or lesse; and said, that though they went somewhat about by Land in seeking a peopled Countrie, if some great Wildernesse which they could not passe did not hin­der 20 them, by spending that Summer in trauell, finding prouision to passe the Winter in some peopled Countrie, that the next Summer after they might come to some Christian Land, and that it might fortune in their trauell by Land, to finde some rich Countrie, where they might doe themselues good. The Gouernour, although he desired to get out of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconueniences they layed before him, in trauelling by Sea, determined to follow that which seemed good to them all.

On Monday the fifth of Iune, he departed from Guachoya. The Cacique gaue him a Guide to Iune [...]. Chaguate, and stayed at home in his owne Towne. They passed through a Prouince called Ca­talte: Catalte. and hauing passed a Wildernesse of sixe dayes Iourney, the twentieth day of the moneth he came to Chaguate. There he was informed of the habitation that was toward the West. They Chaguate. told him, that three dayes Iourney from thence was a Prouince called Agnacay. The Gouernour 30 came to this Towne on Wednesday, the fourth of Iuly. He found the Towne without people, Aguacay. and lodged in it; he stayed there about a day; during which, he made some roades, and tooke many men and women. There they had knowledge of the South Sea. Knowledge of the South Sea. Pato. Amaye.

The next day he came to a small Towne called Pato. The fourth day after his departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of a Prouince called Amaye. There an Indian was ta­ken, which said that from thence to Naguatex, was a day and a halfes Iourney; which they tra­uelled, finding all the way inhabited places. Hauing passed the peopled Countrie of Amaye, on Saturday the twentieth of Iuly they pitched their Campe at noone between Amaye and Nagua­tex. Iuly 20. The next day he came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was very scattering. Within Naguatex. The Riuer growne vnpas­sable in August at Naguatex. Coniectures of a Sea to the Northward. 40 foure dayes he departed thence, and comming to the Riuer, hee could not passe, because it was growne very bigge; which seemed to him a thing of admiration, being at that time that it was, and since it had not rained a moneth before. The Indians said, that it increased many times after that manner without rayning in all the Countrie. It was supposed, that it might bee the tide that came into it. It was learned that the floud came alway from aboue, and that the Indians of all the Countrie had no knowledge of the Sea.

Hee departed from Naguatex, and within three dayes Iourney came to a Towne of foure or fiue houses, which belonged to the Cacique of that Prouince, which is called Nissoone: it was Nissoone euill inhabited, and had little Maiz. Two dayes iourney forward the Guides which guided the Gouernour, if they were to goe Westward, guided him to the East, and somtimes went vp and downe through very great Woods out of the way. The Gouernour commanded them to be [...] 50 hanged vpon a tree: and a woman that they tooke in Nissoone guided him, and went backe a­gaine to seeke the way. In two dayes he came to another miserable Towne, called Lacana: an Lacana. Indian was taken in that place, and said, that the Countrie of Nondacao was a Countrie of great Nondacao. habitation, and the houses scattering the one from the other, as they vse to be in Mountaines, and had great store of Ma [...]z. The Cacique came with his men weeping, like them of Naguatex: for this is their vse, in token of obedience: he made him a present of much fish, and offered to doe what he would command him.

The Gouernour departed from Nondacao toward Soacati [...]a, and in fiue dayes iourney came to a Prouince called Aays. That day that the Gouernour departed from thence, the Indian that Aays. 60 guided him said, that in Nondacao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino had seene other Christians, whereof they were all glad; thinking it might be true, and that they might haue entred into those parts by Nueua Espanna; and that if it were so, it was in their owne hands to goe out of Florida, if they found nothing of profit: for they feared they should lose themselues [Page 1554] in some wildernesse. This Indian led him two dayes out of the way. The Gouernour comman­ded to torture him. He said, that the Cacique of Nondacao, his Lord, commanded him to guide them so, because they were his enemies, and that he was to doe as his Lord commanded him. The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs: and another guided him to Soacatino, whi­ther he came the day following. It was a very poore Country: there was great want of Maiz Soacatino. in that place. He asked the Indians whether they knew of any other Christians. They said, that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were. He trauelled twentie dayes through Twenty daies trauell toward the South. a Country euill inhabited, where they suffered great scarsitie and trouble. For that little Maiz which the Indians had, they had hidden and buried in the woods, where the Christians, after they were well wearied with trauell, at the end of their iourney went to seeke by digging what they Guasco: here they found some Turkie stones, & man­tles of Cotten wooll. 10 should eate. At last, comming to a Prouince that was called Guasco, they found Maiz, where­with they loaded their horses, and the Indians that they had.

The Indians told them there, that ten daies journie from thence toward the West, was a Riuer called Daycao: whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deere: and that they had seene people on the other side, but knew not what habitation was there. There the Christi­ans tooke such Maiz as they found and could carry, and going ten daies iournie through a wil­dernesse, The Riuer of Dayca [...]: which seemeth to be Rio del oro. they came to the Riuer which the Indians had told them of. Ten horsemen which the Gouernour had sent before, passed ouer the same, and went in a way that led to the Riuer, and lighted vpon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins; who, as soone as they saw them, tooke themselues to flight, leauing that which they had; all which was nothing but mi­serie 20 and pouertie. The Countrie was so poore, that among them all there was not found halfe a pecke of Maiz. The horsemen tooke too Indians, and returned with them to the Riuer, where the Gouernour staied for them. He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the West. There was none in the Campe that could vnderstand their language. The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons, to determine with their aduice what they should doe. And the most part said, that they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande, or the great Riuer of Guachoya; because that id Nilco and thereabout was store of Maiz; saying, that they would make Pinnaces that winter, and the next Summer passe downe the Riuer to the Seaward in them, and comming to the Sea they would goe along the coast to Nuena Espanna. For though it seemed a doubtfull thing and difficult, by that which they had already alleadged, yet it was the last reme­dy No trauelling by land with­out an Inter. preter. they had. For by land they could not goe for want of an Interpreter. And they held that the 30 Countrie beyond the Riuer of Dayaco, where they were, was that which Cabeça de Uaca men­tioned in his relation that he passed of the Indians, which liued like the Alarbes, hauing no setled place, and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields, and wilde beasts that they killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter into it and finde no victuals to passe the winter, they could not choose but perish. For they were entred already into the beginning of October: and if they staied any longer, they were not able to returne for raine and snowes, nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a Countrie. The Gouernour (that desired long to see himselfe in a place where hee might sleepe his full sleepe, rather then to conquer and gouerne a Countrie where so many trou­bles presented themselues) presently returned backe that same way that he came. 40

When that which was determined was published to the Campe, there were many that were greatly grieued at it: for they held the Sea voyage as doubtfull, for the euill meanes they had, and as great danger as the trauelling by land: and they hoped to finde some rich Countrey before they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Cabeça de Vaca had told the Emperour: and that was this; That after he had found cloathes made of Cotten wooll, hee saw Gold and Siluer, and stones of great value. And they had not yet come where hee had beene. For vntill Gold, Siluer and precious stones in Flo­rida. that place he alwayes trauelled by the Sea coast: and they trauelled farre within the land; and that going toward the West, of necessitie they should come where he had beene. For he said, That in a certaine place he trauelled many dayes, and entred into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had already found some Turkie stones, and Mantles of Cotten wooll; which the Turkie stones and Mantles of Cotten wooll found in Guasco. 150. leagues betweene the Riuer of Day­cao, and Rio grande. The beginning of December. Raine with Northren winde excee­ding cold. 50 Indians signified by signes that they had from the West: and that holding that course they should draw neere to the land of the Christians. From Daycao, where now they were, to Rio grando, or the great Riuer, was one hundred and fiftie leagues: which vnto that place they had gone West­ward. They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December; and all that way, and before from Chilano, they endured much trouble; for they passed through many waters, and many times it rained with a Northren winde, and was exceeding colde, so that they were in open field with water ouer and vnderneath them: and when at the end of their dayes iourney they found dry ground to rest vpon, they gaue great thankes to God. With this trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died. And after they were in Minoya, many Christians also died: and the most part were sicke of great and dangerous diseases, which had a spice of the lethargie. 60

As soone as they came to Minoya, the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the chaines together, which euery one had to lead Indians in; and to gather all the Iron which they had for their prouision, and all the rest that was in the Campe: and to set vp a forge to make nailes, and commanded them to cut downe timber for the Brigandines. And a Portugall of Ceuta, who [Page 1555] hauing bin a prisoner in Fez, had learned to saw timber with a long Saw, which for such pur­poses they had carried with them, did teach others, which helped them to saw timber. And a Enequen is an he [...]rbe like Hempe. Flaxe of the Countrie. The mighty increasing of the Riuer for two moneths space, to wit, all March and Aprill. The grand con­spiracie of the Indians against the Christians. Note well. Thirty Indians of the Cacique of Guacboya haue their right hands cut off. The Riuer in­creaseth but once a yeare whē the snows doe melt in March & April. A miraculous accident. They saile downe Rio Grande from Minoya 17. daies before they came to the mouth thereof. This Author ac­counteth but 300. lost, but Ynca. l. 6. reck­oneth 700. say­ing, that he car ried with him from Cuba 1000 Hee addeth, that Iuan Ponce de Leon, the first discouerer of Florida, lost himselfe and 80, men. Lucas Uasques was al­so slaine there with aboue 220 Pamphila de Naruacz went with 400 Spaniards, of which not a­boue foure es­caped, &c. Don­na Isabella Sotos wife died also with griefe. So fatall hath Flo­rida beene to Spaine, that (I hope) Uirginia may haue the greater dowry for her English husband. They sailed 17. daies down the Riuer, which is about 252. leagues. Fresh water almost two daies sailing in the Sea. A swarme of grieuous Moskitoes. Genowis, whom it pleased God to preserue (for without him they had neuer come out of the Countrie; for there was neuer another that could make Ships but he) with foure or fiue other Biscaine Carpenters, which hewed his plankes and other timbers, made the Brigandines: And two calkers, the one of Genua, the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearbe like Hempe, whereof before I haue made mention, which there is named Enequen. And because there was not enough of it, they calked them with the flaxe of the Countrie, and with the Man­tles, which they rauelled for that purpose. A Cooper made for euery Brigandine two halfe hogs heads, which the Mariners call quarterers, because foure of them hold a Pipe of water. In the 10 moneth of March, when it had not rained a moneth before, the Riuer grew so big, that it came to Nilco, which was nine leagues off: and on the other side, the Indians said, that it reached other nine leagues into the land. In the towne where the Christians were, which was somewhat high ground, where they could best goe, the water reached to the stirrops. They made certaine rafts of timber, and laid many boughes vpon them, whereon they set their horses, and in the houses they did the like. But seeing that nothing preuailed, they went vp to the lofts: and if they went out of the houses, it was in Canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground was high­est. So they were two moneths, and could doe nothing, during which time the Riuer decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come vnto the Brigantines as they were wont, and came in Ca­noes. At that time the Gouernour feared they would set vpon him. He commanded his men to 20 take an Indian secretly of those that came to the Towne, and stay him till the rest were gone: and they tooke one. The Gouernour commanded him to be put to torture, to make him confesse whether the Indians did practise any treason or no. Hee confessed that the Caciques of Nilco, Guachoya, and Taguanate, and others, which in all were about twenty Caciques, with a great number of people, determined to come vpon him; and that three dayes before, they would send a great present of fish to colour their great treason and malice, and on the very day they would send some Indians before with another present. And these with those which were our slaues, which were of their conspiracie also, should set the houses on fire, and first of all possesse them­selues of the lances which stood at the doores of the houses; and the Caciques with all their men should be neere the Towne in ambush in the wood, and when they saw the fire kindled, should 30 come, and make an end of the conquest. The Gouernour commanded the Indian to be kept in a chaine, and the selfe same day that he spake of, there came thirty Indians with fish. Hee com­manded their right hands to be cut off, and sent them so backe to the Cacique of Guachaya, whose men they were. He sent him word, that he and the rest should come when they would, for he desired nothing more, and that he should know, that they taught not any thing which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they all were put in a very great feare: And the Ca­ciques of Nilco and Taguanate came to excuse themselues; and a few dayes after came he of Gua­choya. The Brigandines being finished in the moneth of Iune, the Indians hauing told vs, That the Riuer increased but once a yeare, when the Snowes did melt, in the time wherein I mentio­ned, it had already increased, being now in Summer, and hauing not rained a long time, it plea­sed 40 God that the flood came vp to the Towne to seeke the Brigandines, from whence they car­ried them by water to the Riuer. Which if they had gone by land, had beene in danger of break­ing and splitting their keeles, and to be all vndone; because that for want of Iron, the spikes were short, and the plankes and timber were very weake. They shipped two and twenty of the best Horses that were in the Campe, the rest they made dried flesh of; and dressed the Hogges which they had in like manner. They departed from Minoya the second day of Iuly 1543.

There went from Minoya three hundred twenty and two Spaniards in seuen Brigandines, well made, saue that the plankes were thin, because the nailes were short, and were not pitched, nor had any decks to keepe the water from comming in. In stead of deckes they laid plankes, whereon the Marriners might run to trim their sailes, and the people might refresh themselues 50 aboue and below. They sailed downe the Riuer seuenteene dayes; which may be two hundred and fiftie leagues iourney, little more or lesse: and neere vnto the Sea the Riuer is diuided into two armes; each of them is a league and a halfe broad. By the way the Indians set on them: slew some, and wounded many.

The eighteenth of Iuly, they went forth to Sea with faire and prosperous weather for their voyage. They sailed with a reasonable good winde that day and the night following, and the next day till euening song, alwaies in fresh water, whereat they wondred much; for they were very farre from land. But the force of the current of the Riuer is so great, and the coast there is so shallow and gentle, that the fresh water entreth farre into the Sea. 60

They indured an intolerable storme first, and after that the torment of an infinite swarme of Moskitos which fell vpon them, which as soone as they had stung the flesh, it so infected it, as [Page 1556] though they had beene venomous. For the sayles which were white seemed blacke with them. Those which rowed, vnlesse others kept them away, were not able to rowe. Hauing passed the feare and danger of the storme, beholding the deformities of their faces, and the blowes which they gaue themselues to driue them away, one of them laughed at another. They met all toge­ther in the creeke, where the two Brigandines were, which outwent their fellowes. There was Ascum of the Sea like Pitch called Copee. found a skumme, which they call Copee, which the Sea casteth vp, and it is like Pitch, where­with in some places, where Pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships: there they pitched their Brigandines. They rested two dayes, and then eftsoones proceeded on their Voyage. They sai­led two dayes more, and landed in a Bay or arme of the Sea, where they stayed two dayes. Another deep Bay.

From the time that they put out of Rio Grande, to the Sea, at their departure from Florida, vntill they arriued in the Riuer of Panuco, were two and fiftie dayes. They came into the Riuer They arriued in the Riuer of Pa [...]nuc [...], 1543. Septemb. 10. 311 Christians arriued at Pa [...] nuco. Port de Spiritu Santo is in 29. degrees and a h [...]e on the West side of Florida. Ocute. Cu [...]ifachiqui. Xuala. Chiaha, Cozo, and Talise. Tascaluka. Rio Grande. 10 of Panuco the tenth of September, 1543. There arriued there of those that came out of Florida, three hundred and eleuen Christians.

From the Port de Spiritu Santo, where they landed when they entred into Florida, to the Prouince of Ocute, which may be foure hundred leagues, little more or lesse, is a very plaine Countrie, and hath many Lakes and thicke Woods, and in some places they are of wilde Pine-trees; and is a weake soyle: There is in it neither Mountaine nor Hill. The Countrie of Ocute is more fat and fruitfull; it hath thinner Woods, and very goodly Medowes vpon the Riuers. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui may be an hundred and thirty leagues: eightie leagues thereof are Desart, and haue many Groues of wilde Pine-trees. Through the Wildernesse great Riuers doe 20 passe. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala, may bee two hundred and fifty leagues: it is all an hilly Countrie. Cutifachiqui and Xuala stand both in plaine ground, high, and haue goodly Medowes on the Riuers. From thence forward to Chiaha, Coça, and Talise, is plaine ground, d [...]ie and fat, and very plentifull of Maiz. From Xuala to Tascaluça may be two hundred and fifty leagues. From Tascaluça to Rio Grande, or the Great Riuer, may be three hundred leagues: the Countrie is lowe, and full of Lakes. From Rio Grande forward, the Countrie is higher and more cham­paine, and best peopled of all the Land of Florida. And along the Riuer from Aquixo to Paca­ha, and Coligoa, are an hundred and fifty leagues: the Countrie is plaine, and the woods thinne, Aquixo. Colig [...]. and in some places champaine, very fruitfull and pleasant. From Coligoa to Autiamque are two hundred and fifty leagues of hilly Countrie. From Autiamque to Aguacay, may bee two hun­dred A [...]tia [...]que. Aguacay. and thirtie leagues of plaine ground. From Aguacay to the Riuer of Daycao an hundred 30 and twentie leagues, all hilly Countrie.

From the Port de Spiritu Santo vnto A [...]alache, they trauelled from East to West, and North. west. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala from South to North. From Xuala to Coça from East to West. From Coça to Tascaluça, and to Rio Grande, as farre as the Prouince of Quizquiz and Aquixo from East to West. From Aquixo to Pacaha to the North. From Pacaha to Tulla from East to West: and from Tulla to Autiamque from North to South, to the Prouince of Guachoya and Daycao, &c.

This Relation of the discouery of Florida was printed in the house of Andrew de Burgos, Prin­ter and Gentleman of the house of my Lord Cardinall the Infant. It was finished the tenth of 40 February, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and seuen, in the Noble and most loyall Citie of Euora.

CHAP. III.

Diuers expeditions from Mexico and other parts of New Spaine and New Biskay, especially to the more Northerly parts of America, by diuers Spaniards in a hundred yeares space. 50

§. I.

The Relation of NVNNO di GVSMAN written to CHAREES the fift Emperour; translated out of RAMVSIOS third Tome, and abridged.

I Writ from Mechuacan to your Maiestie (after I had written from Mexico) that I went thence with one hundred and fiftie horsemen, and as many footemen well armed, and with twelue small Peeces of artillery, and 7. or 8000. Ant de Men­doza writeth to the Emperour, that hee had 14000. Indians and 400. horse­men. Mechuacan. Croiles ere­cted. Indians our 60 friends, and all necessaries for the discouery and conquest of the Countrey from the Terlichichimechi which continue with New Spaine. I arriued at the Riuer of the purification of Saint Mary, so called, for passing it on that day. And because that Countrey was of the enemies, I determined to plant there three great Crosses, which I had [Page 1557] carried with me, well wrought and of good proportion, which after Masse said in Procession with Trumpets, the Captaines and I carried on our shoulders, and planted one on the Riuer, and the second before a Church of the Purification, then begun to be builded, and the third before the way which I was to passe, Alle quari, to or at the which. to the which Crosses with all deuotion wee after made due prayer. This done, the standerds of the Crosse began to be directed in the land of those infidels, which had not beene done since the Christians entred those parts. Incontinently some people met vs in peace, yeelding themselues and promising seruice. Meane while the Church was finished and walled about, that fifteene or twenty horsemen might lodge within. There Masse was said, and a Sermon was preached; after which certaine ordinances were red for good orders to be kept in the Armie. After this, on the seuenth of February possession was taken in your Maiesties name of that New Discouerie, and on the foureteenth was made the request which is accustomed to 10 be made.

In regard of accusations made against Caconci Lord of Mechuacan for rebellion and conspira­cie Caconci Lord of Mechuacan burned. to haue slaine vs, I marched against him and found the information true, besides other inormi­ties in sacrificing Indians and Christians, as he had vsed to doe before he was a Christian, whereup­on I condemned him to the fire, as may be seene in the processe made against him. Hauing exe­cuted this man and pacified the Countrie, I left a Spaniard in a fortresse there built by the Indi­ans, and trauelled six daies in a Countrie not inhabited, three of them downe the Riuer, lea­uing at euery lodging place a Crosse. On the sixt day we came to the Prouince Cuinao, full of Cuinao. good Townes and abounding in victuals. The people had at first armed themselues for resistance, 20 but when I sent Barius against them, they were all fled to the Mountaines. The light horse tooke some of the slowest not without making some defence. I sent them word not to be a­fraid, but to returne to their houses and giue their obedience, which they refusing, I marched against them with three squadrons, and sent the Ouerseer on one part, and Captaine Ognate on the other, and I was at their backes. The Ouerseer found none but women and chil­dren. Ognate incountred with about one hundred men with their Bowes and Arrowes wounded sleightly two horses and three men, but many of them were slaine, others taken with women and children about fiue hundred, which I caused to be kept together, lest the Indians should sacrifice them after their wont. The Cacique was fled to the next Prouince, called Cuinaquiro, of another signiorie and language. Because hee came not at my sending, I Cuinquiro. Wretched hos­pitality. 30 went to seeke him. Entring that Prouince where were many Townes, and great store of Maiz and Fruites, wee found many people dead, sacrificed, which had out of the for­mer Prouince retired thither for feare of vs, with many peeces of flesh which they vse to eate. I sent many prisoners to their friends to let them see that I came not to slay them. The language of this people none of ours could vnderstand. The Ouerseer encoun­tred three hundred armed with Bowes and Arrowes, which the day before had killed foure of our Indians: they set vpon ours singing, and killed a Horse, but hauing lost one hundred of their company, the rest escaped. I found my men cutting the Horse in pee­ces, that the enemies might see no signe of him, whereby they might know that a Horse could dye. I sent the Campe Master to discouer the foord: three Indians set on him, one Couragious Indian. 40 of which had a two hand sword of wood, which gaue him two blowes, but the Indian was slaine. I moued forwards, and discouered many inhabited places. Another skirmish happened with the Indians wherein aboue one hundred of them were slaine. All the Countrie is full of Maiz, Kidney-beanes, Hens, Parrats, Palmitos: there growes much Cotten, and some shewes appeared of Gold and Siluer found with some of the inhabitants.

I procured the Cacique to come to me with all his principall men, whom I entertained with much kindnesse, and made a speech to them, giuing them to vnderstand what God was, and the Spanish preach­ing to conuers Infidels. Pope, and what they ought to doe to be saued: and how the King of Castile was the Minister of God in earth, and Lord of all those parts subiect to him; and that to me in his royall name they were to yeelde obe­dience and seruice; and that they should abstaine from sacrificing & adoration to Idols and Diuels, which they had hitherto done, because God alone was to be worshipped, feared and serued, and after him they 50 ought to serue and obey on earth the King of Castile. The Cacique answered that till that houre hee Indian simpli­citie. had neuer knowne any thing of that which I had spoken, nor had euer heard of any but me that which I declared; but that he now conceiued great pleasure to haue vnderstood it, and that from henceforth he would hold for God the King of Castile, and would worship him. I answered that hee ought not so to doe, for the King of Castile was a mortall man as we our selues are, but that hee was Lord and Soueraigne ouer vs all, and giuen to vs of God to rule and gouerne vs, and we were to serue and obey him. And God aboue, which created heauen and earth, and all things visible and inuisible, is he which ought to be worshipped, feared, and serued aboue all things, for as much as he giueth vs, and of his hands we hold the life and being which we haue, and he is able to take 60 it from vs at his pleasure.

In this manner he stood aduised of that which he ought to doe, although their wit and capa­citie be very small, and their will much disagreeing, by reason of their ancient custome of ser­uing the D [...]uell. But seeing all things must haue a beginning and labour, and herein especially [Page 1558] the grace of God is necessary and the holy Ghost to be infused; it is to be beleeued and hoped of his infinite gentlenesse and mercy, that hauing directed your Maiestie to discouer this place and conquest, in vertu thereof and good fortune, after that of God, all things shall be done prospe­rously, and he will suffer to giue to this Nation knowledge of the truth. And if it be not so sud­denly done, yet the way shall be opened, and the Countrie conuersed in, and inhabited of Chri­stians, which adore and laud his holy Name, where before, the Deuill was adored with so many Idolatries; and the Baners of his most holy Crosse shall be fixed in all those Countries, that when he shall send his Grace, those Nations may be prepared to receiue it. I gaue to that Cacique all the people which I had taken, and they beganne to reinhabite their houses: and after a most sumptuous Crosse placed there, and possession of those Prouinces taken in your Maiesties name, I departed by the way of another Prouince called Cuiseo, situate on the other side of a great Ri­uer Cuiseo. 10 issuing out of a great Lake. After a battell with this People, wherein we preuailed by our Artillerie, the Cacique sent a Messenger to me, by whom I sent him word, that we came thither to haue them our friends, and to take possession of that Countrie, in the name of the King of Castile. Hauing obtayned prouisions, and passing further, in an Iland in the Riuer happened a hard skirmish, in which diuers were hurt, many of theirs slaine and taken, and the rest fled. The last which was taken, and which fought most couragiously, was a man in habite of a woman, which confessed, that from a childe he had gotten his liuing by that filthinesse, for which I cau­sed Sodomite pro­fessed. him to be burned.

Returning to the Campe, I caused the principall Lords of the Countrie to come to me, and pa­cified them, giuing them clothes, restoring the prisoners, and bidding them returne to their ha­bitations: 20 giuing them to vnderstand on behalfe of the King of Castile, That he was Lord and the Minister of God in Earth, in which God, the King and all men of the world are to beleeue, to adore, feare and serue him as God alone, maker and Creator of all things: and on Earth to be vassals, and to obey the commandements of the King of Castile, as his Minister: and to mee in his Royall name, and that they should not worship Idols, nor eate mans flesh. They answered me, that so they would doe, and their sacrificing to Idols hitherto grew from hence, that they knew not what God was; and because the Deuill commanded them to obserue those formes, and desired flesh and bloud of them, giuing them to vnderstand, that he was the Lord of all the world, whereupon for feare they had committed this errour, which henceforth they would cease to doe. Great are the sinnes 30 of all men liuing, seeing God permits so great abominations to bee committed against his di­uine Maiestie, and that such a multitude of soules are lost, and remaine blinde as brute beasts, and worse: for they follow their naturall course, which these haue lost: although some not Note well this Diuinitie. onely publish the warre which is made vpon them to be vniust, but also seeke to disturbe it, being the most worthie and holy worke, and of most merit, (with the punishing of that Nation) that nothing can be done in the seruice of God greater, howsoeuer it be done by the hands of great sinners, and especially by mee who am the greatest of all, since that nothing is hidden from his heate, and as the mercifull and giuer of Preaching by the Sword a worthie, holy, meritorious, satisfactory worke. all good, I hope in his infinite clemency that he will receiue my meane desire, and small paine and labour, in diminution of my sinnes: and will permit by his infinite bountie and grace, and because your Maiestie doth all for the seruice of God which it doth, whose charge it is to guide the enterprise in such manner, 40 that the beginning be with manifesting his Name, where before, that of the Enemie was serued wholly, and adored. Bee it knowne to your Maiestie, that wheresoeuer I come, I giue all the people to vnder­stand what God is, and who your Maiestie is. The Towne aboue this place or ford of the Riuer is called Guanzebi, where a Crosse was planted. Guanzebi.

Departing toward the Prouince of Tonola, I sent the Ouerseer to the Prouince of Cuy­naccaro, Tonola a free State. on the other side of the Riuer. The Seniory of that Prouince (for they had no par­ticular Lord) sent Messengers that they expected mee in peace, and would giue mee what I would howsoeuer Coiula, Coiuila, and Cuynaccaro, the three neighbour Prouinces were fooles, Cuinaccaro, Coiula, and Coiutla. and resolued vpon warre, These fought with vs so valiantly, that some one Indian would turne his head against a Light-horseman, and taking his Lance with one hand, with the other would 50 lay on him with a club which they vse; others would lay hold on the Bridles, and those which haue beene in New Spaine, and other parts, testifie that more couragious Indians haue not beene Valiant Indi­ans. seene. They vse Bowes, Arrowes, Clubs, and two-hand Swords of wood, a Sling, and some Targets. The most of them feare the Horses, holding opinion that they would eate them, and a thousand of them haue beene afraid of three Horsemen; yet neuerthelesse some are thus har­dy. The Countrie is temperate, they are great Sacrificers, haue Siluer, and some Gold: but I made shew not to care for it, and said I had no need of Gold, but that they should serue, and not sacrifice as before. In the place of the victorie was erected a faire Church called, The victorie of the Crosse, and a Crosse of sixtie foot long there erected. Zapatula receiued me in peace, Axi­mocuntla Zapatula. Aximocuntla. people fled, yet sent store of victuals, as did also Ixtatlan. 60

Our Indians in our march had slaine and sacrificed certaine women and children, the signes whereof I found, it being a thing impossible to remedie, notwithstanding all the punishment I Indian Christia­nitie but in name and names. inflicted, howsoeuer some say, they are good Christians. And let your Maiestie beleeue, that they doe at this present time as they did before, but secretly. And for this, and for other iust causes [Page 1559] which I haue written to your Maiestie, there ought not so much libertie be giuen them, nor more then that which is accustomed to their state and liuing; for to doe otherwise, is to giue occasion to them to be bad, and especially this People is of such nature, that they must be very much hol­den vnder, and made to feare, that they may be good Christians. Christians for feare. Xalpa. B [...]oudy Idoll.

From Xalpa three Embassadors came to me, with offer of peace, subiection, and certaine Sil­uer plates, and an Idoll made of Cotton, and full of bloud, and a Rasor of stone in the midst, wherewith they sacrificed, which was burned in their sight, to their great amazement, who thought it would haue destroyed all. Against Mandie Thursday a Church was erected of reeds in a day, and deuout Procession was then made of more then thircie Disciplinants. On Easter Tues­day Bloudy Pro­cession. Teulinchan. I departed thence to Tespano, thence by Mount Amec to Teulinchano, a strong place, being 10 all of stone cut round, where euery Lord of the Prouince ought to haue a house wherein to sa­crifice; there had beene a great Idoll of Gold, destroyed in other warres. The Palaces were of stone engrauen, some pieces of eighteene spannes, with great Statues of men, with other things like those of Mexico. The Courts of the Palaces were spacious, and faire, with Fountaines of good water. Thence I sent Captaine Verdugo to Xaltenango, thorow a Valley of sixe leagues, but the people were fled to the Mountaines. A Crosse was planted, and Masse said for the seruice of Xaltenango. God, there where the Deuill had so long beene serued, and had receiued so many Sacrifices. I diuided the Armie, one part to goe to Mechuacan (another Prouince, not that of New Mechuacan on the South Sea. Spaine) neere to the South Sea I marched with the other to Guatatlan, and there planted a Crosse on a Hill, and thence to Tetitlan, accompanied with the Caciques of the Countrie; 20 thence to Xalisco. Heere the way was so bad that in fifteene dayes I rode not three, and many Xalisco. beasts were lost.

I sent to the principall Lords of Xalisco, to whom I made the request accustomed. They were all retired to the Mountaines. Finding my selfe neere the Sea, I tooke possession thereof for your Maiestie. At Tepique two of the Lords of Xalisco came to me in peace, and to yeeld obedience, Tepique a new Prouince, as three other Townes had done neere the Sea, where are said to bee Mines of Gold. There I made Officers in your Maiesties name, as being a new Discouerie and Conquest separate from New Spaine, that there might be some to receiue your Maiesties fifths. Two Crosses were ere­cted in Xalisco and two in Tepeque, a place well watered, and very fertile. In marching from thence a great and dangerous battell was giuen vs by the Indians wherein we obtained victorie. 30 They wounded fiftie Horses, of which onely sixe died (one Horse I assure your Maiestie, is worth aboue foure hundred Pezos) diuers of the principall Commanders were wounded also. The next day I made a Procession with a Te Deum. Thence I passed the great Riuer of the Trinitie, to come to Omitlan, the chiefe of that Prouince. The Countrie is very hot, and the Riuer full of Croco­diles, and there are many venomous Scorpions. Here was erected one Church, and two Crosses. Aztatlan is three dayes iourney hence where they prepare to giue mee battell. From thence ten dayes further I shall goe to finde the Amazons, which some say dwell in the Sea, some in Amazo [...] Dreames. an arme of the Sea, and that they are rich, and accounted of the people for Goddesses, and whi­ter then other women. They vse Bowes, Arrowes and Targets: haue many and great Townes; at a certaine time admit them to accompanie them, which bring vp the males, as these the fe­male 40 issue, &c. From Omitlan a Prouince of Mecuacan of the greater Spaine, on the eighth of Iuly, 1530.

I had thought but for prolixitie, here to haue added Aluarados Conquests the other way from Mexico, Pet. Aluarado [...] Letters to Co [...] tes [...] which had sent him on this Discouery and Conquest. Two most ter­rible Vulcans. two of whose Letters are extant in Ramusio. The later of them is dated from the Citie of Saint Iago, which hee founded. Hee writes that hee was well entertained in Guatimala, and passed alongst with diuers fortunes, foure hundred leagues from Mexico conquering; and let your Lordship beleeue mee, this Countrie is better inhabited and peopled then all that which your Lordship hath hitherto gouerned. In this Prouince I haue found a Vulcan, the most dreadfull thing that euer was seene; which casteth forth stones as great as a house, burning in light flames, which falling, breake in pieces, 50 and couer all that fiery Mountaine. Threescore leagues before wee saw another Vulcan, which sends forth a fearefull smeake, ascending vp to Heauen, and the body of the smoake encompasseth halfe a league. None drinke of the streames which runne downe from it, for the Brimstone sent. And espe­cially there comes thence one principall Riuer, very faire, but so hot, that certaine of my companie were not able to passe it, which were to make out-roades into certaine places; and searching a Ford, found another cold Riuer running into it, and where they met together, the Ford was temperate and passable. I beseech your Lordship to grant mee the fauour to bee Gouernour of this Citie, &c. From Saint Iago, Iuly 28. 1524. 60

§. II.

The Voyages of Frier MARCO de Niça, Don FR. VASQVEZ de Coro­nado, Don ANTONIO de Espeio, and diuers into New Mexico, and the adioyning Coasts and Lands.

THere arose some strife betwixt Don Antonio de Mendoza Vice-roy of New Spaine, and L [...]p▪ G [...]m [...]ra. bist. gen c. 212. Cortes, each striuing to exceed the other in New-Discoueries, and complaining of each other to the Emperour. Whiles Cortez went to that end into Spaine, Mendoza hea­ring somewhat by Dorantez, one of Naruaez his companions in the former inland Discoueries 10 from Florida, sent both Frier Marco de Niça, with Steph. a Negro of Dorantez, and afterwards Captaine Francis Vasquez de Coronado, by Land as likewise Ferdinando Alarchon by Sea. Cortez also sent Francis Vlloa with a Fleet of three ships for discouerie of the same Sea, commonly cal­led the South Sea. The Voyages Ramusio hath published at large in Italian, and Master Hakluyt out of him in English. I shall borow leaue to collect out of them and Gomara, and F. Iuan Gon­zales de Mendoza, and others, some breefe heads of things agreeing to our purpose for the bet­ter knowledge of the Northerne America.

Francis Vasquez de Coronado Gouernour of Nueua Galicia, Anno 1539. writes, that hee arri­ued in the Prouince of Topira, where the Indians were fled into the Mountaines for feare of the Topira. Christians. They haue houses of stone, store of Gold, Emeralds, and other Iewels; haue strong 20 armour of Siluer fashioned in shapes of beats, worship herbs and birds, and sing songs to them. Neere thereto is another Prouince where the people goe naked. Their Priests which they call Chichimechas keepe in the woods without houses, and eate things giuen of almes by the people. Both men and women goe naked; the men tye their priuie member to the knee; they haue Temples couered with straw, the windowes full of dead mens skulls. They haue in a ditch be­fore the Temple the figure of a Serpent of diuers metals, with his tayle in his mouth. One eue­ry Impious pie­ties. yeere is sacrificed by lot, crowned with flowers and layd in that ditch, and fire put to him; which his death he takes patiently, and the yeere following is worshipped with hymnes, and after that his head is set vp with the rest. They sacrifice their prisoners burning them in another ditch without such ceremonies. 30

Frier Marco de Niça went from Saint Michael in Culiacan, two hundred leagues from Mexi­co, F. Marco de Ni­ [...]as Voyage to Cebola. with Stephen the Negro, and other Indians, and came to Petatlan, and thence passed a Desart foure dayes, and came to certaine Indians, which made much of him, sought to touch his garments, and called him Hayota, that is, A man comne from Heauen. Thence he trauelled to Vacupa, fortie leagues from the Sea (of California) and thence to Ceuola, which in thirty dayes iourney: hee learned that the people by the Sea haue store of Pearles, and Targets of Kow-hides. By the way he had vnderstanding of the Kingdomes of Totonteac and Acus. They shewed him an hide halfe An vnknowne kinde of Vni­corne. Expedition of Don Francisco Vasquez. Ill wayes. Cib [...]la. Sheepe as big [...]s Horses, with huge hornes. Indian embroi­derie. as big againe as the hide of an Oxe, and said, it was the skinne of a beast which had but one horne vpon his fore-head, bending toward his breast, and that out of the same goeth a point for­ward with which he breakes any thing that he runneth against. The colour of the hide was as 40 of a Goat-skinne, the haire a finger thicke. He passed thorow two Defarts. The men of Ce [...]ola sl [...]e Stephen the Negro. Frier Marke went within sight of it, and sayth it is a faire Citie seated at the foot of a Hill. Vpon this newes Captaine Vasquez aforesaid in Aprill, 1540. trauelled with 400. Horsemen, and a great Armie of Spaniards and others, many of which died of famine both Indians and Horses. The wayes were so rough, that the Sheepe and Lambes which they carried for their prouision lost their hoofes. The sixe and twentieth of May hee arriued in the Valley of Coracones, fiue dayes iourney from the Westerne Sea, and thence hee went to Chichilcale, and with much scarsitie to Ceuola, which is the name of a Prouince in which are seuen Cities neere I haue a Map made in Mexi­co, 1585. which placeth Ci [...]ola in 30. and an halfe, and de­scribe [...] in New Mexico, on Rio del Norte about 50. Townes with Spanish names, stan­ding neere each other, from 32. to 33. and a little more. But the Prouince of [...] he ma­keth to be ano­ther. together: their houses are of stone foure or fiue stories high; they vse Ladders in stead of staires, and haue Cellers vnder the ground made for Winter in manner of Stoues. The seuen Cities are 50 but small Townes with in foure leagues together. In one were two hundred houses compassed with walls, and some three hundred other vnwalled. They goe for the most part naked, vse painted Mantles, seeme not witty euough to build such houses; haue good quantitie of Turques­ses, some Emeralds also and Granates; great Guinee Corkes; and season (in Summer) as in Me­xico; many beasts, as Tigres, Beares, Lions, Porkespicks, and certaine Sheepe as big as Horses, with very great hornes and little tayles. I haue seene their hornes so great that it is a wonder. I haue seene the heads of wilde Goats, pawes of Beares and skinnes of wilde Boares. There is game of Deere, Ounces, and very great Stags, Hares, Conies. He sent the Vice-roy an embroi­dered garment of Needle-worke wrought by those Indians, and clothes painted by them with the pictures of the beasts of the Countrey. It is very cold in Winter, although it be in 37. de­grees 60 and a halfe. The snow continueth seuen moneths, in so much that the people vse furred Mantles, and other winter prouisions. The Souldiers seeing little here to bee had, were offended with the Friers which had commended Siuola, and loth to returne emptie to Mexico, they pro­ceeded to Acuco, and Cardenas with his troope of Horse went thence to the Sea, Vasquez with [Page 1561] the rest to Tiguez, on the banke of a great Riuer. There they had newes of Axa and Quiuira. They heard of a bearded rich King also called Tatarcax, whom they would visit; they burnt a Towne, and lost thirtie Horses in their way, and spent 45. dayes in siege of a Towne, which dranke snowe in stead of water and burned their goods to preuent the Spanish spoyle, then issu­ing by force with their wiues and children, few escaping: and diuers Spaniards also were slaine, and 80. wounded, besides Horses. They burnt the Towne and marched to Cicuic, horse and men passing ouer the Riuer vpon the Ice being in 37. degrees: and foure leagues from thence met with a new kind of Kine wilde and fierce, of which they slue 80. the first day for their proui­sion. Strange Kine. From Cicuic they went to Quiuira neere 300. leagues, thorow woodlesse Plaines, making heapes of Oxe-dung for way-markes against their returne. All that Plaine is as full of bunch­backed Kine as Serena in Spaine of Sheepe, and no other people but the Herd-men. It hailed 10 one day stones as big as Oranges. Melangole. At length they came to Quiuira and there found King Ta­tarrax, Great baile. a hoary man, naked and with a brasse Iewell at his necke; whereat not a little vexed to see themselues gulled with reports of riches, and the Crosse worshipped, and Queene of Heauen, of which they saw no signe, they returned to Mexico, and there arriued in March, 1542. Vasquez fell from his Horse in Tiguez, and withall out of his wits.

Quiuira is in 40. degrees temperate, well watered, and hath store of fruits. They are appa­relled Quiuira descri­bed out of Go­mara. Ships seene. with Oxe hides, and Deeres skinne. They saw ships on the coast with Alcatrazes of Gold and Siluer in their Prowes, which they esteemed to bee of China, making signes that they had savled thirtie dayes. Some Friers returned to Quiuira, and were slaine. As for those bunch­backed 20 Kine, they are the food of the Natiues, which drinke the bloud hot, and eate the fat, and often rauine the flesh raw. They wander in companies, as the Alarbes (and Tartars) following the pastures according to the seasons. That which they eate not raw, they rost, or warme rather a [...] a fire of Oxe-dung, and holding the flesh with his teeth, cut it with Rasors of stone. These The bunch­backed Oxen described. Oxen are of the bignesse of our Bulls, but their hornes lesse, with a great bunch on their fore­shoulders, and more haire on their fore-parts then behind, which is like wooll; a mane like a Horses on their backe bone, and long haire from the knees downward, with store of long haire at the chinne and throat, a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes. The Horses fled from them, of which they slue some, being enraged. They are [...]eat, drinke, shooes, houses, fire, ves­sels, and their Masters whole substance. Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their Sheepe with hornes of fiftie pounds. Great Dogs, Such the Saua­ges had in Fr [...] ­bushers voyage. Ruiz his Voy­age to Tigua [...]. Ant. de Esp [...]io his New Mexi­co. 30 fiue wooll called Sheepe; one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds. There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull, able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals.

A N [...] 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz, with two other Friers, and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas, two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards, where, vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine, the Souldiers returned. The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed. Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren, procured An­tonio de Espeio, a rich Mexican, with Frier Bernardine Beltran, and others, licensed to follow him to set [...]orth on the said Discouerie, in Nouember, An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses, 40 and store of prouisions. Hee passed the Conchos, and the Passaguates, and Tob [...]sos, and Iumanos, (finding many Siluer Mines in the way) and then came to people, which for want of Language they could not name, and heard by one of the Conchos, of a great Lake, and Townes neere it, with houses of three or foure stories, but went not thither. Fifteene dayes they trauelled tho­row Woods of Pine-trees, and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Wal [...]uts, still keeping by the Riuer of the North, as they called it, till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico. They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer, which vsed them kindly. Their houses are of foure stories, well built, with Stoues for Winter: their apparel of Cotton, and Deeres skinnes; both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather. Neats leather Shooes. Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill, where they set him meate, for whose ease (as they say) they erect Chappels also in the high-way. Thence they came to Tiguas in which were six­teene 50 Townes: in Poala they had slaine the two Friers, and now therefore fled to the Moun­taines. Friers slaine. They fou [...]d many Hennes in the Countrey, and many metals. Hearing that there were Henues many. rich Townes Eastwards, they trauelled two dayes, and found eleuen Townes, and (as they thought) fortie thousand people. There are signes of rich Mines. They heard of a Prouince Quires, sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer, which they visited, and found fiue Townes. They saw Quires. Painted V [...] ­brelas. Note the neet­nesse of Virgi­nia. there a Pie in a Cage, and certaine tirasols or shadowes, such as they vse in China, in which were painted the Sunne, Moone and Starres. They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe. Four­teene leagues more to the North, they came to the Cunames, which had fiue Townes; the grea­test was C [...]a, with eight Market places, the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours, 60 the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene.

They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes, and in them thirtie thousand soules. Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma, a Aco [...]a. Towne of sixe thousand persons, seated on a Rocke fifty paces high, without any passage to it [Page 1562] but by staires hewen in the Rocke; all their water was kept in Cisternes. They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola, where Vasquez had beene, and erected Crosses, still standing. Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here, which told Espeio, of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence, vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold. Whereupon, the rest returning, hee with nine companions determined to goe thither, and came to a populous Prouince, called Mohotze, and being well entertained, hee Mohotze. perswaded the Indians to build a Fort, to secure them from the Horses, which hee said would Pretie policy. otherwise eate them; which they did. Here he left some of his companie, and went to discouer certaine rich Mines, whereof he had heard, fiue and fortie leagues Westward, which hee found rich of Siluer. He had further intelligence also of that great Lake, and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos, populous Prouinces, being so few, they returned in Iuly, 1583. 10 by another way, downe a Riuer called, De las Vaccas, or Of Kine, an hundred and twenty leagues, still meeting with store of those cattell, and thence to Conchos, and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay.

Bartholmew Can [...] writ from Mexico, in May, 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio, Gouernour of New Ca [...]os Letter is in Mast. Hakl. Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola.

NOw for Cortez his three ships, they set forth from Acapulco, the eighth of Iuly, 1539. and Francis de Ul­l [...]as Voyage in the South Sea. California. sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo, (as they stiled it, and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses, which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent, others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands: and sayled so farre in the same, that I am loth to follow them, the particulars 20 being both in Ramusio, and Master Hakluyt. Fernando Alarchon, Anno 1540. was sent by Men­doza F. Alarchons Voyage. the Vice-roy, with two ships, who sayth, hee went to the bottome of the Bay (of Cali­fornia) and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie. I remit the desirous Reader to the Au­thours aforesaid. To mee, Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands, and to haue sayled within a great way, and after out of them: this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay, and therefore goeth vp the Riuer; later Maps make it an Iland, as wee haue said; a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos, calleth them Ilands, and sayth, Letter in Ma­ster H [...]kl. they are rich, and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them. But I am Sea-sicke, and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers. In which wee haue a Iesuite first, to entertaine you, and after 30 that, a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America. All which may be of vse one day, when our Virginian Plantation (which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation, with so much cost, and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon) shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie, and shake her glorious lockes, and disparkle her triumphant lookes, thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean. And in­deed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses, of whose Acts this Chap­ter had beene the last, but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne, to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues (they had a faire caueat 1588.) and to auoide the like with others, I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Tra­ueller, Frier, Bishop, to discouer their Discouerers; which shall cast vp the American parcels, 40 the particular relations of which you haue had already, and yeeld you the totall summe for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations.

§. III.

Extracts out of certaine Letters of Father MARTIN PER [...]Z of the Societie of Iesus, from the new Mission of the Prouince of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico, dated in the moneth of December, 1591. With a Letter added, written 1605. of later 50 Discoueries.

SInce my last Letters, dated the sixth of Iuly, among the Tantecoe, on which day wee came into this Prouince of Cinoloa, being guided by the Gouernour Roderigo del Rio, Tautec [...]. Iuly [...]. 1590. we passed and trauelled through diuers Castles, Countrie Villages, Mines of Metall, Shepheards houses, Townes of Spaniards, and certaine Signiories, helping our neigh­bours by our accustomed duties, so that wee were alwaies full of businesse. Wee passed ouer in eight dayes the rough and hard and painefull Mountaine Tepesnan, seeing no liuing creature, saue Tepes [...]an a mightie high Mountaine. certaine Fowles. The cause whereof is, the force of certaine Muskitos, which trouble Horses, whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountaine, which were most noisome to our Horses. There met vs certaine Cuimecht, which are warlike Indians, which offered vs bountifully such as Cuimechi war­like Indians. 60 they had, without doing vs any harme. There are almost an infinite number of these, which wander dispersed vp and downe, doing nothing else but hunt and seeke their food. And it was told vs, that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill, which besought the [Page 1563] Gouernour, that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith. Their Minister, which was but onely one, came to visite vs. There met vs also a certaine Spanish Captaine, which had the gouernment of six Castles or Countrie Villages in a part of the Moun­taine, who knowing well enough what the societie ment by these missions, wrote vnto the fa­ther Visitor, requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers, by whose trauell twenty thousand soules might be instructed, which he would recommend vnto him.

These and other Villages we passed by not without griefe, because it was resolued already among vs, that we should stay in no other place, but in this Prouince. A few dayes before our comming thither we wrote to six or seuen Spaniards, which dwell there without any Priest, and heard Masse onely once a yeare, to wit, when any Priest, dwelling thirtie or forty leagues 10 off, came vnto them, to confesse and absolue them being penitent; who being accompanied with most of the chiefe Indians, met vs with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse, aboue twen­ty The towne of Saint Philip and Iacob on the second Ri­uer of Ginol [...]a. It is but 190. leagues indeed from Mexico. leagues distant from their dwellings, and accompanied vs vnto the second Riuer of this Pro­uince, wherein the towne of Saint Philip and Iacob standeth. This Prouince is from Mexico a­boue three hundred leagues, and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountaines of the Tepesuanes, on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea, or the Gulfe of California: on another part it stretcheth euen to Cibola and California, which are Prouinces toward the West, very great and well inhabited. On one side, which regardeth the North, new Mexico is but two dayes iourney distant from the vttermost Riuer of this Prouince (as we were enformed by the Gouernour) which is so famous and renowned, and so full of Pagan superstition, whereof Often writing of new Mexico. 20 diuers haue often written.

They measure and diuide the Prouince of Cinaloa with eight great Riuers which runne through the same. The reason of that diuision is this, because all the Castels and Villages of the inhabitants are setled neere the bankes and brinkes of the Riuers, which are replenish­ed with fish, and which in short space doe fall into the Mediterran [...] Sea, or Gulfe of California. The soyle is apt for tillage and fruitfull, and bringeth forth such things as are sowne in it. The ayre is cleere and wholesome. The Pesants and husband men reape twice a yeare, and among other things, store of Beanes, Gourds, Maiz, and such kinde of Pulfe, whereof wee and they eate so plentifully, that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things, or of Famine; nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes, and 30 they cast away their old Maiz, to make roome for the new. They haue great store of Cotten Wooll, whereof they make excellent cloathes, wherewith they are apparelled. Their apparell Cotten wooll. is a peece of cloath tyed vpon their shoulders, wherewith as with a cloak they couer their whole Their apparel, body, after the manner of the Mexicans.

True it is, that though they be all workemen, yet for the most part of the yeare they are not couered, but goe naked; yet all of them weare a broad girdle of the said Cotten cloath cunningly and artificially wrought, with figures of diuers colours in the same, which the shels of Cockles and Oysters ioyned artificially with bones doe make. Moreouer, they thrust many threds through their eares, whereon they hang earerings; for which purpose they bore the eares of their children as soone as they be borne in many places, and hang eare­rings, 40 round Stones, and Corall in them, so that each eare is laden with fiftie of these Ornaments at least, for which cause they alwayes sleepe not lying on their sides, but with their face vpward. The women are decently couered from their waste downeward, being all the rest naked. The men as well as the women weare long haire; the women haue it Their heire, hanging downe their shoulders, the men often bound vp and tyed in diuers knots: they thrust Corals in it, adorned with diuers feathers and cockle shels, which adde a certaine beautie and ornament to the head. They weare many round Beades of diuers colours a­bout their neckes. They are of great stature, and higher then the Spaniards by a hand­full, Their great Stature. so that as wee sate vpright vpon our horses, without standing on tiptoe, they easily could embrace vs. They are valiant and strong, which the warres which they Their yalour. 50 had with the Spaniards doe easily shew, wherein though they sustained no small damages, yet were they not vnreuenged, nor without the bloud of their aduersaries. When they would fight resolutely for their vttermost libertie, they denounced and appointed the day of battell. Their weapons are Bowes and poysoned Arrowes, and a kinde of clubbe of Their weapō [...]. hard wood, wherewith they neede not to strike twice to braine a man. They vse also [...]ertaine short iauelins made of red wood, so hard and sharpe, that they are not inferiour to our armed speares. And as fearefull and terrible as they be to their enemies, so quiet and peaceable are they among themselues and their neighbours, and you shall seldome finde a quar­rellour or contentious person. The Spaniards after certaine conflicts at length made friendship with them, leauing their Countrie to them: but those eight Spaniards, whom I mentio­ned 60 before, liue quietly among them: and though they be called Lords, yet are they Eight Spaniard; liuing in Ci [...] ­loa. contented with such things as the Indians giue them, offering no violence nor molestation to any man.

Vpon our comming into these Countries, the Indians stirred vp with the fame of new men, [Page 1564] came by flockes vnto our lodging, and witnessed their loue, with exceeding great signification of good will, with salutation and words, which yet we vnderstood not, staying so long with vs till they were friendly dismissed by vs: neither neglected they the opportunitie offred vpon the first occasion, to shew how greatly they affected the Christian religion; for as soone as we entred into the first Villages of this Prouince, the day following there assembled a great number of old Readinesse to heare the Gos­pell. and yong folkes to be baptized, which was a great comfort vnto vs; we christened full foure­score boyes and girles; we raised the mindes of the rest with good hopes, that assoone as they were instructed with necessary doctrine, they should be partakers of the same Sacrament. Wee Foure hundred baptized by Franciscans, (slaine there) twelue yeares before. Difference of language. found foure hundred Christians, which hauing bin baptized by the Franciscane Fathers, which came into these parts twelue yeares past, when at length they were slaine by the Inhabitants 10 were left destitute of a teacher; neither can all of them be instructed by vs, vnlesse some helpe be sent vs; for besides that the people are many, they also differ in language and tongues, al­though there be two chiefe and most generall.

We learne two tongues with great celeritie, which albeit they be not so vulgar and generall, yet are they more necessary: and we haue profited so much in three moneths, that wee could easily vnderstand the Indians when they spake. Wherefore wee began to instuct in the Cate­chisme, and with godly speeches to exhort the Nation, to keepe them within the compasse of their duetie, and to deliuer them of all feare: when they see that they receiue of vs the seruice Instruction in the Catechism and formes of praying to God, not in a strange but in their owne language; the which together with the Catechisme they learne with great care and shortnesse of time. And now wee haue And why doe you teach Ba­bylon, or to bab­ble in a strange tongue here, instead of praying? Sixteene hun­dred newly Christened. Concubines. 20 Christened aboue sixteene hundred, as well those of yeares as boyes; besides those foure hun­dred, which being christened by the aforesaid Fathers, almost in their infancie, and fully twelue yeares neglected, had scarsely any shew of Christendome, but were married with Pagans after their Countrey fashion. From many of them we tooke away their Concubines, because such is the custome of this Nation, that they take as many as they are able to keepe. Many of them we likewise married.

There are also many more which desire to be baptized, but since the people be exceeding ma­ny, and the workemen but two onely, we are not able to sustaine the labour. The last of No­uember I visited the people of this tract or Riuer, and in the space of twelue or thirteene miles, there are foure thousand Indians at the least, which vse Bowes and Arrowes, besides 30 women and children. Among these are certaine of bad name and fame, which haue familia­rity and acquaintance with the Diuell, with whom they commit abominable and very horri­ble Familiarity with the Diuel sinnes.

Many of them fled into the Mountaines, that their children might not be Christened, because the Diuell had reported abroad, that all they should die that were Baptized. Not withstanding in seuen or eight dayes we Christened two hundred and fortie children. Necessitie enforced me to 240. children Christened. leaue them, and to goe to another place, to helpe our neighbours: yet I am greatly desirous to re­turne moued with a certaine pitie, because I see this people so strongly possessed by the Diuell being vtterly ignorant of the faith.

There are now thirteene Churches in these three Riuers, besides those which are erected by 40 little and little, neither haue we any more holy Vestments for them, then those which we car­ry Thirteene Churches in three Riuers. about with vs, and one other furniture of an Altar, which belongeth to the Spaniards: we haue neuer a Bell in any of these Churches. We furnished an Alter with one Crosse and certaine pa­per Images, which were brought hither from Culhuacan, because we want other furniture, which we looke from your Reuerencies, and it will be very profitable, since this Nation is so delighted Culhuacan. with outward ornaments.

We celebrated the dedication of a Church at Petatlan, on the day of the conception of the Vir­gin, the Mother of God. In the same I set vp a certaine small Image consecrated to the concepti­on Petatlan in 25. degrees and a halfe. The Christia­nity there taught. of the blessed Virgin: We went on Procession, wherein the Boyes sang the Te Deum laudam [...] in the vulgar language: I added a Prayer, and then red Masse, because the singers are yet igno­rant 50 of Song, and can sing nothing else but Amen, with a rude and vntuned voyce. Many of the Pagans were present, which were inuited to this holy day from other places, and were almost amazed beholding these first beginnings, wishing that the like solemnitie might be kept in their Villages. As farre as hitherto we are able to gather, the Indians the inhabitants of these and the neighbour Pagan Castles, where there is greater store of people, and lesse diuersitie of lan­guages, are quicke and prompt, tractable, and of easier conuersion, then any that I haue hitherto seene or knowne. I could wish that I might sometime liue priuately with my selfe, but such is the concourse of commers, that they loue me not thus quiet, and though I be silent, yet they minister diuers speeches, inquiring of our things, and rehearsing their owne, and come to vs in the night to prayer. They are ingenious and docile, although they haue no teacher, by whose 60 instruction this force of nature should be exercised. They liue in Castles and Countrey villages, in houses ioyned neere the one to the other, and builded of chalke and timber, which they adore Their houses with Mats and couerings of reedes.

In the marriages which they make, when they take many wiues, it seemeth not inconueni­ent [Page 1565] or indecent vnto them, to take their sister, mother, or daughter, because they thinke that this maketh much for domesticall peace, and that thereby all emulation may be auoided. And though Their plurality and incests in marriages. they make no account of affinitie, yet they haue exceeding great regard of consanguinitie. They loue their children most tenderly for a certaine time, and teach them nothing else but such things as they know themselues, and neuer beate them nor chastise them for any thing, and so The bad edu­cation of their children. Forme of Mar­riages. they liue like beasts. They marrie them at their time; and this is the forme of their marriage: The Parents of each partie meete together, and after conferences had betweene them, they dance according to their Countrie custome, and giuing hands returne home; if the Bridegroome or Bride be vnder age, they stay certaine moneths and sometime a yeare, neuer seeing one the other: afterward at time conuenient the Father of the spouse giueth an house to his daughter and son in 10 law, with furniture thereto belonging.

They also make the Bridegroome a Knight, if he be of a worthy familie, with diuers rites, Their forme of making Knights. whereof these be the chiefest ceremonies: They deliuer him a Bowe, and instruct him how to vse his new weapons; and to shew a signe of his industrie and abilitie, he is turned out to some yong Lyon or wilde beast, which when he hath killed, he is aduanced to some honour and dig­nitie, whereby he excelleth others which are not Knights. Among the things belonging to po­licie, this is one which they doe obserue; that they adopt other mens children for their owne; Adoption. but this adoption into another familie hath very seuere and dangerous ceremonies, for they thrust a sticke into their mouthes into the bottome of their throates, wherewith they are almost choaked; if it fall out well, they vomit vp all the meate in their stomacke, and so they passe 20 ouer into the right of another man. Whatsoeuer time remaineth from labour and trauaile they Their quiet­nesse and kind play. spend in a play, which is like to Dice, but consisteth of diuers signes. They play with exceeding great moderation and patience of minde, being most cunning in this kinde of sport, no oath is heard among them, nor any contentions or brabling word, though they loose their apparell and all that they haue, and goe home naked, as sometime it falleth out.

When they be sicke, if the disease be sore and dangerous, they digge a place for their buriall, and sometimes it standeth fiue or sixe dayes open, which custome was very profitable to a cer­taine Their burials. woman; for when I came into a certaine Village, and saw the ground digged very deeply, knowing what the matter was, I came vnto her lying on her Couch and sicke, and ha­uing instructed her in the Catechisme which I had written in the vulgar Tongue, in the princi­ples 30 of Christian Religion, I baptised her, but she recouered. Now the cause why they open the places of their burials is this, That presently they may couer the bodie or ashes of him that is dead (for somtimes they burne the bodies with all the house and household stuffe.) They sprinkle the Sepulchre with a certaine dust, whereof they make a drinke, and bring meate with them, and after they haue wept ouer the Graue, they make themselues drunke, the Kinsfolke of the dead making a Feast for them that doe assist them. And these be their Funerals.

The Vicar of the Church of Culiacan, which is fortie two leagues from Cinoloa, where the foresaid Fathers liue, in his Letters sent to a certaine friend writeth after this manner: In Cina­loa the Fathers labour painfully in the Lord in conuerting the Indians vnto the Faith so fruitful­ly and happily, that we all hold it for a Miracle. Neither can it be beleeued, both with what ce­leritie 40 they haue learned and speak the tongue of that Countrie, and with what facilitie and con­tentment. The Inhabitants come to bee baptized, and desire to bee instructed in the Articles of our faith. Doubtlesse it is the worke of God; wherefore the Diuine Maiestie doth fauour and promote the same.

A Letter written from Valladolid by LVDOVICVS TRIBALDVS TO­LETVS to Master RICHARD HAKLVYT, translated out of Latine, touching IVAN de ONATE his Discoueries 50 in new Mexico, fiue hundred leagues to the North from the old Mexico.

WHen you shall see the English returned home out of our Spaine, and can finde no Letters sent vnto you from vs, perhaps, and that worthily you will accuse vs of breach of our friendship, and also as little mindfull of our promise. Yet we as free from this fault salute you most willingly. For it is not long since we arriued here, that is to say in this Court, a little after the departure of your Coun­trimen into England. Yet we made our iournie by Sea and by Land indifferent pleasantly and according to our desire. After we had rested our selues a small while, we desired nothing more then to visit An­drew Garsia Cespedes, a man for many respects linked vnto vs in most straight bands of friendship. 60 He greatly reioyced of your good will toward him: And shewed me a certaine briefe yet very perspicuous Their burials. Don Iuan de Onate his first relation. 5000. [...]ent 1599 Relation of things atchieued by Don Iuan de Onate, among the Indians of New Mexico.

For therein is written, that he departed from old Mexico in the yeere 1599. with an Armie and carriages of fiue thousand men, in which number boyes, women, youngmen and Souldiers [Page 1566] are included. He carried also great store of victuals with him, flockes of Sheepe and Goates, Herds of Oxen, and all things necessarie for life, also Horses and Armour, and other things which in these kind of Expeditions ought to be prouided. Therefore hauing trauelled through diuers 500. leagues trauell. Countries fiue hundred leagues, hee found diuers Nations by the way, noble for their builded Townes and reasonable ciuill manners. All which he receiued into the friendship of the King of Spaine, and they openly testified the same by publike instruments, and giuing of their faith. And when with his company he came vnto a Towne very strong by situation of the place, built vpon a most high and mightie Rocke, and was freely receiued by the Inhabitants, giuing their right hands to each other, they courteously supplied them with all things necessarie for their reliefe, and promised within a while after that they would furnish them with more, sufficient to make 10 a very long iournie. When Onate had waited for this thing, at the day appointed hee sent his Nephew by his sister with a few Souldiers, who entring the Towne, came into the Market place, where almost all the multitude of the Townesmen were assembled together. Now while hee with his company was busie in buying of things, suddenly the Traitours from all parts rushed Treacherous peop [...]e. vpon him and his fellowes vnawares, and by most wicked treason cut off the Captaines head and sixe others; the rest being wounded hardly escaped by flight from so great a multitude that as­saulted them, yet some of the enemies were slaine and thrust through. When speedily the fame hereof came to Onate, taking with him a choice number of Souldiers, in a great furie he came vn­to the Towne, besiged it, and after a long fight by maine force he tooke the same, slue most part, Their Towne taken. Acoma is in 32. degrees, and two third parts tooke the rest, burnt the Towne and razed it to the ground, that no tokens might remaine of so 20 great a wickednesse committed against him. The Townes name was Acoma: and none of our men was slaine in the siege thereof.

After this he easily proceeded forward on his iournie as he did before, till he came to a mightie great Citie: he inforced this City with the villages adioyning to sweare obedience to the King of A mighty city. Spaine, not altogether vnwilling, yet feared by the example and ruine of the towne that was de­stroyed. From hence he came to a greater Citie, which likewise after hee had obtained it by great Another grea­ter Citie. Cibola is in 33. degrees. The Towne of Saint Iohn. Sundry Mynes of gold and siluer newly found. A second Dis­couerie 1602. The most fa­mous Riuer of the North dis­couered. Anto­nie de Espio vno Rio mas que ocho leguas de ancho. The Lake of Conibas. Auia vnalag­nuao lago nuy guade. Anten. de Espeio. A faire and goodly Citie. friendship he sent certain men from thence to search out the oxen of Cibola, long since known by the report of one, (to wit of Vasquez de Coronado) whether they were such indeed or no. Who when they had found a great multitude of these oxen, and would compasse them about, and force them into certaine inclosures or toiles, their enterprize preuailed but a little: they are so wild and so swift. Yet after they had killed many of them, bringing store of them with them, as though 30 they had bin Deere, returning to their company and General, to the great admiration of all men, they declared the wildnesse and innumerable number of these Oxen.

Afterward employing of themselues to keepe those things which they had gotten, they buil­ded a Towne, which they called Saint Iohns Towne, and entring into very great friendship with the people which they had lately discouered, after they had found certaine very rich Mynes of gold and siluer, being laden with store of other riches, they determined to liue pleasantly and quietly, and to end their trauels, with singular profit of the Inhabitants in the Christian Religi­on, and abiuring of their Idols, which in former time they worshipped most religiously.

At length within these two yeeres, leauing his fellowes there, Onate vndertooke a new Dis­uerie 40 toward that most famous Riuer of the North, which at length he discouered, being euery­where courteously entertained by the Inhabitants. At last he came to the Lake whereof long since, haue gone many reports. This is the Lake of Conibas, on the brinke whereof hee beheld a farre off a Citie seuen leagues long, and aboue two leagues broad. The houses of this Citie were separated the one from the other, and trimly and artificially builded, adorned with many trees and most goodly Gardens; and often diuided with streames running betweene them. Yet none of the Inhabitants did appeare. Therefore being not furnished with a sufficient Armie, he kept his Souldiers about him in a strong place, yet he sent certaine Horsemen into the Towne to view it: who after they had ridden by a certaine space through certaine exceeding faire streets of the Ci­tie, and could see none of the Citizens, at length came to an exceeding great Market place, 50 which was filled with an exceeding great company of men, fortified with Rampiers and other fortifications in manner of a Fortresse. Therefore perceiuing themselues to be vnequall to so in­finite a number, they retired backe to their fellowes without attempting any thing and so retur­ned home to their owne houses vnder the conduct of Onate, defferring the assaulting of so great a Towne vntill a more conuenient time: and now they keepe those places diligently, which they haue alreadie found, and doing violence to none of the Inhabitants, they liue in all happinesse Westerne coast of America dis­couered neere Cape Califor­nia, which it seemes at this time was more perfectly dis­couered to be an Iland, as you see in M. [...]rigs his Map. and prosperitie.

Moreouer, other newes is brought from New Spaine, to wit, that by the commandement of the Vice-roy, the Coasts of the South Sea toward Cape Mendoçino are discouered, and that ex­ceeding faire and large Hauens are found neere the Californias, which hitherto no man knew, and 60 that Castles are there to be builded and fortified, fit to withstand the force of the enemie: which I saw painted with the precise longitudes and latitudes, annexed vnto them.

There is no newes come of the Voyage to the Iland lately found out toward Noua Guinea. If any newes come, I will carefully aduertise you thereof.

[Page 1567] It remaineth, that I speake somewhat of the instruction which I promised you, and now send vnto you: to wit, that the same was sent to the West Indies, and that according to the precepts therein contained, all things are obserued very exactly, and written to the Councell of the In­dies: and that Cespedes our friend hauing diligently read ouer these Writings, hath written an excellent Volume; but he hath not obtained leaue to publish the same: for they will not haue all these things particularly to come to light.

And these be the things which I now thought good to write vnto you, my Hakluyt, meaning to haue written more, if there had beene any fresher things to haue written of. Neither haue [...] yet sought out all those that might informe me of these new Discoueries: for I could not yet doe it by reason of the shortnesse of the time. I hope hereafter I shall haue leisure: and I know you will commend mee for my friendship towards you. Farewell from Ualladolid the Nones of 10 Iuly 1605.

TO THE READER.

AFter so many other Spanish Discourses and Discoueries, I haue added for a Spanish farewell this of B [...]rtnolomew de las Casas a zealous Dominican Frier, after made Bishop of Chiapa, tou­ching the excesses committed by some Spaniards in the Continent and Ilands of America, from their first Discouerie till the yeere 1542. in which this was written; the rather heere annexed, as our conclusion 20 of Spanish Relations. The occasion (it seemeth) was his godly zeale of conuerting soules to Iesus Christ from the power of Ethnike darknesse, which was hindered by a worse darknesse in those which professed themselues children of Light, and had the name and Sacraments of Christians. For it beeing then the custome, as you haue seene in Soto, and others before, to get so much of the American Regions in Parti­tion, Commendam or a Comm [...]ssion from the King (then Charles the fifth Emperour) to discouer and pacifie, as their stile hath it, that is, as the Popes Bull prescribeth, to bring into Spanish subiection, and to conuert to the Christian Faith, so much as their Commission limited, paying the fifth part of what­soeuer they got to the Crowne; they abusing the Emperours lenitie, and concealing their out-rages, pro­ceeded in conuerting, as that word is deriued from conuerrere, not from conuertere, and in such course as this Author expresseth, if he and other Diuines which made complai [...]t thereof to the Emperour bee 30 to be credited. Neither is it incredible for the maine part of the Historie (we see their owne Iournals in­sinnate as much in milder and closer termes) how soeuer his zeale flings forth fiery tearmes, and paints out their Acts in the blackest Inke, and most Hyperbolicall Phrases. The Issue was the alteration of gouern­ment in the Indies, by the gentlenesse of the Kings of Spaine, which freed them from slauerie, and tooke better order both for their bodily and spirituall estate, as before wee haue read in Herera. And if any thinke that I publish this in disgrace of that Nation; I answere, Euery Nation (We see it at home) hath many euillmen, many Deuill men. Againe, I a [...]ke whether the Authour (himselfe a Spaniard and Diuine) intended not the honour and good of his Countrie thereby: which also was effected, euill manners producing good Lawes. And indeed it is as much honour to this Bishop and the Bishop of Mexico, with other Spaniards that shewed their zeale of reformation herein, as also to the Kings of Spaine which haue 40 effected it; as the doing it is shame to other Spaniards, and the genetalitie here touched. The like abuses of Sauages in Brasill, you haue seene by Portugals, complained of by Iesuites, sup. l. 7. c. 2. For my part I honour vertue in a Spaniard, in a Frier, in a Iesuite: and haue in all this volumino [...] storie not beene more carefull to shew the euill acts of Spaniards, Portugals, Dutch in quarrels twixt them and vs, then to make knowne whatsoeuer good in any of them, when occasion was offered. And so farre am I from delighting to thrust my singer in sores (which yet I doe on necessitie, euen with the English also) that I haue left out many many inuectiues and bitter Epithetes of this Author, abridging him after my wont, and lopping of such superfluities, which rather were the fruit of his zeale, then the flowre of his History. I could also haue added the names of those which he here calleth Tyrants, the Captaines in those Expedi­tions: but he spared them; as then liuing, and in Herera before you haue them, which yet is angry with 50 Ramusio for that wherein this storie doth excuse him, the concealment of their names being best commen­dation of such men. In these prunings and comission of some things (in their owne places, before related) aboue a third part is left out, and yet more then enough left to testifie that Man [...] heart giuen ouer to co­uetousnesse or other vice, is a bottomlesse Hell, wicked and deceitfull aboue all; who can search it? The colours which the Spaniards pretended for such executions, were the Man-eatings, Sodomies, Ido­latries and other vices of Americans; perhaps made worse in the telling, and certainly with worse vices in this sort punished by vniustest Iustice in respect of the Spamards, whose vniustice is neuerthelesse most iust in regard of God, which knoweth how to punish sinne by sinne, by Sinners. This Booke is extant in Spanish, Latine, Dutch, and in English also printed 1583. when as peace was yet betwixt England and Spaine, which English Copie I haue followed. 60

The Prologue of the Bishop Frier BARTHOLOMEW de las CASAS or CASAVS, to the most high and mightie Prince, Our Lord Don PHILIP Prince of Spaine.

MOst high and mightie Lord, as God by his Prouidence hath for the guiding and com­moditie of mankind in this World, in Realmes and Prouinces, appointed Kings to be as Fathers, and as Homer nameth them Shepherds, and so consequently the most noble and principall members of Common-weales: so can we not iustly doubt by reason of the good wils that Kings and Princes haue to minister Iustice, but that if there be any things a­misse, 10 either any violences or iniuries commited, the only cause that they are not redressed, is, for that Princes haue no notice of the same. For certainly if they knew of them, they would im­ploy all diligence and indeuour in the remedie thereof. Whereof it seemeth that mention is made in the holy Scripture, in the Prouerbs of Solamon, where it is said, Rex qui sedet in solio Iu­dicij dissipat omne malum intuitu suo. For it is sufficien [...]ly to be presupposed euen of the kindly and naturall vertue of a King, that the only notice that hee taketh of any mischiefe tormenting his Kingdome, is sufficient to procure him, if it bee possible, to roote out the same as beeing a thing that he cannot tollerate euen one only moment of time.

Considering therefore with my selfe most mightie Lord the great mischiefes, damages and losses (the like whereof it is not to be thought, were euer committed by Mankind) of so l [...]rge and great Kingdomes, or to speake more truely, of this so new World of the Indies, which God and 20 holy Church haue committed and commended vnto the King of Castile, to the end they might gouerne, conuert, and procure their prosperitie as well temporally as spiritually. I therefore (I say) being a man of experience, and fiftie yeeres of age or more, considering these euils, as hauing seene them committed, at my being in those Countries: Also that your Highnesse hauing infor­mation of some notable particularities, might bee mooued most earnestly to desire his Maiestie, not to grant or permit to those Tyrants such conquests as they haue found out, and which they doe so name, (whereunto if they might bee suffered they would returne) seeing that of them­selues, and being made against this Indian, peaceable, lowly and milde Nation which offendeth none, they be wicked, tyrannous, and by all Lawes either Naturall, Humane or Diuine, vtterly 30 condemned, detested and accursed: I thought it best, least my selfe might become also guiltie, by concealing the losse of an infinite number both of souls & bodies which are so committed, to cause a few of their dealings which of late I had selected from among infinite others, and that might truly be reported to be printed, to the end your Highnesse might with more ease peruse and reade them ouer. Also whereas your Highnesse Master the Archbishop of Toleto, when hee was Bishop of Carthagena required them at my hands, and then presented them to your Highnesse: perad­uenture by reason of such great Voyages as your Highnesse tooke vpon you, both by Sea and by Land for matters of Estate wherein you haue beene busied, it may bee you haue not perused, ei­ther haue forgotten them, and in the meane time the rash and disordinate desire of those which thinke it nothing to doe wrong, to shed such abundance of mans bloud, to make desolate these so 40 large Countries of their naturall Inhabitants and Owners, by slaying infinite persons, either to purloine such incredible treasures, do daily augment, these Tyrants proceeding vnder al counter­feit titles and colours in their instant and importunate sute, namely, to haue the said Conquests permitted and granted vnto them: Which in truth cannot bee granted without transgressing the Law both of Nature and of God, and so consequently not without incurring mortall sinne, worthy most terrible and euerlasting torments: I thought it expedient to doe your Highnesse seruice in this briefe Summarie of a most large Historie, that might and ought to bee written of such slaughters and spoiles as they haue made and perpetrated. Which I beseech your Highnesse to receiue and reade ouer, with that Royall clemencie and courtesie, wherewith you vse to accept and peruse the workes of such your seruants, as no other desire, but faithfully to employ them­selues 50 to the common commoditie, and to procure the prosperitie of the Royall Estate.

This Summarie being perused, and the vildnesse of the iniquitie committed against these poore innocent people, in that they are sl [...]ine and hewed in pieces without desert, only through the auarice ambition of those that pretend [...]o the doing of such execrable deeds, being considered. It may please your Highnesse to desire, and effectually to perswade his Maiestie to denie any whosoeuer shall demand or require so hurtfull and detestable enterprises: yea, euen to burie any such suite or petition in the infernall pit of perpetuall silence, thereby shewing such terrour and dislike as hereafter no man may bee so bold, as once to name or speake thereof. And this (most mightie Lord) is very expedient and necessarie, to the end God may prosper, preserue and make the estate of the Royall Crowne of Castile for euer to flourish both spiritually and temporally. 60

CHAP. IIII.

A briefe Narration of the destruction of the Indies by the Spaniards: written by a Frier BART. de las CASAS a Spaniard, and Bishop of Chiapa in America.

THe Indies were discouered the yeere 1492. and inhabited by the Spanish the yeere next after ensuing: so as it is about fortie nine yeeres sithence that the Spaniards some of them went into those parts. And the first Land that they entred to inha­bite, 10 was the great and most fertile Ile of Hispaniola, which containeth sixe hun­dred leagues in compasse. There are other great and infinite Iles round about, and in the Confines on all sides: which we haue seene the most peopled, and the fullest of their owne natiue people, as any other Countrie in the World may be. The firme Land lying off from this Iland two hundred and fiftie leagues, and somewhat ouer at the most, containeth in length on the Sea Coast more then ten thousand leagues: which are alreadie discouered, and daily be discoue­red more and more, all full of people, as an Emmote hill of Emmots. Insomuch, as by that which since, vnto the yeere the fortieth and one hath beene discouered: It seemeth that God hath bestowed in that same Countrie, the gulfe or the greatest portion of Mankind.

God created all these innumerable multitudes in euery sort, very simple, without subtletie, or 20 craft, without malice, very obedient, and very faithfull to their naturall Liege Lords, and to the Spaniards whom they serue, very humble, very patient, very desirous of peace making, and peacefull, without brawles and strugglings, without quarrels, without strife, without rancour or hatred, by no meanes desirous of reuengement.

They are also people very gentle, and very tender, and of an easie complexion, and which can sustaine no trauell, and doe die very soone of any disease whatsoeuer, in such sort as the very children of Princes and Noblemen brought vp amongst vs, in all commodities, ease, and deli­catenesse, are not more soft then those of that Countrie: yea, although they bee the children of Labourers. They are also very poore folke, which possesse little, neither yet doe so much as desire to haue much worldly goods, and therefore neither are they proud, ambitious, nor couetous. 30 Their diet is such (as it seemeth) that of the holy Fathers in the Desert hath not bin more scarce, nor more straight, nor lesse daintie, nor lesse sumptuous. Their apparelling is commonly to goe naked: all saue their shamefast parts alone couered. And when they be clothed, at the most, it is but a of a Mantle of Bombacie of an ell and a halfe, or two ells of linnen square. Their lodging is vpon a Mat, and those which haue the best: sleepe as it were vpon a Net fastened at the foure corners, which they call in the Language of the Ile of Hispaniola, Hamasas. They haue their vn­derstanding very pure and quicke, being teachable and capeable of all good Learning, very apt to receiue our holy Catholike Faith, and to be instructed in good and vertuous manners, hauing lesse incumberances and disturbances to the attaining thereunto, then all the folfe of the world besides, and are so enflamed, ardent, and importune to know and vnderstand the matters of the 40 faith after they haue but begunne once to taste them, as likewise the exercise of the Sacraments of the Church, and the diuine Seruice: that in truth, the religious men haue need of a singular patience to support them. And to make an end, I haue heard many Spaniards many times hold this as assured, and that which they could not denie, concerning the good nature which they saw in them. Vndoubtedly these folkes should bee the happiest in the World, if onely they knew God.

Vpon these Lambes so meeke, so qualified and endued of their Maker and Creator, as hath bin said, entred the Spanish incontinent as they knew them, as, Wolues, as Lions, and as Tigres most cruell of long time famished: and haue not done in those quarters these fortie yeeres past, nei­ther yet doe at this present, ought else saue teare them in pieces, kill them, martyr them, afflict 50 them, torment them, and destroy them by strange sorts of cruelties neuer neither seene, nor read, nor heard of the like (of the which some shall be set downe hereafter) so far forth that of aboue three Millions of soules that were in the Ile of Hispaniola, and that we haue seene, there are not now two hundred natiues of the Countrey. The Ile of Cuba, the which is in length as farre as Three Millions perished in Hispaniola, Oui­edo hath but 1600000. from Vallodolid vntill Rome, is at this day as it were all waste. Saint Iohns Ile, and that of Ia­mayca, both of them very great, very fertill, and very faire: are desolate. Likewise the Iles of Lucayos, neere to the Ile of Hispaniola, and of the North side vnto that of Cuba, in number being aboue threescore Ilands, together with those which they call the Iles of Geante, one with ano­ther, great and little, whereof the very worst is fertiler then the Kings Garden at Siuill, and the Countrie the healthsomest in the World: there were in these same Iles more then fiue hundred 60 thousand soules, and at this day there is not one only creature. For they haue beene all of them 500000 lost in the Lucayos. slaine, after that they had drawne them out from thence to labour in their Minerals in the Ile of Hispaniola, where there were no more left of the Natiues of that Iland. A ship riding for the space of three yeeres betwixt all these Ilands, to the end, after the inning of this kind of Vin­tage, [Page 1570] to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a good Christian moued with pittie and compassion, to conuert and win vnto Christ such as might be found) there were not found but eleuen persons which I saw: other Iles more then thirty, neere to the Ile of Saint Iohn haue likewise bin dispeopled and marred. All these Iles containe aboue two thousand leagues of land, and are all dispeopled and laid waste.

As touching the maine firme land, we are certaine that our Spaniards, by their cruelties and cursed doings haue dispeopled and made desolate more then ten Realmes greater then all Spaine, comprising also therewith Aragon & Portugall, and twise as much or more land then there is from Seuill to Ierusalem, which are aboue a thousand leagues: which Realmes as yet vnto this present day remaine in a wildernesse and vtter desolation, hauing bin before time as well p [...]opled as [...] 10 possible. We are able to yeelde a good and certaine accompt, that there is within the space of [...] said fortie yeares, by those said tyrannies and diuellish doings of the Spaniards, doen [...] death [...] iustly and tyrannously more then twelue Milions of soules, men, women, and children. And 12. or 15. miles See the end of this discourse. I doe verily beleeue, and thinke not to mistake therein, that there are dead more then fifteene Millions of soules.

The cause why the Spanish haue destroyed such an infinite of soules, hath beene onely, that they haue held it for their last scope and marke to get Gold, and to enrich themselues in a short time, and to mount at one leape to very high estates, in no wise agreeable to their persons: or to say in a word, the cause hereof hath beene their auarice and ambition. And by this meanes haue di­ed so many Millions without faith and without Sacraments. 20

Of the Ile of Hispaniola.

In the Ile Hispaniola, which was the first (as we haue said) where the Spaniards arriued, began the great slaughters and spoyles of people: the Spaniards ha [...]ing begun to take their wiues and children of the Indies, for to serue their turne and to vse them ill, and hauing begun to eate their victuals, gotten by their sweate and trauell; not contenting themselues with that which the Indians gaue them of their owne good will, euery one after their abilitie, the which is algates ve­ry small, forasmuch as they are accustomed to haue no more store then they haue ordinarily neede of, and that such as they get with little trauell: And that which might suffice for three housholds, reckoning ten persons for each houshold for a moneths space, one Spaniard would eate 30 and destroy in a day.

Now after sundry other forces, violences, and torments, which they wrought against them: the Indians began to perceiue that those were not men discended from heauen. Some of them therefore hid their victuals, others hid their wiues and children, some others fled into the Moun­taines, to separate themselues a farre off from a Nation of so hard natured and ghastly conuer­sation. The Spaniards buffeted them with their fists and bastonades: pressing also to lay hands vpon the Lords of the Townes. And these cases ended in so great an hazard and desperatenesse, that a Spanish Captaine durst aduenture to rauish forcibly the wife of the greatest King and Lord of this Ile. Since which time the Indians began to search meanes to cast the Spaniards out of 40 their lands, and set themselues in armes: but what kinde of armes? very feeble and weake to 40 withstand or resist, and of lesse defence. The Spaniards with their Horses, their Speares and Lan­ces, began to commit murders, and strange cruelties: they entred into Townes, Borowes, and Ambition. Villages, sparing neither children nor old men, neither women with childe, neither them that Cruelty. lay In, but that they ripped their bellies, and cut them in peeces, as if they had beene ope­ning of Lambes shut vp in their fold. They laid wagers with such as with one thrust of a sword would paunch or bowell a man in the middest, or with one blow of a sword would most readily and most deliuerly cut off his head, or that would best pierce his entrals at one stroake. They tooke the little soules by the heeles, ramping them from the mothers dugges, and crushed their heads against the clifts. Others they cast into the Riuers laughing and mocking, and when they tumbled into the water, they said, now shift for thy selfe such a ones corpes. They put o­thers, 50 together with their mothers, and all that they met, to the edge of the sword. They made certaine Gibbets long and low, in such sort, that the feete of the hanged on, touched in a man­ner the ground, euery one enough for thirteene, in honour and worship of our Sauiour and his twelue Apostles (as they vsed to speake) and setting to fire, burned them all quicke that were fastened. Vnto all others, whom they vsed to take and reserue aliue, cutting off their two hands as neere as might be, and so letting them hang, they said; Get you with these Letters, to carry tydings to those which are fled by the Mountaines. They murdered commonly the Lords and Nobility on this fashion: They made certaine grates of pearches laid on pickforkes, and made a little fire vnderneath, to the intent, that by little and little yelling and despairing in these tor­ments, 60 they might giue vp the Ghost.

One time I saw foure or fiue of the principall Lords roasted and broyled vpon these gredi­rons. Tortures. Also I thinke that there were two or three of these gredirons, garnished with the like fur­niture, and for that they cryed out pittiously, which thing troubled the Captaine that he could [Page 1571] not then sleepe: he commanded to strangle them. The Sergeant, which was worse then the Hang man that burned them (I know his name and friends in Siuil) would not haue them stran­gled, but himselfe putting Bullets in their mouthes, to the end that they should not cry, put to Dogges. the fire, vntill they were softly roasted after his desire. I haue seene all the aforesaid things and others infinite. And forasmuch, as all the people which could flee, hid themselues in the Moun­taines, and mounted on the tops of them, fled from the men so without all manhood, emptie of all pitie, behauing them as sauage beasts, the slaughterers and deadly enemies of mankinde they taught their Hounds, fierce Dogs, to teare them in peeces at the first view, and in the space that one may say a Credo, assailed and deuoured an Indian as if it had beene a Swine. These Dogges wrought great destructions and slaughters. And forasmuch as sometimes, although seldome, when the Indians put to death some Spaniards vpon good right and Law of due Iustice: 10 they made a Lawe betweene them, that for one Spaniard they had to slay an hundred Indians.

There were in this Ile Hispaniola, fiue great principall Realmes, and fiue very mighty Kings, The Realmes which were in this Ile of His­paniola. vnto whom almost all other Lords obayed, which were without number. There were also cer­taine Lords of other seuerall Prouinces, which did not acknowledge for soueraigne any of these Kings: One Realme was named Magua, which is as much to say, as the Kingdome of the plaine. This Plaine is one of the most famous and most admirable things of all that is in the world. For it containeth fourescore leagues of ground, from the South Sea vnto the North sea, hauing in breadth fiue leagues, and eight vnto ten.

It hath on one side and other exceeding high Mountaines. There entreth into it aboue thirty thousand Riuers and Lakes, of the which twelue are as great as Ebro, and Duero, and Guadalque­uir Great Riuers in Spaine. 25000. Riuers rich in Gold. Cibao. 20 And all the Riuers which issue out of a Mountaine which is towards the West, in number a­bout fiue and twenty thousand, are very rich of Gold. In the which Mountaine or Mountaines, is contained the Prouince of Cibao, from whence the Mines of Cibao take their names, and from whence commeth the same exquisite Gold and fine of foure and twenty Karrets, which is so re­nowned in these parts. The King & Lord of this Realme was called Guarionex, which had vnder him his Vassals & Lieges so great and mighty, that euery one of them was able to set forth three­score thousand men of armes for the seruice of the King Guarionex. Of the which Lords I haue known some certain. This Guarionex was very obedient and vertuous, naturally desirous of peace, and well affectioned to the deuotion of the Kings of Castile, and his people gaue by his comman­dement, 30 euery housekeeper a certaine kinde of Drumfull of Gold: but afterwards being not able to fill the D [...]um, cut it off by the middest, and gaue the halfe thereof full. For the Indians of that Ile had little or none industrie or practise to gather or draw Gold out of the Mines. The Cacique presented vnto the King of Castile his seruice, in causing to be manured all the lands from the I­sabella, where the Spanish first sited, vnto the Towne of Saint Domingo, which are fiftie leagues large, on condition that he should exact of them no Gold: for hee said (and hee said the truth) that his Subiects had not the skill to draw it out. As for the manuring which he said he would procure to be done: I know that he could haue done it very easily, and with great readiness, and that it would haue beene worth vnto the King euery yeere more then three Millions of Castil­lans, besides that it would haue caused, that at this houre there had bin aboue fiftie Cities greater 40 then Siuill.

The paiment that they made to this good King and Lord, so gracious and so redoubted, was to dishonour him in the person of his wife, an euill Christian, a Captaine rauishing her. This King could haue attended the time and opportunitie to auenge himselfe in leuying some armie: but the aduised to withdraw himselfe rather, and onely to hide him out of the way, thus being banish­ed from his Realme and state, into a Prouince of the Cignaios, where there was a great Lord his vassall. After that the Spaniards were ware of his absence, and he could no longer hide himselfe: they make warre against the Lord which had giuen him entertainment, and make great slaugh­ters through the Countrey as they goe, till in the end they found and tooke him, thrusting him loden with chaines and irons into a Ship, to carry him to Castile: which Ship was lost vpon the The greatest peece of Gold which euer was found na­turall lost. Sea, and there were with him drowned many Spaniards, and a great quantity of Gold, amongst 50 the which also was the great wedge of Gold, like vnto a great loafe, weying three thousand six hundreth Castillans. Thus it pleased God to wreake vengeance of matters so lewd and so enormous.

The other Realme was called of Marien, where is at this day the Port at one of the bounds of the plaine, towards the North: and it is farre greater then the Realme of Portugall, and Marien. much fertiler, worthy to be inhabited, hauing great Mountaines, and Mines of Gold, and Cop­per very rich. The King was called Guacanagari, which had vnder him many great Lords, of the which I haue knowne and seene sundry. In this Kings Countrey arriued first the old Admirall, when he discouered the Indies, whom at that time that he discouered the Ile, the said Guacana­gari 60 receiued so graciously, bountifully, and curteously with all the Spaniards who were with him, in giuing him all entertainement and succour, for at the very instant was the Ship lost (which the Admirall was carried in) that hee could not haue bin better made off in his owne Countrie of his owne Father. This did I vnderstand of the Admirals owne mouth: This King [Page 1572] dyed, in flying the slaughters and cruelties of the Spaniards through the Mountaines, being de­stroyed and depriued of his estate. And all the other Lords his subiects dyed in the tyrannie and seruitude that shall be declared hereafter.

The third Realme and dominion was Maguana, a Countrie also admirable, very healthfull, and very fertile, where the best Sugar of the Ile at this day is made. Maguana.

The King of this Countrie was named Caenabo, who surpassed all the others in strength and state, in grauitie, and in the ceremonies of his seruice. The Spaniards tooke this King with great subtiltie and malice, euen as he was in his owne house, doubting of nothing. They conueied him afterwards into a Ship to carry him to Castile; but as there attended them six other Ships in the port, all ready to hoise vp saile: behold how God by his iust iudgement, would declare, that it, 10 with other things, was an exceeding great iniquitie and vniust, by sending the same night a tem­pest, which sunke and drenched that Nauie with the Spaniards that were within. There died al­so with them the said Caonabo, charged with bolts and irons.

The Prince had three or foure brothers valiant men, and couragious like himselfe, who consi­dering the imprisonment of their Lord & brother so against all equitie, together with the wasts and slaughters which the Spaniards made in other Realmes, and specially after that they had heard that the King their brother was dead, they put themselues in armes to encounter the Spaniards, and to auenge the wrong; who on the otherside meeting with them on horsebacke; so they rage in discomfitures and massacres, that the one moytie of this Realme hath beene thereby desolate and displ [...]pled. 20

The fourth Realme is the same which is named of Xaragua. This Realme was as it were the Xaragua. centre or middle point, or to speake of, as the Court of this Isle, the diamond ouer all the other Realmes in language and polished speech, in policie and good manners, the best composed and ordered. For as much as there were many noble Lords and Gentlemen, the people also being the best made and most beautifull. The King had to name Behechio, which had a sister called Anacao­na. These two, the brother and sister, had done great seruices to the Kings of Castile, and great good turnes to the Spaniards, deliuering them from sundry dangers of death.

After the decease of Behechio, Anacaona remained sole Soueraigne of the Realme. At a time came into this Realme the Gouernour of this Ile with threefcore Horses, and more then three hundreth footemen (the horsemen alone had beene enough to spoyle and ouerrunne not this 30 Ile alone, but all the firme land withall:) And to him came, being called, more then three hundred Lords vnder assurance, of whom the chiefest, he fraudulently caused to be con­ueyed into a house of thatch, and commanded to set to fire. Now on this wise were these Lords burned all aliue: all the rest of the Lords, with other folke infinite, were smitten to death with their Speares and Swords. But the Soueraigne Lady Anacaona, to doe her honour, they hanged. It happened that certaine Spaniards, either of pittie or of couetousnesse, hauing taken and detained certaine yong striplings to make them their Pages; because they would not haue them slaine, and setting them behinde them on their horse backes; another Spaniard came behinde, which stabbed them through with a speare. If so be any childe or boy tombled downe to the ground, another Spaniard came and cut off his legges. Some certaine of these Indians which 40 could escape this crueltie so vnnaturall, passed ouer vnto a little Ile neere vnto the other, within an eight leagues. The Gouernour condemned all those which had passed the water, to become slaues; because they had fled from their butcherie.

The fifth Realme was called Higney, ouer the which raigned an ancient Queene named Hig­nanama, Higney. whom the Spaniards hanged vp. The people were infinite whom I saw burnt aliue, and rent in peeces, and tormented diuersly and strangely, and whom I saw made slaues, euen so many as they tooke aliue. And now for as much as there are so many particularities in these Massacres and destruction of those peoples, that they cannot conueniently be comprised in writing (yea I doe verily beleeue, that of a number of things to be spoken of, there cannot be disciphered of a thousand parts one:) I will onely in that which concerneth the warres aboue 50 mentioned, conclude, auerre, and iustifie in conscience, and as before God, that of all others, which I ouerpasse to speake of, or shall be able to speake of, the Indians neuer gaue no more oc­casion or cause, then might a conuent of good religious persons well ordered, why they should be robbed and slaine, and why those that escaped the death, should be retained in a perpetuall captiuitie and bondage. I affirme yet moreouer, for ought that I can beleeue or coniecture, that, during all the time that all this huge number of these Islanders haue beene murdered and made away vtterly, they neuer committed against the Spaniards any one mortall offence, punishable by the law of man. And concerning offences, of the which the punishment is reserued vnto God, as are desire of reuengement, hatred and rancour, which these people might beare against enemies so capitall as were the Spaniards, that very few persons haue beene attached with the 60 blemish, and lesse violent and forcible did I finde them, by the good experience I had of them, then children of tenne or twelue yeares of age. And I know for certaine and infallible, that the Indians had euermore most iust cause of warre against the Spaniards; but the Spaniards neuer had any iust cause of warre against the Indians, but they were all diabolicall and most vnrighteous [Page 1573] more then can be spoken of any tyrant that is on the whole earth. And I affirme the selfe same for all their other acts and gests by them done throughout all the Indies.

The warres atchieued, and all the men done to death thereby, reserued commonly the yong folke, women, and children (the which they departed among them, in giuing to one thirtie, to another fortie, and to another an hundreth, or two hundreth, according as euery one had the fauour of the head tyrant, whom they called the Gouernour) they gaue them to the Spaniards vpon that condition and colour, that they would teach them the Catholike faith, they them­selues who tooke vpon them this charge of soules, commonly all idiots, or vtterly ignorant per­sons, barbarous men, extreamely couetous and vicious.

Now the carke and care that these had of them, was to send the men vnto the Mines, to 10 make them dreine them out Gold, which is an intollerable trauell; and the women they bestow­ed into the Countrie to their Farmes, to manure and till the ground, which is a sore trauell, euen for the very men, the ablest and mightiest. They gaue to eate neither to one nor other, nought saue grasses and such like things of no substance; in such sort as the milke of the breasts of the wiues new deliuered of their childebirth dried vp; and thus dried vp in a small season, all the lit­tle creatures their yong children. Further, by reason of the separation and not cohabiting of the men with their wiues, the generation ceased betweene them. The men died with toyle and fa­mine Gens sine gene­ratione perit. in the Minerals: these the women died of the same in the fields. By these meanes were con­sumed and brought to their ends so huge a number of the folke of this Island. By the like might be abolished and exterpate all the inhabitants of the world. 20

As touching loding, they laid vpon them fourescore or an hundreth pounds waight, which they should carrie an hundreth or two hundreth leagues: The Spanish also causing themselues to be carried in Lyters vpon mens armes, or beds made by the Indians, in fashion of Nets. For they serued their turnes with them to transport their carriages and baggage as beasts, whereby they had vpon their backes and shoulders, whailes and gals as poore galled beasts. Also as touching whippings, bastonading, buffeting, blowes with the fist, cursing, and a thousand other kindes of torments, which they practised vpon them during the time that they trauailed, of a truth, they cannot be recounted in a long season, nor written in a great deale of paper, and they should be euen to affright men withall.

It is to be noted, that the destruction of these Iles and lands, began after the decease of the 30 most gracious Queene, dame Isabel, which was the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and foure. For before there were laid wast in this Ile, but certaine Prouinces by vniust warre, and that not wholly altogether, & these for the more part, or in a manner all were conceiled from the know­ledge of the Queene (vnto who it may please God to giue his holy glory) forasmuch as she had a great desire, and a zeale admirable, that those people might be saued and prosper, as we do know good examples, the which we haue seene with our eyes, and felt with our hands. Further note here, that in what part of the Indies the Spanish haue come, they haue euermore exercised against the Indians, these innocent peoples, the cruelties aforesaid, and oppressions abominable, and in­uented day by day new torments, huger and monstrouser, becomming euery day more cruell, wherefore God also gaue them ouer to fall headlong downe with a more extreame downfall in­to 40 a reprobate sense.

Of the two Iles Saint Iohn, and Iamayca.

THe Spanish passed ouer the Ile of Saint Iohn, and to the end of Iamaica which were like Gar­dens for Bees) 1509. setting before them the same end which they had in the Ile Hispaniola, and committing the robberies and crimes aforesaid, adioyning thereunto many great and notable cruelties, killing, burning, rosting and casting them to the Dogs: furthermore, afterwards oppres­sing, and vexing them in their Minerals and other trauell, vnto the rooting out of those poore in­nocents 600000. or a Million in S. Iohn and Ia­maica. which were in these two Iles, by supputation six hundred thousand soules; yea I beleeue 50 that they were more then a Million, although there be not at this day in either Ile two hundred persons, and all perished without faith and without Sacraments.

Of the Ile of Cuba.

IN the yeare 1511. they passed to the Ile of Cuba (where were great Prouinces, and great multi­tudes of people) they both began and concluded with them after the fashion afore spoken, yea worse and farre more cruelly. There came to passe in this Iland matters worth the noting: A Ca­cique, named Hathuey, which had conueied himselfe from the Ile Hispaniola to Cuba, with many 60 of his people, to auoide the calamities & practises so vnnaturall of the Spanish: when as certain In­dians had told him tidings that the Spaniards were comming towards Cuba, he assembled his men, and bespake them: Now you know that the Spaniards are comming on this side, and yee know Dances made to Gold. also by experience, how they haue entreated such, and such, and the people of Hayti (meaning [Page 1574] thereby Hispaniola) hither they come to doe the like here. Wot yee why they doe it? they an­swered, no, vnlesse it be that they are by nature voide of humanitie. He replied: They do it not onely for that; but because they haue a God whom they honour, and doe demand very much, and to the end to haue from vs as well as others to honour him withall, they doe their vttermost to subdue vs. He had then by him a little Chest full of Gold and Iewels, and said, Behold here the God of the Spaniards, let vs doe to him, if it so seeme you good, Aretos (which are wind­lesses and dances) thus doing, we shall please him, and he will command the Spaniards that they shall doe vs no harme: They answered all with a loud voyce: Well said Sir, well said. Thus then they danced before it, vntill they were weary, then quoth the Lord Hathney, Take wee heede how euer the world goe, if we keepe him, to the end that he be taken away from vs, in the end 10 they will kill vs; wherefore let vs cast him into the Riuer: whereunto they all agreed, and so they cast it into a great Riuer there.

This Lord and Cacique went alwayes flying the Spanish, incontinent as they were arriued at the Ile of Cuba, as he which knew them but too well, and defended himselfe when he met them. In the end he was taken, and onely for because that hee fled from a Nati [...] so vniust and cruell, Hathuey bur­ned. and that he defended himselfe from such as would kill him, and oppresse him euen vnto the death, with all his folke, he was burned aliue. Now as he was fastned to the stake, a religious man of Saint Francis order, a deuou [...] person, spake to him somewhat of God and of our Faith, which things this said Lord had neuer heard of, yet might be sufficient for the time which the butchers gaue him, that if he would beleeue those things which were spoken to him, hee should 20 goe to heauen, where is glory and rest euerlasting, that if he did not beleeue, hee should goe to hell, there to be tormented perpetually. The Lord after hauing a little paused to thinke of the matter, demanded of the Religious man, whether that the Spaniards went to heauen; who an­swered, His choise to goe to hell, and why. yea; such of them that were good. The Cacique answered againe immediately without any further deliberation, that he would not goe to heauen, but that he would goe to hell, to the end, not to come in the place where such people should be, and to the end not to see a Nation so cruell. Loe here the praises and honour which God and our faith haue receiued of the Spaniards, which haue gone to the Indies.

One time the Indians came to meete vs, and to receiue vs with victuals, and delicate cheere, and with all entertainment ten leagues of a great Citie, and being come at the place, they presen­ted 30 vs with a great quantity of fish, and of bread, and other meate, together with all that they could doe for vs to the vttermost. See incontinent the Diuell, which put himselfe into the Spa­niards, to put them all to the edge of the sword in my presence, without any cause whatsoeuer, more then three thousand soules, which were set before vs, men, women, and children. I saw there so great cruelties, that neuer any man liuing either haue or shall see the like. 3000. slaine.

Another time, but a few dayes after the premisses. I sent messengers vnto all the Lords of the Prouince of Hanana, assuring them, that they should not neede to feare (for they had heard of my credit) and that without withdrawing themselues, they should come to receiue vs, and that there should be done vnto them no displeasure: for all the Countrie was afraid, by reason of the mischiefes and murderings passed, and this did I by the aduice of the Captaine himselfe. After 40 that we were come into the Prouince, one and twenty Lords and Caciques came to receiue vs, whom the Captaine apprehended incontinently, breaking the safe conduct which I had made them, and intending the day next following to burne them aliue, saying that it was expedi­ent so to doe, for that otherwise those Lords one day, would doe vs a shrewd turne. I found my selfe in a great deale of trouble to saue them from the fire; howbeit in the end they escaped.

After that the Indians of this Iland were thus brought into bondage and calamitie, like vnto those of the Ile of Hispaniola, and that they saw that they died and perished all without reme­dy: some of them began to flye into the Mountaines, others quite desperate hanged themselues, and there hung together husbands with their wiues, hanging with them their little children. Out of the frying-pan in­to the fire. And through the crueltie of one only Spaniard, which was a great tyrant, and one whom I know, 50 there hung themselues more then two hundred Indians: and in this fashion died an infinite of people.

There was in this Ile an officer of the Kings, to whom they gaue for his share three hundred Indians, of whom at the end of three moneths there died by him in the trauell of the Mines, two hundred and sixty: in such sort, that there remained now but thirty, which was the tenth part. Afterwards they gaue him as many more, and more, and those also hee made hauocke of in like manner, and still as many as they gaue him, so many he slew, vntill he died himselfe, and that the Diuell carried him away.

In three or foure moneths (my selfe being present) there died more then sixe thousand chil­dren, 6000. Infants lost. by reason that they had plucked away from them their fathers and mothers, which they 60 sent into the Mines. I beheld also other things frightfull. Shortly after they resolued to climbe after those which were in the Mountaines, where they wrought also ghastly slaughters, and thus laid waste all this Ile; which we beheld not long after, and it is great pitie to see it so dispeopled and desolate as it is.

Of Terra Firma, or the firme land.

IN the yeere 1514. there landed in the Maine a mischieuous Gouernour. Hee not onely wasted or dispeopled the Sea Coast, but sacked also great Realmes and Countries, making hauocks by slaying and murdering of peoples, infinite to be numbred, and sending them to Hell. He ouer­ranne and harried most of the places in the Land, from Darien vpward, vnto the Realme and Prouinces of Nicaragua within being, which are more then fiue hundred leagues of the best, and most fertile ground in the whole World, where there were a good number of great Lords, with a number of Townes, Boroughes, and Villages, and store of gold in more abundance then was to be found on the earth vntill that present. 10

This Gouernour with his men, found out new sorts of cruelties and torments, to cause them to discouer and giue him gold. There was a Captaine of his, which slue in one walke and course which was made by his commandement, to rob and roote out more then fortie thousand soules, putting them to the edge of the Sword, burning them, and giuing them to the Dogges, and tor­menting them diuersly: which also a Religious man of the Order of Saint Francis, who went with him, beheld with his eies, and had to name Frier Francis of Saint Romane.

The most pernicious blindnesse, which hath alwaies possessed those who haue gouerned the Indians, in stead of the care which they should haue for the conuersion and saluation came to that passe, as to command orders to bee set downe vnto the Indians to receiue the faith, and render 20 themselues vnto the obedience of the King of Castile, or otherwise to bid them battle with fire and Sword, and to slay them or make them slaues: he commanded (or peraduenture the theeues, whom he dispatched to doe the execution, did it of their heads) when they were purposed to goe a rouing and robbing of any place, where they knew that there was any gold, the Indians being in their Townes and dwelling houses, without mistrusting any thing, the wicked Spaniards would goe after the guize of Theeues, vnto within halfe a league neere some Towne, Borough, or Village, and there by themselues alone, and by night make a reading, publication, or Procla­mation of the said Ordinances, saying thus, Oyes, Caciques and Indians of this firme Land of such God and King abused. a place: Be it knowne vnto you, that there is one God, one Pope, one King of Castile, which is Lord of these Lands: make your appearance, all delay set aside, hereto doe him homage, &c. Which if you shall 30 not accomplish: Be it knowne vnto you, that we will make warre vpon you, and we will kill you, and make you slaues. Hereupon at the fourth watch in the morning, the poore Innocents, sleeping yet with their wiues and children: these Tyrants set vpon the place, casting fire on the houses which com­monly were thatched, and so burne vp all quicke men, women and children, more suddenly then that they could of a great many be perceiued. They massacred at the instant those that seemed them good, and those whom they tooke prisoners, they caused them cruelly to die vpon the Racke, to make them to tell in what places there were any more Gold then they found with them: and others which remained aliue, they made them slaues, marking them with a hot Iron, so after the fire being out and quenched, they goe seeke the gold in their houses. This is then the deportment in these affaires of this person, with all the bond of his vngodly Christians, which 40 he trained from the fourteenth yeere, vnto the one and twentie, or two and twentieth yeere, sending in these Exploits sixe or moe of his Seruants or Souldiers, by whom he receiued as ma­ny shares, ouer and besides his Captaines Generals part, which hee leuied of all the Gold, of all the Pearles, and of all the Iewels which they tooke of those whom they made their slaues. The selfe-same did the Kings Officers, euerie one sending forth as many seruants as he could.

The Bishop also, which was the chiefe in the Realme, he sent his seruants to haue his share in the bootie: They spoiled more gold within the time, and in this Realme, as farre forth as I am able to reckon, then would amount to a Million of Ducates, yea, I beleeue, that I make my rec­koning with the least. Yet will it be found, that of all this great theeuing, they neuer sent to the King ought saue three thousand Castillans, hauing thereabout killed and destroyed aboue eight hundred thousand soules. The other Tyrant Gouernours which succeeded after, vnto the yeere 800000. In­dians slaine. 50 thirtie and three, slue or at least wise consented, for all those which remained to slay them in that tyrannicall slauerie.

Amongst an infinite sort of mischiefes, which this Gouernour did, nor consented vnto the doing during the time of his gouernment, this was one: To wit, that a Cacike or Lord giuing him, either of his good will, or which is rather to be thought for feare, the weight of nine thousand Ducates: the Spaniards not content withall, tooke the said Lord, and tied him to a stake, setting him on the earth, his feet stretched vp, against the which they set fire to cause him to giue them some more gold. The Lord sent to his house, whence there were brought, yet moreouer three thousand Castillans. They goe afresh to giue him new torments. And when the Lord gaue 60 them no more, either because he had it not, or because he would giue them no more, they bent his feet against the fire, vntill that the verie marrow sprang out, and trilled downe the soles of his feete: so as hee therewith died. They haue oftentimes exercised these kinde of torments to­wards the Lords, to make them giue them gold, wherewith they haue also slaine them.

[Page 1576] Another time, a certaine companie of Spaniards, vsing their thefts and robberies, came to a Mountaine, where were assembled and hid a number of people, hauing shunned those men so pernicious and horrible: whom incontinent entring vpon, they tooke about three or fourescore, as well women as maids, hauing killed as many as they could kill. The morrow after, there assem­bled a great companie of Indians, to pursue the Spaniards, warring against them for the great de­sire they had to recouer their wiues and daughters.

The Spaniards perceiuing the Indians to approach so neere vpon them, would not so forgoe their prey, but stabd their Swords thorow the bellies of the wiues and wenches, leauing but one alone aliue of all the fourescore. The Indians felt their hearts to burst for sorrow and griefe which they suffered, yelling out in cries and speaking such words: O wicked men, O yee the cruell 10 Spaniards: doe yee kill Las Iras: They terme Iras in that Countrie the women: as if they would say, to kill women, those be acts of abominable men, and cruell as beasts.

There was about ten or fifteene leagues from Ioanama, a great Lord named Paris, which was very rich of gold: The Spaniards went thither, whom this Lord receiued as if they had beene his owne brethren, and made a Present vnto the Captaine of fiftie thousand Castillans of his owne voluntarie accord. It seemed vnto the Captaine and the other Spaniards, that he which gaue such a great summe of his owne will, should haue a great treasure, which should be the end and easing of their trauels. They pretend in words to depart: but they returne at the fourth watch of the morning, setting vpon the Towne which mistrusted nothing set it on fire, whereby was burnt and slaine a great number of people, and by this meanes they brought away in the spoile fiftie, or threescore thousand Castillansmoe. The Cacike or Lord escaped without being slaine or taken, 20 and leuied incontinent as many of his as he could. And at the end of three or foure daies ouerta­keth the Spaniards which had taken from him an hundred and thirtie, or fortie thousand Castil­lans, and set vpon them valian [...]ly, killing fiftie Spaniards, and recouering all the gold which they had taken from him. The others saued themselues by running away, being well charged with blowes and wounded. Not long after, diuers of the Spanish returne against the said Cacike, and discomfite him with an infinite number of his people. Those which were not slaine, they put them to the ordinarie bondage: in such sort, as that there is not at this day, neither tracke nor token, that there hath beene liuing there either people, or so much as one man alone borne of woman within thirtie leagues of the Land, which was before notably peopled and gouerned by 30 diuers Lords. There is no reckoning able to be made of the murders which this Caitiffe with his companie committed in these Realmes which he so dispeopled.

Of the Prouince of Nicaragua.

THe yeere 1522. or twentie three, this Tyrant went farther into the Land: to bring vnder his yoke the most fertile Prouince of Nicaragua, and so in thither he entred in an euill houre. There is no man which is able worthily and sufficiently to speake of the fertiltie, healthsomenesse, prosperitie, and frequencie, of those Nations that there were.

He sent fiftie Horsemen, and caused to slay all the people of this Prouince, (which is greater 40 then the Countie of Rossillon) with the Sword: in such sort, as that hee left aliue, nor man, nor woman, nor old, nor young, for the least cause in the World: as if they came not incontinent at his command: or if they did not bring him so many load of Maiz, which signifieth in that Coun­trie bread Corne: or if they did not bring him so many Indians to serue him and others of his company: for the Countrie lay leuell, as was said, and no creature could escape his horses and de­uillish rage. He sent Spaniards to make out rodes, that is to say, to go a theeuing into other Pro­uinces: and gaue leaue to those Rouers, to carrie with them as many Indians of this peaceable people as they listed, and that they should serue them, whom they put to the chaine, to the end they should not giue ouer the burdens of three or fourescore pounds weight, wherewith they loaded them, whereof it came to passe oftentimes that of foure thousand Indians, there returned 50 not home to their houses six aliue: but euen fell downe starke dead in the high way: and when any were so wearie that they could march no farther for the weight of their burdens, or that some of them fell sicke, or fainted for hunger or thirst, because it should not need to stand so long as to vnlocke the chaine, and to make the speedier dispatch, hee cut off the head from the shoul­ders, and so the head tumbled downe one way, and the bodie another. Now consider with your selues, what the other poore soules might thinke the whiles.

He was the cause that the Indians sowed not their grounds one whole yeeres continuance. So as now, when they wanted bread, the Spaniards tooke away from the Indians their Maiz, which they had in store for prouision, to nourish them and their children: whereby there died of famine more then twentie or thirtie thousand soules. And it came to passe, that a woman falne mad with Cause and ex­tremitie of fa­mine. 60 the famine slue her Sonne to eate him.

They haue discomfited and oppressed in this Prouince a great number of people, and hastened their death in causing them to beare boords and timber vnto the Hauen thirty leagues distance, to make ships with: and sent them to go seeke Honie and Wax amiddest the Mountaines, where [Page 1577] the Tigres deuoured them: Yea they haue laden women with childe, and women new deliue­red or lying in, with burdens enough for beasts.

The greatest plague which hath most dispeopled this Prouince, hath beene the licence which the Gouernour gaue to the Spaniards, to demand or exact of the Cacicks and Lords of the coun­trie slaues. They did giue them euery foure or fiue moneths, or as oftentimes as euery one could obtaine licence of the Gouernour fiftie slaues: with threatnings, that if they gaue them not, Tribute slaues. they would burne them aliue, or cause them to be eaten with Dogges. Now ordinarily the In­dians doe not keepe slaues, and it is much if one Cacike doe keepe two, three or foure: Where­fore to serue this turne, they went to their subiects, and tooke first all the Orphelins, and after­wards they exacted of him that had two children one, and of him that had three, two: and in 10 this manner was the Cacicke faine to furnish still to the number that the Tyrant imposed, with the great weeping and crying of the people: for they are people that doe loue (as it seemeth) tenderly their children. And for because that this was done continually, they dispeopled from the yeere 23. vnto the yeere 33. all this Realme. For there went for sixe or seuen yeeres space, fiue or sixe ships at a time, carryi [...]g forth great numbers of those Indians, for to sell them for slaues at Ioanama and Peru: where they all died not long after. For it is a thing proued and ex­perimented a thousand times, that when the Indians are transported from their naturall Coun­trey, they soone end their liues: besides that these giue them not their sustenance, neither yet di­minish they of their toile, as neither doe they buy them, for ought else but to toile. They haue by this manner of doing drawne out of this Prouince of the Indies, whom they haue made slaues, 20 being as free borne as I am, more then fiue hundred thousand soules. And by the Deuillish warres 500000. Indians transported. 50000. slaine. which the Spanish haue made on them, and the hideous thraldome that they haue laid vpon them, they haue brough [...] to their deaths, other fiftie or threescore thousand persons, and do yet daily make hauocke of them at this present. All these slaughters haue beene accomplished with­in the space of fourteene yeeres. There may be left at this day in all this Prouinces of Nicaragua, the number of about foure or fiue thousand persons, which they also cause to die as yet euery day, through bondages and oppressious ordinarily and personall, hauing beene the Countrey the most peopled in the World, as I haue alreadie said.

Of New Spaine. 30

IN the yeere 1517. was New Spaine discouered: at the Discouerie whereof were committed great disorders and slaughters of the Indians, by those which had the doing of that Exploite. The yeere 1518. there went Spanish Christians (as they terme themselues) to rob and slay, not­withstanding In the former discourse of Herera, you may find the names of all these first plan­ters, or as this Author recko­neth, supplan­ters; which did rather depopu­late then peo­ple whole Pro­uinces. I could haue added their names, but was loth to doe more then the Author had donethen, whiles m [...]ny of them liued: yea his most passi [...]nate and bitter inuec­tiues I haue ta­ken out, only minding the Storie, therein also mollify­ing many things. Foure Milli­ons slaine. Of New Spain [...] in particul [...]. that they said they went to people the Countrie. Sithence that yeere, 1518. vn­to this present yeere 1542. the vniust dealings, the violencie, and the Tyrannies which the Spa­niards haue wrought against the Indians, are mounted to the highest degree of extremitie: those selfe-same Spaniards, hauing thorowly lost the feare of God, and of the King, and forgotten themselues. For the discomfitures, cruelties, slaughters, spoiles, the destructions of Cities, pillages, violences, and Tyrannies which they haue made in so many Realmes, and so great haue been such 40 and so horrible, that all the things which we haue spoken of, are nothing in comparison of those which haue beene done and executed from the yeere 1518. vnto the yeere 1542. and as yet at this time, this moneth current of September, are in doing and committing the most grieuousest, and the most abominablest of all: in such sort that the rule which wee set downe before is veri­fied: That is, That from the beginning they haue alwaies proceeded from euill to worse, and haue gone be­yond themselues in the most greatest disorders and deuillish doings.

In such wise, as that since the first entring into New Spaine, which was on the eight day of Aprill, in the eighteenth yeere vnto the thirtieth yeere, which make twelue yeeres complete: the slaughters and the destructions haue neuer ceassed, which the bloudie and cruell hands of the Spaniards haue continually executed in foure hundred and fiftie leagues of Land or thereabout in compasse, round about Mexico, and the Neighbour Regions round about, such as the which 50 might containe foure or fiue great Realmes, as great and a great deale farre fertiler then is Spaine. All this Countrie was more peopled with Inhabitants, then Toledo, and Siuill, and Vallodolid, and Sauagoce, with Barcelona. For that there hath not beene commonly in those Cities, nor neuer were such a world of people, when they haue beene peopled with the most, as there was then in the said Country, which containeth in the whole compasse more then 1800. leagues: during the time of the aboue mentioned twelue yeeres, the Spaniards haue slaine and done to death in the said 450. leagues of Land what men, what women, what young and little children, more then foure Millions of soules, with the dint of the Sword and Speare, and by fire, during (I say) the Conquests (as they call them.) Neither yet doe I here comprize those, whom they haue slaine, 60 and doe slay as yet euery day, in the aforesaid slauerie and oppression ordinarie.

Amongst other Murders and Massacres they committed this one which I am now to speake of, in a great Citie more then of a thirtie thousand housholds, which is called Cholula: that is, that comming before them the Lords of the Countrie and places neere adioyning, and first and [Page 1578] formost the Priests with their chiefe high Priest in procession, to receiue the Spaniards with great solemnitie and reuerence, so conducting them in the middest of them, towards their Lod­gings in the Citie, in the houses and place of the Lord, or other principall Lords of the Citie: the Spaniards aduised with themselues to make a massacre, or a chastise (as they speake) to the end, to raise and plant a dread of their cruelties in euery corner of all that Countrie.

Now this hath beene alwaies their customary manner of doing, in euery the Regions which they haue entred into, to execute incontinent vpon their first arriuall, some notable cruell but­cherie, to the end, that those poore and innocent Lambes should tremble for feare which they should haue of them: in this wise they sent first to summon all the Lords and Noblemen of the Citie, and of all the places subiect vnto the same Citie: who so soone as they came to speake with the Captaine of the Spaniards, were incontinent apprehended before that any body might 10 perceiue the matter, to be able thereupon to beare tidings thereof vnto others. Then were de­manded of them fiue or sixe thousand Indians, to carry the lodings and carriages of the Spaniards: which Indians came forthwith, and were bestowed into the base Courts of the Houses. It was a pitifull case to see these poore folke, what time they made them ready to beare the carriages of the Spaniard. They come all naked, only their secret parts couered, hauing euery one vpon their shoulder a Net with a small deale of victuall: they bow themselues euery one, and hold their backes cowred downe like a sort of [...]llie Lambes, presenting themselues to the Swords: and thus being all assembled in the base Court, together with others, one part of the Spanish all ar­med, bestowe themselues at the gates to hemme them in, whiles the rest put these poore Sheepe to the edge of the Sword and the Speares, in such sort, that there could not escape away one 20 onely person, but that he was cruelly put to death; sauing that after a two or three dayes you might haue seene come forth sundry all couered with bloud which had hid and saued themselues vnder the dead bodies of their fellowes, and now presenting themselues before the Spaniards, asking them mercy and the sauing of their liues: they found in them no pitie nor compassion any whit at all, but were all hewed in pieces.

All the Lords which were aboue and vnderneath, were all bound, the Captaine commanding them to be brent quicke being bound vnto stakes pitched into the ground. Howbeit one Lord, which might be peraduenture the principall and King of the Countrie saued himselfe, and cast himselfe with thirtie or fortie other men into a Temple thereby, which was as good vnto them as a Fort, which they call in their Language, Qewe: and there he defended himselfe a good part 30 of the day. But the Spaniards, whose hands nothing can escape specially armed for the warre, cast fire on the Temple, and burned all those which were within.

From Cholula they went to Mexico. The King Motensuma sent to meet them a thousand of The Mexican cruelties are before related, and therefore here omitted. presents, and Lords, and people, making ioy and mirth by the way.

After great and abhominable tyrannies committed in the Citie of Mexico, and in other Cities, and the Countrey, ten, fifteene, and twenty leagues compasse of Mexico: this tyrannie and pe­stilence aduanced it selfe forward, to waste also, infect, and lay desolate the Prouince of Panuco. It was a thing to be wondred at of the world, of people that there were, and the spoyles and slaughters there done. Afterward they wasted also after the selfe manner, all the Prouince of Tuttepeke, and the Prouince of Ipelingo, and the Prouince of Columa: each Prouince contayning 40 more ground then the Realme of Leon and Castile.

This Captaine tyrant, with this gorgeous and pretended title, dispatched two other Cap­taines, as very tyrants and farre more cruell, and lesse pitifull then himselfe, into great Realmes most flourishing, and most fertile, and full of people, to wit, the Realme of Guatimala, which lieth to the Seaward on the South side, and the same of Naco, and Honduras, otherwise called Guaymura, which coasteth on the Sea on the North side, confronting and confining the one with the other, three hundred leagues distance from Mexico. He sent the one by Land, and the other by Sea: both the one and the other carried with them a many of troopes to serue on horsebacke and a foot. 50

He which went by Sea, committed exceeding pillings, cruelties, and disorders amongst the people on the Sea-coast.

The Prouinces and Realmes of Naco and Honduras, which resembled a Paradise of pleasures: and were more peopled, frequented, and inhabited, then any Countrey in the world: now of late, wee comming along thereby, haue seene them so dispeopled and destroyed, that who so should see them, his heart would cleaue for sorrow, ware hee neuer so flinty. They haue slaine within these eleuen yeeres, more then two millions of soules, hauing not left in more then an Two millions slaine. hundred leagues of the Countrey square, but two thousand persons, whom they slay as yet dai­ly in the said ordinary bondage.

The great tyrant and Captaine, which went to Guatimala (as hath beene said, exceeded all) from the Prouinces neere to Mexico, (according as himselfe wrote in a Letter to the principall 60 Tyrant which had sent him) distant from the Realme of Guatimala foure hundred leagues (kee­ping the way by him traced) as he went, slue, robbed, burned and destroyed all the Countrey, wheresoeuer he became, vnder the shadow of title aboue mentioned, saying: that they should [Page 1579] submit themselues vnto them, in the name of the King of Spaine, who was vnto them vn­knowne, and of whom they had neuer heard speake: and which those Nations there esteemed Pretence of re­bellion against that Prince to which [...]hey ne­uer had beene subiect. more vniust and more cruell then they his men were. And the Tyrants giuing them no respite of time to deliberate, they fling vpon the poore folke, in a manner as soone as the message was done, putting all to fire and bloud.

Of the Prouince and Realme of Guatimala.

NO sooner arriued hee into this said Realme: but that hee beganne with great slaughter of the Inhabitants. This notwithstanding the chiefe Lord came to receiue him, being carried 10 in a Lighter, with Trumpets and Tabours, reioycings, and disports, accompanied with a great number of the Lords of the Citie of Ultlatan, head Citie of the whole Realme, doing them also seruice with all they had, but specially in giuing them food abundantly, and whatsoeuer they demanded besides. The Spanish lodged this night without the Citie, forasmuch as the same see­med vnto them strong, and there might be thereby danger.

This Captaine called to him the next morrow the chiefe Lord, with other great Lords, who being come as meeke sheepe, he apprehended them all, and commanded them to giue him cer­taine summes of gold. They answering that they had none, forasmuch as the Countrie yeelded none: he commandeth incontinent to burne them aliue, without hauing committed any crime whatsoeuer, and without any other forme of Processe or sentence. 20

As the Lords of all these Prouinces perceiued, that they had burned their soueraigne Lords, onely because they gaue them no Gold, they fled all to the Mountaines, commanding their Sub­iects to goe to the Spaniards, and to serue them as their Lords, but that they should not discouer them, nor giue them intelligence where they were. With this, loe all the people of the Coun­trey, presenting them, and protesting to be theirs, and to serue them as their Lords: The Cap­taine made answere that he would not accept of them, but that he would kill them if they told not where were their Lords. The Indians answered, they could not tell ought: but as touching themselues they were content, that they should employ them to their seruice, with their wiues and children: and that they should vse their houses, and that there they might kill, or doe what­soeuer them pleased. 30

It is a wonderfull thing, that the Spaniards went to their Villages and Burrowes, and finding there these silly people at their worke, with their wiues and children, neither misdoubting any thing, they pierced them with their Boare-speares, and hackled them to pieces. They came to one Burrow great and mighty, which held it selfe more ass [...]red then any other, because of their innocency: whom the Spanish laid desolate in a manner all whole, in the space of two houres, putting to the edge of the sword, children, with women, and aged persons, and all those which could not escape by fleeing.

The Indians aduised betweene them to digge certaine ditches in the middest of the wayes, to make their Horses tumble into, and piercing their bellies with Pikes sharp [...]ed and brent at one end, there bestowed of purpose, and couered ouer so orderly with greene turfe, that it seemed 40 there was no such matter.

There fell in Horses once or twice: for the Spaniards afterwards could beware of them. But now to auenge them, they made a Law, that as many Indians as might bee taken aliue, should be slung into the same pits. Hereupon they cast in women with child, and women new deliue­red of child-birth, and old folke as many as they could come by, vntill that the ditches were fil­led vp. It was a lamentable thing to behold the women with their children stabbed with these pickes. All besides, they slue with thrust of Speares, and edge of Sword. They cast of them also to flesh fraunching Dogs, which tare them and deuoured them. They brent a Lord at a great fire of quicke flames: saying, they would herein doe him honour. And they persisted in these butcheries so vnnaturall, about seuen yeeres, from the yeere 24. vntill the yeere 31. 50

The Indians which escaped, with all other of the Countrie seeing all the mischiefes of the Spa­nish, began to assemble, and put themselues in Armes: whereupon the Spaniards worke great discomfitures and slaughters, returning to Guatimala, where they builded a Citie, the which Guatimala de­stroyed wi [...]h Earth-quakes. God of a iust iudgement hath reuersed with three ouerwhelmings falling all three together: the one was with water, the other with earth, and the third with stones, of the bignesse of ten or twentie Oxen. By such like meanes all the Lords, and the men that were able to beare Armes being slaine: those which remayned, were reduced into the Diabolicall seruitude aforesaid, being made tributary slaues or villaines regardant, but giuing for their tribute sonnes and daugh­ters, for they will haue none other kinde of bond-men. And so the Spaniards sending whole ships laden with them to Peru, to sell them, with their other slaughters, haue destroyed and laid 60 desart an whole Realme, of an hundred leagues square, or aboue, a Countrie the most blessefull, and peopled the most that might be in the world. For the Tyrant himselfe wrote hereof, that it was more peopled then Mexico: and herein he said the truth. He hath done to death, with Foure or fiue millions slaine his consorts and confreres, more then foure or fiue millions of soules in fifteene or sixteene yeeres [Page 1580] space, from the yeere 24. vnto the yeere 40. and yet at this houre they slay and destroy those that remayne.

This Tyrant had a custome, when as he went to make warre vpon any Citie or Prouince: to carrie thither of the Indians already vnder-yoaked, as many as hee could, to make warre vpon the other Indians: and as he gaue vnto a ten or twentie thousand men which hee led along no sustenance, he allowed them to eate the Indians which they tooke: And so by this meanes hee had in his Campe an ordinary shambles of mans flesh, where in his presence they killed and ro­sted Shambles of mans flesh. children. They killed men onely to haue off from them their hands and their feete, which parts they held to be the daintiest morsels.

He was the death of an infinite sort of the Indians in making of ships, the which hee trans­ported after this rate great store of Artilerie, which hee loded vpon the shoulders of these poore 10 folke going naked: whereby I haue seeue very many fall downe in the high way, by reason of their great burdens. He vndid whole housholds, by taking from the men their wiues and daugh­ters: the which afterwards he dispersed in gifts to his Mariners and Souldiers to please them withall, who led them along with them in their Nauies. Hee stuffed all the ships with Indians, where they died for thirst and hunger. He made two Nauies, either of a great number of ships, with the which he consumed as with fire and lightning flashing from Heauen all those peoples.

Of new Spaine, and Panuco, and Xalisco.

AFter the exceeding cruelties and slaughters aforesaid, and the others which I haue omitted, 20 which haue beene executed in the Prouinces of New Spaine and Panuco: there came to Panuco another Tyrant, cruell and vnbrideled, in the yeere 1 [...]25. Who in committing very ma­ny cruelties, and in branding many for slaues, after the manner aforesaid, which were all free, and in sending very many ships laden to Cuba, and Hispaniola, where they might best make mer­chandise of them, he atchieued the desolation of this Prouince.

And it hath come to passe in his time, that there hath beene giuen for one Mare, eight hun­dred 800. Indians giuen for a Mare. Indians soules partakers of reason. And this man from this roome was promoted to be Pre­sident of Mexico, and of all the Prouince of New Spaine, and there were promoted with him other Tyrants, to the offices of Auditorships: in the which dignities they set forward also this Countrie into so extreme a desolation, that if God had not k [...]pt them by meanes of the resi­sta [...]ce 30 of the religious men of Saint Francis Order, and if that there had not beene prouided with all speed a Court of Audience, and the Kings Counsell in those parts friend to all vertue, they had layd waste all New Spaine, as they haue done the Ile of Nispaniola, There was a man, amongst those of the companie of this Captaine, who to the end to enclose a Garden of his, with a wall: kept in his workes eight thousand Indians, without paying them ought, nor gi­uing them to eate, in manner [...]hat they died, falling downe suddenly, and hee neuer tooke the more thought for the matter.

After that the chiefe Captaine which I spake of, had finished the laying waste of Panuco, and that hee vnderstood the newes of the comming of the Kings Court of Audience: hee aduised with himselfe to proceed farther into the innermost parts of the Realme, to search where hee 40 might tyrannize at his ease, and drew by force out of the Prouince of Mexico, fifteene or twen­tie thousand men, to the end, that they should carrie the loades and carriages of the Spaniards, which went with him, of whom there neuer returned againe two hundred, the others being dead on the high-wayes.

He came at the Prouince of Mechuacham, which is distant from Mexico fortie leagues, a Re­gion as blissefull and full of Inhabitants, as is that of Mexico. The King and Lord of the Coun­trey went to receiue him with an infinite companie of people, which did vnto them a thousand seruices and curtesies. He apprehended him by and by, for that he had the bruit to be very rich of Gold and siluer: and to the end, that he should giue him great treasures, he beganne to giue 50 him the torments, and put him in a paire of stockes by the feet, his body stretched out, and his hands bound to a stake, he maketh a flashing fire against his feet, and there a boy with a basting sprinkle soked in Oyle in his hand, stood and basted them a little and a little, to the end to well rost the skinne. There was in one side of him a cruell man, the which with a Cros-bow bent, aymed right at his heart, on the other side another which held a Dog snarling, and leaping vp as to runne vpon him, which in lesse then the time of a Credo, had beene able to haue torne him in pieces: and thus they tormented him, to the end hee should discouer the treasures which they desired, vntill such time as a religious man of Saint Francis Order tooke him away from them, notwithstanding that hee died of the same torments. They tormented and slue of this fashion very many of the Lords and Cacikes in these Prouinces: to the end that they should giue them Gold and Siluer 60

At the same time a certaine tyrant found, that certaine Indians had hid their Idols, as those which had neuer beene better instructed by the Spaniards of any better God, hee apprehended and detayned prisoners the Lords, vntill such time as that they would giue them their Idols, [Page 1581] supposing all this while they had beene of Gold or of Siluer: howbeit they were not so, where­fore he chastised them cruelly and vniustly. But to the end he would not remayne frustrate of his intent, which was to spoyle, he constrayned the Cacikes to redeeme their said Idols, and they redeemed them for such Gold and Siluer as they could finde, to the end, to worship them for Gods, as they had beene wont to doe aforetime.

This great Captaine passed farther from Mechuacham to the Prouince of Xalisco the which was all whole most full of people, and most happie. For it is one of the most fertilest and most Xalisco. admirable Countrie of the Indies, which had Burrowes contayning in a manner seuen leagues. As he entred this Countrey, the Lord with the Inhabitants, according as all the Indians are accu­stomed to doe, went to receiue him with presents and ioyfulnesse. Hee began to commit his cru­elties 10 and mischieuousnesse, which hee had learned, and all the rest had beene accustomed to pra­ctise, which is to heape vp Gold, which is their God. Hee burned Townes, hee tooke the Ca­cikes prisoners, and gaue them torments. Hee made slaues all that hee tooke. Whereof there died an infinite number tyed in chaines. The women new deliuered of child-birth, going la­den with the stuffe of euill Christians, and being not able to beare their owne children be­cause of trauell and hunger, were faine to cast them from them in the wayes, whereof there died an infinite.

An euill Christian taking by force a young Damsell to abuse her, the mother withstood him: and as shee would haue taken her away, the Spaniard drawing his Dagger or Rapier, cut off her hand, and slue the young girle with slashes of his weapon: because shee would not consent to 20 his appetite.

Amongst many other things, he caused vniustly to be marked for slaues, foure thousand and fiue hundred soules as free as they, men, women, and sucking babes, from of a yeere and a halfe old, vnto three or foure yeeres old: which notwithstanding had gone before them in peace, to re­ceiue them with an infinite number of other things that haue not beene set downe in writing.

His Stewards slue very many of the Indians, hanging them and burning them aliue, and ca­sting some vnto the Dogs, cutting off their feet, hands, head and tongue, they being in peace, onely to bring them into a feare, to the end they should serue him

It is said of him, that he hath destroyed and burned in this Realme of Xalisco, eight hundred 800. Townes destroyed. Burrowes, which was the cause that the Indians being fallen desperate, and seeing those which 30 remayned, how they perished thus cruelly: they lift vp themselues, and went into the Moun­taines, slaying certaine Spaniards: howbeit by good right. And afterwards because of the wic­kednesses and outrages of other tyrants now being, which passed by that way to destroy other Prouinces (that which they call discouering) many of the Indians assembled, fortifying them­selues vpon certaine Rockes. Vpon the which Rockes the Spanish haue made, and yet at this present, and afresh doe make so many cruelties, that they almost made an end of laying desolate all this great Countrey, slaying an infinite number of people.

Of the Realme of Yucatan.

THe yeare one thousand fiue hundred twenty and six, was deputed ouer the Realme of Yu­catan 40 another caitiffe Gouernour, and that through the lies and false reports which him­selfe had made vnto the King: in like manner as the other tyrants vntill this present, to the end there might be committed vnto them offices and charges, by meanes whereof they might rob at their pleasures. This Realme of Yucatan was full of inhabitants; for that it was a Countrie in e­uery respect wholesome, and abounding in plentie of victuals, and of fruites more then Mexico; and singularly exceeded for the abundance of Honie and Waxe there to be found, more then in any quarter of the Indies, which hath beene seene vnto this present. It containeth about three hundred leagues compasse. The people of that Countrie were the most notable of all the In­dies, as well in consideration of their policie and prudencie, as for the vprightnesse of their life, 50 verily worthy the training of the knowledge of God: amongst whom there might haue beene builded great Cities by the Spanish, in which they might haue liued as in an earthly Paradise, if so be they had not made themselues vnworthy, because of their exceeding couetousnesse, hard hartednesse, and heinous offences: as also vnworthy they were of other moe blessings a great ma­ny, which God had set open in these Indies. This tyrant began with three hundred men to make warre vpon these poore innocent people, which were in their houses without hurting any bo­dy: where he slew and ransacked infinite numbers. And for because the Countrey yeeldeth no Gold, for if it had yeelded any, he would haue consumed those same Indians, in making them to toyle in the Mines; to the end he might make Gold of the bodies and soules of those for whom Iesus Christ suffered death, he generally made slaues of all those whom he slew not, and returned 60 the Ships that were come thither, vpon the blowing abroad and noyse of the selling of slaues, full of people bartered for Wine, Oyle, Vinegar, powdred Bacons flesh, Garments, Horses, and that that euery man had neede of, according to the Captains estimate and iudgement. He would let choose amongst an hundred or fiftie yong Damosels, bartering some one of the fairest, and of [Page 1582] the best complexion, for a Caske of Wine, Oyle, Vineger, or for Porke powdred. And in like manner he would let choose out a young hansome Stripling amongst two or three hundred for the foresaid Merchandize. And it hath beene seene, that a youth seeming to bee the Sonne of some Prince, hath beene bartered for a Cheese, and an hundred persons for an Horse. Hee conti­nued in these doings from the yeere twentie sixe, vntill the yeere thirtie three.

As these Spaniards, went with their mad Dogges a foraging by the tracke, and hunting out the Indian men and women: An Indian woman being sicke, and seeing she could not escape their Dogges, that they should not rent her as they did others: shee tooke a coard and hanged her selfe at a beame, hauing fastened at her foot a child she had of a weere old, and she had no sooner done: behold these Curres, which come and dispatch this infant, howbeit that before it died, a Reli­gious 10 man a Frier baptized it.

When the Spanish parted out of this Realme, one amongst others said, to a Sonne of a Lord of some Citie or Prouince, that he should goe with him: the Boy answered, and said, he would not forsake his Countrie, The Spaniard replied: Goe with me, or else I will cut off thine eares. The young Indian persisted in his first saying, that he would not forsake his Countrie. The Spaniard drawing out his Dagger, cut off first one, and then his other eare. The youngman abiding by it still that he would not leaue his Countrie: he mangled off also his Nose, with the vppermost of his lips: making no more scrupulositie of the mater, then if he had giuen him but a philip. This damna­ble wretch magnified himselfe, and vaunted him of his doings villanously vnto a reuerend Reli­gious person, saying: that hee tooke as much paines as hee could, to beget the Indian women in great numbers with child, to the end, he might receiue the more money for them in selling them 20 great with childe for slaues.

In this Realme, or in one of the Prouinces of New Spaine, a certaine Spaniard went one day with his Dogges on hunting of Venison, or else Conies, and not finding game, hee minded his Dogges that they should bee hungrie, and tooke a little sweet Babie which hee bereaued the mo­ther of, and cutting off from him the armes and the legges, chopped them in small gobbets, gi­uing to euery Dogge his Liuerie or part thereof, by and by after these morsels thus dispatched, he cast also the rest of the bodie or the carkasse to all the kenell together.

Being now departed the Realme all the Deuillish Tyrants, blinded with the couetousnesse of the riches of Peru, that reuerend Father, Frier Iames, with foure other Religious of Saint Fran­cis, 30 was moued in spirit to goe into this Realme to pacifie them, and for to preach to them, and to winne vnto Iesus Christ those which might bee remayning of the Butcheries and Tyrannous Murders, which the Spanish had beene pe [...]petrating seuen continuall yeeres. And I beleeue that these same were those Religious persons, the which in the yeere thirtie foure, certaine In­dians of the Prouince of Mexico, sending before them Messengers in their behalfe, requested them that they would come into their Countrie, to giue them knowledge of that one only God, who is God, and very Lord of all the wo [...]ld: according in the end to admit them with condition, that they should enter thems [...]lues alone, and not the Spaniards with them, that which the Religious promised them. For it was permitted them, yea commanded them so to doe, by the Vice-roy of New Spaine, and that there should bee no kind of displeasure bee done vnto them by the Spa­niards. 40 The Religious men preached vnto them the Gospell of Christ, as they are accustomed to doe, and as had beene the holy intention of the Kings of Castile, that should haue beene done. Howbeit, that the Spaniards in all the seuen yeeres space past, had neuer giuen them any such notice of the truth of the Gospell, or so much as that there was any other King sauing himselfe, that so tyrannized ouer them, and destroyed them. By these meanes of the Religious, after the end of fortie dayes that they had preached vnto them, the Lords of the Countrie brought vnto them, and put into their hands their Idols, to the end that they should burne them. After also they brought vnto them their young children, that they should catechise them, whom they loue as the Apple of their eye. They made for them also Churches, and Temples, and houses. More­ouer, some other Prouinces sent, and inuited them, to the end that they might come to them al­so, 50 to preach, and giue them the vnderstanding of God, and of him whom they said to bee the great King of Castile. And being perswaded and induced by the Religious, and did a thing which neuer yet before hath beene done in the Indies. Twelue or fifteene Lords, which had very many subiects and great dominion, assembling euery one for his owne part his people, and taking their aduise and consent, of their owne voluntarie motion, yeelded themselues to the subiection, and to be vnder the domination of the Kings of Castile: admitting the Emperour as King of Spaine, for their Liege Souereigne. Whereof also they made certaine Instruments, by them con­signed, which I keepe in my charge, together with the Testimonies thereunto of the said Religious.

The Indians being thus onward in the way of the faith, with the great ioy, and good hope of 60 the Religious Brethren, that they should be able to winne vnto Iesus Christ all the people of the Realme that were the residue, being but a small number of the slaughters, and wicked wars pas­sed: There entred at a certaine Coast, eighteene Spaniards Tyrants on horsebacke, and twelue on foot, driuing with them great loades of Idols, which they had taken in the other Prouinces [Page 1583] of the Indians. The Captaine of those thirtie Spaniards called vnto him a Lord of the Countrie therabouts as they were entred, and commandeth him to take those Idols, and to disperse them throughout all his Countrie, selling euery Idoll for an Indian man, or an Indian woman, to make slaues of them, with threatning them, that if he did not doe it, he would bid them battaile. That said Lord being forced by feare, distributed those Idols throughout all the Countrie, and com­manded all his subiects, that they should take them to adore them, and that they should returne in exchange of that ware Indies and Indisses tomake slaues of. The Indians beeing affraid, those which had two chldren, gaue him one, and hee that had three gaue him two. This was the end of this Sacrilegious Trafficke: and thus was this Lord or Cacique, faine to content these Spaniards: I say not Christians. 10

One of these abominable Chafferers, named Iohn Garcia, being sicke, and neere his death, had vnder his bed to packs of Idols, and commanded his Indish Maid that serued him, to looke to it that she made not away his Idols, that there were for Murlimeus, for they were good stuffe: and that making vent of them, shee should not take lesse then a slaue a piece for one of them with another: and in fine, with this his Testament and last Will thus deuised, the Catiffe died.

The Indians perceiuing that, that which the Religious had promised them, was as good as no­thing: namely, that the Spaniards should not enter those Prouinces: and seeing the Spaniards which had laded thither Idols from other places, there to make vent of them, they hauing put all their Idols afore into the hands of the Friars, to the end they should bee burned, and to the end the true God should be by them adored, all the Country was in a mutinie, and a rage against the 20 Religious Friars, and the Indians comming vnto them, say: Why haue you lied vnto vs, in promi­sing vs by deceits that there should not enter any Spaniards into these Countries? And why haue you burnt our gods, seeing the Spaniards doe bring vs other Gods from other Nations? Were not our Gods as good, as the Gods of other Prouinces? The Friars pacified them in the best manner that they could, not knowing what to answere them: and went to seeke out those thirty Spaniards, to whom they declared the euill which they had done, praying them to get them thence: which the Spa­niards would not doe, but said to the Indians, that those Religious men had caused them to come thither themselues of their owne accord, which was rightly an extreme maliciousnesse. In the end the Indians deliberated to kill the Religious men: By occasion whereof, the Friers fled away in a night, hauing aduertisement of the case by some of the Indians. 30

Of the Prouince of Saint Martha.

THe Prouince of Saint Martha, was a Countrie where the Spaniards gathered Gold in all plentie: the Land being with the Regions adiacent very rich, and the people industrious to draw out the Gold. Wherefore also infinite Tyrants haue made thither continually with their ships, ouer-running, and ranging along the Country, killing and spoyling those the Inhabitants, and ramping from them that gold that they had, with speedie returne euer to their ships, which went and came oftentimes. And so wrought they in those Prouinces great wasts and slaugh­ters, and cruelties horrible, and that most commonly on the Sea-coast, and certaine leagues with­in 40 the Country. At what time there went Spanish Tyrants to inhabite there. And for as much as the Country was exceeding rich as hath beene said, there euer succeeded Captaines one in anothers roome, euery one more cruell then other: in such sort that it seemed that euery one in­forced himselfe, for the masterie in doing of euils. The yeere 1529. there went a great Tyrant, very resolute, with great troupes: but without any feare of God, or compassion of the nature of man, who wrought such wastes and slaughters so great, that he exceeded all others that had gone before him, himselfe robbing for the space of sixe or seuen yeeres that he liued, great Trea­sures: after being deceassed without confession, and fled from the place of his residence: there succeeded him other murdering Tyrants and Theeues, which made an end of the rest of the peo­ple: that from the yeere 1529. vnto this day, they haue reduced into a Wildernesse in those same quarters more then 400. leagues of Land, which was no lesse peopled then the other Countries 50 which we haue spoken of.

Verily if I had to make a bed-roll of the Vngraciousnesses, of the Slaughters, of the Desolati­ons, of the Iniquities, of the Violencies, of the Massacres, and other great Insolencies which the Spaniards haue done, and committed in those Prouinces of Saint Martha, against God, the King, and against those innocent Nations: I should write an Historie very ample. But that may be done if God spare me life, hereafter in his good time: onely I will set downe a few words of that which was written in a Letter by a Bishop of this Prouince, to the King our Souereigne: and the Letter beareth date the twentieth of May, 1541. The which Bishop amongst other words speaketh thus: I say, sacred Maiestie, that the way to redresse this Countrie, is that his Ma­iestie Bishop of S. Marthas Let­ter to Charles the fi [...]th. 60 deliuer her out of the power of Stepfathers, and giue vnto her an husband which may intreate her as is reason, and a [...]cording as shee deserueth: otherwise, I am sure hereafter as the Tyrants which now haue the gouernment, doe torment and tormoyle her, she will soone take an end. &c. And a little below he saith: Whereby, your Maiestie shall know cleerely, how those which gouerne in those quarters doe de­serue [Page 1584] to be dismounted, and deposed from their gouernment, to the end, that the Common-weales may be relieued. That if that be not done, in mine aduise, they can neuer be cured of their diseases. His Ma­iestie shall vnderstand moreouer, that in those Regions, there are not any Christians but Deuils, that there are no Seruants of God and the King, but Traitors to the state, and their King. And in truth the greatest incumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians, that are in warre, and to set them at peace, and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith, is vnnaturall and cruell entreatie, which they that are in peace receiue of the Spanish, being so deeply altered, and launced, that they haue nothing in more hatred and horror, then the name of Christians, the which in all these Countries they call in their Language, Yares, that is to say, Deuils. For the acts which they committed here, are nei­ther of Christians, nor of men which haue the vse of reason: but of Deuils. Whereof it commeth to 10 passe, that the Indies which doe see these behauiours to be generally so farre estranged from all humanitie, and without any mercie, aswell in the heads as in the members: they esteeme, that the Christians do hold these things for a Law, and that their God, and their King are the Authors thereof. And to endeuour to perswade them otherwise, were to endeuour in vaine, and to minister vnto them the more ample mat­ter, to deride and scorne Iesus Christ and his Law. The Indians that are in war, seeing the intreatie vsed toward the Indians that are in peace: would choose rather to die once for all, then to endure sun­drie deaths, beeing vnder the command of the Spanish. I know this by experience, most victorious Caesar, &c.

He calleth the Indians in warre, those which saued themselues by flying into the Mountaines from the slaughters of the mischieuous Spaniards. And hee calleth the Indians in peace, those 20 which after hauing lost an infinite of their people, by the Massacres, haue beene thral­led into the Tyrannicall and horrible seruitude aforesaid, and whereof in the end they haue beene fined out, desolated, and slaine, as appeareth by that which hath beene said by the Bishoppe, which notwithstanding speaketh but little, in comparison of that which they haue suffered.

The Indians in that Countrie haue accustomed to say, if when they are trauelled and driuen vp the Mountaines loden, they happen to fall downe, and to faint for feeblenesse, and for paine: for at that time they lay on vpon them blowes with their feet and with their staues, and they breake their teeth with the pummels of their Swords, to make them rise, and march on without taking of breath, with these words, Out vpon thee, what a Uillaine art thou? they 30 (I say) the Indians, for their parts are wont to say, I can no more: kill me here right. I doe desire to die heere: and this they say with great sighes, and being scarce able to speake, for hauing their heart drawne together, declaring a great anguish and dolour.

Of the Prouince of Carthagene.

THis Prouince of Carthagene, is situate vnder, and a fiftie leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha, towards the West, confining with the Prouince of Ceu, vnto the Gulph of Araba: which are a hundred leagues all along the Sea-side, and is a great Countrie with­in Land towards the South. These Prouinces since the yeere 1498. or ninetie nine, vn­till 40 now haue beene euill entreated, martyred, massacred, desolated like vnto that of Saint Martha.

Of the Coast of Pearles, and of Paria, and of the Ile of the Trinitie.

FRom the Coast of Paria, vnto the Gulfe of Venesuela, without forth, which are two hun­dred leagues: the Spanish haue wrought great and strange destructions, rioting vpon that people, and taking aliue as many as they could, to the end they might sell them for slaues: and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made vn­to them. It cannot bee well told, nor particularly exprest, the sundrie kindes and greiuous 50 vexations, wrongs, hurts, and spoiles, which those people, indured at the Spaniards hands, from the yeere 1510. vntill this present. I will onely rehearse two or three acts, by the which it may be iudged of the rest, innumerable and excessiue, and worthy all torments and fire.

In the Ile of the Trinitie, which is farre greater and more fertile then the Ile of Sicile, and ioyneth with the firme Land of the Coast of Paria, and where the people are the best disposed, and most enclined to vertue in their kind, of all the Indians, as they went, there a Captaine Ro­uer in the yeere, 1510. accompanied with sixtie or seuentie other pettie Theeues well appointed: they published among the Indians by Proclamations, and other publike Summons, that they should come and dwell and liue with them in that Ile. The Indians receiued them as their owne bowels and babes: and as well the Lords as Subiects serued them with exceeding readinesse, 60 bringing them to eate from day to day, as much as might suffice to feed, as many moe people. For this is the liberalitie of all these Indians of the new World, to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they haue in great abundance.

The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether: [Page 1585] for the Spanish would haue it so, that there should bee one only house for all, and no more, to compasse that, which they had alreadie premeditate to doe, and did it. When they laid the Thatch vpon the binding staues or sparres, and had alreadie couered to the height of two mens length, to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without, vnder colour to hasten forward the worke, that it might bee the sooner dispatched, they set a great number of people within, the Spaniards deuiding themselues, the one part of them being be­stowed without, compassing the house round about with their weapons, because of those that might get forth, the other part of them presse into the house: Thus laying hands on their Swords, they beganne to threaten the Indians naked as they were, to kill them if they did stirre, and then bound them. And those which fled they hewed them in pieces: Howbeit some of 10 the Indians which fled, both of the hurt and not hurt, with others that had not come within the house, tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and assembled themselues in another house, about an hundred or two hundred persons: And as they kept the gate, the Spaniards set fire on the house, and burned them aliue. After with their purchase, which might bee of an hundred or fourescore persons of them which they had bound: they get them to the Ile of Saint Iohn, where they sold the one moitie, and thence to the Ile of Hispaniola: where they sold the other moitie. As I reprehended the Captaine for this notable Treason, at the same time, and at the same Ile of Saint Iohn, he made an answere: Sir, quiet your selfe for that matter. So haue they comman­ded me to doe, and giuen me instruction which sent me: that if I could not take them by warre, I should take them vnder countenance and colour of peace. And in truth the Captaine told mee 20 that in all his life, he neuer had found Father nor Mother, but in this Ile of Trinitie, in respect of the friendly courtesies the Indians had shewed him.

At another time, the Religious Friars of Saint Dominickes Order, beeing determined to goe preach, they receiued them as Angels comne from Heauen: and heard with great affection, at­tention, and willingnesse such words as the Religious at that time were able to giue them to vn­derstand, more by signes then otherwise, for they knew not the tongue. It came to passe that there arriued there another ship, after that the ship in which the Religious men came was depar­ted thence, and the Spanish in this Vessell, keeping their Deuillish custome, by suttletie without the knowlede of the Religious, carried away the Lord of the Countrie called Alfonso: were it that Friars had giuen him this name, or else others. For the Indians loue and desire to beare the 30 name of the Christians, desiring incontinent that it may be giuen them euen before they know any thing, that they may be baptized. They induced fraudulently this Don Alfonso to come a­boord their ship with the Ladie his wife, and other persons, making semblance to goe about to feast them. In the end there entred seuenteene persons, together with the Lord and his Ladie: the Lord trusting that the Religious persons being entred into his Countrie, would keepe the Spaniards from doing any wrong: for otherwise hee would neuer haue put himselfe in the hands of the Spanish. The Indians therefore thus being in the ship, the traiterous Spaniards hoised sailes, and away they went to Hispaniola with them, there selling them for slaues. All the Countrie seeing that their Lord and Ladie were carried away, they runne to the Religious men, purpo­sing to kill them. The poore men appeased the Indians in the best manner they could, saying 40 that they would write to them at Hispaniola by the first ship that went, and would take such care and order in the matter, that their Souereigne should bee restored them againe with those that were in his company. God sent immediately a ship thither, and they wrote to the Spanish Reli­gious men that were in the Ile of Hispaniola. They cry out, and call Heauen and Earth witnesse against them, both first, and sundrie times after: But the Iudges of the audience, would neuer giue them audience to doe them Iustice, for because themselues had part in the bootie of the In­dians, which the Tyrants had so against all right and reason taken. The two Religious men, which had promised the Indians of the Countrie, that their Lord Don Alfonso, with others should come home with the rest within foure moneths, seeing that they came not neither in foure nor eight made themselues readie to the death, and to giue their life, which they had gaged 50 before they came out of Spaine, if neede should bee, and in that sort the Indians tooke vengeance on them in killing them iustly, notwithstanding that they were innocent: for because that they thought, that the Religious men had beene the occasion of this Spanish Frier [...] killed for o­thers faults. Treason.

Another time, by reason of the great Tyrannies and execrable acts of the cursed ones, bearing the name of Christians, the Indians slue other two Religious men of Saint Dominickes Order, and one of Saint Francis. Whereof I can be a good witnesse for that I escaped at the time miraculously from the same death, of the which it should be a hard matter to intreat, and would be to amaze men, by reason of the grieuousnesse and horriblenesse of the case. Wherefore I will not lay it abroad (for being too tedious) vntill his time, and at the day of iudgement it shall bee 60 more euident, when God shall take vengeance of the Theeueries so horrible and so abominable as are done by those which beare the name of Christians against the Indians.

Another time in those Prouinces at the Cape of the Codera, (as they call it) there was a Towne, the Lord whereof was named Higueroto a name either proper to the person, or it may [Page 1586] be common to the Lords of the place. This Lord was so bounteous, and his people so vertuous and seruiceable, that as many Spaniards as came thither by ship, they found there good enter­tainment, meate, lodging, all cheering, and refreshing. This said Lord had also deliuered many from death of those which were fled thither out of other Prouinces, where they had rioted and tyrannized, and come thither sicke, and halfe dead for hunger, whom they refreshed, and after­ward sent them away safe, to the Ile of Pearles, where there were Spaniards, and might haue slaine them if he had would, without that euer any should haue knowne it. And shortly to say the Spanish did call the Subiects of Higurroto, the House and Harbour of euery body. A Catiffe Tyrant aduised himselfe to out-rage that people also, when as they thought themselues sure enough: and getting him to a ship, he had there inuited a great number of people to come a 10 boord her as they were accustomed to doe, and to trust the Spaniards. A great number of people being entred into her, men, women, and children, hee hoysed sailes, and went to the Ile of Saint Iohn, where he sold them all for slaues. I came at the same instant to the Ile of Saint Iohn, and I saw the Tyrant, and vnderstood what he had done. He had destroyed all that Town­ship: whereby he did great harme to all other his fellow Tyrants, wonted to rob, and roue all along those Coasts, insomuch as they had in abomination this act so hideous, being bereft there­by of their Harbour, and house of retire, as ordinary and familiar vnto them as it had beene their owne home and house.

They haue singled out at times from all this Coast, the which was very well peopled, vnto the Two Millions of stolne In­dians. Iles of Saint Iohn and Hispaniola, aboue two Millions of soules, seised vpon by their purchases in 20 theeuing and robbing: which also euery one of them they haue slaine not long after, by thru­sting them into the Minerals and other tormoiles, besides the great numbers there were there al­readie before time, as we haue abouesaid.

It is a tried case, that they neuer conuey away their shippings of Indians so robbed and pur­chased, as I haue said, but that they cast the third part into the Sea, besides those which they slay, when they will sort them to themselues for their chaffer. The cause is, that when as they will by all meanes attaine to the end which they haue proposed to themselues: they haue need of a great number of people, for to draw a great deale of money, according to the quantitie of the slaues: and they prepare but a very small deale of sustenance and water, to serue but a few per­sons: Manner of v­sage at Sea. to the end that those Tyrants whom they cal Purueyours of the ships should not spend them 30 much. And there is but euen scarse enough, saue to serue the Spaniards turne which goe a rouing and robbing: and there is alwaies wanting for the poore Indians. Wherefore also they die for hunger and thirst: and then there is none other remedie but to cast them ouer the boord into the Sea. And verily a man among them did tell me, that from the Ile of Lucayos, where had beene wrought great slaughters in this manner, vnto the Isle of Hispaniola, which are sixtie or seuentie leagues there trended a ship all alongst, without that it had either Compasse or Mariners Card, be­ing guided onely by the tracke of dead Indians carkasses floating vpon the Seas, of them which had bin cast in. And after they be landed in the Ile, whither they bring them to make sale of them Manner of landing and sharing. it is to make a heart to yearne of whosoeuer, haue he neuer so little compassion to behold them naked and famished, fall downe and faint for hunger and thirst, women, and aged men, and 40 children.

Afterwards they soone after separate them, as it were Lambes, the fathers from the children, and the wiues from the husbands, in making troupes of them of ten or twentie persons, and so cast lots on them, to the end, those Purueyours should take their share, which are those who doe rigge and furnish two or three ships for the Nauie of those Tyrants, seasing vpon all they come by, and pulling the poore men out of their owne housen. And looke when the lot falleth vpon the flocke where there were among them any old or sicke person, the Tyrant to whom the same escheated would say: The Deuill take the old Graybeard, why doest thou giue him mee, to the end I should goe burie him? And this sicke Rascall, what haue I to doe that hee should fall out to my lot: to the end, I should be his Phisicion to cure him? 50

The tyrannie which the Spanish exercise ouer the Indians, to fish for Pearles, is one of the cruel­lest things that is in the World. There is no hell in this life, nor other desperate state in this World, that may be compared vnto it: although that the Trade of Gold finding, be in his kind, Manner of Pearle-fishing. very grieuous, and very miserable. They let them into the Sea, three, foure, or fiue fathome forth downe right vnder water, from the morning vntill Sun-set, where they are continually flitting without stint, to plucke Oysters, in the which are engendred the Pearles. They surge vp aboue the waters, with a Net full of Oysters to take breath: where standeth readie a Spanish Tormentor, in a little Cocke Boate, or a Brigantine, and if the poore wretches stay neuer so lit­tle while to rest themselues: they all to be buffet them with their fists, and draw them by the haire into the water to returne to their fishing. Their sustenance is fish, and the same very fish 60 which containeth the Pearles, and the bread Cacabi, or some Maiz, which are the kinds of bread of that Countrie: the one of very slender nourishment, the other is not easie to bee made into bread, of the which also, they neuer giue them their belly full. The beds that they lodge them in a nights, is to set them by the heeles, their bodies recoyling on the cold ground, in a paire of [Page 1587] stockes for feare of running away. Sometimes they are drowned in the Sea, and at their fishing and trauell picking of Pearles, and neuer rise vp againe aboue the water: because the Sharkes. Bunches and whirlepooles doe kill them and eate them.

It is impossible, that men should be able to liue any long season vnder the water without ta­king breath, the continuall cold piercing them, and so they die commonly, parbraking of bloud at the mouth, and of the bloudy fluxe, caused by the cold. Their haires, which by nature are cole blacke, alter and become after a branded russet, like to the haires of the Sea-wolues. The Salt­peter breaketh out of their shoulders, in such sort, that they seeme to bee a kinde of monsters in the shape of men, or else some other kinde of men. They dispatched in ridding about this in­supportable trauell, or rather to speake rightly, this deuilish torment, all the Lucayan Indians 10 which were in the Iles, hauing sauoured this gaines, and euery Indian was worth vnto them a fiftie, or an hundred Castillans. They made an open Mart of them, notwithstanding it were in­hibited them, by the Magistrate otherwise vnmercifull: for the Lucayens were good swim­mers. They also, about these things haue slaine a number of the people of other Prouinces.

Of the Riuer Yuia pari.

THere runneth through the Prouince of Paria, a Riuer named Yuia Pari, more then two hun­dred leagues within land from the head. There entred the same Riuer, an vnlucky tyrant, a great many leagues vpward, in the yeere 1529. with foure hundred men, or more: which there 20 wrought great slaughters, burning aliue, and putting to the edge of the sword, an infinite sort of Indians, which were in their lands and houses, doing hurt to no creature, and therefore secure, and mistrusting nothing.

In the end hee died an euill death, and his Nauie was disparaged: albeit that other tyrants there were which succeeded him in his mischieuousnesses and tyrannies: and yet at this day thi­ther they goe, destroying, and slaying, and plunging into Hell the soules for whom the Sonne of God shed his bloud.

Of the Realme of Venesuela.

THe yeere 1526. the King our Soueraigne, being induced by sinister informations and per­swasions 30 damageable to the State, as the Spaniards haue alwaies pained themselues to con­ceale from his Maiestie the damages and dishonours which God and the soules of men, and his State doeth receiue in the Indies: granted and committed a grea R [...]alme, greater then all Spaine (Venesuela, with the gouernment and entire iurisdiction) vnto certaine Dutch Merchants, with certaine capitulations and conuentions accorded betweene them.

These same entring the Countrey with three hundred men: they found the people very ami­able, and meeke as Lambes, as they are all in those parts of the Indies, vntill the Spanish doe out­rage them. These set vpon them without comparison a great deale more cruelly, then any of the other tyrants, of the which wee haue spoken before: shewing themselues more vnnaturall and 40 fierce, then raging Tigres, or Wolues, or ramping Lions. These haue layd desolate and destroy­ed more then foure hundred leagues of most fertile land, and therein of Prouinces exceeding and wonderfull, faire Valleyes to the breadth of forty leagues, and Bournes very great, full of people and of Gold. They haue staine, and wholly discomfited great and diuers Nations, so farre forth as to abolish the Languages wonted to bee spoken, not leauing aliue that could skill of them: vnlesse some one or other, who had hid themselues in the caues and bowels of the earth, flee­ing the dint of the sword, so raging and plaguing. They haue slaine destroyed, and sent to Hell by diuers and strange manners of cruelties and vngodlinesses, more (I suppose) then foure or fiue millions of soules: and yet at this present they ceasse not to doe the same by in­finite Foure or fiue millions slaine in Venesuela. outrages, spoyles and slaughters, which they haue committed, and doe commit daily vnto this present. 50

They tooke the Lord Soueraigne of all the Prouince, without all cause, onely to bereaue him of his Gold, giuing him also the torture: which Lord vnbound himselfe, and escaped from them into the Mountaines, wherefore also the Subiects rose, and were in a mutinie, hiding themselues vpon the Mountaines, amongst the hedges and bushes. The Spaniards make after to chase them, and hauing found them, commit cruell massacres, and as many as they take aliue, they sell them in port sale for slaues. In diuers Prouinces, yea in all where they became before that they tooke the Soueraigne Lord, the Indians went to receiue them with songs, and dances, and with pre­sents of Gold in great quantitie. The payment made them, was, to bee put to the edge of the sword, and hewen in pieces. One time, as they went to receiue the Spanish in the fashion a­boue said: 60 the Dutch Captaine tyrant caused to bee put in a thatched house a great number of people, and hakled in pieces. And being on high, neere the top of the house, certaine beames, which diuers had got vpon, auoyding the bloudy hands and swords of those people (O merci­lesse beasts) the deuilish man, sent to put to fire, whereby as many as there were, were burned [Page 1588] aliue. By this meanes the Countrie remayned very desart, the people fleeing into the Moun­taines, where they hoped to saue themselues.

They came into another great Prouince, in the confines of the Prouince and Realme of Saint Martha, where they found the Indians peaceable in their Burroughs, and in their houses, doing their businesse: they continued a long time with them, eating their store, and the Indians serued them, as if they had to receiue of them their life and safeguard, supporting their continuall op­pressions, and vsuall outragiousnesses, which are intolerable: besides that one Spanish, glut­ton, eateth more in one day, then would suffice an whole houshold of more then ten Indians. They gaue them at that time, a great quantitie of Gold, of their owne good-will, ouer and be­sides, other seruices innumerable, which they did vnto them. At the end as these tyrants would depart the place, they aduised to pay them for their lodging, in this manner. 10

The Almaine tyrant Gouernour, commanded to take such Indians as they could, with their wiues and children, and that they should shut them vp within an inclosure, letting them know, that who so would come forth, and be let goe free, that he should redeeme himselfe at the plea­sure of the vniust Gouernour: in giuing so much Gold for himselfe, so much for his wife, and so much for euery poll of his children. And yet to presse them the more, he commanded to giue them nothing to eate, vntill such time as they had performed the quantitie of Gold inflicted them for their ransome. Many sent to their houses for Gold, and bought out themselues as they were able, and those same were deliuered, and went abroad about their businesse to get their li­uing. The tyrant sent certaine Spanish thieues and robbers, to goe take them againe the second time, after they had beene redeemed. They are carried to the perclose, and there wrung with 20 hunger and thirst, to the end, that they should yet once againe pay for their freedome. And there were many amongst them, which were taken and ransomed two or three sundry times. Others which had not to giue, for because they had all they had, hee let them within the toyle die for hunger. And in this manner hath beene destroyed a Prouince very rich of people and gold, the which hath a Vale or Bourne of fourtie leagues, where hath beene brent a Burrough of the receit of a thousand housholds.

This Tyrant resolued with himselfe to pierce farther into the Countrey, with a great de­sire to discouer on that side, that Hill of Peru. By occasion of which accursed Voyage both hee and others carried forth with them, Indians infinite, Ioden with two or three quintals 30 weight, and being enchained. If any were weake and weary, fainting for hunger, or trauel­ling, they cut incontinent his head off euen with the collar of the chaine that yoked them: because they should not need to vnhamper the others that went with the same collars about their neckes, and so tumbled the head on the one side, and the body on the other. And the lode of him that had so fayled was distributed and bestowed vpon others. To tell of the Prouinces, which hee hath layed desart, and the Townes and places which hee hath brent, for all the houses are thatched, and to number the Nations which hee hath slaine, and the cruelties, and murders particular, which hee had committed by the way, it would bee a thing scarse credible: howbeit very true and wonderfull. In this same very course and steppes marched sithence the other tyrants, who came from the said Venesuela, and others of the Prouince of Saint Martha, 40 with the selfe same holy intention to discouer the same sacred golden Palace of Peru: and found the whole Countrie in length more then two hundred leagues so burned, dispeopled, and spoy­led, hauing beene before most notably peopled, and most fertile, as hath beene said, that them­selues as very tyrants and sauage beasts as they were, wondered and stood astonished to see the trackes of the destructions so lamentable, wheresoeuer he had passed.

All these things haue beene giuen in euidence with the depositions of many witnesses by the Attorney of the Councell of the Indies, and the euidences are kept amongst the Records of the same Councell: and yet haue they neuer burnt aliue, any of those execrable tyrants. Those Prouinces of Venesuela with the others which they haue laid waste, and dispeopled more then foure hundred leagues forthright, as hath beene said, is a region the most blissefull, and the richest 50 of Gold, and was the best peopled of any in the world: in such sort, that they haue disturned from the Kings Coffers, and occasioned the losse in this Realme of aboue two millions of rent, within seuenteene yeeres sithence by past, that these enemies of God and the King haue begunne to destroy it: neither is there any hope that euer those losses will be repaired.

These seuenteene yeeres they haue sent by Sea a great number of ships Ioden and stuffed with Indians, to make sale of them as slaues at Saint Martha, at the Iles of Hispaniola, and of Iamayca, and at Saint Iohns Ile, moe then one million: and doe send daily, as now this yeere 1542. the A million of slaues. Court of the Audience Royall notwithstanding established, for, and at Hispaniola, right well see­ing all this, and dissimuling to see it, yea, fauouring and supporting all the matter: as likewise they haue had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite, which haue 60 beene done in all this coast of the Firme land which are about foure hundred leagues, the which haue beene and now are vnder their iurisdiction, like vnto Venesuela, and Saint Martha: all which the said Court might very well haue empeached and remedied.

Of the Prouinces of the firme land, or quarter that is called Florida. Iuan Pon [...]e de Leon with 80. men were all lost there. Af­ter him Lucas Vasquez de Ayl­lon with 220. Pamphilo de Noruaez with 400. And [...]urthly Ferdi­nando de Soto with 1000. as some say, and they which say least, 600. en­t [...]ed Florida, whose stories you haue be­fore. Of Soto was no newes An. 1542. when this was writ­ten. See before in Schmidel.

INto these Prouinces went three tyrants at three diuers times since the yeere 1510. or 1511. there to put in vre the acts which others, and two of them from among themselues haue com­mitted in other quarters of the Indians: to the end to aspire to high degrees, in no respect con­uenient to their persons, higher then their merits in the Common-wealth could conceiue, with the bloud and destruction of their neighbours: and they are dead all three of an euill death, and their houses likewise haue beene destroyed with them, the which they had builded in times past, with the bloud of mankind, as I can be a sufficient witnesse of all three, and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth, as if they had neuer beene in this world. 10

The fourth tyrant, that came last in the yeere 1538. cunningly aduised, and being fully fur­nished: it is three yeeres since there is no tidings concerning him. Sure he is one of the notori­ousest and best experimented amongst them that haue done the most hurts, mischieues, and de­structions in my Realmes with their consorts: wherefore I beleeue that God hath giuen him like end vnto the others.

Of the Riuer of La Plata, that is to say, Of Siluer.

SIthence the yeere, one thousand fiue hundred, and two or three and twenty: certaine Cap­taines 20 made three or foure Voyages vp the Riuer of Plata, where there are great Prouinces and Realmes, and Nations well ordered and endued with vnderstanding. In generall wee vn­derstood, that they haue made there great butcheries and inuasions: but like as this Countey is farre discoasted from the Indies most famous, so we are not able, to quote the notablest points in particular.

Of the mighty Realmes, and large Prouinces of Peru.

IN the yeere 1531. went another great tyrant with certaine other consorts, to the Realmes of Peru, where entring with the same title and intention, and with the same proceedings as all 30 the rest before gone, forasmuch as he was one of them, which had of long time beene exercised in all kindes of cruelties and murders, which had beene wrought in the firme land, [...]ithence the yeere 1510. hee tooke encouragement to accrue in cruelties, murders, and robberies: being a man without loyaltie and truth, laying waste Cities and Countries, bringing them to nought, and vtterly vndoing them by slaying the Inhabitants, and being the cause of all the euils, which ensued in that Countrie.

He slue and laid waste at his first arriuall with a mischiefe certaine boroughes, from whom he pillaged a great quantitie of Gold. In an Iland neere to the same Prouinces, named Pagna, well peopled and pleasant, the Lord thereof with his people receiued them as it had beene Angels from heauen: and six moneths after, when as the Spanish had eaten vp all their prouision: They 40 discouered also vnto them the corne which they kept vnder ground, for themselues, their wiues, and their children, against a dry time and barren: making them offer of all, with trees plentifull to spend and eate at their pleasure. The recompence in the end which they made them, was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance, a great quantitie of those people. And those whom they could take aliue, they made sl [...]ues: with other cruelties great and notable which they commit­ted, dispeopled as it were all that Ile.

From thence they make to the Prouince of Tumbala, which is in the firme land, where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by. And because all the people were fled as affrigh­ted by their horrible acts, they said that they made an insurrection, and rebelled against the King of Spaine. This tyrant had this policie, and kept this order of proceeding, that vnto all those whom he tooke, or vnto others which presented him with Gold and Siluer, or other things which they had: he commanded them to bring more, vntill such time as he perceiued that either 50 they had no more, or that they brought him no more. And then he would say, that he accepted them for the vassals and lieges of the King of Spaine, and made much of them: and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets, that from thenceforth they would take them no more, and that they would doe them no manner harme at all: setting it downe for good ando lawfull, all whatsoeuer he had robbed from them.

A few dayes after the King and Emperour of those Realmes, named Atabaliba, came accom­panied with a number of naked people, bearing their ridiculous armour, not knowing neither how Swords did carue, nor Speares did pierce, nor Horses did run, nor who or what were the Spaniards. Hee commeth to the place where they were, saying: Where are these Spaniards? 60 Let them come, I will not stirre a foote, till they satisfie me for my Subiects whom they haue slaine, and my boroughs which they haue dispeopled, and for my wealth, which they haue be­reaued me.

[Page 1590] The Spaniards set against him, and slew an infinite sort of his people: they tooke him also in person, who came carried in a Litter borne vpon mens shoulders. They treate with him, to the end that he should ransome himselfe. The King offereth to performe foure millions of Castillans, Fifteene Milli­ons paid for Atabalipas ran­some. and performeth fifteene, they promise to release him: notwithstanding in the end, keeping nor faith nor truth (as they neuer kept any in the Iudies, vnto the Indians) they laid to his charge al­together vntruely, that by his commandement the people assembled. The King answered, that in all the Countrie there moued not a leafe of a tree, without his good will: that if there assem­bled any people, they were to beleeue that it was by his commandement, and as touching him­selfe that he was prisoner, and they might slay him.

All this notwithstanding, they condemned him to be burnt aliue: but at the request of some 10 certaine, the Captaine caused him to be strangled: and being strangled, hee was burned. This King vnderstanding his sentence, said: Wherefore will you burne me? What trespasse haue I done yee? Did not you promise me to set me at libertie, if I gaue you the Gold? And haue I not perfor­med more then I promised? Seeing you needes will haue it so, send me to your King of Spaine: speaking other things, to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards vsed, whom in the end they burned. Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare, the imprisonment of this Prince, the sentence, and the execution of his death, and the conscience, whereby they possesse great treasures, as indeede they haue robbed in those Realmes from this King and other seuerall Lords infinite.

As touching the innumerable cruelties, and notable, for the mischiefes and enormities withall 20 committed in the rooting out of those peoples by them, who call themselues Christians: I will here rehearse some certaine, the which a Frier of Saint Francis order saw at the beginning, and the same certified vnder his name and signe: sending them into all those quarters, and amongst others in to this Realme of Castile, whereof I retaine a Copie in my keeping, in the which it is thus written:

I Frier Marke, of the order of Saint Francis, commissarie ouer the other Friors of the same Order in Testimony of Frier Marke touching Pi­zarro and the Spaniards which first entred Pe­ru. the Prouinces of Peru, and who was one of the first religious men, which entred into the said Prouinces with the Spaniards: doe say, bearing true testimonie of certaine things, the which I haue seene with mine eyes in that Countrie, namely, concerning the entreatie and conquests made ouer the naturall inhabitants of the Countrie: first of all I am an eye witnesse, and haue certaine knowledge, that those Indians of Peru, 30 are a people the most kinde hearted that hath beene seene among all the Indians, being courteous in con­uersation, and friendly vnto the Spaniards. And I saw them giue to the Spanish in abundance, Gold, Siluer, precious stones, and all that was asked them, and that they had, doing them all kinde of seruice lawfull. And the Indians neuer yeelded forth to warre, but kept them in peace so long time, as they gaue them not occasion, by their euill entreating of them and their cruelties, but contrariwise receiued them with all amitie and honour in their boroughes, in giuing them to eate, and as many slaues mankinde and womenkinde, as they demanded for their seruice.

Item, I am witnesse, that without that the Indians gaue occasion: the Spanish as soone as they were entred the land, after that the great Cacique Atabalipa, had giuen to the Spanish more then two mil­lions of Gold, and had put into their power the whole Countrie without resistance, incontinent they bur­ned 40 the said Atabalipa, which was Lord of the whole Countrie. And after him they burnt his captaine generall Cochilimaca, who had come to the Gouernour in peace with other Lords. In the like manner also a few dayes after they burned a great Lord named Chamba, of the Prouince of Quito, without any fault at all, and without hauing giuen the least occasion that might be. In like manner they burned vn­iustly Schappera Lord of the Canaries A people of those parts, good warriors, not of the Ca­ [...]y Ilands.. Also they burnt the feete of Aluis a great Lord amongst all those which were in Quito, and caused him to endure sundry other torments, to make him tell where was the Gold of Atabalipa: of the which treasure, as it appeared, he knew nothing.

Also they burnt in Quito Cosopanga, who was Gouernour of all the Prouinces of Quito, which vpon the request to him first made by Sebastian of Bernalcasar, Captaine vnder the Gouernour, was come to them in peace: and onely because he gaue them not Gold so much as he demanded of him▪ they burned him 50 with very many other Caciques and principall Lords. And for ought that I can vnderstand, the intent of the Spaniards was, that there should not be left aliue one Lord in the whole Countrey.

Item, I certifie, that the Spaniards caused to assemble a great number of Indians, and locked them vp in three great houses, as many as could be pored in, and setting to fire, they burned them all, without that they had done the least thing that might be, or had giuen to the Spanish the least occasion thereof whatsoeuer. And it came to passe, that a Priest, who is named Ocanna, drew a yong Boy out of the fire, in the which he burned, which perceiuing, another Spaniard tooke from out of his hands the Boy, and flung him into the middest of the flames, where he was resolued into ashes together with others. The which Spaniard returning the same day to the Campe, fell downe dead suddenly, and mine aduice was, he should not be buried. 60

Item, I affirme, to haue seene with mine owne eyes, that the Spanish haue cut the hands, the noses, and the eares of the Indians, and of their women, without any other cause or purpose, saue onely that so it came into their fantasie, and that in so many places and quarters, that it should be too tedious to re­hearse. And I haue seene, that the Spanish haue made their Mastiues runne vpon the Indians to rent [Page 1591] them in pieces. And moreouer, I haue seene by them burnt so many houses, and whole boroughes, or town­ships, that I am not able to tell the number. Also it is true, that they violently plucked the little infants from the Mothers dugges, and taking them by the armes, did throw them from them as farre as they could: Together with other enormities and cruelties without any cause, which gaue me astonishment to be­hold them, and would be to long to rehearse them.

Item, I saw when they sent for the Caciques and other principall Indians, to come see them in peace, and assuranc [...] to them made, promising them safe conduct: and incontinent as they were arriued, they burned them. They burned two whiles I was present, the one in Andon, and the other in Tumbala: and I could neuer preuaile with them to haue them deliuered from burning, preached I vnto them neuer so much. And in God and my conscience, for ought that euer I could perceiue, the Indians of Peru, neuer lift themselues vp, nor neuer rebelled for any other cause, but for the euill entreating of the other side, as 10 is manifest vnto euery one, and for iust cause: the Spaniards destroying them tyrannously against all rea­son and iustice, with all their Countrie, working vpon them so many outrages, that they were determined to die, rather then to suffer much another time. Item, I say, that by the report of the Indians them­selues, there is yet more Gold hidden then is come to light, the which because of the vniustices and cruelties of the Spaniards, they would not discouer, neither euer will discouer, so long as they shall be so euill entrea­ted, but will choose rather to dye with their fellowes. Wherein God our Lord hath beene highly trespassed against, and the Kings Maiestie euill serued, hauing beene defrauded in that, that his highnesse hath [...]st such a Countrie, as hath beene able to yeelde sustenance to all Castile: for the recouerie of which Coun­trie, it will be a matter of great difficultie, dispence, and charges. 20

All these hitherto are the formall words of the said religious person: the which are also rati­fied Bishop of Mex­icos testimony. by the Bishop of Mexico, which witnesseth that the reuerend Father hath to his know­ledge affirmed all the aboue said. It is here to be considered, that the good Father saith, that he saw those things. For tha [...], that he hath beene fiftie or an hundred leagues vp into the Countrie, for the space of nine or ten yeares, and at the very beginning, when there were not as yet but very few of the Spaniards: but at the ringing of the Gold, there were quickely gathered and flocked thither foure or fiue thousand, which shed themselues forth ouer many great Realmes and Prouinces, more then fiue hundred or sixe hundred leagues, the which Countrey hath beene throughly destroyed, they executing still the selfe same practises, and others more bar­barous and cruell. 30

Of a veritie, from that day vnto this present, there hath beene destroyed and brought to deso­lation moe soules then he hath counted: and they haue with lesse reuerence of God or the King, and with lesse pittie then before, abolished a great part of the linage of mankinde. They haue slaine vnto this day in these same Realmes (and yet daily they doe slay them) moe then foure Foure Millions slaine in Peru, &c. Millions of soules. Certaine dayes passed, they pricked in shooting with darts of reedes to death a mightie Queene, wife of Eling, who is yet King of that Realme, whom the Spaniards by laying hands vpon him compelled to rebell, and in rebellion he persisteth. They tooke the Queene his wife, and so as hath beene said, slue her against all reason and iustice, being great with childe as she was, as it was said onely to vexe her husband withall.

Of the new Realme of Granado. 40

WIthin the yeare 1539▪ there tooke their flight together sundry tyrants, flocking from Venesuela, from Saint Martha, and from Carthagene, to search for the Perous: and there were also others which came downe from Peru it selfe to assay, to make a glade farther in­to the Countrie: And they found from beyond Saint Marthas and Carthagene three hundred leagues vp into the Countrie, fertile lands, and admirable Prouinces, full of infinite people, kinde hearted like the rest, and very rich, as well of Gold as of precious stones, which they call Eme­ralds. Vnto the which Prouinces they gaue the name of New Granado: for because that the ty­rant which came first into this Countrey, was a Granadan, borne in our Countrey. A Gouer­nour, for as much as he which robbed and slew in the new Realme of Granado, would not ad­mit 50 him for consort with him to rob and slay as did he: he procured an enquirie, and thereby e­uidence came in against him with sundry witnesses vpon the fact of his slaughters, disorders, and murders which he had done, and doth as yet vnto this day, the processe of which enqui­rie, together with the euidences was read, and is kept in the Records of the Counsell of the Indies.

The witnesses doe depose in the same enquirie, that the said whole Realme was in peace, the Indians seruing the Spaniards, giuing them to eate of their labour, and labouring continually, and manuring the ground, and bringing them much Gold and precious stones, such as are Emeralds, and all that which they could or had: the Townes, and the Lordships, and the people being di­stributed 60 amongst the Spaniards euery one his share: which is all that they studie for, for that, that it is their meane way to attaine to their last end and scope, to wit, Gold. And all being sub­dued to their tyrannie and accustomed bondage, the tyrant the principall Captaine which com­manded ouer that Countrey, tooke the Lord and King of the Countrey, and detained him pri­soner [Page 1592] six or seuen moneths, exacting of him Gold and Emeralds without cause or reason at all. The said King, who was named Bogata, for feare which they put him in, said that hee would giue them an house full of Gold: hoping that he should escape out of the hands of him which tormented him. And he sent Indians which should bring him Gold, and by times one after ano­ther, they brought in a great quantitie of Gold and precious stones. But because the King did not giue an whole house full of Gold, the Spaniards bid kill him: sithence that he did not accom­plish that which he had promised.

The tyrant commanding that this King should be arraigned before himselfe: They sommon King Bugata tentenced, executed. and accuse in this order the greatest King of all that Countrie, and the tyrant giueth sentence, condemning him to be racked and tormented, if he doe not furnish forth the house full of Gold. 10 They giue him the torture and the strapado with cords; they fling burning sewet vpon his na­ked belly; they lay on bolts vpon his feete, which were fastened to one stake, and gird his necke fast vnto another stake, two men holding both his hands, and so they set fire vnto his feete: and the tyrant comming vp and downe now and then, willeth him to haue his death gi­uen him by little and little, if he made not ready the Gold. Thus they dispatched and did to death that Noble Lord in those torments, during the execution whereof, God manifested by a signe, that those cruelties displeased him, in consuming with fire all the towne where they were committed. All the Spaniards to the end to follow their good Captaine, and hauing none other thing to doe, but to hackle in peeces those poore innocents doe the like, tormenting with diuers and sauage torments euery Indian, both Cacique or Lord of euery people or peoples, with all their 20 flockes, that were committed to their charges: those said Lords with all their subiects seruing them, and giuing them Gold and Emeraulds as many as they could, and as much as they had: Tormenting them onely to the end they should giue them more Gold, and rich Minerals: thus they broyled and dispatched all the Lords of that Countrie.

For the great reare of the notorious cruelties that one of the pettie tyrants did vnto the Indi­ans, there transported himselfe vnto the Mountaines, in flying so great crueltie, a great Lord named Daytama, with many of his people. For this they hold for their last remedy and refuge, if it might haue preuailed them ought: and this the Spaniards call insurrection and rebellion. Which the Captaine head tyrant hauing knowledge of, he sendeth supplie of Souldiers vnto the said cruell man (for whose cruelties sake, the Indians that were peaceable, and had endured great tyrannies and mischiefes, were now gone into the Mountaines) to the end he should pur­sue 30 them. Who, because it sufficeth not to hide them in the entrals of the earth, finding there a great multitude of people, slue and dispatched them, aboue fiue hundred soules, what men, what women, for they receiued none to mercy. Also the witnesses depose, that the said Lord Day­tama, before that the Spaniards put him to death, came to the cruell man, and brought him foure or fiue thousand Castillans, the which notwithstanding he was murdered as a­bouesaid.

Another time many Indians being come to serue the Spaniards, and seruing them with humi­litie and simplicitie, as they are accustomed to doe, reputing themselues assured: behold the Cap­taine of the towne where they serued, who commeth by night, commanding that those Indians 40 should be put to the edge of the sword, when they had supped, and whiles that they were a sleepe, taking their rest after the toyle which they sustained the day time. And this he did, for that it seemed him necessary to doe this massacre, to the end to engraue an awe of himself in the hearts of all the peoples of that Countrie.

Another time the Captaine commanded to take an oathe of the Spaniards, to wit, how many euery one had in his seruice of the Caciques, and principall Lords, and Indians of the meaner sort; that incontinent they should be brought to the most open place of the Citie, where he comman­ded that they should be beheaded: thus were there at that time put to death foure or fiue hun­dred soules.

Moreouer these witnesses depose concerning another of the pettie tyrants, that he had exer­cised great cruelties in slaying, and chopping off the hands and noses of many persons, aswell 50 men as women, and destroying very much people. Another time the Captaine sent the selfe same cruell man with certaine Spaniards into the Prouince of Bogata, to be informed by the inhabi­tants what Lord it was, that was successour vnto the chiefe Lord, whom hee had made to die that cruell death in those torments spoken of before: Who running along the Countrie through­out many places, tooke as many Indians as he could come by, And for that he could not learne of them, what he was that succeeded that Lord, he mangled off some hands, he bid cast others, men and women vnto hungrie Mastiues, who rend them in peeces. And in this manner haue beene destroyed very many Indians, and Indesses. One time, at the fourth watch of the night, he went to ouerrun Caciques or Gouernours of the land, with many of the Indians, which were in peace, and held themselues assured (for he had giuen them his faith, and assurance that they should re­ceiue 60 no harme nor damage) vpon credit whereof, they were come forth of their holes in the Mountaines, where they had beene hid, to people Plaine, in the which stood their Citie: thus being common without suspition, and trusting the assurance made, he tooke a great number, as [Page 1593] well men as women, and commanded to hold out their hands stretched against the ground, and himselfe with a woodknife cut off their hands, telling them that he did on them this chastise­ment, for that they would not confesse where their new Lord was, which had succeeded in the charge of gouernment of the Realme.

Another time for that the Indians gaue him not a coffer full of Gold, that this cruell Captaine required them: he sent men to warre vpon them: who cut off the hands and noses of men and women without number. They cast others before their dogs being hunger bitten, and vsed to the feare of feeding on flesh, the which dispatched and deuoured.

Another time the Indians of that Realme perceiuing that the Spaniards had burnt three or foure of their principall Lords, they fled for feare vp into a Mountaine, from whence they might 10 defend themselues against their enemies so estranged from all humanitie. There were of them by the testimonie of the witnesses foure or fiue Indians. This aboue said Captaine sent a great and notable tyrant, which exceeded farre most of those to whom he had giuen the charge to ransacke and waste, together with a certaine number of Spaniards, to the end that they should chastise the Indian rebels: as they would seeme to make them for that they were fled from a pestilence and slaughter so intollerable. Well, so it is that the Spanish by force preuailed to get vp to the Moun­taine: for the Indians were naked without weapons. And the Spaniards cryed peace vnto the Indians; assuring them, that they would doe them no harme: and that they of their parts should not warre any longer. Streight way as the Indians stinted from their owne defence, the vile cru­ell man sent to the Spaniards to take the forts of the Mountaine, and when they should get them 20 to enclose within them the Indians. They set then like vnto Tygers and Lyons, vpon these lambes so meeke, and put them to the edge of the sword, so long that they were faine to breath and rest themselues. And after hauing rested a certaine season, the Captaine commanded that they should kill and cast downe from the Mountaine, which was very high, the residue that were aliue: which was done. And these witnesses say, that they saw as it were a could of Indi­ans cast downe from the Mountaine, to the number by estimation of seuen hundred men toge­ther, where they fell battered to peeces.

And to atchieue all his great crueltie, they searched all the Indians that were hid amongst the bushes: and he commanded to cut off their heads, at blockes ends; and so they slue them and cast them downe the Mountaines: yet could not he content himselfe with those said things so cruell, 30 but that he would make himselfe a little better knowne, augmenting his horrible sinnes, when as he commanded that all the Indians men and women, which some priuate persons had taken aliue (for euery one in those massaeres is accustomed to cull out some one or other mankinde and womankinde, to the end to become his seruants) should be put into a strawen house, sauing and reseruing those, which seemed necessary to be employed in their seruice, and that there should be put to fire: thus were there burned fortie or fiftie. Hee caused the rest to be flong to the carrion dogs, which rend them in peeces, and deuoured them.

Another time the selfe same tyrant went to a Citie called Cotta, and tooke there a number of Indians, and caused to be dismembred by his dogges, a fifteene or twenty Lords of the principall, and cut the hands of a great multitude of men and women: which said hands he hanged one by 40 another on a pole, to the end the other Indians might see that which hee had done vnto them. There were so hanged one by another threescore and ten paire of hands. Hee slised off besides from many women and children their noses.

No creature liuing and reasonable, is able to decipher the mischiefes and cruell dealing of this fellow, enemy of God. For they are without number, neuer otherwise heard of, nor seene: those, I meane, which hee hath done in the land of Guatimala, and all about where he hath become.

The witnesses say for a surcharge, that the cruell dealings and slaughters which haue beene committed, and are yet in the said Realme of new Grenado, by the Captaines themselues in per­son, and by their consents giuen vnto all the other tyrants, wasters, and weeders of the nature of man, which were in his company, and the which hath laid all the Countrie wilde and waste, 50 are such and so excessiue, that if his Maiestie doe not take some order therein in some time (al­beit that the slaughter and discomfiture of the Indians is done onely to bereaue them of their Gold, the which they haue none of, for they haue surrendred all that which they had) they will in a short time make an end of them so in such sort, that there will be no more Indians to inhabit the land, but that it will remaine in a wildernesse without being manured.

There are other great Prouinces, which bound vpon the said Realme of new Grenado, which they call Popayin and Cali, and three or foure others, which containe more then fiue hundred leagues of ground, which they haue destroyed and desolated in the same manner, as they haue done others, robbing and slaying with torments, and the enornities afore spoken of. For the 60 land is very fertile, and those that come from thence now daily, doe report, that it is a ruefull thing to see so many goodly Townes burned and laid desolate, as they might behold passing vp and downe that way: so as there, where there was wor [...] to be in one towne a thousand or two thousand households, they haue not found fiftie, and the rest vtterly ransacked and dispeopled. [Page 1594] And in some quarters they haue found two or three hundred leagues of Land dispeopled and bur­ned, and great Cities destroyed. And finally, by that, that sithence into the Realmes of Peru, of the Prouince side of Quito, are entred farre into the Countrey sore and fell tyrants, as farre as to the said Realme of Grenado, and of Popayan, and of Cali, by the coast of Carthagene, and Ara­ba, and other accursed tyrants of Carthagene haue gone to assault Quito, and moreouer, afterwards of the Riuers side of Saint Iohn, which is on the South side, all the which haue met to ioyne hands together in this exploit: they haue rooted out and dispeopled aboue sixe hundred leagues of land, with the losse of an infinite of soules, doing still the selfe same to the poore wretches that remaine behinde, howsoeuer innocent they appeare to be.

After the ends of the slaughters and massacres of the warres, they bring the people into the horrible bondage abouesaid, and giue them to the commandement of Deuils, to one an hundred 10 Indians, to another three hundred. The commander Deuill commandeth, that there come before him an hundred Indians, which incontinent present themselues like Lambes. He causing forty or fifty amongst them to haue their heads cut off: sayth vnto the other there present, I will serue you of the same sauce, if you doe not me good seruice, or if so be, that you goe out of my sight without my leaue. That for the honour of God, all they that haue read this piece of worke, or shall giue it a reading, consider now, whether this act, so hideous, fell and vnnaturall, doe not exceed all cruelty and iniquitie, that may bee imagined, and whether the Spaniards haue any wrong offered them when a man calleth them Diuels, and whether were better, to giue the In­dians to keepe to the Deuils in Hell, or the Spaniards which are at the Indies.

After this I will rehearse another deuilish part, the which I cannot tell whether it bee lesse 20 cruell and voide of manhood, then are those of sauage beasts: that is, that the Spanish which are in the Indies, doe keepe certaine Dogs most raging, taught and trained wholly to the purpose, to kill and rend in pieces the Indians. That let all those that are true Christians, yea, and also those which are not so, behold, if euer there were the like thing in the whole world: that is, to feed those Dogs, they leade about with them wheresoeuer they goe a great number of Indians in chaines, as if they were Hogs, and kill them, making a shambles of mans flesh. And the one of them will say to another, Lend mee a quarter of a villaine, to giue my Dogs some meate, vntill I kill one next, altogether as if one should borrowe a quarter of an Hogge or Mutton. There be others which goe forth a hunting in the morning with their curres, the which being re­turned 30 to eate, if another aske him: How haue yee sped to day? they answere, Very well: for I haue killed with my Dogs to day, fifteene or twnety Villacoes. All these diabolicall do­ings, with others like haue beene proued in the suits of Law, that the tyrants haue had one of them against another. Is there any case more ougly or vnnaturall?

I will here now deport me of this discourse, vntill such time, that there come other newes of things, in vngraciousnesse more notcrious and remarkable (if it so bee, that there can bee any more grieuous) or vntill such time as we may returne thither to behold them our selues anew, as we behold them for the space of two and forty yeeres continually with mine owne eyes: pro­testing in a good conscience before God, that I doe beleeue, and I hold it for certaine, that the damages and losses are so great, with the destructions and ouerthrowes of Cities, massacres and murders, with the cruelties horrible and ougly, with the rauins, iniquities and robberies, all the 40 which things haue beene executed amongst those people, and are yet daily committed in those quarters: that in all the things, which I haue spoken and deciphered, as I was able the nee­rest to the truth: I haue not said one of a thousand, of that which ha [...]h beene done, and is dai­ly a doing at this present, bee it that you consider the qualitie, or bee it, that yee consider the quantitie.

And to the end that all Christians haue the greater compassion of those poore innocents, and that they complaine with me the more their perdition and destruction, and that they detest the greedinesse, loftinesse, and felnesse of the Spanish: that all doe hold it for a most vndoubted veri­tie, with all that hath beene abouesaid, that sithence the first Discouerie of the Indies vntill now, What conuer­sions & know­ledge of God are in the In­dies. 50 the Indians neuer did harme vnto the Spanish in any place wheresoeuer, vntill such time, that they first receiued wrongs and iniuries, being robbed and betrayed: but indeed did repute them to be immortall, supposing them to be descended from Heauen, and they receiued them for such, vntill such time as that they gaue it forth manifestly to be knowne by their doings, what they were, and whereto they tended.

I will adioyne hereunto this, that from the beginning vnto this houre, the Spaniards haue had no more care to procure that vnto those people should be preached the Faith of Iesus Christ, then as if they had beene Curr [...]dogs, or other beasts: but in lieu thereof, which is much worse they haue forbidden by expresse meanes the religious men to doe it, for because that that seemed vn­to them an hinderance likely to be, to the getting of their Gold, and these riches which their 60 auarice foreglutted in. And at the day there is no more knowledge of God throughout the In­dies, to wit, whether he be of timber, of the aire, or the earth, then there was an hundred yeeres agoe, excepting New Spaine, whither the religious men haue gone, which is but a little corner of the Indies: and so are they perished, and doe perish all with Faith, and without Sacraments.

[Page 1595] I brother Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, religious of the Order of Saint Dominicke, which by the mercy of God am come into this Court of Spaine, to sue that the Hell might bee with­drawen from the Indies, and that these innumerable soules, redeemed by the bloud of Iesus Christ, should not perish for euermore without remedie, but they might know their Creator and be sa­ued: also for the care and compassion that I haue of my Countrey, which is Castile, to the end that God destroy it not for the great sinnes thereof, committed against the Faith and his ho­nour, and against our neighbours: for certaine mens sakes notably zealous of the glory of God, touched with compassion of the afflictions and calamities of others, followers of this Court: howbeit, that I was purposed to doe it, but I could not so soone haue done it, because of my con­tinuall occupations, I atchieued this Treatise and Summarie at Valencia, the eight of December, 10 1542. the force being mounted to the highest type of extremitie, and all the violences, tyran­nies, desolations, anguishes, and calamities abouesaid, spred ouer all the Indies, where there are Spaniards, although they be more cruell in one part then they be in another, and more sauage and more abhominable.

Mexico and her confines are lesse euill intreated. In truth, there they cannot execute their outrages openly, for that there and not elsewhere, there is some forme of iustice, as slender as it is. For because that there also they kill them with deuilish tributes: I am in good hope, that the Emperour and King of Spaine, our liege Soueraigne Lord, Don Charles the fift of that name, who beginneth to haue vnderstanding of the mischiefes and treasons that there haue beene, and are committed against those poore people, against the will of God, and his owne, (for they haue 20 alwaies cunningly concealed the truth from him) will roote out those euils, and take some order for this new world that God hath giuen him, as vnto one that loueth and doeth iustice: whose honour and prosperous estate Imperiall, God almightie vouchsafe to blesse with long life, for the benefit of his whole vniuersall Church, and to the saluation of his owne Royall soule. Amen.

After hauing couched in writing the premisses, I vnderstood of certaine Lawes and Ordi­nances, which his Maiestie hath made about this time at Barcellone, Anno 1542. in the moneth of Nouember, and the yeere following at Madrill: by the which Ordinances, there is order set downe, as the case them seemeth to require: to the end, to cut off the mischiefes and sins which are committed against God and our neighbours, tending to the vtter ruine and perdition of this new world. His Maiestie hath made these Lawes, after hauing holden many assemblies of persons 30 of authoritie, of learning and conscience, and after hauing had disputations & conferences in Val­ladolid: and finally with the assent and aduise of all those others which haue giuen their aduise in writing, and haue beene found neerest approching vnto the Law of Iesus Christ, and withall free from the corruption and soyle of the treasures robbed from the Indians: the which treasures haue soyled the hands, and much more the soules of many, ouer whom those treasures and aua­rice haue got the masterie, and where hence hath proceeded the blinding, which hath caused so to marre all without remorse. These Lawes being published, the creatures of those tyrants, who then were at the Court, drew out sundry copies thereof (for it grieued them at the hearts: for that it seemed them that thereby there was a doore shut vp vnto them against their rauine and extortion afore rehearsed) and dispersed them into diuers quarters of the Indies. Those which 40 had the charge to robbe, root out, and consume by their tyrannies, (euen as they had neuer kept any good order but rather disorder, such as Lucifer himselfe might haue held) as they read those copies before the new Iudges might come to execute their charge, knowing it (as it is said, and that very credible) by those who vntill this time haue suported and maintayned their crimes and outrages, to be likely that such execution should be vsed of those Lawes: they ranne into a mutinie in such wise, as that when the good Iudges were come to doe their duties, they aduised with themselues (as those which had lost the feare and loue of God) to cast off also all shame, and obedience which they owe to the King, and so tooke vnto them the name of name of open and arrant traitors, behauing themselues as most cruell and gracelesse tyrants: and principally in the Realme of Peru, where presently this yeere 1442. are committed acts so horrible and 50 frightfull, as neuer were the like, neither in the Indies, nor in all the world besides, not onely a­gainst the Indians, the which all or in a manner all are slaine, all those Regions being dispeopled: but also betwixt themselues by a iust iudgement of God, who hath permitted that they should Ciuill warres in Peru betwixt the Spaniards. be the Butchers one of an other of them. By meanes of the support of this rebellion, none of all the other parts of this new World would obey those Lawes: But vnder colour of making supplication to his Maiesty to the contrary, they haue made an insurrection as well as the others. For that it irketh them to leaue their estates and goods which they haue vsurped, and to vnbinde the hands of the Indians, whom they detaine in a perpetuall captiuitie. And there where they cease to kill with the sword, readily and at the instant, they kill them a little and a little, by per­sonall slaueries, and vniust charges and intolerable. That which the King could not hitherunto 60 let: for because that they all, great and little, roue and robbe, some more, some lesse: some o­uertly, and some couertly, and vnder the pretence of seruing the King: dishonour God, and robbe the King.

Part of a Letter written by one which saw things mentioned.

HEe gaue licence to put them to the Chaine, and in bondage: That which they did: and the Cap­taine led after him three or foure droues of these persons enchained: and in this doing, he procu­red not that the Countrey should bee inhabited and peopled (as had beene conuenient should haue done) but robbing from the Indians all their victuals they had, the inbornes of the Countrey were reduced to such an extremitie, that there were found great numbers dead of famine in the high-wayes. And the Indians comming and going to and fro the coast, laden with the carriage of the Spaniards, hee was the death by these meanes of about ten thousand. For not one that arriued at the very coast escaped death: T [...] thousand perish. 10 by reason of the excessiue heate of the Countrey.

After this, following the same tract and way, by the which Iohn of Ampudia was gone, hee sent the Indians which he had purchased in Quito, a day before him, to the end they should discouer the bourges of the Indians, and should pillage them, that when he came with his maynie he might finde his bootie rea­dy. And those Indians were his owne mates: of the which such a one bad two hundred, such a one three hundred, and such a one a hundred; according to the baggage that euery one of them had: which In­dians came to yeeld themselues to their Masters with all that they had robbed.

After that the said Captaine was returned from the coast, hee determined to depart from Quito, and to goe seeke the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, leauing thereto moe then two hundred of Footmen and Horsemen, amongst whom were a great many Inhabitants of the Citie of Quito. Unto those Inhabi­tants 20 the Captaine gaue licence to carrie with them the Cacikes, that were escheated them in sharing, with as many Indians as they would. That which they did: and Alfonso Sanches Nuita carried forth with him his Cacike, with moe then an hundred Indians besides: and in like manner Peter Cibo, and his Cousin: and they led out more then an hundred and fifty with their wiues: and sundry also sped out their children, because that in a manner euery one died for hunger. Also Moran Inhabitant of Po­payan, carried out moe then two hundred persons. And the like did all the rest, Citizens and Souldiers, euery one after his abilitie: the Souldiers crauing that they might haue licence giuen them to captiue those Indians men and women, which they carried forth: the which was granted them vntill the death of the said captiues, and those deceased, to take as many more. 30

When they departed out of the Prouince of Quito, they carried out moe then sixe thousand Indians, men and women, and of all those there neuer returned home into their Countrie twenty persons. For they died all through the great and excessiue trauell, which they made them indure in those broyling Coun­tries contrary to their nature. It happened at that time, that one Altonso Sanches, whom the said Cap­taine sent for Chieftaine ouer a certaine number of men into a Prouince there, met with a good company of women, and young boyes laden with victuals: who stayed waiting for them without mouing from the place to giue them of that which they had, and hauing so done, the Captaine commanded that they should be put to the sharpe of the sword.

It came to passe also, that at the time that the said Captaine came into the Prouince of Lili, to a Towne called Palo, neere vnto the great Riuer, where hee found the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, 40 which was gone before to discouer, and pacifie the Countrie: the said Ampudia kept a Citie by him pro­uided of a Garrison, in the name of his Maiestie, and of the Marques Francis of Pizarro: and had set ouer them for Gouernours ordinary, one Petre Solano of Quennoues, and eight Coun­sellours, and all the rest of the Countrie was in peace, and shared out amongst them. And as hee knew that the said Captaine was in the said Riuer, hee came to see him, with a great number of the Inhabi­tants of the Countrie, and peacefull Indians, laden with victuals and fruits. Shortly after also all the neighbour Indians came to see him, bringing him food. There were the Indians of Xamundi, and of Palo, and of Soliman, and of Bolo.

Now because that they brought no Mahis which he would haue, he sent a great number of Spaniards with their Indians, to goe search for Mahis: commanding them to bring some where soeuer they found 50 any. So went they to Bolo, and to Palo, and found the Indians men and women in their houses in peace: and the said Spaniards with those that were with them, tooke them, and robbed their Mahis, their Gold, and Couerings, and all that they had, and bound many.

Wherefore, they seeing that the Captaine kept no Faith with them: all the Countrie arose and reuol­ted from the Spanish, whereof ensued great damage, and God and the Kings Maiestie offended: and by this meanes the Countrey remayned dispeopled: for that the Olomas and the Manipos their enemies, which are Mountaine people, and warlike, descended daily to take and robbe them, when they perceiued the Citie and places of their abode left destitute. And amongst them hee who was the stronger, did eate vp his fellow, for all died for famine. This done, the Captaine came to the Citie of Ampudia, where Cruell famine. he was receiued for Generall. From this place they goe to a Citie called Tukilicui, from whence the Ca­cike of the place yeelded forth incontinent in peace, a number of Indians going before him. The Cap­taine 60 demanded Gold of him and of his Indians. The Cacike told him that hee had but a small deale, and that which he had should be giuen him: and immediatly all beganne to giue him all that they had. Whereupon the said Captaine gaue vnto euery of them a ticket, with the name of the said Indian, for [Page 1597] a testimoniall that he had giuen him Gold: affirming that hee which should haue neuer a ticket, should be cast to the Dogges to bee deuoured, because he gaue him no Gold. Whereupon the Indians for feare that they were put in, gaue him all the Gold that they were able: and those which had none fled into the Mountaines and other Townes, for feare to bee slaine. By reason whereof perished a great num­ber of the natiue Inhabitants of the Countrie. And shortly after, the said Captaine commanded the Cacike to send two Indians to another Citie named Dagna, to will them that they should come in peace, and bring him Gold in abundance. And comming to another Citie, hee sent that night many Spani­ards to take the Indians, and namely of Tulilicui. So as they brought the next morrow aboue an hundred persons: and all those which could beare burdens, they tooke them for themselues, and for their Souldiers, and put them to the chaine, whereof they died all. And the said Captaine gaue the little chil­dren vnto the said Cacike Tulilicui, that hee should eate them: and in truth, the skinnes of those chil­dren 10 are kept in the house of the said Cacike Tulilicui full of ashes: and so departed hee from thence without an Interpreter, and went towards the Prouinces of Castile, where hee ioyned himselfe vnto the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, who had sent him to discouer another way, doing both of them great out­rages, and much mischiefe vnto the Inhabitants of the Countrie where they became. And the said Iohn de Ampudia came to a Citie, the Cacike and Lord whereof called Bitacur, had caused to make cer­taine Duches to defend himselfe, and there fell into the same two Horses, the one of Antonie Rodondos, the other of Marc Marque [...]s. That of Marcos Marquis died, the other not. For which cause the said Ampudia commanded to take all the Indians men and women that might be: and thereupon tooke and layed together more then an hundred persons, whom they cast aliue into those Ditches and slue them, and brent withall more then an hundred houses in the said Citie. And in that manner met in a great 20 Citie, where without summoning (the Indians being at peace, and without any spokesman to goe betweene them) they slue with their Speares a great number of them, making on them mortall warre. And as it is said soone after they were met, the said Ampudia told the Captaine what he had done in Bitaco, and how he cast so many into the Ditches: and the said Captaine answered, that it was well done, and that he for his part had done as much at the Riuer Bamba, when hee entred the same, which is in the Pro­uince of Quito, and that he had flung into the Ditches moe then two hundred persons; and there they stayed warring on all the Countrie. Soone after he entred into the Prouince of Bitu, or Anzerma: in making cruell warre with fire and bloud till they came as farre as vnto the Salt-houses. And from thence he sent Francis Garcia before him to pillage, who made cruell warre on the naturall Inhabitants 30 of the Countrie as he had done before him. The Indians came vnto him two and two, making signes, that they demanded peace on the behalfe of the whole Countrie: alledging that they would affoord him, all that he could reasonably demand, were it Gold, or Women, or Uictuals, onely that they would not kill them, as indeed it was a troth. For themselues afterwards confessed it to bee so. But the said Francis Garcia bid them get them packing: telling them moreouer, that they were a sort of drunkards, and that hee vnderstood them not, and so returned hee to the place where the said Captaine was, and they made a complot, to ouerrunne all the Prouince, making cruell warre on all the Countrie, in spoyling, robbing and slaying all: and with the Souldiers, which hee brought with him, drew thence moe then two thousand soules, and all those died in the chaine. Before departing the place which hee had peopled, they slue more then fiue hundred persons. And so returned to the Prouince of Calili. And by the way if 40 any Iode or Indesse, were weary, in such sort, that they could not passe any further, they did inconti­nently head them, paring it off from the shoulders euen with the chaine, to the end not to take the paines to open the locke thereof: and to the end that others which went the same way should not make wise to bee sicke, and by this meanes died they all: and in the high-wayes were left all those people which hee made his purchase of out of Quito, and of Pasto, and of Quilla Cangua, and of Paxa, and of Popayan, and of Lili, and of Cali, and of Anzerma, and a great number of people died. Also imme­diatly vpon their returne to the great Citie, they entred into it, slaying all that they could: taking in that day moe then three hundred persons, &c.

AMong diuers the remedies by Friar De las Casas Bishop of the Royal Towne called Chiapa, propounded in the assemblie of sundry Prelates named Parsons, by his Maiesties comman­dement 50 gathered together in the Towne of Valladolid, the yeere of our Lord 1542. for order and reformation to be obserued in the Indies: the eighth in order was this ensuing, which consisteth vpon twentie reasons and motions.

The eight Remedie, is among all other principall and most in force, as without which all the rest are to no purpose, for that they all haue relation thereunto, as euery motion to his proper end, in whatsoeuer toucheth or is of any importance vnto your Maiestie, which no man can expresse: in as much as thereupon dependeth at the least the whole losse or preseruation of the Indies. And the remedie that I speake of is this, that your Maiestie doe determine, decree, command, and solemnely in your soueraigne Courts ordaine by pragmaticall Sactions and Royall Statutes, that 60 all the Indies as well already subdued, as hereafter to be subdued, may be inserted, reduced, and incorporate into the Royall Crowne of Castile and Leon, to be holden in chiefe of your Maiestie as free subiects and vassals, as they are. Likewise that they be not giuen in commendam vnto the Spaniards: but that it stand as an inuiolable constitution, determination and Royall Law, that [Page 1598] they neuer, neither at this time, neither hereafter in time to come, may bee alienated or taken from the said Royall Crowne, neither that they be giuen, commanded, demised in fee farme, by depost, commandement or alienation, either vnder any other title or manner whatsoeuer, and be dismembred from the Royall Crowne, for any whatsoeuer the seruice or desert of any, either vp­on any necessitie that may happen, or for any cause or colour whatsoeuer that may be pretended. For the inuiolable obseruation, or establishment of which Law, your Maiestie shall formally sweare by your Faith, and on your Word and Royall Crowne, and by all other sacred things, whereby Christian Princes doe vsually sweare, that at no time neither your selfe, neither your successours in these ten Dominions, or in the Indies, so farre as in you shall lie, shall reuoke the same: and you shall further set downe in expresse words in your Royall Will and Testament, that 10 this decree be euer kept, maintayned, and vpholden: also that so farre as in your selfe or in them shall lie, they shall confirme and continue the same. And for proofe of the necessitie hereof, there bee twenty reasons to be alledged: out of which twenty we haue drawne and put in writing so many as may seeme to serue to our purpose.

The Spaniards through their great auarice and couetousnesse to get, doe not permit any re­ligious Extract out of the second reason. persons to enter into their Townes and Holds which they possesse, alledging that they receiue double losse by them. One and the principall is, that religious persons doe keepe the In­dies occupied when they gather them together to their Sermons, so as in the meane time their worke is omitted, while the Indians being idle, labour not: yea, it hath so fallen out, that the Indians being in the Church at the Sermon, the Spaniard comming in, in the face of al the people, 20 hath taken fifty, or an hundred, or so many as he hath needed to carrie his baggage and stuffe, and such as would not goe, he hath loden with stripes, spurning them forth with his feet, thereby, to the great griefe both of the Indians, and of the religious persons troubling and molesting all that were present, &c.

The Spaniards are charged to instruct the Indians in our holy Catholike Faith: whereupon on Out of the third reason. a time when we examined Iohn Colmenere of Saint Martha, a fantasticall, ignorant, and foolish man, who had gotten a great Towne in commendam, and had a charge of soules, he could not tell how to blesse himselfe: and asking him what doctrine he taught the Indians committed to his charge, he said, he gaue them to the Deuill: also that it was enough for him to say, Per signim sanctin Cruces. How can the Spaniards that trauell to the Indies, how noble or valiant soeuer they be, haue any care of the soules, when the most of them are ignorant of their Creede and 30 ten Commandements, and knowe not the matters pertayning to their owne saluation, neither doe trauell to the Indies for any other purpose but to satisfie their owne desires and couetous af­fections, being for the most part vicious, corrupt, vnhonest, and disordinate persons: so as hee that would weigh them in an equall ballance, and compare them with the Indians, should finde the Indians without comparison, more vertuous and holy then them. For the Indians what In­fidels soeuer they be, doe neuerthelesse keepe them to one and their owne wife, as nature and ne­cessitie teacheth, and yet we see some Spaniard haue fourteene or more, which Gods Comman­dements doe forbid. The Indians deuoure no mans goods, they doe no man wrong: they doe not vexe, trouble, or slay any, where themselues doe see the Spaniards commit all sinnes, iniquities, 40 and treacheries, that man can commit against all equitie and iustice. To be briefe, the Indians doe not beleeue any thing, but doe mocke at all that is shewed them of God, being in truth fully roo­ted in this opinion of our God, that he is the worst, and most vniust, and the most wicked of all Gods, because he hath such seruants: also concerning your Maiestie, they thinke you the most vniust and cruell of all Kings, because you doe both send thither and keepe here such euill Sub­iects, supposing that your Maiestie doth feed vpon humane flesh and bloud.

The Spaniards hauing authoritie to command, or particular interest in the Indies, cannot by Out of the fourth reason. reason of their great couetousnesse abstaine from afflicting, troubling, disquieting, vexing, or op­pressing the Indians, taking away their goods, lands, wiues, or children, and vsing among them many other kindes of iniquitie, for the which they can haue no redresse, sanction, or warrant at your Maiesties chiefe Iustice, because the Spaniards doe make them afraide: yea sometimes doe 50 kill them, lest they should complaine. They doe night and day mourne after their Gods, thin­king them to be better then ours at whom they sustaine such harmes, while contrariwise of their owne they reape there so many commodities: and there is nothing that troubleth them so much as the Christians.

Wee can shew to your Maiestie, that the Spaniards haue within eight and thirty or for­ty Out of the fifth reason. yeeres slaine of iust accompt, aboue twelue millions of your Subiects: I will not say how mightily this world of people might haue multiplied. This Countrey being the fertilest, whe­ther for cattell, or mankinde, that is in the world: the soyle being for the most part, more temperate and fauourable to humane generation. All these innumerable persons, and all these 60 people haue the Spaniards slaine, to the end to beare sway, gouerne, and command ouer the rest: and when in vniust warres they haue slaine them, then doe they vse the rest, who iustly haue withstood them, in drawing Gold and Siluer, yoking them together like beasts, to make them carrie their burdens.

[Page 1599] What plague of pestilence, or mortalitie could there haue fallen from heauen that had beene able to consume or make waste aboue 2500. leagues of flat Country, replenished with people, and would not haue left either trauailer or inhabitant?

The Spaniards onely for their temporall commoditie, haue blemished the Indies with the Out of the sixth reason. greatest infamie, that any man euen among the most horrible and villanous persons in the world, could be charged withall, and whereby they haue sought to take them out of the degree of man­kinde: namely that they were all polluted with the abominable sinne against nature: which is a wretched and false slander. For in all the great Iles, Hispaniola, Saint Iohn, Cuba, and Lamaica: Also in the sixtie Iles of Lucayos, which were inhabited with an infinite number of people, the same was neuer thought vpon; in some other part there is a voice of a few: for whole sakes ne­uerthelesse all that world is not to be condemned. We may say as much of the eating of mans 10 flesh, which likewise those places that I haue named are free of; although that in other places thy doe it indeede. They be also charged with their Idolatrie. The Spaniards haue purposely and effectually hindered the teaching of the Law of God and Iesus Christ: with all other ver­tues among the Indians, and driuen away the Religious persons out of Townes and Fortresses, least they should see and disclose their tyrannies: yea, they haue by their euill example, infected and corrupted the Indies, teaching them many odious behauiours and vices, which before they knew not, as blaspheming the name of Iesus Christ, practising of vsurie, lying, and many other abho­minations wholly repugnant to their nature.

The Spaniards doe sucke from the Indians the whole substance of their bodies, because they Out of the sea­uenth reason. haue nothing else in their houses. They make them spit bloud: They exhibite them to all dan­gers: 20 They lay vpon them sundry and intollerable trauailes: and more then all this, They loade them with torments, beatings, and sorrowings: To be briefe, they spoile and consume a thou­sand manner of wayes.

Besides all that the Indians doe indure in seruing and pleasing the Spaniards, there is yet a Out of the eight reason. butcher or cruell hangman, to keepe them in awe appointed in euery Towne and place, and is tearmed Estanciero or Calpisque: who hath authoritie to lay his clawes vpon them, and to make them labour, and doe what the Lord Commander or chiefe thiefe will. So as if in hell there were no other torment, yet were this incomparable. This hangman whippeth them, he ladeth them with stripes, he basteth them with scalding grease, he afflicteth them with continuall torments and trauels, hee forceth and defloureth their daughters and wiues, dishonouring and abusing 30 them: he deuoureth their Hens, which are their greatest treasure, not because themselues doe eate them, but that of them they offer presents and seruice to their greatest Lord and chiefe ty­rant: he vexeth them with innumerable other torments and griefes: and least they should com­plaine of so many iniuries and miseries, this tyrant putteth them in feare, saying; that hee will accuse them, and say that he see them commit Idolatry. To be briefe, they must please and con­tent aboue twenty disordinate and vnreasonable persons; so as they haue foure Lords and Ma­sters. Your Maiestie, their Cacique, him that hath them in commendam, and the Estanciero of whom I last spake, which Estanciero is to them more grieuous to beare then a quintall of lead, a­mong which we may also in truth adde all the Mochachos and Moores, that doe serue the Com­mander and Master, for they all doe molest, oppresse, and rob these poore people. 40

It is greatly to be feared, least God will lay Spaine desolate, euen for those horrible sinnes that Out of the tenth reason. this Nation hath committed in the Indies, whereof we doe euidently behold the scourge, and all the world doth see and confesse that already it hangeth ouer our heads, wherewith God doth afflict and shew that he is highly offended in those parts through the great destruction and waste of those Nations, in that of so great treasures haue bin transported out of the Indies into Spaine (the like quantitie of Gold and Siluer, neither King Salomon, neither any other worldly Prince euer had, saw, or heard of) there is none left, besides that of that that was here before the Indies Note. were discouered, there is now none to be found, no neuer a whit. Hereof it commeth that things are thrise dearer then they were, the poore that haue want doe suffer great miseries: and your Maiestie cannot dispatch matters of great importance. 50

So long as Lares bare sway and ruled, that was nine yeares, there was no more care of teaching Out of the ele­uenth reason. or bringing the Indians to saluation, neither was there any more labor employed, or once thought of to that purpose, then if they had beene Trees, Stones, Dogs, or Cats. He wasted great townes and fortresses, he gaue to one Spaniard a hundred Indians, to another fiftie, to another more or lesse, as euery man was in liking or fauour, and as it pleased him to grant. He gaue children, and old men, women with childe, and in childebed, men of countenance and commons, the naturall Lords of the Townes and Countries, he parted them among those to whom hee wished most wealth and commoditie, vsing in his Letters of command this speech following: To you such a man, are giuen so many Indians with their Cacique, them to vse in their Mines and affaires. So as 60 all, great and small, yong and old, that could stand on their feete, men, women with childe, or in childebed, one or other, trauailed and wrought so long as they had any breath in their bodies. He gaue leaue to take away married men, and to make them draw Gold, tenne, twenty, thirtie, fortie, or eightie leagues, or farther. The women remained in farme houses and granges, in [Page 1600] great labours. So that the man and wife should not see one another in eight or ten moneths or a whole yeare. And at their meeting they were so worne with labour and hunger, that they had no minde of cohabitation, whereby their generation ceased, and their poore children per [...]hed, because the mothers through hunger and trauaile had no milke wherewith to nourish them: This was a cause that in the Ile of Cuba, one of vs being there, there perished in the space of three moneths for hunger 7000. children, some desperate women strangled and killed their owne chil­dren, others finding themselues with childe, did eate certaine hearbes thereby to loose their fruit, so that the men died in the Mines, the women perished in the farme houses, their whole generation in a short space decayed, and all the Countrey lay desolate. The said Gouernour, to the end without release to keepe them in continuall labour, still gaue them away, and yet be­sides 10 their great labors he suffered them rigorously, and very austerely to be misused. For the Spa­niards that had them in command, appointed certaine hangmen ouer them, some in the Mines, whom they tearmed Miniero, others in the Farmes, that were called Estanciero: vnnaturall and pittilesse persons that beate them with staues and cords, boxing them, pricking them with nee­dles, and still calling them dogges: neither did they euer shew any signe of humanity or clemen­cie, but all their dealings did consist of extreame seueritie, riot, and bitternesse.

The Gouernour had also in the Spanish Townes and Forts, certaine of the most honorable and principall persons about him, whom he called Visitors, vnto whom also besides their other ordi­nary portions that he had giuen them, he gaue in respect of their offices one hundred Indians to serue them. These in the Townes were the greatest executioners, as being more cruell then the 20 rest. before whom Athuaziles del camoo brought all such as had bin taken in this chase. The accu­ser, he that had them in command, was present, and accused them, saying; This Indian, or those Indians are dogs, and will doe no seruice, but doe daily run to the Mountaines, there to become loyterers and vagabonds: and therefore required that they might be punished. Then the Visitor with his owne hands bound them to a Pale, and taking a pitched cord, in the Gallies called an Eele, which is as it were an iron rod, gaue them so many stripes, and beate them so cruelly, that the bloud running downe diuers p [...]rts of their bodies, they were left for dead. God is witnesse of the cruel­ties committed among those lambs.

Throughout the yeare they neuer knew holiday, neither might be suffered from labour little or much. Besides that during all this toyle, they neuer had sufficient food, no not of Caçabi. Some 30 ther [...] were that through niggardlinesse wanting meate to giue them, would send them two or three dayes abroad into the fields and Mountaines, to feede where they might satisfie them­selues with such fruite as hang on the trees, and then vpon the force of that which they brought in their guts, would force them to labour two or three dayes more without giuing them any one morsell to eate. The Gouernour commanded they should be paid their day wages and expences for any labour or seruice that they should doe to the Spaniard, and their wages was three blankes euery two dayes, which in the yeare amounted to halfe a Castelin. Thus grew they into sicke­nesse through long and grieuous trauailes, and that was soone caught among them. When the Spaniards perceiued the sickenesse increase, so as there was no profit or seruice to be looked for at their hands, then would they send them home to their houses, giuing them to spend in some 40 thirty, forty, or eightie leagues trauaile, some halfe dozen of Radish or Refortes, that is a kinde of nauet roote, and a little Caçabi, wherewith the poore men trauailed not farre before they should desperately dye, some went two or three leagues, some ten or twenty, so desirous to get to their owne home, there to finish their hellish life that they suffered, that they euen fell downe dead by the wayes; so as many times we found some dead, others at deaths doore, others groning and pittifully to their powers pronouncing this word, hunger, hunger. Then the Gouer­nour seeing that the Spaniard had in this wise slaine halfe or two third parts of these Indians, whom hee had giuen them in command, he came a fresh to draw new lots, and make a new di­stribution of Indians: still supplying the number of his first gift, and this did hee almost euery yeare. 50

Pedrarias entred into the firme land, as a Wolfe that had long beene starued doth into a flocke of quiet and innocent Sheepe and Lambs: and as Gods wrath and scourge, committing infinite slaughters, robberies, oppressions and cruelties, together with those Spaniards whom he had leui­ed, and laid waste so many Townes and Villages, which before had bin replenished with people, as it were Ant hils, as the like was neuer seene, heard of, or written by any that in our daies haue dealt in Histories. He robbed his Maiestie & Subiects with those whom he tooke with him, and the harme that he did amounted to aboue foure, yea six Millions of Gold: hee laid aboue fortie leagues of land desart, namely from Darien, where he first arriued, vnto the Prouince of Nicaraga, one of the fruitfullest, richest and best inhabited lands in the world. From this cursed wretch sprang first the pestilence of giuing the Indians in command, which afterward hath infected all 60 those Indies where any Spaniards doe inhabit, and by whom all these Nations are consumed; so that from him & his commands haue proceeded the certaine waste and desolation that your Ma­iestie haue sustained in these so great lands and dominions, since the yeare 1504.

When we shall say that the Spaniards haue wasted your Maiesties, and laid you desolate seuen [Page 1601] Kingdomes bigger then Spaine, you must conceiue that we haue seene them wonderfully peopled, and now there is nobody left, because the Spaniards haue slaine all the naturall inhabitants by meanes aforesaid, and that of the Townes and Houses there remaineth onely the bare wals: euen as if Spaine were all dispeopled, and that all the people being dead, there remained onely the wals of Cities, Townes and Castels.

Your Maiestie haue not out of all the Indies one maruedy of certaine perpetuall and set rent, Out of the 13. reason. but the whole reuenewes are as leaues and straw gathered vpon the earth, which being once ga­thered vp doe grow no more: euen so is all the rent that your Maiestie hath in the Indies, vaine and of as small continuance as a blast of winde, and that proceedeth onely of that the Spaniards haue had the Indians in their power; and as they doe daily slay and rost the inhabitants, so must it 10 necessarily ensue that your Maiesties rights and rents doe wast and diminish.

The Kingdome of Spaine is in great danger to be lost, robbed, oppressed and made desolate by forraigne Nations, namely by the Turkes and Moores, because that God who is the most iust, true, and soueraigne King ouer all the world, is wroth for the great sinnes and offences that the Spaniards haue committed throughout the Indies. But had chosen Spaine as his minister and in­strument, to illuminate and bring them to his knowledge, and as it had bin for a worldly recom­pence, besides the eternall reward, had granted her so great naturall riches, and discouered for her such and so great fruitfull and pleasant lands, &c.

In as much as our life is short, I doe take God to witnesse with all the Hierarchies and thrones of Angels, all the Saints of the heauenly court, and all the men in the world; yea, euen those that 20 shall hereafter be borne, of the certificate that here I doe exhibite: also of this the discharge of my conscience, namely that if his Maiestie granteth to the Spaniards the aforesaid diuellish and tyrannous partition, notwithstanding whatsoeuer lawes or statutes shall be deuised, yet will the Indies in short space be laid desart and dispeopled, euen as the Ile of Hispaniola is at this present, which otherwise would be most fruitfull and fertile; together with other the Iles & lands aboue 3000. leagues about, besides Hispaniola it selfe and other lands both farre and neere. And for those sinnes, as the holy Scripture doth very well informe, God will horribly chastize, and peraduen­ture wholly subuert and roote out all Spaine. Anno 1542.

The summe of the disputation betweene Fryer BARTHOLOMEVV 30 de las CASAS or CASAVS, and Doctor SEPVLVEDA.

DOctor Sepulueda, the Emperours chronographer, hauing information, and being perswa­ded by certaine of those Spaniards, who were most guiltie in the slaughters and wastes com­mitted among the Indian people, wrote a Booke in Latine, in forme of a Dialogue very eloquent­ly, and furnished with all flowers, and precepts of Rhetoricke, as indeede the man is very lear­ned and excellent in the said tongue: which Booke consisted vpon two principall conclusions; the one, That the Spaniards warres against the Indians, were as concerning the cause and equitie 40 that moued them thereto, very iust: also, that generally the like warre may and ought to be continued. His other conclusion, that the Indians are bound to submit themselues to the Spaniards, gouernment, as the foolish to the wise: if they will not yeelde, then that the Spaniards may (as he affirmeth) warre vpon them. These are the two causes of the losse and destruction of so infi­nite numbers of people: also that aboue 2000. leagues of the maine land, are by sundry new kindes of Spanish cruelties and inhumaine dealings bin left desolate in the Ilands: name­ly by Conquests and Commands as hee now nameth those which were wont to be called Partitions.

The said Doctor Sepulueda coloureth his Treatise, vnder the pretence of publishing the title which the Kings of Castile and Leon doe challenge in the gouernment and vniuersall soueraigntie of this Indian world; so seeking to cloake that doctrine which he endeuoureth to disperse and 50 scatter as well in these lands, as also through the Kingdomes of the Indians. This Booke he exhi­bited to the royall Councell of the Indies, very earnestly and importunately lying vpon them for licence to print it, which they sundry times denied him in respect of the offence, dangers, and manifest detriment, that it seemed to bring to the Common-wealth.

The Doctor seeing that here he could not publish his Booke, for that the Counsell of the In­dies would not suffer it, he dealt so farre with his friends that followed the Emperours Court, that they got him a Patent, whereby his Maiestie directed him to the royall Counsell of Castile, who knew nothing of the Indian affaires: vpon the comming of these Letters the Court and Cou [...]sell being at Aranda in Duero, the yeare 1547. Fryer Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, 60 Bishop of the royall towne of Chiapa, by hap arriued there, comming from the Indians, and ha­uing intelligence of Doctor Sepulneda his drifts and deuises, had notice also of the Contents of his whole Booke: but vnderstanding the Authors pernicious blindenesse, as also the irrecouerable losses that might ensue vpon the printing of this Booke, with might and maine withstood it, [Page 1602] discouering and reuealing the poyson wherewith it abounded, and whereto it pretended.

The Lords of the Royall Counsaile of Castile, as wise and iust Iudges, determined therefore to send the said Booke to the Vniuersities of Salamanca and Alcala, the matter being for the most part therein Theologically handled, with commandement to examine it, and if it might bee printed, to signe it: which Vniuersities after many exact and diligent disputations, concluded, that it might not be printed, as contayning corrupt doctrine.

The Doctor not so satisfied, but complaning of the Vniuersities aforesaid, determined, not­withstanding so many denials and repulses at both the Royall Counsailes, to send his Treatise to his friends at Rome, to the end there to print it, hauing first transformed it into a certaine Apo­logie written to the Bishop of Segouia, because the same Bishop hauing perused the Treatie and Booke aforesaid, had brotherly and charitably as his friend by Letters reprooued and counsailed 10 him. The Emperour vnderstanding of the Impression of the said Booke and Apologie, did im­mediately dispatch his Letters Patents, for the calling in and suppression of the same, comman­ding likewise to gather in againe all Copies thereof throughout Castile. For the said Doctour had published also in the Castilian Language a certaine abstract of the said Booke, thereby to make it more common to all the Land: and to the end [...]so that the Commons, and such as vn­derstood no Latine, might haue some vse thereof, as being a matter agreeable and toothsome to such as coueted great riches, and sought wayes to clime to other estates, then either themselues, or their Predecessors could neuer attaine vnto without great cost, labour, and cares, and often­times with the losse and destruction of diuers.

Which when the Bishop of Chiapa vnderstood, hee determined also to write an Apologie in 20 the vulgar tongue, against the said Doctors summarie in defence of the Indies, therein impugning and vndermining his foundations, and answering all reasons, or whatsoeuer the Doctor could al­leage for himselfe, therein displaying and setting before the peoples face the dangers, inconue­niences and harmes in the said doctrine contained.

Thus as many things passed on both sides, his Maiestie in the yeere 1550. called to Valadolid, an Assembly of learned men, as well Diuines as Lawyers, who beeing ioyned with the Royall counsaile of the Indies should argue, and among them conclude, whether it were lawfull with­out breach of Iustice, to leuie warres, commonly tearmed conquests, against the Inhabitants of those Countries, without any new offence by them committed, their infidelity excepted.

Doctor Sepulueda was summoned to come and say what he could, and being entred the Coun­saile 30 Chamber, did at the first Session vtter his whole minde. Then was the said Bishop likewise called, who for the space of fiue dayes, continually did reade his Apologie: but being somewhat long, the Diuines and Lawyers there assembled, besought the Learned and Reuerend Father Do­minicke Soto his Maiesties Confessor, and a Dominican Friar, who was there present, to reduce it into a Summary, and to make so many Copies as there were Lords, that is fourteene, to the end they all hauing studied vpon the matter, might afterward in the feare of God say their mindes.

The said Reuerend Father and Master Soto, set downe in the said Summary, the Doctors rea­sons, with the Bishops answeres to the same. Then had the Doctour at his request a Copie deli­uered 40 him to answere: out of which Summarie he gathered twelue against himselfe, whereto he made twelue answeres, against which answeres the Bishop framed twelue Replyes.

Doctor Sepulued a his Prologue to the Lords of the Assembly, beganne thus. Most worthy and No­ble Lords, sith your Lordships and Graces haue as Iudges for the space of fiue or sixe dayes heard the Lord Bishop of Chiapa reade that Booke, whereinto he hath many yeeres laboured to gather all the reasons that either himselfe, or others could inuent to proue the conquest of the Indies to be vniust, as seeking first to subdue barbarous Nations before we preach the Gospell vnto them, which haue beene the vsuall course correspondent to the grant made by Pope Alexander the sixt, Note, the Popes Bull is pretended: which, and our answere to it, see To. 1. l2. c. 1. which all Kings and Nations haue hitherto taken and obserued: it is meete, and I doe so desire you, that I who take vpon me to defend the grant and authority of the Apostolike Sea, together 50 with the equitie and honour of our Kings and Nation, &c.

Out of which Replies, here followeth the Abstract of two that stand vs insteed. The report is vn­true that the Indians did yeerely sacrifice in New Spaine twenty thousand persons: either one hundred or fiftie. For had that beene so, we could not now haue found there so much people: and therefore the Tyrants haue inuented it, thereby to excuse and iustifie their Tyrannies: also to detaine so many of the Indians as escaped the oppression and desolation of the first Vintage, in bondage and tyrannie. But we may more truely say, that the Spaniards during their abode in the Indies, haue yeerely sacrificed to their so deerely beloued and reuerend Goddesse Couetousnesse more people, then the Indians haue done in a hundred yeeres. This doe the Heauens, the Earth, the Elements, and the Starres both testifie and bewaile: the Tyrants, yea, the very Ministers of these mischiefes cannot deny it. For it is euident how greatly these Countries at our first entrie 60 swarmed with people, as also how wee haue now laid it waste, and dispeopled the same: wee might euen blush for shame, that hauing giuen ouer all feare of God, wee will yet neuer the lesse seeke to colour and excuse these our so execrable demeanours: considering that only for getting [Page 1603] wealth and riches, we haue in fortie fiue or fortie eight yeeres, wasted and consumed more Land then all Europe, yea and part of Asia, doe in length and breath containe, robbing and vsurping vpon that with all crueltie, wrong, and tyrannie, which we haue seene well inhabited with hu­mane Twenty Mil­lions destroied before he saith 12. or 15. Mil­lions, which is to be vnder­stood of some greater part, not of all the Indies. Yea, only in New Spaine, Hondu­ras, Guatimala, Venesuela Peru, and the Coast of Paria, he reckoneth aboue 20. Milions: besides three Millions in Hispaniola, halfe a Million in the Lucayos, 600000 or rather a Million in Iamaica, and Saint Iohns Ilands: 800000 in Terra Firma, in Nicaragua, 550000. that I men­tion not the innumerable multitudes in Cuba, Panuco, Florida, Xal [...]sco, Yucatan, Saint Martha, Carthagena, New Granado, Riuer of Plata, &c. people, among whom there haue beene slaine and destroyed twentie Millions of soules.

In the twelfth and last Reply as followeth, The Spaniards haue not entred into India for any de­sire to exalt Gods honour, or for zeale to Christian Religion, either to fauour, and procure the saluation of their Neighbours, no, neither for their Princes seruice, whereof they doe so vainely bragge: but Couetousnesse hath brought them, and Ambition hath allured them to the perpetu­all dominion ouer the Indies, which they as Tyrants and Deuils, doe couet to bee parted among them: and to speake plainly and flatly, doe seeke no other but to expell and driue the Kings of Castile out of all that World, and themselues seizing thereupon, by Trannie to vsurpe and take 10 vpon them all Royall Souereigntie.

CHAP. V.

Notes of Voyages and Plantations of the French in the Northerne Ame­rica: 20 both in Florida and Canada.

OF the French Plantation in that part of Brafill by Uillagaynon, which therefore Frier Thenet called France Antarctike, you haue seene alreadie in Lerius. Besides the French haue almost from the first beginnings of the Spanish Plantation, with men of warre haunted those Coasts, and taken many Spanish prises. The French As out of Oui­edo, Benzo, &c. is before ob­serued. haue also made other Discoueries, and setled some habitation for a time in the Northerne parts of the New World.

Iohn Uerrazano a Florentine was sent Anno 1524. by King Francis the first, and Madame Re­gent 30 his Mother, who is said to haue discouered from the eight and twentieth to the fiftieth de­gree; (all which and much more had long before beene discouerd by Sir Sebastian Cabot for the Sir Seb Cabot: King of England, who was the first that set foote on the American Continent in behalfe of any Christian Prince Anno 1496. or as othe [...]rs 1497. and therefore the French reckoning falleth short, some of which Nation vpon Verazanos Discouery challenge I know not what right to all that Coast, and make their New France neere as great as all Europe. To leaue that, we are to do them Historicall right in relating their actions in those parts. The Rites and Customes of Florida are related at large by Ren [...] Laudonniere, by Master Hakluyt translated, and in his Workes published. Laudonniere was sent by that famous Admirall Chastillon with Iohn Ribalt, Anno 1562. who ar­riued Cap. Ribalt. at Cape François in Florida in thirtie degrees, and there erected a Pillar with the French 40 Armes. The Riuer they called the Riuer of May, hauing entred it on May day. In the Woods they found great store of red and white Mulberie Trees, and on their tops an infinite number of Silk-wormes. Eight other Riuers they discouered to which they gaue the names of Seine, Som­me, Silke-wormes store in Florida Port Royall in 32. degrees. Loyre, Cherente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande, and after that Belle a Voire, and Port Royal. In this last they anchored; the Riuer at the mouth is three French leagues broad: hee sayled vp many leagues, and erected another like Pillar of stone. Ribalt hauing built a Fort and furnished it with prouisions, called it Charles Fort, and left a Golonie there vnder Captaine Albert. These found great kindnesse with their Indian Neighbours, till dissention happened amongst them­selues, the Captaine for a small fault hanging a Souldier and exercising seueritie ouer the rest, Mutinie Cap. Albert slaine. which thereupon in a mutinie slue him, and hauing chosen a new Captaine, they built a Pinnasse 50 and furnished it as well as they could to returne for France, but surprized in the way with calmes, and expence of their prouision, they first did eare their shooes and Buffe Ierkins, and yet conti­nuing famished, they killed one of their fellowes called La Chere, and made cheere of him, and after met with an English Barke which releeued them, and setting some on Land, brought the rest to Queene Elizabeth.

The cause of their not releeuing according to promise was the Ciuill warres, which beeing compounded the Admirall procured the King to send three ships to Florida vnder the command of the Author Rene Landonniere, which see saile in Aprill 1564. He went on shoare at Dommica, in which Iland his men killed two Serpents nine foote long, and as bigge as [...] legge. The The second Golonie. two and twentieth of Iune, they landed in Florida ten leagues aboue Capo Francois, and after in 60 the Riuer of May, where the Indians very ioyfully welcommed them, and the stone Piller [...] ­rected Stone Pillar worshipped. by Ribalt was crowned with bayes and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot, and they kissed the same with great reuerence. One of Par [...]coussy (or the King) his Sonnes presented [...] Captain with a wedge of siluer. With another Parc [...]ussy they saw one old Father blind with age, [Page 1604] but liuing, and of his lomes sixe generations descended, all present, so that the Sonne of the el­dest was supposed two hundred and fiftie yeeres old. They planted themselues on this Riuer of May, and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles. Landonniere sent Men nigh 300. yeeres old. Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa, whence that siluer wedge had comne, and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina, to whom fortie Kings were vassals. Sa­turioua The Vassals are petty We­r [...]nces, or Lords of Vil­lages. was said to haue thirtie, and to be enemie to Vtina.

A fearefull lightning happened which burned fiue hundred acres of ground, and all the fowles, after which followed such a heat, that as many fish were: dead therewith at the mouth of the Riuer, as would haue laden fiftie Carts, and of their putrifaction grieuous diseases. The Sauages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance. He got some prisoners of Vtinas sub­iects 10 which Saturioua had taken and sent them to him, some of his men assisting Vtina in his warres against Potanou one of his enemies, and returning with some quantitie of Siluer and Gold.

Whiles things continued in good termes with the Sauages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French, some conspiring to kill the Captaine, others running away with the Barks, one of which robbed by Sea, and after was driuen by famine to seeke to the Spaniards at Hauana: Mutinies. and when two other Barkes were a building, a third Conspiracie seized on the Captaine, detai­ned him Prisoner, and forced him to subscribe their passe with these two Barkes. Away they went and the next diuision was amongst themselues, one Barke departing from the others. One of them after diuers Piracies came backe, and the chiefe mutinies were executed, Francis Iean 20 one of the other Barke was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them. The Indians vse to keepe in the Woods Ianuarie, Februarie, and March, and liue on what they take in hunting; so that the French neither receiuing their expected reliefe from France, nor from the The Virginians a [...] such a custome. Sauages which had no Corne, hauing before sold them what they had, suffered grieuous famine; they resolued to build a vessell able to carrie them into France, the Sauages making aduantages of their necessities (according to the wonted perfidiousnesse of those wilde people) whereupon they tooke King Vtina Prisoner with his Sonne to get food for his ransome. The famine was so sharpe that it made the bones to grow thorow the skinne, and when the Maiz by the end of May Cruell famine. came to some ripenesse, food it selfe ouercame their weake stomacks. Some reliefe they had by Sir Iohn Hawkins who came thither with foure ships, guided by a man of Deepe which had been 30 there in Ribalts Voyage, who also offered to transport him, and set them all on land in France. This he refused, but made good aduantage hereof with the Sauages, telling them that this was his brother which brought him great reliefe and plentie, whereupon all sought his friendship. His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery, wanting both apparell and victuall, and meanes to returne, so wrought with him, that not daring to giue the Siluer, and such things as he had gotten in the Countrie (which might bring an English Plantation into those parts) he bought a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins, who partly sold and partly gaue them prouisions also of apparell and Sir Iohn Haw­k [...]ns his great kindnesse. victuall for their returne; and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man, saued their liues.

Whiles thus they were preparing to set saile, Captaine Ribalt came into the Riuer with seuen Th [...]rd Floridan Voyage by C. Ribalt. 40 saile foure greater and three lesse (whom the Admirall had sent, hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannicall and insolent manner) and was solemnely welcommed in the end of August 1565. A while after, when as the Indians had filled Captaine Ribalt with golden hopes of the Mynes at Apalatci, some proofes whereof were found to be perfect gold, sixe great ships Gold Mynes of Apalatci. of Spaniards came into the Riuer on the fourth of September, and made faire shew to the French, which trusted them neuer the more, but let slip their Anchors and fled, being no way matchable but in swiftnesse of saile, whereby they escaped the pursuite of the Spaniards, and obserued their course sending word thereof to Captaine Ribalt. The High Admirall Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt, that he had intelligence out of Spaine, of Don Pedro Melendes Spaniards kill the French and plant in Flori­da. his Expedition to Florida, iust before his comming from France, Captaine Ribalt embarkes him­selfe 50 the eight of September, pretending to goe seeke the Spaniards, which soone after came to seeke the French at their Fort, guided by Francis Iean, before a Mutiner, now also a Traytour, who shewed the Captaine to the Spaniards. Notwithstanding their assault, Laudonniere made an escape with some others ouer the Marishes into the ships, and so returned first into England, and after into France. Captaine Ribalt was surprized with a Tempest which wracked him vpon the Coast, and all his ships were castaway, himselfe hardly escaping drowning, but not escaping the more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie. Massacre. Reuenge by Cap. Dom [...] Gaurgues.

This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France, by Captaine Gaurgues, Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships, and entring the Riuer Ta­ca [...]acourn (which the French called Seine) he made league with eight Sauage Kings, which had 60 beene much dispighted by the Spaniards, and were growne as dispightfull to them. The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong, and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Ri­uer of May, the greatest begun by the French; two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition. Three Forts Spanish.

[Page 1605] In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards, the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance, especially Olotocara, Nephew to Saturioua. As they went to the Fort, he said, that he should die there, and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe, that it might bee buried with him for his better Why the Saua­ges haue their goods interred with them. welcome to the Village of the Soules departed. This Fort was taken, the Spaniards some slaine, others taken, and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung; fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged, and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them, I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Luthe­rans; Gourgues set vp another, I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners, but as to Traitors, Robbers Iust requit all. and Murtherers. The Forts he razed, not hauing men to keepe them, and in Iune following arriued in Rochel. Comming to the King with expectation of reward, the Spanish King had so 10 possessed him, that he was faine to hide himselfe. This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier, once imprisoned, and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards, and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England: he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida, for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English. Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations.

Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier, who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships, and in May arriued at Newfoundland. On the one and twen­tieth Iaques Cartier his three Voy­ages, Iland of Birds in 49. deg [...]s 40. minutes. of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about, so full of Birds as if they were sowed there, and a hundred times as many houering about it, some as bigge as Iayes, blacke and white with beakes like Crowes, lying alway on the Sea; their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand, 20 which makes that they cannot flie high. In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat, with them. These they named Aporatz; another lesse Port, which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater, they called Godetz, a third, bigger and white, byting like Dogges they called Margaulx. Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent, Beares come thither to Margaulx seeme to be Pengwins. feed on those Birds. One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming, and found her good meate. Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune, which they called the Ilands of Margaulx. There also they found Morses, Beares and Wolues. But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen: then that I should mention his French names, which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English. 30

The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay, and so to the Ri­uer of Hochelaga. They went to Canada, and to the Towne of Hochelaga. They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer, and were told of three more therein. The Scorbute that Winter kil­led fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort: the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda, which was thought to be Sassafras. These reports of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, caused King Francis to send him againe, Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche, Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, L. of Robewall. and Hochelaga. Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne, whose Notes, as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes, and two hundred persons, men, women and children, Master Hakluyt hath recorded. He built a Fort and wintered there: and 40 then returned.

These were the French beginnings, who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeer­ly Voyages to that Coast to these times, for fishing, and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and o­ther Commodities. One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts. Saualets 42. Voyages to Newfoundland. Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia, and additions thereto, part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts, added with Champleins Discoueries.

CHAP. VI. 50

The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage, made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie, &c. High Admirall of France.

WE departed from Houfleur, the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put in­to Their Voyage to Tadousac. Chap. 1. the Roade of New Hauen, because the winde was contrary. The Sunday fol­lowing being the sixteenth of the said moneth, we set saile to proceed on our Voy­age. The seuenteenth day following, we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey, which are 60 Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England. The eighteenth of the said moneth, wee discryed the Coast of Britaine. The nineteenth, at seuen of the clocke at night, we made account that we were thwart of Ushent. The one and twentieth, at seuen of clocke in the morning, we met with seuen ships of Hollanders, which to our iudgement came from the [Page 1606] Indies. On Easter day, the thirtieth of the said moneth, wee were encountred with a great storme, which seemed rather to be thunder then winde, which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes, but not so great as it was the two first dayes; and during the said time we rather lost way then gained.

The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease, and the Sea became more calme then before, to the contentment of all the Company; in such sort as continuing our said course vn­till the eighteenth of the said moneth, we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice. The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice, which continued aboue eight leagues in length, with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice, which hindred our passage. And by the iudgement of our A banke of Ice aboue 8. leagus long, in 45. de­grees and two third parts. The Banke in 44. degr. one third part. These coasts subiect to fogs. Pilot, the said flakes or Ice were one hundred, or one hundred & twenty leagues from the Coun­try 10 of Canada; and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts; & we found passage in 44. deg. The second of May, at eleuen of clocke of the day, we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part. The sixt of the said moneth, we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore, but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge, whereunto these coasts are subiect; which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea, vntill the next day in the morning, when we descried land, the weather being very cleere, which was the Cape of Saint Marie. The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw The Cape of S. Marie. of winde, which lasted two dayes. The fifteenth of the said moneth, wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter. The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie, sixe leagues in length, which caused vs to strike saile all the night, to auoide the danger we might in­curre. The Isles of S. Peter. A banke of Ice 6. leagues long Cape de Raie. Cape de S. Lau­rence. 20 The next day we set saile, and descried Cape de Raie, and the Isles of Saint Paul, and Cape de Saint Laurence, which is on the South side. And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie, is eighteene leagues, which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada.

The same day, about ten of the clocke in the morning, we met with another Iland of Ice, which was aboue eight leagues long. The twentieth of the said moneth, we discried an Isle, which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length, which is called the Isle of An Iland of Ice aboue eight leagues long. The Ile of As­sumption. Gachepe. The Riuer Mantanne. The Pike. Tadousac, from Gachepe 100. leg Assumption, which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada. The next day we descried Gachepe, which is a very high land, and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda, ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne, which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues; from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike, which is twenty leagues, which is on the 30 South side also: from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac, which is fifteene leagues. All these Countries are very high, and barren, yeelding no commoditie. The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac, and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port, which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Sa­guenay, where there is a very strange currant and tide, for the swiftnesse and depth thereof, where sometimes strong windes do blow, because of the cold which they bring with them; it is thought The descripti­on of the ha­uen of Tadousac The Riuer of Sagenay falle [...]h into Camada. That of Sage­nay is in Lescar­bots Map ex­pressed to en­ter on the North side of Canada, about 51. or 40. from thence to the Sea shoare of Canada is aboue sixtie miles, which entring into the Sea, hath 100. miles, and vp to the fals (which Voyage followeth) continueth a maruellous breadth, so that it may be for greatnesse reputed greater then any other Riuer in our world or in the Northerne parts of the New: full also of Lakes and Ilands for greater magnificence. that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall, and it commeth from the North North-west. The said Port of Tadousac is little, wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships: but there is water enough toward the East, toward the opening of the said Riuer 40 of Sagenay along by a little hill, which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea: The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines, whereon there is little mould, but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines, Cypresses, Fir-trees, Burch, and some other sorts of trees of small price. There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port, enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods. At the entrance of the said Port there are two points, the one on the West side running a league into the Sea, which is called Saint Matthewes point; and the other on the South-east side, containing a quarter of a league, which is called the point of all the Diuels. The South and South South-east, and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen. But from Saint Mat­thewes Point, to the said Point of all the Diuels, is very neere a league: Both these Points are dry at a low water. 50

THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew, which The great Sa­gamo their feasts & wars. The Irocois. Cap. 2. Two Sauages brought out of France. Anadabijon. The Oration of one of the sauages which we brought with vs. is a league from Tadousac, with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him, to make report of that which they had seene in France, and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them. As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo, which is called Anadabijou, where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions, which were making Tabagie, that is to say, a Feast. Hee receiued vs very 60 well, according to the custome of the Countrey, and made vs sit downe by him, and all the Sa­uages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine. One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration, of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them, and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France, and that they might assure [Page 1607] themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well, and desired to people their Countrey, and to make peace with their enemies (which are the Irocois) or to send them forces to vanquish them. He also reckoned vp the faire Castels, Palaces, Houses, and people which they had seene, and our manner of liuing. He was heard with so great silence, as more cannot be vttered. Now when The Irocois e­nemies to A­nadabijon. he had ended his Oration, the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon, hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco, and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo, and to mee, and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him: after he had taken store of Tobacco, he be­gan to make his Oration to all, speaking distinctly, resting sometimes a little, and then speak­ing againe, saying, that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great The Oration of Anadabijon friend: they answered all with one voyce, ho, ho, ho, which is to say, yea, yea, yea. He pro­ceeding 10 forward in his speech, said, That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey, and make warre against their enemies, and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good, then to the French. In fine, hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie. When hee had ended his speech, we went out of his Cabine, and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast, which A feast of this Sauages, Orignac a Beast like an Oxe. they make with the flesh of Orignac, which is like an Oxe, of Beares, of Seales, and Beuers, which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue, & with great store of wilde Fowle. They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine, and they were set one from another some six paces, and each one vpon a seuerall fire. The men sat on both sides the house (as I said before) with his dish made of the barke of a tree: and when the meate is sodden, 20 there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes, wherein they feede very filthily, for when their hands be fattie, they rub them on their haire, or else on the haire of their dogs, whereof they haue store to hunt with, Before their meate was sodden, one of them rose vp, and took a dog, & danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother: when he came before the great Sagamo, he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground, and then all of them with one voice, cried, ho, ho, ho, which being done, he went and sat him downe in his place; then immediately another rose vp and did the like, and so they continued vntill the meate was sod­den. When they had ended their Feast, they began to dance, taking the heads of their enemies in their hands, which hanged vpon the wall behinde them; and in signe of ioy there is one or two which sing, moderating their voice by the measure ef their hands, which they beate vpon their 30 knees, then they rest sometimes, and cry, ho, ho, ho; and begin againe to dance, & blow like a man that is out of breath. They made this triumph for a victory which they had gotten of the Irocois, of whom they had slaine some hundred, whose heads they cut off, which they had with them for A victorie got­ten of the Iro­cois. Estechemins, Al­goumequins, and Mountainers. The Riuer of the Irocois. The Irocois are in great num­ber. the ceremony. They were three Nations when they went to war; the Estechemins, Algoumequins, and Mountainers, to the number of a thousand, when they went to war against the Irocois, whom they encountred at the mouth of the Riuer of the said Irocois, and slew an hundred of them. The war which they make is altogether by surprises, for otherwise they would be out of hart; & they feare the said Irocois very much, which are in greater number then the said Mountainers, Esteche­mins and Algoumequins. The twenty eight day of the said moneth, they encamped themselues in the foresaid hauen of Tadousac, where our Ship was; at the break of day their said great Sagamo 40 came out of his Cabine, going round about all the other Cabins, and cried with a loud voice that they should dislodge to goe to Tadousac, where their good friends were. Immediately euery man in a trice tooke down his cabin, and the said grand Captain, first began to take his canoe, & carri­ed it to the Sea, where he embarked his wife and children, & store of furs; and in like manner did well neere two hundred canowes, which goe strangely; for though our Shallop was well manned, yet they went more swift then we. There are but two that row, the man and the wife. Their Ca­nowes Two hundred Canowes. are some eight or nine pases long, and a pace, or a pace & a halfe broad in the middest, and grow sharper & sharper toward both the ends. They are very subiect to ouerturning, if one know not how to guide them; for they are made of the barke of a Birch tree, strengthned within with The fashion of their Canowes little circles of wood well & handsomely framed, and are so light, that one man will carry one of them easily; and euery Canowe is able to carry the weight of a Pipe: when they would passe ouer 50 any land to goe to some Riuer where they haue busines, they carry them with them. Their Cabins are low, made like Tents, couered with the said barke of a tree, and they leaue in the roofe about a foot spacevncouered, wherby the light commeth in; and they make many fires right in the midst Their Cabins made like tents and couered with the barke of trees. of their Cabin, where they are sometimes ten housholds together. They lie vpon skins one by an­other, and their dogs with them. They were about a thousand persons, men, women and children. The place of the point of S. Matthew, where they were first lodged, is very pleasant; they were at the bottome of a little hill, which was ful of Fir & Cypresse trees: vpon this point there is a little leuel plot, which discouereth far off, & vpon the top of the said hill, there is a Plain, a league long, Cypresse trees and halfe a league broad, couered with trees; the soile is very sandy, and is good pasture; all the rest 60 is nothing but Mountains of very bad rocks: the Sea beateth round about the said hil, which is dry for a large halfe league at a low water. The [...]triumphs humors, famin superstitions & rites. Chap. 3.

THe ninth day of Iune the Sauages began to make merrie together, and to make their feast, as I haue said before, and to dance for the aforesaid victory which they had obtained against [Page 1608] their enemies. After they had made good cheere, the Algoumequins, one of the three Nations, went out of their Cabins, and retired themselues apart into a publike place, and caused all their women and girles to sit downe in rankes one by the other, and stood themselues behinde, then singing all in one time, as I haue said before. And suddenly all the women and maidens began to cast off their Mantles of skins, and stripped themselues starke naked, shewing their priuities, ne­uerthelesse odorned with Matachia, which are paternosters and chaines enterlaced made of the Matachia or cord [...]s of the haire of the Porke-pike. haire of the Porkespicke, which they dye of diuers colours. After they had made an end of their songs, they cried all with one voyce, ho, ho, ho; at the same instant all the women and maidens couered themselues with their Mantels, for they lye at their feete, and rest a short while; and then eftsoones beginning againe to sing, they let fall their Mantels as they did before. They goe 10 not out of one place when they dance, and make certaine gestures and motions of the body, first Their manner of dancing. lifting vp one foote and then another, stamping vpon the ground. While they were dancing of this dance, the Sagamo of the Algoumequins, whose name was Besouat, sat before the said women and virgins, betweene two staues, whereon the heads of their enemies did hang. Sometimes he Besouat the Sa­gamo of the Al­goumequins. rose and made a speech, and said to the Mountainers and Estechemains; ye see how we reioyce for the victory which we haue obtained of our enemies, ye must doe the like, that we may be con­tented: then they all together cried, ho, ho, ho. Assoone as hee was returned to his place, the great Sagamo, and all his companions cast off their Mantels, being starke naked saue their priui­ties, which were couered with a little skin, and tooke each of them what they thought good, as Matachias, Hatchets, Swords, Kettels, Fat, Flesh of the Orignac, Seales, in briefe, euery one had a present, which they gaue the Algoumequins. After all these ceremonies the dance ceased, 20 and the said Algoumequins both men and women carried away their presents to their lodgings. They chose out all ò two men of each Nation of the best disposition, which they caused to run, and he which was the swiftest in running had a present.

All these people are of a very cheerefull complexion, they laugh for the most part, neuerthe­lesse they are somewhat melancholly. They speake very distinctly, as though they would make themselues well vnderstood, and they stay quickely bethinking themselues a great while, and then they begin their speech againe: they often vse this fashion in the middest of their Orations in counsaile, where there are none but the principals, which are the ancients: the women and children are not present. All these people sometimes endure so great extremity, that they are al­most 30 constrained to eate one another, through the great colds and snowes; for the Beasts and These Sauages endure great famine. Fowles whereof they liue, retire themselues into more hot climates I thinke if any would teach them how to liue, and to learne to till the ground, and other things, they would learne very well; for I assure you that many of them are of good iudgement, and answere very well to the purpose to any thing that a man shall demand of them. They haue one naughty qualitie in them, which is, that they are giuen to reuenge, and great lyars, a people to whom you must not giue Their had qua­lities. too much credit, but with reason, and standing on your owne guard. They promise much and per­forme little. They are for the most part a people that haue no Law, as farre as I could see and enforme my selfe of the said great Sagamo, who told me, that they constantly beleeue, that there is one God, which hath made all things: And then I said vnto him, since they beleeue in one 40 God onely, How is it that he sent them into this world, and from whence came they? he answe­red The beliefe of the Sauages. me, that after God had made all things, he tooke a number of Arrowes, and stucke them in the ground, from whence men and women grew, which haue multiplied in the world vntill this present, and had their originall on this fashion. I replied vnto him, that this which hee said was false; but that indeede there was one God onely, which had created all things in the earth, and in the heauens: seeing all these things so perfect, without any body to gouerne this world be­neath, he tooke of the slime of the earth, & thereof made Adam, our first Father. As Adam slept, God tooke a rib of the side of Adam, & thereof made Eue, whom he gaue him for his companion; and that this was the truth that they and we had our originall after this manner, and not of Ar­rowes as they beleeued. He said nothing vnto me, saue, that he beleeued rather that which I said, 50 then that which he told me. I asked him also, whether he beleeued not that there was any other but one God onely? He told me, that their beliefe was, That there was one God, one Sonne, one Mother, and the Sunne, which were foure; yet that God was aboue them all: but that the Son They beleeue one God, one Son, one Mo­ther, and the Sunne. was good, and the Sunne in the firmament, because of the good that they receiued of them; but that the Mother was naught, and did eate them, and that the Father was not very good. I shewed him his errour according to our faith, wherein he gaue mee some small credit. I deman­ded of him, whether they had not seene, nor heard say of their ancestors, that God came into the world. He told me, that he had neuer seene him; but that in old time there were fiue men which went toward the Sunne setting, which met with God, who asked them, Whither goe ye? They said, we goe to seeke our liuing: God answered them, you shall finde it here. They went far­ther, 60 without regarding what God had said vnto them: which tooke a stone, and touch­ed two of them with it, which were turned into a stone: And hee said againe vnto the o­ther three, Whither goe yee? and they answered as at the first: and God said to them againe, Goe no further, you shall finde it here. And seeing that nothing came vnto them, they went far­ther: [Page 1609] and God tooke two staues, and touched the two first therewith, which were turned into staues; and the fift staied and would goe no turther: And God asked him againe, whither go­est thou? I goe to seeke my liuing: stay and thou shalt finde it. He stayed without going any further, and God gaue him meate, and he did eate thereof; after he had well fed, hee returned with other Sauages, and told them all the former storie. He told them also, That another time there was a man which had store of Tobacco (which is a kinde of hearbe, whereof they take the smoake.) And that God came to this man, and asked him where his Tobacco pipe was? The man tooke his Tobacco pipe and gaue it to God, which tooke Tobacco a great while: after hee had taken store of Tobacco, God broke the said pipe into many peeces: and the man asked him, why hast thou broken my pipe, and seest that I haue no more? And God tooke one which hee had, 10 and gaue it him, and said vnto him; loe here I giue thee one, carry it to thy great Sagamo, and charge him to keepe it, and if he keepe it well he shall neuer want any thing, nor none of his companions. The said man tooke the Tobacco pipe, and gaue it to his great Sagamo, which as long as he kept, the Sauages wnnted nothing in the world. But after that the said Sagamo lost this Tobacco pipe, which was the occasion of great famine, which sometimes they haue among Great famine sometimes a­mong the Sa­uages. them. I asked him whither he beleeued all this? he said yea, and that it was true. This I beleeue is the cause wherefore they say that God is not very good. But I replied and told him, that God was wholly good; and that without doubt this was the Diuell that appeared to these men, and that if they would beleeue in God as we doe, they should not want any thing needefull. That the Sunne which they beheld, the Moone and the Starres were created by this great God, which 20 hath made heauen and earth, and they haue no power but that which God hath giuen them. That we beleeue in this great God, who by his goodnesse hath sent vs his deare Sonne, which being conceiued by the holy Ghost, tooke humaine flesh in the Virginall wombe of the Virgin Marie, hauing bin thirty three yeares on the earth, working infinite miracles, raising vp the dead, healing the sicke, casting out Diuels, giuing sight to the blinde, teaching men the will of God his Father, to serue, honour, and worship him, did shed his bloud, and suffred death and pas­sion for vs, and for our sinnes, and redeemed mankinde, and being buried, he rose againe, he des­cended into hell, and ascended into heauen, where he sitteth at the right hand of God his Fa­ther. That this the beleefe of all the Christians, which beleeue in the Father, the Sonne, and he holy Ghost, which neuerthelesse are not three Gods, but one onely, and one onely God, and one 30 Trinitie, in the which none is before or after the other, none greater or lesse then another. That the Virgin Mary the Mother of the Sonne of God, and all men and women which haue liued in this world, doing the commandements of God, and suffring martyrdome for his name sake, and by the permission of God haue wrought miracles, and are Saints in heauen in his Paradise, doe all pray this great diuine Maiestie for vs, to pardon vs our faults and our sinnes which we doe a­gainst his Law and his Commandements: and so by the prayers of the Saints in heauen, and by our prayers which we make to his diuine Maiestie, he giueth that which we haue neede of, and the Diuell hath no power ouer vs, and can doe vs no harme: That if they had this beliefe, they should be as we are, and that the Diuell should be able to doe them no hurt, and should neuer want any thing necessary. Then the said Sagamo told me, that he approued that which I said. I asked 40 him what ceremony they vsed in praying to their God? He told me, that they vsed none other ceremonies, but that euery one praied in his heart as he thought good: This is the cause why I beleeue they haue no law among them, neither doe they know how to worship or pray to God, and liue for the most part like brute beasts, and I thinke in short space they would be brought to be good Christians, if their Countrie were planten, which they desire for the most part. Sauages which speake with the Diuell.

They haue among them certaine Sauages which they call Pilotoua, which speak visibly with the Diuell, which telleth them what they must doe, as well for the warre as for other things; and if he should command them to put any enterprise in execution, either to kill a French man, or any other of their Nation, they would immediately obey his commandement. Also they beleeue that all the dreames which they dreame are true: and indeede there are many of them, 50 which say that they haue seene and dreamed things which doe happen or shall happen. But to speake truely of these things, they are visions of the Diuell, which doth deceiue and seduce them. Loe this is all their beliefe that I could learne of them, which is brutish and bestiall. All these people are well proportioned of their bodies, without any deformitie, they are well set, and the They paint themselues with an Oliue colour. women are well shapen, fat and full, of a tawnie colour by abundance of a certaine painting wherewith they rubbe themselues, which maketh them to be of an Oliue colour. They are apparelled with skins, one part of their bodies is couered, and the other part vncouered; but in the winter they couer all, for they are clad with good Furres, namely with the skins of Orignac, Their apparell of skins. Otters, Beuers, Lea-boores, Stagges, and Deere, whereof they haue store. In the winter when the Snowes are great, they make a kinde of racket which is twice or thrice as bigge as one of A deuice to go on the snow with a Racket. 60 ours in France, which they fasten to their feete, and so goe on the Snow without sinking; for otherwise they could not hunt nor trauaile in many places. They haue also a kinde of Marriage, which is, that when a Maide is foureteene or fifteene yeares old, shee shall haue many seruants The marriage of the Sauages. and friends, and she may haue carnall company with all those which she liketh, then after fiue [Page 1610] or six yeares, she may take which of them she will for her husband, and so they shall liue toge­ther all their life time, except that after they haue liued a certaine time together and haue no children, the man may forsake her and take another wife, saying that his old wife is nothing worth, so that the Maides are more free then the married Women. After they be married they be chaste, and their husbands for the most part are iealous, which giue presents to the Father or Parents of the Maide, which they haue married: loe this is the ceremonie and fashion which they vse in their marriages.

Touching their burials, when a man or woman dieth, they make a pit, wherein they put all Their burials after the Tar­tars manner. the goods which they haue, as Kettels, Furres, Hatchets, Bowes and Arrowes, Apparell, and other things, and then they put the corps into the graue, and couer it with earth, and set store 10 of great peeces of wood ouer it, and one stake they set vp on end, which they paint with red on the top. They beleeue the immortality of the Soule, and say that when they be dead they goe They beleeue the immortali­ty of the soule. into other Countries to reioyce with their parents and friends.

THe eleuenth day of Iune, I went some twelue or fifteene leagues vp Saguenay, which is a faire Riuer, and of incredible depth; for I beleeue, as farr [...] as I could learne by conference The Riuer of Saguenay, & his originall. Chap 4. A violent fall of water. whence it should come, that it is from a very high place, from whence there descendeth a fall of water with great impetuositie: but the water that proceedeth thereof is not able to make such a Riuer as this; which neuerthelesse holdeth not but from the said course of water (where the first fall is) vnto the Port of Tadousac, which is the mouth of the said Riuer of Saguenay, in 20 which space are fortie fiue or fiftie leagues, and it is a good league and a halfe broad at the most, and a quarter of a league where it is narrowest, which causeth a great currant of water. All the Countrie which I saw, was nothing but Mountaines, the most part of rockes couered with woods of F [...]r-trees, Cypresses, and Birch-trees, the soyle very vnpleasant, where I found not A Mountai­nous Country. a league of plaine Countrey, neither on the one side nor on the other. There are certaine hils of Sand and Isles in the said Riuer, which are very high aboue the water. In fine, they are very Desarts voide of Beasts and Birds; for I assure you, as I went on hunting through places which seemed most pleasant vnto mee, I found nothing at all, but small Birds which are like Nightingales, and Swallowes, which come thither in the Summer; for at other times I thinke there are none, because of the excessiue cold which is there; this Riuer com­meth 30 from the North-west. They reported vnto me, that hauing passed the first fall, from The report of the beginning of the Riuer of Saguenay. whence the currant of water commeth, they passe eight other sants or fals, and then they tra­uaile one dayes iourney without finding any, then they passe ten other sants, and come into a Lake, which they passe in two dayes (euery day they trauaile at their ease, some twelue or fif­teene A Lake two daies iournie long. Three other Riuers. Two or three Lakes, where [...]n the head of Saguenay be­ginneth. leagues:) at the end of the Lake there are people lodged: then they enter into three other Riuers, three or foure dayes in each of them; at the end of which Riuers there are two or three kinde of Lakes, where the head of Saguenay beginneth: from the which head or spring, vnto the said Port of Tadousac, is ten That is, 120. leagues. People of the North. A salt sea. dayes iournee with their Canowes. On the side of the said Riuers are many lodgingings, whither other Nacions come from the North, to trucke with the said Mountainers, for skins of Beuers and Marterns, for other Merchandises, which the 40 French Ships bring to the said Mountainers. The said Sauages of the North say, that they see a Sea, which is salt. I hold, if this be so, that it is some gulfe of this our Sea, which disgorgeth it selfe by the North part between the lands; and in very deede it can be nothing else. This is that which I haue learned of the Riuer of Saguenay.

ON Wednesday the eighteenth day of Iune, we departed from Tadousac, to go to the Sault: we passed by an Ile, which is called the Ile dulieure, or the Ile of the Hare, which may be Iourney to the fall and to cer­taine Ilands, arriual at Que­bec. Chap. 5. The Isle of the Hare. The Isle of Filberds. some two leagues from the Land on the North side, and some seuen leagues from the said Tadou­sac, and fiue leagues from the South Coast. From the Ile of the Hare we ranged the North Coast about halfe a league, vnto a point that runneth into the Sea, where a man must keepe farther off. 50

The said point is within a league of the Ile, which is called the Ile du Coudre, or the Ile of F [...]l­berds, which may be some two leagues in length: And from the said Ile to the Land on the North side is a league. The said Ile is some what euen, and groweth sharpe toward both the ends; on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer. The said Ile is somewhat pleasant, by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same. There is store of Slate, and the soyle is somewhat grauelly: at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league. We passed to the North of the said Ile, which is distant from the Ile of the Hare twelue leagues. 12. leagues.

The Thursday following we departed from thence, and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside, where there be certaine Medowes, and a little Riuer, where the Sauages lodge 60 sometimes. The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North, vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs, where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous: here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather. All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North, the most part like the Coast [Page 1611] of the Riuer of Saguenay. On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the Ile of Orleans, in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare, which are low and couered with trees, shewing to be very pleasant, contayning (as I was able to iudge) some two leagues, and one league, and another halfe a league. About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats, very dangerous to passe, and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South.

And from thence wee ranged the Ile of Orleans on the Southside: It is a league from the North shoare, very pleasant and leuell, contayning eight leagues in length. The Coast on the The Ile of Or­leance. South shoare is low land, some two leagues into the Countrey: the said lands begin to below o­uer against the said Ile, which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast: to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes, which are betweene the said Ile 10 and the mayne Land, which is almost all dry at a low water. At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water, which fell from a great Mountaine, of the said Riuer of Canada, and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold, although within the said Coun­tries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty, or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands, which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay. We anchored at Quebec, which Quebec▪ is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada, which is some three hundred pases broad: there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne, which falleth downe on both sides: all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey, where there are good grounds full of Trees, as Okes, Cypresses, Birches, Firre-trees and Aspes, and other Trees bearing fruit, and wild Vines: So that in mine opinion, if they were dressed, they would be as good as ours. There are along the Coast of the Diamants. 20 said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate, which are better then those of Alonson. From the said Quebec to the Ile of Coudre, or Filberds, are nine and twenty leagues. 29. leagues.

ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth, we departed from Quebec, where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league, then a league and an halfe or Of the point of S. Croix, of the Riuer of Batiscon, of the Riuers, Rocks, Iles, Lands, Trees, Fruits, Vines, & faire Countries, which are from Quebec vnto The 3. Riuers▪ Chap. 6. Saint Croix. 15. leagues. Ground Nuts. The Riuer Ba­tiscan. Another Riuer two leagues at most. The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer, and are all low grounds, without Rockes, or very few. The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand: you must take the South side, about some halfe league from the shore. There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable, but only for the Canowes of the Sauages, wherein there be many fals. Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix, which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues. This is a low 30 point, which riseth vp on both sides. The Countrey is faire and leuell, and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene, with plenty of wood, but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses. There are in these parts great store of Vines, Peares, small Nuts, Cheries, Goose-beries, red and greene, and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not, resembling Musheroms in taste, which are very good roasted and sod. All this soyle is blacke, without any Rockes, saue that there is great store of Slate: The soyle is very soft, and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase. On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan, which goeth farre in­to the Countrey, whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe: and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix, in the way from Quebec, which is, that where Iac­ques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof, and hee passed no 40 farther. The said Riuer is pleasant, and goeth farre vp into the Countries. All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable.

On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth, wee departed from the said Saint Croix, where we stayed a tyde and an halfe, that we might passe the next day following by day light, because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer (a strange thing to be­hold) which is in a manner dry at a low water: But at halfe flood, a man may beginne to passe safely; yet you must take good heed, with the Lead alwayes in hand. The tyde floweth heere A goodly Countrie. almost three fathomes and an halfe: the farther we went, the fairer was the Countrey. We went some fiue leagues and an halfe, and anchored on the North side. The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place, which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before, full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix. We passed hard by a little Ile, which was full of 50 Vines, and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill: but beeing on the top thereof An Ile full of Vines. all is euen ground.

There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix, ioyning neere the South shore. Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following, and passed by a little Ile, which is neere the North shoare, where I saw sixe small Riuers, whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp, and Sixe small Riuers. another is three hundred pases broad: there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it; it goeth farre vp into the Countrey; it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold, the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees, and haue the same smell: but I saw no Fruit, 60 which maketh me doubt: the Sauages told me that they beare Fruit like ours. The Ile S. Eloy.

In passing further we met an Ile, which is called Saint Eloy, and another little Ile, which is hard by the North shoare: we passed betweene the said Ile and the North shore, where betweene the one and the other are some hundred and fiftie paces. From the said Ile we passed a league and [Page 1612] an halfe, on the South side neere vnto a Riuer, whereon Canowes might goe. All this Coast on the North side is very good, one may passe freely there, yet with the Lead in the hand, to auoid Another small Riuer. certaine points. All this Coast which we ranged is mouing Sand; but after you be entred a little into the Woods, the soile is good. The Friday following we departed from this Ile, coasting still the North side hard by the shoare, which is low and full of good Trees, and in great number as farre as the three Riuers, where it beginneth to haue another temperature of the season, some­what differing from that of Saint Croix: because the Trees are there more forward then in any A better tem­pera [...]ute. 15. leagues. place that hitherto I had seene. From the three Riuers to Saint Croix are fifteene leagues. In this Riuer are sixe Ilands, three of which are very small, and the others some fiue or sixe hundred paces long, very pleasant and fertile, for the little quantitie of ground that they containe. There [...]n Iland [...] to be planted. 10 is one Iland in the middest of the said Riuer, which looketh directly vpon the passage of the Riuer of Canada, and commandeth the other Ilands which lye further from the shoare, aswell on the one side as on the other, of foure or fiue hundred paces: it riseth on the South side, and falleth somewhat on the North side. This in my iudgement would be a very fit place to inhabit; and it might bee quickly fortified: for the situation is strong of it selfe, and neere vnto a great Lake, which is aboue foure leagues distant, which is almost ioyned to the Riuer of Saguenay, by the re­port A great Lake. The head of Saguenay 106. leagues off. of the Sauages, which trauell almost an hundred leagues Northward, and passe many Saults, and then goe by Land some fiue or sixe leagues, and enter into a Lake, whence the said Riuer of Saguenay receiueth the best part of his Spring, and the said Sauages come from the said Lake to Tadousac. 20

Moreouer, the planting of The three Riuers would be a benefit for the liberty of certaine Nati­ons, which dare not come that way for feare of the said Irocois their enemies, which border vp­on all the said Riuer of Canada. But this place being inhabited, we might make the Irocois and the other Sauages friends, or at least wise vnder the fauour of the said Plantation, the said Saua­ges might passe freely without feare or danger: because the said place of The three Riuers is a passage. All the soyle which I saw on the North shoare is sandy. Wee went vp aboue a league into the said Riuer, and could passe no further, by reason of the great current of water. We took A great course of water. a Boate to search vp further, but we went not past a league, but we met a very Strait full of wa­ter, of some twelue paces, which caused vs that we could not passe no further. All the ground which I saw on the bankes of the said Riuer riseth more and more, and is full of Firre-trees and 30 Cypresse Trees, and hath very few other Trees.

ON the Saturday following, we departed from The three Riuers, and anchored at a Lake, Great Lake described and Riuer of the Irocois. Chap. 7. The Lake of Argolesme. 15. leagues. which is foure leagues distant. All this Countrey from The three Riuers to the entrance of the said Lake is low ground, euen with the water on the North side; and on the South side it is somewhat higher. The said Countrey is exceeding good, and the most pleasant that hitherto we had seene: the Woods are very thinne, so that a man may trauell easily through them. The next day being the nine and twentieth of Iune, we entred into the Lake, which is some fifteene leagues in length, and some seuen or eight leagues broad: At the entrance thereof on the South­side within a league there is a Riuer which is very great, and entreth into the Countrey some six­tie A great Riuer. Another small Riuer. 40 or eightie leagues, and continuing along the same Coast, there is another little Riuer, which pierceth about two leagues into the Land, and commeth out of another small Lake, which may containe some three or foure leagues. On the North side where the Land sheweth very high, a man may see some twentie leagues off; but by little and little the Mountaynes beginne to fall toward the West, as it were into a flat Countrey.

The Sauages say, that the greatest part of these Mountaynes are bad soyle. The said Lake hath some three fathoms water whereas we passed, which was almost in the middest: the length lieth East and West, and the breadth from North to the South. I thinke it hath good fish in it, of such kinds as we haue in our owne Countrey. Wee passed it the very same day, and anchored about two leagues within the great Riuer which goeth vp to the Sault: In the mouth whereof 50 are thirtie small Ilands, as farre as I could discerne; some of them are of two leagues, others a Two leagues. 30. ma [...] Ilands. league and an halfe, & some lesse, which are full of Walnut-trees, which are not much different from ours; and I thinke their Walnuts are good when they bee ripe: I saw many of them vnder the Trees, which were of two sorts, the one small, and the others as long as a mans Thumbe, Wal nuts of two sorts. Store of Vines. Good Coun­tries. but they were rotten. There are also store of Vines vpon the bankes of the said Ilands. But when the waters be great, the most part of them is couered with water. And this Countrey is yet better then any other which I had seene before.

The last day of Iune wee departed from thence, and passed by the mouth of the Riuer The Riuer of the Irocois. Their manner of fortification with stakes. of the Irocois; where the Sauages which came to make warre against them, were lodged and fortified. Their Fortresse was made with a number of posts set very close one to ano­ther, 60 which ioyned on the one side on the banke of the great Riuer of Canada, and the other on the banke of the Riuer of the Irocois: and their Boates were ranged the one by the o­ther neere the shoare, that they might flie away with speed, if by chance they should bee surpri­sed by the Irocois. For their Fort is couered with the barke of Okes, and serueth them for no­thing [Page 1613] else, but to haue time to embarke themselues. We went vp the Riuer of the Irocois some fiue or sixe leagues, and could passe no farther with our Pinnasse, by reason of the great course of water which descendeth, and also because we cannot goe on Land, and draw the Pinnasse for the multitude of Trees which are vpon the bankes.

Seeing we could not passe any further, we tooke our Skiffe, to see whether the current were more gentle, but going vp some two leagues, it was yet stronger, and wee could goe no higher. Being able to doe no more we returned to our Pinnasse. All this Riuer is some three hundred or foure hundred paces broad, and very wholsome. Wee saw fiue Ilands in it, distant one from the other a quarter or halfe a league, or a league at the most: one of which is a league long, which is the neerest to the mouth, and the others are very small. All these Countries are couered with Fiue Ilands. 10 Trees and low Lands, like those which I had seene before; but here are more Firres and Cypres­ses then in other places. Neuerthelesse, the soile is good, although it bee somewhat sandy. This Riuer runneth in a manner South-west. The Sauages say, that some fifteene leagues from the place where we were vp the Riuer, there is a Sault which falleth downe from a very steepe place, This Riuer runneth al­most South-west. A Lake some fortie or fiftie leagues long in the Countrey of the Irocois. The goodnesse and short win­ter of the Countrey of the Irocois. where they carry their Canowes to passe the same some quarter of a league, and come into a Lake; at the mouth whereof, are three Ilands, and being within the same they meete with more Iles: This Lake may containe some fortie or fiftie leagues in [...]gth, and some fiue and twentie leagues in breadth, into which many Riuers fall, to the number of ten, which carrie Canowes very far vp. When they are come to the end of this Lake, there is another fall, and they enter againe in­to another Lake, which is as great as the former, at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged. They 20 say moreouer, that there is a Riuer, which runneth vnto the Coast of Florida, whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred, or an hundred and fortie leagues. All the Countrey of the Iro­cois is somewhat Mountaynous, yet notwithstanding exceeding good, temperate, without much Winter, which is very short there.

AFter our departure from the Riuer of the Irocois, wee anchored three leagues beyond the same, on the North side. All this Countrie is a lowe Land, replenished with all sorts of Their arriual at the Sault or Fall of the Ri­uer of Canada, the description thereof. Cha. 8. Fruitfull Trees of many sorts. trees, which I haue spoken of before. The first day of Iuly we coasted the North side, where the wood is very thinne, and more thinne then wee had seene in any place before, and all good land for tillage. I went in a Canoa to the South shoare, where I saw a number of Iles, which haue 30 many fruitfull trees, as Vines, Wal-nuts, Hasel-nuts, and a kinde of fruit like Chest-nuts, Che­ries, Oskes, Aspe, Hoppes, Ashe, Beech, Cypresses, very few Pines and Firre-trees. There are also other trees which I knew not, which are very pleasant. Wee found there store of Straw­berries, Rasp-berries Goos-berries red, greene, and blue, with many small fruits, which growe there among great abundance of grasse. There are also many wilde beasts, as Orignas, Stagges, Orignas are be­fore said to bee like oxen, per­haps Buffes. L [...]s [...]arbot, that Orignacs are Ellans. Wild beasts. A pleasant Ile. Many Ilands. Does, Buckes, Beares, Porkepickes, Conies, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Muske-rats, and certaine other kindes of beasts which I doe not knowe, which are good to eate, and whereof the Sauages liue. Wee passed by an Ile, which is very pleasant, and containeth some foure leagues in length, and halfe a league in breadth. I saw toward the South two high Mountaines, which shewed some twentie leagues within the Land. The Sauages told mee, that here beganne the first fall 40 of the foresaid Riuer of the Irocois. The Wednesday following wee departed from this place, and sayled some fiue or sixe leagues. Wee saw many Ilands: the Land is there very lowe, and these Iles are couered with trees, as those of the Riuer of the Irocais were.

The day following, being the third of Iuly, we ranne certaine leagues, and passed likewise by Iuly 3. Many more Ilands. many other Ilands, which are excellent good and pleasant, through the great store of Medowes which are thereabout, as well on the shoare of the maine Land, as of the other Ilands: and all the Woods are of very small growth, in comparison of those which wee had passed. At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great Riuer of Canada, with The entrance of the Sault or Fall. Anlle. fauourable wind; and wee met with an Ile, which is almost in the middest of the said entrance, which is a quarter of a league long, and passed on the South side of the said Ile, where there was not past three, foure or fiue foot water, and sometimes a fathome or two, and straight on the 50 sudden wee found againe not past three or foure foot. There are many Rockes, and small Ilands, whereon there is no wood, and they are euen with the water. From the beginning of the fore­said Ile, which is in the middest of the said entrance, the water beginneth to runne with a great force. Although we had the wind very good, yet wee could not with all our might make any A greatt cur­rent of water. great way: neuerthelesse wee passed the said Ile which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall. When wee perceiued that wee could goe no further, wee came to an anchor on the North shoare ouer against a small Iland, which aboundeth for the most part with those kinde of fruits which I haue spoken of before. Without all delay wee made ready our skiffe, which wee had made of purpose to passe the said Sault: whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and my selfe entred, with 60 certaine Sauages, which we had brought with vs to shew vs the way. Departing from our Pin­nace, Mon [...]eur du Pont [...]nd Mon­sicur du Cham­plaine search the San [...]. we were scarse gone three hundred paces, but we were forced to come out, and cause certain Mariners to goe into the water to free our Skiffe. The Canoa of the Sauages passed easily. Wee met with an infinite number of small Rockes, which were euen with the water, on which wee touched oftentimes.

[Page 1614] There he two great Ilands, one on the North side, which containeth some fifteene leagues in length, and almost as much in breadth, beginning some twelue leagues vp within the Riuer of Two great Ilands. Canada, going toward the Riuer of the Irocois, and endeth beyond the Sault. The Iland which is on the South side is some foure leagues long, and some halfe league broad. There is also ano­ther Iland, which is neere to that on the North side, which may bee some halfe league long, and some quarter broad: and another small Iland which is betweene that on the North side, and an­other neerer to the South shoare, whereby wee passed the entrance of the Sault. This entrance being passed, there is a kinde of Lake, wherein all these Ilands are, some fiue leagues long and A kind of Lake some 5. leagues long. almost as broad, wherein are many small Ilands which are Rockes. There is a Mountaine neere the said Sault which discouereth farre into the Countrie, and a little Riuer which falleth from the said Mountaine into the Lake. On the South side are some three or foure Mountaines, which 3. or 4. Moun­taines on the South side. Two Riuers. 10 seeme to be about fifteene or sixteene leagues within the Land. There are also two Riuers; one, which goeth to the first Lake of the Riuer of the Irocois, by which sometimes the Algoume­quins inuade them: and another which is neere vnto the Sault, which runneth not farre into the Countrey.

At our comming neere to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa, I assure you, I neuer saw any streame of water to fall downe with such force as this doth; although it bee not very high, The surie of the fall of water. being not in some places past one or two fathoms, and at the most three: it falleth as it were steppe by steppe: and in euery place where it hath some small heigth, it maketh a strong boy­ling with the force and strength of the running of the water. In the breadth of the said Sault, The Sault a league broad. which may containe some league, there are many broad Rockes, and almost in the middest, 20 there are very narrow and long Ilands, where there is a Fall as well on the side of the said Iles which are toward the South, as on the North side: where it is so dangerous, that it is not pos­sible for any man to passe with any Boat, how small soeuer it be. We went on land through the Woods, to see the end of this Sault: where, after wee had trauelled a league, wee saw no more Rockes nor Falls but the water runneth there so swiftly as it is possible: and this current la­steth The swift cur­rent of the wa­ter aboue the Fall. Ten Saults m [...]r [...]. Temperate aire, and good soyle. The Sault is in 45. degrees and certaine mi­nutes. A draught of the Sauages. The first re­port of the Sa­uages touching the Head of the Riuer. A Riuer run­ning 60. leags into the Coun­trie of the Al­geumequins. A Lake of 15. leagues. Another Lake of 4. leagues. Fiue other Saults. A Lake of 80. leagues long. Brackish water for three or foure leagues: so that it is in vaine to imagine, that a man is able to passe the said Saults with any Boats. But he that would passe them, must fit himselfe with the Canoas of the Sauages, which one man may easily carrie. For to carrie Boats is a thing which cannot be done in to short time as it should bee to bee able to returne into France, vnlesse a man would 30 winter there. And beside this first Sault, there are ten Saults more, the most part hard to passe. So that it would be a matter of great paines and trauell to bee able to see and doe that by Boat which a man might promise himselfe, without great cost and charge, and also to bee in danger to trauell in vaine. But with the Canoas of the Sauages a man may trauell freely and readily in­to all Countries, as well in the small as in the great Riuers: So that directing himselfe by the meanes of the said Sauages and their Canoas, a man may see all that is to be seene, good and bad, within the space of a yeere or two. That little way which wee trauelled by Land on the side of the said Sault, is a very thinne Wood, through which men with their Armes may march easily, without any trouble; the aire is there more gentle and temperate, and the soyle better then in any place that I had seene, where is store of such wood and fruits, as are in all other places be­fore 40 mentioned: and it is in the latitude of 45. degrees and certaine minutes.

When we saw that we could doe no more, we returned to our Pinnace; where we examined the Sauages which we had with vs, of the end of the Riuer, which I caused them to draw with their hand, and from what part the Head thereof came. They told vs, that beyond the first Sault that we had seene, they trauelled some ten or fifteene leagues with their Canoas in the Ri­uer, where there is a Riuer which [...]unneth to the dwelling of the Algoumequins, which are some sixty leagues distant from the great Riuer; and then they passed fiue Saults, which may containe from the first to the last eight leagues, whereof there are two where they carrie their Canoas to passe them: euery Sault may containe halfe a quarter or a quarter of a league at the most. And then they come into a Lake, which may be fifteene or sixteene leagues long. From thence they 50 enter againe into a Riuer which may be a league broad, and trauell some two leagues in the same; and then they enter into another Lake some foure or fiue leagues long: comming to the end thereof, they passe fiue other Saults, distant from the first to the last some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues; whereof there are three where they carrie their Canoas to passe them, and tho­row the other two they doe but draw them in the water, because the current is not there so strong, nor so bad, as in the others. None of all these Saults is so hard to passe, as that which we saw. Then they come into a Lake, which may containe some eighty leagues in length, in which are many Ilands, and at the end of the same the water is brackish, and It seemeth hereby to trend so [...]th­ward. The last Sault. Another Lake 60. leagues long, very brackish. A Strait of 2. leagues broad. Another migh­tie Lake. the Winter gentle. At the end of the said Lake they passe a Sault which is somewhat high, where little water descen­deth: there they carrie their Canoas by land about a quarter of a league to passe this Sault. From 60 thence they enter into another Lake, which may be some sixty leagues long, and that the wa­ter thereof is very brackish: at the end thereof they come vnto a Strait which is two leagues broad, and it goeth farre into the Countrie. They told vs, that they themselues had passed no farther; and that they had not seene the end of a Lake, which is within fifteene or sixteene [Page 1615] leagues of the farthest place where themselues had beene, nor that they which told them of it, had knowne any man that had seene the end thereof, because it is so great that they would not hazard themselues to sayle farre into the same, for feare lest some storme or gust of winde should surprise them. They say that in the Summer the Sunne doth set to the North of the said Lake, The southerne situation of a great Lake. The water as salt as sea. water. and in the Winter it setteth as it were in the middest thereof: That the water is there excee­salt, to wit, as salt as the Sea water. I asked them whether from the last Lake which they had seene, the water descended alwaies downe the Riter comming to Gaschepay? They told me, no: but said, that from the third Lake onely it descended to Gaschepay: But that from the last Sault, which is somewhat high, as I haue said, the water was almost still; and that the said Lake might take his course by other Riuers, which passe within the Lands, either to the South, or to Many Riuers running south and north. Hudsons Riuer may be one of these. An exceediug great Riuer. The south Sea. 10 the North, whereof there are many that runne there, the end whereof they see not. Now, in my iudgement, if so many Riuers fall into this Lake, hauing so small a course at the said Sault, it must needs of necessitie fall out, that it must haue his issue forth by some exceeding great Riuer. But that which maketh me beleeue that there is no Riuer by which this Lake doth issue forth (considering the number of so many Riuers as fall into it) is this, that the Sauages haue not seene any Riuer, that runneth through the Countries, saue in the place where they were. Which maketh me beleeue that this is the South Sea, being salt as they say: Neuerthelesse we may not giue so much credit thereunto, but that it must bee done with apparent reasons, although there be some small shew thereof. And this assuredly is all that hitherto I haue seene and heard of the Sauages, touching that which we demanded of them. 20

VVEe departed from the said Sault on Friday the fourth day of Iuly, and returned the Of Canada, and of the number of the Fals and Lakes which it passeth by. Chap. 9. Iuly 4. The Riuer of the Irocois. Another re­port of the Al­goumequin Sa­uages. same day to the Riuer of the Irocois. On Sunday the sixth of Iuly wee departed from thence, and anchored in the Lake. The Monday following wee anchored at the three Riuers. This day wee sayled some foure leagues beyond the said three Riuers. The Tuesday following we came to Quebec; and the next day wee were at the end of this Ile of Orleans, where the Sa­uages came to vs, which were lodged in the maine Land on the North side. Wee examined two or three Algoumequins, to see whether they would agree with those that wee had examined tou­ching the end and the beginning of the said Riuer of Canada. They said, as they had drawne out the shape thereof, that hauing passed the Sault, which wee had seene, some two or three 30 leagues, there goeth a Riuer into their dwelling, which is on the North side. So going on for­ward in the said great Riuer, they passe a Sault, where they carrie their Canoas, and they come to passe fiue other Saults, which may containe from the first to the last some nine or ten leagues, and that the said Saults are not hard to passe, and they doe but draw their Canoas in the most part of the said Saults or Falls, sauing at two, where they carrie them: from thence they enter into a Riuer, which is as it were a kinde of Lake, which may containe some sixe or seuen leagues: A Riuer or Lake 6. or 7. leagues long. and then they passe fiue other Falls, where they draw their Canoas as in the first mentioned, sa­uing in two, where they carrie them as in the former: and that from the first to the last there are some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues. Then they come into a Lake contayning some A Lake 150. leagues long. A Riuer on the North side go­ing toward the Algoumequins. A Riuer on the south side. Another ex­ceeding great Lake. A Sea, the end whereof the Sauages neuer saw. It seemeth to lie southward. hundred and fifty leagues in length: and foure or fiue leagues within the entrance of that Lake 40 there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins toward the North; and another Riuer which goeth to the Irocois, whereby the said Algoumequins and Irocois make warre the one against the other. Then comming to the end of the said Lake, they meete with another Fall, where they carrie their Canoas. From thence they enter into another exceeding great Lake, which may containe as much as the former: They haue beene but a very little way in this last Lake, and haue heard say, that at the end of the said Lake there is a Sea, the end whereof they haue not seene, neither haue heard that any haue seene it. But that where they haue beene, the water is not salt, because they haue not entred farre into it; and that the course of the water commeth from the Sun-setting toward the East; and they knowe not, whether beyond the Lake that they haue seene, there be any other course of water that goeth Westward. That the Sunne set­teth on the right hand of this Lake: which is, according to my iudgement, at the North-west, 50 little more or lesse; and that in the first great Lake the water freezeth not (which maketh mee iudge that the climate is there temperate) and that all the Territories of the Algoumequins are lowe grounds, furnished with small store of wood: And that the coast of the Irocois is Moun­tainous, neuerthelesse they are excellent good and fertile soyles, and better then they haue seene any where else: That the said Irocois reside some fifty or sixty leagues from the said great Lake. And this assuredly is all which they haue told mee that they haue seene: which differeth very little from the report of the first Sauages. This day wee came within some three leagues of the Ile of Coudres or Filberds. The Ile Coudres

On Thursday the tenth of the said moneth, wee came within a league and an halfe of the The Ile Du Lieure, or Of the Hare. The third re­port made by a great Trauel­ler. 60 Ile Du Lieure, or Of the Hare, on the North side, where other Sauages came into our Pinnace, among whom there was a young man, an Algoumequin, which had trauelled much in the said great Lake. Wee examined him very particularly, as wee had done the other Sauages. Hee told vs, that hauing passed the said Fall which wee had seene, within two or three leagues there is a [Page 1616] Riuer, which goeth to the said Algoumequins, where they be lodged; and that passing vp the great Riuer of Canada, there are fiue Falls, which may containe from the first to the last some eight or nine leagues, whereof there bee three where they carrie their Canoas, and two others wherein they draw them: that each of the said Falls may be a quarter of a league long: then they come into a Lake, which may containe some fifteene leagues. Then they passe fiue other Falls, which A Lake 15. leagues long. may containe from the the first to the last some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues; where there are not past two of the said Falls which they passe with their Canoas, in the other three they doe but draw them. From thence they enter into an exceeding great Lake, which may containe An exceeding great Lake 300 luagues long. A very great Iland. Br [...]ckish water. More brackish water. Whole salt water. A great and maine Sea. A Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins. some three hundred leagues in length: when they are passed some hundred leagues into the said Lake, they meet with an Iland, which is very great; and beyond the said Iland the water is 10 brackish: But when they haue passed some hundred leagues farther, the water is yet falter: and comming to the end of the said Lake, the water is wholly salt. Farther he said, that there is a Fall that is a league broad, from whence an exceeding current of water descendeth into the said Lake. That after a man is passed this Fall, no more land can be seene neither on the one side nor on the other, but so great a Sea, that they neuer haue seene the end thereof, nor haue heard tell, that any other haue seene the same. That the Sunne setteth on the right hand of the said Lake: and that at the entrance thereof there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins, and ano­ther Riuer to the Irocois, whereby they warre the one against the other. That the Countrie of the Irocois is somewhat mountainous, yet very fertile, where there is store of Indian Wheat, and other fruits, which they haue not in their Countrie: That the Countrie of the Algoumequins 20 is lowe and fruitfull. I enquired of them, whether they had any knowledge of any Mines? They told vs, that there is a Nation which are called, the good Irocois, which come to exchange for merchan [...]ses, which the French ships doe giue to the Algoumequins, which say, that there is toward the North a Mine of fine Copper, whereof they shewed vs certaine Bracelets, which A Mine of fine Copper. they had receiued of the said Good Irocois: and that if any of vs would goe thither, they would bring them to the place, which should bee appointed for that businesse. And this is all which I could learne of the one and the other, differing but very little; saue that the second which were examined, said, that they had not tasted of the salt water: for they had not beene so farre with­in the said Lake, as the others: and they differ some small deale in the length of the way, the one sort making it more short, and the other more long. So that, according to their report, from Some 400. leagues from the first Sault to the South­sea. the Sault or Fall where wee were, is the space of some foure hundred leagues vnto the Salt Sea, 30 which may be the South Sea, the Sunne setting where they say it doth. On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac, where our ship lay.

ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac, wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay, Their Voyage from Tadousac to the Ile per­cee: of many Riuers, Lakes and C [...]u [...]ries, wherein are found sundry sorts of Mines. Chap. 10. 100. leagues from Gachepay to [...]adousac. Armouchides Saga [...]o. The descrip­tion of the Port of Cache­pay. The Bay of Cods. The Ile Percee. The Ile de Bon­aduenture. which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues. The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages, which were lodged on the South side, almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay. Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides, which is held to be one of the w [...]sest and most hardy among all the Sauages: Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes, and the flesh of Orignars, which 40 they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages, the Mountainers, Estechema [...]ns, and Algoumequins.

The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay, which is in a Bay, about a league and a halfe on the North side. The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length, and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth. There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie: Then we saw another Bay, which is called the Bay des Mollues, or the Bay of Cods, which may be some three leagues long, and as much in bredth at the mouth. From thence we come to the Ile Percee, which is like a Rocke, very steepe rising on both sides, wherein there is a hole, through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water: and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile, which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off. Moreouer, there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the Ile Percee 50 about a league, which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture, and it may bee some halfe a league long. All these places of Gachepay, the Bay of Cods, and the Ile Percee, are places where they make dry and greene Fish. When you are passed the Ile Percee, there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate, which runneth as it were West South-west, some foure and twenty leagues into the land, containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof. The Sauages of The Bay of Heate. Canada say, that vp the great Riuer of Canada, about some sixtie leagues, ranging the South coast, there is a small Riuer called Mautanne, which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the The Riuer of Mautanne. Tr [...]gate and Mi­samichy. The Riuer Sou­r [...]ua. A Mine of Copper. Countreys and being at the head thereof, they carrie their Canowes about a league by land, and they come into the said Bay of Heate, by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee. Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy. Running along the said coast we passe by 60 many Riuers, and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua, where Mon­sieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper. They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes, then they passe three or foure leagues by land, to the said Mine, which is [Page 1617] hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side. At the mouth of the said Riuer, there is an I­land lying a league into the Sea; from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee, is some sixtie or se­uentie An Iland. A Strait be­tweene the Iles of Cape Bre [...]o [...] and the maine Land. Souricois. A great Riuer on the South-west coast, whereby th [...]e sauages inuade the [...]. leagues. Still following the said coast, which trendeth toward the East, you meete with a Strait, which is two leagues broad, and fiue and twenty leagues long. On the East side is an Isle, which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence, where Cape Breton is; and in this place a Na­tion of Sauages, called the Souricois, doe winter.

Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence, and ranging the South-west Coast, you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper. Passing farther there is a Riuer, which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey; which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois, whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them. I would be an exceeding great benefit, if there might be found a passage on the Co [...] of Florida neere to 10 the said great Lake, where the winter is salt; aswell for the Na [...]igation of ships, which should not bee subiect to so many per [...]ls as they are in Canada, as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues. And at is most certaine, that there are Riuers on the Goa [...] of Florida, which Great Riuers and goo [...] [...]ns on the c [...]st [...] [...] [...]rid [...] or Virgini [...]. are not yet discouered, which [...]erce vp into the Countries, where the soile is exceeding good and fertile, and very good Hauens. The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another tempera­ture of the season, and may be [...] more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things, then that which I haue seene: But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles, then those which we haue seene.

The Sauages say, that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer, which runneth vp A Riuer. A Lake twenty leagues in compasse. A metall like Siluer. A Mine of Copper. 20 vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey, at the head whereof there is a Lake, which may be about twentie leagues in compasse, wherein is little store of water, and the Summer it is dried vp, wherein they find, about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to [...]luer, which I shewed them; and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper. And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages.

WE departed from the Ile [...] the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Ta­dous [...]c. Our returne from the Ile Percee to Ta­dousac, with the description of the Ile Grecks, Ports, Riuers, [...], R [...], Bayes, [...] Shoalds which are a [...]ong the North coast. Chap 11. The North shoare. The Riuer of Sa [...] [...]g [...]ret A sandy coast. Very b [...], Countries. When we w [...]e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque, or the Bishops Cape, we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes; which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake, and to stay for faire weather. The day following we departed, and were encoun­tred 30 with another storme: Being loth to p [...] roome, and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly [...] creeke which is very bad, because of the edges of Rockes which lie there. This creeke is in [...]. degrees and certaine minutes. The next day we anchored neere a Riuer, which is called Saint Margarites Riuer, where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water, and a fathome and an halfe at a low water: this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land. As farre as I could see within the Land on [...]he East shoare, there is a fall of wa­ter which entreth into the said Riuer, and falleth some fiftie or sixtie [...]athomes downe, from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe. At the mouth there­of there is a banke of Sand, whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a fa [...]home water. All the Coast to­ward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer, which 40 stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea: and toward the West there is a small Iland: this place is in fiftie degrees. All these Countries are exceeding bad, full of Firre-trees. The Land here is some­what high, but not so high as that on the Southside. Some three leagues beyond we passed neere vnto another Riuer, which seemed to be very great, yet barred for the most part with Rockes: some eight leagues farther there is a Point which runneth a league and an halfe into the Sea, A point that sunneth into the sea. where there is not past a fathome and an halfe of water. When you are passed this Point, there is another about foure leagues off, where is water enough. All this Coast is low and sandie. Foure leagues beyond this there is a creeke where a Riuer entreth: many ships may passe heere on the A good Creek, where many ships may ride. West side: this is a low point, which runneth about a league into the Sea; you must runne along the Easterne shoare some three hundred paces to enter into the same. This is the best Hauen which is all along the North shoare; but it is very dangerous in going thither, because of the flats and sholds of sand, which lye for the most part all along the shoare, almost two leagues into the 50 Sea. About six leagues from thence, there is a Bay where there is an Isle of sand; all this Bay is A Bay. very shallow except on the East side, where it hath about foure fathoms water: within the chan­nell which entreth into the said Bay, some foure leagues up, there is a faire creeke where a Riuer A Creeke. entreth. All this coast is low and sandie, there descendeth a fall of water which is great. About fiue leagues farther is a Point which stretcheth about halfe a league into the Sea, where there is a creeke, and from the one point to the other are three leagues, but all are shoald, where is little water. About two leagues off, there is a strand where there is a good hauen, and a small Riuer, wherein are three Islands, and where Ships may harbour themselues from the weather. Three 60 leagues beyond this, is a sandie point which runneth out about a league, at the end whereof there is a small Islet. Going forward to Lesqueuim, you meete with two little low Islands, and a little Two little low Ilands. Lesqueuim a very bad Port, rocke neere the shoare: these said Ilands are about halfe a league from Lesqueuim, which is a ve­ry bad Port, compassed with rockes, and dry at a low water, and you must fetch about a little [Page 1618] point of a rocke to enter in, where one Ship onely can passe at a time. A little higher there is a Riuer, which runneth a little way into the land. This is the place where the Basks kill the The Riuer where the Basks kill the whales. Our arriuall at Tadousac the 3. of August. Whales; to say the truth, the hauen is starke naught. Wee came from thence to the foresaid ha­uen of Tadousac, the third day of August. All these Countries before mentioned are low toward the shoare, and within the land very high. They are neither so pleasant nor fruitfull as those on the South, although they be lower. And this for a certaintie is all which I haue seene of this Nor­therne coast.

AT our comming to Tadousac, we found the Sa [...]ages which wee met in the Riuer of the Ir [...] ­cois, Of the A [...]mou­ch [...]cois Sauages and of their monstrous shape. The dis­course of Mon­steur de Pre [...]re of Saint Malo, touching the discoucrie of the South-west Coast. C [...]. 12. The Ceremo­nies which they vse before they go to the warres. who met with three Canowes of the Irocois in the first Lake, which fought against 10 tenne others of the Mountayners; and they brought the heads of the Irocois to Tadousac, and there was but one Mountayner wounded in the arme with the shot of an Arrow, who dreaming of something, all the other tenne must seeke to content him, thinking also that his wound there­by would mend if this Sauage die, his Parents will reuenge his death, either vpon their Nation or vpon others, or at least wise the Captaines must giue Presents to the Parents of the dead, to content them; otherwise as I haue said, they would be reuenged: which is a great fault among them. Before the said Mountayners set forth to the Warre, they assembled all, with their richest apparell of Furres, Beauers, and other Skinnes adorned with Pater-nosters and Chaines of diuers colours, and assembled in a great publike place, where there was before them a Sagaue whose 20 name was Beg [...]rat, which led them to the Warre, and they marched one behind another, with their Bowes and Arrowes, Mases and Targets, wherewith they furnish themselues to fight: and they went leaping one after another, in making many gestures of their bodies, they made many turnings like a Snaile: afterward they began to dance after their accustomed manner, as I haue said before: then they made their Peast, and after they had ended it, the women stripped them­selues starke naked, being decked with their fairest Cordons, and went into their Canowes thus naked and there danced, and then they went into the water, and strooke at one another with their Oares, and beate water one vpon another: yet they did no hurt, for they warded the blowes which they strooke one at the other. After they had ended all these Ceremonies, they retired themselues into their Cabines, and the Sauages went to warre against the Irocois.

The sixt day of August we departed from Tadousac, and the eighteenth of the said moneth we 30 arriued at the Ile Perçee, where wee found Mon [...]r Preuert of Saint Malo; which came from Their depar­ture from Ta­dousac Armo [...]hic [...]i [...] deformed Sa­uages. the Myne, where he had beene with much trouble, for the feare which the Sauages had to meet with their enemies, which are the Ar [...]cois, which are Sauages very monstrous, for the shape that they haue. For their head is little, and their body short, their armes small like a bone, and their thigh like; their legges great and long, which are all of one proportion, and when they sit vpon their heeles, their knees are higher by halfe a foot then their head, which is a strange thing, and they seeme to be out of the course of Nature. Neuerthelesse, they be very valiant and resolute, and are planted in the best Countries of all the South Coast: And the Souricois do great­ly feare them. But by the incouragement which the said Mon [...]r de Preuert gaue them, hee The Souricois. brought them to the said Myne, to which the Sauages guided him. It is a very high Mountaine, The Relation of the Copper Myne on the South Coast. 40 rising somewhat ouer the Sea, which glistereth very much against the Sunne, and there is great store of Verde-grease issuing out of the said Myne of Copper. He saith, that at the foot of the said Mountayne, at a low water there were many morsels of Copper, as was otherwise declared vnto vs, which fall downe from the top of the Mountaine. Passing three or foure leagues fur­ther Another Mine toward the South, there is another Myne, and a small Riuer which runneth a little way vp into the Land, running toward the South, where there is a Mountaine, which is of a blacke pain­ting, wherewith the Sauages paint themselues: Some sixe leagues beyond the second Myne, to­ward Blacke pain­ting. An Ile wherein another kind of Metall is found, which is white being cut. the Sea, about a league from the South Coast, there is an Ile, wherein is found another kind of Metall, which is like a darke browne: if you cut it, it is white, which they vsed in old time for their Arrowes and Kniues, and did beate it with stones. Which maketh me beleeue that it is 50 not Tinne, nor Lead, being so hard as it is; and hauing shewed them siluer, they said that the Myne of that Ile was like vnto it, which they found in the earth, about a foot or two deepe. The said Monsieur Preuert gaue the Sauages Wedges and Cizers, and other things necessarie to draw out the said Myne; which they haue promised to doe, and to bring the same the next yeere, and giue it the said Monsieur Preuert. They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twentie leagues there are other Mynes, but that they dare not goe thither vnlesse they haue Frenchmen with them to make warre vpon their enemies, which haue the said Mynes in their possession. The said place where the Myne is, standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes, neere the South Coast within fiue or sixe leagues: it is a kind of Bay, which is certaine leagues broad at the mouth thereof, and somewhat more in length, where are three Riuers, which fall Other Mynes. The descripti­on of the place where the said Myne is. 60 into the great Bay neere vnto the Ile of Saint Iohn, which is thirtie or fiue and thirtie leagues long, and is sixe leagues distant from the South shoare. There is also another little Riuer, which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned, and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said Riuer. Furthermore, there is yet another small Riuer which [Page 1619] goeth toward the Mountaine of the painting. All these Riuers fall into the said Bay on the South-east part, neere about the said Ile which the Sauages say there is of this white Metall. On A good Hauen at the Copper Mynes. the North side of the said Bay are the Mynes of Copper, where there is a good Hauen for ships, and a small Iland at the mouth of the Hauen; the ground is Oze and Sand, where a man may run his ship on shoare. From the said Myne to the beginning of the mouth of the said Riuers is some sixtie or eightie leagues by Land. But by the Sea Coast, according to my iudgement, from the passage of the Ile of Sain Lawrence and the Firme Land, it cannot be past fiftie or sixtie leagues to the said Myne. All this Countrey is exceeding faire and flat, wherein are all sorts of trees, which wee saw as wee went to the first Sault vp the great Riuer of Canada, very small store of Firre-trees and Cypre [...]es. And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Mon­sieur Preuert. 10

BEfore we departed from Tadousac, to returne into France, one of the Sagamoz of the Moun­tayners Their returne. Chap. 13. named Bechourat, gaue his Sonne to Monsieur du Pont to carrie him into France, and he was much recommended vnto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou, praying him to vse him well, and to let him see that, which the other two Sauages had seene which we had brought backe againe. We prayed them to giue vs a woman of the Irocois, whom they would haue ea­ten: whom they gaue vnto vs, and we brought her home with the foresaid Sauage. Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home foure Sauages, one man which is of the South Coast, one woman and two children of the Canadians.

The foure and twentieth of August, we departed from Gachepay, the ship of the said Mon­sieur 20 Preuert and ours. The second of September, we counted that wee were as farre as Cape Rase. The fift day of the said moneth we entred vpon the Banke, whereon they vse to fi [...]. The C [...]pe Rase. The Banke. The sounding, Vshant. sixteenth, we were come into the Sounding, which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant. The twentieth of the said moneth we arriued in New Hauen by the grace of God to all our contentments, with a continuall fauourable wind.

CHAP. VII.

The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inha­biting 30 of the Countries of La Cadia Canada, and other places in New France.

HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Nauarre. To our deare and well beloued the Lord of Monts, one of the ordinarie Gentlemen of our Chamber, greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and hath alwayes beene, since our comming to this Crowne, maintaine and conserue it in the ancient dignitie, greatnesse and splendour thereof, to ex­tend and amplifie, as much as lawfully may bee done, the bounds and limits of the same. We being, of a long time, informed of the situation and condition of the Lauds and Ter­ritories 40 of La Cadia, moued aboue all things, with a singular zeale, and deuout and constant resolution, which we haue taken, with the helpe and assistance of God, Author, Distributour, and Protectour of all Kingdomes and Estates, to cause the people, which doe inhabit the Countrey, men (at this present time) Barbarous, Atheists, without Faith, or Religion, to be conuerted to Christianitie, and to the Beliefe and Profession of our Faith and Religion: and to draw them from the ignorance and vnbeliefe wherein they are. Hauing also of a long time knowne by the Relation of the Sea Captaines, Pilots, Merchants and others, who of long time haue haunted, frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places, how fruitfull, commodious and profitable may be vnto vs, to our Estates and Subiects, the Dwelling, Possession, and Habitation of those Countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawne by the greater frequentation and habitude which may bee had with the people that are found 50 there, and the Trafficke and Commerce which may be, by that meanes safely treated and negotiated. We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdome, and in the knowledge and experience that rou haue of the qualitie, condition and situation of the said Countrie of La Cadia: for diuers and sundry Na­uigations, Voyages and Frequentations that you haue made into those parts, and others neere and borde­ring vpon it: Assuring our selues that this our resolution and intention, being committed vnto you, you will attentiuely, diligently, and no lesse couragiously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire: Haue expresly appointed and established you, and by these Presents, signed with our owne hands, doe commit ordaine, make, constitute and establish you, our Lieutenant Generall, for to represent our person, in the Countries, Territories, Coasts and Co▪ fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. de­gree 60 vnto the 46. And in the same distance, or part of it, as farre as may bee done, to establish, extend and make to be knowne our Name, Might and Authoritie. And vnder the same to subiect, submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof: And by the meanes thereof, and all lawfull wayes, to call, make, instruct, prouoke and incite them to the knowledge of God, and to the [Page 1620] light of the Faith and Christian Religion, to establish it there: And in the exercise and profession of the same, keepe and conser [...] the said people, and all other Inhabitants in the said places, and there to com­mand in peace, rest and tranquill [...]ie, as well by Sea as by Land: to ordaine, decide, and cause to bee exe­cuted all that which you shall iudge fit and necessarie to be done, for to maintaine, keepe and conserue the said places vnder our Power and Authoritie, by the formes, wayes and meanes prescribed by our Lawes. And for to haue there a care of the same with you, to appoint, establish, and constitute all Officers, as well in the affaires of Warre, as for Iustice and Policie, for the first time, and from thence forward to name and present them vnto vs: for to be disposed by vs, and to giue Letters, Titles, and such Prouisoes as shall be necessarie, &c.

Giuen at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of Nouember: in the yeere our Lord 1603. And of our 10 Reigne the fifteenth. Signed Henry: and vnderneath by the King, Potier; And sealed vpon single labell with yellow Waxe.

The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France,

MOnsieur de Monts hauing made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said, to bee proclaimed thorow the Realme of France, and especially thorow the Ports and The rest of thi P [...]rentis here for bre­uitie omitted: with the Pro­uisoes, &c. And let not Englishmen feare want of roome for French Planta­tions or Sauage habitations; these being very thin, the other scarse worrhy the name of be­ing, or planta­tion, hauing so many inter­ruptions, and more frequen­ted by the French in way of Trade with Sauages then otherwise. I haue omitted many digres­sions and dis­courses of the Authour; only for know­ledge of those parts, presen­ting the briefe summe of his most ample Worke. His Map but for cost, I would haue here ad­ded. I haue diuers by me which I take more exact, I am sure with many many particulers wanting in his. And both his Mappe and Discourse shew that the French discouered not so neere Virginia, as Hudsons Riuer; and that the French Plantations haue beene more Noreherly farte, then our Northerne Virginia, and to the Southerne, not a shadow in com­pa [...] of [...] and numbers. maritine Townes thereof, caused two shippes to bee rigged and furnished, the one 20 vnder the conduct of Captaine Timothy of New-hauen, the other of Captaine Morell of Honfleur. In the first, hee shipped himselfe, with good number of men of account, as well Gentlemen as others. And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was, and had beene of a long time, desirous to see those Countries of New France, and there to finde out and choose some fit place to retire himselfe into, with his Family, Wife and Children, not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glorie of so faire and generous an enterprize, would needs goe thither, and shipped himselfe with the said Monsieur de Monts, carrying with him some quantitie of Armours and Munitions of Warre; and so weighed Anchors from New-hauen the seuenth day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soone, before the Win­ter had yet left off her frozen Weed, they found store of Icie bankes, against the which they 30 were in danger to strike, and so to be cast away.

The Voyage was long by reason of contrarie winds, which seldome hapneth to them that set out in March for the New-found lands, which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northerne winde, fit to goe to those Lands. And hauing taken their course to the South of the Ile of Sand or Sablon, or Sand, for to shunne the said Ices, they almost fell from Caribdis into Scylla, go­ing to strike towards the said Ile, during the thicke mists that are frequent in that Sea. In the end, the sixt of May they came to a certaine Port, where they found Captaine Rossignol of New-hauen, who did trucke for skinnes with the Sauages, contrary to the Kings Inhibitions, which was the cause that his ship was confilcated. This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol, ha­uing (in this his hard fortune) this onely good, that a good and fit Harborough or Port, in those 40 Coasts be areth his name.

From thence coasting and discouering the Lands, they arriued at another Port, very faire, which they named Le Port de Moutton, by reason that a Mutton or Weather hauing leaped o­uer-board and drowned himselfe came aboard againe, and was taken and eaten as good prize. Neere the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbets and Conies, that they almost did eate nothing else. During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seeke farther off a fitter place to retire themselues, at which Exploit he carried so long, that de­liberating vpon the returne, they thought to leaue him behind: for there was no more victuals: and they serued themselues with that, that was found in the said Rossignols ship, without which they had beene forced to returne into France, and so to breake a faire enterprize at the very birth 50 and beginning thereof; or to starue, hauing ended the hunting of Conies, which could not still continue.

All New France in the end being contained in two ships, they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton, for to imploy their time, and to discouer Lands as much as might before Winter. Wee came to Cape de Sable, or the Sandie Cape; and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie, where our men lay at Anchor fifteene dayes, whilest the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by Riuer might be descried and knowne. This Bay is a very faire place to inhabit, because that one is readily carried thither without doubling. There are Mynes of Iron and Siluer; but in no great abundance, according to the triall made thereof in France. A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteene dayes. Whereupon a Protestant was charged to haue killed him be­cause 60 [Page 1621] they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion. Finally, they sounded a Trumpet thorow the Forrest, they shot off the Canon diuers times, but in vaine: for the roaring of the Sea, stronger then all that, did expell backe the sound of the said Canons and Trum­pets. Two, three and foure dayes passed he appeareth not. In the meane-while the time hastens to depart, so hauing tarried so long that hee was then held for dead, they weighed Anchors to goe further, and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some fortie leagues length, and fourteene (yea eighteene) of breadth, which was named La Baye Francoise, or the French Bay. Lay Baye Fran­coise.

In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port, whereinto our men entred, and made some abode, during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian, or Stagge, that crossed a 10 great Lake of the Sea, which maketh this Port, and did swimme but easily. This Port is en­uironed with Mountaines on the North side: Towards the South bee small Hills, which (with the said Mountaines) doe powre out a thousand Brookes, which make that place pleasanter then any other place in the World: there are very faire falles of waters, fit to make Milles of all sorts. At the East is a Riuer betweene the said Mountaines and Hilles, in the shippes may saile fifteene leagues and more, and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the Riuer but faire Medowes, which Riuer was named L' Equille, because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille. But the said Port, for the beautie thereof was called Port Royall. Monsieur The Riuer of L' Equille. Port Royall. de Poutrincourt hauing found this place to bee to his [...]king demanded it, with the Lands thereunto adioyning, of Monsieur de Monts: to whom the King had by Commission, before 20 inserted, granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the sixe and fortieth. Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Maiestie, intending to retire himselfe thi­ther with his Family, and there to establish the Christian and French Name, as much as his power shall stretch, and God grant him the meanes to accomplish it. The Port contayneth eight leagues of circuit, besides the Riuer of L' Equille. There is within it two Iles very faire and pleasant: the one at the mouth of the said Riuer, which I deeme to bee of the great­nesse of the Citie of Beauvais: The other at the side of the mouth of another Riuer, as broad as the Riuer of Oise, or Marne, entring within the said Port: The said Ile beeing almost of the greatnesse of the other: and they both are wooddie. In this Port, and right ouer against the 30 former Ile, wee dwelt three yeeres after this Voyage. We will speake thereof more at large hereafter.

From Port Royall they sailed to the Copper Myne, whereof wee haue spoken before else-where. A Copper Myne. In the 28. and 29. Chap. of the second Booke of the whole Volume vntranslated. Things first to be prouided in new plantati­on. It is a high Rocke betweene two Bayes of the Sea, wherein the Copper is conioyned with the stone, very faire and very pure, such as is that which is called Rozette Copper. Many Gold-smithes haue seene of it in France, which doe say that vnder the Copper Myne there might be a Golden Myne: which is very probable. For if those excrements that Nature ex­pelleth forth be so pure, namely, small pieces that are found vpon the grauell at the foote of the Rocke, when it is low water, there is no doubt that the Metall which is in the bowels of the earth is much more perect, but this is a Worke that requireth time. The first myning and wor­king 40 is to haue Bread, Wine and Cattle, as we haue said else-where. Our felicitie consisteth not in Mynes, specially of Gold and Siluer, the which serue for nothing in the tillage of the ground, nor to Handicrafts vse. Contrariwise, the abundance of them is but a charge and burthen, that keepeth man in perpetuall vnquiet, and the more he hath thereof, the lesse rest enioyeth he, and his life lesser assured vnto him.

Before the Voyages of Perou great riches might haue beene set vp in a small place, in stead Note. This French Author was a Romish Catholike, which yet speakes thus freely of the Spaniards. that in this our age by the abundance of Gold and siluer the same is come at no value nor esteeme. One hath need of huge Chests and Coffers to put in that, which a small Budget might haue contained. One might haue trauelled with a Purse in ones sleeue, and now a Cloke-bagge and a Horse must expresly be had for that purpose. Wee may iustly curse the houre that greedie Aua­rice did carrie the Spaniard into the West, for the wofull euents that haue ensued thereof. For 50 when I consider that by his greedinesse he hath kindled and maintayned the Warre thorow all Christendome, and his onely studie hath beene how to destroy his Neighbours (and not the Turke) I cannot thinke that any other but the Deuill hath beene the Authour of their Voy­ages. And let not the pretence of Religion be alleaged vnto mee: for (as wee haue said else­where) they haue killed all the of-spring of the Countrey with the most inhumane tor­ments that the Deuill hath beene able to excogitate. And by their cruelties haue rendred the Name of God odious, and a name of offence to those poore people, and haue continually and daily blasphemed him in the midst of the Gentiles as the Prophet reprocheth to the people Esay 52. vers. [...]. of Israel. W [...]nesse him that had rather bee damned, then goe to the Paradise of the Sp [...] ­niards, 60 &c. Hat [...]y. see sup. Cas [...]s. Diamonds.

Among these Copper Rockes there is found sometimes small Rockes couered with Diamonds fixed to them. I will not aflure them for fine, but that is very pleasing to the sight. There are also certaine shining blue stones, which are of no lesse value or worth than Turkie Stones. Turkie stones.

[Page 1622] Monsieur de Champdore our guide for the Nauigations in those Countries, hauing cut within a Rocke one of those stones, at his returne from New France hee brake it in two, and gaue one part of it to Monsieur de Monts, the other to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which they made tobe put in Gold, and were found worthy to be presented the one to the King by the said Poutrincourt, the other to the Queene by the said de Monts, and were very well accepted, I remember that a Goldsmith did offer fifteene Crownes to Monsieur de Poutrincourt for that hee presented to his Maiestie.

This Riuer is one of the fairest that may be seene, hauing store of Ilands, and swarming with S. Iohns Riuer. fishes. This last yeere 1608. thy said Monsieur de Champdore, with one of the said Monsieur de 1608. Monts his men, hath beene some fiftie leagues vp the said Riuer: and doe witnesse that there is great quantitie of Vines along the shoare, but the Grapes are not so bigge as they be in the Coun­trie Vines. 10 of the Armouchiquois: There are also Onions, and many other sorts of good hearbs. As for the Trees they are the fairest that may be seene. When wee were there wee saw great number Great Crapes among the Ar­mouchiquois Abundance of fishes. The commo­ditie of Voya­ging by the Riuer. of Cedar Trees. Concerning fishes the said Champdore hath related vnto vs, that putting the Kettle ouer fire, they had taken fish sufficient for their Dinner before that the water was hot. Moreouer this Riuer, stretching it selfe farre within the Lands of the Sauages doth maruellously shorten the long trauels by meanes thereof. For in sixe dayes they goe to Gashepe, comming to the Bay of Gulfe of Chaleur, or heate, when they are at the end of it, in carrying their Canowes some few leagues. And by the same Riuer in eight dayes they go to Tadoussac by a branch of the same which commeth from the North-west. In such sort that in Port Royall one may haue with­in fifteene or eighteene dayes newes from the Frenchmen, dwelling in the great Riuer of Canada, 20 by these wayes: which could not be done in one moneth by Sea, nor without danger.

Leauing Saint Iohns Riuer, they came following the Coast twentie leagues from that place, to The Ile of S. Croix tw [...]ntie leagues from S. Iohns Riuer. a great Riuer (which is properly Sea) where they fortified themselues in a little Iland seated in the middest of this Riuer, which the said Champleine had beene to discouer and view. And see­ing it strong by nature, and of easie defence and keeping, besides that the season beganne to slide away, and therefore it was behoouefull to prouide of lodging, without running any farther, they resolued to make their abode there.

As they began to visit and search the Iland, Monsieur de Champdore (of whom we shall hence­forth make mention, by reason he dwelt foure yeere in those parts, conducting the Voyages made there) was sent backe to the Bay of Saint Mary, with a Mine-finder, that had beene car­ried 30 thither for to get some Mynes of siluer and Iron, which they did. And as they had crossed Returne to the Bay of S. Mary, where the lost man was foūd againe. The Long Ile. Cheries. the French Bay, they entred into the said Bay of Saint Marie, by a narrow Straite or passage, which is betweene the Land of Port Royall, and an Iland called the Long Ile: where after some abode they going a fishing, Monsieur Aubri (the Priest before lost) perceiued them, and beganne with a feeble voice to call as loud as he could; and put his Handkercher, and his Hat on a staues end, which made him better to be knowne. During these sixteene daies hee fed himselfe but by (I know not what) small fruits, like vnto Cheries, without kernell (yet not so delicate) which are scarsly found in those Woods. They gaue him food by measure, and brought him backe a­gaine to the company at the Iland of Saint Croix, whereof euery one receiued an incredible ioy 40 and consolation.

Before we speake of the ships returne into France, it is meete to tell you how hard the Ile of The descripti­on of the Ile of Saint Croix. Saint Croix is to bee found out, to them that were neuer there. For there are so many Iles and great Bayes to goe by, before one be at it, that I wonder how euer one might pierce so farre for to finde it. There are three or foure Mountaines, imminent aboue the others, on the sides: But on the North side, from whence the Riuer runneth downe, there is but a sharpe pointed one, a­boue two leagues distant. The Woods of the maine Land are faire and admirable high and well growne, as in like manner is the grasse. There is right ouer against the Iland fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable, where diuers of Monsieur de Monts, his men did their businesse, and The fruitful­nesse of the soyle. builded there certaine Cabanes. As for the nature of the ground it is most excellent and most a­bundantly 50 fruitfull. For the said Monsieur de Monts, hauing caused there some piece of ground to bee tilled, and the same sowed with Rie (for I haue seene there no Wheate) hee was not able to tarrie for the maturitie thereof to reape it: and notwithstanding, the graine, fallen, hath growne and increased so wonderfully that two yeeres after we reaped and did gather of it as faire, bigge and weightie, as in France, which the soile had brought forth without any tillage: and yet at this present it doth continue still to multiply euery yeere. The said Iland containeth some halfe The Iland halfe a league in compasse. a league of circuit, and at the end of it on the Sea side, there is a Mount or small Hill, which is (as it were) a little Ile seuered from the other, where Monsieur de Monts his Canon was placed: There is also a lit [...]le Chappell built after the Sauage fashion. At the foot of which Chappell there is such store of Muscles as is wonderfull, which may bee gathered at low water, but they Store of Muscles. 60 are small.

Now let vs prepare and hoise vp sailes. Monsieur de Poutrincourt made the Voyage into these parts with some men of good sort, not to winter there, but as it were to seeke out his seate, and find out a Land that might like him. Which he hauing done, [...]ad no need to soiourne there any [Page 1623] longer. So then the ships being ready for the returne, he shipped himselfe, and those of his com­panie, in one of them. The returne of Monsieur du Poutrincourt into France, The building at the Ile of S. Croix.

During the foresaid Nauigation, Monsieur du Monts his people did worke about the Fort; which he seated at the end of the Iland, opposite to the place where he had lodged his Cannon. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command the Riuer vp and downe. But there was an inconuenience, the said Fort did lie towards the North, and without any shelter, but of the trees that were on the Ile shoare, which all about he commanded to be kept, and not cut downe.

The most vrgent things being done, and hoary snowy Father being come, that is to say, Win­ter, Three discom­modities in wintering at S. Croix. then they were forced to keepe within doores, and to liue euery one at his owne home: du­ring which time, our men had three speciall discommodities in this Iland, videlicet, want of 10 wood, (for that which was in the said Ile was spent in buildings) lacke of fresh water, and the continuall watch made by night, fearing some surprise from the Sauages, that had lodged them­selues at the foot of the said Iland, or some other enemie. For the malediction and rage of ma­ny Wickednesse of many Chri­stians. Christians is such, that one must take heed of them much more than of Infidels. A thing which grieueth me to speake: would to God I were a lyar in this respect, and that I had no cause to speake it! When they had need of water or wood, they were constrained to crosse ouer the Riuer, which is thrice as broad of euery side, as the Riuer of Seine. It was a thing painfull The Riuer of Roan. and tedious, in such sort, that it was needfull to keepe the Boat the whole day, before one might get those necessaries. In the meane while the cold and snowes came vpon them, and the Ice so strong, that the Sider was frozen in the vessels, and euery one his measure was giuen him Vnknown sick­nesses, viz. the Scorbute or Scuruie, the greatest plague of Nauigations and new Plan­tations, Forti­fications and Garrisons be­sieged, where want of fresh diet and of bo­dily labour, or too much la­bour and wat­ching, with grosse aires in the Countries ouergrowne with wood, or with marishes, bogs and vn­whol [...]ome wa­ters are chiefe breedersthere­of. The Author hath made a long discourse of this disease, the chiefe points whereof are here ex­pressed for the benefit of our English Colo­nies in America in which I doubt not ma­ny hundr [...]ds haue hereby perished. The number of the dead and sicke. Dangerous m [...]neths. The opening of a dead body. What food causeth the land disea [...]e. Bad waters. 20 out by weight. As for Wine it was distributed but at certaine dayes of the weeke. Many idle sluggish companions dranke snow-water, not willing to take the paines to crosse the Riuer. Briefly, the vnknowne sicknesses like to those described vnto vs by Iames Quartier, in his Rela­tion, assailed vs. For remedies there was none to bee found. In the meane while the poore sicke creatures did Ianguish, pining away by little and little, for want of sweet meates, as Milke or spoon-meate for to sustaine their stomackes which could not receiue the hard meates, by reason of let, proceeding from a rotten flesh which grew and ouer-abounded within their mouthes: and when one thought to root it out, it did growe againe in one nights space more abundantly than before. As for the tree called Annedda, mentioned by the said Quartier, the Sauages of these Lands knowe it not. So that it was most pitifull to behold euery one, very few excepted, in 30 this miserie, and the miserable sicke folkes to die, as it were full of life, without any possibilitie to be succoured. There died of this sicknesse thirty sixe, and thirty sixe or forty more that were stricken with it, recouered themselues by the helpe of the Spring, as soone as the comfortable season appeared. But the deadly season for that sicknesse is in the end of Ianuary, the moneths of February and March, wherein most commonly the sicke doe die, euery one at his turne, ac­cording to the time they haue begunne to be sicke: in such sort, that he which beganne to be ill in February and March, may escape, but he that shall ouer-haste himselfe, and betake him to his bed in December and Ianuary, he is in danger to die in February, March, or the beginning of Aprill.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt made a Negro to be opened, that died of that sicknesse in our Voy­age, 40 who was found to haue the inward parts very sound, except the stomacke, that had wrinkles, as though they were vlcered.

As for the food, this sicknesse is caused by cold meates, without iuyce, grosse and corrupted. One must then take heed of salt meates, smoaky, musty, raw, and of an euill sent, likewise of dried fishes, as New-found-Land fish, and stinking Rayes: Briefly, from all melancholy meates, which are of hard digesting, are easily corrupted, and breed a grosse and melancholy bloud. I would not (for all that) bee so scrupulous as the Physicians, which doe put in number of grosse and melancholy meates, Beeues flesh, Beares, wilde Boares and Hogs flesh (they might as well adde vnto them Beauers flesh, which notwithstanding wee haue found very good) as they doe amongst fishes the Tons, Dolphins, and all those that carrie Lard: among the birds, the Hernes, 50 Duckes, and all other water birds: for in being an ouer-curious obseruator of these things, one might fal into the danger of staruing, and to die for hunger. They place yet among the meats that are to be shunned Bisket, Beanes and Pulse, the often vsing of Milke, Cheese: the grosse and harsh Wine, and that which is too small, white Wine, and the vse of Vinegar: Beere which is not well sodden, nor well scummed, and that hath not Hoppes enough. Also waters that runne tho­row rotten wood, and those of Lakes and Bogges, still and corrupted waters, such as is much in Holland and Frizeland, where is obserued that they of Amsterdam are more subiect to Palsies and stifning of sinews, then they of Roterdam, for the abouesaid cause of still and sleepy waters: which besides doe ingender Dropsies, Dysenteries, Fluxes, quartaine Agues, and burning Feuers, swel­lings, vlcers of the Lights, shortnesse of breath, ruptures of children, swelling in the veines, 60 sores in the legges: finally, they wholly belong to the disease whereof we speake, being drawne by the Spleene, where they leaue all their corruption.

Sometimes this sicknesse doth also come by a vice which is euen in waters of running Foun­taines, as if they be among, or neere Bogges, or if they issue from a muddy ground, or from a [Page 1624] place that hath not the Sunnes aspect. So Plinie reciteth that in the Voyage which the Prince Caesar Germanicus made into Germanie, hauing giuen order to his Armie to passe the Riuer of Plin. li. 25. c. 3. Rhine, to the end to get still forward in the Countrie, he did set his campe on the Sea shoare, vp­on the coast of Frizeland, in a place where was but one onely Fountaine of fresh water to bee found, which notwithstanding was so pernicious, that all they that dranke of it lost their teeth in lesse than two yeeres space, and had their knees so weake and disioynted, that they could not beare themselues. Which is verily the sicknesse whereof wee speake, which the Physicians doe call Stomaccacè, that is to say, Mouthes sore; and Scelotyrbè, which is as much to say, as the sha­king Stomaccacè. Scelotyrbè. of thighs and legges. And it was not possible to finde any remedie, but by the meanes of an herbe called Britannica, or Scuruy grasse, which besides is very good for the sinewes, against Britannica, or Scuruy grasse, an herbe. 10 the sores and accidents in the mouth: against the Squinancie, and against the biting of Ser­pents. It hath long leaues, drawing in colour a darke greene, and produceth a blacke roote, from which liquor is drawne, as well as from the leafe. Strabo sayth, that the like case hap­pened Strabo. to the Armie that Aelius Gallus brought into Arabia, by the commission of Augustus the Emperour. And the l [...]ke also chanced to King Saint Lewes his Armie in Egypt, as the Lord Monsieur de Io [...]nuille. de Io [...]nuille reporteth Other effects of bad waters are seene neere vnto vs, to wit, in Sauoy, where the women (more than men, because they are of a colder constitution) haue commonly swel­lings in their throats, as bigge as Bottles. The Gouitres of Sauore. What aire is against health.

Next to waters, the aire is also one of the Fathers and Ingenderers of this sicknesse, in boggy and watrish places, and opposite to the South, which is most often rainy. But there is yet in New 20 France another bad qualitie of the aire, by reason of Lakes that be thicke there, and of the great rottennesse in the Woods, whose odour the bodies hauing drawne vp, during the raines of Au­tumne and Winter, easily are ingendred the corruptions of the mouth, and swelling in the legges before spoken, and a cold entreth vnsensibly into it, which benummeth the limbes, stifneth the sinewes, constraineth to creepe with crutches, and in the end, to keepe the bed. And for as much Windes. as the windes doe participate with the aire, yea are an aire running with a more vehement force than ordinary, and in this qualitie haue great power ouer the health and sicknesses of men. This noisome qualitie of winde proceedeth (in my iudgement) from the nature of the Coun­trie thorow which it passeth, which (as wee haue said) is full of Lakes, and those very great, which bee (as it were) standing and still waters. Whereto I adde the exhalation of the rotten­nesse of woods, that this winde bringeth, and that in so much greater quantitie, as the North-west 30 part is great, large and spacious.

The seasons are also to be marked in this disease, which I haue not seene nor heard of, that it Seasons. begins to worke, neither in the Spring time, Summer nor Autumne, vnlesse it be at the end of it, but it Winter. And the cause thereof is, that as the growing heate of the Spring maketh the humours closed vp in the Winter to disperse themselues to the extremities of the body, and so cleareth it from melancholy, and from the noisome humors that haue beene gathered in Winter: so the Autumne, as the Winter approacheth, draweth them inward, and doth nourish this me­lancholy and blacke humour, which doth abound specially in this season, and the Winter being come sheweth forth his effects at the costs and griefe of the poore patients. 40

I would adde willingly to all the aforesaid causes the bad food of the Sea, which in a long Voi­age Bad food and di commodi­ties of the Sea. Aduice for the sicknesses of New France. brings much corruption in mans body. This sicknesse proceeding from an indigestion of rude, grosse, cold and melancholy meates, which offend the stomacke, I thinke it good (submitting my selfe to better iudgement and aduice) to accompany them with good sawces, be it of Butter, Oyle, or Fat, all well spiced, to correct as well the qualitie of the meate, as of the bodie in­wardly waxen cold. Let this be said for rude and grosse meates, as Beanes, Pease, and fish: for he that shall eate good Capons, good Partridges, good Ducks, and good Rabets, may be assured of his health, or else his body is of a bad constitution. We haue had some sick, that haue (as it were) raised vp [...]rom death to life: for hauing eaten twice or thrice of a coolice made of a Cocke, good Wine Good Wine. taken according to the necessitie of nature, is a soueraigne preseruatiue for all sicknesses, and parti­cularly for this. The young buds of herbs in the Spring time be also very soueraigne. Herbes in the Spring time. 50

And as for that which concerneth the exteriour parts of the body, we haue found great good in wearing woodden Pantaphles, or Patins with our shooes, for to auoide the moistnesse. The houses neede no opening nor windowes on the North-west side, being a winde very dange­rous: but rather on the East side, or the South. It is very good to haue good bedding (and it was good for mee to haue carried things necessary co this purpose) and aboue all to keepe him­selfe neate. I would like well the vse of Stoues, such as they haue in Germanie, by meanes whereof they feele no Winter, being at home, but as much as they please. Yea, they haue of Stoues. Stoues in Gardens. Such I haue seene at Beddington in Surrie. at Sir Nicolas Carews. The sweatings of the Sauages them in many places, in their Gardens, which doe so temper the coldnesse of Winter, that in this rough and sharpe season there one may see Orange-trees, Lymmon-trees, Fig-trees, Pom­granat-trees, 60 and all such sorts of trees, bring forth fruit as good as in Prouence.

The Sauages vse sweatings often, as it were euery moneth, and by this meanes they preserue themselues, driuing out by sweate all the cold and euill humours they might haue gathered. But one singular preseruatiue against this perfidious sicknesse, which commeth so stealingly, and [Page 1625] which hauing once lodged it selfe within vs, will not bee put out, is to follow the counsell of him that is wife amonst the wise, who hauing considered all the afflictions that man giue to A merry heart a principall preseruatiue against the Scuruie. Eccles. 3. 12, 22. Meanes of mirth. himselfe during his life, hath found nothing better then to reioyce himselfe, and doe good, [...] take pleasure in his owne workes. They that haue done so, in our companie, haue found themse [...]s well by it: contrariwise some alwaies grudging, repining, neuer content, idle, haue beene found out by the same disease. True it is, that for to enioy mirth it is good to haue the sweetnesse of fresh meates, Fleshes, Fishes, Milke, Butter, Oyles, Fruits, and such like, which wee had not at will (I meane the common sort: for alwaies some one, or other of the companie did furnish Mon­sieur de Poutrincourt, his Table with Wilde-fowle, Venison or fresh Fish) And if wee had halfe a dozen Kine, I beleeue that no body had died there. 10

It resteth a preseruatiue, necessary for the accomplishment of mirth, and to the end one may take pleasure on the worke of his hands is euery one to haue the honest companie of his law­full Necessiti [...] of hauing women into the Coun­trey. wife: for without that, the cheere is neuer perfect; ones minde is alwaies vpon that which one loues and desireth; there is still some sorrow, the body becomes full of ill humours, and so the sicknesse doth breed. And for the last and soueraigne remedie, I send backe the Patient to the tree of life (for so one may well qualifie it) which Iames Quartier doth call Anneda, yet vn­knowne Tree of life. Sasafras. Monsieur Cham­plain is now this present yeere 1609. in Canada. in the coast of Port Royall, vnlesse it bee, peraduenture the Sasafras, whereof there is quantitie in certaine places. And it is an assured thing, that the said tree is very excellent. But Monsieur Champlain, who is now in the great Riuer of Canada, passing his Winter, in the same part, where the said Quartier did winter, hath charge to finde it out, and to make proui­sion 20 thereof.

THe rough season being passed, Monsieur de Monts, wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix, determined to seeke out another Port in a warmer Countrie, and more to the South: The discoueric of new Lands by Monsieur de Monts: fabu­lous tales and reports of the Riuer and fai­ned Towne of Norombega. Kinibeki s [...]xty leagues from S. Croix. And to that end made a Pinnace to bee armed and furnished with victuals, to follow the coast, and discouering new Countries, to seeke out some happier Port in a more temperate aire. Hee made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues, as wee will tell you now. From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward, the coast lieth East and West: at the end of which sixty leagues is a Riuer, called by the Sauages Kinibeki. From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South, and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues, in right line, not follow­ing 30 the Bayes. So farre stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage, wherein hee had for Pilot in his Vessell, Monsieur de Champdore. In all this Coast so farre as Kinibeki, there are ma­ny places where shippes may bee harboured amongst the Ilands, but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that: And there is no remarkable thing (at least that may bee seene in the outside of the Lands) but a Riuer, whereof many haue written fables one after another.

I will recite that which is in the last Booke, intituled, The vniuersall Historie of the West In­dies, Printed at Douay the last yeere 1607. in the place where hee speaketh of Norombega: For in reporting this, I shall haue also said that which the first haue written, from whom they haue had it.

Moreouer, towards the North (sayth the Authour, after hee had spoken of Virginia) is Norom­bega, Fabulous [...]ales of the Riuer Norombega. 40 which is knowne well enough, by reason of a faire Towne, and a great Riuer, though it is not found from whence it hath his name: for the Barbarians doe call it Aguncia: At the mouth of this Riuer there is an Iland very fit for fishing. The Region that goeth along the Sea, doth abound in fish, and towards New France there is great number of wilde beasts, and is very commodious for hun­ting; the Inhabitants doe liue in the same manner as they of New France.

If this beautifull Towne hath euer beene in nature, I would faine knowe who hath pulled it downe: For there is but Cabins heere and there made with pearkes, and couered with barkes of trees, or with skinnes, and both the Riuer and the place inhabited is called Pempte­goet, Pemptegoet. and not Agguncia. The Riuer (sauing the tide) is scarce as the Riuer on that coast, be­cause there are not Lands sufficient to produce them, by reason of the great Riuer of Cana­da, 50 which runneth like this coast, and is not fourescore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands, which from else-where receiued many Riuers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega: At the entrie whereof, it is so farre from hauing but one I­land, that rather the number thereof is almost infinite, for as much as this Riuer enlar­ging it selfe like the Greeke Lambda [...], the mouth whereof is all full of Iles, whereof there is one of them lying very farre off (and the formost) in the Sea, which is high and markable aboue the others.

But some will say that I equiuocate in the situation of Norombega, and that it is not placed where I take it. To this I answer, that the Author, whose words I haue a little before alleaged, is in Obiection. Answer. this my sufficient warrant, who in his Geographicall Mappe, hath placed in the mouth of this 60 Riuer in the 44. degree, and his supposed Towne in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree, which is a small matter. For the Riuer that I meane is in the 45. degree, and as for any Towne, there is none. Now of necessity it must be this riuer, because that the same being passed, and that of Kinibeki, (which is in the same higth) there is no other Riuer forward, whereof account should be [Page 1626] made, till one come to Virginia. I say furthermore, that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega doe liue as they of new France, and haue abundance of hunting, it must be, that their Prouince be sea­ [...] our new France; for fiftie leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game, be­c [...]e the woods are thinner there, and the Inhabitants setled, and in greater number then in No­rombega.

The Riuer of Norombega being passed, Monsieur de Monts went still coasting, vntill he came Kinibeki. to Kinibeki, where a Riuer is that may shorten the way to goe to the great Riuer of Canada. There is a number of Sauages Cabined there, and the land beginneth there to be better peopled. From Kinibeki going farther, one findeth the Bay of Marchin, named by the Captaine his name that The Bay of Marchin. 1607. Ch [...]koet. The ground manured. Vines. commandeth therein. This Marchin was killed the yeare that we parted from New France 10 1607. Farther is another Bay called Chouakoet, where (in regard of the former Countries) is a great number of people: for there they till the ground, and the region beginneth to be more temperate, and for proofe of this, there is in this land store of Vines. Yea, euen there be I­lands full of it (which be more subiect to the iniuries of the winde and cold) as we shall say here­after. There is betweene Chouakoet and Malebarre many Bayes and Iles, and the Coast is sandy, with shallow ground, drawing neere to the said Malebarre, so that scarce one may land there Malebarre. with Barkes.

The people that be from Saint Iohns Riuer to Kinibeki (wherein are comprised the Riuers of Etechemins. Saint Croix and Norombega) are called Etechemins. And from Kinibeki as farre as Malebarre, and farther, they are called Armouchiquois. They be traitors and theeues, and one had neede to take The Armouchi­quois traitours and theeues. Th [...] swiftnesse of the Armou­chiquois. 20 heede of them. One of them from a man of Saint Malos tooke a Kettell, and ran away speedi­ly with his bootie. The Malouin running after, was killed by this wicked people: and al­though the same had not hapned, it was in vaine to pursue after this theefe; for all these Armou­chiquois are as swift in running as Grayhounds; as we will yet further say in speaking of the voi­age that Monsieur de Poutrincourt made in the same Country, in the yeare 1606.

The Spring season being passed in the Voyage of the Armouchiquois, Mounsieur du Pont, sur­named The arriuall of Monsieur du Point. 1605. Graue, dwelling at Honfleur, did arriue with a company of some forty men, for to ease the said Monsieur de Monts and his troope, which was to the great ioy of all, as one may well ima­gine: and Canon shots were free and plentifull at the comming, according to custome, and the sound of Trumpets. The said Monsieur du Pont, not knowing yet the state of our French men, did thinke to finde there an assured dwelling, and his lodgings ready: but considering the accidents 30 of the strange sicknesse, whereof we haue spoken, he tooke aduice to change place. Monsieur de Monts was very desirous that the new habitation had beene about 40. degrees, that is to say 4. de­grees farther then Saint Croix: but hauing viewed the Coast as farre as Malebarre, and with much paine, not finding what he desired, it was deliberated to goe and make their dwelling in Port Royall, vntill meanes were had to make an ampler discouery. So euery one began to packe Transmigrati­on from S. Croix to Port Royal. vp his things: That which was built with infinite labour was pulled downe, except the Store­house, which was too great and painefull to be transported, and in executing of this, many voy­ages are made. All being come to Port Royal they found out new labours: the abiding place is chosen right ouer against the Iland, that is at the comming in of the Riuer L'Esquilie, in a place New buildings where all is couered ouer, and full of woods as thicke as possibly may be. The Moneth of Sep­tember 40 did already begin to come, and care was to be taken for the vnlading of Monsieur du Pont his Ship, to make roome for them that should returne backe into France. Finally, there is worke enough for all. When the Ship was in a readinesse to put to sailes, Monsieur de Monts hauing seene the beginning of the new habitation, shipped himselfe for his returne with them that would follow him. Notwithstanding many of good courage (forgetting the griefes and labours passed) did tarry behinde, amongst whom were Monsieur Champlaine and Monsieur Champdore, the one for Geographie, and the other for the conducting and guiding of the voiages that should be necessary to be made by Sea.

The Winter being come, the Sauages of the Countrey did assemble themselues, from farre to Trafficke with the Sauages. Beuers Otters, and Stags. Tabaguia is a sauage tearme, signifying ban­ket. Port Royall, for to trucke with the Frenchmen, for such things as they had, some bringing Beauers 50 skins, and Otters (which are those whereof most account may be made in that place) and also Ellans or Stagges, whereof good buffe be made: Others bringing flesh newly killed, wherewith they made many good Tabagies, or feasts, liuing merrily as long as they had wherewithall. They neuer wanted any Bread, but Wine did not continue with them till the season was ended. For when we came thither the yeare following, they had beene aboue three Moneths with­out any Wine, and were very glad of our comming, for that made them to take againe the taste of it.

The greatest paine they had, was to grinde the Corne to haue Bread, which is very painfull with hand-mils, where all the strength of the body is requisite. This labour is so great, that the Hand Mils. 60 Sauages (although they be very poore) cannot beare it, and had rather to be without bread, then to take so much paines, as hath beene tried, offering them halfe of the grinding they should doe, but they choosed rather to haue no corne. And I might well beleeue that the same, with other things, hath beene great meanes to breede the sicknesse spoken of, in some of Monsieur [Page 1627] du Pont his men: for there died some halfe a dozen of them that winter. True it is, that I finde a The number of the dead. Fault in their buildings. defect in the buildings of our Frenchmen, which is, they had no ditches about them, whereby the waters of the ground next to them did run vnder their lower-most roomes, which was a great hindrance to their health. I adde besides the bad waters which they vsed, that did not run from a quicke spring, but from the neerest brooke.

The winter being passed, and the Sea nauigable, Monsieur du Pont would needes atchieue the The furniture of Monsieur du Pont to goe to the discouery of new lands. enterprise begun the yeare before by Monsieur de Monts, and to goe seeke out a Port more Sou­therly, where the ayre might be more temperate, according as he had in charge of the said Mon­sieur de Monts. He furnished then the Barke which remained with him to that effect. But be­ing set out of the Port, and full ready, hoisted vp sailes for Malebarre, he was forced by contra­ry winde twice to put backe againe, and at the third time the said Barke strake against the rocks The wracke of their Barke. 10 at the entry of the said Port. In this disgrace of Neptune, the men were saued with the better part of prouision and merchandise; but as for the Barke it was rent in peeces. And by this mishap the Voyage was broken, and that which was so desired intermitted. For the habitation of Port Royall was not iudged good. And notwithstanding it is, on the North and North-west sides, well sheltered with Mountaines, distant some one league, some halfe a league from the Port and Causes of de­lay in establish ing the dwel­ling place of the Frenchmen. the Riuer L'Esquelle. So we see how that enterprises take not effect according to the desires of men, and are accompanied with many perils. So that one must not wonder if the time be long in establishing of Colonies, specially in lands so remote, whose nature, and temperature of aire is not knowne, and where one must fell and cut downe Forrests, and be constrained to take heed, not from the people we call Sauages, but from them that tearme themselues Christians, and yet 20 haue but the name of it, cursed and abhominable people, worse then Wolues, enemies to God and humane nature.

This attempt then being broken, Monsieur du Pont knew not what to doe, but to attend the succour and supply that Monsieur de Monts promised parting from Port Royall, at his return into France, to send him the yeare following. Yet for all euents he built another Barke and a Shal­lop for to seeke French Ships in the places where they vse to dry fish, such as Campsean Port, Eng­lish Port, Misamichis Port: the Bay of Chaleur (or Heat) the Bay of Morues or Coddes, and o­thers in great number, according as Monsieur de Monts had done the former yeare, to the end to Ship himselfe in them, and to returne into France, in case that no Shippe should come to suc­cour him. 30

ABout the time of the before mentioned Shipwracke, Monsieur de Monts being in France, The third voy­age made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt. knowing Monsieur de Poutrincourt his desire, he wrote vnto him, and sent a man of purpose to giue him notice of the Voyage that was in hand. Which the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt ac­cepted of. He was no sooner come to Paris, but that he was forced to depart, not hauing scarse time to prouide for things necessary. And I hauing had that good hap to be acquainted with him some yeares before, he asked me if I would take part in that businesse?

Being come to Rochell, we found there Monsieur de Monts, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, that were come in Poste, and our Ship called the Ionas, of the burthen of one hundred and fiftie tuns, ready to passe out of the chaines of the Towne, to tarry for winde and tide. The tyde I say, be­cause Rochel. 40 that a great Ship laden, cannot come to sea from Rochell, but in spring tydes, vpon the new and full Moone, by reason that in the Towne roade there is no sufficient depth. I beleeue, that after so many trials, none would haue ventured to goe plant Colonies in those parts, that Coun­trey being so ill spoken of, that euery one did pittie vs, considering the accidents happened to The courage of Monsieur de Monts and his associates. them that had beene there before. Notwithstanding Monsieur de Monts and his associates, did beare manfully this losse.

The Saturday, Whitson eue, the thirteenth of May, we weied our anckers, and sailed in o­pen Sea, so that by little and little we lost the sight of the great Towers and Towne of Rochell, 13. of May 1606. then of the Iles of Rez and Oleron, bidding France fare-well. It was a thing fearefull for them that were not vsed to such a dance, to see them carried vpon so moueable an element, and to be 50 at euery monent (as it were) within two fingers breadth to death. We had not long sailed, but Meetings of Ships. that many did their endeuour to yeelde vp the tribute to Neptune. In the meane while we went still forward, for there was no more going backe, the planke being once taken vp. The sixteenth of May we met with thirteene Holanders, going for Spaine, which did inquire of our voiage, and so held their course.

About the eighteenth day of Iune, we found the Sea-water, during three dayes space, very warme, and by the same warmth, our Wine also was warme in the bottome of our Ship, yet the ayre was not hotter then before. And the one and twentieth of the said Moneth, quite contra­ry, Great cold. we were two or three dayes so much compassed with Mistes and Coldes, that wee thought 60 our selues to be in the moneth of Ianuary, and the water of the Sea was extreame cold. Which The reason of this Antiperi­st [...]s [...], and the cause o [...] the I­ces of New­sound land. continued with vs vntill we came vpon the said Banke, by reason of the said Mists, which out­wardly did procure this cold vnto vs. When I seeke out the cause of this Antiperistase, I attribute it to the Ices of the North, which come floting downe vpon the Coast and Sea adioyning to [Page 1628] New-sound-Land, and Labrador, which we haue said elsewhere, is brought thither with the Sea, by her naturall motion, which is greater there, then elsewhere, because of the great space it hath to run, as in a gulfe, in the depth of America, where the natuee and situation of the vniuersall earth doth beare it easily. Now these Ices (which sometimes are seene in bankes of ten leagues length, and as high as Mountaines and hils, and thrice as deepe in the waters) holding, as it were, an Empire in this Sea, driue out farre from them, that which is contrary to their coldnesse, and consequently doe binde and close on this side, that small quantity of milde temperature that the Summer may bring to that part, where they come to seate and place themselues.

Before we come to the Banke, which is the great Banke where the fishing of greene Cod-fishes Warnings neerethe great Banke. Birds called by Frenchmen, Godes, Fou­quets, Hapfoies is made (so are they called when they are not dry, for one must goealand for the drying of 10 them) the Sea-faring-men, besides the computation they make of their course, haue warnings when they come neere to it, by Birds, which are knowne: euen as one doth them of these our parts, returning backe into France, when one is within one hundred or one hundred and twenty leagues neere it. The most frequent of these Birds, towards the said Bankes, be Godes, Fou­quets, and other called Happe-foyes.

The Banke whereof we speake, are Mountaines grounded in the depth of the waters, which are raised vp to thirty, six and thirty, and forty fathams, neere to the vpper face of the Sea. This Banke is holden to be of two hundred leagues in length, and is eighteene, twenty, and twenty foure leagues broad, which being passed, there is no more bottome found out, then in these parts, vntill one come to the land. The Ships being there arriued, the sailes are rowled vp, and there 20 fishing is made for the greene-fish. There is farther off, other Bankes, as I haue marked in the said Map, vpon the which good fishing may be made: and many goe thither that know the pla­ces. When that we parted from Rochel, there was (as it were) a Forrest of Ships lying at Chef de Bois (whereof that place hath taken his name) which went all in a company to that Coun­try, preuenting vs (in their going) but onely of two daies.

Hauing seene and noted the Banke, we hoisted vp sailes and bare all night, keeping still our The fishing of Cod. Coast to the West. But the dawne of day being come, which was Saint Iohn Baptists Eue', in Gods name we pulled downe the sailes, passing that day a fishing of Cod-fish, with a thou­sand mirths and contentments, by reason of fresh meates, whereof we had as much as we would, hauing long before wished for them. Monsieur de Poutrincourt, and a yong man of Retel named 30 Le Fleure, who by reason of the Sea-sicknesse were not come out from their beds nor Cabines, from the beginning of the Nauigation, came vpon the hatches that day, and had the pleasure Hap-foyes, why so called. not onely of fishing of Cod, but also of those Birds, that be called by the French Marriners Hap-foyes, that is to say, Liuer-catchers, because of their greedinesse to deuoure to liuers of the Cod-fishes that are cast into the Sea, after their bellies be opened, whereof they are so couetous, that though they see a great Powle ouer their heads, ready to strike them downe, yet they aduenture themselues to come neere to the Ship, to catch some of them, at what price soeuer. And they which were not occupied in fishing, did passe their time in that sport. And so did they, by their diligence, that we tooke some thirty of them.

In this fishing, we sometimes did take Sea-dogs, whose skins our Ioyners did keepe carefully 40 to smooth their worke withall. Item, fishes called by Frenchmen Merlus, which be better then Sea dogs skins Cod, and sometimes another kinde of fish, called Bars: which diuersity did augment our de­light. They which were not busie in taking neither Fishes nor Birds, did passe their time in ga­thering the hearts, guts, and other inward parts (most delicate) of the Cod-fish, which they did Excellent saw­siges made with the in­wards of Cod. mince with lard and spices, and with those things did make as good Bolonia Sausiges, as any can be made in Paris, and we did eate of them with a very good stomacke.

From the eighteenth of Iune vntill we did arriue at Port Royal, we haue found the weather quite otherwise to that we had before. For (as we haue already said) we had cold mists or fogs, The weather in those Se [...]s contrary then in ours. before our comming to the Banke (where we came in faire sunshine) but the next day, we fell to the fogs againe, which (a farre off) we might perceiue to come and wrap vs about, holding vs 50 continually prisoners three whole dayes, for two dayes of faire weather that they permitted vs: which was alwayes accompanied with cold, by reason of the Summers absence. Yea euen diuers The causes of Mists on the West Seas. we haue seene our selues a whole sennight, continually in thicke fogges, twice without any shew of Sunne, but very little, as I will recite hereafter. And I will bring forth a reason for such effects which seemeth vnto me probable. As wee see the fire to draw the moistnesse of a wet cloth, opposite vnto it; likewise the Sunne draweth moistnesse and vapours both from the Sea and from the land. But for the dissoluing of them, there is here one vertue, and beyond those parts another, according to the accidents and circumstances that are found. In these our Coun­tries it raiseth vp vapours onely from the ground, and from our Riuers: which earthly vapours, grosse and waighty, and participating lesse of the moist ellement, doe cause vs a hot aire, and the 60 earth discharged of those vapours, becomes thereby more hot and parching. From thence it com­meth, that the said vapours, hauing the earth on the one p [...]rt, and the Sunne on the other, which heateth them, they are easily dissolued, not remaining long in the ayre, vnlesse it be in winter. when the earth is waxen cold, and the Sunne beyond the Equinoctiall line. farre off from v [...] [Page 1629] From the same reason proceedeth the cause why Mists and Fogs be not so frequent, nor so long in the French Seas, as the New-found-land, because that the Sunne, passing from his rising, aboue the grounds, this Sea, at the comming thereof, receiueth almost but earthly vapours, and by a long space retaineth this vertue to dissolue very soone the exhalation it draweth to it selfe. But when it commeth to the middest of the Ocean, and to the said New-found-land, hauing eleuated and as­sumed in so long a course a great abundance of vapours, from this moist wide Ocean, it doth not so easily dissolue them, as well because those vapours be cold of themselues, and of their nature, as because the element which is neerest vnder them, doth simpathize with them, and preserueth them, and the Sunne beames being not holpen in the dissoluing of them, as they are vpon the earth. Which is euen seene in the land of that Countrie, which (although it hath but small 10 heate, by reason of the abundance of woods) notwithstanding it helpeth to disperse the Mists and Fogges, which be ordinarily there, in the morning, during Summer, but not as at Sea, for about eight a clocke in the morning they begin to vanish away, and serue as a dew to the ground.

The eight and twentieth day of Iune, we found our selues vpon a small banke (other then the great Banke whereof we haue spoken) at forty fathams. From that time forward, we began to Land makes. The discouery of S. Peters I­lands. Plaine disco­uery of the Land. descry land-markes (it was New-found-land) by hearbes, mosses, flowers, and peeces of wood, that we alwaies met, abounding the more, by so much wee drew neere to it. The fourth day of Iuly, our sailers, which were appointed for the last quarter watch, descried in the morning, ve­ry early, euery one being yet in bed, the Iles of Saint Peter. And the Friday the seuenth of the 20 said Moneth, we discouered, on the Larboord, a Coast of land, high raised vp. Euen our Dogs did [...]hrust their noses out of the Ship, better to draw and smell the sweet ayre of the land, not being able to containe themselues from witnessing, by their gestures, the ioy they had of it. We dre [...] within a league neere vnto it, and (the sailes being let downe) we fell a fishing of Cod, the fi [...]g of the Banke beginning to faile, They which had before vs made voyages in those parts, did [...]udge vs to be at Cape Breton. The night drawing on, we stood off to the Sea-ward: the Cap. Breton. The Bay of Campseau. Eight daies. next day following, being the eight of the said moneth of Iuly, as we drew neere to the Bay of Campseau, came, about the euening, mists, which did continue eight whole dayes, during the which we kept vs at Sea, hulling still, not being able to goe forward, being resisted by West and South-west windes. During these eight dayes, which were from one Saturday to another, God 30 (who hath alwayes guided these voyages, in the which not one man hath been lost by Sea) shew­ed Gods fauour in danger. vs; his speciall fauour, in sending vnto vs, among the thicke fogges, a clearing of the Sunne, which continued but halfe an houre: And then had we sight of the firme land, and knew that we were ready to be cast away vpon the rockes, if wee had not speedily stood off to Sea-ward. Finally, vpon Saturday, the fifteenth of Iuly, about two a clocke in the afterdoone, the skie be­gan to salute vs, as it were, with Cannon shots, shedding teares, as being sorry to haue kept vs Calm weather. so long in paine. So that faire weather being come againe, we saw comming straight to vs (we being foure leagues off from the land) two Shallops with open sailes, in a Sea yet wrathed. This Morueilous o­dours com­ming from the land. thing gaue vs much concent. But whilst we followed on our course, there came from the land od [...]rs vncomparable for sweetnesse, brought with a warme winde, so abundantly, that all the 40 Orient parts could not procure greater abundance. We did stretch out our hands, as it were to take them, so palpable were they, which I haue admired a thousand times since. Then the two Shallops did approach, the one manned with Sauages, who had a Stagge painted at their sailes, The boording of two Shallops the other with Frenchmen of Saint Maloes, which made their fishing at the Port of Camseau, but the Sauages were more diligent, for they arriued first. Hauing neuer seene any before, I did ad­mire, at the first sight, their faire shape, and forme of visage. One of them did excuse himselfe, for The Sauages goodly men. that he had not brought his faire beuer gowne, because the weather had beene foule. He had but one red peece of Frize vpon his backe, and Matachiaz about his necke, at his wrists, aboue the Matachiaz be carkanets, nek­laces bracelets and wrought girdles. During the mists at Sea, it is faire wether on land. elbow, and at his girdle. We made them to eate and drinke. During that time they told vs all that had passed, a yeare before, at Port Royal whither we were bound. In the meane while they of Saint Maloe came, and told vs as much as the Sauages had. Adding that the wednesday, when that we did shun the rockes, they had seene vs, and would haue come to vs with the said Saua­ges, 50 but that they left off, by reason we put to the Sea: and more ouer that it had beene alwayes faire weather on the land: which made vs much to maruell: but the cause thereof hath beene shewed before. These Frenchmen of Saint Maloe were men that did deale for the associates of Monsieur de Monts, and did complaine that the Baskes, or men of Saint Iohn de Lus (against the King his Inhibitions) had trucked with the Sauages, and carried away aboue six thousand Bea­uers skins. They gaue vs sundry sorts of their fishes, as Bars, Marl [...]s, and great Fletans.

At the parting, some number of ours went aland at the Port of Campseau, as well to fetch vs The departing of some of our company, go­ing al [...]nd. The Sauages do traueli much way in small time. some wood and fresh water, whereof we had neede, as for to follow the Coast from that place to Port Royall in a Shallop, for we did feare least Monsieur de Pont should be at our comming thi­ther 60 already gone from thence. The Sauages made [...]ff [...]r to goe to him thorow the woods, with promise to be there within six dayes, to aduertise him of our comming, to the end to cause his stay, for as much as word was left with him to depart, vnlesse hee were succoured within the [Page 1630] sixteenth day of that moneth, which he failed not to doe: notwithstanding our men desirous to see the Land neerer, did hinder the same which promised vs to bring vnto vs the next day the said wood and water, if wee would approach neere the Land, which wee did not, but followed on our course.

Tuesday the seuenteenth of Iuly, wee were according to our accustomed manner, surprized Mists. Calmes. with mists and contrarie wind. But the Thursday wee had calme weather, so that whether it were mist or faire weather wee went nothing forward. After this calme wee had two dayes of Port [...]u Rossig­noll. Port au Mou­ton. fogges. The Sunday the three and twentieth of the said moneth, wee had knowledge of the Port Du Rossignoll, and the same day in the afternoone, the Sunne shining faire, we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port du Mouton, and we were in danger to fall vpon a shoald, being come to two fathomes and a halfe depth. We went aland seuenteene of vs in number, to fetch the wood and [...]hat growes [...] the Land at Port [...]u Mou­ton. 10 water, whereof we had need. There we found the Cabins and Lodgings, yet whole and vnbro­ken, that Monsieur de Monts made two yeeres before, who had soiourned there by the space of one moneth, as we haue said in his place. We saw there, being a sandy Land, store of Okes, bea­ring Acornes, Cypresse-trees, Firre-trees, Bay-trees, Muske-roses, Goose-berries, Purslen, Ras­pies, Fernes, Lysimachia, (a kind of Sammonee) Calamus odoratus, Angelica, and other Simples, in the space of two houres that wee tarried there. Wee brought backe in our ship wilde Peaze, which we found good. We had not the leisure to hunt after Rabets that be there in great num­ber, not farre from the Port, but we returned aboord as soone as we had laden our selues with wa­ter and wood: and so hoised vp sailes.

Tuesday the fiue and twentieth day we were about the Cap de Sable, in faire weather, and 20 made a good iourney, for about the euening we came to sight of Long Ile, and the Bay of Saint Le Cap de Sable. Long Iland. The Bay S. Mary. The arriuing to Port Royall. Marie, but because of the night we put back to the Seaward. And the next day we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port Royall, where wee could not enter by reason it was ebbing water, but we gaue two Canon shot from our ship to salute the said Port, and to aduertize the Frenchmen that we were there.

Thursday the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, we came in with the floud, which was not with­out much difficultie, for that we had the wind contrarie, and gusts of wind from the Mountains, Difficulties in comming in. which made vs almost to strike vpon the Rockes. And in these troubles our ship bare still con­trarie, the Poope before, and sometimes turned round, not being able to do any other thing else. Finally, being in the Port, it was vnto vs a thing maruellous to see the faire distance and large­nesse The beautie of the Port. 30 of it, and the Mountaines and Hils that inu [...]roned it, and I wondred how so faire a place did remayne desert, being all filled with Woods, seeing that so many pine away in the World, which might make good of this Land, if onely they had a chiefe Gouernour to conduct them thither. We knew not yet, if Monsieur du Pont was gone or no, and therefore wee did expect that hee should send some men to meete vs; but it was in vaine: for hee was gone from thence twelue dayes before. And whilest we did hull in the middest of the Port Membertou, the grea­test Sagamos of the Souriquois (so are the people called with whom we were) came to the French Sagamos signi­fieth Captaine Fort, to them that were left there, being only two, crying as a mad man, saying in his Language; What! You stand here a dining (for it was about noone) and doe not see a great ship that com­meth here; and we know not what men they are: Suddenly these two men ranne vpon the 40 Bulwarke, and with diligence made readie the Canons, which they furnished with Pellets and touch Powder. Membertou, without delay, came in a Canow made of barkes of trees, with a Daughter of his, to view vs: And hauing found but friendship, and knowing vs to be French­men, made no alarme. Notwithstanding one of the two Frenchmen left there, called La Taille, came to the shoare of the Port, his match on the cocke, to know what we were (though he knew it well enough, for we had the white Banner displayed at the top of the Mast) and on the sudden foure volley of Canons were shot off, which made innumerable echoes: And from our part, the Fort was saluted with three Canon shots, and many Musket shots, at which time our Trumpe­ter was not slacke of his dutie. Then we landed, viewed the house, and we passed that day in gi­uing 50 God thankes, in seeing the Sauages Cabins, and walking thorow the Medowes. But I can­not but praise the gentle courage of these two men, one of them I haue alreadie named, the other Praises of the two Frenchmen le [...]t alone in Fort of Port Royall. is called Miquelet: which deserue well to be mentioned here, for hauing so freely exposed their liues in the conseruation of the welfare of New France. For Monsieur du Pont hau [...]ng but one Barke and a Shallop, to seeke out towards New-found-land, for French shippes, could not charge himselfe with so much furniture, Corne, Meate, and Merchandises as were there; which he had bin forced to cast into the Sea (and which had bin greatly to our preiudice, and we did feare it ve­ry much) if these two men had not aduentured themselues to tarrie there, for the preseruing of those things, which they did with a willing and ioyfull minde.

The Friday, next day after our arriuall, Monsieur de Poutrincourt affected to this Enterprize, The tilling of the ground. as for himselfe, put part of his people to worke in the tillage and manuring of the ground, 60 whilest the others were employed in making cleane of the Chambers, and euery one to make readie that which belonged to his Trade. In the meane time those people of ours that had left The meeting with Monsieur du Pont. vs at Campseau, to come along the Coast, met (as it were miraculously) with Monsieur du Pont, [Page 1631] among Ilands, that bee in great number in those parts. The said Monsieur du Po [...]t, at this hap­pie and fortunate meeting, returned backe to see vs in the Port Royall, and to ship himselfe in the Ionae, to returne into France. As this chance was beneficiall vnto him, so was it vnto vs, by the meanes of his ships that hee left with vs. For without that, wee had beene in such extremitie that we had not beene able to goe nor come any where, our ship being once returned into France. Hee arriued there, on Monday the last of Iuly, and tar [...]ied yet in Port Royall, vntill the eight and twenty of August. All this moneth we made merry.

At the very beginning, we were desirous to see the Countrie vp the Riuer, where wee found Medowes, almost continuall aboue twelue leagues of ground, among which, brookes doe runne without number, which come from the Hills and Mountaines adioyning. The Woods very 10 thicke on the water shoares, and so thicke, that sometimes, one cannot goe thorow them. In the passage to come forth from the same Fort, for to goe to Sea, there is a Brooke, which fal­leth from the high Rockes downe, and in falling disperseth it selfe into a small raine, which is very delightfull in Summer, because that at the foote of the Rocke there are Caues, wherein one is couered, whilest that this raine falleth so pleasantly: And in the Caue (wherein the raine of this Brooke falleth) is made, as it were, a Rain-bowe, when the Sunne shineth: which hath The forme of a Rain-bow vn­der a Caue. giuen me great cause of admiration.

Within fifteene leagues of our dwelling, the Countrey, thorow which the Riuer L'Equille passeth, is all plaine and euen. I haue seene in those parts many Countries, where the land is all euen, and the fairest of the world. But the perfection thereof is, that it is well watered. 20 And for witnesse whereof, not onely in Port Royall, but also in all New France, the great Riuer of Canada is proofe thereof, which at the end of foure hundred leagues is as broad as the grea­test Greatnesse of Canada 400. leagues from the mouth. It springs from a Lake. Riuers of the world, replenished with Iles and Rockes innumerable: taking her beginning from one of the Lakes which doe meete at the streame of her course (and so I thinke) so that it hath two courses, the one from the East towards France: the other from the West towards the South Sea: which is admirable, but not without the like example found in our Europe. For the Riuer which commeth downe to Trent, and to Verone proceedeth from a Lake which produceth another Riuer, whose course is bent opposite to the Riuer of Lins, which falleth into the Riuer Dan [...]be. So the Nile issueth from a Lake that bringeth forth other Riuers, which dis­charge themselues into the great Ocean. 30

Let vs returne to our tillage: for to that must wee apply our selues: it is the first mine that Which is the first mine. must bee sought for, which is more worth than the treasures of Atabalipa: And hee that hath Corne, Wine, Cattell, Woollen and Linnen, Leather, Iron, and afterward Cod-fish, he needeth no other treasures, for the necessaries of life. Now all this is (or may be) in the Land by vs de­scribed: vpon which Monsieur de Pontrincourt hauing caused a second tillage to be made, in fif­teene Sowing of Corne. dayes after his arriuall thither, he sowed it with our French Corne, as well Wheat and Rie, as with Hempe, Flaxe, Turnep seed, Radice, Cabages, and other seeds: And the eight day fol­lowing, he saw that his labour had not beene in vaine, but rather a faire hope, by the production that the ground had already made of the seedes which shee had receiued. Which being shewed to Monsieur du Pont, was vnto him a faire subiect to make his relation in France, as a thing alto­gether 40 new there. The twentieth day of August was already come, when these faire shewes August 20. were made, and the time did admonish them that were to goe in the Voyage, to make ready. Whereunto they beganne to giue order, so that the fiue and twentieth day of the same moneth, after many peales of Ordnance, they weighed anchor to come to the mouth of the Port, which is commonly the first dayes iourney.

Monsieur de Monts being desirous to reach as farre into the South as he could, and seeke out a Cause of the Voyage made into the coun­try of the Ar­mouchiquois. place very fit to inhabite, beyond Malebarre, had requested Monsieur de Poutrincourt to passe farther than yet he had done, and to seeke a conuenient Port in good temperature of aire, ma­king no greater account of Port Royall than of Saint Croix, in that which concerneth health. Whereunto the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt being willing to condescend, would not tarrie for 50 the Spring time, knowing he should haue other employments to exercise himselfe withall. But seeing his sowings ended, and his field greene, resolued himselfe to make this Voyage and Dis­couerie before Winter. So then hee disposed all things to that end, and with his Barke anchored neere to the Ionas, to the end to get out in companie.

The eight and twentieth day of the said moneth each of vs tooke his course, one one way, Parting from Port Royall. and the other another, diuersly to Gods keeping. As for Monsieur du Pont he purposed by the way to set vpon a Merchant of Roan, named Boyer, who (contrary to the Kings inhibitions) was in those parts to trucke with the Sauages, notwithstanding hee had beene deliuered out of prison in Rochell, by the consent of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, vnder promise hee should not goe thither; but the said Boyer was already gone. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, hee tooke 60 his course for the Ile of Saint Croix, the Frenchmens first abode, hauing Monsieur de Champ­dore for Master and Guide of his Barque: but being hindered by the winde, and because his Barque did leake, hee was forced twice to put backe againe. In the end hee quite passed the Faire Rie found at S. Croix. Bay Françoise, and viewed the said Ile, where hee found ripe Corne, of that which two yeeres [Page 1632] before was sowed by Monsieur de Monts, which was faire, bigge, weighty, and well filled. Hee sent vnto vs some of that Corne to Port Royall, where I was requested to stay, to looke to the house, and to keepe the rest of the companie there, in concord. Whereunto I did agree (though it was referred to my will) for the assurance that wee had among our selues, that the yeere following wee should make our habitation in a warmer Countrie beyond Malebarre, and Their mea­ning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the southward. A ditch profi­tably made. What store of workmen and lab [...]rers in N [...] France. Their exercise and manner of life. Mussels, Lob­sters, Crabs. that wee should all goe in companie with them that should bee sent to vs out of France. In the meane while I employed my selfe in dressing the ground, to make inclosures and partitions of Gardens, for to sowe Corne and Kitchin herbes. Wee caused also a Ditch to bee made all about the Fort, which was very needfull to receiue the waters and moistnesse, that before did runne vnderneath among the rootes of trees, that had beene fallen downe: which peraduenture did make the place vnhealthfull. I will not stand in describing heere, what each of our other work­men 10 and labourers did particularly make. It sufficeth, that wee had store of Ioyners, Carpen­ters, Masons, Stone-caruers, Lock-smithes, Taylors, Boord-sawyers, Mariners, &c. who did exercise their Trades, which (in doing their duties) were very kindly vsed, for they were at their owne libertie for three houres labour a day. The ouerplus of the time they bestowed it, in going to gather Mussels, which are at lowe water in great quantitie before the Fort, or Lob­sters, or Crabbes, which are in Port Royall, vnder the Rockes in great abundance, or Cockles, which are in euery part in the oze, about the shoares of the said Port: All that kinde of fish is taken without Net or Boat. Some there were that sometimes tooke wilde-fowle, but not be­ing Good proui­sion of wilde fowle. skilfull, they spoyled the game. And as for vs, our Table was furnished by one of Monfieur de Monts men, who prouided for vs in such sort that wee wanted no fowle, bringing 20 vnto vs, sometimes halfe a dozen of birds, called by Frenchmen, Outards (a kinde of wilde Geese) sometimes as many Mallards, or wilde Geese, white and gray, very often two or three dozen of Larkes, and other kindes of birds. As for Bread, no body felt want thereof, and eue­ry one had three quarts of pure and good Wine a day. Which hath continued with vs as long What quanti­ty of Bread and Wine. as wee haue beene there, sauing that, when they, who came to fetch vs, in stead of bringing commodities vnto vs, helped vs to spend our owne. For our allowance, wee had Pease, Beanes, Rice, Prunes, Raisins, drie Codde, and salt Flesh, besides Oyle and Butter. But whensoeuer the Sauages, dwelling neere vs, had taken any quantitie of Sturgions, Salmons, or small fishes; Item, any Beuers, A kinde of Stag, or red Deere. The liberall nature of the Sauages. What earth is in the Me­dowes. Ellans, Carabous (or fallow Deere) they brought vnto vs halfe of it: and that which remained they exposed it sometimes to sale publikely, and they that would haue 30 any thereof did trucke Bread for it.

Wherein is to be noted a thing that now I remember. It is, that being necessary to cut turfes to couer the Piles of wood, heaped to make the said Coales, there was found in the Medowes three foote deepe of earth, not earth, but grasse or herbes mingled with mudde, which haue hea­ped themselues yeerely one vpon another from the beginning of the world, not hauing beene mooued. Neuerthelesse the greene thereof serueth for pasture to the Ellans, which wee haue many times seene in our Medowes of those parts, in herds of three or foure, great and small, suffering themselues sometimes to bee approached, then they r [...]nne to the Woods: But I may say moreouer, that I haue seene, in crossing two leagues of our said Medowes, the same to bee all troden with trackes of Ellans, for I knowe not there any other clouenfooted beasts. There Ellans in the Medowes. 40 was killed one of those beasts, not farre off from our Fort at a place where Monsieur de Monts hauing caused the grasse to bee mowed two yeeres before, it was growne againe the fairest of the world. Some might maruell how those Medowes are made, seeing that all the ground in those places is couered with Woods. For satisfaction whereof, let the curions Reader knowe, that in high Spring tides, specially in March and September, the floud couereth those shoares, which hindereth the trees there to take roote. But euery where, where the water ouerfloweth not, if there bee any ground, there are Woods.

LEt vs returne to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, whom we haue left in the Ile Saint Croix. Hauing 50 made there a reuiew, and cherished the Sauages that were there, hee went in the space of Poutrincourts discouery. Pemptegoet the true name of the fabulous Norombega. Kinibeki. foure dayes to Pemptegoet, which is that place so famous vnder the name of Norombega. There needeth not so long a time in comming thither, but hee tarried on the way to mend his Barke: for to that end he had brought with him a Smith and a Carpenter, and quantitie of boords. Hee crossed the Iles, which bee at the mouth of the Riuer, and came to Kinibeki, where his Barke was in danger, by reason of the great streames that the nature of the place procureth there. This was the cause why hee made there no stay, but passed further to the Bay of Marchin, which is The Bay of Marchin. the name of a Captaine of the Sauages, who at the arriuall of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, beganne to crie out aloud He He: whereunto the like answere was made vnto him. Hee repli­ed, asking in his Language, What are yee? They answered him, Friends: And thereupon Monsieur de Poutrincourt approaching, treated amitie with him, and presented him with Kniues, 60 Hatchets, and Matachiaz, that is to say, Scarfes, Karkenets and Bracelets made of Beades, or Quills made of white and blue Glasse; whereof hee was very glad, as also for the confederacy that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt made with him, knowing very well that the same would Confederacy. [Page 1633] bee a great aide and support vnto him. Hee distributed to some men that were about him, a­mong a great number of people, the Presents that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue him, to whom hee brought store of Orignac, or Ellans flesh (for the Baskes doe call a Stagge, or El­lan, Orignac or El­lan: Champlein saith they are like Oxen. The Riuer of Olmechin. Port De Choua­koet. An Iland of Vines. Orignac) to refresh the companie with victuals. That done, they set sayles towards Cho­uakoet, where the Riuer of Captaine Olmechin is, and where the yeere following was made the warre of the Souriquois and Etechemins, vnder the conduct of the Sagamos Membertou, which I haue described in Verses, which Verses I haue inserted among the Muses of New France. At the entry of the Bay of the said place of Chouakoet there is a great Iland, about halfe a league compasse, wherein our men did first discouer any Vines (for, although there bee some in the Lands neerer to Port Royall, notwithstanding there was yet no knowledge had of them) 10 which they found in great quantitie, hauing the trunke three and foure foote high, and as bigge as ones fist in the lower part, the Grapes faire and great, and some as big as Plummes, or lesser: but as blacke, that they left a staine where their liquour was spilled: Those Grapes, I say, lying ouer bushes and brambles that growe in the same Iland, where the trees are not so thicke as in other where, but are sixe or seuen rods distant assunder, which causeth the Grapes to be ripe the sooner; hauing besides a ground very fit for the same, grauelly and sandy. They tarried there but two houres: but they noted, that there were no Vines on the North side, euen as in the Ile Saint Croix are no Cedar trees, but on the West side.

From this Iland they went to the Riuer of Olmechin, a Port of Chauakoet, where Marchin The Riuer of Olmechin. and the said Olmechin brought to Monsieur de Poutrincourt a prisoner of the Souriquois (and there­fore 20 their enemy) which they gaue vnto him freely. Two houres after, there arriued two Sa­uages, The galant­nesse of the Sauages. Port De la Heue. the one an Eteshemin, named Chko [...]dun, Captaine of the Riuer Saint Iohn, called by the Sauages O [...]goudi: The other a Souriquois, named Messamoet, Captaine or Sagamos of the Riuer of the Port De la Heue, where this prisoner was taken. They had great store of Merchandises trucked with Frenchmen, which they were comming to vtter, that is to say, great, meane, and small Kettles, Hatchets, Kniues, Gownes, short Clokes, red Waste-coates, Bisket, and other things: whereupon there arriued twelue or fifteene Boats, full of Sauages of Olmechins subie­ction, The S [...]uages doe paint their faces. being in very good order, all their faces painted, according to their wonted custome, when they will seeme faire, hauing their Bow and Arrow in hand, and the quiuer, which they layed downe aboord. At that houre Messamoet beganne his Oration before the Sauages: shewing The Oration of Messamoet. 30 them, how that in times past, they often had friendship together: and that they might easily ouercome their enemies, if they would haue intelligence and serue themselues with the amitie of the Frenchmen, whom they saw there present to knowe their Countrey, to the end to bring commodities vnto them hereafter, and to succour them with their forces, which forces he knew, and hee was the better able to make a demonstration thereof vnto them, by so much that hee which spake, had before time beene in France, and dwelt there with Monsieur de Grandmont, Gouernour of Bayonne, Finally, his speech continued almost an houre with much vehemency and affection, with a gesture of body and armes, as is requisite in a good Oratour. And in the end Messamoets af­fection to the Frenchmen. The largesse and liberality of Messamoet. The Sauages be liberall. he did cast all his merchandises (which were worth aboue three hundred crownes, brought into that Countrie) into Olmechin his Boat, as making him a present of that, in assurance of the loue 40 hee would witnesse vnto him. That done the night hasted on, and euery one retired himselfe. But Messamoet was not pleased, for that Olmechin made not the like Oration vnto him, nor requited his present: For the Sauages haue that noble qualitie, that they giue liberally, ca­sting at the feet of him whom they will honour, the Present that they giue him: But it is in hope to receiue some reciprocall kindnesse, which is a kinde of contract, which wee call, with­out name, I giue thee, to the end thou shouldest giue mee. And that is done thorow all the world. Therefore Messamoet from that day had in minde to make warre to Olmechin. Notwithstan­ding, A Corn-coun­trie, Beanes, Pumpions, and Grapes. the next day in the morning he and his people did returne with a Boate laden with that which they had, to wit, Corne, Tabacco, Beanes and Pumpions, which they distributed here and there. Those two Captaines Olmechin and Marchin haue since beene killed in the warres. 50 In whose stead was chosen by the Sauages, one named Bessabes, which since our returne hath Bessabes. Englishmen. beene killed by Englishmen: and in stead of him they haue made a Captaine to come from with­in the Lands, named Asticou, a graue man, valiant and redoubted, which, in the twinkling of Asticou. an eye, will gather vp a thousand Sauages together, which thing Olmechin and Marchin might also doe. For our Barkes being there, presently the Sea was seene all couered ouer with their Boates, laden with nimble and lusty men, holding themselues vp straight in them: which wee cannot doe without danger, those Boates being nothing else but trees hollowed. From thence Canoas. A very good Port. Monsieur de Poutrincourt following on his course, found a certaine Port very delightfull, which had not beene seene by Monsieur de Monts: And during the Voyage they saw store of smoke, and people on the shoare, which inuited vs to come aland: And seeing that no account was 60 made of it, they followed the Barke along the sand, yea most often they did outgoe her, so swift The agilitie of the Arm [...] ­quois. are they, hauing their Bowes in hand, and their Quiuers vpon their backes, alwaies singing and dancing, not taking care with what they should liue by the way.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt hauing landed in this Port, behold among a multitude of Sa­uages [Page 1634] a good number of Fifes, which did play with certaine long Pipes, made as it were with Canes of Reedes, painted ouer, but not with such an harmonie as our Shepheards might doe: Fifes. And to shew the excellency of their arte, they whisled with their noses in gambolling, accor­ding to their fashion.

And as this people did runne headlong, to come to the Barke, there was a Sauage which hurt himselfe grieuously in the heele against the edge of a Rocke, whereby hee was enforced to re­mayne A Sauage wounded. in the place. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Chirurgion, at that instant would apply to this hurt that which was of his Arte, but they would no [...] permit it, vntill they had first made their mouthes and mops about the wounded man. They then layed him downe on the ground, Their mouthes and mops a­bout him that was hurt. one of them holding his head on his lappe, and made many bawlings and singings, whereunto 10 the wounded man answered but with a Ho, with a complayning voice, which hauing done they yeelded him to the cure of the said Chirurgion, and went their way, and the Patient also after hee had beene dressed: but two houres after he came againe, the most iocund in the world, ha­uing [...] put about his head, the binding cloth, wherewith his heele was wrapped, for to seeme the more gallant.

The day following, our people entred farther into the Port, where being gone to see the Ca­bins The Presents of a Sauage woman. Hempe very faire. Beanes. Quantitie of Grapes. The simplicity and ignorance of people. of the Sauages, an old woman of an hundred or sixscore yeeres of age, came to cast at the feete of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a loafe of bread, made with the Wheat called Mahis, then ve­ry faire Hempe of a long growth; Item, Beanes, and Grapes newly gathered, because they had seene Frenchmen eate of them at Chauakoet. Which the other Sauages seeing, that knew it not, 20 they brought more of them than one would, emulating one another; and for recompence of this their kindnesse, there was set on their foreheads a Fillet or Band, of paper, wet with spittle, of which they were very proud. It was shewed them, in pressing the Grape into a Glasse, that of that we did make the Wine which wee did drinke. Wee would haue made them to eate of th [...] Grape, but hauing taken it into their mouthes, they spitted it out, so ignorant is this people of the best thing that God hath giuen to Man, next to Bread. Yet notwithstanding they haue no want of wit, and might be brought to doe some good things, if they were ciuilized, and had the vse of Handy-cra [...]s. But they are subtile, theeuish, traiterous, and though they bee naked, yet one cannot take heed of their fingers, for if one turne neuer so little his eyes aside, and that they spie [...]e opportunitie to steale any Knife, Hatchet, or any thing else, they will not misse nor fayl [...] it; and w [...]ll put the theft betweene their buttockes, or will hid [...] it within the sand 30 with their foot so cu [...]gly, that one shall not perceiue it. Indeed I doe not wonder if a peo­ple Th [...] bad na­tu [...]eo the Ar­mouchiquois. No [...]e how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withall This the only way to ciuilize Sauages. Trust them and hang them, nay trust them and they will cut your throat, as in the Virginian massacre ap­pea [...]th. Suspicion for the comming of Olmechin. poore and naked be t [...]uish; but when the heart is malicious, it is vnexcusable. This people is such, that they must bee h [...]ndled with terrour: for if through loue and gentlenesse one giue them too free access [...], they will practise some surprize, as it hath beene knowne in diuers occa­sions heretofore, and will yet here-after be seene. And without deferring any longer, the second day after our comming thither as they saw our people busie awashing Linnen, they came some fitty, one following another, with Bowes, Arrowes and Quiuers, intending to play some bad part, as it was con [...]ect [...]red vpon thei [...] man [...]er of proceeding; but they were preuented, some of our men going to meet them, with their Muskets and Matches at the cocke, which made some 40 of them runne away, and the others being compassed in, hauing put downe their weapons, came to a Peninsule, or small head of an Iland, where our men were, and making a friendly shew, de­manded to trucke the Tabacco they had for our merchandises.

The next day the Captaine of the said place and Port, came into Monsieur de Pontrincourts Barke to see him: wee did maruell to see him accompanied with Olmechin, seeing the way was maruellous long to come thither by Land, and much shorter by Sea. That gaue cause of bad su­spicion, albeit hee had promised his loue to the Frenchmen. Notwithstanding they were gently receiued. And Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue to the said Olmechin a complete garment, where­with being clothed, hee viewed himselfe in a Glasse, and did laugh to see himselfe in that order. But a little while after, feeling that the same hindred him, although it was in October, when The trouble of garments. hee was returned vnto his Cabins, he distributed it to sundry of his men, to the end that one 50 alone should not be ouerpestered with it. Now during the time of the said Monsieur de Poutrin­court was there, being in doubt whether Monsieur de Monts would come to make an habitation on that Coast, as hee wished it, hee made there a piece of ground to be tilled, for to sowe Corne Corne sowed, and Vines planted. and to plant Vines.

As they were a deliberating to passe farther, Olmechin came to the Barke to see Monsieur de Poutrincourt, where hauing carried certaine houres, either in talking or eating, hee said, that the next day an hundred Boates should come, contayning euery one sixe men: but the comming of 100. Boats of Sauages. such a number of men, being but troublesome, Monsieur de Poutrincourt would not tarrie for them; but went away the same day to Malebarre, not without much difficultie, by reason of the great streames and shoalds that are there. So that the Barke hauing touched at three foot of Malebarre. Peril of sholds 60 water onely, we thought to be cast away, and wee beganne to vnlade her, and put victuals into the Shalop, which was behind, for to saue vs on Land: but being no full Sea, the Barke came aflote within an houre. All this Sea is a Land ouerflowed, as that of Mount Saint Michaels, a [Page 1635] sanday ground, in which, all that resteth is a plaine flat Countrey as farre as the Mountaines, which are seene fifteene leagues off from that place. And I am of opinion, that as farre as Virginia, Note. Great antiqui­ty of Grapes. it is all alike. Moreouer, there is here great quantity of Grapes, as before, and a Country very full of people. Mousieur de Monts being come to Malebarre in an other season of the yeare, gathered onely greene Grapes; which he made to be preserued, and brought some to the King. But it was our good hap to come thither in October, for to see the maturity thereof. I haue here Hereupon chap. 7. before shewed the difficulty that is found in entering into Malebarre. This is the cause why Monsieur de Poutrincourt came not in with his Barke, but went thither with a Shallop onely, which thirty or forty Sauages did helpe to draw in: and when it was full tide (but the tide doth not mount here but two fathams high, which is seldome seene) he went out, and retired himselfe Two fathames tide onely. 10 into his said Barke, to passe further in the morning, as soone as he should ordaine it.

THe night beginning to giue place to the dawning of the day, the sailes are hoised vp, but it was but a very perilous nauigation. For with this small Vessell they were forced to coast Danger. the land, where they found no depth: going backe to Sea it was yet worse; in such wise that they did strike twice or thrice, being raised vp againe onely by the waues, and the rudder was broken, which was a dreadfull thing. In this extremity they were constrained to cast anker in the Sea, at two fathams deepe, and three leagues off from the land. Which being done, Daniel Hay (a man which taketh pleasure in shewing forth his vertue in the perils of the Sea) was sent towards the Coast to view it, and see if there were any Port. And as he was neere land he saw 20 a Sauage, which did dance, singing, yo, yo, yo, he called to him to come neerer, and by signes ask­ed Oigoudi, or S. Iohns Riuer. Sauages of sundry Nation [...] vnderstand not one another. him if there were any place to retire Ships in, and where any fresh water was. The Sauage hauing made signe there was, hee tooke him into his Shallop, and brought him to the Barke, wherein was Chkoudun Captaine of the Riuer of Oigoudi, otherwise Saint Iohns Riuer: who being brought before this Sauage, he vnderstood him no more than did our owne people: true it is, that hy signes he comprehended better then they what he would say. This Sauage shewed the places where no depth was, and where was any, and did so well indenting and winding here and there, alway the led in hand, that in the end they came to the Port shewed by him, where small depth is; wherein the Barke being arriued, diligence was vsed to make a forge A forge and an ouen [...]de. for to mend her with her rudder, and an Ouen to bake Bread, because there was no more 30 Bisket left.

Fifteene dayes were imployed in this worke, during the which Monsieur de Poutrincourt, ac­cording A cro [...]e set vp to the laudable custome of Christians, made a Crosse to be framed and set vp vpon a greene Banke, as Monsieur de Mont: had done, two yeeres before at Kinibeki and Malebarre. Now among these painefull exercises they gaue not ouer making good cheere, with that which both the Sea and Land might furnish in that part. For in this Port is plenty of Fowle, in taking of which many of our men applied themselues: specially the Sea Larkes are there in so great flights that Monsieur de Poutrincourt killed eight and twenty of them with one Caliuer shot. Abundance of Larkes & fishes As for fishes, there be such abundance of Porpeses, and another kinde of fish, called by Frenchmen Soufleurs, that is to say, Blowers, that the Sea seemes to be all couered ouer with them. But 40 they had not the things necessary for this kinde of fishing, they contented themselues then with shel-fish, as of Oysters, Skalops, Periwincles, whereof there was enough. The Sauages of the Shel-fish. other side did Bring fish, and Grapes within baskets made of rushes, for exchange with some of Grapes. Rush-baskets. our wares.

After certaine dayes, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, seeing there great assembly of Sauages, came ashoare, and to giue them some terrour, made to march before him one of his men, flourish­ing The triall of Trench wea­pons before the Sauages. with two naked swords. Whereat they much wondred, but yet much more when they saw that our Muskets did pierce thicke peeces of wood, where their Arrowes could not so much as scratch. And therefore they neuer assailed our men, as long as they kept watch. And it had beene good to sound the Trumpet at euery houres end, as Captaine Iames Quartier did. For (as Mon­sieur 50 de Poucrincourt doth often say) One must neuer lay bait for theeues; meaning, that one must Good instru­ction. neuer giue cause to any enemy to thinke that he may surprise you: But one must alwayes shew that he is mistrusted, and that you are not asleepe, chiefely when one hath to doe with Sauages, which will neuer set vpon him that resolutely expects them; for soone after they killed foure of our men which were carelesse. They named this Port, Port Fortune. Port Fortune.

Counsell being taken, it was resolued to returne into Port Royall: Monsieur de Poutrincourt besides all this, being yet in care for them whom he had left there, so they came againe for the R [...]solution for the returne. third time into Port Fortune, where no Sauage was seene. Vpon the first wnde, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt weighed anker for the returne, and being mindfull of the dangers passed he sai­led in open Sea: which shortned his course, but not without a great mischiefe of the rudder, Their returne. Perill. 60 which was againe broken; in such sort, that being at the mercy of the waues, they arriued in the end, as well as they could amongst the Ilands of Norombega, where they mended it. Monsieur de Poutrincourt arriued in Port Royall the foureteenth day of Nouember, where we receiued him The arriuall of Monsieur de Poutrincourt. ioy fully.

[Page 1636] The publike reioycing being finished, Monsieur de Poutrincourt had a care to see his corne, the greatest part whereof he had sowed two leagues off from our Port, by the Riuer L'Esquelle; and the other part about our said Port: and found that which was first sowen very forward, but not The state of Corne. How they spēt their winter. C [...]ales. The vse of the Compasse in land voiages. the last, that had beene sowed the sixth and tenth dayes of Nouember, which notwithstanding did grow vnder the Snow, during Winter, as I haue noted it in my sowings. It would be a tedi­ous thing to particularise all that was done amongst vs during Winter: as to tell how the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt caused many times coales to be made, the forge-coale being spent: That he caused waies to be made thorow the woods: That he went thorow the Forrests by the guide of the Compasse, and other things of such nature. But I will relate that, for to keepe vs merry and clenly concerning victuals, there was an order established at the Table of the said Monsieur 10 de Poutrincourt, which was named L'ordre de bon temps, the order of good time (or the order of The instituti­on of the Or­der Bon temps mirth) at first inuented by Monsieur Champlein, wherein they (who were of the same table) were euery one at his turne and day (which was in fifteene dayes once) Steward and Cater. Now his care was that we should haue good and worshipfull fare, which was so well obserued, that (al­though the Belly-gods of these parts doe often reproach vnto vs that we had not La Rue aux Ours of Paris with vs) we haue ordinarily had there, as good cheere as we could haue at La Rue aux Ours, and at farre lesser charges. For there was none, but (two dayes before his turne came) La Rue aux Ours or Beare street is as Pie-cor­ner, or such a Cooke place in London. was carefull to goe a hunting or fishing, and brought some daintie thing, besides that which was of our ordinary allowance. So well, that at breakfast we neuer wanted some modicom or other, of fish or flesh: and at the repast of dinners or suppers, yet lesse; for it was the great banquet, where the Gouernour of the feast, or Steward (whom the Sauages doe call Atoctegi) hauing made 20 the Cooke to make all things ready, did march with his Napkin on his shoulder, and his staffe of office in his hand, with the colour of the order about his necke, which was worth a­boue foure crownes, and all of them of the order following him, bearing euery one a dish. The like also was at the bringing in of the Fruit, but not with so great a traine. And at night after grace was said, he resigned the Collar of the Order, with a cup of wine, to his successour in that charge, and they dranke one to another. I haue heretofore said that we had abundance of Fowle, as Mallards, Outards, Geese gray and white, Partridges and other Birds: Item, of Ellans or Stag­flesh, of Caribous or Deere, Beuers, Otters, Beares, Rabbets, Wilde-cats or Leopards, Nibaches, and such like, which the Sauages did take, wherewith we made as good dishes of meate, as in the 30 Cookes shops that be in La rue aux Ours, Beare streete, and greater store; for of all meates none is so tender as Ellans flesh (whereof we made good pasties) nor so delicate as the Beauers-taile. Yea, we haue had sometimes halfe a dosen Sturgions at one clap, which the Sauages did bring to vs, part whereof we did take, paying for it, and the rest was permitted them to sell publikely, Store of Stur­gions. Before in chap. 113. and to trucke it for Bread, whereof our people had abundantly. And as for the ordinary meate brought out of France, that was distributed equally, as much to the least as to the biggest. And the like with Wine, as we haue said. In such actions we had alwayes twenty or thirty Sauages, men, women, girles and Boies, who beheld vs doing our effices. Bread was giuen them grati [...], as The vsage of the Sauages. we doe here to the poore. But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other Sagamos (when they came to vs) they sat at table eating and drinking as we did: and wee tooke pleasure in seeing 40 them, as contrariwise their absence was irkesome vnto vs; as it came to passe three or foure times that all went away to the places where they knew that game and Venison was, and brought one of our men with them, who liued some six weekes as they did without Salt, without Bread and without Wine, lying on the ground vpon skins, and that in snowie weather. Moreouer they had greater care of him (as also of others that haue often gone with them) than of them­selues, The Sauages haue care of the Frenchmen. saying, that if they should chance to dye, it would be laid to their charges to haue killed them.

Such gouernment as we haue spoken of, did serue vs for preseruatiues against the Country dis­ease. And yet foure of ours died in February and March, of them who were of a fretfull conditi­on Preseruatiue against Scuruy sluggish. And I remember I obserued that all had their lodgings on the West side, and looking 50 towards the wide open Port, which is almost foure, leagues long, shaped ouale-wise, besides they Bad winde. had all of them ill bedding.

We had faire weather almost during all the Winter: for neither raines nor fogges are so fre­quent there as here, whether it be at Sea or on the land: The reason is, because the Sun-beames, The state of Win [...]er wea­ther. Why Raines and Mists be scarse in winter by the long distance, haue not the force to raise vp vapours from the ground here, chiefely in a Countrey all wooddy. But in Summer it doth, both from the Sea and the Land, when as their force is augmented, and those vapors are dissolued suddenly or slowly, according as one approach­eth to the Equinoctiall line. Raines being in those parts rare, in that season, the Sunne like­wise shineth there very faire, after the fall of Snowes, which we haue had seuen or eight times, but it is easily melted in open places, and the longest abiding haue beene in February. Howsoe­uer 60 it be, the Snow is very profitable for the fruits of the earth, to preserue them against the frost, Snow is profi­table. and to serue them as a fur-gowne.

And as the skie is seldome couered with clouds towards New-found-lands in Winter time, so are there morning frosts, which doe increase in the end of Ianuary, February, and in the begin­ning Frosts when they are. [Page 1637] of March, for vntill the very time of Ianuary, we kept vs still in our doublets: And I re­member that on a Sunday, the foureteenth day of that moneth, in the afternoone, wee sported The state of Ianuary. our selues singing in Musicke vpon the Riuer L'Esquelle, and in the same moneth wee went to see Corne two leagues off from our Fort, and did dine merrily in the Sun-shine: I would not for all that say that all other yeares were like vnto this. For as that winter was as milde in these parts, Conformity of weather in East and West Fra [...]ce. The great Frost 1607. these last Winters of the yeares 1607. 1608. haue beene the hardest that euer was seene; it hath also beene alike in those Countries, in such sort, that many Sauages died through the rigour of the weather, as in these our parts many poore people and trauellers haue beene killed through the same hardnesse of Winter weather. But I will say, that the yeare before we were in New France, the Winter had not beene so hard, as they which dwelt there before vs haue testified vnto me. Let this suffice for that which concerneth the winter season. But I am not yet fully satisfied in 10 searching the cause, why in one and the selfe same parallell the season is in those parts of New France more slow by a moneth than in these parts, and the leaues appeare not vpon the trees but Wherefore is the season late towards the end of the moneth of May: vnlesse wee say that the thicknesse of the wood and greatnesse of Forrests doe hinder the Sunne from warming of the ground: Item, that the Country where we were is ioyning to the Sea, and thereby more subiect to cold. And besides that, this land hauing neuer beene tilled is the more dampish, the trees and plants not being able easily to draw sap from their mother the earth. In recompence wherof the Winter there is also more slow, as we haue heretofore spoken.

The cold being passed, about the end of March the best disposed amongst vs striued who should Dressing of Gardens. best till the ground, and make Gardens, to sowe in them, and gather fruits thereof. Which was 20 to very good purpose, for wee found great discommodity in the Winter for want of Garden hearbes. When euery one had done his sowing, it was a marueilous pleasure in seeing them daily Good crop from the ground. grow and spring vp, and yet greater contentment to vse thereof so abundantly as wee did: so that this beginning of good hope made vs almost to forget our natiue Countrie, and especially when the fish began to haunt fresh-water, and came abundantly into our brookes, in such innu­merable Abundance of fishes. quantity that we knew not what to doe with it.

Whilest some laboured on the ground, Monsieur de Poutrincourt made some buildings to be The care of Monsieur de Pouirincourt in prouiding for thē that should come after him The building of a water-mil, Abundance of Herrings. Pilchers. prepared, for to lodge them which he hoped should succeede vs. And considering how trouble­some the Hand-mill was, he caused a Water-mill to be made, which caused the Sauages to ad­mire much at it. For indeede it is an inuention which came not into the spirit of men from the 30 first ages. After that, our workmen had much rest, for the most part of them did almost nothing. But I may say that this Mill, by the diligence of our Millers, did furnish vs with three times more Herrings then was needefull vnto vs for our sustenance. Monsieur de Pontrincourt made two Hogsheads full of them to be salted, and one hogshead of Sardines, or Pilchers to bring into France for a shew, which were left in our returne at Saint Maloes, to some Merchants.

Among all these things the said Monsieur de Pontrincourt did not neglect to thinke on his returne. Which was the part of a wise man, for one must neuer put so much trust in mens pro­mises, but one must consider that very often many disasters doe happen to them in a small mo­ment Preparation for the return. of time. And therefore, euen in the Moneth of Aprill, he made two Barkes to be prepa­red, 40 a great one and a small one, to come to seeke out French-ships towards Campseau, or New­found-land, if it should happen that no supply should come vnto vs. But the Carpentry-worke being finished, one onely inconuenience might hinder vs, that is, we had no Pitch to calke our Vessels. This (which was the chiefest thing) was forgotten at our departure from Rochel. In Great ouer­sight. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his inuention. this important necessitie, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt aduised himselfe to gather in the woods quantity of the gumme issuing from Firre-trees. Which he did with much labour, go­ing thither himselfe, most often with a Boy or two: so that in the end hee got some hundred pounds weight of it. Now after these labours, it was not yet all, for it was needefull to melt and purifie the same, which was a necessary point and vnknowne to our ship-Master Monsieur de Champ-dore, and to his Marriners, for as much as that the Pitch we haue, commeth from Nor­wege, Bricke made in New France. Suedland, and Danzick. Neuerthelesse the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt found the meanes to draw out the quintessence of these Gummes and Firre-tree barkes: and caused quantity of 50 Brickes to be made, with the which he made an open furnace, wherein he put a limbecke made with many kettles, ioyned one in the other, which hee filled with those gummes and barkes: Then being well couered, fire was put round about it, by whose violence the gumme enclosed within the lembecke melted, and dropped downe into a bason: but it was needefull to be very watchfull at it, by reason that if the fire had taken hold of the Gumme, all had beene lost. That was admirable, especially in a man that neuer saw any made. Whereof the Sauages being asto­nied, did say in words borrowed from the Basques, Endia chaue Normandia, that is to say, that Why the Sa [...] ­ges call all French men No [...]mands. the Normans know many things. Now they call all Frenchmen Normands, except the Bas­ques, 60 because the most part of fishermen that goe afishing there, be of that Nation. This remedie came very fitly vnto vs, for those which came to seeke vs were fallen into the same want that we were.

[Page 1638] THe Sunne did but beginne to cheere the earth, and to behold his Mistris with an amorous aspect, when the Sagamos Membertou (after our Prayers solemnely made to God, and the Newes out of France, and their returne. break-fast distributed to the people, according to the custome) came to giue vs aduertisement that he had seene a sayle vpon the Lake, which came towards our Fort. At this ioyfull new es euery one went out to see, but yet none was found that had so good a [...]sight as he, though he be a­boue a 100. yeeres old; neuerthelesse we spied very soone what it was. It was onely a small Bark vnder the charge of a young man of Saint Maloes, named Cheualier, who beeing arriued at the Fort, deliuered his Letters to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which were read publikely. They did The contents of the Letters written to Monsieur de Poutrincourt. The societie of Monsieur de Monts broken, and why. Monsieur de [...]rincourt [...]is resolution. The English Nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion & so to increase Christs blessed flock, no doubt he will bee their leader. write vnto him, that for to helpe to saue the charges of the Voyage, the ship (being yet the Io­nas) should stay at Campseau Port, there to fish for Cods, by reason that the Merchants associate 10 with Monsieur de Monts, knew not that there was any fishing farther then that place: Notwith­standing if it were necessary he should cause the ship to come to Port Royall. Moreouer, that the societie was broken, because that contrary to the King his Edict, the Hollanders, conducted by a traiterous Frenchman, called La Ieunesse, had the yeere before taken vp the Beuers and other Furres, of the great Riuer of Canada. Notwithstanding, after that Monsieur de Poutrincourt, had a long while mused hereupon, he said, that although he should haue no bodie to come with him, but onely his family, hee would not forsake the enterprize. It was great griefe vnto vs to aban­don (without hope of returne) a Land that had produced vnto vs so faire Corne, and so many faire adorned Gardens. All that could be done vntill that time, was to find out a place, fit to make a setled dwelling, and a Land of good fertilitie. And that being done, it was great want of cou­rage 20 to giue ouer the enterprise, for another yeare being passed, the necessitie of maintayning an habitation there, should be taken away, for the Land was sufficient to yeeld things necessarie for life. This was the cause of that griefe which pierced the hearts of them which were desirous to see the Christian Religion established in that Countrey. But on the contrary, Monsieur de Monts, and his associates, reaping no benefit, but losse, and hauing no helpe from the King, it was a thing which they could not doe, but with much diffi [...]ultie to maintayne an habitation in those parts.

Now this enuie for the Trade of Beauers with the Sauages, found not onely place in the Hol­landers Monsieur de Monts is en­uied. hearts, but also in French Merchants, in such sort that the priuiledge which had beene gi­uen to the said Monsieur de Monts for ten yeeres was reuoked. The vnsatiable auarice of men 30 is a strange thing, which haue no regard to that which is honest, so that they may rifle and catch by what meanes soeuer. And thereupon I will say moreouer, that there haue beene some of them Robbing from the dead. that came to that Countrey to fetch vs home, that wickedly haue presumed so much as to strip the dead, and steale away the Beauers, which those poore people doe put, for their last benefit, vpon them whom they bury, as we will declare more at large in the Booke following. A thing that maketh the French name to be odious, and worthy disdaine among them, which haue no such sordid qualitie at all.

Fifteene dayes after, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent a Barke to Campseau, with part of our Workmen, for to beginne to pull downe the house. In the beginning of Iune the Sauages, about foure hundred in number, went away from the dwelling that the Sagamos Membertou had The Sauages go to the wars. 40 newly made, in forme of a Towne, compassed about with high pales, for to go to warres against the Armouchiquois, which was at Chouakoet some eightie leagues distant from Port Royall; from whence they returned victorious.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt being not willing to depart thence, vntill hee had seene the issue of his expectation, that is to say, the ripenesse of his Corne, hee deliberated, after that the Sauages were gone to warres, to make Voyages along the Coast. And because Chaualier was desirous to Voyages vpon the Coast of the French Bay. gather some Beuers, he sent him in a small Barke to the Riuer of Saint Iohn, called by the Saua­ges, Ouigoudi, and to the Ile Saint Croix: And he, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, went in a shallop to the Copper Myne. I was of the said Cheualier his Voyage: we crossed the French Bay to goe to the said Riuer, where, as soone as wee arriued, halfe a doozen Salmons newly taken, Salmons. 50 were brought to vs: we soiourned there foure dayes, during which, we went into the Cabins of Sagamos Chkoudun, where we saw some eightie, or a hundred Sauages, all naked except their Assembly of Sauages a feasting. Filthy trading. priuie members, which were a making Tabagy (that is to say, a banquetting) with the meale that the said Cheualier had trucked with them for their old skinnes full of Lice.

The Towne of Ouigoudi (so I call the dwelling of the said Chkoudun) was a great inclosure vp­on an Hill, compassed about with high and small Trees, tied one against another, and within it many Cabins, great and small, one of which was as great as a Market Hall, wherein many hou­sholds retired themselues: And as for the same where they made their Tabagie, it was somwhat lesse. A good part of the said Sauages were of Gachepe, which is the beginning of the great Riuer of Canada; and they told vs, that they came from their dwelling thither in sixe dayes, which 60 made me much to maruell, seeing the distance that there is by Sea, but they shorten very much their wayes, and make great Voyages by the meanes of Lakes and Riuers, at the end of which being come, in carrying their Canowes three or foure leagues, they get to other Riuers that haue a contrary course. All these Sauages were come thither to goe to the warres with Membertou a­gainst the Armouchiquois.

[Page 1639] When we returned to our Barke, which was at the comming in of the Port, halfe a league off from thence, sheltered by a causie that the Sea hath made there, our men, and specially Captaine Champdore, that conducted vs, were in doubt, lest some mischance should happen vnto vs, and hauing seene the Sauages in armes, thought it had beene to doe vs some mischiefe, which had beene very easie, for we were but two, and therefore they were very glad of our returne. After The subtiltie of an Autmoi [...] or Sauage Southsayer. which, the next day came the Wizard or South-sayer of that quarter, crying as a mad man to­wards our Barke. Not knowing what he meant, hee was sent for in a Cock-boat, and came to parley with vs, telling vs that the Armouchiquois were within the Woods, which came to assaile them, and that they had killed some of their folkes that were a hunting: And therefore that we should come aland to assist them. Hauing heard this discourse, which according to our iudge­ment, 10 tended to no good, we told him that our iournies were limited, and our victuals also, and that it was behouefull for vs to be gone. Seeing himselfe denied, he said that before two yeeres were come about, they would either kill all the Normans, or that the Normans should kill them. We mocked him and told him that we would bring our Barke before their Fort to ransack them all; but we did it not, for we went away that day: And hauing the wind contrarie, we sheltred our selues vnder a small Iland, where we were two dayes: during which, some went a shooting at Mallard for prouision; others attended on the Cookerie: And Captaine Champdore and my selfe, went along the Rockes with Hammers and Chissels, seeking if there were any Mynes. In doing A Myne of Steele. whereof we found quantitie of Steele among the Rockes, which was since molten by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who made wedges of it, and it was found very fine Steele, whereof he caused a 20 Knife to be made, that did cut as a Razor, which at our returne he shewed to the King.

From thence we went in three dayes to the Ile Saint Croix, being often contraried with the winds. And because we had a bad coniecture of the Sauages, which we did see in great number, at the Riuer of Saint Iohn, and that the troupe that was departed from Port Royall was yet at Menane, (an Ile betweene the said Port Royall and Saint Croix) which we would not trust, we Menane. Good watch. Seales voices. kept good watch in the night time: At which time wee did often heare Seales voyces, which were very like to the voice of Owles: A thing contrarie to the opinion of them that haue said and written that fishes haue no voice.

Being arriued at the Ile Saint Croix, we found there the buildings, left there all whole, sauing The arriuall in the Ile of Saint Croix. The state of the same. Turtles. that the Store-house was vncouered of one side. Wee found there yet Sacke in the bottome of a 30 Pipe, whereof we dranke, and it was not much the worse. As for Gardens, wee found there Coale-worts, Sorrell, Lettuces, which we vsed for the Kitchin. Wee made there also good Pa­sties of Turtle Doues, which are very plentifull in the Woods, but the grasse is there so high that one could not find them when they were killed and fallen in the ground. The Court was there, full of whole Caskes, which some ill disposed Mariners did burne for their pleasures, which thing when I saw, I did abhorre, and I did iudge, better then before, that the Sauages were (being lesse ciuilized) more humane and honester men, then many that beare the Name of Christians, hauing The Sauages of better na­ture then ma­ny Christians, A number of Iles. during three yeeres, spared that place, wherein they had not taken so much as a piece of Wood, nor Salt, which was there in great quantitie, as hard as a Rocke.

Going from thence, we cast Anchor among a great number of confused Iles, where wee heard 40 some Sauages, and wee did call to make them come to vs. They answered vs with the like call. Whereunto one of ours replied, Ouen Kirau? that is to say, What are yee? they would not dis­couer themselues. But the next day Oagimont, the Sagamos of this Riuer, came to vs, and wee knew it was he whom we heard. Hee did prepare to follow Membertou and his troupe to the warres, where he was grieuously wounded, as I haue said in my Verses vpon this matter. This Oagimont hath a Daughter about eleuen yeeres old, who is very comely, which Monsieur de Pou­trincourt desired to haue, and hath oftentimes demanded her of him to giue her to the Queene, promising him that he should neuer want Corne, nor any thing else, but he would neuer condis­cend The loue of the Sauages towards their children. Arriuall into Po [...]t Royall. thereto.

Being entred into our Barke he accompanied vs, vntill wee came to the broad Sea, where hee 50 put himselfe in his shallop to returne backe; and for vs we bent our course for Port Royall, where we arriued before day, but we were before our Fort, iust at the very point that faire Aurora be­gan to shew her reddie cheekes vpon the top of our wooddie Hils; euery bodie was yet asleepe, and there was but one that rose vp, by the continuall barking of Dogges; but wee made the rest soone to awake, by Peales of Musket-shots and Trumpets sound. Monsieur de Poutrincourt was but the day before, arriued from his Voyage to the Mynes, whither we haue said that hee was to goe, and the day before that, was the Barke arriued that had carried part of our Workmen to Campseau. So that all being assembled, there rested nothing more then to prepare things neces­sary for our shipping. And in this businesse our Water-Mill did vs very good seruice, for other­wise there had beene no meanes to prepare Meale enough for the Voyage, but in the end wee Vse of a [...] m [...]ll. 60 had more then wee had need of, which was giuen to the Sauages, to the end to haue vs in re­membrance.

Vpon the point that we should take our leane of Port Royall, Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent his The de [...] on of the [...] de [...]. men, one after another, to find out the ship at Campseau, which is a Port being betweene se [...]en [Page 1640] or eight Ilands where ships may be sheltered from windes: and there is a Bay of aboue fifteene leagues depth, and sixe or seuen leagues broad. The said place being distant from Port Royall a­boue one hundred and fiftie leagues. For victuals, wee wanted for no fish, for in halfe an houres fishing we might take Cod enough for to feed vs a fortnight, and of the fairest and fattest that e­uer Abundance of faire Cod. I saw, being of the colour of Carpes; which I haue neuer knowne nor noted, but in this part of the said Cap de Sable; which after we had passed, the tide (which is swift in this place) brought vs in short time as farre as to the Port De La Heue, thinking that wee were no further then the Port dela Heue Port de Mouton. There we tarried two dayes, and in the very same Port wee saw the Cods bite at the Hooke. We found there store of red Gooseberies, and a Marcassite of Copper Myne: we also made there some trucking with the Sauages for skinnes. 10

From thence forward we had wind at will, and during that time it happened once, that being vpon the hatches, I cried out to our Pilot Monsieur de Champdore, that we were readie to strike, thinking I had seene the bottome of the Sea; but I was deceiued by the Rain-bow which did The Rain-bow appearing in the water. appeare with all his colours in the water, procured by the shadow, that our Boare-spright sayle did make ouer the same, being opposite to the Sunne, which assembling his beames, within the hollownesse of the same sayle, as it doth within the Cloudes, those beames were forced to make a reuerberation in the water, and to shew forth this wonder. In the end wee arriued within foure leagues of Campseau, at a Port, where a good old man of Saint Iohn de Lus, called Captaine Saualet, receiued vs with all the kindnesse in the World. And for as much as this Port (which is little, but very faire) hath no name, I haue qualified it in my Geographicall Mappe, with the 20 name of Saualet. This good honest man told vs that the same Voyage was the two and fortieth Voyage that he had made into those parts, and neuerthelesse the New-found-land-men doe make Port Saualet. 42. Voyages made in New-found-land. Good fishing. but one in a yeere. He was maruellously pleased with his fishing; and told vs moreouer that hee tooke euery day fiftie Crownes worth of fish, and that his Voyage would bee worth one thou­sand pounds. He payed wages to sixteene men, and his vessell was of eightie tuns, which could carrie 100000. dry fishes.

Wee were foure dayes there, by reason of the contrary wind. Then came we to Campseau, where we tarried for the other Barke, which came two dayes after vs. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, as soone as he saw that the Corne might be reaped, he pulled vp some Rie, root and all, for to shew here the beautie, goodnesse and vnmeasurable height of the same. Hee also made 30 gleanes of the other sorts of Seeds, as Wheat, Barley, Oates, Hempe, and others for the same pur­pose. Exceeding faire Corne. Faire Wheate. Delighting my selfe in this exercise, God hath blessed my poore labour, and I haue had in my Garden as faire Wheate as any can be in France, whereof the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue vnto mee a gleane, when hee came [...]o the said Port de Campseau. Hee was readie to depart from Port Royall, when Membertou and his company arr [...]ued, victorious ouer the Armouchiquois. At the instant request of the said Membertou he tarried yet one day. But it was pitious to see at his departing, those poore people weepe, who had beene alwayes kept in hope that some of ours The Sauages returne from the warres. The Sauages teares at the going away of the Frenchmen. Meale left be­hinde. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away. should alwayes tarrie with them. In the end promise was made vnto them, that the yeere fol­lowing housholds and families should bee sent thither, wholly to inhabit their Land, and teach them Trades for to make them liue as wee doe, which promise did somewhat comfort them. 40 There was left remayning ten Hogs-heads of Meale, which were giuen to them, with the Corne that we had sowed, and the possession of the Manour if they would vse it, which they haue not done. For they cannot be constant in one place, and liue as they doe.

The eleuenth of August the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt departed, with eight in his compa­nie, from the said Port Royall, in a shallop to come to Campseau: A thing maruellously dangerous to crosse so many Bayes and Seas in so small a vessell, laden with nine persons, with victuals ne­cessarie for the Voyage, and reasonable great quantitie of other stuffe. Being arriued at the Port of Captaine Saualet, he receiued them all as kindly as it was possible for him: And from thence they came to vs, to the said Port of Campseau, where we tarried yet eight dayes. The third day of September, we weighed Anchors, and with much adoe came wee from among the Rockes, The departing from New France. 50 that be about the said Campseau. Which our Mariners did with two shallops that did carrie their Anchors very farre into the Sea, for to vphold our ship, to the end she should not strike against the Rockes. Finally, being at Sea, one of the said shallops was let goe, and the other was taken into the Ionas, which besides our lading, did carrie 100000. of fish, as well drie as greene. Wee had reasonable good wind vntill we came neere to the Lands of Europe: But we were not ouer­cloyed with good cheere, because that they who came to fetch vs, presuming we were dead did cramme themselues with our refreshing commodities. Our Workemen dranke no more Wine, after we had left Port Royall: And we had but small portion thereof, because that which did o­uer abound with vs; was drunke merrily in the company of them that brought vs newes from France. The sixe and twentieth of September wee had sight of the Sorlingues, which bee at the 60 Lands end of Cornewall in England, and the eight and twentieth thinking to come to Saint The sight of the Sorlingues. Ha [...]uest of New France, shewed to the King. Maloes.

Being at Paris, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt presented to the King with the fruits of the Land from whence he came, and especially the Corne, Wheate, Rie, Barley and Oates, as being [Page 1641] the most precious thing that may be brought from what Countrey soeuer. The said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had bred tenne Outards, taken from the shell, which hee thought to bring all into France, but fiue of them were lost, and the other fiue he gaue to the King, who delighted much in them; and they are at Fountaine Belleau. Vpon the faire shew of the fruites of the said Coun­trey, Outards, or wild Geese pres [...]nted to the King. Priuiledge of Beuers confir­med to Mon­sieur de Monts. Three ships sent 1608. Newes from New France since our com­ming from thence. It is very dan­gerous to teach the Sa­uages the vse of Guns. Eagles. the King did confirme to Monsieur de Monts the priuiledge for the Trade of Beuers with the Sauages, to the end to giue him meanes to establish his Colonies in New France. And by this occasion he sent thither in March last, Families, there to beginne Christian and French Common­wealths, which God vouchsafe to blesse and increase.

The said ships being returned, we haue had report by Monsieur de Champdore, and others, of the state of the Countrie which we had left, and of the wonderfull beautie of the Come that [...] said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had sowed before his departure, together of the gr [...]es that [...]ee 10 fallen in the Gardens, which haue so increased that it is an incredible thing. Me [...] did [...] ­ther six or seuen barrels of the Corne that we had fowed: and had yet one left, which he reserued for the Frenchmen, whom he looked for, who arriuing hee saluted with three Musket shots and Bonfires. When it was laid to his charge that he had eaten our Pidgeons, which wee left there, he fell a weeping, and embracing him that told it him, said, that it was the Macharoa, that is to say, the great Birds which are Eagles, which did eate many of them, while wee were there. Moreouer, all great and small, did inquire how we did, naming euery one by his owne name, which is a witnesse of great loue.

From Port Royall, the said Champdore went as farre as Chouakouet, the beginning of the Ar­mouchiquois Land, where hee pacified that Nation with the Etechemins, which was not done 20 without solemnitie. For as hee had begun to speake of it, the Captaine, who is now insteed of Olmechin, named Astikou, a graue man and of a goodly presence, how sauage soeuer hee be, de­manded that some one of the said Etechemins should be sent to him, and that he would treat with him, Oagimont, Sagamos of the Riuer Saint Croix, was appointed for that purpose, and he would The Sauages wisdome. not trust them, but vnder the assurance of the Frenchmen, he went thither. Some Presents were made to Astikou, who, vpon the speech of peace, began to exhort his people and to shew them the causes that ought to induce them to hearken vnto it. Whereunto they condiscended, making an exclamation at euery Article that he propounded to them. Some fiue yeeres agoe Monsieur de Monts had likewise pacified those Nations, and had declared vnto them, that he would bee e­nemie 30 to the first of them that should begin the Warre, and would pursue him. But after his returne into France, they could not containe themselues in peace. And the Armouchiquois did kill a Souriquois Sauage, called Panoniac, who went to them for to trucke Merchandize, which he tooke at the Store-house of the said Monsieur de Monts. The Warre aboue mentioned happened by reason of this said murther, vnder the conduct of Sagamos Memb [...]iou: the said Warre was made in the very same place, where I now make mention, that Monsieur de Champdore did treate Monsieur Cham­plein is now in the Riuer of Canada. Cattell. Fruit trees. Vines. Hempe. the peace this yeere. Monsieur Champlein is in another place, to wit, in the great Riuer of Canada, neere the place where Captaine Iames Quartier did winter, where hee hath fortified him selfe, hauing brought thither housholds, with Cattle and diuers sorts of fruit-trees. There is store of Vines, and excellent Hempe, in the same place where he is, which the earth bringeth forth of it selfe. He is not a man to be idle, and we expect shortly newes of the whole Discouerie of this 40 great and vncomparable Riuer, and of the Countries which it washeth on both sides, by the dili­gence of the said Champlein.

As for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, his desire is immutable, in this resolution to inhabit and a­dorne Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution, 1609. his Prouince, to bring thither his family, and all sorts of Trades necessary for the life of man. Which, with Gods helpe hee will continue to effect all this present yeere 1609. And, as long as hee hath vigour and strength, will prosecute the same, to liue there vnder the Kings obeysance.

The Authour hath written another large Booke of the Rites of the Sauages of those parts, which I haue omitted, partly because Champlein in the former Chapiter hath giuen vs large instructi­ons of the same, and because in our Virginian, and New England, and New-found-land, our 50 men will relate the like; and because I seeke to bee short, howsoeuer my Subiect causeth mee to bee voluminous. 60

CHAP. VIII.

Collections out of a French Booke, called Additions to Noua Francia; containing the Accidents there, from the yeere 1607. to 1611.

MOnsieur de Monts hauing his priuiledge prorogued for one yeare, with some associ­ates, sent vnto his Gouernment three Ships, furnished with men and victuals. Monsi. de Mont his sending of Ships. And forasmuch as Monsieur de Poutrincourt hath taken his part on the maine Sea, 10 and for the desire that Monsieur de Monts hath to pierce through the Land to the Westerne Sea coast, to the end he should not be an hinderance vnto him, and to Note the in­tention of the French. be able thereby to reach one day, to China, he determined to fortifie himselfe in a place of the Riue [...] of Canada, which the Sauages call Kebec, some fortie leagues aboue the Riuer of Saguenay. There it is narrower, being no broader then a Canon will carry: and so, by that Kebec 40. leag. aboue Saguenay reason, the place is commodious to command, through all that great Riuer. Monsieur Cham­plein, the Kings Geographer, very skilfull in Sea matters, and who delighteth marueilously in Champlein. these enterprises, tooke vpon him the charge of conducting, and gouerning this first Colonie, sent to Kebec. Where being arriued, it was needefull to make houses for him, and his compa­ny; wherein there was no toyle wanting, such as we may imagine, as was the labour of Cap­taide 20 Iacques Quartier, at his arriuall in the place of the said Riuer, where he wintered: and so Monsieur de Monts, in the Ile of Saint Croix; whereby did issue vnknowne sicknesses, which tooke away many men: for there was not found any Timber ready to be put in worke, not any buildings to lodge the workemen in: they were driuen to fell downe the wood by the roote, to cleare the ground, and to lay the first foundations of a worke, which (with the helpe of God) shall be the subiect of many wonders.

But as our Frenchmen haue oftentimes bin found mutinous in such actions, so there were some among these, which did conspire against the said Champlein their Captaine, hauing deliberated A conspiracy. to put him to death, first by poison, afterwards by a traine of Gunpowder: and after, hauing pilfered all, to come to Tadoussac, where Baskes and Rochell Ships were, to make their returne in them to these parts. But the Apothecary, of whom the poyson was demanded, disclosed the 30 matter. Whereupon, Information being made, one of them was hanged, and some others con­demned to the Gallies, which were brought backe into France, in the Ship, wherein Monsieur du Pont of Honfleur was Commander. Exemplary pu­nishment.

The people being lodged, some store of Corne was sowed, and a number of Gardens were made, where the ground did restore plentifully, the seedes receiued. This Land bringeth forth, naturally, Grapes in great quantity: the Walnut-trres are there in abundance, and Chestnut­trees The naturall fruite of the land. also, whose fruite is in the forme of an halfe moone; but the Walnuts are with many cor­ners or edges, which be not diuided. There is also great store of Pumpions, and very excellent Hempe, wherewith the Sauages make fishing lines. The Riuer there doth abound with as much 40 fish, as any other Riuer in the world. It is thought, that Beuers, are not here so good, as vpon the coast of the Etechemins and Souriquois; yet notwithstanding, I may say very well, that I haue seene skins from thence of blacke Foxes, which seeme to exceede Sables, or Marterns. Blacke Foxes.

The winter being come, many of our Frenchmen, were found greatly afflicted with the sicke­nesse, which is called the Scuruie, whereof I haue spoken elsewhere, Some of them died there­of, for want of present remedy. As for the tree called Annedda, so much renowned by Iacques Scuruie. Quartier, it is not now to be found. The said Champlein made diligent search for the same, and could haue no newes thereof: and notwithstanding his dwelling is at Kebec, neighbouring on the place, where the said Quartier did winter. Whereupon, I can thinke nothing else, but that the people of that time, haue bin exterminated by the Iroquois, or other their enemies. 50

The Spring time being come, Champlein hauing had a long time a minde to make new disco­ueries, was to choose, either to make his way to the Iroquois, or to goe beyond the fall of the great Riuer, to discouer the great Lake, whereof mention hath bin made heretofore. Notwith­standing, because the Southerly Countries are more pleasant, for their milde temperature; he Lib. 3. cap. 22. resolued himselfe, the first yeare, to visite the Iroquois. But the difficulty consisted in the going thither; for we are not able of our selues to make those Voyages, without the assistance of the Champleins counsell. Sauages. These Countries are not the Plaines of Champaigne, nor of Vatan, nor the ingratefull wood of Limosin. All is there couered with woods, that seeme to threaten the clouds. And at that time his company of men was but weake, as well by reason of the former mortality, as of the infirmities of sicknesses, which were yet continuing. Notwithstanding, being a man, who 60 is astonished with nothing, and of a gentle conuersation, knowing wisely how to acquaint, and accommodate himselfe with those people, after hauing promised them, that when the land of the Iroquois, and other Countries should be discouered, the great French Sagamos (meaning [Page 1643] our King) would giue them great rewards: he inuited them to goe to warre against the said Iro­quois, promising (for himselfe) that he would take part with them. They (in whom the desire of reuenge dieth not, and who delight in nothing more then in warre) passe their word vnto him, and arme themselues about one hundred men, for that effect, with whom the said Champlein ven­tures himselfe, accompanied with one man, and one of Monsieur de Monts his footemen. So they began their voyage in the Sauages Barkes, and Canoes, alongst the great Riuer, as farre as the Their Voiage to the Iroquois. entring into the Riuer of the Iroquois: wherein being entred, within certaine dayes, they went vp vnto the Lake of the said Iroquois. But one may demand with what did so many people liue, in a Countrie where no Innes are? I wonder as much at that as others doe; for with them there is not any meanes of liuing, but by hunting; and in that, they doe exercise themselues through the woods in their trauailes. Champlein and his men, were forced to liue after their manner. For 10 although they had made prouision of Bread, Wine, and Meate, out of the storehouse, the same Their arriual at the Lake, which is sixtie leagues long. Faire Ilands in the Lake. The Iroquois, and their exer­cise. Houses of foure stories. could not haue serued them, to make accompt of. Finally, being come into the said Lake, they were many dayes a crossing of it (for it is about sixtie leagues of length) without giuing know­ledge of their being there, and so the said Champlein had time to view their Tillage, and the faire Ilands, that serue for an ornament to their great extension of water. These people are much like to the Armouchiquois, in their fashion of liuing. They sowe Indian Maiz and Beanes, and haue quantity of faire Grapes, whereof they make no vse: and very good rootes. Euery Family haue their ground round about their dwellings; Forts also, yet no Townes, made with buildings of three or foure stories high, such as they haue in new Mexico (a Countrie situated much farther within the lands.) 20

In the end, our men being discouered, the alarum was giuen among the Iroquois, who assem­bled The alarum a­mong the Iro­quois. themselues. And as the Iroquois did approach, Champlein, who was armed with a Musket, charged with two bullets, would haue set himselfe forward to aime, to make at one of the for­wardest of the Iroquois, who did braue it, challenging his enemies to the combat. But the Sa­uages of Kebec told him in their language, no, doe not so, for if they once discouer you, not be­ing The Prudence of the Sauages. accustomed to see such folkes, they will forthwith runne away, and make no stand; so shall we loose the glory which we expect of this charge; withdraw your selfe therefore behinde our formost ranke, and when we shall be neere, you shall aduance your selfe, and shoote at those two feathered fellowes, whom you see the formost, in the middest of the troope; which was found good, and executed by the said Champlein, who with one shot laid them both to the ground, as 30 he hath related vnto vs. He, who assisted him, did also his duetie. But on a sodaine, all was in Flight. disorder, astonished at such a noise, and death so vnexpected. Vpon this feare, the men of Ke­bec loosing no occasion, followed earnestly their enemies, and killed about fiftie of them, whose Fiftie of the Iroquois slaine. heads they brought backe, to make therewith merry feasts, and dances, at their returne, accor­ding to their custome.

These things so passed, Champlein tooke againe his course towards ancient France, where he arriued in October 1609. hauing left the gouernment of New France to a good reuerent old man 1609. called Captaine Pierre. And for as much as the accidents of the former sicknesse, were feared to Capt. Pierre. Capt. du Pont. come; the winter following, Captaine du Pont of Honfleure (a man very well worthy to hold 40 ranke among the Heroes of the said Prouince, for hauing bin the first that came to the Fals of the great Riuer, after Iacques Quartier, hauing also wintered in Port Royall, and almost euery yeare, made voyages to those parts, for the reliefe of them that were there) gaue aduise, that wood should be ready cut downe, for those that should tarry there all the winter, and thereby to free them from painfull toyles. That helpe hath bin of such force, that besides this, hauing their buildings made, they haue left no infirmitie nor mortality. So he returned, and with him the said None died, no [...] were sicke. Champlein, and those that would returne.

In the meane while, preparations were made for another voyage, against the returne of the 1610. said Champlein, to the end to prosecute his discoueries, and consequently, to relieue the said Cap­taine Pierre. He tooke againe for the second time the Lieutenancy of the said Monsieur de Monts, Champlein his new Voyage. for the gouernment of Kebec, and setting out in the beginning of March, was forced diuers times 50 to turne backe, by reason of contrary windes; which made him to arriue late, as did also Mon­sieur de Poutrincourt, of his part. And neuerthelesse, in that small time, which hee had in those A Lake of an hundred leag. in length dis­couered. parts, he exploited a great peece of worke, hauing gone this yeare, as farre as a great Lake, of an hundred leagues in length, which is beyond the Fals of the great Riuer of Canada eigh­ty leagues.

Hauing then reuiewed the state of all things at Kebec, and learned what occurrences had pas­sed Agreement to goe to war, to­wards the great Lake. there, since his departure; he made an agreement with the Captaines of the said place, and with them of Tadoussac, to goe on warfare aboue the Fall of the said Riuer, promising them to procure an hundred Frenchmen, to assist them in the extirping of all their enemies: and that they 60 should haue as many of their owne men, of their side, which they liked very well. But the day appointed being come, and the Frenchmen not come, he excused the matter vpon the weather, which had beene boistrous for Sailers: and for want of whom, hee told them, that himselfe would goe with them, and follow their fortunes. They seeing they could doe no better, accepted [Page 1644] of his offer, and went together with some other Frenchmen more, along the same faire Riuer: the Sauages still hunting for prouision for the kitchin. And they trauailed so farre, that after hauing passed the Fals, they crossed some Lakes, and in the space of eighty leagues, came to that other Lake, which we haue said to be of an hundred leagues in length: where (as the said Champlein A Battell. hath recited vnto me) they were presently set vpon by the Sauages of the Country, and it was behoouefull vnto them, to stand in good order, & well to de [...]end themselues, after the said Cham­plein had receiued a blow on the chine bone, whereof he is not yet fully healed. Since, he made a confederacy with other Nations of those parts, farther distant from the mouth of the Lake, who promised him, that the next yeare following (which is this yeare 1611.) they would conduct 1611. him with all assurance, as far as the farthest end of the said Lake. He, for his part, promised them 10 faire, and shewed them as well as he could, the greatnesse of our King, and of his Kingdome; and for to make them certaine thereof, he tooke with him a yong man, sonne of a Captaine of those parts, called Sauignon, a man of a good shape, strong, vigorous, and of great courage, whom he hath [...] brought into France to make report, vpon his returne, of that which he hath seene. This Coun­try (by the report of the said Champlein) is one of the fairest Countries of the world, much tilled, abounding with chase Deere, and Fish, Vines, Hempe, good Roots, Walnut-trees, Chestnut-trees, A faire Coun­trey. Plumtrees, and others.

There are store of Beuers along this Lake, but the Inhabitants doe burne them, as here wee burne Hogges: and so by that meanes, that haire and wooll, which we goe so farre of, and with so Beuers burnt. many perils to seeke for, is lost. There are Beasts great and small, differing from ours, and Hor­ses, 20 as the said Sauignon hath shewed vs, by the neighing. But I dare not giue for currant that Horses. which Monsieur de Monts hath recited vnto me, that these Nations haue tame Beares, which they teach, to carry them vpon trees for want of ladders. They haue Forts, such as they of Vir­nia Merueilous industry. Forts & towns haue, which are great inclosures with trees, ioyned together in forme like a Pale, and with­in those inclosures are houses made, two or three stories high. The lower and higher parts doe serue for the men when they must defend themselues from the assalts of their enemies. For in the Houses with stories. Strong bowes. lower parts there are big Bowes, for the bending of which, the strength of six men is required, and they haue Arrowes, that knocke downe men. Aboue, they haue murthering holes, or battle­ments, from whence to fling or cast stones, and also to shoote with Bowes, when they will hit their enemies a farre off. In the middle roomes are the women, which faile not in doing 30 that helpe which their sexe may affoord. And in this middle story, they lay vp their Corne and other prouisions.

Champlein promiseth vs neuer to giue ouer vntill he haue pierced as farre as to the Western Sea, Hope for the passage to China. Some great Riuer running Westward into the Westerne Sea. The Northern Sea. or that of the North, to open the way of China; in vaine by so many thought for. As for the Western Sea, I beleeue that at the farther end of the greatest Lake, which is very far beyond that whereof we spake of in this Chapter, there will be found some great Riuer, which will fall into the same, or issue from it (as doth that of Canada) and neuer into the said Westerne Sea. And as for the Northerne Sea, there is hope to come neere to it by the Riuer of Saguenay, there being but small distance from the head of the said Riuer, to the said Sea.

It is now fit to speake of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a Gentleman of long time resolute in these 40 actions, who hauing made his preparation at Diepe, set saile the 25. of February 1610. with a number of honest men, and Artificers. This Nauigation hath bin very tedious and troublesome; 1610. A tedious Na­uigation. for from the beginning they were driuen within sight of the Azores, and from thence, almost con­tinually beaten with contrary windes, by the space of two moneths: during which time (as idle people doe commonly occupie their spirits in euill) some, by secret practises, durst conspire against their Captaine, whom notwithstanding, the said Poutrincourt, according to his accustomed cle­mency, A conspiracy. did pardon.

Hauing made a reuiew of that coast, he came into Port Royall, where he brought much con­solation to the Sauages of that place. As for the buildings, they were found all whole, except the Their arriuall at Port Royall. Buildings and housholdstuffe preserued. Pillage of the ground. couering, and euery parcell of houshold stuffe, in the same place where they were left. 50

The first care that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt ha [...], was for the tillage of the ground, and to dispose it to receiue the seede of corne, for the yeare following; which being finished, hee would not neglect that which belonged to the spiritualty, and whereunto the chiefest arme of his trauailes did tend, which was, to procure the saluation of those poore sauage and barbabarous people. After necessary instruction giuen, they were baptized vpon Saint Iohn Baptist his day, The first Chri­stenings made in New France. the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1610. to the number of one and twenty persons; to euery one of which was giuen the name of some great or notable person of these parts.

1. Membertou great Sagamos, being aboue an hundred yeares of age, was baptized by Sir Sagamos doth si [...]nifie a Prince, Ruler, or Captaine. The King was th [...]n slai [...]e which they knew not. Iesse Fleche Prieste, and named by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, Henry, after the Kings name. 2. Actaudinech, third Sonne of the said Henry Membertou, was by the said Poutrincourt, named 60 Paul, a [...]ter the name of Pope Paul. 3. The wife of the said Henry, was named by the said Pou­trincourt, after the Q [...]eenes name, that is to say, Marie. 4. Mombertocoichis, alias Iudas, elder sonne to Membertou, being aboue sixety yeares old, was al [...]o baptized, and by Monsieur de Bien­cour, named Lewes, after the name of my Lord the Daulphin, &c.

[Page 1645] Membertou, chiefe Sagamos of these Countries, moued with a religious zeale (but without knowledge) saith, that he will denounce open wars against all them that will refuse to become Christians.

Shortly after these spirituall regenerations, Monsieur de Poutrincourt his son was sent backe A returne in­to France. into France to take a new charge: In doing whereof, he certified the Queene, what had bin done in those Christenings; whereby she receiued a marueilous contentment. But this one things is to be noted, that though the Nauigation were tedious in going, yet in the returne it was very short; for being come to the fishing banke, which is fiftie leagues on this side New-found-land, he was brought in a fortnight into France, in which time they commonly make their returne. Vpon the Banke they heare the newes of our good Kings death, whose soule resteth with God, and whose 10 posterity we pray God to blesse.

The Author reports another Voyage 1611. by the Lord of Sant Iust; but I haue haste to the English Plantation, for whose sake these are published: there being no great matter of history of those parts there­in. As for the Articles of a Societie concluded, and the names of those which entred therein, till we haue greater effect thereof, I shall not trouble you with the recitall thereof.

CHAP. IX.

The first plantation of English Colonies in Virginia 20 briefely mentioned.

SIr Walter Raleigh, a man more famous then happy, had obtained of Queene Eliza­beth, of glorious memory, a Patent for discouering and peopling of vnknowne The first Voy­age to Virginia and possession taken. parts not actually possessed by any Christian Prince, dated March 25. A. Reg. 26. The 27. of Aprill 1584. he set forth two Barkes vnder the command of Master Phillip Amadas, and Master Arthur Barlow, which arriued on that part of A­merica, which that Virgin Queene stiled Virginia, and thereof in her Maiesties Virginia na­med so by Q. Elizabeth. name tooke possession Iuly 13. and hauing taken view and liking of the Countrey, and had con­ference 30 and trade with the Sauages, obseruing aboue foureteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees, and many other commodities; they returned with two of the Sauages, Wanchese and Man­teo, and arriued in England in September.

Aprill 9. 1585. Sir Richard Greeneuile was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh with a fleete of seuen saile, which landed in the Ile of Saint Iohn Port Ricco, May 12. and there fortified themselues, Second Voy­age. Sir R. Greenuile. and built a Pinnace. The Spaniard promised to furnish them with victuals, but did not, where­upon they tooke two Frigates. In Hispaniola they had friendly greetings and trade. Iune 26. they anchored at Wocokon, where by the vnskilfulnesse of Fernando the Master, their Admirall strooke on ground and sunke.

In the 25. of Iuly, the Generall returned for England, and tooke a Spanish Ship of three hun­dred tunne richly Iaden by the way, boording her with a Boate made of the boords of Chests, Spanish Prise. 40 which as soone as hee had boorded her fell in sunder and sunke at the Ships side. In the Coun­trie was a Colonie, left vnder the gouernment of Master Ralph Lane, viz, Master Phillip Amadas, First Colony. Master Hariot, Master Acton, Master Edward Stafford, Master Prideox, Captaine Vaughan, and aboue a hundred others. Master Lane writ from his new Fort in Virginia, that if Uirginia had Kine and Horses in reasonable proportion, no Countrie in Christendome were comparable to it. They discouered from Roanoak to the Chesepians, aboue one hundred and thirty miles, to Chawa­nock North-West as farre. The Sauages conspired against the English, the principall was Pe­misapan, who lost his head in the quarrell, in the beginning of Iune 1586. and Sir Francis Drake comming thither from the sacke of diuers Spanish Townes, to visite the Colony, on the nine­teenth, tooke the Colony with him in his victorious Fleete, and brought them into Engla [...]d. Sir F. Drake.

The same yeere had Sir Walter Raleigh prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraught with prouision Third Voyage. 50 for the Colonie, which setting forth late, arriued at Hartoraske immediatly after the departure of the Colonie, which hauing sought in vaine, she returned with her prouisions for England. About a fortnight after her departure, Sir Richard Greeneuile, Generall of Virginia, accompanied with Fourth Voy­age. three Ships arriued there, and neither hearing of the Ship, nor of the Colonie which he had left there the yeare before; after long and vaine search, he left fifteene men to hold possession of the Second Colo­nie. Countrie, in the Ile of Roanoak, furnished for two yeares, and returned, by the way making spoyle on the Townes of the Azores, and there taking diuers Spaniards. Master Thomas Hariot Master Thomas Hariot. writ a large History of the Men, Beasts, Fishes, Fowles, Plants, and Commodities of Virginia, 60 subscribed also by Master Ralph Lane, extant in Master Hackluit his third Tome.

In the yeare 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh, continuing his purpose of Plantation, sent another Co­lonie Fifth Voyage and third Co­lonie. of one hundred and fiftie persons, vnder the gouernment of Master Iohn White; to him he appointed twelue Assistants, vnto whom he gaue a Charter, and incorporated them by the name [Page 1646] of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia. These arriued on Iuly 22. at Hato­raske, where they went on shore to seeke the fifteene men left there the yeare before, with in­tent after to plant at the Bay of Chesepiok, according to Sir Walter Raleigh his directions, there to Bay of Chese­piok. make their feate and Fort. By Manteo they learned how the Sauages had secretly assalted the fifteene English, and slaine some, the other being forced to flee, it was not knowne whither. Manteo was Christened, and by Sir Walter Raleighs direction, made Lord of Roanoak. Mistris Dare the Gouernours daughter was deliuered of a daughter, which was baptised by the name En [...]lish borne there. of Uirginia.

The Company were very important with the Gouernour, to returne for England, to supply their defects; to which, with much vnwillingnesse he yeelded, Aug. 27. and Octob. 16. arriued 10 in Ireland, and after in England.

Anno 1590. the said Master Iohn White put to Sea with Ships, and two Pinnaces, with purpose for Virginia, where they anchored at Hatorask in 36. 20. Aug. 15. They found some of the goods Si [...] Voyage. (such as the Sauages could not make vse of) and tokens as if they were at Croatoan; but the winds violence permitted no further search, and they returned to the Azores, and after to England, ar­riuing at Plimmouth, Octob. 24.

Master BARTHOLOMEVV GOSNOLDS Letter to his Father, touching his first Voyage to Virginia, 1602. 20

MY duetie remembred, &c. Sir, I was in good hope that my occasions would haue allowed mee so much libertie, as to haue come vnto you before this time; otherwise I would haue written more at large concerning the Countrie from whence we lately came, then I did: but not well remembring what I haue already written (though I am assured that there is nothing set downe disagreeing with the truth) I thought it fittest not to goe about to adde any thing in writing, but rather to leaue the report of the rest till I come my selfe; which now I hope shall be shortly, and so soone as with conueniency I may. In the meane time, notwithstanding whereas you seeme not to be satisfied by that which I haue already written, concerning some especiall matters. I haue here briefely (and as well as I can) added these few lines for your further satisfaction: and first as touching that place where we were most resident, it is in the Lati­tude 30 of 41. degrees, and one third part; which albeit it be so much to the Southward, yet is it more cold then those parts of Europe, which are scituated vnder the same paralell: but one thing is worth the noting, that notwithstanding the place is not so much subiect to cold as England is, yet did we finde the Spring to be later there, then it is with vs here, by almost a moneth: this whether it hapned accidentally this last Spring to be so, or whether it be so of course, I am not very certaine; the latter seemes most like­ly, whereof also there may be giuen some sufficient reason, which now I omit: as for the Acornes we saw gathered on heapes, they were of the last yeare, but doubtlesse their Summer continues longer then ours. We cannot gather by any thing we could obserue in the people, or by any triall we had thereof our selues; but that it is as healthfull a Climate as any can be. The Inhabitants there, as I wrote before, being of tall 40 stature, comely proportion, strong, actiue, and some of good yeares, and as it should seeme very healthfull, are sufficient proofe of the healthfulnesse of the place. First, for our selues (thankes be to God) we had not a man sicke two dayes together in all our Voyage; whereas others that went out with vs, or about that time on other Voyages (especially such as went vpon repr [...]sall) were most of them infected with sicknesse, whereof they lost some of the [...]r men, and brought home a many sicke, returning notwithstanding long be­fore vs. But Verazzano, and others (as I take it, you may reade in the Booke of Discoueries) doe more particularly intreate of the Age of the people in that coast. The Sassafras which we brought we had vpon the Ilands; where though we bad little disturbance, and reasonable plenty: yet for that the greatest part of our people were imployed about the fitting of our house, and such like affaires, and a few (and those but easie labourers) vndertooke this worke, the rather because we were informed before our going forth, that 50 a tunne was sufficient to cloy England) and further, for that we had resolued vpon our returne, and taken view of our victuall, we iudged it then needefull to vse expedition; which afterward we had more cer­taine proofe of; for when we came to an anker before Portsmouth, which was some foure dayes after we made the land, we had not one Cake of Bread, nor any drinke, but a little Vinegar, left: f [...]r these and other reasons, we returned no otherwise laden then you haue heard. And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can my selfe come to giue you further notice, which though it be not so soone as I could haue wisht, yet I hope it shall be in conuenient time. In the meane time crauing your pardon, for which the vrgent occasions of my stay will pleade, I humbly take my leaue.

Your dutifull Sonne, 60 BARTH. GOSNOLD.

CHAP. XI.

The Relation of Captaine GOSNOLS Voyage to the North part of Virginia, begunne the sixe and twentieth of March, Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and deliuered by GABRIEL ARCHER, a Gentleman in the said Voyage.

THe said Captaine did set sayle from Famouth, the day and yeere aboue written ac­companied with thirtie two persons, whereof eight Mariners and Saylers, 10 twelue purposing vpon the Discouery to returne with the ship for England, the rest remayne there for population. The fourteenth of Aprill following, wee had sight of Saint Maries an Iland of the Assoris.

The three and twentieth of the same, beeing two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Iland in the latitude of 37. degrees. The water in the mayne Ocean appeared yel­low, Ocean see­ming yellow. the space of two leagues North and South, where sounding with thirtie fadome Line, wee found no ground, and taking vp some of the said water in a bucket, it altered not either in co­lour or taste from the Sea Azure.

The seuenth of May following, we first saw many Birds in bignesse of Cliffe Pidgeons, and after diuers other as Pettrels, Cootes, Hagbuts, Pengwins, Murres, Gannets, Cormorants, Guls, 20 with many else in our English Tongue of no name. The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish greene, where at seuentie fadome we had ground. The ninth, wee had two and twentie fadome in faire sandie ground, hauing vpon our Lead many glittering Stones, some­what heauie, which might promise some Minerall matter in the bottome, we held our selues by computation, well neere the latitude of 43. degrees.

The tenth wee sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fadome, and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint Iohns Iland, vpon this banke we saw sculs of fish in great numbers. The twelfth we hoysed out halfe of our shallop, and sounding had then eigh­tie fadome without any current perceiued by William Strete the Master, one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries til we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by 30 vs Sea-oare, which seemed to haue their moueable course towards the North-east, a matter to set some subtle inuention on worke, for comprehending the true cause thereof. The thirteenth, wee Sea-oare. sounded in seuentie fadome, and obserued great beds of weedes, much woode and diuers things else floating by vs, when as we had smelling of the shoare, such as from the Southerne Cape and Andulazia in Spaine. Smell of the shoare.

The fourteenth, about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North, &c. the Norther­ly part we called the North Land, which to another Rocke vpon the same lying twelue leagues West, that wee called Sauage Rocke, because the Sauages first shewed themselues there, fiue leagues towards the said Rocke is an out Point of woodie ground, the Trees thereof very high Sauage Rocke. and straight, from the Rocke East North-east. From the said Rocke, came towards vs a Biscay 40 shallop with saile and Oares, hauing eight persons in it, whom we supposed at first to bee Chri­stians distressed. But approching vs neere, wee perceiued them to bee Sauages. These comming within call hayled vs, and wee answered. Then after signes of peace, and a long speech by one Sauages. of them made, they came boldly aboord vs being all naked, sauing about their shoulders certaine loose Deere-skinnes, and neere their wastes Seale-skinnes tyed fast like to Irish Dimmie Trou­ses. One that seeemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of blacke worke, a paire of Breeches, cloth Stockings, Shooes, Hat, and Band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians, these with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts, and could Their behaui­our. name Placentia of the New-found-land, they spake diuers Christian words, and seemed to vnder­stand much more then we, for want of Language could comprehend. These people are in colour swart, their haire long vp tyed with a knot in the part of behind the head. They paint their bo­dies, 50 which are strong and well proportioned. These much desired our longer stay, but finding our selues short of our purposed place, we set saile Westwards, leauing them and their Coast. About sixteene leagues South-west from thence, wee perceiued in that course two small Ilands, the one lying Eastward from Sauage Rock, the other to the Southwards of it, the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods, faire Plaines, with little greene round Hils aboue the Cliffes appearing vnto vs, which are indifferently raised, but all Rockie, and of shining stones, which might haue perswaded vs a longer stay there.

The fifteenth day we [...]ad againe sight of the Land, which made a head being as wee thought an Iland, by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward betweene it and the Mayne, for 60 comming [...]o the Well end thereof, we did perceiue a large opening, we called it Shole-hope: Neere this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteene fadome, where wee tooke great store of Cod-fish, for Shole-hope. which we alt [...]red the name, and called it Cape Cod. Here wee saw sculs of Herrings, Mackerels and other small [...] in great abundance. This is a low sandie shoare, but without danger, also wee Cape Cod. [Page 1648] came to Anchor againe in sixteene fadome, faire by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees. This Cape is well neere a mile broad, and lieth North-east by East. The Captaine went here ashoare and found the ground to be full of Pease, Strawberies, Hurtberies, &c. as then vnripe., the sand also by the shoare somewhat deepe, the fire-wood there by vs taken in was of Cypresse, Birch, Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captaine, armed with his Bow and Arrowes, and had certaine plates of Copper hanging at his Eares, hee shewed a willingnesse to helpe vs in our occasions.

The sixteenth, we trended the Coast Southerly, which was all champaine and full of grasse, but the Ilands somewhat wooddie. Twelue leagues from Cape Cod, we descried a point, with some breach a good distance off, and keeping our losse to double it, wee came on the sudden into 10 shoale water, yet well quitted our selues thereof. This breach wee called Tuckers Terror, vpon his expressed feare. The Point we named Point Care, hauing passed it wee bore vp againe with Tucke [...] Terror. Poin [...] Care. the Land, and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fadome, the ground good. The se­uenteenth, appeared many breaches round about vs, so as wee continued that day without remooue.

The eighteenth, being faire we sent forth the Boat, to sound ouer a Breach, that in our course lay of another Point, by vs called Gilberts Point; who returned vs foure, fiue, sixe and seuen fa­dome Gilberts Point. Diuers Ilands. ouer. Also a Discouery of diuers Ilands which after prooued to bee Hils and Hummocks, distinct within the Land. This day there came vnto the ships side diuers Canoas; the Indians ap­parelled Sauages. as aforesaid, with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper, Skins, artificiall strings and 20 other trifles to barter, one had hanging about his necke a plate of [...]ch Copper in length a foot, in breadth halfe a foot for a brest-plate, the Eares of all the rest had Pendants of Copper. Also one of them had his face ouer painted, and his head stucke with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks traine: These are more timerous then those of the Sau [...]ge Rocke, yet very theeuish.

The nineteenth, we passed ouer the breach of Gilberts Point in foure or fiue fadome, and an­chored a league or somewhat more beyond it; betweene the last two Points are two leagues, the interim, along shoale water, the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts.

The twentieth, by the ships side we there killed Pengwins, and saw many sculs of fish. The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles lyeth East and by South. Here also we discouered Pengwins. two Inlets which might promise fresh water, inwardly whereof we perceiued much smoake, as 30 though some population had there beene: This Coast is very full of people, for that as we tren­ded the same Sauages still runne along the shoare, as men much admiring at vs.

The one and twentieth, we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles, in tenne, nine, eight, seuen, and sixe fadome close aboord the shoare, and that depth lyeth a league off. A little from the supposed Iles appeared vnto vs an opening, with which we stood iudging it to bee the end of that which Captaine Gosnoll descrieth from Cape Cod, and as hee thought to extend some thirtie or more miles in length, and finding there but three fadome a league off, we omitted to make further discouerie of the same, calling it Shole-hope.

From this opening the Mayne lyeth South-west, which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Iland which so afterwards appeared vnto vs: we bore with it, and named it Marthaes Vineyard, 40 from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit, the Iland is fiue miles, and hath 41. degrees and one Marthaes Vine­yard. quarter of latitude: the place most pleasant; for the two and twentieth, we went a shoare, and found it full of Wood, Vines, Gooseberie bushes, Hurtberies, Raspices, Eglentine, &c. Heere we had Cranes, Hearnes, Shoulers Geese, and diuers other Birds which there at that time vpon the Cliffes being sandie with some Rockie stones, did breed and had young. In this place we saw Deere, heere we rode in eight fathome neere the shoare, where wee tooke great store of Cod, as before at Cape Cod, but much better.

The three and twentieth wee weyed, and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Iland, where the next morning off [...]red vnto vs fast running thirteene Sauages appa­relled as aforesaid, and armed with Bowes and Arrowes without any feare. They brought Io­bacco, 50 Deere skins and some sodden fish. These offered themselues vnto vs in great familiaritie, who seemed to be well conditioned. They came more rich in Copper then any before. This I­land is sound, and hath no danger about it.

The foure and twentieth, we set saile and doubled the Cape of another Iland next vnto it, which wee called Douer Cliffe, and then came into a faire Sound, where wee roade all night, the next morning wee sent off our Boate to discouer another Cape, that lay betweene vs and the Douer-cliffe­sound. Mayne, from which were a ledge of Rockes a mile into the Sea, but all aboue water, and with­out danger, we went about them, and came to Anchor in eight fadome, a quarter of a mile from the shoare, in one of the stateliest Sounds that euer I was in. This called wee Gosnolls Hope; the North banke whereof is the Mayne, which stretcheth East and West. This Iland Captaine Gos­noll Gosnolls Hope. 60 called Elizabeths Ile, where we determined our abode: the distance betweene euery of these Elizabeths Ile. Ilands is, viz. from Marthaes Vineyard to Douer Cliffe, halfe a league ouer the Sound, thence to Elizabeths Ile one league distant. From Elizabeths Ile vnto the Mayne is foure leagues. On the North side neere adioyning vnto the Iland Elizabeth, is an Ilet in compasse halfe a myle full [Page 1649] of Cedars, by me called Hills Hap, to the Northward, of which in the mouth of an opening on Hills Hap. Haps Hill. the Mayne appeareth another the like, that I called Haps Hill, for that I hope much hap may be expected from it.

The fiue and twentieth, it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope. The six and twentieth, we trimmed and fitted vp our Shallop. The seuen and twentieth, there came vnto vs an Indian and two women; the one we supposed to be his Wife, the other his Daughter, both cleane and straite bodied, with countenance sweet and pleasant. To these the Indian gaue heedfull attendance for that they shewed them in much familiaritie with our men, although they would not admit of a­ny immodest touch.

The eight and twentieth we entred counsell about our abode and plantation, which was con­cluded to be in the West part of Elizabeths Iland. The North-east thereof running from out our 10 ken. The South and North standeth in an equall Parallel. This Iland in the Wester [...]de admitteth some Increekes, or sandie Coues, so girded, as the water in some places of each side meeteth, to which the Indians from the Mayne doe oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs. There is eight fadome very neere the shoare, and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes, the breadth from Sound to Sound in the Wester part is not passing a mile at most, altogether vnpeopled and dis­inhabited. Elizabeths [...] [...]. 4. [...] 10. minut [...]s [...]. It is ouer-growne with Wood and Rubbish, viz. Okes, Ashes, Beech, Wal-nut, Weech-halse, Sassafrage, and Cedars, with diuers other of vnknowne names. The R [...]sh is wild Peaze, young Sassafrage, Cherie trees, Vines, Eglentine, Goose-berie bushes, Haw [...]orne, Honisuckles, with others of like qualitie. The herbs and Roots are Strawberies Raspis, Ground Nuts, Alexander, Surrin, Tansie, &c. without count. Touching the fertilitie of the soyle by our 20 owne experience made, we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse it sprowted out in one fortnight almost halfe a foot. In this Iland is a stage or Pond of fresh water, in circuit two miles, on the one side not distant from the Sea thirtie yards, in the Centre whereof is a Roc­kie Islet, contayning neere an Acre of ground full of wood, on which wee beganne our Fort and Fort began. place of abode, disposing it selfe so fit for the same. These Indians call Gold Wassador, which ar­gueth there is thereof in the Countrey.

The nine and twentieth, we laboured in getting of Sassafrage, rubbishing our little Fort or Islet, new keeling our shallop; and making a Punt or Flat bottome Boate to passe to and fro our Fort ouer the fresh water, the powder of Sassafrage in twelue houres cured one of our Com­pany that had taken a great Surfet by eating the bellies of Dog-fish, a very delicious meate. 30

The thirtieth, Captaine Gosnoll with diuers of his company went vpon pleasure in the shal­lop towards Hills Hap to view it, and the Sandie Coue, and returning brought with him a Canoa that foure Indians had there left being fled away for feare of our English which we brought into England.

The one and thirtieth, Captaine Gosnoll desirous to see the Maine, because of the distance, hee set sayle ouer; where comming to anchor, went ashoare with certaine of his companie, and im­mediatly there presented vnto him men women and children, who with all curteous kindnesse entertayned him, giuing him certaine skinnes of wilde beasts, which may be rich Furres, Tobac­co, Turtles, Hempe, artificiall Strings c [...]oured, Chaines, and such like things as at the in [...]ant The p [...]. 40 they had about them. These are a faire conditioned people: On all the Sea coast along we found Mussell shells that in colour did represent Mother-of-pearle, but not hauing meanes to dredge, could not apprehend further knowledge thereof. This Maine is the goodliest Continent that euer we saw, promising more by farre then we any way did expect: for it is replenished with Goodly Countrey. faire fields, and in them fragrant Flowers, also Medowes, and hedged in with stately Groues, be­ing furnished also with pleasant Brookes, and beautified with two maine Riuers that (as wee iudge) may haply become good Harbours, and conduct vs to the hopes men so greedily doe thirst after. In the mouth of one of these Inlets or Riuers lieth that little Ile before mentioned, called Happes Hill, from which vnto the Westermost end of the Maine, appearing where the other Inlet is, I account some fiue leagues, and the Coast betweene bendeth like a Bow, and lyeth East and by North. Beyond these two Inlets we might perceiue the Mayne to beare vp South-west, 50 and more Southerly. Thus with this taste of Discouery, we now contented our selues, and the same day made returne vnto our Fort, time not permitting more sparing delay.

The first of Iune, we employed our selues in getting Sassafrage, and the building of our Fort. The second, third and fourth, we wrought hard to make readie our house for the prouision to bee had ashore to sustaine vs till our ships returne. This day from the Mayne came to our ships side a Canoa, with their Lord or chiefe Commander, for that they made little stay only pointing to the Sunne, as in signe that the next day hee would come and visit vs, which hee did ac­cordingly.

The fifth, wee continued our labour, when there came vnto vs ashoare from the Mayne fiftie 60 Sauages, stout and lustie men with their Bowes and Arrowes, amongst them there seemed to be one of authoritie, because the rest made an inclining respect vnto him. The ship was at their comming a league off, and Captaine Gosnoll aboord, and so likewise Captaine Gilbert, who almost neuer went ashoare, the company with me only eight persons. These Indians in hastie manner [Page 1650] came towards vs, so as we thought fit to make a stand at an angle betweene the Sea and a fresh water, I mooued my selfe towards him seuen or eight steps, and clapt my hands first on the sides of mine head, then on my breast, and after presented my Musket with a threatning countenance, thereby to signifie vnto them, either a choice of Peace or Warre, whereupon hee vsing mee with mine owne signes of Peace, I stept forth and imbraced him, his company then all sate downe in manner like Grey-hounds vpon their heeles, with whom my company fell a bartering. By this time Captaine Gosnoll was come with twelue men more from aboord, and to shew the Sauage Seignior that he was our Captaine, we receiued him in a guard, which he passing thorow, saluted the Seignior with ceremonies of our salutations, whereat he nothing mooued or altered himselfe. Our Captaine gaue him a straw Hat and a paire of Kniues, the Hat awhiles hee wore, but the 10 Kniues he beheld with great maruelling, being very bright and sharpe, this our courtesie made them all in loue with vs. in

The sixt being raine, we spent idlely aboord. The seuenth, the Seignior came againe with all his troupe as before, and continued with vs the most part of the day, we going to dinner about noone, they sate with vs and did eate of our Bacaleure and Mustard, dranke of our Beere, but the Mustard nipping them in their noses they could not indure: it was a sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith. In time of Dinner the Sauages had stolne a Target where­with acquainting the Seignior, with feare and great trembling they restored it againe, thinking perhaps we would haue beene reuenged for it, but seeing our familiaritie to continue, they fell a fresh to roasting of Crabs, Red Herrings, which were exceeding great, ground Nuts, &c. as be­fore. 20 Our Dinner ended, the Seignior first tooke leaue and departed, next all the rest sauing foure that stayed and went into the Wood to helpe vs digge Sassafrage, whom we desired to goe aboord vs, which they refused and so departed.

The eighth wee diuided the victuals, viz. the ships store for England, and that of the Planters, which by Captaine Gilbert: allowance could be but sixe weekes for sixe moneths, whereby there fell out a controuersie, the rather, for that some seemed secretly to vnderstand of a purpose Cap­taine Gilbert had not to returne with supplie of the issue, those goods should make by him to be carried home. Besides, there wanted not ambitious conceits in the mindes of some wrang­ling Their purpose of stay bro­ken off. and ill disposed persons that ouerthrew the stay there at that time, which vpon consultation thereof had, about fiue dayes after was fully resolued all for England againe. There came in this 30 interim aboord vnto vs, that stayed all night, an Indian, whom wee vsed kindly, and the next day sent ashoare hee shewed himselfe the most sober of all the rest, wee held him sent as a Spie. In the morning he filched away our Pot-hookes, thinking he had not done any ill therein; be­ing ashoare wee bid him strike fire, which with an Emerald stone (such as the Glasiers vse, to cut Glasse) he did. I take it to be the very same that in Latine is called Smiris, for striking there­with vpon Touch-wood that of purpose hee had, by meane of a mynerall stone vsed therein, sparkles proceeded and forth with kindled with making of flame. The ninth, wee continued working on our Store-house for as yet remayned in vs a desired resolution of making stay. The tenth, Captaine Gosnoll fell downe with the ship to the little Ilet of Cedars, called Hills happe, to take in Cedar wood, leauing mee and nine more in the Fort, onely with three meales meate, 40 vpon promise to returne the next day.

The eleuenth, he came not, neither sent, whereupon I commanded foure of my companie to seeke out for Crabbes, Lobsters, Turtles, &c. for sustayning vs till the ships returne, which was gone cleane out of sight, and had the winde chopt vp at South-west, with much difficulty would shee haue beene able in short time to haue made returne. These foure Purveyers, whom I counselled to keepe together for their better safety diuided themselues, two going one wayes and two another, in search as aforesaid. One of these petie companies was assaulted by foure Indians, who with Arrowes did shoot and hurt one of the two in his side, the other a lusty and Sauage assault nimble fellow, leapt in and cut their Bow-strings whereupon they fled. Being late in the eue­ning, they were driuen to lie all night in the Woods, not knowing the way home thorow the 50 thicke rubbish, as also the weather somewhat stormie. The want of these sorrowed vs much, as not able to coniecture any thing of them vnlesse very euill.

The twelfth, those two came vnto vs againe, whereat our ioy was encreased, yet the want of our Captaine, that promised to returne, as aforesaid, strooke vs in a dumpish terrour, for that hee performed not the same in the space of almost three dayes. In the meane wee sustayned our selues with Alexander and Sorrell pottage, Ground-nuts and Tobacco, which gaue nature a rea­sonable content. Wee heard at last, our Captaine to Iewre vnto vs, which made such musike as sweeter neuer came vnto poore men.

The thirteenth, beganne some of our companie that before vowed to stay, to make reuolt: whereupon the planters diminishing, all was giuen ouer. The fourteenth, fifteenth, and six­teenth 60 wee spent in getting Sasafrage and fire-wood of Cedar, leauing House and little Fort by ten men in nineteene dayes sufficient made to harbour twenty persons at least with their neces­sary prouision.

The seuenteenth, we set sayle, doubling the Rockes of Elizabeths Iland, and passing by Douer [Page 1651] Cliffe, came to anchor at Marthaes Vineyard being fiue leagues distant from our Fort, where we went ashoare, and had young Cranes, Herneshowes, and Geese, which now were growne to pretie bignesse.

The eighteenth, we set sayle and bore for England, cutting off our Shalop, that was well able Returne. to land fiue and twenty men, or more, a Boate very necessary for the like occasions. The winds doe raigne most commonly vpon this coast in the Summer time, Westerly. In our home­ward course wee obserued the foresaid fleeting weeds to continue till we came within two hun­dred leagues of Europe.

The three and twentieth of Iuly we came to anchor before Exmouth. 10

CHAP. XI.

Notes of the same Voyage taken out of a Tractate written by IAMES RO­SIER to Sir WALTER RALEIGH, and of MACES Voyage to Virginia.

ELizabeths Iland is full of high timbred Oakes, their leaues thrice so broad as ours; Ce­dars, Oakes. Cedars, Beech. Elme. Hollie. Walnut trees. Cherrie trees. straight and tall; Beech, Elme, Hollie, Wal-nut trees in abundance, the fruit as 20 bigge as ours, as appeared by those wee found vnder the trees, which had lien all the yeere vngathered; Hasle-nut trees, Cherrie trees, the leafe, barke and bignesse not differing from ours in England, but the stalke beareth the blossomes or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of Grapes, fortie or fiftie in a bunch; Sassafras trees great plen­tie Sassafras trees. Diuers other trees. all the Iland ouer, a tree of high price and profit; also diuers other fruit-trees, some of them with strange barkes, of an Orange colour, in feeling soft and smooth like Veluet: in the thickest parts of these Woods, you may see a furlong or more round about.

On the North-west side of this Iland, neere to the Sea-side, is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compasse, in the miast whereof stands a woody ground, an acre in quantitie, or not A Lake three miles about: Smal Tortoises aboue: this Lake is full of small Tortoises, and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowles before re­hearsed, 30 which breed, some lowe on the bankes, and others on lowe trees about this Lake in great abun­dance, whose young ones of all sorts wee tooke and eate at our pleasure: but all these fowles are much Abundance of fowles, much bigger than ours in Eng­land. Ground-nuts. Shell fish. bigger than ours in England. Also, in euery Iland, and almost euery part of euery Iland, are great store of Ground-nuts fortie together on a string, some of them as bigge as Hennes egges; they growe not two inches vnder ground: the which Nuts wee found to bee as good as Potatoes. Also, diuers sorts of shell-fish, as Scalops, Mussels, Cockles, Lobsters, Crabs, Oisters, and Wilkes, exceeding good and very great. But not to cloy you with particular rehearsall of such things as God and Nature hath bestowed on these places, in comparison whereof, the most fertile part of all England is (of it selfe) but barren; wee went in our Light-horsman from this Iland to the Maine, right against this Iland some two miles off, where comming ashoare, wee stood a while like men ranished at the beautie and delicacy of this sweet The exceeding beauty of the maine Land. Great Lakes. Large Medows 40 soyle; for besides diuers cleere Lakes of fresh water (whereof wee saw no end) Medowes very large, and full of greene grasse; euen the most wooddy places (I speake onely of such as I saw) doe growe so distinct and apart, one tree from another, vpon greene grassie ground, somewhat higher than the Plaines, as if Nature would shew her selfe aboue her power, artificiall. Hard by, wee espied seuen Indians, and comming vp to them, at first they expressed some feare; but being emboldned by our courteous vsage, Seuen Indians. and some trifles which we gaue them, they followed vs to a necke of Land, which wee imagined had beene seuered from the Mayne; but finding it otherwise, wee perceiued abroad Harbour or Riuers mouth, A broad Riuer. which came vp into the Mayne: and because the day was farre spent, we were forced to returne to the I­land from whence we came, leauing the Discouery of this Harbour, for a time of better leisure. Of A good Har­bour. the goadnesse of which Harbour, as also of many others thereabouts, there is small doubt, con­sidering 50 that all the Ilands, as also the Maine (where wee were) is all Rockie Grounds and broken Lands.

Now the next day, wee determined to fortifie our selues in a little plot of ground in the middest of the Lake aboue mentioned, where wee built an house, and couered it with sedge, which grew about this The English House. Lake in great abundance; in building whereof, wee spent three weekes and more: but the second day after our comming from the Maine, wee espied eleuen Canoas or Boats, with fifty Indians in them, 11. Canoas with [...]0. Indians in them. comming toward vs from this part of the Maine, where wee two dayes before landed: and being loath they should discouer our fortification, wee went out into the Sea side to meete them; and comming some­what neere them, they all sate downe vpon the stones, calling aloud to vs (as wee rightly ghessed) to doe the like, a little distance from them: hauing sate a while in this order, Captaine Gosnold willed mee 60 to goe vnto them; to see what countenance they would make; but as soone as I came vp vnto them, one of them, to whom I had giuen a Knife two dayes before in the Maine, knew mee (whom I also very well remembred) and smiling vpon me, spake somewhat vnto their Lord or Captaine, which sate in the midst Their Captain. of them, who presently rose vp and tooke a large Beuer skinne from one that stood about him, and gaue [Page 1650] [...] [Page 1651] [...] [Page 1652] it vnto me, which I requited for that time the best I could: but I, pointing towards captaine Gosnold, made signes vnto him, that hee was our Captaine, and desirous to bee his friend, and enter league with him, which (as I perceiued) he vnderstood, and made signes of ioy: whereupon Captaine Gosnold, with the rest of his companie, being twenty in all, came vp vnto them; and after many signes of gratulations (Captaine Gosnold presenting their Lord with certaine trifles which they wondred at, and highly estee­med) wee became very great friends, and sent for meat aboord our Shalop, and gaue them such meates as wee had then ready dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our Mustard, whereat they made many a sowre face. While wee were thus merrie, one of them had conueighed a Target of ours into one of their Canoas, which wee suffered, onely to trie whether they were in subiection to this Lord, to whom we made signes (by shewing him another of the same likenesse, and pointing to the Canoa) what one of his com­panie 10 had done: who suddenly expressed some feare, and speaking angerly to one about him (as wee percei­ued Seuerall sorts & Furres. by his countenance) caused it presently to be brought backe againe. So the rest of the day wee spent in trading with them for Furres, which are Beauers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wilde-cat skinnes, ve­ry large and deepe Furre, blacke Foxes, Conie skinnes, of the colour of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very large, Seale skinnes, and other beasts skinnes, to vs vnknowne.

They haue also great store of Copper, some very red, and some of a paler colour; none of them but Red Copper in abundance. haue Chaines, Eare-rings, or Collars of this metall: they head some of their Arrowes herewith much like our broad Arrow heads, very workmanly made. Their Chaines are many hollow pieces semented Chaines. together, each piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelue of them toge­ther on a string, which they weare about their neckes: their Collars they weare about their bodies like Collars. 20 Bandelieres a handfull broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter, foure hundred pieces in a Collar, very fine and euenly set together. Besides these, they haue large drinking Cups made like Drinking cups of Copper. Sculls, and other thinne plates of Copper, made much like our Boare-speare blades, all which they so little esteeme, as they offered their fairest Collars and Chaines for a Knife, or such like triste, but wee seemed little to regard it; yet I was desirous to vnderstand where they had such store of this mettall, and made signes to one of them (with whom I was very familiar) who taking a piece of copper in his hand, made a hole Mines of Copper. with his finger in the ground, and withall pointed to the Maine from whence they came. They strike fire in this manner; euery one carrieth about him in a Purse oftewd Leather, a Minerall stone (which I take Mineral stones to be their Copper) and with a flat Emerie stone (wherewith Glasiers cut glasse, and Cutlers glase blades) tied fast to the end of alittle sticke, gently hee striketh vpon the Minerall stone, and within a stroke or Emerie stones. 30 two, a sparke falleth vpon a piece of Touch-wood (much like our Spunge in England) and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently. Wee had also of their Flaxe, wherewith they make many strings and Flaxe. cords, but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England: I am perswaded they haue store growing vp­on the Maine, as also Mines, and many other rich commodities, which we, wanting both time and meanes could not possibly discouer.

Thus they continued with vs three dayes, euery night retiring themselues to the furthermost part of our Iland two or three miles from our Fort: but the fourth day they returned to the Maine, pointing fiue or sixe times to the Sunne, and once to the Maine, which we vnderstood, that within fiue or sixe dayes they would come from the Maine to vs againe: but being in their Canoas a little from the shoare, they made huge cries and shouts of ioy vnto vs; and wee with our Trumpet and Cornet, and casting vp our 40 caps into the aire, made them the best farewell wee could: yet sixe or seuen of them remayned with vs behinde, bearing vs companie euery day in the Woods, and helped vs to cut and carrie our Sassafras, and some of them lay aboord our ship. Indians apt for service. Saffafras. A goodly peo­ple, and of good condi­tions.

These people as they are exceeding curteous, gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that we haue seene; so for shape of body and louely fauour, I thinke they excell all the people of America; of stature much higher than wee; of complexion or colour, much like a darke Oliue; their eye-browes and haire blacke, which they weare long, tyed vp behinde in knots, whereon they pricke fea­thers of fowles, in fashion of a Crownet: some of them are blacke thinne bearded; they make beards of the haire of beasts: and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our Saylers, for his that grew on his face, which because it was of a red colour, they iudged to be none of his owne. They are quicke 50 eyed, and stedfast in their lookes, fearelesse of others harmes, as intending none themselues; some of the meaner sort giuen to filching, which the very name of Sauages (not weighing their ignorance in good or Their apparell. euill) may easily excuse: their garments are of Deere skinnes, and some of them weare Furres round and close about their neckes. They pronounce our Language with great facilitie; for one of them one day sitting by mee, vpon occasion I spake smiling to him these words: How now, sirrha, are you so sawcy with my Tobacco? which words (without any further repetition) he suddenly spake so plaine and distinctly, as if hee had beene a long Scholer in the Language. Many other such trials wee had, which are here needlesse to repeat. Their women (such as wee saw) which were but three in all, were Their women. but lowe of stature, their eye-browes, haire, apparell, and manner of wearing, like to the men, fat, and very well-fauoured, and much delighted in our companie; the men are very dutifull to­wards 60 them. And truly, the wholsomnesse and temperature of this Climate, doth not onely argue this people to be answerable to this description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue strong, health­full, and very witty, as the sundry toyes of theirs cunningly wrought, may easily witnesse. The goodnesse of the Climat.

For the agreeing of this Climate with vs (I speake of my selfe, and so I may iustly doe for the rest of [Page 1653] our companie) that we found our health and strength all the while we remayned there, so to renew and en­crease, as notwithstanding our diet and lodging was none of the best, yet not one of our companie (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease or sicknesse, but were much fatter, and in better health than when we went out of England: but after our Barke had taken in so much Sassafras, Cedar, Furres, Skinnes, and other commodities, as were thought conuenient; some of our companie that had promised Captaine Gosnold to stay, hauing nothing but a sauing voyage in their mindes, made our companie of Inhabitants (which was small enough before) much smaller; so as Cap­taine Gosnold seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelue men, and they but meanly proui­ded, determined to returne for England, leauing this Iland (which he called Elizabeths Iland) with Their returne. as many true sorrowfull eyes, as were before desirous to see it. So the eighteenth of Iune, being Friday, we weighed and with indifferent faire winde and weather came to anchor the three and twentieth 10 of Iuly, being also Friday (in all, bare fiue weekes) before Exmouth.

Your Lordships to command. IOHN BRERETON.

A briefe Note of such commodities as we saw in the Countrie, notwithstan­ding our small time of stay.

TRees. Sassafras trees, the roots whereof at three shillings the pound are three hundred thirty sixe pound the tunne. Cedars tall and straight, in great abundance; Cypres trees, Oakes, 20 Wal-nut trees great store, Elmes, Beech, Hollie, Hasle-nut trees, Cherrie trees, Cotton trees, and other fruit-trees to vs vnknowne. The finder of our Sassafras in these parts, was one Master Robert Meriton.

Fowles. Eagles, Hernshawes. Cranes, Bitters, Mallards, Teales, Geese, Pengwins, Ospreis and Hawkes, Crowes, Rauens, Mewes, Doues, Sea-pies, Black-birds with carnation wings.

Beasts. Deere in great store, very great and large; Beares, Luzernes, blacke Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Wilde-cats very large and great, Dogs like Foxes, blacke and sharpe nosed; Conies.

Fruits, Plants, and Herbes. Tabacco, excellent sweet and strong; Vines more plenty than in France, Ground-nuts, good meate and also medicinable; Strawberries, Rasp-berries, Goose­berries, Hurtleberries, Pease growing naturally, Flaxe, Iris Florentina, whereof Apothecaries 30 make sweet balls; Sorrell, and many other herbes where with they made Sallets.

Fishes. Whales, Tortoises, both on Land and Sea; Seales Cods, Mackerell, Breames, Her­rings, Thornbacke, Hakes, Rock-fish, Dog-fish, Lobsters, Crabbes, Mussels, Wilkes, Cockles, Scallops, Oysters.

Snakes foure foot in length, and sixe inches about, which the Indians eate for dainty meate, the skinnes whereof they vse for girdles.

Colours to die with, red, white, and blacke.

Mettals, and Stones. Copper in great abundance, Emerie stones, for Glasiers and Cutlers, Alabaster very white, Stones glittering and shining like Minerall stones; Stones of a blue met­talline colour, which we take to bee Steele oare; Stones of all sorts for buildings; Clay, red 40 and white, which may proue good Terra Sigillata.

A briefe Note of the sending another Barque this present yeere 1602.

SAmuel Mace of Weimouth, a very sufficient Mariner, an honest sober man, who had beene at Uirginia twice before, was employed thither by Sir Walter Raleigh, to finde those people which were left there in the yeere 1587. To whose succour he hath sent fiue seuerall times at his 50 owne charges. The parties by him set forth, performed nothing; some of them following their owne profit elsewhere; others returning with friuolous allegations. At this last time, to a­uoide all excuse, hee bought a Barke, and hired all the companie for wages by the moneth: who departing from Weimouth in March last, 1602. fell fortie leagues to the South-westward of Hataraske, in 34. degrees or thereabout; and hauing there spent a moneth; when they came along the coast to seeke the people, they did it not, pretending that the extremitie of weather, and losse of some principall ground-tackle, forced and feared them from searching the Port of Hataraske, to which they were sent. From that place where they abode, they brought Sassa­fras, Radix Chinae, or the China Root, Beniamin, Cassia lignea and a rind of a tree more strong 60 than any Spice as yet vnknowne, with diuers other commodities, which hereafter in a larger dis­course may come to light.

CHAP. XII.

A Voyage set out from the Citie of Bristoll at the charge of the chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of the said Citie with a small Ship and a Barke for the discouerie of the North part of Virginia, in the yeere 1603. vnder the com­mand of me MARTIN PRINGE.

VPon many probable and reasonable inducements, vsed vnto sundry of the chiefest 10 Merchants of Bristoll, by Master Richard Hakluyt Prebendary of Saint Augu­stines the Cathedrall Church of the said Citie, after diuers meetings and due con­sultation they resolued to set forth a Voyage for the farther Discouerie of the North part of Uirginia. And first they sent the said Master Hakluyt accompa­nied with one Master Iohn Angell, and Master Robert Saltern (which had beene M. Salterne yet liueth neither is his zeale dead to this action. He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to mee testified his af­fection to Vir­ginia. M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome. in the said Discouerie the yeere before with Captaine Bar tholomew Gosnold) to obtaine permissi­on of Sir Walter Raleigh (which had a most ample Patent of all those parts from Queene Eliza­beth) to entermeddle and deale in that action. Leaue being obtained of him vnder his hand and Seale, they speedily prepared a small ship called the Speed-well in burthen about fiftie tunnes, manning the same with some thirtie men and Boyes, wherein went for Master and chiefe Com­mander in the Voyage one Martin Pring, a man very sufficient for his place, and Edmund Iones his 20 Mate, and Robert Salterne aboue mentioned, as their chiefe Agent, with a Barke called the Dis­couerer, of six and twentie tunnes or thereabout, wherein went for Master William Browne, and Samuell Kirkland his Mate, both good and skilfull Mariners, being thirteene men and a Boy in all in that Barke. The aforesaid ship and Barke were plentifully victualied for eight monethes, and furnished with slight Merchandizes thought fit to trade with the people of the Countrey, as Hats of diuers colours, greene, blue and yellow, apparell of coarse Kersie and Canuasse readie made, Stockings and Shooes, Sawes, Pick-axes, Spades and Shouels, Axes, Hatchets, Hookes, Kniues, Sizzers, Hammers, Nailes, Chissels, Fish-hookes, Bels, Beades, Bugles, Looking-glasses, Thimbles, Pinnes, Needles, Threed, and such like. They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth 30 day of March.

We set saile from Milford Hauen (where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight, in which space April 10. 1603. we heard of Queene Elizabeths death) the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores, had first sight of the Pike, and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores, and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues, we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia, in the latitude of 43. degrees, the [...] of Iune, which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold, adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees, as Cedars, They discouer many Ilands. Good fishing place. Spruce, Pines, and Firre-trees. Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods, which are better then those of New-found-land, and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vp­on: also we see no reason to the contrary, but that Salt may bee made in these parts, a matter of 40 no small importance. We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands, and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest. One of them we named Foxe Iland, because we found those kind Foxe Iland. of beasts thereon. So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land, which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west, we found very safe riding among them, in sixe, se­uen, eight, ten and twelue fathomes. At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe, we ranged the same to the South-west. In which course we found foure In­lets, the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth, but hauing passed ouer the barre, wee ranne vp into it fiue miles, and for a certaine space found very good depth, and comming out a­gaine, as we sailed South-westward, wee lighted vpon two other Inlets, which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land, the fourth and most Westerly was the best, which 50 we rowed vp ten or twelue miles.

In all these places we found no people, but signes of fires where they had beene. Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes, Beeches, Pine-trees, Firre-trees, Hasels, Wich-hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts, as Stags, Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and Dogges with sharpe noses. But meeting with no Sassafras, we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands, shaping our course for Sauage Rocke, Sauage Rocke. People. discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold, where going vpon the Mayne we found people, with whom we had no long conuersation, because here also we could find no Sassfras. Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting Great Gulfe. and finding people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in our expectation, we left them 60 and sailed ouer, and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes: where we went on Land in a certaine Bay, which we called Whitson Bay, by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, and one of the chiefe Aduenturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning, wee called it Mount Aldworth, Whitson Bay. M. Aldworth. [Page 1655] for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, aswell with his Purse as with his trauell. Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras.

At our going on shore, vpon view of the people and sight of the place, wee thought it conue­nient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in, for the aduertizement and succour of our men, while they should worke in the Woods. During our abode on shore, the The people visit them. people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten, twentie, fortie or threescore, and at one time one hundred and twentie at once. We vsed them kindly, and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize. They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men. Their owne victuals were most of fish.

We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne, in whose homely Musicke 10 they tooke great delight, and would giue him many things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes The Sauages take great de­light in mus [...]. skinnes of sixe foot long, which they vse for Girdles, Fawnes skinnes, and such like, and dan­ced twentie in a Ring, and the Gitterne in the middest of them, vsing many Sauage gestures, singing Io, Ia, Io, Ia, Ia, Io: him that first brake the ring, the rest would knocke and cry out vpon. Dances. Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long, and halfe a foote broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell, painted blacke and yellow, Weapons. the strings of three twists of sinewes, bigger then our Bow-strings. Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds, but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite, as closely fastened with some binding matter, as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on. Their Quiuers are full a yard 20 long, made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue, and one handfull be­neath with prettie workes and compartiments, Diamant wise of red and other colours.

We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues, of whom the Indians were more a­fraid, The great vse of Mastiues. then of twentie of our men. One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth. And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs, and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes, and returned safely. And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues, and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away. These people in colour are inclined to a swart, tawnie, or Chestnut colour, not by nature but accidentally, and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts, and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind: in which 30 haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure. They couer their Ornaments. priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before: whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women, for we saw not past two of them, who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees, and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder. The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and giuen to treacherie, as in the end we perceiued.

Their Boats, whereof we brought one to Bristoll, were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer The fashion of their Boats. of Thames, seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad, made of the Barke of a Birch-tree, farre exceeding in bignesse those of England: it was sowed together with strong and tough Oziers or 40 twigs, and the seames couered ouer with Rozen or Turpentine little inferiour in sweetnesse to Excellent sweet Rozen and Turpentine. Frankincense, as we made triall by burning a little thereof on the coales at sundry times after our comming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and sharpe at both ends, sauing that the beake was a little bending roundly vpward. And though it carried nine men standing vpright, yet it weighed not at the most aboue sixtie pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible in re­gard of the largenesse and capacitie thereof. Their Oares were flat at the end like an Ouen peele, made of Ash or Maple very light and strong, about two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly: Passing vp a Riuer we saw certaine Cottages together, abandoned by the Sauages, and not farre off we beheld their Gardens and one among the rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was sowne Tobacco, Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and some of the people Their Garden [...] Corne and plants. 50 had Maiz or Indian Wheate among them. In the fields we found wild Pease, Strawberries very faire and bigge, Goose-berries, Raspices, Hurts, and other wild fruits.

Hauing spent three Weekes vpon the Coast before we came to this place where we meant to stay & take in our lading, according to our instructions giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged vp the Earth with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seuen Weeks, although they were late sowne, came vp very well, giuing certaine testimonie of the goodnesse of the Climate and of the Soyle. And it seemeth that Oade, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here we found grasse aboue knee deepe. 60

As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne vertue for the French Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best wood of all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees, [Page 1656] Maples, holy to make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like a small red Peare­plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristoll.) We found also low trees bearing faire Cheries. There were likewise a white kind of Plums which were not growne to their perfect ripenesse. With di­uers other sorts of trees to vs vnknowne.

The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with sharpe and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furres being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no smal gaine to vs. Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the yeere 1604. almost in Beuers and Otters skinnes only. The 10 most vsuall Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, Cranes, Herons, Crowes, Gulls, and great store of other Riuer and Sea-fowles. And as the Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea re­plenished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales to make Oile withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs, Lobsters, Creuises, and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them.

By the end of Iuly we had laded our small Barke called the Discouerer, with as much Sassa­fras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into England before, to giue some speedie con­tentment to the Aduenturers: who arriued safely in Kingrode aboue a fortnight before vs. After Barke sent home. their departure we so bestirred our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, during which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noone tide while our men which vsed to cut downe Sassafras in the Woods were asleepe, as they vsed to doe for two houres in the heat 20 of the day, there came downe about seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and Arrowes, Danger of the Sauages. and enuironed our House or Barricado, wherein were foure of our men alone with their Mus­kets to keepe Centinell, whom they sought to haue come downe vnto them, which they vtter­ly refused, and stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being very carefull and circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour to the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in the Woods: at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and beganne a little to call for Foole and Gallant, their great and fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly laid themselues downe againe, but beeing 30 quickned vp eftsoones againe with a second shot they rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons and with their Mastiues, great Foole with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew downe to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afarre off, with the Mastiue which they most fea­red, in dissembling manner they turned all to a iest and sport, and departed away in friendly man­ner: yet not long after, euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where wee wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile space, and the very same day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe to the shoare in greater number, to wit, very neere two hundred by our estimation, and some of them came in their Boates to our ship, and would haue had vs come in againe: but we sent them backe, and would none of their entertainment.

About the eighth or ninth of August, wee left this excellent Hauen at the entrance whereof 40 we found twentie fathomes water, and rode at our ease in seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the Hauen winding in compasse like the shell of a Snaile, and it is in latitude of one and forty de­grees and fiue and twentie minutes.

This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captaine fell so much to the Northward because he would find high grounds, where commonly the best Hauens are: which also fell out to his expectation. We also obserued that we could find no Sassafras but in sandie ground. In our returne we brought our selues into the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees about the Açores for certaine causes, and within fiue weekes space came from our Port of Uirginia, into the Soun­dings of England, but there being long encountred with Easterly winds, we came at length into Kingrode, the second of October 1603. The Discouerer was out fiue moneths and an halfe. The 50 Speedwell was out sixe moneths vpon the Voyage.

A Relation of the Voyage made to Virginia, in the Elizabeth of London, a Barke of fiftie tunnes by Captaine BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT, in the yeere 1603.

VPon Wednesday in Easter weeke, the seuenteenth of Aprill after, I had taken my leaue of some few of my louing and deere friends in Bernards Inne, I rode toward Southampton, there to be speake Bisket and some other prouision for our Barke, wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captaine, which had beene in Virginia the yeere before with Captaine Bartholomew Gos­nold. [Page 1657] After our businesse was dispatched here, wee came into Plimmouth, from whence wee put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same, we were in the latitude of 32. degrees, hoping to haue had sight of the Ile of Madera, whereof we missed, in which course we met with two or three English men of warre.

The first of Iune, we were in the latitude of 27. degrees, and haled ouer toward the Ilands, of the West Indies, and the fifteenth of this moneth toward night wee saw Land. Master Gil­bert and the Master Henrie Suite dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Towre of London, tooke it to be the Bermudas: being very neere the shore they sounded many times and had no ground, at the last they found good ground in fourteene or fifteene fathomes. There wee cast Anchor. In the morning we weighed, and sounded still as we trended by the shoare: but after wee were past 10 a Cables length from our Road, we had no Land againe in forty or fifty fathomes: we kept still by the shore not yet being certaine what Iland it was. The sixteenth in the morning, wee spied the people comming from the shore, who when they came neere, cried out for barter or trade: when they came close aboord, they made signes and cried out to see our colours, which we pre­sently put forth in the maine top, and told them we were Ingleses, Amigos, and Hermanos, that is, Englishmen, their friends and brothers. Assoone as they vnderstood we were Englishmen, they were bolder to come neere: we threw them a Rope, and one came aboord vs: wee traded with them for some Tobacco, Pine-apples, Piantanes, Pompions and such things as they had: wee gaue them Bugles, Kniues, Whistles, and such toyes. Here we kept close by the shore. When this Canoa had traded with vs, and vttered all they had and drunke of our Beere, beeing kindly vsed 20 they departed: and then presently after diuers Canoas came, we traded and vsed them as the first. One of them told vs that Iland was Santa Lucia. We bestowed all that forenoone shaking in the They trade a [...] Santa Lucia. wind (for we had no ground to Anchor) neere the shore to trade with them. Then wee set our course for Saint Vincent, but finding a current against vs and the wind very scant, we doubted we should not fetch it, and that if we did, peraduenture we might bee put to the leeward of Domi­nica, and so consequently of Meuis or Nieues; for which Iland we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae, in the same. Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone, although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Ilands, yet in the end hee put roomer for Dominica, Dominica. whereof we had sight the seuenteenth of Iune, and came close to the shore; and presently one Canoa came aboord, as at Santa Lucia, being sent with two men belike to discouer vs, and to see 30 what entertainment they should haue, we vsed them kindly and so dismissed them. There came more full of men, with diuers of their commodities.

The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday, we anchored in a good Road at Meuis, and af­ter Meuis. went on shore to seeke Lignum vitae, Master Gilbert, with the Master and diuers of the com­pany sought farre into the Woods, but found none but one little Tree, and here and there where one had bin cut: so we were in doubt to find enough heere to load our ship, a iust plague vnto vs for prophaning the Sabbath in trauelling about our worldly businesse, when there was no neces­sitie. This day in the Euening some went out with the Boate vnto the shore, and brought on boord a Tortoyse so big that foure men could not get her into the Boate but tied her fast by one Great Tor­toyse. legge vnto the Boat, and so towed her to the ship, when they had her by the ship, it was no easie 40 matter to get her on boord.

The next day we went on shore againe to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae: Lignum vitae. and then God be thanked we found enough. This day at night we opened our Tortoyse, which had in her about 500. Egges, excellent sweet meate, and so is all the whole fish. Vpon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore sauing the Carpenter and Thomas, and Master Gilberts man to fell wood, and this day we felled good store. All the rest of this moneth and three dayes more we continued here euery day labouring sore, first in sawing downe the great trees, and sawing them againe into logs, portable out of the thicke wood to the Sea-shoare, so in the Boates, and so to the ship: where M. Gilbert his paines profited double as well in example as in worke, for hee was neuer idle, but either searching out more trees, or fetching drinke for the Labourers, or doing 50 one thing or other: so that in this iust fortnight that wee stayed here, wee had gotten on boord some twenty tuns. Within a few dayes after the Tortoyse was eaten God sent vs another. One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twentie men for three or foure dayes if it could bee preser­ued, but in that Climate no salting can preserue it aboue two dayes, hardly so long. Now the wood growing thinne, and hardly to be found on this Iland, he thought it best to stay no longer here, but to goe for Uirginia, to search for better store. And so vpon Sunday the third of Iuly in the afternoone we weighed Anchor, and sailed North-west and by North, and that night passed by Saint Christopher, and another little Iland. Munday the fourth in the morning we had sight of S. Christopher. the Iland, we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae, but found none but one tree, which he cut and went on boord, we fought also for fresh water, but found none: At Euening went on Abundance of Tortoyses. 60 shore into the bottome of the Bay to dray the Net; and there we gat good store of fine fresh fish, and much more, enough to haue laden our Boat we should haue gotten, if at euery draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoyse, which stil brak through and so carried away the fish with them. At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net, a yong one and an old on: the Net held the young one.

[Page 1658] Wee weighed and went through betweene the two Ilands into the mayne Ocean, toward our They disem. boke. long desired Countrey Uirginia, distant three hundred and fiftie leagues from vs. Wee sayled North North-west.

The seuenth, we ran still North-west and North and by West. The eight, wee kept the same course. The ninth, we kept still the same course. The winde beganne to vere some thing to the Southward, which had beene constant still, from the Ilands of the Canaries, vnto the Ilands of the West Indies. And now began the winde to draw towards the West, and then is it as con­stant The Westerne winds begin. there. The reason I deferre to longer consideration. The current setteth out of the Gulfe of Mexico, and from the mayne shore.

Sunday the tenth, we kept still the same course, and had now but a small gale almost becalmed. 10 The eleuenth, we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course, if any at all, for, for the most part we were becalmed.

Wednesday the thirteenth, the calme continued, the Sunne being extremely hot in the calme. Thursday the fourteenth, the calme continued as hot as before. These dayes we ayred our New­land, fish called Poore Iohn. which proued ill done. For after it was ayred, it rotted the sooner, Poore Iohn. being burnt in the same. On Friday the fifteenth, God sent vs a reasonable gale. The sixteenth and seuenteenth, the calme came againe. Munday, we had a good gale, and went North and by West, and North North-west. The nineteenth, twentieth, and one and twentieth, we had an excellent gale, and ranne North North-west. Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land, but found no ground nor saw no land, and therefore we much doubted that the current had set vs 20 very farre to the leeward of the place which wee were bound for, being the Chesepian Bay; but that could not be knowne till it pleased God to bring vs to land. In the afternoone about sixe of the clocke we cast out the Lead againe, and had ground in thirtie fathomes, whereof we were Ground in 30. fathomes. glad and thanked God, knowing we could not be farre from land.

Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning, about eight of the clocke wee saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odde minutes, very fine low land, appearing farre off to bee full of tall Trees, and a fine sandie shoare, but a great siege: we saw no Harbour, and therefore coasted along to seeke one to the Northward, the wind being at West.

Sunday the foure and twentieth, the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land, where we thought we saw an Harbour: but when we came vp with it, wee per­ceiued An Headland. it was none, and all our labour lost. And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our 30 teeth at the North-east, wee considered it were better to put roome, so that if the winde should stand, then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian, which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after, to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not, per­haps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water: for now wee had none aboord.

On Munday the fiue and twentieth of Iuly at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay: The mouth of the Chesepian Bay. but the wind blew so sore, and the Sea was so high, that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea: and so continued next day.

On Wednesday the seuen and twentieth, at night the winde came faire againe, and wee bare 40 againe for it all night, and the wind presently turned againe. Thursday the eight and twentieth, considering our extremitie for water and wood, victuals and beere likewise consuming very fast, we could no longer beate for it, and therefore ran roomer, determining for this time to seeke it They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay. A shew of en­trance of a Ri­uer. no more.

Friday the nine and twentieth, being not farre from the shoare, which appeared vnto vs ex­ceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees, and with some shew of the entrance of a Riuer, our Captaine Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Ber­nards Inne, Richard Harison the Masters Mate, Henry Kenton our Chirurgion, and one Derricke a Dutchman, went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay aboue a mile from the land, and with their weapons marched vp into the Countrey, leauing two youths to keepe the Boate: but shortly after the Indians set vpon them, and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of Captaine Gil­bert and foure more slaine by the Indians. 50 our yong men that kept the Boat, which had much a doe to saue themselues and it. For some of the Indians roming downe to them, would haue haled it on shore, which notwithstanding they saued, and with heauie hearts gat vnto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men. Thus being but eleuen men and Boyes in all in the ship, though our want of water and wood were great, yet wee durst not aduenture the losse of any more of our small company in this place; Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England by the I [...]es of the Açores, and fell first with the Pike, and afterward entring into our Chanell, had first sight of Portland, and thence came vp the Riuer of Thames vnto Rateliffe, about the end of September 1603. finding the Citie most grieuously infected with a terrible plague. 60

CHAP. XIII.

Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captaine GEORGE WAYMOVTH, in the Arch-angell. Set forth by the Right Ho­norable HENRY Earle of South-hampton, and the Lord TMOMAS ARVNDEL, written by IAMES ROSIER.

VPon Easter day, the last of March, the winde comming at North North-east: a­bout March. Easter day wee put to See. fiue of the clocke after noone, we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downes, [in the Name of God] being very well victualled, and furnished with 10 Munition and all necessaries; our whole companie being nine and twenty per­sons, of whom I dare boldly say, few Voyages haue beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally, in respect of our small number.

Munday the thirteenth of May, about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone, our Captaine iudging we were not farre from Land, sounded; and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fa­thome: Sounding wee found ground. at foure of the clocke after noone wee sounded againe, and had the like oze in an hun­dred fathome.

From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning, our Captain tooke in all Sayles and lay at hull, being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time, because it was an vnknown 20 Coast, which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise surely we had runne our Shippe vpon the hidden Rockes, and perished all: for when we set sayle, we sounded in an hundred fa­thom: and by eight a clocke, hauing not made aboue fiue or sixe leagues, our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water, supposing verily he saw the sand: presently sounded, and had but fiue May 14. Land descried. fathome: much maruelling because we saw no Land, he sent one to the top, who descried a whi­tish sandy Clisse, which bare West North-west about sixe leagues off: but comming neerer with­in three or foure leagues, we saw many breaches still neerer the Land. At last we espied a great breach ahead vs right along the shoare, into which, before we entred, our Captaine thought best to hoise out his Ship-boat and sound it: which if hee had not done, wee had there ended our Voyage, together with our liues: for he bare vp the Ship as neere as he could after the Boate, 30 vntill Master Cam his Mate being in the Boat, weffed and called to him to winde about and stand off, for in this breach he had very shoald water, two fathome vpon Rockes, and sometime they supposed they saw the Rocke within three or foure foot, whereon the Sea made a very high strong breach, which we might discerne (from the top) to runne along as wee sayled by it, sixe or seuen leagues to the Southward: and we saw no end thereof. Wherefore we were con­strained to put backe againe from the Land; and sounding (the weather being faire) wee found our selues embayed with continuall Shoalds and Rocks, in a most vncertaine ground; as by iudge­ment A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds. of our Captaine and whole companie, they had neuer knowne the like; from fiue and sixe fathome, at the next cast of the Lead wee should haue fifteene and eighteene fathome all hard Rocke ouer many which (by the vnspeakable goodnesse and mercy of God towards vs) wee pas­sed. 40 For if we had bare in with it but the day before (which was exceeding tempestuous) or in the night, we could by no meanes haue escaped the danger. But God so blessed vs, that we had weather and winde as faire as poore men could wish, in this distresse, whereby we both perfect­ly discerned euery breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where wee saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the Land, which wee had not so much before desired: and at the first sight reioyced: as now wee all ioyfully praised God, that it had pleased him so miraculously to deliuer vs from so imminent danger of death before our eyes. Our Captaine Latitude 41. degrees and an hal [...]e. found himselfe in the latitude of 41. degrees and an halfe. Here we found great store of fish, and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three dayes before.

Wee stood off that night and all the next day, being Wednesday: but the winde still conti­nuing for many dayes betweene the points of South South-west and West South-west, so as we 50 could not by any possible meanes make any way to the Southward in regard of our great want of water and Wood (which was now spent) wee much desired Land, and therefore sought for it, where the winde would best suffer vs to refresh our selues.

Thursday the sixteenth day of May, we stood directly in with the Land: and we much mar­uelled that we descried it not: wherein wee found our Sea Charts very false laying out Land Sea-charts false. where none was, for though we bare in directly with it according to them: yet in almost fifty leagues running we found none.

Friday the seuenteenth of May, about sixe a clocke at night, wee descried Land, which bare from vs North North-east: but because it blew a great gale of winde, the Sea very high and 60 neere night, not fit to come vpon an vnknowne co [...]st, our Captaine stood off till two of the clocke in the morning being Saturday and Whitson E [...]e: then standing with it againe, wee de­scried Land descried. Saturday wee made the land. it by eight a clocke in morning, bearing North-east from vs. It appeared a meane high Land, as we after found it, being but an Iland of no great compasse: but I hope the most fortunate [Page 1660] that euer men discouered, as shall appeare by the sequell. About twelue a clocke that day, wee came to an anchor on the North side of this Iland in forty fathome water, about a league from shoare. This Iland is woody, growne ouer with Firre, Birch, and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shoare, and so likely to be within. On the Verge growe Gosseberries, Strawberries, wilde Our Captaine named this S. Georges Iland. Pease, and wilde Rose bushes. The fresh water issued down the rocky Cliffes in many places; and much fowle of sundry kindes breed vpon the shoare and Rockes. While wee were at shoare, our men aboord with a few hookes got aboue thirty great Cod and Haddocke, which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward, wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast. Great plenty of fish.

FRom hence we might discerne many Ilands, and the maine Land, from the West South-west to the East North-east; and North North-east from vs a great way as it then seemed (and as we Wee descried the M [...]ine and Mountaines. 10 after found it) vp into the Maine, we might discerne very high Mountaines, although the Maine seemed but lowe Land, which gaue vs a hope, that it might please God, to direct vs to the Dis­couery of some good, although wee were driuen by windes farre from that place, whether both by our direction and desire, we euer intended to shape the course of our Voyage.

The next day being Whitsunday, because we rode too much open to the Sea, and windes, wee wayed anchor about twelue a clocke, and came along to the other Ilands more adioyning to the Vpon Wait­sunday wee came into an excellent Har­bour. Maine, and in the Road directly with the Mountaines, about three leagues from the first Iland where we anchored. When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our Captaine manned his Ship-boat, and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to search and sound about and between the Ilands, for a place 20 safe for our ship to ride in. In the meane while we kept aloofe at Sea, hauing giuen order to them in the Boat, by a token to weffe in the ship if he found a conuenient Harbour, which it pleased God to send vs, farre beyond our expectation in a most safe birth, defended from all windes in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthens in six, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathome vpon a clay oze, very tough, where is good moring, euen on the Rocks vpon the Cliffe side.

We all with great admiration praised God, who had from so apparent danger miraculously de­liuered vs, and directed vs vpon this day (vpon which he sent the chiefe promised Director of all goodnesse vnto his Apostles and Disciples) into such a place, wherof here before we reade none to haue made either description or relation, and then which neither our selues could wish, or Nature affoord more secure. In remembrance whereof, our Captaine named it Pentecost Harbour. Pentecost Har­bour. 30

Whitsun Munday the twentieth day of May, by three a clocke in the morning, our Captaine caused the Shalop to be carried ashoare: where while some were busied about her, himselfe set others to worke in digging Wels to receiue the water, which we found issuing downe out of the Land in many places, and rising amidst the rocky Cliffes. In digging (amongst other things) Clay. we found in some places (and not deepe) clay ground, blue, red and white, to make Bricke or Tile, fit for building. This day our Pinnace was fitted together and lanched; in small time with two Our Pinnace Lanched. or three hookes were fished sufficiently for our whole companie three dayes, with great Cod, Ha­docke, and some Thornbacke. Towards night we drew with a small Same of 20. fathom iust by Varietie of fishes. the shoare, where we got about 30. very good Lobsters, many Rockfish, some Plaise, and other small fishes very good; and fishes called Lumpes, very pleasant to taste. And this wee generally 40 obserued, that all the fish of what kind soeuer we tooke, were well fed, fat, and in tast very sweet.

Wednesday the two and twentieth of May, our Captaine went ashoare with our men, where wee felled and cut wood for our ships vse, cleansed and scoured our Wells. Wee likewise digged a small plot of ground, wherein among some Garden seeds (which most the birds destroyed) we set Pease and Barley, which in sixteene dayes grew eight inches, and so continued euery day growing more than halfe an inch: although this was but the crust of the ground, and farre in­feriour to the mould we after found in the Maine.

All the next day we labored hard to make vp our wood, because our Captaine intended not to spare, or spend any more time in that of our Voyage. This day our Boat fished againe as before, Wee fished. because wee still were much refreshed with the fresh fish. 50

Friday the foure and twentieth of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and car­rying some water aboord our ship. Our Captaine with fourteene shot and Pike marched about, and thorow part of two of the Ilands, one of which we ghessed to be foure or fiue miles in com­passe, and a mile broad.

Along the shoare, and some space within where the wood hindereth not, growe plentifully, Rashberries, Gooseberries, Strawberries, Corant trees, Rose bushes, wilde Vines, Angelica a so­ueraine The fruits of the Ilands. herbe, many other fruits wee knew not. All within the Ilands, growe wood of sundry sorts, some very great, and generally all tall: Beech, Birch, Ash, Maple, Spruce, Cherrie tree, Ewe, Oake great and firme, with so fine graine and colour, as our Captaine, and men of best ex­perience, had neuer seene the like. But the Firre trees great and small are most abundant, which Trees. 60 I name last, as not the least of excellent profit: for from it issueth Turpentine in maruellous plen­ty, and so sweet as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so good in England. Wee Turpentine plentifull, for Tarre and Pitch. pulled off much Gumme congealed on the outside of the Barke which gaue an odour like Frank­incense. This would be a very great benefit for making Tarre and Pitch.

[Page 1661] We staied the longer in this place, not onely because of our good Harbour (which is an excel­lent comfort) but also because euery day we found the Iland, more and more to discouer vnto vs his pleasant fruitfulnesse, insomuch, as many of our company wished themselues settled here.

Also our men found abundance of great Mussels among the Rockes; and in some of them ma­ny Pearle. small Pearles. In one Mussell (which we drew vp in our Same) was found foureteene Pearles, whereof one was of pretty bignesse and orient, in another aboue fifty small Pearles; and if one had had a Dragge, no doubt we had found some of great value, seeing these did certainely shew that here they were bred: the shels within all glistering with mother of Pearle.

Thursday the thirtieth of May, the Captaine with thirteene departed in the Shallop, leauing the Ship in a good harbour. 10

Diuers Canoas of Sauages came to vs. The shape of their body is very proportionable, and well countenanced, not very tall, nor bigge, but in stature like to vs; they paint their bodies Their shape of body. with blacke, their faces some with red, some with blacke, and some with blew. Their cloa­thing is Beuer skins, and Deere skins, hanging downe to their knees before and behinde, made Their cloa­thing. fast together vpon the shoulder with a leather string; some of them weare sleeues, some buskins of leather tewed very thin and soft. Some weare the haire of their skins outward, some inward; they haue besides a peece of skin, which they binde about their waste, and betweene their legges to couer their priuities. They suffer no haire to grow vpon their faces, but vpon their head ve­ry long and very blacke, which behinde they binde vp with a string on a long round knot, some of them haue haire all curled naturally. They seemed all very ciuill and very merry, shewing to­kens Very thankful. 20 of much thankfulnesse for those things we gaue them; which they expresse in their lan­guage Of good ca­pacity and vn­derstanding. by these words, oh, ho, often repeated. We found them then (as after) a people of very good inuention, quicke vnderstanding, and ready capacity.

Their Canoas are made of the barke of Beech, strengthned within with ribbes and hoopes of wood, in so good fashion and with such excellent ingenious art, as our men that had beene often Their Canoa [...] very artificiall. in the Indies, said they farre exceeded any that euer they had seene. The chiefe of them told me by signes, that they would goe fetch Furres and Skins, and pointed to be with vs againe by that time the Sunne should come somewhat beyond the midst of the firmament.

About ten a clocke this day we descried our Pinnace returning towards vs. Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a great Riuer, trending all almost into the Maine. Vntill his re­turne Trifles left on shoare. 30 our Captaine left on shoare where they landed, in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a Pipe, a Brooch, and a Knife, thereby to know if the Sauages had recourse that way, because they could at that time see none of them, onely a Beast a farre of, which they thought to be a Deere.

The next day being Saturday, and the first of Iune, wee traded with the Sauages all the fore­noone Wee traded with the Saua­ges. vpon the Shoare, where were eight and twenty Sauages, and because our Ship rode nigh, we were but fiue or sixe, where for Kniues and other trifles, to the value of foure or fiue shillings, we had forty good Skins, Beuers, Otter, and other which we knew not what to call them. Our trade being ended, many of them came aboord vs, and eate by our fire, and would be very merry and bold, in regard of our kinde vsage of them. Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing, 40 which they wondered; His Sword and mine hauing beene touched with the Loadstone, tooke They wondred at the effect of the Loadstone vp their Knife and held it fast when they plucked it away; and made their Knife turne being laid on a blocke: and giuing their Knife a touch with his Sword, made that take vp a Needle, which they much marueiled at. This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in vs, and for that to loue and feare vs.

When we went a Shoare to trade with them in one of their Canoas, I saw their Bowes and Arrowes, which in their sight I tooke vp and drew an Arrow in one of them, which I found Their Bowes and Arrowe [...]. to be of a reasonable strength, able to carry an Arrow fiue or six score strongly; and one of them tooke it and brew as we draw our Bowes, not like the Indians. Their Bowe is made of Beech in fashion of our Bowes, but they want nocks, onely a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and made fast with a knot at the other. Their Arrowes are of a much greater size then our 50 and longer, feathered with three feathers tyed on, and nocked very artificially, headed with a long shanke bone of a Deere, made very sharpe, and some Iron heads, with two fangs in manner of a harping Iron. They haue likewise Darts headed with sharpe bone, one of which I darted Darts. among the Stones and it brake not. These they vse very cunningly to kill Fish, Fowle, and Beasts.

They gaue vs the best welcome they could, spreading Deere skins for vs to sit on the ground by their fire, and gaue vs of their Tobacco in our Pipes, which was most excellent, and so gene­rally Tobacco ex­cellent the Sa­uages gaue vs. commended of vs all to be as good as any we euer tooke, being the simple Leafe without any composition, very strong and of a pleasant sweete taste: they gaue vs some to carry toour 60 Captaine, whom they called our Bashabe, neither did they require any thing for it; but we would receiue nothing from them without remuneration.

Here we saw their women, who stood behinde them, as desirous to see vs, but not willing to We saw thei [...] Women. be seene, for before whensoeuer we came a Shoare, they retired into the woods; whether it [Page 1662] were it regard of their owne naturall modesty being naked, or by the commanding ielousie of their husbands, which we rather suspected; for it hath beene an inclination noted alwayes gene­rally in Sauages, wherefore we would by no meanes seeme to take any speciall notice of them. They were very well fauoured, low of stature, and exceeding fat; they had two little children very fat, and of good countenance, which they loue tenderly, all naked, except their legges, which were couered with thin leather buskins, fastned with straps to a Girdle about their waste, which they gird very streight, and is decked round about with little round peeces of Copper. To these we gaue Chaines, Bracelets, and other trifles, which the Sauages seemed to accept with great kindnesse.

At our comming away, we would haue had those two that supped with vs to goe aboord and 10 sleepe, as they had promised our Captaine; but it appeared their company would not suffer them, whereat we might easily perceiue they were much grieued: but not long after our depar­ture they came with three more to our Ship, signing to vs, if one of our Company would goe lye a Shoare with them, they would stay with vs. Our Captaine would command none: but Grif­fin, one of them we were to leaue in the Countrey, by their agreement with my Lord the Right Honorable Count Arundell (if it should be thought needefull or conuenient) went with them in We brought them home a­gaine. their Canoa; and three of them stayed aboord vs. Whom our Captaine and whole Company very kindely vsed, himselfe saw their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old Saile vpon the Orlop, and because they most feared our Dogs, they were tyed vp whensoeuer any of them came aboord vs. 20

Griffin which lay on Shoare, reported vnto me their manner, and (as I may tearme them) the Ceremonies of their Idolatry, which they performe thus. One among them (the eldest of the Ceremonies of the Sauages Idolatry. company as he iudged) riseth right vp, the rest sitting still, and sodainely cryed, Bowh, waugh; then the women fall downe, and lye vpon the ground, and the men altogether answering the same, fall a stamping round about with both feete as hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry loud outcries, and change of voyce and sound; many take the fire stickes and thrust them into the earth, and then rest silent a while, of a sudden beginning as before, they looke round about, as though they expected the comming of something (as hee verily supposed) and continue stamping till the yonger sort fetch from the Shoare Stones, of which euery man take one, and first beate vpon them with the fire sticks, then with the Stones beate the ground with 30 all their strength: and in this sort (as [...]he reported) they continued aboue two houres. In the time of their Pauose, our watch aboord were singing, and they signed to him to doe so, which he did, looking and lifting vp his hands to heauen: then they pointed to the Moone, as if they im­agined hee worshipped that, which when he with signes denied, they pointed to the Sunne rising, which hee likewise disliked, lifting vp his hands againe, then they looked about, as though they would see what Starre it might be, laughing one to another. After this ended, they which haue wiues take them a part, and withdraw themselues seuerally into the wood They lye with their wiues se­cretly. all night.

The next morning, as soone as they saw the Sunne rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our Ship, and hauing receiued their men from vs, they came with all their Canoas and 40 company houering about our Ship, to whom (because it was the Sabbath day, I signed they should depart, and at the next Sunne rising wee would goe along with them to their houses, which they vnderstood (as we thought) and departed: three of their Canoas coursing about the Iland, and the others towards the Maine. This day about fiue a clocke afternoone, came three other Canoas from the Maine, of which some had beene with vs before, and they came direct­ly Their Tobac­co Pipe. aboord vs, and brought vs Tobacco, which we tooke with them in their Pipe, which was made of earth very strong, but blacke and short, containing a great quantity. Some Tobacco they gaue to our Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kinde manner: we requited them with Bread and Pease. When we came at Shoare, they all most kindely entertained vs, taking vs by the hands, as they had obserued we did to them aboord in token of welcome, and brought vs to 50 sit downe by their fire, where sat together thirteene of them. They filled their Tobacco Pipe, which was then the short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our Pipes full, and we dranke They gaue vs Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lob­sters Claw. of their excellent Tobacco as much as we would with them; but wee saw not any great quan­tity to trucke for, and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearely by their continuall drinking: they would signe vnto vs that it was growne yet but a little aboue ground, but it would be high, with a leafe as broad as both their hands; and of­ten would (by pointing to one part of the Maine Eastward) signe vnto vs that the Bashabe (whom wee take to be their King, or some great Commander) had plenty of Furres and much Tobacco.

At our departure they made signe, if any of vs would stay there a shoare, some of them would 60 goe lye aboord with vs: at which motion Master Booles, seruant to the Right Honorable Count Arundell, being desirous to see the manner of the foresaid Ceremonies, staied with them, and Master Booles lay a shoare, and Griffin. had Griffin with him: and three of the Sauages lodged with vs, in manner as the night before.

Early the next morning being Munday, the third of Iune, when they had brought our men a [Page 1663] boord, they came about our Shippe, earnestly by signes desiring we would goe with them along to the Maine, for there they had Furres and Tobacco to traffique with vs. Wherefore our Captaine manned the Shallop, with as many men as he could well, which was but fifteene with the Rowers, and we went along with them: two of their Canoas they sent away before, and they which were aboord vs all night kept company with vs to direct vs. This we noted as we Their Cànoa out-rowed vs. went along, they in the Canoa with three Oares, would at their will goe a head of vs and a­bout vs, when we rowed with eight Oares strong: such was the swiftnesse by reason of the lightnesse, and exquisite composition of their Canoa and Oares.

When we came neere the point, where we saw their fires, where they intended to land, and where they imagined some few of vs should come on Shoare with our merchandise, as wee had 10 accustomed before: when they had often numbred our men very diligently, they scoured away to their company, not doubting we would haue followed them. But when wee perceiued this, and knew not either their intents, or number of Sauages on the Shoare, our Captain after consul­tation stood of and weffed them to vs, determining that I should goe a Shoare first to take a view of them, and what they had to traffique, if he whom at our first sight of them seemed to be of most respect, and being then in the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for me. When they came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) he vtterly refused, but would leaue a yong Sauage, and for him our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, while we lay hulling a little of. He at his returne reported, they had there assembled together, as he numbred them, two hundred foure­score and three Sauages, euery one his Bowe and Arrowes, with their Dogges, and Wolues 20 which they keepe tame at command: and not any thing to exchange at all, but would haue 283. Sauages assembled in a trecherie. drawne vs farther vp into a little narrow nooke of a Riuer, for their Furres as they pretended.

We began to alter our opinion of them, and to ioyne them in the ranke of all Sauages, who haue beene by all trauailers and in all discoueries found very treacherous, neuer attempting mis­chiefe, Disposition of Sauages in the Virginian Ma­sacre, & other their dealings found too true. vntill (by some remisnesse) fit opportunity affordeth them certaine ability to execute the same. Wherefore we humbly gaue God thankes, who had giuen vs vnderstanding to preuent this, and thereby warning to foresee and prepare our selues against the like danger. And after good aduise taken, our Captaine determined, so soone as we could to Ship some of them, least (be­ing suspicious we had discouered their plots) they should absent themselues from vs, which sure­ly 30 they had done, if we had not laid hold of the next occasion.

Tuesday came to the Ship, there were two Canoas, and in either of them three Sauages, of whom two were below at the fire, the other staied about the Ship for victuall: and because we could by no meanes entice them aboord, we gaue them a Can of Pease and Bread, which they carried to the shoare to eate, but one of them brought backe our Can againe presently, and stai­ed aboord with the other two, for he being yong of a ready capacitie, and one wee most desired to bring with vs into England, had receiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and therefore We caught fiue Sauages, two Canoas, and Bowes, Arrows was much delighted in our company: we shipped him, and foure others, two Canoas, with all their Bowes and Arrowes, which is the chiefe substance they possesse.

Saturday the eight of Iune, our Captaine being desirous to finish all businesse about this Har­bour, 40 very early in the morning with the Pinnace coasted fiue or sixe leagues about the Ilands ad­ioyning, Our Captaine sounded a­bout the Ilands Rockes and mouth of the Harbour. and sounded all along wheresoeuer he went: he likewise diligently searched and soun­ded along before the mouth of the Harbour, about the Rocks which shew themselues at all times, and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Harbour. This he did to instruct himselfe, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen to come to this place: for euery where both neere the Rockes and in all sounding about the Ilands, wee neuer found lesse water then foure or fiue fathome, which was very seldome, but seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathome, is the continuall sounding by the shoare, in some places much deeper, vpon clay Oaze or soft Sand.

This day about one a clocke afternoone, came from the Eastward two Canoas aboord vs, 50 wherein was he that refused to stay with vs for a Pawne, and with him six other Sauages, whom Two Canoas came aboord vs from the Bashabe. we had not seene, who had beautified themselues after their manner very gallantly, though their cloathing was not different from the former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deepe, some all blacke, some red, with stripes of blew ouer their vpper lip, nose, and chin. One of them ware a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly of a substance like stiffe haire, co­loured Their Orna­ments of gal­lantnesse. red, broad, and more then a handfull in depth, which he so much esteemed, as he would not for any trucke exchange the same: other weare the white feathered skins of some Fowle round about their head, Iewels in their eares, & Bracelets of little white round bone, fastened toge­ther vpon a leather string. These made not any shew that they had notice of the other before ta­ken, but we vnderstood them by their speech & signes, that they came sent from the Bashabe, and 60 that his desire was, we would bring vp our Ship (which they call a Quiden) to his house, being as they pointed vpon the Maine towards the East, from whence they came, and that hee would exchange with vs for Furres and Tobacco: but because we had no desire to discouer any further that way, and now making what speede we could vp the Riuer; wee let them vnderstand, that [Page 1664] if their Bashabe would come to vs, hee should be very welcome, but wee would not remoue to him.

Tuesday, the eleuenth of Iune, we passed vp into the Riuer with our Ship about six and twen­ty miles; of which (were it not of necessitie I must report somewhat) I had much rather not to We went vp into the Riuer with our Ship. write, then by my relation to detract from the worthinesse thereof, not being sufficient in words to expresse the abundant vtilitie and sweete pleasantnesse it yeeldeth. For the Riuer besides that it is subiect hereafter by Shipping to bring in all traffiques of Merchandise.

The first and chiefest thing required for a Plantation, is a bold Coast, and faire Land to fall with. The next, a safe Harbour for Ships to ride in. The profits of the Riuer. Saint Georges Iland the Land fall.

The first is a speciall attribute to this Shoare, being most free from Sands or dangerous Rockes, 10 in a continuall good depth, with a most excellent Landfall as can be desired; which is the first Iland, named Saint Georges Iland. For the second, by iudgement of our Captaine, who knoweth most of the Coast of England, and most of other Countries (hauing beene experienced by imply­ments in discoueries and trauailes from his childehood) and by opinion of others of good iudge­ment in our Ship. Here are more good Harbours for Ships of all burthens, then all England can afoord: And farre more secure from all windes and weathers, then any in England, Scotland, Ire­land, France, Spaine, or any other part hitherto discouered, whereof we haue receiued any rela­tion: for (besides without the Riuer in the channell and Sounds about the Ilands adioyning to the Mouth thereof, no better riding can be desired for an infinite number of ships) the Riuer it selfe, as it runneth vp into the Maine very nigh fortie miles towards the great Mountaines, beareth in The breadth of the Riuer for almost 40. miles. 20 breadth a mile, sometimes three quarters, and halfe a mile is the narrowest, where you shall ne­uer haue vnder foure or fiue fathom water hard by the Shoare, but six, seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathom at a low water. And on both sides, euery halfe mile, verie gallant Coues, some able to containe almost a hundred Sayle, where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tough clay vnder The ground is Oaze & Clay. for Anker hold; and where Ships may lye without either Anker or Cable onely mored to the Shoare with a Hazur. It floweth, by their iudgement, sixteene or eighteene foote at a high wa­ter. What it flow­eth. Docks to graue and Carine Ships. Here are made by nature most excellent places, as Dockes to graue and Carine Ships of all burthens, secured from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England, or in any other parts of Christendome, Art with great charges can make the like. 30

It yeeldeth plentie of Salmons, and other fishes of great bignesse, and assuredly great proba­bilitie Salmons and store of fish. of better things therein to be found, seeing about the Ilands wee had such certaine hope of Pearle and Oare. Besides all these commodities innatiue to this Riuer, the bordering Land is a The Land. most rich neighbour trending all along on both sides, in an equall Plaine, neither Mountainous nor Rockie, but verged with a greene bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder of her pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods, shee were conuerted into Medow. The Wood it beareth is no shrubbish, fit onely for fewell, but good tall Firre, Spruce, Birds, Beech, The Wood. and Oake, which in many places is not so thicke, but may with small labour be made feeding ground, being plentifull like the outward Ilands with fresh water, which streameth downe in many places. 40

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our Ship in this Riuer. Any man may conceiue with what admiration wee all consented in ioy; many who had beene trauellers in sundry Countries, and in the most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Voyage to Guiana, in the Discouery of This Riuer preferred be­fore Orienoque. the Riuer Orienoque, which eccoed fame to the worlds eares; gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoalds and broken grounds, where­with that was encombred. Others preferred it farre before that notable Riuer in the West In­dias, Before the Ri­uer Rio Grande. called Rio Grande: some before the Riuers of Burduna, Orleance, and Brest in France, Naunce, and the Riuer of Rhoane: which although they be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not onely yeeldeth all the aforesaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly to vs free from all imagined inconueniences. I will not pre­ferre Nescio qua Na­tale solum, &c. 50 it before our Riuer of Thames, because it is Natale solum, Englands richest treasure, but wee all did wish those excellent Harbours, good Deepes, in a continuall conuenient breadth, and small tide gates, to be as well therein for our Countrie good, as wee found them here (beyond our hopes) in certaine for those to whom it shall please God to grant this Land for habitation: which if it had with the other inseperable adherent Commodities here to be found; then I would boldly affirme it to be the most rich, beautifull, large, and secure harbouring Riuer that the world affordeth; for if man should wish, or Art inuent, a Riuer subiect to all conueniencies, and free from all dangers, here they may take a view in a Plat-forme framed by Nature, who in her perfection farre exceedeth all Arts inuention. 60

Wednesday the twelfth of Iune, our Captaine manned his Shallop with seuenteene men, and We marched vp into the land aboue three miles. ran vp to the Codde of the Riuer, where we landed, leauing six to keepe the Shallop till our re­turne. Ten of vs with our Shot, and some armed, with a Boy to carry Powder and Match, march­ed vp into the Countrie towards the Mountaines, which we descried at our first falling with the [Page 1665] Land, and were continually in our view. Vnto some of them the Riuer brought vs so neere, as we iudged our selues when we landed, to haue beene within a league of them, but we found them not, hauing marched well nigh foure miles vp in the Maine, and passed three great hils; where­fore because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their Armour not able to trauell farre and returne to our Pinnasse that night, we resolued not to passe any further, being all very wea­ry of so tedious and laboursome a trauell.

In this march we passed ouer very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, hauing but little wood, and that Oake, like stands left in our Pastures in England, good and great fit Good Pasture. timber for any vse; some small Birch, Hazell and Brake, which might in small time be clensed with few men, and made good errable Land; but as it is now will feede Cattell of all kindes with Fodder enough for Summer and Winter. The soyle is good, bearing sundry Hearbes, Grasse, and 10 Stawberries, in many places are low thickets, like our Copisses of small Wood: And it doth all resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some old trees with high withered tops, and other flourishing with liuing greene boughes: till we came to the Hils vpon which doe grow excee­ding tall, streight, and excellent great timber of sundry kindes, mast for Ships of foure hundred Timber trees vpon the Hils. tunnes, and at the bottome of euery hill, a little run of fresh water; but the furthest and last we came vnto ran with a great streame able a driue a small Mill. Wee might see in some places, where Deere and Hares had beene; and by the rooting of ground we supposed wilde Hogs had Deere. Hares. Hogges. ranged there, but we could descry no Beast, because our noise still chased them from vs.

We were no sooner come aboord our Pinnasse, returning towards our Ship, but wee espied a Canoa comming from the further part of the Cod of the Riuer Eastward, which hasted to vs; 20 wherein with two others was he whom we accounted chiefe of his Company: and his com­ming was very earnestly importuning to haue one of our men to goe lye with their Bashabe or Captaine (as they now tearmed him) who was there ashoare (as they signed) and then the next A plot of the Sauages. morning he would come to our Ship with Furres and Tobacco. This we perceiued to be onely a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men, to ransome all those we had taken; which their naturall pollicy could not so shaddow, but we did easily discouer and preuent.

These meanes were by this Sauage practised, because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner, as we iudged by his most kinde vsage of him, being aboord vs together.

Thursday, the thirteenth of Iune, by two a clocke in the morning (because our Captain would take the helpe and aduantage of the Tide) in the Pinnace with our Company well prouided and 30 furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend: we went from our Ship vp to that We searched the Westerne part of the Ri­uer. We set vp an­other Crosse. Wee saw no signe that euer Christian had beene here before. part of the Riuer which trended West into the Maine, to search that, and wee carried with vs a Crosse to erect at that point; which, because it was not day-light, we left on shoare vntill our returne backe, when we set it vp in manner as the former. And this we deligently obserued, that in no place either about the Ilands, or vp in the Maine, or along the Riuer, wee could discerne any token or signe that euer any Christian had beene before; which either by cutting wood, dig­ging for water, or setting vp Crosses (a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauailours) wee should haue perceiued some mention left.

But to returne to our Riuer, vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles. What 40 profit or pleasure is described and truely verified in the former part of the Riuer, is wholly dou­bled in this; for the breadth and depth is such, that any Ship drawing seuenteene or eighteene foote water might haue passed as farre as we went with our Shallop, and by all our iudgements much further, because we left it in so good depth; which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth, by how much it trendeth further vp into the Maine: for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour, at the entrance into the Sound, to the furthest point wee were in this Riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse then threescore miles. From each Banke of this Riuer, are diuers branching streames running into the Maine, whereby is afforded an vnspeakea­ble Conueniency of transporta­tion. profit, by the conueniency of easie transportation from place to place, which in some Coun­tries is both very chargeable, and not so fit, by Carriages on Wane or Horsebacke. Here wee saw store of Fish, some leaping aboue water, which we iudged to be Salmon, for they were great. All Salmon and great plenty of fish. 50 along is an excellent mould of ground, the wood in most places, especially on the Easterne side, very thin, chiefely Oake and small Birch, bordering low vpon the Riuer, all fit for Meddow and pleasant Pasture ground. And in that space wee went, wee had on both sides the Riuer many plaine places of cleere Meddow, some of three or foure acres, some eight or nine, so as we iudg­ed in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse, and where the Armes runne into the Maine, there likewise went a space on both sides of the cleare grasse, how farre we knew not. In many places we might see pathes Beasts had made to come downe to watering. And we all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly) that we should neuer see the like Riuer in euery degree equall, vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe: for the further we went, 60 the more pleasing it was to euery man, alluring vs still with expectation of better; so as our men (although they had with great labour rowed long, and eate nothing) for we carried with vs no victuall but a little Cheese and Bread, yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant behol­ding We were all loath to forsak this Riuer. thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would haue continued [Page 1666] willingly with that onely fare and labour two dayes; but the Tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay (because we were to come backe with the ebbe) and our Captaine better knowing what was fit, then we; and better what they in labour were able to endure, being very loath to make any desperate hazard, where so little necessitie required, thought it best to make returne, because whether we had discouered, was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ranne very farre into the Land: for we passed sixe or seuen miles altogether fresh water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by the flowing of the Salt, which after a great while ebbe where we left it, by bredth and depth of Channell was likely to runne by estimation of our whole companie an vnknowne way further. And as our Captaine verily thought (although hee then concealed it) might pos­sibly make a passage into (or very nigh) the South Sea: which hee neither had commission nor 10 time now to search, but hath left that till his next returne: if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs.

Friday the fourteenth of Iune early, by foure a clocke in the morning with the Tide, our two Boats, and a little helpe of the winde, we warped our shippe downe to the Riuers mouth: and there came to an anchor about about eleuen a clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the Pinnace, searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming into the Riuer, for his certaine instru­ction of a perfect description.

The next day being Saturday, we weighed anchor, and with a briese from the Land, we sayled The Iland where we wa­tered is named Insula Sanc [...] Crucis, because there wee set our first Crosse vp to our watering place, and there stopped, went ashoare, and filled all our empty caske with fresh water. 20

Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the Harbour made his certaine obserua­tion by the Sunne, of the height, latitude, and variation exactly vpon all his Instruments: 1. Astrolabe. 2. Semisphere. 3. Ring-instrument. 4. Crosse staffe. 5. And an excellent Com­pas, made for the variation. The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes, North. The variation, 11. degrees 15. minutes, viz. one point of the Compas Westward. And it is so much Our Capcaine made his per­fect obserua­tion on the Rocke. Temperature of climate. in England at Lime-house by London, Eastward. The temperature affoorded to vs no speciall alteration from our disposition in England: somewhat hotter vp into the Maine, because it lieth open to the South, but scarse yeelding a sensible difference to any of vs. The aire so wholsome, as I suppose, not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull, more able to labour, nor with better stomachs to such good fare, as we partly brought, and partly found.

Sunday the sixteenth of Iune, the winde being faire, and because wee had set out of England 30 vpon a Sunday, descried the Ilands vpon a Sunday, and (as we doubted not) by Gods appoint­ment, happily fallen into our Harbour vpon a Sunday: so now beseeching him with like pro­speritie to blesse our returne into England: and from thence (with his good-will and pleasure) to hasten and fortunate our next arriuall here. Wee set sayle and quit the Land vpon a Sunday.

Tuesday the eighteenth day of Iune, being not runne aboue fiue and thirty leagues from Land, and our Captaine for his certaine knowledge how to fall with the Coast, hauing sounded euery watch, and from fifty fathom had come in good deeping to seuenty, and so to an hundred. This day, the weather being faire, after the foure a clocke watch, when he thought not to haue found ground, before sounding in aboue a hundred fathom, we had ground in foure and twenty fathom. 40 Wherefore our Sayles being downe, one of our men presently cast out a hooke, and before hee iudged it at ground was fished and haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod: then there were cast out three or foure hookes more, the fish was so plentifull and so great, as when our Cap­taine would haue set sayle, we desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because wee were so delighted to see them catch fish so great, so fast as the hooke came downe, some playing with the hooke they tooke by the backe. And one of the Mates, with two hookes at a Lead, at fiue draughts together haled vp ten fishes all were generally very great, some were measured. This A fishy banke. caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoalding: for he perceiued it was a fish-banke, which (for our farewell from the Land) it pleased God in the continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of. 50

Sunday the fourteenth of Iuly about six a clocke at night we were come into sounding in our Channell: but for want of sight of the Sunne and Starre, to make a true obseruation: and with contrary windes we were constrained to beate vp and downe till Tuesday the sixteenth of Iuly, when by fiue a clocke in the morning wee made Sylly: from whence hindred with calmes and small windes. Vpon Thursday the eighteenth of Iuly about foure a clocke wee came to anchor saf [...]ly in Dartmouth, which Hauen haply (with Gods assistance) wee made the last and first Harbour in England, as the Termini of our Voyage.

A briefe Note of what profits we found the Countrie yeeld: in the small time of our stay there. 60

Trees. Oake, of an excellent graine, staight, and great timber; Elme, Beech, Birch, very tall and, great of whose Barque they make their Canoas; Nut-hasle, Hasle, Alder, Cherry tree, [Page 1667] Ash, M [...]ple, Ewe, Spruce, Asp, Fir in great abundance; many other fruit trees which we know not.

Fowles. Eagles, Hernshawes, Cranes, Duks great; Geese, Swans, Penguins, Shark, Crow, Rauen, Kite, Soga, Mewes, Doues, Turtles, birds of sundry colours; and many other fowles vnknown.

Beasts. Deere red and fallow, Beare, Wolfe, Beauer, Otter, Hare, Conie, Marterns, Sables, Hogs, Porkespines. Polcats, Cats, wilde great, Dogs some like Foxes, some like our other beasts the Sauages signe vnto vs with hornes and broad eares; which we take to be Olkes or Loshes.

Fishes. Whales, Porpoise, Seales, Cod, very great; Haddocke, great; Herring, Plaise, Thorn­backe, Rock-fish, Lobster, great; Crabbe, Mussels, Cockles, Wilks, Cunner-fish, Lumpe-fish, Whiting: the Sauages signe vnto vs that they haue Tortoise very great.

Plants, Fruits, Herbs. Tobacco, excellent, sweet and strong; Vine, wilde; Strawberries, Rasp­berries, Gooseberries, Hurtleberries, Corant trees, in abundance; Rose bushes; Pease, which the 10 Sauages signe to be very great in the Maine; Ground-nuts; Angelica, a most soueraigne herbe; and an herbe that spreadeth like Camomell, and smelleth like sweet Marjoram, great plenty. Good Dies, which appeare by their painting, which they carrie with them in bladders.

Words which I learned of the Sauages, in their Language.

Sunne or Moone,
Kesus.
Cod-fish,
Biskeiore.
A fish with hornes,
Manedo.
Lobster,
Shoggah.
Rock-fish,
Shagatocke.
Cockle-fish,
Hesucke.
Muskell,
Shoorocke.
Cunner-fish,
Tattaucke.
Crabbe,
Wussorasha.
Porpoise,
Muscopeiuck.
Plaise,
Anego.
Tortoise,
Romcaneeke.
Pease,
Ushcomono.
To­bacco,
Tomoch.
A leafe,
Mebeere.
A weed,
Cashterush.
A Firre tree,
Seteock.
A stone,
Nabscurr.
A Bowe,
Shoanor.
An Arrow,
Tobood.
Barke of a tree,
Mashquere.
Water,
Shamogoon.
Sand, 20
Cheemuck.
Crowe,
Cagagoose.
Haire,
Messer
or
Meris.
A beard,
Nicowur.
A Beare,
Rogsoo.
Bea­uer,
Paneah.
Otter,
Nymemano.
Rat,
Sanuke.
Polcat,
Pocamka.
Cat,
Pushuck.
Fallow Deere,
Coribo.
Hogge,
Madoso.
Red Deere,
Moosurr. They tell vs of other beasts, which they call, Ta­squus, Pisho, Narsim.
Teeth,
Ibider.
A hand and finger,
Breecke.
A Naile of the hand,
Cushe.
A legge,
Codd.
A foot,
Musseete.
Plum-tree,
Epsegan.
Strawberry,
Pishoa.
Gooseberry,
Shewa­nor.
Cherry tree,
Espegononino.
Corant tree,
Asheemena.
Rashberrie,
Kiskeemy.
A lippe,
Me­toan.
Fire,
Squida.
The maine Land,
Bemoquiducke.
Sea,
Shoubbe.
Father,
Wado.
Sonne,
Usto.
Wane of the Sea,
Toboogg.
Pitch and Tallow,
Poco.
Wilde Rose,
Minusheck.
Birch,
Pasquar.
Sword,
Edagawancke.
Mountaine,
Machoucke.
Winde,
Puckchawsen.
Bloud,
Pagâgocun.
Red Paint,
Woroman.
Blacke Paint.
Cogosho.
A Dogge,
Rem [...]ose.
A Ship or Boat,
Quiden.
An Oare, 30
Wuttohogauor.
A Garnepo Fly,
Chussuah.
Bread,
Paune.
Raine,
Soogoran.
A nose,
Peech-ten.
An Axe or Hatchet,
Tomaheegon.
A Knife,
Quodogon.
Oake,
Askabesse.
White Bone, whereof they haue Chaines, Girdles, Bracelets,
Speesone.
The Cheeke,
Canoah.
A Shirt or Coat,
Tenoga­nuke.
The Chinne,
Queh.
An Eye,
Sheesuck.
Eylid,
Momon.
Forehead,
Scottoquah.
An Eare,
Faw­wucke.
A fish-hooke,
Makeecon.
A Rainbow,
Shomogon.

The Names of their chiefe Gouernours, whom they call Sagomoh. 1. Bashabez. 2. Abatuck­quishe. 3. Bdahanedo, one of them we haue. 4. Abokeesussick. 5. Shurokinit. 6. Psaheno. 7. Men­toelmet. 8. Ageemohuck. 9. Mawermet. 10. Chanacoboin. 11. Amilquin. 12. Muasacoromoneete. These dwell vpon the Maine, and weare an ornament of white bone vpon their head; and Chaines, and Bracelets, and Girdles, and haue their skinne garments laced with them. 40

The Names of our Virginians. Bdahanedo, Brother to the Bashabes. Amocret, his Brother. Satacomoah. Maneduck. Scikaworrowse.

Thus haue I giuen thee the proceedings of Virginia and New Englands Discouerie: for the origi­nall beginning of the Discouerie, Sir Sebastian Cabot was the first Discouerer both of it and the rest of the Continent of America. The first Plantation was more Southerly by the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh: as before is shewed. The next yeere New Patents were obtained of his Maiestie, for a dou­ble Plantation in these parts. I trouble not the Reader with the whole Patent, both because it hath su­stained diuersified alteration, diuision and subdiuision, and because I more minde things there done, than here; for which cause I haue also omitted the Articles and instruction two dayes after dated, signed, and sealed, with the Priuie Seale for the gouernment of the said Plantation, of both which I haue the Co­pies 50 by mee; I onely here giue thee the beginning of the first Patent, Aprill 10. 1606.

CHAP. XIIII.

The description of the Ilands of Açores, or the Flemish Ilands, taken out of Linschoten, with certaine occurrents, and English acts.

THe Iles of Açores, or the Flemish Ilands are seuen, that is, Tercera, Saint Mary, Saint George, Gratiosa, Pico, and Faiael. There are yet two Ilands called Flores Linscot. c. 97. nine Ilands. W [...]y called Açores. and Coruo, which are not contained vnder the name of Açores: but yet at this 60 day are vnder the gouernment of the same Ilands, so that they are in all, accoun­ted nine Ilands. They are called Açores, that is to say, Sparhawkes or Hawkes, because that in their first discouery, they found many Sparhawks, in them, wher­of they hold the name, although at this day there is not any there to bee found. They are also [Page 1668] called the Flemish Ilands, that is, of the Netherlanders, because the first that inhabited the same, were Netherlanders, whereof till this time there is a great number and off-spring remayning, that in manner and behauiour are altogether like Netherlanders, and there is yet in the same Iland a running water, that issueth out of a Hill, and so runneth into the Sea, whereas yet those issues or off-springs of Netherlanders inhabite, and is called Arib [...]ra dos Framengos, that is, the Flemish Riuer.

The principall Iland of them all, is that of Tercera, called Insula de Iesus Christus of Terce­ra. Tercera. It is betweene fifteene or sixteene miles in compasse, and is altogether a great Cliffe of Land, whereby in it there is little roome: for it is as it were walled round about with Cliffes: but where any strand or sand is, there standeth a Fort. It hath no Hauens nor entrance of waters, 10 for the securitie and safety of the shippes, but onely before the chiefe Towne called Angra, Angra. where it hath an open Hauen, which in forme is like a Halfe-moone, by the Portugals called Angra, whereof the Towne hath her name. It hath on the one side in manner of an elbow sticking forth, two high Hills, called Bresyl, which stretch into the Sea, so that afarre off they seeme to bee diuided from the Iland. Those Hills are very high, so that being vpon them, a man may see at the least tenne, or twelue, and sometimes fifteene miles into the Sea, being cleare weather. Vpon these Hills there stand two small stone Pillers, where there is a Centi­nell placed, that continually watcheth to see what shippes are at Sea, and so to aduertise those of the Iland: for that as many shippes as he seeth comming out of the West, that is from the Spanish Indies, or Brasilia, Cabo verde, Guinea, and the Portugall Indies, and all other wayes ly­ing 20 South or West, for euery shippe hee setteth a Flagge vpon the Pillar in the West, and when the shippes which hee descrieth, are more than fiue, then hee setteth vp a great ancient, betoke­ning a whole Fleete of shippes. The like hee doth vpon the other Pillar, which standeth in the East, for such shippes as come from Portugall, or other places out of the East or North parts, these Pillars may bee easily seene in all places of the Towne, by reason of the highnesse of the Hills, so that there is not one shippe or sayle that is at Sea, or maketh towards the Iland, but it is presently knowne throughout all the Towne, and ouer all the whole Iland: for the watch is not holden onely vpon those two Hills jutting into the Sea, but also vpon all corners, Hills and Cliffes throughout the Iland, and as soone as they perceiue any shippes, the Gouernour and Ru­lers are presently aduertised thereof, that they may take such order therein as neede requireth. Vpon the furthest corner into the Sea standeth a Fort, right against another Fort that answe­reth 30 it: so that those two Forts doe shut and defend the Mouth or open Hauen of the Towne, where the shippes lie in the Road, and so no shippe can either goe in or come forth, without the licence or permission of those two Forts. This Towne of Angra is not onely the chiefe Towne of Tercera, but also of all other Townes within the Ilands thereabouts. There in is resident, the Bishop, the Gouernour for the King, and the chiefe place of Iudgement, or tribunall Seate of all the Ilands of Açores.

Three miles from this Towne lieth another Towne towards the North, called Villa de Praya, (for Praya is as much to say, as Strand) because it lieth hard by a great strand, and for that cause there is little traffique thither, as not hauing any conuenient place for shippes to come at 40 it: yet sometimes there commeth some one, that by reason of contrary winde cannot get be­fore the Towne of Angra, and so by constraint discharge their goods in that Towne, which Angra descried from thence are carried by Land to Angra, and yet some part thereof is spent and v­sed there. It is walled and well housed, but not many people in it, and such as are in it, doe get their liuings most by husbandry: for there are very faire Corne lands. The Iland is likewise very fruitfull and pleasant, it hath much Corne and Wine, but the Wine is not very Wines small. good to carry into other Countries thereabouts, because it is small and will not long continue, so that it is vsed in the Countrey by the common people: but such as are of wealth, for the most part drinke Wines of Madera, and Canaria. It aboundeth in Flesh, Fish, and all other necessaries Commodities. and meates for mans bodie, wherewith in time of need they might helpe themselues. Oyle there is none, but it commeth out of Portugall. Also Salt, Pots, Pans, and all kind of earthen 50 Vessells, Chalke, and such like are brought thither out of other places, for there they are not to bee found: for fruits they haue (besides Peaches of diuers kindes, and in so great abundance that is is strange) Cherries, Plums, Walnuts, Hasle-nuts, Chesnuts, but those not very good: of Apples, Peares, Oranges and Lemons, with all such like fruits there are sufficient. Of all Fruits. sorts of Hearbes and Plants, as Coleworts, Radishes, and such like they haue at their certaine times of the yeere. They haue likewise in that Iland a certaine fruit that groweth vnder the earth, like Radishes or other roots, but the Leaues or Plants are Trees like Vines, but different leaues, and groweth longwise vpon the ground: it beareth a fruit called Batatas, that is very Batatas. good, and is so great that it weigheth a pound, some more, some lesse, but little esteemed: and yet it is a great sustenance and food for the common sort of people. It is of good account in 60 Portugall, for thither they vse to bring it for a Present, and those of the Iland by reason of the great abundance doe little esteeme it. There is also another kind of stuffe that is sowed like [...]ssas. Corne, and is a fruit: it groweth vpon the root of the grasse or leaues, and is round and as bigge [Page 1669] as a great Pease, but not so round: in eating it tasteth like Earth-nuts, but harder to bite: it is likewise a good meate, and much esteemed in other places: but by reason of the great quan­titie thereof, it is most vsed to fatten their Hogges, and is called Iunssa. There is also in the I­land a certaine Plant, which is found in all places thereof in the open fieldes: it groweth as high as a man, and beareth no fruit, onely the roote thereof is a substance, of the thicknesse of A roote fit to be wouen. a mans two fists, and in shew as if it were naturall golden haire, and in handling like soft Silke, which is vsed there to stuffe and fill their Beddes in stead of Wooll and Feathers: and I doe certainly beleeue, if any man of vnderstanding would take it in hand, it would well be wouen. The principallest traffique of this Iland, is their Woade, such as wee vse for dying (where­of Woad. much is made in that Iland, and is fetched from thence by Englishmen, Scots, and French­men, in barter for Cloathes and other wares, who continually traffique into that Iland: and 10 although by reason of the warres, the Englishmen are forbidden to traffique thither, yet vnder the names of Scots and Frenchmen, they haue continuall trade there. The Iland hath not any wilde beasts or fowles, but very few, sauing onely Canary birds, which are there by thousands, Canary birds. where many Birders take them, and thereof make a daily liuing, by carrying them into diuers places. It hath also wonderfull many Quailes, which they call Codornisen: of tame fowles, as Hennes, and Gynnie Hennes are there likewise great store. Hunting is there little vsed, but onely for Conies, which are very great: Hares, Harts, Partridges, Venison, and such like, are not there to be found, because of the little respect and care the Inhabitants haue to breed any such things. Fish is very plentifull, and of diuers kindes, and very good: in Summer there is great store taken, for in Winter they can hardly brooke the Seas. The chiefe moneths of Winter Winter. 20 weather for raine and stormes are, Ianuarie, Februarie, March and Aprill, and also the moneth of September is commonly very stormy: all the other moneths it is commonly good weather. The Countrey is very hilly, and in some places wooddy, full of bushes and trees: it is hard to trauell, because their wayes for the most part are stony, so that for a mile, or a mile and a halfe together, men can see no ground, but onely stones, which for sharpnesse and fashion shew like Stones. pointed Diamants, whereby one can hardly treade vpon it, lest it should cut through both, shooes and feet: and yet it is all planted with Vines, so full and thicke, that in Summer time you can hardly see through it, for that the rootes thereof doe growe betweene the stones: so that a man would thinke it impossible that any thing should growe therein: and which is more, in some 30 places it seemeth impossible for a man to treade vpon it, being so wilde and desart as it sheweth, and nothing but hard stones and Rockes. On good ground their Vines will not growe, but one­ly in the wilde and stony places: and for that cause they are much esteemed.

The good groundes and plaine fieldes, which in some places are very many, especially by Villa da Praya, are sowed with Corne and Woade, and they haue so much Corne, that they neede not bring any from other places: although that besides their Inhabitants, and naturall borne Ilanders, they haue continually with them fourteene Companies of Spaniards, which are all fedde and nourished by the Corne that groweth in the Countrey, vnlesse there chance to come a hard and vnfruitfull yeere, as oftentimes it doth, for then they are forced to helpe themselues with forraine Corne, and that especially because of the Souldiers that lie in the I­land: and yet it is strange, that the Corne, and all other things in the Iland continue not aboue 40 one yeere, and that which is kept aboue a yeere is naught, and nothing worth. And therefore Corne will last but a yeere. to keepe their Corne longer than a yeere, they are forced to burie it in the earth for the space of foure or fiue moneths together, to the which end euery Townesman hath his Pit at one end of the Towne in the common high-way, which is appointed for the purpose, and euery man set­teth his marke vpon his Pit-stone: the Corne is but lightly buried in the earth: the holes Corne buried. within are round, and the toppes thereof so wide that a man may creepe in, whereunto there is a stone purposely made to couer it, which shutteth it vp very close. Some of the Pittes are so great, as that they may hold two or three lastes of Corne, some greater, and some smaller, as euery man hath his prouision: and as soone as the Corne is reaped, and fanned (which is in Iuly) euery man putteth his Corne into those Pittes, laying straw vnder and round about it, and then 50 they fill it full, or but halfe full, according as their quantitie is, and so stop it vp with the stone, which they couer with earth, and so let it stand vntill Christmas, when euery man that will fetch home his Corne: some let it lie longer, and fetch it by little and little, as they vse it: but the Corne is as good when they take it out, as it was at the first houre that they put it in: and although that Carts, Horses, and men doe commonly passe ouer it, and also that the raine raineth vpon it, yet there entreth not any drop of raine or moisture into it: and if the Corne were not buried in that manner, it would not continue good aboue foure moneths together, but would be spoiled: and when it hath beene thus for a long time buried in the earth, it will continue the whole yeere through, and then they keepe it in Chists, or make a thing of Mats, like a Coope, 60 to preserue it in, not once stirring or moouing it, and so it continueth very good.

The greatest commoditie they haue in the Land, and that serueth their turnes best, is their Oxen: and I beleeue they are the greatest and fairest that are to bee found in all Christendome, G [...] O [...] [Page 1670] with vnmeasurable great and long hornes. Euery Oxe hath his seuerall name like men, and although there bee a thousand of them in a heard, and that one of them bee called by his name, he presently commeth forth vnto his master that calleth him. The Land is very high, and as it Called by their names. seemeth hollow: for that as they passe ouer a Hill of stone, the ground soundeth vnder them as if it were a Seller, so that it seemeth in diuers places to haue holes vnder the earth, whereby it is much subiect to Earthquakes, as also all the other Ilands are: for there it is a common thing, and all those Ilands for the most part haue had Myne of Brimstone, for that in many places of Ter­cera, Brimstone. and Saint Michael, the smoake and sauour of Brimstone doeth still issue forth of the ground, and the Countrey round about is all sindged and burnt. Also there are places wherein there are Hot Springs. Fountaines and Wells, the water whereof is so hot that it will boyle an egge, as well as if it hung ouer a fire. 10

In the Iland of Tercera, about three miles from Angra, there is a Fountaine in a place cal­led Gualua, which hath a propertie, that all the wood which falleth into it, by length of time Gualua Spring [...]ing wood into stone. conuerteth into stone, as I my selfe by experience haue tried. In the same Fountaine by the roote of a tree, whereof the one halfe runneth vnder that water, and is turned into as hard stone as if it were Steele: and the other part of the roote (which the water toucheth not) is still wood and root, as it should be. The Iland hath great store and excellent kinds of wood, spe­cially Cedar trees, which growe there in so great numbers, that they make Scutes, Carts, and Cedars com­mon. other grosse workes thereof, and is the commonest wood that they vse to burne in those Coun­tries, whereby it is the wood that with them is least esteemed, by reason of the great quantity thereof. There is another kinde of wood called Sanguinho, and is very faire of a red colour, and Sanguinbo wood. White and yel­low woods. 20 another sort that they call white Wood, being of it selfe as white as Chalke: other that is per­fect yellow, and all naturall without any dying: and therefore there are diuers good worke­men in Tercera, that are skilfull in Ioyners Occupation, and make many fine pieces of worke, as Deskes, Cupboords, Chists, and other such like things, whereof many are carried into Portu­gall, and much esteemed there, as well for the beauty of the wood, as for the workmanship. And specially the Spanish Fleet, which ordinarily refresh themselues in that Iland, doe carrie much of it from thence; for it is the best and finest that is made in all Spaine and Portugall, al­though it bee not comparable to the Deskes, and fine workmanship of Nurembergh, and those Countreves: but for Wood it excelleth all other Countreyes, for that they haue in the Spanish Fleete, besides their owne kindes of woods, at the least a thousand sorts of wood of all co­lours 30 that man can imagine or deuise, and so faire, that more fairer can not bee painted. There is a certaine kinde of wood in the Iland Pico, situate and lying twelue miles from Terce­ra, called Teixo, a most excellent and princely wood, and therefore it is forbidden to bee Teixo a kind of wood as hard as iron. cut, but onely for the Kings owne vse, or for his Officers. The wood is as hard as Iron, and hath a colour within, as if it were wrought, like red Chamlet, with the same water, and the older it is, and the more vsed, the fairer it is of colour, so that it is worthie to bee esteemed, as in truth it is.

All those Ilands are inhabited by Portugals: but since the troubles in Portugall, there haue Inhabitants. beene diuers Spanish Souldiers sent thither, and a Spanish Gouernour, that keepe all the Forts and Castles in their possessions, although the Portugals are put to no charges, nor yet hardly vsed by 40 them, but are rather kept short, so that not one Souldier dareth goe out of the Towne, with Souldiers. out licence: and therefore men may quietly trauell throughout the Iland, both day and night, without any trouble. Likewise they will not suffer any stranger to trauell to see the Coun­trey: and this order was not brought vp by the Spaniards, but by the Portugals themselues, Strangers. before their troubles, (for they would neuer permit it:) and which is more, all strangers that came thither were vsually appointed a certaine streete, wherein they should sell their wares, and might not goe out of that streete. Now it is not so straightly looked vnto, but they may goe in all places of the Towne, and within the Iland, but not about it, to view the Coast: which notwithstanding was granted vnto vs, by the Gouernour himselfe, who lent vs his 50 Horses to ride about, and gaue vs leaue to see all the Forts, which at this time is not permit­ted to the naturall borne Ilanders, neither are they so much credited. Wee rode twice about the Iland, which hee granted vs leaue to doe, by meanes of certaine particular friendship wee had with him: neither could the Portugals hinder vs therein, because wee were in the Kings seruice, as Factors for the Kings Pepper, and for that, they accounted vs as naturall borne Por­tugals: for the Gouernour would willingly haue had mee, to haue drawne a plot of the whole Iland, that hee might haue sent it to the King: wherein I excused my selfe: yet I made him the Towne with the Hauen, comming in, and Forts of Angra, which hee sent vnto the King, the like whereof you may in this Booke behold: for the which the Gouernour was great­ly affected vnto mee, and shewed mee much friendship. Wee had in our Lodging a French Mer­chant and a Scot, that willingly would haue gone with vs, to see the Iland, but could not be suf­fered: 60 for the Portugals thinke that they would take the proportion thereof, and so seeke to de­feate them of their right.

[Page 1671] But returning to our matter, the Ilands are very good, and holesome ayre, and the diseases that are most common in those Countries, though not very plentifull, but onely here and there one, are one sicknesse called O Ar, that is, a kinde of bad ayre that taketh them, and maketh them altogether lame, or halfe lame of their limmes, or of some one limme: and another sick­nesse, The ayre, a disease. that is called O Sange, that is, a certaine bloud, that hastely commeth vpon a man, as a swelling in the eyes, or other places of the face, or of the body, and is as red as bloud, for (as they say) it is nothing else but meere bloud: these are two diseases like the plague, and are common­nest sicknesses in those Countries, which grow by reason of the great windinesse of the Ilands, that are subiect to all stormes and foule weathers, and are vnreasonable morst, which is one of the principall causes of these diseases: for the windes are there so strong and dangerous, that they Strong windes. 10 consume both the Iron and the Steele of their houses, and bring them into powder: for I haue seene Iron grates in the Kings Custome house, as thicke as a mans arme, and the windowes of hard free stone, which were so consumed by the winde, that the Iron in some places was become as thin as a straw, and the stone in like sort: and therefore in those Countries they vse to make their Roofes and Painthou [...]es of stones, which they digge in the water, out of sands vpon the Sea coast of those Ilands, whereon the winde hath not so great a power to consume it: and yet that Customehouse had not beene made aboue six or seuen yeares before, at the most.

In this Iland besides the two Townes, there are diuers great Villages, as Saint Sebastians, Saint Barboran, Altares, Gualua, Villa noua, with many other Parishes and Hamlets: so that for the most part it is built and inhabited, sauing onely the places that are wilde and full of Woods, 20 which can hardly be trauelled, much lesse inhabited. Their most traffique is (as I said before) the wood that groweth in those Countries, I meane for such as deale in Merchandise, and the worke­men that make it: but the rest waite for the fleetes that come and goe to and from the Spanish and Portugall Indies, from Brasilia, Cabo, Verde and Guinea: all which Countries doe common­ly come vnto Tercera to refresh themselues, as lying very fitly for that purpose: so that all the inhabitants doe thereby richly maintaine themselues, and sell all their wares, as well handy workes as victuals vnto those Ships: and all the Ilands round about doe as then come vnto Ter­cera with their wares, to sell it there. For the which cause the Englishmen and other strangers keepe continually about those Ilands, being assured that all Ships for want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands, although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands, to the great 30 discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships.

From Tercera Southeast, about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles, lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael, which is about twenty miles long, and is likewise full of Townes and Villages S. Michael. inhabited by Portugals, for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera. The chiefe Towne is cal­led Punta del Gada, where there is great traffique of English, Scots, and Frenchmen, onely (as in Tercera) because of the woad, which is more abundant in that Iland, then in all the rest of them: for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath like­wise great abundance of Corne, so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them. It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers, but onely the broad Sea, and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera: but there they lye not vnder the commandement of 40 any Fort: so that many set sayle with all the windes, and put to Sea, which in the road of Ter­cera they may not doe: and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels, for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing, but what they will themselues to doe. There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada, which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne.

From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles, lyeth the Island Santa Maria, Saint Mary, which is about ten or twelue miles compasse, & hath no traffique but onely of pot earth, which the other Ilands fetch from thence. It hath no Woad, but is full of all victuals like Tercera, and inhabited by the Portugals. There are no Spaniards in it: because it is a stony Country, like Ter­cera, and hard to boord: whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it. While I remained in Tercera, the Earle of Cumberland came thither, to take in fresh 50 water, and some other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it, but woun­ded both himselfe and diuers of his men, whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there.

From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles, lyeth a little Iland called Gratio­sa, and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse, a very pleasant and fine Iland, full of all fruits and all Gratiosa. other victuals, so that it not onely feedeth it selfe, but also Tercera, and the other Ilands about it, and hath no other kinde of Merchandise: it is well built and inhabited by Portugals, and hath no Soldiers in it, because it is not able to beare the charge. The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came vnto that Iland, where himselfe in person, with seuen or eight in his company Earle of Cum­berland. S [...] sup. l. 6. c. 1. 60 went on land, asking certaine Beasts, Hens, and other Victuals, with Wine and fresh water, which they willingly gaue him, and therewith he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt: for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and commended him for his curtesie, and keeping of his promise.

[Page 1672] From Tercera West North-west, eight or nine miles, lyeth the Iland of Saint George. It is a­bout twelue miles long, but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth▪ it is wood­dy Saint George. and full of hils: it hath no speciall traffique, but onely some Woad, and yet very little of it. The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land, and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera: it hath likewise many Cedar trees, and other kindes of wood, that from thence are brought vnto Tercera, and sold vnto the Ioyners, which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera.

From Saint George West South-west seuen miles, lyeth the Iland called Fayael, which is se­uenteene or eighteene miles in compasse: it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera, and Saint Fayael. Michaels: it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals, both flesh and fish, so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera: it hath likewise 10 much Woad, so that many English Ships doe traffique thither. The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta: there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land, as they doe before all the other Ilands: by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse, but of small im­portance: and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all ene­mies, the Soldiers discharged from thence, which before that time lay in the Fort, complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them. The same time that the Earle of Cumber­land was in the Iland of Gratiosa, he came likewise to Fayael, where at the first time that hee came, they began to resist him, but by reason of some controuersie among them, they let him Fayael taken taken by Earle Cumberland. land where he rased the Castle to the ground, and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea, taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road, with prouision of all things that hee wanted: and therewith departed againe to Sea. Whereupon the King caused the principall 20 actors therein to be punished, and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe, which went out of Tercera, with all kinde of warlike munition, and great shot, making the Fortresse vp againe, the better to defend the Iland, trusting no more in the Portugals. In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring, yet they vse the Portugals language, by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them, and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead: they are great­ly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers.

From Fayael Southeast three miles, and from Saint George South-west foure miles, and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles, lyeth the Iland called Pico, which is more then fifteene miles in length. It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico, Pico. 30 which is so high, that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria. When it is cleare wea­ther, High Hill. it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera, as if it were not halfe a mile from thence, and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it: for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael. The top of it is seene cleare and bright, but the nether part is couered with clouds, and with the Horizon, whereby the Iland is much spoken of. It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals, like Fayael, and hath great store of wood, as Cedars & all other kindes, and also the costly wood Teixo. There they build many Caruels and small Ships: and from thence, by reason of the abundance of wood, they serue the other Ilands with wood. It is also inhabited as the rest are, their chiefe traf­fique being Cattle & husbandry. It hath much Wine, & the best in all those Ilands, and it hath the sauorest & pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugall: so that they are brought into Pleasant O­ranges. 40 Tercera for a present, as being there very much esteemed, and in my iudgement they are the best that euer I tasted in any place. Angra, in the Iland of Tercera is the chiefe Towne and Ruler ouer all the Flemish Ilands.

From Tercera Westward to the Iland named Flores are seuenty miles: it is about seuen miles compasse, it is also inhabited by Portugals, & hath no speciall merchandise, but onely some wood, C. 98. Flores. it is full of Cattle, and other necessary prouisions, and lyeth open to all the world, & to whosoe­uer will come thither, as well Englishmen as others: for that the inhabitants haue not the power to resist them. A mile from thence Northward, lyeth a little Iland of two or three miles in com­passe called DeCoruo. The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores. Between those Coruo. two Ilands and round about them, the Englishmen doe commonly stay, to watch the Ships that 50 come out of the West: for those are the first Ilands, that the Ships looke out for and descry, when they saile vnto Tercera, wherby the inhabitants dobut little prosper, because they are at the plea­sure & commandment of all that will come vnto them, and take their goods from them, as often­times it hapneth. Yet for all their pouerty, not to loose both lands and goods, they must content themselues, and saile with euery winde.

The Ile of Tercera lyeth vnder thirty nine degrees, in the same height that Lisbone lyeth: and is distant from Lisbone lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles.

Of certaine notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera: in which are related many English fleetes, 60 Sea-fights and Prizes.

THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Towne of Villa da [...] Praya, in the Iland of Tercera, two men being in a field hard without the towne were killed with lightning. The ninth of C. 99. [Page 1673] the same month there arriued in Tercera 14. Ships, that came from the Spanish Indies, laden with Cochenile, Hides, Gold, Siluer, Pearles, and other rich wares. They were fifty in company, when they departed out of the Iland of Hauana, whereof, in their comming out of the Channell, eleuen sunk in the same Channell by foule weather, the rest by a storme were scattered & seperated one from the other. The next day there came another Ship of the same company, that sailed close vn­der the Iland, so to get into the Road; where she met with an English Ship, that had not aboue three cast Peeces, & the Spaniard twelue. They sought a long time together, which we being in the I­land might stand & behold: wherupon the Gouernor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketiers to helpe the Ship; but before they could come at her, the English Ship had shot her vnder water, and we saw her sinke into the Sea, with all her sailes vp, and not any thing seene of her about the wa­ter. The Englishmen with their Boate saued the Captaine and about thirty others with him, but 10 not one peny worth of the goods, & yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold, Siluer, and Pearles, the rest of the men were drowned, which might be about 50. persons, among the which were some Friers and women, which the Englishmen would not saue. Those that they had saued they set on land; & then they sailed away. The 27. of the same month, the said 14. Ships hauing refreshed theselues in the Iland, departed from Tercera towards Siuil, and comming vpon the coast of Spaine, they were taken by the English Ships, that lay there to watch for them, two onely excepted which escaped away, & the rest were wholly carried into England.

About the same time the Earle of Cumberland, with one of the Queenes Ships, and fiue or six more, kept about those Ilands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Iland, and to the Road of 20 Angra, that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord, and knew such as walked on the Hatches: they of the Iland not once shooting at them, although they might easily haue done it, for they were within Musket shot both of the Towne and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Moneths, and sailed round about the Ilands, and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael, as in the description of those Ilands I haue already declared. Here he tooke diuers Ships and Caruels, which he sent into England: so that those of the Iland durst not once put forth their heads. At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Iland of Fayael, and was departed from thence, there arriued in the said Iland 40. Millions, if the number be true. of Fayael six Indian Ships, whose Generall was one Iuan Dory [...]s: and there they discharged in the Iland fortie Millions of Gold and Siluer. And hauing with all speede refreshed their Ships, 30 fearing the comming of the Englishmen, they set saile, and arriued safely in Saint Lucas, not mee­ting with the enemy, to the great good lucke of the Spaniards, and hard fortune of the English­men; for that within lesse then two daies, after the Gold and Siluer was laden again into the Spa­nish Ships, the Earle of Cumberland sailed againe by that Iland; so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it, for if they had once had fight thereof, without doubt it had beene theirs, as the Spaniards themselues confessed.

In the moneth of Nouember, there arriued in Tercera two great Ships, which were the Admi­rall and Viceadmirall of the Fleete laden with Siluer, who with stormy weather were seperated from the Fleete, and had beene in great torment and distresse, and ready to sinke; for they were forced to vse all their Pumps; so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Eng­lishmen 40 to whom they would willingly haue giuen their Siluer, and all that euer they brought with them, onely to saue their liues. And although the Earle of Cumberland lay still about those Ilands, yet they met not with him, so that after much paine and labor they got into the Road be­fore Angra, where with all speed they vnladed, & discharged aboue 5. Millions of Siluer, all in pee­ces of 8. and 10. pound great: so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates & Chests of Siluer, Fiue Millions. full of Ryals of eight, most wonderfull to behold: each Million being ten hundred thousand Du­cats, besides Pearles, Gold, and other stones, which were not registred. The Admiral & chief com­mander of those Ships and Fleete called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land, whereof not long after he dyed in Syuilia. He brought with him the Kings broad Seale and full authority to be Generall & chiefe commander vpon the Seas, and of all Fleets or Ships, and of all places & Ilands, or Lands wheresoeuer he came: whereupon the Gouernor of Tercera did him great honor, and betweene them it was concluded, perceiuing the 50 weaknesse of their Ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to conuey them, either to Siuil or Lisbone, where they could first arriue, with aduise vnto his Maiesty of all that had past, and that he would giue order to fetch the Siluer, with good and safe conuoy. Wherepuon the said Aluaro Flores staied there, vnder colour of keeping the Siluer, but specially because of his disease, and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen. This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue fifty thousand Ducats in Pearles, which he shewed vnto vs, and sought to sell them, or barter them with vs for Spices, or bils of exchange. The said two Ships set saile with three or foure hundred men, as well Soldiers as others, that came with them 60 and not one man saued. Tke Vice-admirall cut downe her Mast, and ranne the Ship on ground out of India, and being at Sea had a storme, wherewith the Admirall burst and sunke in th [...] Sea, hard by Sentuual, where it burst in peeces, some of the men sauing themselues by swimming, that brought the newes, but the rest were drowned.

[Page 1674] In the same moneth, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and being within halfe a mile of the Road of Tercera, they met with an English shippe, that after they had fought long together, tooke them both. About seuen or eight moneths before, there had beene an En­glish ship in Tercera, that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffique in the Iland, there to lade wood, and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the Kings vse, and all the men kept prisoners: yet went they vp and downe the streets to get their liuings, by labouring like slaues, being in deed as safe in that Iland, as if they had beene in prison. But in the end vpon a Sunday all the Sailers went downe behind the Hils called Bresill: where they found a Fisher­boat, whereinto they got, and rowed into the Sea to the Earle of Cumberlands ship, which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Iland, and anchored with his ships about 10 halfe a mile from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Ilands, which lye about a Bases shot from the Iland, and are full of Goats, Buckes, and Sheepe, belonging to the Inhabitants of the Iland of Tercera. Those Saylers knew it well, and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their Boats, and lying at Anchor that day, they fetched as many Goats and Sheepe as they had neede of: which those of the Towne and of the Iland well saw and beheld, yet durst not once go forth, so there remayned no more on Land but the Master, and the Merchant, of the said English ship. This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England, who hauing newes of his brothers im­prisonment in Tercera, got licence of the Queene of England, to set forth a ship, therewith to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards, by taking some of them, and so to redeeme his bro­ther, that lay prisoner in Tercera, and he it was, that tooke the two Spanish shippes before the 20 Towne. The Master of the ship aforesaid, standing on the shore by me, and looking vpon them, for he was my great acquaintance, the shipss being taken, that were worth three hundred thou­sand Duckets, he sent all the men on Land sauing only two of the principall Gentlemen, which he kept aboord, thereby to ransome his brother: and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken, with a Letter to the Gouernour of Tercera: wherein he wrote that hee should deli­uer him his brother, and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land: if not, he would saile with them into England, as indeed he did, because the Gouernour would not doe it, saying that the Gentleman might make that suite to the King of Spaine him selfe. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs, and the Englishmen likewise, where hee shewed vs all the manner of their fight, much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fighting, as also for their courteous 30 vsing of him: but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship, without pay­ing any ransome as yet.

In the moneth of Ianuary 1590, there arriued one ship alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies, and brought newes, that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firme Land of the Spanish Indies, and by a storme were driuen vpon the Coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she hauing only escaped, wherein there were great riches, and many men lost, as it may well be thought: so that they made their account that of two hundred and twentie ships, that for certaine were knowne to haue put out of Noua Spaigna, Santo Do­mingo, Hauana, Capo verde, Brasilia, Guinea, &c. In the yeere 1989. to sayle for Spaine in Portu­gall, there were not aboue fourteene or fifteene of them arriued there in safetie, all the rest being 40 either drowned, burst or taken.

In the same Moneth of Ianuary, there arriued in Tercera fifteen or sixteene ships that came from Siuilia, which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries, and some Brittons that were arrested in Spaine: these came full of Souldiers, and well appointed with munition, to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera, and to fetch Aluares de Flores, by the Kings commandement into Spaine. And be­cause that time of the yeere there is alwayes stormes about those Ilands, therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera, for that as then it blew so great a storme, that some of their ships that had anchored, were forced to cut downe their Masts, and were in danger to bee lost: and among the rest a ship of Biscay ranne against the Land, and was stricken in pieces, but all the men saued themselues. The other ships were forced to keepe the Sea, and separate themselues one 50 from the other, where winde and weather would driue them, vntill the fifteenth of March: for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anchor in, whereby they in­dured much miserie, cursing both the siluer and the Iland. This storme being past, they chanced to meete with small English ship of about fortie tunnes in bignesse, which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes: so they set vpon her, and tooke her, and with the English flagge in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the Hauen, as if they had conquered all the Realme of England: but as the Admirall that bare the English flagge vpon her sterne, was entring into the Road, there came by chance two English ships by the Iland, that paid her so well for her paines, that they were forced to cry Misericordia, and without all doubt had taken her, if she had beene but a mile further in the Sea: but because she got vnder the Fortresse, which al­so 60 began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leaue her, and to put further into the Sea, hauing slaine fiue or sixe of the Spaniards. The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship were put vnder hatches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had beene Prisoners three or foure dayes, there was a Spanish Ensigne-bearer in the ship, that had a brother [...]ine in the [...]eet that came for [Page 1675] England, who as then, minding to reuenge his death, and withall to shew his man-hood to the English Captiues, that were in the English shippe, which they had taken, as is aforesaid, tooke a Ponyard in his hand, and went downe vnder the Hatches, where finding the poore Englishmen sitting in bolts, with the same Ponyard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart: which two others of them perceiuing, clasped each other about the middle, because they would not bee murthered by him, threw themselues into the Sea, and there were drowned. This act was of all the Spani­ards much disliked and very ill taken, so that they carried the Spaniard prisoner vnto Lisbone, where being arriued, the King of Spaine willed he should be sent into England, that the Queene of England might vse him as she thought good: which sentence his friends by intreatie got to bee reuersed, notwithstanding he commanded he should without all fauour bee beheaded: but vpon a good Friday, the Cardinall going to Masse, all the Captaines and Commanders made so great 10 intreatie for him that in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good to note, that men might vnderstand the bloudie and honest mindes of the Spaniards, when they haue men vnder their subiection.

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish Admirall, till hee had got vnder the Fort of Tercera, as I said before, put into the Sea, where they met with an other Spanish ship, being of the same fleete, that had likewise beene scattered by the storme and was only missing, for the rest lay in the Road: this small ship the Englishmen tooke, and sent all the men on shore, not hurting any of them: but if they had knowne, what had beene done vnto the foresaid En­glish Captiues, I beleeue they would soone haue reuenged themselues, as afterward many an in­nocent 20 soule payed for it. This ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that was kept and confiscated in the Iland of Tercera, by the Englishmen that got out of the Iland in a fisher­boat (as I said before) and was sold vnto the Spaniards, that as then came from the Indies, where­with they sailed to Saint Lucas, where it was also arrested by the Duke, and appoined to goe in company to fetch the siluer in Tercera, because it was a shippe that sayled well: but among the Spaniards fleete it was the meanest of the Company. By this meanes it was taken from the Spaniards, and carried into England, and the Owners had it againe, when they least thought of it.

The nineteenth of March, the aforesaid ships, being nineteene in number, set saile, hauing la­den the Kings siluer, and receiued in Aluaro Flores de Quiniones, with his company, and good prouision of necessaries, Munition and Souldiers, that were fully resolued (as they made shew) 30 to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yeeld or lose their riches: and although they set their course for Saint Lucas, the wind draue them vnto Lisbone, which (as it seemed) was willing by his force to helpe them, and to bring them thither in safetie: although Aluaro de Flores, both against the wind and weather would perforce haue sailed to Saint Lucas, but being constrained by the wind, and importunitie of the Sailers, that protested they would require their losses and damages of him, he was content to saile to Lisbone: from whence the siluer was by Land carried into Siuilia. At Cape Saint Vincent, there lay a Fleet of twentie English shippes, to watch for the Armada, so that if they had put into Saint Lucas, they had fallen right into their hands, which if the wind had serued they had done. And therefore they may say that the wind 40 had lent them a happie Voyage: for if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely beene in great danger, and possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the feare wherewith they were possessed, because Fortune or rather God was wholly against them. Which is a sufficient cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, to the contrarie to giue the Englishmen more courage, and to make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and valiant: and seeing all their en­terprizes doe take so good effect, that thereby they are become Lords and Masters of the Sea, and need care for no man, as it well appeareth by this briefe Discourse.

In the month of March 1590. There was a Blasing Starre with a taile seene in Tercera, that continued foure nights together, stretching the tayle towards the South. [...].

In the moneth of May, a Caruell of Fayael arriued at Tercera, in the Hauen or Road of An­gra, laden with Oxen, Sheepe, Hennes, and all other kinds of victuals, and full of people, which 50 by a storme had broken her Ruther, whereby the Sea cast her about and therewith she sunke, and in her were drowned three children, and a Frier Franciscan, the rest of the men saued themselues by swimming, and by helpe from the shore, but all the Cattle and Hennes came drowned to land: the Frier was buried with a great Procession and Solemnitie, esteeming him for a Saint, because he was taken vp dead with his Booke betweene his armes: for the which cause euery man came to looke on him as a Miracle, giuing great Offerings to say Masses for his soule.

The first of August the Gouernor of Tercera, receiued aduise out of Portugall and Spaine, that two yeeres before the date of his Letters, there were sayled out of England twelue great shippes well appointed, with full resolution to take their iournie, seuen of them into the Portugall Indies, 60 and the other fiue to Malacca: of the which fiue, two were cast away in passing the Straits of Magellanes, and three sayled to Malacca: but what they had done there, was as then not knowne. The other seuen passed the Cape de bona Speranza, and arriued in India, where they put into the Coast of Malabares, but let them goe againe: and two Turkish Gallies, that came [Page 1676] out of the Straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, to whom likewise they did no hurt. And there they laded their ships wis Spices, and returned backe againe on their way: but where or in what place they had laden, it was not certainely knowne, sauing onely that thus much was written by the Gouernour of India, and sent ouer Land to Uenice, and from thence to Madrill.

The seuenth of August, a Nauie of English ships was seene before Tercera, beeing twentie in Sir M. Frobisher. number, and fiue of them the Queenes ships: their Generall was one Martin Frobisher, as wee after had intelligence. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies, and for the Indian ships, and the shippes of the Countries in the West: which put the Ilanders in great feare, specially those of Fayael, for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine, flesh, and other victuals for their money, and good friendship. They of Fayael did 10 not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them, but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpetter: which the Englishmen tooke in euill part, sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues, and stand vpon their guard, for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere, that he was there, in the behalfe of his Ma­iestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best, to keepe them out, as he was bound: but no thing was done, although they of Fayael were in no little feare, sending to Tercera for aide, from whence they had certaine Barkes with Powder and Munition for warre, with some Bisket and other necessary prouision.

The thirtieth of August, we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugall, that there were eightie ships put out of the Carunho, laden with Victuals, Munition, Money, and Souldiers, to 20 goe for Britaine to aide the Catholikes and Leaguers of France, against the King of Nauarre. At the same time, two Netherland Hulkes, comming out of Portugall to Tercera, beeing halfe the Seas ouer, met with foure of the Queenes shippes, their Generall beeing Sir Iohn Hawkins, that stayed them, but let them goe againe, without doing them any harme. The Netherlanders repor­ted, that each of the Queenes ships had eightie Peeces of Ordnance, and that Captaine Drake lay with fortie ships in the English Channell, watching for the Armie of Carunho: and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent tenne other English ships, that if any ships escaped from the Ilands, they might take them. Those tidings put the Ilanders in great feare, lest if they fai­led of the Spanish fleete, and got nothing by them, that then they would fall vpon the Ilands, be­cause they would not returne emptie home, whereupon they held straight watch, sending ad­uise 30 vnto the King what newes they heard.

The first of September, there came to the Iland of Saint Michael a Portugall ship, out of the Hauen of Pernanbuco, in Brasilia, which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall fleet, that came from India, hauing missed the Iland of Saint Helena, was of necessitie constrained to put in at Pernanbuco, although the King had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe, because of the Wormes that there doe spoile the ships. The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero, was Admirall, the yeere before 1589. sayled out of Lisbone into the Indies, with fiue ships in her company, whereof but foure got into India, the fift was neuer heard of, so that it 1589. was thought to be cast away: The other foure returned safe againe into Portugall, though the Ad­mirall was much spoiled, because he met with two English ships, that fought long with him, and 40 slue many of his men, but yet he escaped from them.

The fift of the same moneth, there arriued in Tercera, a Caruell of the Iland of Coruo, and brought with her fiftie men that had beene spoyled by the Englishmen, who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo, being taken out of a shippe that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought tydings that the Englishmen had taken foure more of the Indian ships, and a Caruell with the King of Spaines Letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugall Indies, and that with those which they had taken, they were at the least forty English ships together, so that not one Barke escaped them, but fell into their hands, and that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India, durst not put into the Ilands, but tooke their course vnder fortie and fortie two de­grees, 50 and from thence sailed to Lisbon, shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent, otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it, for that as then the Sea was full of English ships. Wherupon the King aduised the fleet, lying in Hauana, in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spaine, that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere, because of the great dan­ger they might fall into by the Englishmen, which was no small charge and hinderance to the fleet, for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues, and in a manner eate vp one ano­ther, by reason of the great number of people, together with the scarcitie of all things, so that many ships chose rather, one by one to aduenture themselues alone, to get home, then to stay there: all which fell into the Englishmens hands, whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera, for that a whole day we could see nothing else, but spoyled men set on shore, some out Note. of one ship some out of another, that pittie it was to see, all of them cursing the Englishmen, and 60 their owne fortunes, with those that had beene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight, and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the King of Spaines Officers.

The nineteenth of the same moneth, there came to Tercera a Caruel of Lisbon, with one of the [Page 1677] Kings Officers, to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship, which came from Malacca, (for the which we stayed there) to be laden, and sent to Lisbon. And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan, with fortie great ships of warre to come vnto the I­lands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugall Indies, and the goods of the Ma­lacca ship being laden, they were to conuoy them all together into the Riuer of Lisbon: but being certaine dayes at Sea, alwayes hauing a contrary wind they could not get vnto the Ilands: only two of them that were scattered from the fleet, they presently returned backe to seeke them: in the meane time the King changed his minde, and caused the fleet to stay in India, as I said before: and therefore he sent word vnto Don Alonso de Bassan, that hee should returne againe to the Ca­runha, which he presently did (without doing any thing, nor once approching neere the Ilands, 10 sauing only the two foresaid ships, for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Cor­uo, but he would not visit them: and so he returned to the Hauen of Carunha, whereby our goods that came from Malacca, were yet to ship, and crussed vp againe, forced to stay a more fortunate time, with patience perforce.

The three and twentieth of October, there arriued in Tercera a Caruell, with aduise out of 1590. Portingall, that of fiue ships, which in the yeere 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, foure of them were turned againe to Portingall, after they had beene foure moneths abroad, and that the Admirall, wherein the Vice-roy called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed, had only gotten to India, as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land, hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea, and neuer saw Land, and came in great misery to Malacca. In this ship there died by the 280. men die in one ship, in one Voyage, by one mans vanitie. 20 way two hundred and eightie men, according to a note by himselfe made, and sent to the Car­dinall at Lisbon, with the names and surnames of euery man, together with a description of his Voyage, and the misery they had indured: which was only done, because he would not lose the gouernment of India: and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life, or to arriue in In­dia, as indeed he did afterwards, but to the great danger, losse and hinderance of his company, that were forced to buy it with their liues, and onely for want of prouision, as it may well bee thought: for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall, as the other ships did, hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment, because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him, for his proude and loftie minde. And among other things that shewed his pride the more, behind aboue the Gallery of his ship, he caused Fortune to be painted, 30 and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her, as it were threatning Fortune, with this Poesie, Quero que vencas, that is, I will haue thee to ouercome: which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen (that to honour him aboord his ship) it was thought to be a point of ex­ceeding folly. But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls, for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues, specially when they are in authoritie: for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India, being a Souldier and a Captaine, where he was e­steemed and accounted for one of the best of them, and much honoured, and beloued of all men, as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man: whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy. But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy, hee changed so much from his former behauiour, that by reason of his pride, they all 40 began to feare and curse him, and that before he departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seene in ma­ny men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie.

The twentieth of Ianuary, Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Ter­cera, that the Englishmen had taken a ship, that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies, with 1591. aduise to the Vice-roy, for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India, and because the ships were come backe againe, that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be, hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen, with whom for a time it fought: but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all, yet when they came there the men were set at libertie, and retur­ned 50 into Lishone, where the Captaine was committed Prisoner: but hee excused himselfe, and was released, with whom I spake my selfe, and he made this report vnto me. At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold, and two ships laden with Pepper, and Spices that were to saile into Italie, the Pepper onely that was in them, being worth 170000. Duckets: all these ships were carried into England, and made good prize.

In the moneth of Iuly, An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell, which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August: in which time Earthquake most terrible. no man durst stay within his house, but fled into the fields, fasting and praying, with great sor­row for that many of their houses fell downe, and a Towne called Villa Franca, was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth, and therein some 60 people slaine. The Land in some places rose vp, and the Cliffes remooued from on place to ano­ther, and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground. The Earthquake was so strong, Prodigies. that the ships which lay in the Road, and on the Sea, shaked as if the World would ha [...]e turned round: there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth, from whence for the space of foure dayes, [Page 1678] there flowed a most cleare water, and after that it ceased. At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth, as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place, wherewith many died for feare. The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together, so that it seemed to turne about, but there happened no misfortune vnto it. Earthquakes are common in those Ilands, for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake, where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca, fell halfe downe, and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men.

The fiue and twentieth of August, the Kings Armada, comming out of Farol arriued in Terce­ra, being in all thirty Ships, Biskates, Portugals, and Spaniards: and ten Dutch flye-boates, that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King, besides other small Ships Pataxos, that came to serue as messengers from place to place, and to discouer the Seas. This Nauie came to stay for, and con­uoy 10 the S [...]ps that should come from the Spanish Indies, and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home, to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Ma­lacca, and to conuoy it to Lisbone.

The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo, where the Eng­lishmen with about sixteene Ships, as then lay, staying for the Spanish Fleete: whereof some or the most part were come, and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them. But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong, the Admirall being the Lord Thomas How­ard, commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them, nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes Sir Richard Greenuile. See Ha [...]. Tom. 2. This Storie penned by Sir Walter Raleigh. There were but six of these Shippes the Queenes: and Sir Richard Greenuile staid to recouer his men on shore; 93. of his men were sicke. He scorned to flye as the Master counseiled (which had beene better) and thought to made way thorow their squadrons, and made some spring loose till the great­nesse of the S. Philip of 1500 tuns being in the winde of him, becalmed his sailes; so that the Re­uenge could not feele her sailes nor helme, and was boorded by the S. Philip and foure o­thers. These were beaten off, and fifteen seuerall Arma­das assailed her. All her Powder was spent to the last barrell; nor had first aboue 100. sound men to sustaine to the brunt. Yet she endured fifteene houres fight, fifteene Armadas by turne, 800. shot, many entries, 53. sailes of men of warre, and 10000. men to doe this. After all this, Sir R. Greenfield now wounded, commanded 60 to [...] vp the Ship, but the Captaine intreating to the contrary, the Master was sent, vnknowne to Sir R Greenfield, to treat a com­position with [...]zan the Generall, who yeelded their liues to be saued, and to be sent for England, the better so [...]t to pay ransome, but free meane time fromprison and Gallie. Almost 1000. of the enemies were slaine in this sight. Thus haue I giuen you the briefe of Sir Walters report also, to make this storie compleate. from him, vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe: notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall, Sir Rich­ard Greenfield, being in the Ship called the Reuenge, went into the Spanish Fleete, and shot a­mong 20 them, doing them great hurt, and thinking the rest of the company would haue follow­ed: which they did not, but left him there, and sailed away; the cause why they could not know: which the Spaniards perceiuing, with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her, but she withstood them all, fighting with them at the least twelue houres together, and sunke two of them, one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes, and Admirall of the Flie-boates, the other a Biscaine: But in the end, by reason of the number that came vpon her, she was taken, but to their great losse; for they had lost in fighting, and by drowning aboue foure hundred men; and of the English were slaine about a hundred, Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine, whereof afterwards he died. He was borne into the S [...]ip called the Saint Paul, wherein 30 was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan: there his wounds were drest by the Spa­nish Surgeons, but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him, nor speake with him: all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondring at his courage and stout heart, for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor chang­ing of colo [...]r. But feeling the houre of death to approach, he spake these words in Spanish, and said; Here dye I Richard Greenfield, with a ioyfull and quiet minde, for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe, that hath fought for his Countrey, Queene, Religion, and honour, whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body, and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier, that hath done his duetie, as hee was bound to doe. When he had finish­ed these or such other like words, he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage, and no man 40 could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him.

This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England, and had great yeare­ly reuenewes of his owne inheritance: but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde, and greatly affected to warre; in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Q [...]eene. He had performed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these Ilands, and knowne of euery man; but of nature very seuere, so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse, and spake very hardly of him: for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado, they had their great saile in a readinesse, and might possibly enough haue sailed away; for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England; and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them, and fol­lowed not after, commanded the great saile to be cut, that they might make away: but Sir Rich­ard 50 Greenfield threatned both him, and all the rest that were in the Ship, that if any man laid hand vpon it, he would cause him to be hanged, and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hard a complexion, that as hee continued a­mong the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him, hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine, and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth, and crash them in peeces, and swallow them downe, so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him: and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left in the Ship, as the Captaine of the [Page 1679] Souldiers, the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them, where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals; while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her, so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them, one taking the chiefe Ancient, and the other the Flagge, and the Cap­taine and euery one held his owne. The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera, there to repaire themselues: where being arriued, I and my chamber-fellow, to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine, and one of the twelue Apo­stles, whose Captaine was called Bertandono, that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England. He seeing vs, called vs vp into the Gallery, where with great curtesie 10 he receiued vs, being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him, and had on a sute of blacke Veluet; but he could not tell vs any thing, for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine, which Bartandono also could a little speake. The English Cap­taine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland, being of that ship whereof the sailers got away, as I said before. The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner, and shewed him great curtesie. The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land, and was in our lodging, and had at the least ten or twelue wounds, as well in his head, as on his body, whereof after that being at Sea, betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died. The Captaine wrote a Letter, wherein he de­clared all the manner of the fight, and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging, 20 to send it to the Lord Admirall of England. The English Captaine comming to Lisbone, was there well receiued, and not any hurt done vnto him, but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual, and from thence sayled into England, with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners.

The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September, to assemble the rest of the Fleete together: which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships, partly comming from India, and partly of the Army, and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company, there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme, that those of the Great storme. Iland did affirme, that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before: for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands, the water mounting higher then the 30 Cliffes, which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them: but the Sea reached aboue them, and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land. This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde, but seuen or eight dayes continually, the winde turning round about, in all places of the compasse, at the least twice or thrice during that time, and all alike, with a con­tinuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold, euen to vs that were on shore, much more Great hurts. then to such as were at Sea: so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera, there were aboue twelue Ships cast away, and not onely vpon the one side, but round about it in euery corner: whereby nothing else was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting, and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes, and there another, and all the men drowned: so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme, they did nothing else but fish for dead men, that Reuenge reuen­ged with the losse of aboue 100. other ships of the Spaniards attending her fates: as great a blow as 88. 40 continually came driding on the shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge, that was cast away vpon a Cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera, where it brake in a hundred pee­ces, and sunke to the ground, hauing in her seuenty men Gallegos, Biscaines, and others, with some of the captiue Englishmen, whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the Cliffes aliue, and had his body and head all wounded, and he being on shore brought vs the newes, desiring to be shriuen, and thereupon presently died. The Reuenge had in her diuers faire Brasse Peeces, that were all sunke in the Sea, which they of the Iland were in good hope to weigh vp againe the next Summer following. Among these Ships that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flie-boate, one of those that had bin arested in Portugall to serue the King, called the White Doue. The Master of her, was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, and there were in her one hundred Souldies, as in euery one of the rest there was. He being ouer ruled by the 50 Captaine, that he could not be Master of his owne, sayling here and there at the mercy of God, as the storme droue him, in the end came within the sight of Tercera: which the Spaniards per­ceiuing, thought all their safety onely to consist in putting into the Road, compelling the Ma­ster and the Pilot to make towards the Iland, although the Master refused to doe it, saying, that they were most sure there to be cast away, and vtterly spoiled: but the Captain called him drunk­ard, & Heretick, and striking him with a staffe, commanded him to do as he would haue him. The Master seeing this, and being compelled to doe it, said: well then my Masters, seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away, I can but loose one life; and therewith desperately he sailed to­wards the shoare, and was on that side of the Iland, where there was nothing else but hard stones 60 and Rockes, as high as Mountaines, most terrible to behold, where some of the Inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof, to throw them downe vnto the men, that they might lay hold vpon them and saue their liues; but few of them got so neere, most of them being cast away, and smitten in peeces before they could get to the wall. The Ship sailed in this [Page 1680] manner (as I said before) towards the Iland, and approaching to the shoare, the Master being an old man, and full of yeares, called his Sonne that was in the ship with him, and hauing imbra­ced one another, and taken their last farewell, the good old father willed his Sonne not to take care for him, but seeke to saue himselfe: for (said he) sonne, thou art yong, and may haue some hope to saue thy life, but as for me it is no great matter (I am old) what become of me, and there­with each of these shedding many teares, as euery louing father and kinde childe may well con­sider; the ship fell vpon the Cliffes and brake in peeces, the Father on the one side, the sonne on the other side falling into the sea, each laying hold vpon that which came next to hand, but to no purpose; for the sea was so high and furious, that they were all drowned, and onely foure­teene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming, with their legges and armes halfe broken and 10 out of ioynt; among the which was the Masters sonne, and foure other Dutch Boyes: the rest of the Spaniards and sailers, with the Captaine and Master were drowned: whose heart would not melt with teares to behold so grieuous a sight, specially considering with himselfe that the grea­test cause thereof was the beastlinesse and insolency of the Spaniards, as in this onely example may well be seene: whereby may be considered how the other ships sped, as we our selues did in part behold, and by the men that were saued did heare more at large, as also some others of our Countrimen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse.

On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera; for on the Iland of Saint George there were two Ships cast away: on the Iland of Pico two Ships: on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships, & besides those there came euerywhere round about diuers peeces of broken ships, & other 20 things fleeting towards the Ilands, wherewith the Sea was all couered most pittifull to behold. On the Iland of Saint Michael, there were foure Ships cast away, and betweene Tercera and Saint Michaels; three more were sunke, which were seene and heard to crie out, whereof not one man was saued. The rest put into the Sea without Masts, all torne and rent: so that of the whole Fleete and Armado, being one hundred and forty ships in all, there were but thirty two or thir­ty three ariued in Spaine and Portugall, yea and those few with so great misery, paine and labour, that not two of them arriued there together, but this day one, and to morrow another, next day the third, & so one after the other to the number aforesaid. All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands, and ouerwhelmed in the sea: whereby may be considered what great losse and hinderance they receiued at that time: for by many mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more 30 then was leftby their Armie that came for England, and it may well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but a iust plague purposely sent by God vpon the Spaniards, and that it might Note. truely be said, the taking of the Reuenge was iustly reuenged vpon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as some of them openly said in the Isle of Tercera, that they beleeued verily God would consume them, and that he tooke part with Lutherans and He­retickes: Caiaphas pro­phesieth. God taketh part wi [...]h Lu­therans. saying further, that so soone as they had throwne the dead body of the Viceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord, they verily thought that as he had a diuellish Faith and Reli­on, and therefore the Diuels loued him, so he presently sunke into the bottome of the Sea, and downe into Hell, where he raised vp all the Diuels to the reuenge of his death: and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards, because they onely maintained the So then the gates of hell preuaileth a­gainst their faith. 40 Catholike and Romish Religion: such and the like blasphemies against God, they ceased not open­ly to vtter, without that any man reproued them therein, nor for their false opinions, but the most part of them rather said and affirmed, that of truth it must needes be so.

As one of those Indian Fleetes put out of Noua Spaigna, there were fiue and thirty of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea, being fiftie in all, so that but fifteene esca­ped. Of the Fleete that came from Santo Domingo, there were foureteene cast away, comming out of the Channell of Hauana, whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two of them: and from Terra Firma in India, there came two ships laden with Gold and Siluer, that were taken Two Ships of treasure taken by the English, and 20. others of the Indian Fleete. by the Englishmen, and before the Spanish Armie came to Coruo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the least twenty ships, that came from Saint Domingo, India, Brasillia, &c. and all sent into 50 England. Whereby it plainly appeareth, that in the end God will assuredly plague the Spani­ards, hauing already blinded them, so that they haue not the sence to perceiue it, but still to re­maine in their obstinate opinions: but it is lost labour to striue against God, and to trust in man, as being foundations erected vpon the sands, which with the winde are blowne downe and o­uerthrowne, as we daily see before our eyes, and now not long since in many places haue eui­dently obserued: and therefore let euery man but looke into his owne actions, and take our Low-Countries for an example, wherein we can but blame our owne sinnes and wickednesses, which doth so blinde vs, that we wholly forget and reiect the benefits of God, continuing the seruants and yoke-slaues of Sathan. God of his mercy open our eyes and hearts, that wee may know our onely health and Sauiour Iesus Christ, who onely can helpe, gouerne, and preserue vs, and giue vs 60 a happy end in all our affaires. By this destruction of the Spaniards, and their euill successe, the la­ding and shipping of the goods that were saued out of the ship that came from Malacca to Ter­cera, was againe put off; and therefore wee must haue patience till it please God to send a fitter time, and that we receiue further aduise and order from his Maiestie of Spaine.

[Page 1681] All this being thus past, the Farmers of Pepper and other Merchants that had their goods in Tercera, which were taken out of the lost ship that came from Malacca, seeing that the hope of any Armada, or any ships in the Kings behalfe to be sent to fetch it, was all in vaine: they made request vnto his Maiesty, that he would grant them licence euery man particularly to ship his goods in what ship he would at his owne aduenture, which in the end, after long suite, was gran­ted, vpon condition that euery man should put in sureties, to deliuer the goods in the Custome­house at Lisbone, to the end the King might be paied his custome, as also that the goods that should be deliuered vnto them in Tercera, should all be registred: whereupon the Farmers of Pepper, with other Merchants, agreed with a Flushinger, to fetch all the Cloues, Nutmegs, Mace, and other spices and goods that belonged vnto them, the Pepper onely excepted, which 10 as then the King would not grant to lade. The same Ship arriued in Tercera about the last of Nouember, and because it was somewhat dangerous, being the latter end of the yeare, we laded her with all the speede we could, for as then the coast was cleare of Englishmen. To be short, this Flushinger being laden with most part of the goods, sauing the Pepper that was left behinde, we set saile for Lisbone, passing some small stormes, not once meeting with any ship, but onely vpon the coast where we saw ten Hollanders, that sailed with Corne towards Ligorne, and other places in Italie, and so by Gods helpe vpon the second of Ianuary, Anno 1592. 1592, we arriued in the Riuer of Lisbone, being nine yeares after my depar­ture from thence, and there I staied till the month of Iuly, to dispatch, such things as I had to doe, and vpon the 20 seuenteenth of the same month, I went to Sentuual, where certaine Hollanders lay, with whom I went for Holland.

The end of the eight Booke. 30 40 50

ENGLISH PLANTATI­ONS, 10 DISCOVERIES, ACTS, AND OCCVRRENTS, IN VIRGINIA AND SVMMER ILANDS SINCE THE YEERE 20 1606. TILL 1624.
THE NINTH BOOKE.

CHAP. I.

Part of the first Patent granted by his Maiestie for the Plantation 30 of Virginia, Aprill the tenth 1606.

IAMES by the grace of God, &c. Whereas our louing and well disposed Subiects, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers Knights; Richard Hakluyt Clerke, Prebendary of Westminster, Edward Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hannam, Rawleigh Gil­bert Esquires, William Parker, George Popham, and di [...]ers o­thers of our louing Subiects haue beene humble Suitors vnto vs that we would vouch safe vnto them our License to make Habitati­on, 40 Plantation, and to deduce a Colonie of sundry of our people into that part of America; commonly called Virginia; and other parts and Territories in America, either appertayning vnto vs, or which now are not actually possessed by any Christian Prince or people, si­tuate lying and being all along the Sea Coast betweene thirtie foure degrees of Northerly latitude from the Equinoctiall Line, and fortie fiue degrees of the same latitude, and in the mayne Land betweene the same thirtie foure and fortie fiue degrees, and the Ilands thereunto ad­iacent within one hundred miles of the Coast thereof. And to that end, and for the more speedie accom­plishment of the said intended Plantation and Habitation there, are desirous to deuide themselues into two seuerall Colonies and Companies, the one consisting of certaine Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and 50 other Aduenturers of our Citie of London and elsewhere, which are and from time to time shall be ioy­ned vnto them, which doe desire to beginne their Plantations and Habitations, in some fit and conuenient place betweene thirtie foure and fortie one degrees of the said latitude, all alongst the Sea Coast of Vir­ginia, and Coast of America aforesaid. And the other consisting of sundry Knights, Gentlemen, Mer­chans, and other Aduenturers of our Cities, of Bristoll and Exeter, and of our Towne of Plymmouth and other places which doe ioyne themselues vnto that Colonie, which desire to beginne their Plantations and Habitations in some fit and conuenient place betweene thirtie eight and fortie fiue degrees of the said latitude: all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, as that Coast lyeth. We greatly commen­ding and graciously accepting of their desires to the furtherance of so Noble a worke, which may by the prouidence of Almightie God hereafter tend to the glorie of his Diuine Maiestie, in propagating of 60 Christian Religion, to such people as yet liue in darknesse, miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God, and may in time bring the Infidels and Sauages (liuing in those parts) to humane ciuilitie and to a settled and quiet gouernment, doe by these our Letters Patents graciously accept of, and agree to their humble and well intended desires, And doe therefore for vs our Heires and Successours [Page 1684] grant and agree that the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria Wingfield, Aduenturers of our Citie of London, and all such others as are or shall The first Co­lony to bee planted be­twixt 34. & 41. degrees of North latitude. They to haue all the Lands, &c. for the space of fiftie miles West South-west from the place of their first plantings, and all Mynes, &c, The like East North-east with all Ilands for 100. miles in the Sea ouer against them. 100. [...]hin the Land, &c. None to inha­bit on the backside with­out their spe­ciall licence in writing, &c. be ioyned vnto them of that Colonie shall be called the first Colonie, and they shall and may beginne their said first Plantation and Seate, of their first abode and Habitation at any place vpon the said Coast of Virginia or America, where they shall thinke fit and conuenient, betweene the said thirtie foure and for­tie one degrees of the said latitude. And that they shall haue all the Lands, Woods, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mynes, Minerals, Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Heredi­taments whatsoeuer, from the said first seate of their Plantation, and Habitation by the space of fiftie miles of English Statute measure all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, towards the West and South-west as the Coast lyeth, withall the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the 10 same Sea Coast: And also all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mynes, Myneralls, Woods, Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments, whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fiftie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia, and America, towards the East and North-east as the Coast lyeth, together with all the I­lands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Sea-coast. And also all the Lands, Woods, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mynes, Mynerals, Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Commodi­ties, and Hereditaments, whatsoeuer from the same, fiftie miles euery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land by the space of one hundred like English miles. And shall and may inhabit and re­mayne there, and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same for their better safeguard and defence, according to their best discretions, and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie. And that 20 no other of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant, or inhabit behind or on the backeside of them towards the mayne Land, without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie, thereunto in writing first had or obtained. And we doe likewise for vs our Heires and Successors, by these presents, grant and agree that the said Thomas Hanham, Rawleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, and all others of the Towne of Plimmouth in the Countie of Deuon, or elsewhere, which are or shall be ioyned vnto them of that Colonie shall be called the second Colonie, and that they shall and may begin their said first Plantation and Seate, of their first aboad and Habitation at any place vpon the said Coast of Virginia and America; where they shall thinke fit and conuenient be­tweene thirtie eight and fortie fiue degrees of the same latitude, and that they shall haue all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mynes, Minerals, Woods, Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Com­modities, 30 and Hereditaments, whatsoeuer from the first Seate of their Plantation and Habitation, by the space of fiftie like English miles, as is aforesaid, all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and Ameri­ca towards the West and South-west, and towards the South as the Coast lieth: And all the Ilands with­in one hundred miles directly o [...]er against the same Sea Coast. And also all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mynes, Mynerals, Woods, Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and He­reditaments whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fif­tie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, towards the East and North-east, and towards the North as the Coast lyeth, and all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Coast, and also all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Woods, Mynes, Mynerals▪ Marishes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer, from the same 40 fiftie miles e [...]ery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land, by the space of one hundred like English miles; and shall and may inhabit there, and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same, for their better safeguard according to their best discretions, and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie, and that none of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind, or on the backe of them towards the mayne Land, without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie in writing thereunto first had and obteined. Prouided alwayes, &c.

It followeth that neither Colonie shall plant within one hundred miles of each other; also that each Colonie shal haue a Councell of thirteene persons to rule and be ruled according to Ar­ticles set downe and confirmed vnder the Priuie Seale (which I haue, but for breuitie omit, as al­so the rest of this Patent) the Seales of each Colonie appointed, the digging of Mynes granted 50 in the same, and on the backside of their Colonies within the mayne Land, paying the fift of Gold and Siluer, and the fifteenth of Copper to the King; libertie to carrie all Subiects (not re­strained) which will goe with them. Of coyning for the Colonies vse there, of repelling enemies, of staying ships which trade there without leaue, were too long to reherse, seeing this Patent hath beene often altered and renewed. 60

CHAP. II.

Obseruations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 1606. Written by that Hono­rable Gentleman Master GEORGE PERCY.

ON Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 1606. the fleet fell from Lon­don, and the fift of Ianuary we anchored in the Downes: but the winds continued 10 contrarie so long, that we were forced to stay there some time, where wee suffe­red great stormes, but by the skilfulnesse of the Captaine wee suffered no great losse or danger.

The twelfth day of February at night we saw a blazing Starre, and presently a The next day Cap. Smith was suspected for a suppo [...]ed Mutinie, though neuer no such matter. Trade at Do­minica. storme. The three and twentieth day we fell with the Iland of Mattanenio in the West Indies. The foure and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico, within fourteene degrees of the Line, a very faire Iland, the Trees full of sweet and good smels inhabited by many Sauage Indians, they were at first very scrupulous to come aboord vs. Wee learned of them afterwards that the Spa­niards had giuen them a great ouerthrow on this Ile, but when they knew what we were, there came many to our ships with their Canoas, bringing vs many kindes of sundry fruites, as Pines, 20 Potatoes, Plantons, Tobacco, and other fruits, and Roane Cloth abundance, which they had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that were cast away vpon that Iland. We gaue them Kniues, Hatchets for exchange which they esteeme much, wee also gaue them Beades, Copper Iewels which they hang through their nosthrils, eares, and lips, very strange to behold, their bodies are all painted red to keepe away the biting of Muscetos, they goe all naked without couering: the haire of their head is a yard long, all of a length pleated in three plats hanging downe to their wastes, they suffer no haire to grow on their faces, they cut their skinnes in diuers workes, they are continually in warres, and will eate their enemies when they kill them, or any stranger if they take them. They will lap vp mans spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes in a barbarous Brutishn [...]sse of the Dominicans. fashion like Dogges. These people and the rest of the Ilands in the West Indies, and Brasill, 30 are called by the names of Canibals, that will eate mans flesh, these people doe poyson their Ar­row heads, which are made of a fishes bone: they worship the Deuill for their God, and haue no other beliefe. Whilest we remayned at this Iland we saw a Whale chased by a Thresher and Fight betwixt a Whale, the Thresher and Sword-fish. Margalanta. Guadalupa. Bath very hot. a Sword-fish: they fought for the space of two houres, we might see the Thresher with his flayle layon the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold: in the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end.

The sixe and twentieth day, we had sight of Mar [...]galanta, and the next day wee sailed with a slacke saile alongst the Ile of Guadalupa, where we went ashore, and found a Bath which was so hot, that no man was able to stand long by it, our Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be put in it: which boyled it so in the space of halfe an houre, as no fire could mend 40 it. Then we went aboord and sailed by many Ilands, as Mounserot and an Iland called Saint Chri­stopher, both vnhabited about; about two a clocke in the afternoone wee anchored at the Ile of Meuis. There the Captaine landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets and other con­uenient Armes, marched a mile into the Woods; being commanded to stand vpon their guard, Meuis. fearing the treacherie of the Indians, which is an ordinary vse amongst them and all other Saua­ges on this Ile, we came to a Bath standing in a Valley betwixt two Hils; where wee bathed our Bath at Meuis. selues and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England, some places hot and some colder: and men may refresh themselues as they please, finding this place to be so conuenient for our men to auoid diseases, which will breed in so long a Voyage, wee incamped our selues on this Ile sixe dayes, and spent none of our ships victuall, by reason our men some went a hunting, some a fou­ling, and some a fishing, where we got great store of Conies, sundry kinds of fowles, and great Commodities there. 50 plentie of fish. We kept Centinels and Courts de gard at euery Captaines quarter, fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians, that were on the other side of the Iland: wee saw none nor were molested by any: but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Iland. They would not come to vs by any meanes, but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine tops; so we lost the sight of them: whereupon we made all the haste wee could to our quarter, thinking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there abouts. We past into the thickest of the Woods where we had almost lost our selues, we had not gone aboue halfe a mile amongst the thicke, but we came into a most pleasant Garden, being a hundred paces square on euery side, hauing many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance of Cotton-wooll, and many Guiacum trees: wee 60 saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden, as though they had beene set by Art, which made vs maruell very much to see it.

The third day, wee set saile from Meuis: the fourth day we sailed along by Castutia and by Aprill. Saba: This day we anchored at the Ile of Virgines, in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred [Page 1686] Ships: if this Bay stood in England, it would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land. On this Iland wee caught great store of Fresh-fish, and abundance of Sea Tortoises, which serued all our Tortoises. Fleet three daies, which were in number eight score persons. We also killed great store of wilde Fowle, wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon, and very hot in the mouth. This Iland in some places hath very good g [...]nd, straight and tall Timber. But the greatest discommoditie that wee haue seene on this Isand is that it hath no Fresh-water, which makes the place void of any Inhabitants.

Vpon the sixt day, we set saile and passed by Becam, and by Saint Iohn deportorico. The seuenth day, we arriued at Mona: where wee watered, which we stood in great need of, seeing that our Meuis water vnwholsome. water did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to indure it. Whilst some of the Say­lers 10 were a filling the Caskes with water, the Captaine, and the rest of the Gentlemen, and other Soldiers marched vp in the Ile sixe myles, thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our victualling; as wee marched we killed two wild Bores, and saw a huge wild Bull, his hornes was an ell betweene the two tops. Wee also killed Guanas, in fashion of a Serpent, and speckl [...]d like a Toade vnder the belly. These wayes that wee went, being so trouble some and vilde going vp­on the sharpe Rockes, that many of our men fainted in the march, but by good fortune wee lost none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman, whose fat melted within him by the great heate and Ed. Brookes faint with thirst. drought of the Countrey: we were not able to relieue him nor our selues, so he died in that great extreamitie.

The ninth day in the afternoone, we went off with our Boat to the Ile of Moneta, some three 20 leagues from Mona, where we had a terrible landing, and a troublesome getting vp to the top Moneta. of the Mountaine or Ile, being a high firme Rocke step, with many terrible sharpe stones: After wee got to the top of the Ile, we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full of goodly grasse, and abundance of Fowles of all kindes, they flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Hale; be­sides they made such a noise, that wee were not able to heare one another speake. Furthermore, Store of fowles wee were not able to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke in the grasse: Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three houres, to our great refreshing.

The tenth day we set saile, and disimboged out of the West Indies, and bare our course Nor­therly. The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer. The one and twentieth day, a­bout fiue a clocke at night there began a vehement tempest, which lasted all the night, with 30 winds, raine, and thunders in a terrible manner. Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night, be­cause we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee were. The next morning, being the two and twentieth day wee sounded; and the three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day, but we could find no ground. The fiue and twentieth day we sounded, and had no ground at an hundred fathom. The six and twentieth day of Aprill, about foure a clocke in the morning, wee We were dri­uen to try that night, and by the storme were forced neere the shoare, not knowing where we were. They land in Virginia. descried the Land of Virginia: the same day wee entred into the Bay of Chesupioc directly, with­out any let or hinderance; there wee landed and discouered a little way, but wee could find no­thing worth the speaking of, but faire meddowes and goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters running through the woods, as I was almost rauished at the first sight thereof. 40

At night, when wee were going aboard, there came the Sauages creeping vpon all foure, from the Hills like Beares, with their Bowes in their mouthes, charged vs very desperately in the faces, hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both his hands, and a sayler in two places of the body ve­ry dangerous. After they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the sharpnesse of our shot, they reti­red into the Woods with a great noise, and so left vs.

The seuen and twentieth day we began to build vp our Shallop: the Gentlemen and Souldiers marched eight miles vp into the Land, we could not see a Sauage in all that march, we came to a place where they had made a great fire, and had beene newly a rosting Oysters: when they perceiued our comming, they fled away to the Mountaines, and left many of the Oysters in the fire: we eat some of the Oysters, which were very large and delicate in taste. 50

The eighteenth day we lanched our Shallop, the Captaine and some Gentlemen went in her, and discouered vp the Bay, we found a Riuer on the Southside running into the Maine; we en­tered it and found it very shoald water, not for any Boats to swim: Wee went further into the Bay, and saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land, and found the place fiue mile in compasse, without either Bush or Tree, we saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was made out of the whole tree, which was fiue and fortie foot long by the Rule. Vpon this plot of ground we got good store of Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as thicke as stones: wee ope­ned some, and found in many of them Pearles. Wee marched some three or foure miles further into the Woods, where we saw great smoakes of fire. Wee marched to those smoakes and found that the Sauages had beene there burning downe the grasse, as wee thought either to make their 60 plantation there, or else to giue signes to bring their forces together, and so to giue vs battell. We past through excellent ground full of Flowers of diuers kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as I haue seene, as Cedar, Cipresse, and other kindes: going a little further we came into a little plat of ground full of fine and beautifull Strawberries, foure times bigger and better then ours in Eng­land. Strawberries. [Page 1687] All this march we could neither see Sauage nor Towne. When it grew to be towards night we stood backe to our Ships, we sounded and found it shallow water for a great way, which put vs out of all hopes for getting any higher with our Ships, which road at the mouth of the Riuer. Wee rowed ouer to a point of Land, where wee found a channell, and sounded six, eight, ten, or twelue fathom: which put vs in good comfort. Therefore wee named that point of Land, Cape Point Comfort. Comfort.

The nine and twentieth day we set vp a Crosse at Chesupioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thirtieth day, we came with our ships to Cape Comfort; where wee saw fiue Sauages running on the shoare; presently the Captaine caused the shallop to be manned, so rowing to the shoare, the Captaine called to them in signe of friendship, but they were at first very timersome, 10 vntil they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart: vpon that they laid down their Bowes and Arrowes, and came very boldly to vs, making signes to come a shoare to their Towne, which is called by the Sauages Kecoughtan. Wee coasted to their Towne, rowing ouer a Riuer running Kecoughtan. into the Maine, where these Sauages swam ouer with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mo [...].

When we came ouer to the other side, there was a many of other Sauages which directed vs to their Towne, where we were entertained by them very kindly. When we came first a Land they made a dolefull noise, laying their faces to the ground, scratching the earth with their nailes. We did thinke that they had beene at their Idolatry. When they had ended their Cere­monies, they went into their houses and brought out mats and laid vpon the ground, the chiefest of 20 thē sate all in a rank: the meanest sort brought vs such dainties as they had, & of their bread which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat, they would not suffer vs to eat vnlesse we sate down, which we did on a Mat right against them. After we were well satisfied they gaue vs of their Ta­bacco, Tobacco. which they tooke in a pipe made artificially of earth as ours are, but far bigger, with the bowle fashioned together with a piece of fine copper. After they had feasted vs, they shewed vs, in welcome, their manner of dancing, which was in this fashion: one of the Sauages standing in the midst singing, beating one hand against another, all the rest dancing about him, shouting, how­ling, and stamping against the ground, with many Anticke tricks and faces, making noise like so Singing and Dancing. many Wolues or Deuils. One thing of them I obserued; when they were in their dance they kept stroke with their feet iust one with another, but with their hands, heads, faces, and bodies, euery 30 one of them had a seuerall gesture: so they continued for the space of halfe an houre. When they had ended their dance, the Captaine gaue them Beades and other trifling Iewells. They hang through their eares Fowles legs: they shaue the right side of their heads with a shell, the left side they weare of an ell long tied vp with an artificiall knot, with a many of Foules feathers sticking in it. They goe altogether naked, but their priuities are couered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little bones, or beasts teeth: some paint their bodies balcke, some red, with artificiall knots of sundry liuely colours, very beautifull and pleasing to the eye, in a brauer fashion then they in the West Indies.

The fourth day of May, we came to the King or Werowance of Paspihe: where they enter­tained vs with much welcome; an old Sauage made a long Oration, making a foule noise, vtte­ring A long oration 40 his speech with a vehement action, but we knew little what they meant. Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes, the Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the Ri­uer in his Cannoa: he seemed to take displeasure of our being with the Paspihes: he would faine haue had vs come to his Towne, the Captaine was vnwilling; seeing that the day was so far spent he returned backe to his ships for that night.

The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to haue vs come to him. We entertained the said Messenger, and gaue him trifles which pleased him: Wee manned our shallop with Muskets and Targatiers sufficiently: this said Messenger guided vs where our determination was to goe. When wee landed, the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with all his traine, as goodly men as any I haue seene of Sauages or Chri­stians: 50 the Werowance comming before them playing on a Flute made of a Reed, with a Crown A Flute made of a Reed. of Deares haire colloured red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head, with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornes placed in the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted all with Crimson, with a Chaine of Beads about his necke, his face painted blew, besprinkled with siluer Ore as wee thought, his eares all behung with Braslets of Pearle, and in either eare a Birds Claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold, he entertained vs in so modest a proud fashion, as though he had beene a Prince of ciuill gouernment, holding his countenance without laughter or any such ill behauiour; he caused his Mat to be spred on the ground, where hee sate downe with a great Ma­iestie, taking a pipe of Tabacco: the rest of his company standing about him. After he had rested 60 a while he rose, and made signes to vs to come to his Towne: Hee went formost, and all the rest of his people and ourselues followed him vp a steepe Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed through the Woods in fine paths, hauing most pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountaines: Wee also went through the goodliest Corne fieldes that euer was seene in [Page 1688] any Countrey. When wee came to Rapahannos Towne, hee entertained vs in good humanitie.

The eight day of May we discouered vp the Riuer. We landed in the Countrey of Apama­tica, at our landing, there came many stout and able Sauages to resist vs with their Bowes and Ar­rowes, in a most warlike manner, with the swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones, and pieces of yron able to cleaue a man in sunder. Amongst the rest one of the chiefest standing be­fore them crosse-legged, with his Arrow readie in his Bow in one hand, and taking a Pipe of To­bacco in the other, with a bold vttering of his speech, demanded of vs our being there, willing vs to bee gone. Wee made signes of peace, which they perceiued in the end, and let vs land in quietnesse.

The twelfth day we went backe to our ships, and discouered a point of Land, called Archers Archers Hope. Hope, which was sufficient with a little labour to defend our selues against any Enemy. The 10 soile was good and fruitfull, with excellent good Timber. There are also great store of Vines in bignesse of a mans thigh, running vp to the tops of the Trees in great abundance. We also did see many Squirels, Conies, Black Birds with crimson wings, and diuers other Fowles and Birds of diuers and sundrie collours of crimson, Watchet, Yellow, Greene, Murry, and of diuers other hewes naturally without any art vsing.

We found store of Turkie nests and many Egges, if it had not beene disliked, because the ship could not ride neere the shoare, we had setled there to all the Collonies contentment.

The thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in Paspihas Countrey, some eight miles from the point of Land, which I made mention before: where our shippes doe lie so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water. 20

The fourteenth day we landed all our men which were set to worke about the fortification, and others some to watch and ward as it was conuenient. The first night of our landing, about Their Planta­tion at Iames Towne. midnight, there came some Sauages sayling close to our quarter: presently there was an alarum giuen; vpon that the Sauages ran away, and we not troubled any more by them that night. Not long after there came two Sauages that seemed to be Commanders, brauely drest, with Crownes of coloured haire vpon their heads, which came as Messengers from the Werowance of Paspihae; tel­ling vs that their Werowance was comming and would be merry with vs with a fat Deare.

The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspihae came himselfe to our quarter, with one hundred Sauages armed, which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowes and Arrowes, thinking 30 at that time to execute their villany. Paspihae made great signes to vs to lay our Armes away. But we would not trust him so far: he seeing he could not haue conuenient time to worke his will, at length made signes that he would giue vs as much land as we would desire to take. As the Saua­ges were in a throng in the Fort, one of them stole a Hatcket from one of our company, which Land giuen. spied him doing the deed: whereupon he tooke it from him by force, and also strooke him ouer These Sauages are naturally great [...]hetues. the arme: presently another Sauage seeing that, came fiercely at our man with a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his braines. The Werowance of Paspiha saw vs take to our Armes, weat sud­denly away with all his company in great anger.

The nineteenth day, my selfe and three or foure more walking into the Woods by chance wee espied a path-way like to an Irish pace: wee were desirous to knowe whither it would bring 40 vs; wee traced along some foure miles, all the way as wee went, hauing the pleasantest Suckles, the ground all flowing ouer with faire flowers of sundry colours and kindes, as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard in England. There be many Strawberries, and other fruits vn­knowne: wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse trees, with other trees, which issues out sweet Gummes like to Balsam: wee kept on our way in this Paradise, at length wee came to a Sauage Towne, where wee found but few people, they told vs the rest were gone a hunting with the Werowance of Paspiha: we stayed there a while, and had of them Strawberries, and other things; in the meane time one of the Sauages came running out of his house with a Bowe and Arrowes and ranne mainly through the Woods: then I beganne to mistrust some villanie, that he went to call some companie, and so betray vs, wee made all the haste away wee could 50 one of the Sauages brought vs on the way to the Wood side, where there was a Garden of To­bacco, and other fruits and herbes, he gathered Tobacco, and distributed to euery one of vs, so wee departed.

The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent fortie of his men with a Deere, to our quar­ter: but they came more in villanie than any loue they bare vs: they faine would haue layne in our Fort all night, but wee would not suffer them for feare of their treachery. One of our Gentlemen hauing a Target which hee trusted in, thinking it would beare out a slight shot, hee set it vp against a tree, willing one of the Sauages to shoot; who tooke from his backe an Ar­row of an elle long, drew it strongly in his Bowe, shoots the Target a foote thorow, or better: which was strange, being that a Pistoll could not pierce it. Wee seeing the force of his Bowe, 60 afterwards set him vp a steele Target; he shot again, and burst his arrow all to pieces, he present­ly pulled out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth, and seemed to bee in a great rage, so hee went away in great anger. Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell, their strings of Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or Hasell, headed with very sharpe stones, and are made artificially like Their arrowes [Page 1689] a broad Arrow: other some of their Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres hornes, and are feathered very artificially. Pasphia was as good as his word; for hee sent Venison, but the Sawse came within few dayes after.

At Port Cotage in our Voyage vp the Riuer, we saw a Sauage Boy about the age of ten yeeres, Yellow haired Virginian. which had a head of haire of a perfect yellow and a reasonable white skinne, which is a Mira­cle amongst all Sauages.

This Riuer which wee haue discouered is one of the famousest Riuers that euer was found by Riuer of Poha­tan. any Christian, it ebbes and flowes a hundred and threescore miles where ships of great burthen may harbour in safetie. Wheresoeuer we landed vpon this Riuer, wee saw the goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypresse, Wal-nuts, Sassafras and Vines in great abundance, which hang 10 in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees vnknowne, and all the grounds bespred with many sweet and delicate flowres of diuers colours and kindes. There are also many fruites as Strawberries, Mulberries, Rasberries and Fruits vnknowne, there are many branches of this Riuer, which runne flowing through the Woods with great plentie of fish of all kindes, as for Sturgeon all the World cannot be compared to it. In this Countrey I haue seene many great and large Medowes Low Mar­shes. hauing excellent good pasture for any Cattle. There is also great store of Deere both Red and Fallow. There are Beares, Foxes, Otters, Beuers, Muskats, and wild beasts vnknowne.

The foure and twentieth day wee set vp a Crosse at the head of this Riuer, naming it Kings Riuer, where we proclaimed Iames King of England to haue the most right vnto it. When wee 20 had finished and set vp our Crosse, we shipt our men and made for Iames Fort. By the way wee Wee came downe the Ri­uer. came to Pohatans Towre where the Captaine went on shore suffering none to goe with him, hee presented the Commander of this place with a Hatchet which hee tooke ioyfully, and was well pleased.

But yet the Sauages murmured at our planting in the Countrie, whereupon this Werowance made answere againe very wisely of a Sauage, Why should you bee offended with them as long as they hurt you not, nor take any thing away by force, they take but a little waste ground, which doth you not any of vs any good.

I saw Bread made by their women which doe all their drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and their warres, which they are in continually one Kingdome against another. The 30 manner of baking of bread is thus, after they pound their wheat into flowre with hote water, Bread how made. they make it into paste, and worke it into round balls and Cakes, then they put it into a pot of seething water, when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Ouen.

There is notice to be taken to know married women from Maids, the Maids you shall alwayes Distinct habit of Maids and Wiues. see the fore part of their head and sides shauen close, the hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleate hanging downe to their hips. The married women weares their haire all of a length, and is tied of that fashion that the Maids are. The women kinde in this Countrey doth pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts, then with paintings of 40 sundry liuely colours, they rub it into the stampe which will neuer be taken away, because it is dried into the flesh where it is sered.

The Sauages beare their yeeres well, for when wee were at Pamonkies, wee saw a Sauage by Sauage 160. yeeres old. Bearded. their report was aboue eight score yeeres of age. His eyes were sunke into his head, hauing neuer a tooth in his mouth, his haire all gray with a reasonable bigge beard, which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle to see a Sauage haue any haire on their faces, I neuer saw, read, nor heard, any haue the like before. This Sauage was as lustie and went as fast as any of vs, which was strange to behold.

The fifteenth day of Iune, we had built and finished our Fort which was triangle wise, hauing three Bulwarkes at euery corner like a halfe Moone, and foure or fiue pieces of Artillerie moun­ted in them, we had made our selues sufficiently strong for these Sauages, we had also sowne most 50 of our Corne on two Mountaines, it sprang a mans height from the ground, this Countrey is a fruitfull soile, bearing many goodly and fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries, Cherries, Walnuts, Ce­ders, Cypresse, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance.

Munday the two and twentie [...]h of Iune, in the morning Captaine Newport in the Admirall Cap. Newports departure. departed from Iames Port for England.

Captaine Newport being gone for England, leauing vs (one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scantie of victualls, furthermore in warres and in danger of the Sauages. We hoped after a supply which Captaine Newport promised within twentie weekes. But if the beginners of this action doe carefully further vs, the Country being so fruitfull, it would be as great a profit to the 60 Realme of England, as the Indies to the King of Spaine, if this Riuer which wee haue found had beene discouered in the time of warre with Spaine, it would haue beene a commoditie to our Realme, and a great annoyance to our enemies. The seuen and twentieth of Iuly the King of Ra­pahanna, demanded a Canoa which was restored, lifted vp his hand to the Sunne, which they [Page 1690] worship as their God, besides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would be our speciall friend. It is a generall rule of these people when they swere by their God which is the Sunne, no Chri­stian will keepe their Oath better vpon this promise. These people haue a great reuerence to The Sauages vse to sacrifice to the Sunne. the Sunne aboue all other things at the rising and setting of the same, they sit downe lifting vp their hands and eyes to the Sunne making a round Circle on the ground with dried Tobacco, then they began to pray making many Deuillish gestures with a Hellish noise foming at the mouth, staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous to behold.

The sixt of August there died Iohn Asbie of the bloudie Flixe. The ninth day died George Flowre of the swelling. The tenth day died William Bruster Gentleman, of a wound giuen by the Sauages, and was buried the eleuenth day. 10

The fourteenth day, Ierome Alikock Ancient, died of a wound, the same day Francis Mid­winter, Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly.

The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and Stephen Galthrope. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas Gower Gentleman. The seuenteenth day, their died Thomas Mounslic. The eigh­teenth day, there died Robert Penniugton, and Iohn Martine Gentleman. The nineteenth day, died Drue Piggase Gentleman. The two and twentieth day of August, there died Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold one of our Councell, he was honourably buried, hauing all the Ordnance in Death of Cap. Bart. Gosnold. the Fort shot off with many vollies of small shot.

After Captaine Gosnols death, the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall, which afterward was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him. 20

The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harington and George Walker, and were buried the same day. The sixe and twentieth day, died Kenelme Throgmortine. The seuen and twentieth day died William Roods. The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie, Cape Merchant.

The fourth day of September died Thomas Iacob Sergeant. The fift day, there died Beniamin Beast. Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings, Flixes, Burning Feuers, and by warres, and some departed suddenly, but for the most part they died of meere famine. There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new dis­couered Miserable fa­mine. Virginia. Wee watched euery three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soeuer came warded all the next day, which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches, our 30 food was but a small Can of Barlie sod in water to fiue men a day, our drinke cold water taken out of the Riuer, which was at a floud verie salt, at a low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruction of many of our men. Thus we liued for the space of fiue moneths in this miserable distresse, not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion. If it had not plea­sed God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts, we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, being in that weake estate as we were; our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare, if there were any conscience in men, it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pittiful murmurings & out-cries of our sick men without reliefe euery night and day for the space of sixe weekes, some departing out of the World, many times three or foure in a night, in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to be bu­ried: Gods good­nesse. 40 in this sort did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people.

It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which were our mortall enemies to releeue vs with victuals, as Bread, Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great plentie, which was the setting vp of our feeble men, otherwise wee had all perished. Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie, bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort.

The eleuenth day, there was certaine Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then President, thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship, but also from being of the Councell. Afterwards Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President.

The eighteenth day, died oue Ellis Kinistone which was starued to death with cold. The same day at night, died one Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day, there died one Thomas Mouton. 50

William White (hauing liued with the Natiues) reported to vs of their customes in the morning He was a made man. by breake of day, before they eate or drinke both men, women and children, that be aboue tenne yeeres of age runnes into the water, there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth, then offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the water or Land, honouring the Sunne as their God, likewise they doe at the setting of the The rest is omitted, being more fully set downe in Gap. Smiths Rela­tions. Sunne. 60

CHAP. III.

The description of Virginia by Captaine IOHN SMITH, inlarged out of his written Notes.

VIrginia is a Countrie in America, that lieth betweene the degrees of 34. By later Pa­tents this is extended fur­ther to the [...]0. degrees, &c. and 44. The Latitude of the North Latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean. On the South lieth Florida: on the North Noua Francia. As for the West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. Of all this Countrie we purpose not to speake, but on­ly 10 of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the yeere of our Lord, 1606. And this is vnder the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Countrie doth agree wel with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Countrie. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recouer by verie small meanes and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not only to haue made them sicke, but euen to end their dayes, &c.

The Summer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heate of Sum­mer is in Iune, Iuly, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the The tempe­rature. heate. The chiefe of Winter is halfe December, Ianuary, February, and halfe March. The cold 20 is extreme sharpe, but heere the Prouerbe is true, That no extreme continueth long. In the yeere 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe, and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia. But the next yeere for eight or ten daies of ill weather, other fourteene daies would be as Summer.

The winds here are variable, but the like Thunder and Lightning to purifie the Aire, I haue The winde. seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heate. The North-west winde is commonly coole, and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and South-east as from the Bar­madas, fogges and raines.

Sometimes there are great droughts other times much raine, yet great necessitie of neither, by 30 reason we see not, but that all the varietie of needfull Fruits in Europe may bee there in great plentie by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted.

There is but one entrance by Sea into this Countrey, and that is at the mouth of a verie goodly Bay, the widenesse whereof is neere eighteene or twen [...]ie miles. The Cape on the South The entrances side is called Cape Henrie, in honour of our most Noble Prince. The shew of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like vnto the Downes, and along the shoares great plentie of Pines and Firres. Cape Henr [...]. Cape C [...]ar [...]es. Cap. Smi [...]h.

The North Cape, is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. Thelles before it are named Smiths Iles, because he first of ours set foot on them. Within is a Countrey that may haue the prerogatiue ouer the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, for large and pleasant nauigable Riuers, Heauen and Earth neuer agreed better to frame a place for mans 40 habitation being of our constitutions, were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious peo­ple. Here are Mountaynes, Hils, Plaines, Vallies, Riuers and Brookes, all running most plea­santly The Country. into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful & delightsome Land. In the Bay and Riuers are many Iles both great and small, some woodie, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North an South, in which the water floweth neere two hundred miles, and hath a Channell for one hundred and fortie miles, of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene The Bay. fadome, holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteene miles. From the head of the Bay at the North, the Land is mountainous, and so in a manner from thence by a South-west Line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those Mountaines. From which fall certaine Brookes which after come to fiue principall Nauigable Riuers. These runne from the 50 North-west in to the South-east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of euery Ri­uer is within twentie or fifteene miles one of another.

The Mountaines are of diuers natures, for at the head of the Bay the Rockes are of a composi­tion The Moun­taines. like Mil-stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many pieces of Christall we found as throwne downe by water from the Mountaines. For in Winter these Mountaines are couered with much Snow, and when it dissolueth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundati­ons in the narrow Vallies, which yet is scarce perceiued being once in the Riuers. These waters wash from the Rockes such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as gilded, The so [...]e. where both the Rockes and the Earth are so splendent to behold, that better iudgements then ours might haue beene p [...]swaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the Earth in most 60 places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soile to be lustie and very rich. The colour of the Earth we found in diuers places, resembleth Bole Armoniac, terra sigillata ad lemnia, Full [...]rs Earth, Marle, and diuers other su [...]h appearances. But generally for the most part the Earth is a blacke sandie mould, in some places a fat slimie clay, in other places a very barren grauell. But the best [Page 1692] best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of Trees or abundance of Weeds, &c.

The Countrie is not mountainous nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine Hils and fertile Val­lies, The Vallies. one pretily crossing another, and watered so conueniently with their sweete Brookes and Christall Springs, as if Art it selfe had deuised them. By the Riuers are many plaine Marishes con­tayning some twentie, some one hundred, some two hundred Acres, some more, some lesse. Other Plaines there are few, but only where the Sauages inhabit: but all ouer-growne with Plaines. Trees and Weeds, being a plaine Wildernesse as God first made it.

On the West side of the Bay, we said were fiue faire and delightfull nauigable Riuers, of which we will now proceed to report. The first of those Riuers and the next to the mouth of the Bay 10 hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this Riuer they call Powhatan The Riuer Powhatan. according to the name of a principall Countrie that lieth vpon it. The mouth of this Riuer is neere three miles in breadth, yet doe the shoales force the Channell so neere the Land that a Sacre will ouer-shoot it at Point blanke. This Riuer is nauigable one hundred and fiftie miles as the Channell goeth; the shoales and soundings are heere needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre West in a Countrie inhabited by a Nation that they call Monacan. But where it commeth into our Dis­couerie Fals, it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently obserued, are Falles, Rockes, Shoales, &c. which makes it past nauigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the Riuer is enriched with many goodly Brookes, which are maintained by an infinite num­ber of small Rundles and pleasant Springs that disperse themselues for best seruice, as doe the The branches. 20 veines of a mans bodie. From the South there fals into this Riuer; First; the pleasant Riuer of Apamatuck: next more to the East are the two Riuers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth three or foure pretie Brookes and Creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabi­tants of Warraskoyac: then the Riuer of Nandsamund, and lastly, the Brooke of Chisaptack. From the North side is the Riuer of Chickahamania, the backe Riuer of Iames Townes; another by the Cedar Ile, where we liued ten weekes vpon Oisters, then a conuenient Harbour for fisher-boats or small Boats at Kecoughtan, that so conueniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their Corne fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these Riuers are inhabited by seuerall Nations, or rather Families, of the name of the Riuers. They haue also in euery of those places some Gouernour, as their King, 30 which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this Riuer are the English planted in a place by them called Iames Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie, vpon Iames Towne. which side are also many places vnder the Werowances.

The first and next the Riuers mouth are the Cecoughtans, who besides their women and chil­dren, haue not past twentie fighting men. The Paspaheges on whose Land is seated the English The seuerall Inhabitants. Colonie, some fortie miles from the Bay haue not past fortie. The Riuer called Chickahamania neere two hundred. The Weanocks one hundred. The Arrowhatocks thirtie. The place called Powhatan, some fortie. On the South side this Riuer the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, fiue and twentie. The Warraskoyacks fortie. The Nandsamunds two hun­dred. The Chesapeacks are able to make one hundred. Of this last place the Bay beareth the 40 name. In all these places is a seuerall Commander, which they call Werowance except the Chick­hamanians, Free State. who are gouerned by the Priests and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-caw­wassoughes. In Summer no place affoordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in Winter more abun­dance of Fowle, especially in the time of Frost. There was once taken fiftie two Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught sixtie eight. From the latter end of May till the end of Iune are ta­ken, but young Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long: From thence till the midst of September, of two or three yards long and few others. And in foure or fiue houres with one Net were ordi­narily taken seuen or eight: often more, seldome lesse. In the small Riuers all the yeere there is­good plentie of small fish, so that with Hookes those that would take paines had sufficient.

Fourteene miles Northward from the Riuer Powhatan; is the Kiuer Pamaunke, which is naui­gable R. Pamaunke. 50 sixtie miles, but with Catches and small Barkes, twentie or thirtie miles farther. At the ordinary flowing of salt water, it diuideth it selfe into two gallant branches. On the South inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who haue about sixtie men for warres. On the North branch Mattapa­ment, The Inhabi­tants. who haue thirtie men. Where this Riuer is diuided, the Countrie is called Panamaunke, and nourisheth neere three hundred able men. About fiue and twentie miles lower on the North K. Pohatan. side of this Riuer is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when Captaine Smith was deliuered him prisoner; yet there are not past fortie able men. But now he hath abandoned that, and liueth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the Wildernesse; tenne or twelue miles lower; on the South side of this Riuer is Chiskiack, which hath some fortie or fiftie men. These, as also Apa­matuck Irrohatocke, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe Alliance and inhabitance. The 60 rest (as they report) his Conquests.

Before we come to the third Riuer that falleth from the Mountaines, there is another Riuer Payankatank R. (some thirtie miles nauigable) that commeth from the In-land, the Riuer is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about some fortie seruiceable men.

[Page 1693] The third nauigable Riuer is called Toppahanock. (This is nauigable some one hundred and thir­tie miles.) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoackes amongst the Mountaines, Toppahanock R. but they are aboue the place we describe. Vpon this Riuer on the North side are seated a people The Inhabi­tants. called Cuttatowomen, with thirtie fighting men. Higher on the Riuer are the Moraughtacunds, with eightie able men. Beyond them Toppahanocke with one hundred men. Farre aboue is another Cuttatawomen with twentie men. On the South, farre within the Riuer is Nau­taughtacund hauing one hundred and fiftie men. This Riuer also as the two former, is repleni­shed with fish and fowle.

The fourth Riuer is called Patawomeke, and is sixe or seuen miles in breadth. It is nauigable Patawomeke R. one hundred and fortie miles, and fed as the rest with many sweet Riuers and Springs, which fall from the bordering Hils. These Hils many of them are planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and 10 varietie of fruit then the Riuer exceedeth with abundance of fish. This Riuer is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco, and hath some one hundred and thirtie men, beyond them Sekacawone with thirtie. The Onawmanient with one hundred. Then Patawomeke with one hundred and sixtie able men. Here doth the Riuer diuide it selfe in to three or foure conuenient Riuers. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trendeth North­west, but the Riuer itselfe turneth North-east, and is still a nauigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent, with fortie men. On the North of this Riuer is Secowocomoco with fortie men. Some what further Potapaco with twentie. In the East part of the bought of the Riuer, is Pamacacack with sixtie men; After Moyowances with one hundred. And lastly, 20 Nacotchtanke with eightie able men. The Riuer tenne miles aboue this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant Vally ouer-shadowed in many places with high Rockie Mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant Springs.

The fift Riuer is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channell Pawtuxunt R is sixteene or eighteene fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinite skuls of diuers kinds of fish more then elsewhere. Vpon this Riuer dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtu­xunt and Mattapaxient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there percei­ued. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other were found the most ciuill to giue entertainment.

Thirtie leagues Northward is a Riuer not inhabited, yet nauigable; for the red Earth or Clay Bolus R. The head of the Bay. 30 resembling Bole Armoniack, the English called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is sixe or seuen miles in breadth, there fall into it foure small Riuers, three of them issuing from diuers bogges inuironed with high Mountaines. There is one that commeth due North three or foure dayes iourney from the head of the Bay, and fals from Rockes and Mountaines, vpon this Riuer inhabit a people called Sasquesahanocke. They are seated two dayes higher then was passage for the Discouerers Barge, which was hardly two tunnes, and had in it but twelue men to per­forme Sasquesahanock. this Discouery, wherein they lay aboue the space of twelue weekes vpon those great wa­ters in those vnknowne Countries, hauing nothing but a little Meale or Oat-meale and water to feed them; and scarce halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but that by the Sauages, and by the plenty of fish they found in all places, they made themselues prouision as opportunity ser­ued; 40 yet had they not a Mariner or any that had skill to trimme their Sayles, vse their Oares, or any businesse belonging to the Barge, but two or three. The rest being Gentlemen, or as ig­norant in such toyle and labour, yet necessitie in a short time by their Captaines diligence and example, taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such small meanes, I leaue to the censure of the Reader to iudge by this Discourse and the annexed Map. But to proceed, six­tie of those Sasquesahanocks, came to the Discouerers with Skinnes, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Beades, Swords and Tobacco-pipes for Presents. Such great and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea, and to the Neighbours, yet see­med of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring the Disco­uerers Giantly peo­ple. as Gods. Those are the most strange people of all those Countries, both in Language and Attire; for their Language it may well beseeme their proportions, founding from them, as 50 it were a great voyce in a Vault, or Caue, as an Eccho. Their Attire is the Skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some haue Cassacks made of Beares heads and Skinnes that a mans necke goes The descripti­on of a Sasque­sahanough. See the Map. through the Skinnes necke, and the Eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders behind, the Nose and Teeth hanging downe his breast, and at the end of the Nose hung a Beares Pawe, the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes were the neckes of the Beares and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their Noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a Chaine Long Spoone to eate with the Deuill. for a Iewell his Tobacco-pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Beare, a Deere, or some such deuice at the great end, sufficient to beate out the braines of a man, with Bowes, and Arrowes, and Clubs sutable to their greatnesse and condi­tions. 60 These are scarce knowne to Powhatan. They can make neere sixe hundred able and mightie men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomckes their mortall enemies. Fiue of their chiefe Werowanccs came aboord the Discouerers, and crossed the Bay in their Barge.

[Page 1694] The Picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose legge was three quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that propor­tion, that hee seemed the goodliest man that euer wee beheld. His haire, the one side was long, the other shorne close with a ridge ouer his crowne like a Cockes Combe. His Arrowes were fiue quarters long, headed with flints or spinters of stones, in forme like a Heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These hee wore in a Woolues Skinne at his backe for his Quiuer, his Bow in the one hand and his Clubbe in the other, as is described.

On the East side the Bay, is the Riuer of Tockwhogh, and vpon it a people that can make one Tockwhogh R. hundred men, seated some seuen miles within the Riuer: where they haue a Fort very well 10 pallisadoed and mantelled with the Barke of Trees. Next to them is Ozinies with sixtie men. More to the South of tha East side of the Bay, the Riuer of Rapahanock, neere vnto which is Rapahanock R. Kusk [...]awaock R. [...]ghcocomoco R. Accomack R. the Riuer of Ruskarawaock. Vpon which is seated a people with two hundred men. After that is the Riuer of Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with one hundred men. The people of those Riuers are of little [...]tature of another Language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the Riuer of Acohanock with fortie men, and they of Accomack eighty men do equalize any of the Territories of Powh [...]tan and speake his Language, who ouer all those doth rule as King.

Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for the men Chawonock. there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack haue formerly beene discouered by Master Hariots and Sir Ralph Lane. Amongst those people are thus many seuera [...]l Nations of sundry Languages, that enuiron Powhatans Territories. The Chawonockes, the 20 Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesaha­nocks, The seuerall Languages. the A [...]quanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. Of all those not any one vnder­standeth another but by Interpreters. Their seuerall Habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of the Mountaines and current of the Riuers, with their seuerall Turnings, Bayes, Shoales, Iles, Inlets, and Creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places and such like. In which Map obserue this, that as farre as you see the little Crosses on Riuers, Mountaines, or other places haue beene discouered; the rest was had by information of the Sauages, and are set downe, according to their instructions.

Of such things which are naturall in Virginia, and how they vse them. 30

Virginia doth affoord many excellent vegitables and liuing creatures, yet grasse there is little Why there is little grasse. or none, but what groweth in low Ma [...]shes: for all the Countrey is ouergrowne with Trees, whose droppings continually turne their grasse to weedes, by reason of the ranknesse of the ground which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut; many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two foote Woods with their fruits. and a halfe square of good Timber for twenty yards long; Of this wood there is two or three seuerall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose barke is more white then the other, are some­what sweetish, which being boyled halfe a day in seuerall waters, at last affoord a sweete Oyle, 40 which they keep in Goards to annoint their heads & ioynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elme, some blacke Wal-nut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme Elme. they make Sope-ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of Walnuts there is two Walnuts. Supposed Cy­presse. or three kinds; there is a kind of wood we called Cypresse, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some neere three fadome about the Roote very straight, and fifty, sixty, or eighty foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Sauages are some great Mulberie trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing natu­rally in pretie Groues. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the Wormes prospered Mulberies. excellent well, till the Master workman fel sick. During which time they were eaten with Rats. 50

In some parts were found some Chesnuts whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Chesnuts. Germany, or Italy, to their tasts that had tasted them all. Plummes there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedg [...] Plummes, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow Plummes. as high as Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is first greene then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe it will draw a mans mouth awrie, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock.

They haue Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we cal­led them Cherries. Wee saw some few Crabbes, but very small and bitter. Of Vines great a­bundance Cheries. Crabs. Vines. in many parts climbe the tops of the highest trees in some places; but these beare but few Grapes. But by the Riuers and Sauage habitations where they are not cuershadowed from 60 the Sunne, they are couered with fruit, though neuer pruned nor manured. Of those hedge Grapes wee made neere twenty gallons of Wine, which was neere as good as your French Brit­tish Wine: but certainly they would proue good, were they well manured. There is another sort of Grape, neere as great as a Cherrie, this they call Messaminnes, they be sat, and the myce [Page 1695] thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in Wine. They haue a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne: this they call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They haue a berrie much like Chechinquamins our Gooseberrie, in greatnesse, colour, and taste; those they call Rawcomenes, and doe eate them Rawcomenes. raw or boyled. Of these naturall fruits they liue a great part of the yeere, which they vse in this manner. The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins, are dried to keepe. When How they vse their fruits. they need them they breake them betweene two stones; yet some part of the Walnut shels will cleaue to the fruit. Then doe they drie them againe vpon a Mat ouer a Hurdle. After they put it in a Morter of wood, and beate it very small: that done they mixe it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they call Pawco­ [...]iscora, Walnut milke. 10 and keepe it for their vse. The fruit like Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast vpon Hurdles on a Mat, and preserue them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boy­led foure houres, they make both Broth and Bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Populer, and another tree like vnto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsam. There are also Cedars and Saxafras tree. They also yeeld Gummes in a small proportion of themselues. Gums. Cedars. Saxafras trees. Wee tried conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature affoorded more than our arts.

In the watery Valleyes groweth a Berric, which they call Ocoughtanannis, very much like Berrics. vnto Capers. These they dry in Summer. When they will eate them, they boyle them neere halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poison. Mattoume groweth at our Bents Mattoume. 20 doe in medowes: the seed is not much vnlike to Rie, though much smaller: this they vse for a dainty Bread buttered with Deeres Suet.

During Summer there are either Strawberries which doe ripen in Aprill; or Mulberries which Strawberries, and other berries. Herbes. ripen in May and Iune: Raspises, Hurtes, or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit, much like a Limond. Many Herbes in the Spring time there are commonly dispersed throughout the Woods, good for Broths and Sallets, as Violets, Purflane, Sorrell, &c. Besides many wee vsed whose names we know not.

The chiefe root they haue for food is called Tockawhoughe, It groweth like a Flag in low mud­dy Freshes. In one day a Sauage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They vse to couer a great many of them with Oke Leaues and 30 Ferne, and then couer all with earth in the manner of a Cole-pit; ouer it, on each side, they con­tinue a great fire twentie foure houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better then poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the Sunne, mixed with Sorrell and Meale, or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in Summer they vse this ordinarily for bread.

They haue another root which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the bodie, so this cu­reth Wighsacan a medicinable root. Pocones a small root. Musquaspenne a root. their hurts and diseases. It is a small roote which they bruise and apply to the wound. Po­cones, is a small root that groweth in the Mountaines, which being dried and beat in powder tur­neth red. And this they vse for swellings, aches, anointing their ioynts, painting their heads and garments. They account it verie precious, and of much worth. Musquaspenne is a root of the big­nesse 40 of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying it will wither almost to nothing. This they vse to paint their Mats, Targets, and such like. There is also Pellitorie of Spaine, Sasafrage, and diuers Parietarie. Sassafras. Onions. See ins [...]. c. 14. of certaine Oxen found by Cap. Aryoll. Their chiefe beasts are Decre. Aroughcun. Squirrels. Assapanick a Squirrel flying others Simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good and medicinable. In the low marishes grow plots of Onions containing an acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the top of ones thumbe.

Of beasts the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. In the Desarts towards the heads of the Riuers, there are many, but amongst the Riuers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a Badger, but vseth to liue on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels, some are neere as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray. A small beast they haue, they call Assapanick, but wee call them flying Squirrels, because 50 spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of their skinnes, that they haue beene seene to flie thirtie or fortie yards. An Opassam hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignesse of a Cat. Vnder her belly she hath a bag, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. Mussascus, is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them Opassom. smell exceeding strongly of Muske. Their Hares are no bigger then our Conies, and few of them to be found.

Their Beares are verie little in comparison of those of Muscouia and Tartaria. The Beauer is Mussascus. Be res. The Beauer. as big as an ordinarie great Dog, but his legs exceeding short. His fore feet like a Dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare without haire, which to eate the Sauages esteeme a great delicate. They haue many Otters, which as the Beauers they Otters. 60 take with snares, and esteeme the skins great ornaments, and of all those beasts they vse to feede when they catch them.

There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes, in the forme of a wilde Cat, their Foxes are like Vetcunquoyes. Foxes. our siluer haired-Conies of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their [Page 1696] Dogs of that Countrey are like their Wolues, and cannot barke but howle; and their Wolues not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, Weessels and Minkes we know they Do [...]s. Martins. Polcats. Weesels, and M [...]kes. Note. haue, because we haue seene many of their akins, though very seldome any of them aliue. But one thing is strange, that wee could neuer perceiue their vermine destroy our Hens, Egges, nor Chickens, nor doe any hurt, nor their Flyes nor Serpents any way pernitious, where in the South parts of America they are alwaies dangerous and often deadly.

Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest deuourer. Hawkes there bee of diuers sorts as our Falconers Birds. called them. Sparrowhawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons, and O [...]peraies, but they all prey most vpon Fish. Partridges there are little bigger then our Quailes, wilde Turkies a [...] as bigge as Fish hawkes. our tame. There are Woosels or Black-birds with red shoulders. Thrushes and diuers sorts of small 10 Birds, some red, some Blew, scarce so big as a Wren, but few in Summer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans, Cranes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Duck, Wige­on, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds to vs vnknowne by name. But in Summer not any or a very few to be seene.

O Fish, we are best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingraies, whose tailes are very dangerous. Bretts, Mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Co­ny fish, [...]sh. Rockfish, E [...]les, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Perch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Creu [...]fes, Oysters, Cocles and Muscles. But the most strange Fish is a small one, so like the picture of Saint Strange forme George his Dragon, as possible can bee, except his legges and wings, and the Todefish, which will sw [...]ll till it be like to burst, when it commeth into the aire. 20

Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie. There wanted good Re­finers, for those that tooke vpon them to haue skill this way, tooke vp the washings from the The Rocks. mountaines, and some moskered shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering themselues in their owne vaine conceit to haue supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that Ore, if it proued as their Arts and judg [...]ments expected. Onely this is certaine, that many Regions lying in the same Latitude, afford Mines very rich of diuers natures. The crust also of these Rocks would easily perswade a man to beleeue there are other Mines then Iron and Steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the Mine from spare.

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they vse them. 30

They diuide the yeere into fiue seasons. Their Winter some call Papanow, the Spring Cata­peuk, How they di­uide the yeere. the Summer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne N [...]pinough, the Haruest and fall of leafe Taqui [...]ock. From September, vntill the midst of Nouember are the chiefe Feasts and Sacrifice. Then haue they plentie of fruits, as well planted as naturall, as Corne, green and ripe, Fish, Fowle, and wild beasts exceeding fat.

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their Corne, for the Countrey is naturally ouer­growne with Wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neere the roote, How they pre­pare the ground. then doe they scorch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeere with a crooked piece of Wood, they beat vp the Woods by the roots, and in those moulds they plant their Corne. 40 Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put foure graines of Wheat, and two of Beanes. These holes they make foure foot one from another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they hill it about like a Hop-yard.

In April they begin to plant but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of Iune. What they plant in April, they reape in August; for May, in September; for Iune, How they plant. in October. Euery stalke of their Corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure, many but one, and some none. Euery eare ordinarily hath betwixt two hundred and fiue hundred graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet iuyce in it, somewhat like a Sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their Corne greene, they sucke the stalkes for as we ga­ther 50 greene Pease, so doe they their Corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also Pease, which they call Ass [...], which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Gar [...]s, but these they much esteeme for dainties.

Their Corne they rost in the eare gr [...]ene, and bruised it in a Morter of Wood with a Polt, lap How they vse their Corne. it in roules in the leaues of their Corne, and so boile it for a daintie. They also reserue the Corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In Win­ter they esteeme it, being boiled with Beanes, for a rare dish, they call Paus [...]. Their old Wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a Morter. They vse a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receiue the flower in a platter made of Wood, scraped to that forme with bur­ning 60 and shels. Tempering this flower in water, they make it either in cakes couering with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in faire water they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boile them in water, eating the broth with the bread, which they call Po [...]ap. The grouts and pieces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a platter, or in the wind, away, the branne [Page 1697] they boile three or foure houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call Vstataham [...]n. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the coare of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale, but it neuer tasted well in bread, nor broth. There fish and flesh they boile either very tenderly, or bro [...]le it so long on hurdles ouer the fire, or else after How they vse their fish and flesh. the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, till it bee as drie as their Ierkin beefe in the West Indies, that they may keepe it a month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as commonly as the meat.

In May also amongst their Corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like vnto a Muake Millen, Planted fruits. but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the be­ginning of Iuly, and continue vntill September. They plant also Maracocks, a wilde fruit like a 10 Lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little else they plant, and this is done by their women and children: neither doth this long suffice them, for neere three parts of the yeere they onely obserue times and seasons, and liue of what the Countrey naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c.

The mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the situation of the Riuers, are so propi­tious The commo­dities in Virgi­nia, or that may bee had by industry. A proofe, cat­tell will liue well. to the nature and vse of man, as no place is more conuenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance. Vnder that Latitude or Climate, here will liue any beasts, as Horses, Goats, Sheepe, Asses, Hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thither. The waters, Iles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of Warre or Merchandize, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or 20 fishing, &c. The Bay and Riuers haue much merchandable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, buil­ding of Ships, making of Iron, &c.

Muscouia and Polonia doe yeerely receiue many thousands, for Pitch, Tarre, Sope, ashes, Rosen, The Com­modities. Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like: also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner for Wine, Canvas, and Salt; Spaine as much for Iron, Steele, Figs, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Veluets consume our chiefe commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by Fishing and Trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as vncertaine as Peace or Warres. Besides the charge, trauell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogatiue of all those flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within 30 one hundred miles all those that are to bee had, either readie prouided by nature, or else to be pre­pared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely Copper (we may doubt) is wanting; but there is good probabilitie that both Copper, and better munerals are there to bee had for their labour. Other Countries haue it. So then here is a place, a nurse for Souldiers, a practise for Mariners, a trade for the Merchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a busi­nesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore Infidels to the true knowledge of God, and his holy Gospel.

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia, and their customes.

The land is not populous, for the men be few; their farre greater number is of women and 40 children. Within sixtie miles of Iames Towne there are about some 7000. people, but of able men fit for their warres scarse 2000. To nourish so many together they haue yet no meanes, be­cause The numbers. they make so small a benefit of their Land, be it neuer so fertill: seuen or eight hundred 700. men were the most seene together, when they thought to haue surpri­sed Captaine Smith. A description of the people. ( [...]hough by their owne report they were aboue a thousand) haue beene the most which hath beene seene together, when they gathered themselues to haue surprised Captaine Smith at Pa­mav [...]ke, hauing but fifteene to withstand the worst of their furie. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discouered, is in comparison of that yet vnknowne, the people dif­fer very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great, as the Sesquesahamocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomococs; but generally tall and straight, 50 of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their haire is generally blacke, but few haue any beards. The men weare halfe their The Barbara▪ heads shauen, the other halfe long; for Barbers they vse their women, who with two shels will grate away the haire, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares, but euer some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and The constitu [...] ­on▪ full of agilitie, able to endure to lye in the woods vnder a tree by the fire, in the worst of win­ter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Summer. They are inconstant in euery The dispositi­on. thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenious. Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelo [...]s, all Sauage: Ge­nerally couetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moued to anger, and so 60 malicious, that they seldome forget an iniury: they seldome steale one from another, least their Coniurers should reueale it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared i [...] certaine, but that any can reueale their offences by coniuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonesty without the leaue of their husbands. Each houshold [Page 1698] knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and most liue of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are sometime couered with the skins of wilde Beasts, which in winter are dressed with the The possessi­ons. Their attire. haire, but in summer without. The better sort vse large mantels of Deare skins, not much dif­fering in fashion from the Irish Mantels: some imbrodered with white Beades, some with Cop­per, other painted after their manner. But the common sort haue scarce to couer their naked­nesse but with grasse, the leaues of trees, or such like. Wee haue seene some vse mantels made of Turkie-feathers, so prettily wrought and wouen with threds, that nothing could be discer­ned Fether Man­tels. but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are al­wayes couered about their middles with a skin, and very shamefac't to be seene bare. They a­dorne themselues most with Copper Beads and paintings. Their women, some haue their legs, Their orna­ments. 10 hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered with diuers works, as Beasts, Serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they haue three great holes, whereat the hang Chaines, Bracelets or Copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured Snake, neere halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lap­ping her selfe about his necke oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tied by the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier but lesse, which they take from the taile of a Snake. Many haue the whole skin of a Hawke or some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dri­ed. Their head and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to powder mixed with 20 Oyle, this they hold in summer to preserue them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they vse, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold.

Their Buildings and habitations are for the most part by the Riuers, or not farre distant from Their buil­dings. some fresh Spring. Their Houses are built like our Arbors, of small yong sprigs bowed and tied, and so close couered with mats, or the barks of trees very hand somely, that notwithstanding ei­ther winde, raine or weather, they are so warme as stoues, but very smoakie, yet at the top of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right ouer the fire.

Against the fire they lye on little hurdles of Reedes couered with a mat borne from the ground Their lodg­ings. a foote and more by a Hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lye heads and 30 points one by thother against the fire, some couered with Mats, some with Skins, and some starke naked, lye on the ground, from six to twenty in a house. Their Houses are in the midst of their Fields or Gardens, which are small plots of grounds; some twenty, some forty, some a hundred, Their gardens. some two hundred, some more, some lesse, sometimes from two to a hundred of those houses to­gether, or but a little seperated by groues of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creekes or Riuers shall hinder.

Men, Women, and Children haue their seuerall names, according to the seuerall humour of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily deliuered of child, yet doe they loue children How they vse their children. very dearely. To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the Riuers, 40 and by painting and ointments so tan their skins, that after a yeare or two, no weather will hurt them.

The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any womanlike exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painfull, and The industry of their wo­men. the men often idle. The women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make Mats, Bas­kets▪ Pots, Morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kinde of burdens, and such like.

Their fire they kindle presently by chasing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaues, or any such like dry thing, that will quick­ly How they strike fire. Their order of diet. burne. In March and Aprill▪ they liue much vpon their fishing wares, and feede on fish, Tur­kies, 50 and Squirrels. In May and Iune they plant their fields, and liue most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to mend their diet, some disperse themselues in small companies, and liue vpon fish, Beasts, Crabs, Oysters, land Tortoyses, Strawberries, Mulberries, and such like. In Iune, Iuly, and August, they feede vpon the rootes of Tocknough Berries, Fish, and greene Wheate. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet, euen as the Deere and wilde Beasts, they seeme fat and leane, strong and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are prouident, rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles, as before▪ is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times.

For fishing, and hunting, and warres, they vse much their Bowe and Arrowes. They bring their Bowes to the forme of ours: by the scraping of a shell. Their Arrowes are made some of How they make their Bowes and Ar [...]owes. straight yong sprigs, which they head with bone, some two or three inches long. These they 60 vse to shoote at Squirrels on trees. Another sort of Arrowes they vse, made of reedes: these are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of Christall, or some sharpe stone; the spurs of a Tur­key, or the bill of some Bird. For his Knife, he hath the splinter of a reede to cut his feathers in forme. With this Knife also, he will ioynt a Deere or any Beast, shape his shooes, buskins, Man­tels, Their Knife▪ [Page 1699] &c. To make the noch of his Arrow, he hath the tooth of a Beuer, set in a sticke, where­with he grateth it by degrees. His Arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he euer weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone or glasse, in the forme of a hart; and these they glew to the end of their Arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of Deeres hornes boiled to a ielly, they make a glew that will not dissolue in cold water.

For their warres also they vse Targets that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a Their Targets and [...]words. sword of wood at their backes, but oftentimes they vse for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood, in forme of a Pickaxe: some a long stone sharpened at both ends, vsed in the same manner. This they were wont to vse also for Hatchets, but now by trucking, they haue plenty of the same forme of Iron. And those are their chiefe instru­ments 10 and armes.

Their fishing is much in Boates. These they make of one tree by burning and scratching a­way the coles with stones and shels, till they haue made it in forme of a Trough. Some of them Their Boats. are an elle deepe, and forty or fifty foote in length, and some will beare forty men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will beare ten, twenty, or thirty, according to their bignesse. Instead of Oares, they vse paddles and stickes, with which they will rowe faster then our Barges. Be­twixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to spin; the Barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or How they spirt. a kinde of grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thred very euen and readily. This thred serueth for many vses, about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hookes 20 are either a bone grated, as they nocke their Arrowes, in the forme of a crooked pin or fish hooke, Their Fishoo [...] or of the splinter of a bone tied to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tye on the baite. They vse also long Arrowes tyed in a line, wherewith they shoote at fish in the Riuer. But they of Accawmack vse staues, like vnto Iauelins, headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They haue also many artificiall wares, in which they get abundance of fish.

In their hunting & fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteemed it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their Hunting la­bours. continuall ranging, and trauell, they know all the aduantages and places most frequented with Deere, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Rootes, and Berries. At their huntings they leaue their habitations, 30 and reduce themselues into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with How they hunt their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling vp towards the Mountains, by the heads of their Riuers, where there is plenty of game. For betwixt the Riuers, the grounds are so narrow, that little commeth there which they deuoure not. It is a mar [...]ell they can so di­rectly passe these desarts, some three or foure daies journie without habitation. Their hunting Hunting hou­ses. houses are like vnto Arbours couered with ma [...]s. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they vse. When they come to the place of exercise, euery man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wiues. Forty yards will they shoote leuell, or very neere the marke, and one hun­dred and twenty is their best at random. At their hunting in the desarts they are commonly 40 two or three hundred together. Hauing found the Deere, they enuiron them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselues. And some take their stands in the midst. The Deere being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long within that circle, that many times they kill six, eight, ten, or fifteene at a hunting. They vse also to driue them into some narrow point of land, when they finde that aduantage, and so force them into the Riuer, where with their Boates they haue Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they haue shot a Deere by land they follow him like Bloud-hounds, by the bloud and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, yong or old, they deuoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found Captaine Smith, in the discouery of the head of the Riuer of Chickahamania, where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a Bogmire, where he saw those exercises, and gathered these obseruations. 50

One Sauage hunting alone, vsed the skinne of a Deere slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the necke, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, One Sauage hunting alone. head, eies, eares, and euery part as artificially counterfeited as they can deuise. Thus shrowding his body in the skin, by stalking he approacheth the Deere, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to finde fault, or stand at gaze, hee turneth the head with his hand to his best aduantage to seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watch­ing his best aduantage to approach, hauing shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and straine till he get him.

When they intend any Wars, the Werowances vsually haue the aduise of their Priests and Con­iurers, 60 and their allies and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Their consul­tations. Euery Werowance, or some lusty fellow, they appoint Captaine ouer euery Nation. They sel­dome make Warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for reuenge. They haue many enemies, namely all their Westernely Countries beyond the Mountaines, and Their enem [...], [Page 1700] the heads of the Riuers. Vpon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habi­tation is at Russawmeake, vnto whom the Moubemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Manahas­sanuggs, and other Nations pay tributes. Vpon the head of the Riuer of Toppahanocke is a peo­ple called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Out­poncas, the Tegoneaes, the Whonkentyaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassi [...]nungas, and diuers others, all confederates with the Monacans though many differ in language, and be very barbarous, huing for most part of wilde Beasts and fruies. Beyond the Mountaines, from whence is the head of the Riuer Patawomeke, the Sauages report inhabit their most mortall enemies, the Massawomckes Massawomekes. vpon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Commada, some great Lake, or some inlet of some Sea that falleth into the South Sea. These Massawomekes are a great Nation and very populous. For the heads of all those Riuers, especially the Pattawomekes, 10 the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanoks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose cruelty, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with Captaine Smith and his company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, Their offer of subiection. conduct, assistance, and continuall subiection; which hee concluded to effect. But the councell then present, emulating his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him forty men to be hazar­ded in those vnknowne Regions, hauing passed (as before was spoken of) but with twelue, and so was lost that opportunity. Seuen Boates full of these Massawomekes the discouerers encoun­tred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, and euery thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexte­ritie in their small Boates made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with 20 gum, argueth that they are seated vpon some great water.

Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe at­tempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe them Captiues. They haue a method in warre, and for our pleasures they shewed it vs, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.

Hauing painted and disguised themselues in the fiercest manner they could deuise. They di­uided themselues into two Companies, neere a hundred in a Company. The one company cal­led Their manner of battell. Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a Musket shot one from another; ranked themselues fifteene a brest, and each ranke from another foure or fiue yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So as the 30 Reare could shoote as conueniently as the Front. Hauing thus pitched the fields: from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, that whosoeuer were vanquished, such as escape vpon their submission in two daies after shall liue, but their wiues and children should he prize for the Conquerours. The Messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their or­ders: On each flanke a Sarieant, and in the Reare an officer for Lieutenant, all duely keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they vse onely in wars. Vpon the first flight of Arrowes they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infer­nall helhounds could not haue made them more terrible. When they had spent their Arrowes, they ioyned together prettily, charging and retiring, euery ranke seconding other. As they got aduantage, they catched their enemies by the haire of the head, & down he came that was taken: 40 his enemy with his wodden Sword seemed to beate out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moon; they vnwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselues among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans retired with all speede to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that aduantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retiring, were so strai­ned to the height of their quallitie and nature, that the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull.

For their musicke they vse a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their 50 warres they haue a great deepe platter of wood. They couer the mouth thereof with a skin, at Their Musicke each corner they tie a Walnut, which meeting on the backeside neere to the bottome, with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so tough and stiffe, that they may beate vpon it as vpon a Drum. But their chiefe instruments are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpions shels. Of these they haue Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meare and Trible. These mingled with their voyces, sometimes twenty or thirty together, make such a terrible noise, as would rather affright then delight any man. If any great Commander arriue at the habitation of a Werowance, Their enter­tainment. they spread a Mat, as the Turkes doe a Carpet, for him to sit vpon. Vpon another right op­posite they sit themselues. Then doe all with a tunable voice of showting [...]d him welcome. After this doe two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their loue: which 60 they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweate till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake: so that a man would take them to be ex [...]ding an­gry, or starke mad. Such victuall as they haue, they spend freely, and at night where h [...]s [Page 1701] lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and Oile, to be his bedfellow.

Their manner of trading is for Copper, Beades, and such like, for which they giue such com­modities as they haue, as Skins, Fowle, Fish, Flesh, and their Countrie Corne. But their victuall Their trade. is their chiefest riches.

Euery spring they make themselues sicke with drinking the iuice of a roote they call Wigh­sacan, Their phisicke. and water, whereof they powre so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very vio­lent manner; so that in three or foure daies after they scarce recouer their former health. Some­times they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof Their chirur­gery. they build a stone, in the forme of a Douehouse, with mats, so close that a few coales therein co­uered 10 with a pot, will make the patient sweate extreamely. For swellings also they vse small peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloues, which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root Wighsacan they or­dinarily heale greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling or make incision, their best instru­ments are some splinted stone. Old vlcers or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured amongst them. They haue many professed Physitians, who with their charmes and Rattels with an in­fernall Their charmes to cure. rowt of words and actions will seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their nauels or their grieued places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeued any Plai­ster would heale any hurt.

Of their Religion. 20

There is yet in Uirginia no place discouered to be so Sauage in which the Sauages haue not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that were able to doe them hurt beyond their preuention, they adore with their kinde of diuine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our ordnance, peeces, horses, &c. But their chiefe God they worship is the Diuell; him they call Oke, and serue him more of feare then loue. They say they haue conference with him Their God. and fashion themselues as neere to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they haue his image euilfauouredly carued, and then painted and adorned with Chaines, Copper, and Beads; and couered with a skin, in such manner as the deformitie may well suite with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried vp­on 30 hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their ioints and necke they hang How they bu­ry their Kings. Bracelets or Chaines of Copper, Pearle, and such like, as they vse to weare, their inwards they stuffe with Copper Beads and couered with a Skin, Hatchets, and such trash. Then lap they them very carefully in white Skins, and so rowle them in mats for their winding-sheetes. And in the Tombe, which is an arch made of Mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth, their Kings haue, they set at their feete in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests.

For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with sharpe stakes, and the corpes being lapped in Skins and Mats with their Iewels, they lay them vpon sticks in the ground, and Their ordina­ry burials. so couer them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with black 40 cole and oyle, doe sit foure and twenty houres in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling as may expresse their great passions.

In euery Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two, or three, or more. Their prin­cipall Temple or place of superstition is at Vitamussack at Pamavuke, neere vnto which is a house Their Temples temple or place of Powhatans. Vpon the top of certain red sandy hils in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Diuels, & Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neere sixty foot in length, built arbot-wise after their building. This place they count so holy as that none but the Priests and Kings dare come into them; nor the Sauages dare not goe vp the Riuer in Boates by it, but that they solemnly cast some peece of Popper, white Beads or Pocones into the Riuer; for feare their Oke should be offended and reuenged of them. In this place commonly are resident seuen Priests. The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but infe­rior Their orna­ments for their Priests. 50 Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their Iewels at. The ornament of the chiefe Priest were certaine at­tires for his head made thus: They tooke a dosen, or sixteene, or more Snake skins, and stuffed them with mosse, & of Weesels, and other vermine skins a good many. All these they tye by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the top of their head, like a great Tassell. Round about this Tas­sell is as it were a cown of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner couer his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as vgly as they can deuise, in their hands they had euery one his Rattell, some base, some smaller. Their deuotion was most in Songs, which the chiefe Priest beginneth, and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh inuo­cations 60 with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at euery pause, the rest giue a short groane.

It could not be perceiued that they keepe any day as more holy then other; but onely in some Their times of solem [...]. great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the [Page 1702] whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their deuotion is, sometimes to make a great fire in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts together foure or fiue houres. Sometime they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands if he would keepe time, and after their songs and dancings ended they goe to their Feasts.

They haue also diuers coniurations; one they made when Captaine Smith was their prisoner Their Coniu­rations. (as they reported) to know if any more of his Country-men would arriue there, and what hee there intended. The manner of it followeth in his story.

They haue also certaine Altar stones, they call Pawcorances, but these stand from their Tem­ples, some by there houses; others in the Woods and Wildernesses: Where they haue had any ex­traordinary Their Altars. C. Smith. 10 accident or incounter. As you trauell by them they will tell you the cause of their erection, wherein they instruct their children; so that they are in stead of Records and memorialls of their Anti­quities. Vpon this they offer bloud, Deare suet, and Tobacco. These they doe when they re­turne from the warres, from hunting, and vpon many other occasions. They haue also another Sacrifices to the water. superstition that they vse in stormes, when the waters are rough in the Riuers and Sea Coasts. Their Coniurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their Boats, after many hellish outcries and inuocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers, the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne to vse. 20

Euery Nation in seuen or ten yeeres vseth a kind of solemnity. Such a one was at Quiyoughcoha­nock, Their solemne making of black-berries, some ten miles from Iames Towne and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young Boyes, betweene ten and fifteene yeeres of age they painted white. Hauing brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. In the after­noone they put those children to the root of the tree. By them all the men stood in a gard, eue­ry one hauing a Bastinado in his hand, made of Reeds bound together. This made a lane be­tweene them all along, through which there were appointed fiue young men to fetch these chil­dren: so euerie one of the fiue went through the guard to fetch a child each after other by turnes, the guard fearlesly beating them with the Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and recei­uing all, defending the children with their naked bodies from the vnmercifull blowes, that pay them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and cry out verie 30 passionately, prouiding Mats, Skins, Mosse, and drie Wood, as things fitting their childrens Fune­ralls. After the children were thus passed, the guard tore downe the trees, branches, and boughs, with such violence that they rent the bodie, and made wreathes for their heads, or be­decked their haire with leaues. What else was done with the children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a Valley as dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered, That the children were not C. Smith. all dead, but the next day they were to drinke Wighsakon, which would make them mad; and they were to bee kept by the last made Blacke boyes in the wildernesse, where their Oke did sucke the bloud of those which fell to his lot. The truth is, as I thinke, that many die with the misery which they endure. For they 40 lye in all weathers in a little houell naked, and they seldome speake or keepe company with any but their Keepers; whom they obey so, that if they be bidden sit on the frozen snow, they will not rise till they be cal­led. And if they bid them goe take Fish, Flesh, or Corne from their mothers, or else they are Old me, this word is so terrible that they will teare their mothers throat, but they will haue it; yea it nakes them do whatsoeuer they are commanded: and much mischiefe they often doe to such as they find stragling. Yet hurt they not each other. They continue thus nine months. Then are diuers platters of broth set, of which some are poysoned; and he whose diuination finds out the poysoned, is much esteemed and made a Quiyoughcosuck. These are the degrees to become Priests or Coniurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Oke or Deuil, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which are there other Gods, would let them haue no Deare, Turkies, Corne, nor Fish, and yet be­sides, 50 be would make a great slaughter amongst them.

They thinke that their Werowances and Priests, which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, goe beyond the Mountaines towards the setting of the Sunne, and euer re­maine there in forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with Oile and Pocones, finely trim­med with Feathers, and shall haue Beades, Hatchets, Copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not liue after death.

To diuert them from this blind Idolatry, many vsed there best endeauours, chiefly with the Their resur­rection. Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock, whose deuotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much ex­ceeded any in those Countries, whom though wee could not as yet preuaile withall to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeue, that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did 60 their Bowes and Arrowes, and many times did send to the President, at Iames Towne, men with Presents, intreating them to pray to his God for Raine, for his Gods would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance, doe these poore soules sacrifice themselues to the Deuill, not knowing their Creator.

Of the manner of the Virginians Gouernment.

Although the Countrey people be very barbarous, yet haue they amongst them such gouern­ment, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their people for due subiection, and obeying, excell many places that would be counted verie ciuill. The forme of their Common­wealth is a Monarchiall gouernment, one as Emperour ruleth ouer many Kings or Gouernours. Their chiefe Ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling, called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries hee hath which haue beene his Ancestors, and came vnto him by Inheritance, as the Countrie called Powhatan, Arro­hateck, Appamatuke, Pamavuke, Youghtanud, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories ex­pressed in the Map, they report haue beene his seuerall conquests. In all his ancient Inheritances, 10 hee hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some thirtie, some fortie yards long, and at euerie house prouision for his entertainment according to the time. At Werowcomoco, hee was seated vpon the Northside of the Riuer Pamavuke, some fourteene miles from Iames Towne, where for the most part, hee was resident, but hee tooke so little pleasure in our neere neighbour­hood, that were able to visit him against his will in sixe or seuen houres, that he retired himselfe to a place in the Desarts at the top of the Riuer Chickahamania, betweene Toughtanund and Pow­hatan. A description of Powhatan. His habitation is called Orapacks, where he ordinarily now resideth. He is of parsonage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somewhat gray, his beard so thin that it seemeth none at all, his age neere sixtie; of a verie able and hardie bodie to endure any labour. His atten­dance & watch 20 About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of fortie or fiftie of the tallest men his Countrie doth afford. Euerie night vpon the foure quarters of his house are foure Sentinels each standing from other a flight shoot, and at euery halfe houre one from the Corps due guard doth hollow, vn­to whom euerie Sentinell doth answere round from his stand; if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely.

A mile from Orapakes, in a thicket of Wood, hee hath a house in which hee keepeth his kind of His treasurie. Treasure, as Skins, Copper, Pearle, and Beads, which he storeth vp against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is store of Red paint for ointment, and Bowes and Arrowes. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by Priests. At the foure corners of this house stand foure Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a Giant-like man, all made euill-fauor'dly, according to their best workmanship. 30

He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, His Wiues. and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand & another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a woodden Platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of Feathers to wipe them insteed of a Towell, and the Feathers when he hath wiped are dried againe. His Kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof hee hath three, namely, Opitchapan, His Successors The title of succession. Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heire male and female of the eldest sister, but neuer to the heires 40 of the males.

Hee, nor any of his people vnderstand any letters whereby to write or read, onely the Lawes whereby he ruleth is Custome. Yet when hee listeth his will is a law, and must be obeyed: not only as a King, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings, whom they call Their authori­tie. Werowances are tied to rule by customes, and haue power of life and death, as their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and conster for a King, is a common word whereby they call all Commanders: for they haue but few words in their language, and but few occasions to vse any officers more then one Commander, which commonly they call Werowances. They all know their seuerall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, fowle, or hunt in, but they The tonor of their lands. hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, vnto whom they pay tribute of Skins, Beads, Copper, Pearle, Deare, Turkies, wild Beasts, and Corne. What hee commandeth they dare not disobey in 50 the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare & adoration all these people do obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoeuer hee commandeth, at the least frowne of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no maruell, for hee is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example, hee caused certaine malefactors to bee His manner of punishments, bound hand and foot, then hauing many fires, gathering great store of burning coles, they rake these coles round in the forme of a cock-pit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Somtimes hee causeth the heads of them that offend him, to bee laid vpon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubs beat out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, hee causeth him to bee tied to a tree, and with Muscle shels, or Reeds, the executioner 60 cutteth off his ioynts one after another, euer casting what they cut off into the fire; then doth hee proceed with S [...]els and Reeds to case the skin from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly, and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselues reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beat them with cudgels. Wee haue seene a man kneeling on his [Page 1704] knees, and at Powhatans command, two men haue beat him on the bare skin, till hee hath fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet neuer cry nor complained.

In the yeere 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank, his neere neighbours and subiects. The occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus. First, he sent diuers of his men to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambusacodes inuironed all their houses, and at the hour appointed, they all fel to the spoile, twenty foure men they slew, the long haire of their one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They sur­prised also the women, the children, and the Werowance. All these they present to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him seruice. The lockes of haire with their skins he hanged on a line vnto two trees. And thus hee made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco, shewing them to the English men that then came vnto him at 10 his appoitment, they expecting prouision, he to betray them, supposed to halfe conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie.

And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthy of note; which I haue purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not stick to slander the Countrey, that will slouenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can find none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce euer ten miles from Iames Towne, or at the most but at the Falls; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they neuer aduentured to know any thing; nor euer did any thing but deuoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for Vanitie of Effeminate Planters. 20 most part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with Feather-beds, and Down-pillowes, Tauernes and Ale-houses in euery breathing place, neither such plentie of Gold and Siluer and dissolute libertie as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their meanes to returne for England. For the Countrey was to them a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell, their reports here, and their owne actions were there according.

Some other there were that had yeerely stipends to passe to and againe for transportation: Vanitie of self-seeking gloriosos. who to keepe the mystery of the businesse in themselues, though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselues; yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to 30 the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more, then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great wordes deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the bu­sinesse being builded vpon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the Money, Tin, and meanes haue still miscarried: yet they euer returning, and the Planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which still to maintaine their vain-glory and estimation, from time to time they haue vsed such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false. And that the aduenturers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart.

There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting, verball and idle contemplators, and those so 40 deuoted to pure idlenesse, that though they had liued two or three yeeres in Virginia, lordly, ne­cessitie Miserie of base idlenesse it selfe could not compel them to passe the Pninsula, or Pallisadoes of Iames Town, & those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our transporters to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England to their passes. Thus the clamors and the ig­norance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia, and our ingenious Verbalists were no lesse plague to vs in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the la­bour of thirtie of the best only, preserued in Christianitie by their industry the idle liuers of neere two hundred of the rest: who liuing neere ten months of such naturall meanes, as the Countrey naturally of it selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Sauages, the ex­tremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall: in all that time I lost 50 but seuen or eight men, yet subiected the Sauages to our desired obedience, and receiued contri­bution from fiue and thirtie of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should as­sault them; in which order they continued true and faithfull, and as subiects to his Maiestie, so long after as I did gouerne there, vntill I left the Countrey: since, how they haue reuolted, the Countrey lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses haue succeeded from time to time, I refer you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that haue beene more diligent in such obser­uations, gathered out of the Writings of diuers of that Plantation, by Doctor William Simons. 60

CHAP. IIII.

The proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of THOMAS STVDLY Cape-Merchant, ANAS TODKILL, Doctor RVS­SELL, NATHANIEL POWELL, WILLIAM PHETIPLACE, and RICHARD POT, I haue many written Trea­tises lying by me, written by Capt. Smith and others, some there, some here af ter there re­turne: but be­cause these haue alreadie seene the light, and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires, I was loth to wearie the Reader with others of this time. The first mo­uer of the action. Orders for go­uernment. Susan Constant Admirall with 71. God speed Vice­admirall with 52. Commanded by Cap Gosnol. Discouery Rear-admirall, with 21. Godly zeale of M. Hunt. RICHARD WIFFIN, THO. AB­BAY, THO. HOPE; and since enlarged out of the Writings of Capt. IOHN SMITH, principall Agent and Patient in these Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning of 10 the Plantation 1606. till Ann. 1610. somewhat abridged.

CAptaine Bartholomew Gosnold, the first mouer of this Plantation, hauing many yeeres solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last preuailed with some Gentlemen, as M. Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captaine Iohn Smith, and diuers others, who depended a yeere vpon his proiects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie it came to bee apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, Gentrie, and Merchants, so that his Maiestie by 20 his Letters Patents, gaue Commission for establishing Councels, to direct here, and to gouerne, and to execute there; to effect this, was spent another yeere, and by that time three Ships were pro­uided, one of one hundred Tuns, another of fortie, and a Pinnace of twentie. The transportati­on of the Company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Mariner well practised for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for gouernment were put in a Box, not to bee opened, nor the Gouernours knowne vntill they arriued in Virginia.

On the ninteenth of December, 1606. wee set saile, but by vnprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which time, M. Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recouerie. Yet although hee were but ten or twelue miles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the 30 scandalous imputation (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him, all this could neuer force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the businesse, but preferred the Seruice of God, in so good a Voyage, before any affection to con­test with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue preuailed) had euen then ouerthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of pati­ence, and his godly exhortations (but briefly by his true deuouted examples) quenched those flames of enuy and dissention.

Wee watred at the Canaries, we traded with the Sauages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selues amongst these West India Iles; in Gwardalupa wee found a Bath so hot, as in it we boiled Porck as well as ouer the fire. And at a little Ile, called Monica, wee tooke from 40 the Bushes with our hands, neere two Hogsheads of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis, Monica an vn­frequented I [...]e full of birds Mona, and the Virgin Iles, we spent some time, wherewith a loathsome beast like a Crocadil, called a Gwayn, Tortoses, Pellicans, Parrots, and Fishes, wee daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the Company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Mariners had three daies passed their reckoning and found no Land, so that Captaine Ratcliffe (Captaine of the Pin­nace) rather desired to beare vp the Helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to Hull all night, did driue them by his prouidence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations, for neuer any of them had seene that Coast. The first Land they made, they called Cape Henry; where ancho­ring, Their first landing. M. Wingfield, Gosnoll, and Newport, with thirtie others, recreating themselues on shoare, Were assaulted by fiue Sauages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the Box 50 opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, Iohn Smith, Iohn Ratliffe, Iohn Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to chuse a President amongst them for a yeere, who with the Councell should gouerne. Matters of Matters of go­uernment. moment were to be examined by a Iury, but determined by the Maior part of the Councell, in which the President had two voices. Vntill the thirteenth of May they sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, M. Wingfield was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted to the Councell as the rest.

Now falleth euery man to worke, the Councell contriue the Fort, the rest cut downe Trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some prouide Clap-board to relade the Ships, some make Gar­dens, 60 some Nets, &c. The Sauages often visited vs kindly. The Presidents ouerweening iealousie would admit no exercise at Armes, or Fortification, but the Boughs of Trees cast together in the forme of a halfe Moone, by the extraordinary paine and diligence of Captaine Kendall, Newport, The discou [...]rie o [...] the F [...]s and Pow [...]an. with Smith, and twentie others, were sent to discouer the head of the Riuer: by diuers small habi­tations [Page 1706] they passed, in sixe dayes they arriued at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting of some twelue houses pleasantly seated on a Hill; before it three fertill Iles, about it many of their Cornfields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Pow­hatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the Riuer is Nauigable, but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rockes and Iles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falls, the people in all parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie miles of Iames Towne, they gaue iust cause of iealousie, but had God not blessed the discouerers otherwise then The Fort as­saulted by the Sauages. I haue also M. Wingfields notes of these affaires: but [...]ould not [...]rouble the Reader here with things more then troublesome there. those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that Plantation; for at the Fort, where they ar­riued the next day, they found seuenteene men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Sauages, and had it not chanced a crosse Bar shot from the Ships strooke downe a Bough from a Tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their 10 Armes in Dry-fats. Heereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and Ambuscadoes of the Sauages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Sauages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toile we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to relade the Ships, cut downe Trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, &c. I refer to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner; Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for our transportation) was to returne with the Ships.

Now Captaine Smith (who all this time from their departure from the Canaries) was restrai­ned as a prisoner vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (enuying his repute) who 20 fained he intended to vsurpe the gouernment, murder the Councell, and make himselfe King that his confederates were dispersed in all the three Ships, and that diuers of his confederates that re­uealed it, would affirme it; for this he was committed, thirteene weekes hee remained thus sus­pected, and by that time the Ships should returne, they pretended, out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check, rather then by particulating his de­signes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly ouerthrow his reputation; but he much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie, hee wisely preuented their policies, though hee could not suppresse their enuies, yet so well hee demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the Company did see his innocencie, and his aduersaries malice, 30 and those which had beene subborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many vntruths were alledged against him; but being so apparantly disproued, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the Company against such vniust Commanders; many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell: the next day all receiued the Communion, the day following the Sauages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leauing in Virginia one hundred, the fifteenth of Iune 1607.

The names of them that were the first planters, were these following. Master Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, Capt. Iohn Smith, Capt. Iohn Ratcliffe, Cap. Iohn Martin, 40 Capt. George Kendall, Councellors.

M. George Piercy, M. Robert Hunt Preacher, Anthony Gosnoll, Capt. Gabrill Archer, Rob. Ford, William Brustar, Dru Pickhouse, Iohn Brookes, Thomas Sands, Iohn Robinson, Vstis Clonill, Kellam Throgmorton, Nathaniell Powell, Robert Behethland, Ieremy Alicock, Thomas Studley, Richard Crofts, Nicholas Houlgraue, Thomas Webbe, Iohn Waler, William Tankard, Francis Snarsbrough, Ed­ward Brookes, Richard Dixon, Iohn Martin, George Martin, Anthony Gosnold, Thomas Wotton, Seirg. Thomas Gore, Francis Midwinter, Gentlemen.

William Laxon, Edward Pising, Tho. Emry, Rob. Small, Carpenters. Anas Todkill, Iohn Capper.

Iames Read, Blacksmith, Ionas Profit, Sailer. Tho. Couper, Barber. Iohn Herd, Brick-layer. Wil­liam Garret, Brick-layer. Edward Brinto, Mason. William Loue, Taylor. Nic. Skot, Drum. 50

Iohn Laydon, William Cassen, George Cassen, Tho. Cassen, William Rods, William White, Ould Edward, Henry Tauin, George Golding, Iohn Dods, Will. Iohnson, Will. Vnger, Labourers. Will. Wilkinson. Surgeon.

Samuell Collier, Nat. Pecock, Iames Brumfield, Rich. Mutton, with diuers others to the num­ber of one hundred and fiue. Capt. Newports returne for England.

BEing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes, scarce ten amongst vs could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknesse and sicknesse oppressed vs. And thereat What happe­ned till the first supply. Chap. 2. The occasion of sicknesse. The Sailers [...]buses. none need maruell, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of bisket which the Saylers would pilfer to sell, giue or exchange with vs, for money, saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there remained neither Tauerne, Beere-house, nor place of reliefe but the common 60 kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might haue beene canonized for Saints: But our President would neuer haue beene admitted, for ingrossing to his priuate, Otemeale, Sack, Oile, Aquavitae, Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the kettel; that indeed he [Page 1707] allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pinte of Wheat, and as much Barly boi­led with water for a man a day, and this hauing fryed some six and twentie weekes in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that wee might truely call it rather so much Bran then Corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings castles in aire, with this lodging and diet, our ex­treame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised vs, and our continuall la­bour in the extreamitie of heat had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as mi­serable in our natiue Countrey, or any other place in the world. From May to September, those A bad Presi­dent. that escaped liued vpon Sturgion, and Sea-Crabs; fiftie in this time we buried: The rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknesse) so moued our dead spirits, as wee deposed him; and established 10 Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly recouered, Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserued and relieued, but now was all our prouision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helpes abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Sauages; when God, the Patron of all good indeauours in that desperat extreamitie, so changed the hearts of the Sauages, that they Plentie vnex­pected. brought such plentie of their fruits and prouision, as no man wanted.

The new President, and Martin, being little beloued; of weake iudgement in dangers, and lesse industry in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his owne The building of Iames town. share, so that in short time he prouided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This 20 done, seeing the Sauages superfluitie begin to decrease (with some of his workmen) hee shipped himselfe in the shallop to search the Countrey for trade, the want of the language, knowledge to mannage his Boat without Sailers, the want of sufficient power (knowing the multitude of the Sauages) apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discou­ragement. Being but sixe or seuen in company, hee went downe the Riuer to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a starued man; and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, or a piece of Bread for their Swords and Muskets, and such like proportions also for their apparell. But seeing C. Smith. by trade there was nothing to be had, necessitie forced him to exceed his Commission, and to vse his Mus­kets to another kind of trading, which made these deriders flye to the Woods. Hee hasted to their houses, and found store of Corne, from which the hungry Souldiers were hardly detained, in bastier spoile to haue 30 betrayed themselues to the returning Sauages assault. This sixtie or seuenty did presently, with hideous noise to the eare, and manifold colours painted to the eye, singing and dancing with their Okee (which was an Idol made with skins, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hanged with Chaines and Copper, borne before them) and being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, who so kindly receiued them with their Muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and diuers of his worshippers lay sprauling on the ground, the rest flying to the Woods. Soone after they sent one of their Quiyoughcasucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smith agreed that if onely sixe would come vnarmed and load his Boat with Corne, hee would be their friend, restore their Okee, and giue them also Beads, Copper, Hatchets; which on beth sides was performed to mutuall content, and they brought him (singing and dansing) Venison, Turkeys, wild Fowle, Bread, &c. In his returne hee discouered and 40 kindly traded with the Weraskoyks, in the meane time those at the Fort so glutted the Sauages The beginning of trade a­broad. with their commodities as they became not regarded.

Smith perceiuing (notwithstanding their late misery) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recouered) caused the Pinnace to bee prouided with things fit­ting to get prouision for the yeere following; but in the interim he made three or foure iournyes and discouered the people of Chickahamine, yet what hee carefully prouided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the absence of Smith. The Companies dislike of their Presidents weaknesse, and their small loue to Martins ne­uer-mending The discouery of Chickaha­mine. sicknesse, strengthened themselues with the Sailers, and other confederates to re­gaine their former credit and authoritie, or at least such meanes aboard the Pinnace (being fitted 50 to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith vn­expectedly returning had the plot discouered vnto him, much trouble hee had to preuent it, till with store of Fauken and Musket shot hee forced them to stay or sinke in the Riuer, which action cost the life of Captaine Kendall. The President and Captaine Archer not long af­ter intended also to haue abandoned the Countrey, which proiect also was curbed and sup­pressed Another pro­i [...]ct [...]o aban­don the Coun­trey. Winter Fowles by Smith. And now the Winter approaching, the Riuers became so couered with Swans, Geese, Ducks, and Cranes, that wee daily feasted with good Bread, Virginia Pease, Pumpions, and Putchamins, Fish, Fowle, and diuers sorts of wild Beasts as fat as wee could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffatie humorists desired to goe for England. But our Comaedies neuer endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine 60 Smith, for not discouering the head of Chickahamine riuer, & taxed by the Councel, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so far, that with much labour by cut­ting off Trees in sunder hee made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, hee left her in a broad Bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe ashoare till his returne: [Page 1708] himselfe with two English and two Sauages went vp higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went ashoare, whose want of gouernment, gaue both occasion and opportuni­ty to the Sauages to surprize one George Casson, and much failed not to haue cut off the Boate and all the rest.

The Sauages hauing drawne from George Casson, whither Captaine Smith was gone, followed him with three hundred Bowmen, conducted by Opechankanough the King of Pamaunke; who searching the diuisions of the Riuer, found Robinson and Emery by the fire side, whom they shot full of Arrowes and slew. Smith being assaulted. slew three of them, and so galled the rest that they would not come neere: Cap. Smith as­salted and ta­ken. he vsed the Sauage his guide as a shield, hauing bound him to his arme with his garters; and thinking to haue recouered his Boate, hauing more eye to them in his march then to his way, he slipped vp to the 10 middle in an ozie creeke, and his Sauage with him; yet durst they not come to him till he threw away his armes, being neere dead with cold. Then according to composition they drew him forth, and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his benummed limbes; and he gaue Ope­chankanough a round Iuory double compassed Diall. They much maruelled at the playing of the flye Diall admired of Sauages. which they could see and not touch, by reason of the Glasse couer; but when he had read a Cosmographi­call lecture to them of the Skies, Earth, Day, and night, with the varietie of Nations, and such like, they were all amazed: notwithstanding which sudden wonder, they tide him to a tree within an houre after, as many as could stand about him prepard their fatall Arrowes to his death, which were all laid downe when Opechankanough held vp the said Diall: and they led him in a kinde of triumph to Oropaxe. 20

Their order was this: drawing themselues all in file, the King in the midst had all their Peeces and Swords borne before him: Captaine Smith was led after him by three great lubbers, holding him Sauage tri­umph, disciplin and gallantry. fast; on each side went six in file, with their Arrowes nocked. When they arriued at the Towne (which was of thirty or forty hunting houses made of Mats, remoued at pleasure, as Tents with vs) the women and children came to stare on him; the Souldiers in file had their Sargiants to keepe them in order. A good while they thus continued, and then cast themselues into a ring, dancing in se­uerall postures, and singing hellish noates, strangely painted, each hauing his Quiuer of Ar­rowes, and at his backe a Clubbe; on his arme a Foxes or Otters Skinne for his vambrace, their heads and shoulders painted red with Oyle and Pocones mingled together, his Bowe in his hand, and the Skinne of a Bird, with her wings abroad, dried, tied on his head, with a peece of 30 Copper, a white Shell, a long Fether, and a small Rattle growing at the taile of their Snakes, or some such toy fastened thereto. All this while Smith stood with the King guarded in the midst, till three dances being done, they departed. Then did they conduct Smith to along house, where thirty or forty men guarded him, and soone after was brought more Bread and Venison then would haue serued twenty: what he left they put in Baskets and tied ouer his head, which about midnight they againe set before Their feasting­cheere. him, none of them eating ought with him, till hauing brought as much more the next morning, they did eate the old, and reserued the new in like manner. Hee thought they intended to fat and eate him.

One Maocassater, in requitall of Beads which he had giuen him, brought him his Gowne to defend him from the cold. Another was possessed with a contrary humour, and would haue slaine him for the 40 death of his sonne, had not the guard preuented; to him, yet breathing his last, they brought him to re­couer him. Smith told them that at Iames Towne he had a water that would doe it, if they would let him fetch it. But they prepared to assault Iames Towne, promising him liberty, and women, if he would as­sist them. In part of a Table Booke he writ his minde to those which were at the Fort; that they should send such things mentioned. They went in bitter weather for Frost and Snow, and seeing men sally out, as he had before told them, they fled; but comming againe in the night to the place which he had appoin­ted, for an answer, they found things ready, and speedily returned, as if either he had diuined, or the pa­per Sauage sim­plicity. had spoken.

After this, they led him to the Youghtanunds, the Matapanients, the Payankatiks, the Nan­taughtacunds, the Onanmanients, vpon the Riuers of Rapahanocke, and Patanomecke, and 50 backe againe by diuers other Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunk, where they entertained Rites of Con­iuration. him with strange coniurations. Earely in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, a Mat spred on each side; on one of which he was set, the guard went out, and in came a great grim fellow skipping, all painted with cole mingled with Oyle, many Snakes and Weesels skins stuffed with Mosse, their tailes tied together, and meeting on the crowne of his head; round about the tassell was a coronet of Fethers; the skins hung round about his head, shoulders, backe and face: With a hellish voyce, strange gestures and passions, with a Rattle in his hand, hee began his inuocation, and enuironed the fire with a circle of Meale. After this, three such other diuels rushed in with like trickes, painted halfe blacke, halfe red, all their eyes painted white, with some red stroakes along their cheekes. These hauing danced a prettie while, three more came in as vgly as the rest, with red eyes and white stroakes ouer their blacke faces. At 60 last they all sat downe right against him, the chiefe Priest in the midst, and three on each hand. All then with their Rattles began a song; which ended, the chiefe Priest laid downe fiue Wheate cornes: and strai­ning his armes and hand with such violence, that he swet, and his veines swelled: hee began a short Ora­tion; at the conclusion whereof they gaue a short groane, and then laid downe three graiues more. Now [Page 1709] they began their Song againe, and then another Oration, euer laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice encircled the fire. That done, they take a bunch of little stickes, prepared for that purpose, and at the end of euery Song and Oration laid downe a sticke betwixt the diuisions of the Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily with their best prouisi­ons. Three dayes they vsed this Ceremonie, thereby to know (as they said) whether hee intended them well or no. The circle of meale signified their Countrey, the two circles of Corne the Sea-bounds; and the stickes his Countrey. They imagined the World to be flat and round like a trencher, and them­selues in the midst. After this, they brought him a bigge of Powder, which they carefully preserued till Sauage Geo­graphy. Gunpowder sowne. the next spring, to plant as they did their Corne, because they would be acquainted with the nature of that s [...]ede. 10

Opitchapam the Kings brother, inuited him to his house, where hee welcommed him with as ma­ny Platters of Bread, Fowle and wilde Beasts, as did encompasse him: but not any would eate with him, reseruing the remainders in Baskets. At his returne to Opechankanoughs, all the Kings wo­men and their children flocked about him, as for their customary due, to be merry with such fragments. At last they brought him to Werowocomoco to Pohatan, where aboue two hundred of his Courtiers He is brought to Pohatan. stood wondring on him, till Pohatan and his traine had put themselues in their greatest brauery. Before a fire hee sat on a seate like a bedsted, couered with a great robe made of Rarowcun Skinnes, all the tailes hanging by: on each hand did sit a yong wench of sixteene or eighteene yeeres of age; along on each side the house two rowes of men, and behinde them as many women, with all their heads and shoul­ders painted red, many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds, euery one adorned with 20 some thing; a great chaine also of white Beades about their neckes. At his entrance before the King Wilde royalty, all the people gaue a great shout. The Queene of Appanatucke was appointed to bring water to wash his hands, another brought him a bunch of Feathers instead of a Towell to drie them. Ha­uing feasted him in their best manner, the held a consultation, in conclusion whereof, two great stones were brought before Pohatan, and as many as could lay hold on him dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, being ready with their clubbes to beate out his braines. Pocahuntas the Kings dearest Daughter, when no intreatie would preuaile, got his head into her armes, and laid her Pocahuntas s [...]ueth his life. owne vpon his to saue him from death: whereupon the Emperour was contented hee should liue to make him Hatchets, and Beads, Bels, and Copper for her. For they thought him like themselues, of all occu­pations, the King himselfe making his owne Robes, Shooes, Bowes, Arrowes, Pots, Planting also, Hun­ting, All men of all occupations. 30 and doing Offices, no lesse then the rest.

Two dayes after, Pohatan hauing disguised himselfe in the dreadfullest manner, caused Captaine Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there vpon a Mat by the fire to bee left alone. Not long after from behinde a Mat which diuided the house, was made the dolefullest noise that euer hee had heard. After this Pohatan with twenty more as blacke as himselfe came vnto him, and told him that they were now friends, and presently hee should goe to Iames Towne to send him two great Gunnes and a Grindstone, for which hee would giue him the Countrey of Ca­pahowolick, and for euer esteeme hi [...] as his Sonne Nantaquaus. Hee sent him thither with twelue guides. When they came to the Fort, Smith vsed the Sauages kindely, and shewed Rawhunt, Pohatans trusty seruant two Demiculuerius and a Milstone to carry to Pohatan; somewhat too 40 heauie for their carriage. But when they saw him discharge them loden with stones, on the boughes of a great tree hanging full of isickles, the Ice and boughes comming downe with such furie, the Sa­uages were halfe dead with feare; and at last returning contented with toies and presents for Pohatan, his women and childred. This his returning safe to the Port, once more staied the Pinnace her The third pro­iect to aban­don the Fort. flight for England, which till his returne, could not set saile, so extreame was the weather, and so great the Frost.

His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werowocomoco, where inhabited Pow­hatan (that till that time was vnknowne) so reuiued againe their dead spirits, as all mens feare was abandoned, Powhatan hauing sent with this Captaine diuers of his men loaded with prouision, hee had conditioned, and so appointed his trustie Messengers to bring but two or 50 three of our great Ordnances; but the Messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them dis­charged, ran away amazed with feare, till meanes were vsed with gifts to assure them our loues.

ALL this time our cares were not so much to abandon the Countrie, but the Treasurer and The arriuall of the first upply with their pro­ceedings and returne. Chap. 3. The Phenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies, Counsell in England, were as diligent and carefull to supply vs. Two tall Shippes they sent vs, with neere one hundred men, well furnished with all things could be imagined ne­cessary, both for them and vs. The one commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Cap­taine Nelson, an honest man and an expert Marriner, but such was the leewardnesse of his Ship (that though he were within sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrary windes, was forced so farre to Sea, as the West Indies was the next land for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe 60 of wood and water. But Captaine Newport got in, and arriued at Iames Towne, not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith, to whom the Sauages euery other day brought such plenty of Bread, Fish, Turkies, Squirrels, Deere, and other wilde Beasts, part they gaue him as presents from the King; the rest, he as their market Clarke set the price how they should fell.

[Page 1710] So he had inchanted those poore soules (being their Prisoner) in demonstrating vnto them the roundnesse of the World, the course of the Moone and Starres, the cause of the day and night, the largenesse of the Seas, the qualities of our ships, shot and powder: The diuision of the World, with the diuersitie of people, their complexions, customes and conditions. All which How C. Smith got his liberty. he fained to be vnder the command of Captaine Newport, whom he termed to them his Father; of whose arriuall, it chanced he so directly prophecied, as they esteemed him an Oracle; by these fictions he not only saued his owne life, and obtained his liberty; but had them at that com­mand, he might command them what he listed. That God that created all these things; they knew he adored for his God, whom they would also tearme in their Discourses, the God of Their opinion [...] God. Captaine Smith. 10

The President and Councell so much enuied his estimation amongst the Sauages (though wee all in generall equally participated with him of the good thereof) that they wrought it into their vnderstandings, by their great bountie in giuing foure times more for their Commodities then he appointed, that their greatnesse and authoritie, as much exceeded his, as their bountie and libe­ralitie; Folly in vnder­ualuing our Commodities to the Sauages by gifts or small prizes. Another folly in Mariners trade both which sup­planted the good of the plantation. Now the arriuall of his first supply, so ouer-ioyed vs, that wee could not deuise too much to please the Mariners. Wee gaue them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time, it followed, that that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sold for an ounce, Thus Ambition and Sufferance, cut the throat of our Trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatnesse where with Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great Presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him; so 20 that this Sauage also desired to see him. A great brute there was to set him forward: when hee went he was accompanied, with Captaine Smith, and Master Scriuener a very wise vnderstan­ding Gentleman newly arriued, and admitted of the Councell, and thirtie or fortie chosen men for that guard. Arriuing at Werowocomo, Newports conceit of this great Sauage bred many doubts and suspicions of Treacheries; which Smith, to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men Smiths reuisi­ting Powhatan. well appointed, vndertooke to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen.

These being kindly receiued ashore, with two or three hundred Sauages were conducted to their Towne; Powhatan strained himselfe to the vttermost of his greatnesse to entertaine vs, P [...]whatans first entertainment of our men. I haue by me a large I [...]urnall of this iournie: but content my sel [...]e with this briefer to auoid prolixity with great shouts of Ioy, Orations of protestations, and the most plentie of victuall hee could prouide to feast vs. Sitting vpon his Bed of Mats, his Pillow of Leather imbroydered (after their rude manner) with Pearle and white Beads, his Attire afaire Robe of skinnes as large as an Irish 30 Mantle, at his head and feet a handsome young woman; on each side his house sate twentie of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white Beads about their neckes, before those sate his chiefest men in like order in his Arbor-like house. With many pretie Discourses to renue their old acquaintance; the great King and our Captaine spent the time till the ebbe left our Barge aground, then renuing their Feasts and mirth, we quartred that night with Powhatan: the next day Newport came ashore, and receiued as much content as those people could giue him, a Boy named Tho. Sauage was then giuen vnto Powhatan, whom Newport The exchange of a Christian for a Sauage. called his Sonne, for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontacke his trustie Seruant, and one of a shrewd subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes were spent in feasting, dancing and trading, where­in 40 Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his Sauage manner) as made vs all ad­mire his naturall gifts considering his education, as scorning to trade as his subiects did, hee be­spake Newport in this manner. Captaine Newport it is not agreeable with my greatnesse in this ped­ling Powhatans speech. manner to trade for trifles, and I esteeme you a great Weroans, Therefore lay mee downe all your Commodities together, what I like, I will take, and in recompence giue you that I thinke fitting their va­lue. Captaine Smith being our Interpreter, regarding Newport as his Father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan told vs his intent was but to cheat vs; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out-braue this Sauage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his bountie, as to haue what he listed; but so it chanced; Powhatan hauing his desire, valued his Corne at such a rate, as I thinke it better cheape in Spaine, for we had not foure bushels for that we expected twentie Hogsheads. This bred some vnkindnesse betweene our two Captaines, Newport seeking to please 50 the humour of the vnsatiable Sauage; Smith to cause the Sauage to please him, but smothering his distaste (to auoid the Sauages suspition) glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many Trifles who fixed Difference of opinions. his humour vpon a few blue Beads; A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith see­med so much the more to affect them, so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blue Beads he brought ouer my King for two or three hundred bushels of Corne, yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechantynough King of Pamaunke whom also he in like manner fitted, (at the like rates) with blue Beads: and so wee returned to the Fort. Where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired the quarters, and so the Towne, which being but thatched with Reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallizadoes (though ten or twelue Iames Towne burnt. 60 yards distant) with their Armes, Bedding, Apparell, and much priuate prouision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Librarie, and all that hee had (but the clothes on his backe) yet none euer saw him repine at his losse, Upon any alarme he would be as readie for defence as any, and Master Hunts offe [...]. till he could speake; he neuer ceassed to his vtmost to animate vs constanily to persist: whose soule que­stionlesse [Page 1711] is with God. This happened in the Winter, in that extreme Frost 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane, only of Oate-meale, Meale, and Corne, yet the ship staying there fourteene weekes, when she might as well haue beene gone in fourteene dayes, spent the Beefe, Porke, Oyle, Aquauitae, Fish, Butter, and Cheese, Beere and such like; as was prouided A ship idly loi­tring fou [...]n weekes, and shamefully a­busing the company here and Colonie there for pri­uate lucre. to be landed vs. When they departed, what their discretion could spare vs, to make a Feast or two with Bisket, Porke, Beefe, Fish, and Oyle, to rellish our mouthes, of each somewhat they left vs, yet I must confesse, those that had either Money, spare Clothes, credit to giue Bils of payment, Gold Rings, Furres, or any such Commodities were euer welcome to this remoouing Tauerne; such was our patience to obey such vile Commanders, and buy our owne prouision at fifteene times the value, suffering them to feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casualties occasioned the lost, but the vessell and rem­nants 10 (for totals) we were glad to receiue with all our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending their Prouidence for preseruing that. For all this plentie our ordinarie was but meale and water, so that this great charge little relieued our wants, whereby with the extremi­tie of the bitter cold Aire more then halfe of vs died, and tooke our deaths, in that piercing Winter. I cannot deny, but both Scriuener and Smith did their best to amend what was a misse, but with the President went the maior part, that their hornes were too short. But the worst mischiefe was, our gilded Refiners with their golden promises, made all men their slaues in hope of recompence; there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but digge Gold, wash Gold, refine Gold, The effect of meere Verba­lists. A needlesse charge. load Gold, such a brute of Gold, as one mad fellow desired to bee buried in the Sands, least they 20 should by their Art make Gold of his bones: Little need there was and lesse reason, the shippe should stay, their wages runne on, our victuall consume fourteene weekes, that the Mariners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can say, the raine washed neere to nothing in fourteene dayes. Captaine Smith would not applaud all those Golden inuentions, neuer any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary businesse neglected, to fraught such a drun­ken ship with so much gilded Certaine shining yellow sand which was sent ouer (I saw it) with great promises of gold, like the promisers yeelding sandy performance. The arriuall of the Ph [...]ix, her returne, and o­ther accidents, Chap. 4. The repairing of Iames towne Nelsons hone­sty & fidelitie. dirt; till then we neuer accounted Captaine Newport a Refiner; who being fit to set saile for England, and we not hauing any vse of Parliaments, Playes, Petiti­ons, Admirals, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Iustices of Peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer with him for England, to seeke some place of better imployment. 30

THe authority now consisting in refining Captaine Martin, and the still sickly President, the sale of the stores Commodities maintayned their estates as inheritable Reuenues. The Spring approching, and the ship departed, Master Scriuener and Captaine Smith diuided betwixt them, the rebuilding our Towne, the repayring our Pallisadoes, the cutting downe Trees, pre­paring our fields, planting our Corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recouer our Storehouse; all men thus busie at their seuerall labours, Master Nelson arriued with his lost Phoenix, (lost I say, for that all men deemed him lost) landing safely his men, so well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the Indian Iles to feed his company that his victuall (to that was left vs before) was suffi­cient for halfe a yeere, he had nothing but he freely imparted it; which honest dealing (in a Ma­riner) 40 caused vs admire him, wee would not haue wished so much as he did for vs. Now to relade this ship with some good tydings. The President (yet not standing with his dignity to leaue the Fort) gaue order to Captaine Smith and Master Scriuener to discouer and search the Commodities Si [...]tie appoin­ted to discouer Monacan. of Monacans Countrey beyond the Falls, sixty able men were allotted, the which within sixe dayes exercise, Smith had so well trained to their Armes and Orders, that they little feared with whom they should encounter. Yet so vnseasonable was the time, and so opposite was Captaine Martin to euery thing, but only to fraught his ship also with his phantasticall Gold, as Cap-Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present dispatch; then either with dirt, or the reports of an vncertaine Discouerie. Whilst their conclusion was resoluing, this happened.

Powhatan to expresse his loue to Newport, when he departed, presented him with twenty Tur­keyes, conditionally to returne him twenty Swords, which immediatly were sent him; Now af­ter An ill exa [...] ­ple to sell swords to Sa­uages. Powhat [...]ns tre­cherie. 50 his departure he presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humour obeyed in sending him Weapons, he caused his people with twentie deuices to obtaine them; at last by Ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce, surprize vs at worke, or any way, which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was no Rule, the com­mand from England was so straight not to offend them, as our authority Bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then Peace-breakers: this vncharitable charity preuailed, till well it chanced that they medled with Captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gaue The Gouer­nours weak­nesse. Smiths attempt to suppresse the Sauag [...]s insol [...]. them such an incounter, as some hee so hunted vp and downe the Ile, some hee so terrified with 60 whipping, beating and imprisonment, as for reuenge they surprized two of his foraging disor­derly Souldiers, and hauing assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to re-deliuer seuen Sauages, which for their villanies he detained Prisoners. But to try their fu­ries, in lesse then halfe an houre he so hampered their insolencies, that they brought the two pri­soners [Page 1712] desiring peace without any farther composition for their Prisoners, who being threatned and examined their intents and plotters of their villanies, confessed they were directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine him our owne weapons to cut our owne throats, with the manner how, where, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant. Yet hee sent his Messengers and his deerest Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him, of the iniuries done by his Subiects, desiring Powhatans ex­ercises. their liberties, with the assurance of his loue. After Smith had giuen the Prisoners what cor­rection he thought fit, vsed them well a day or two after, he then deliuered them to Pocahuntas, for whose sake only hee fained to saue their liues and grant them liberty. The patient counsell, that nothing would mooue to warre with the Sauages, would gladly haue wrangled with Cap­taine Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this 10 ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, shee was quickly reladed; Master Scriuener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort, the A ship fraught with Cedar. ship falling to the Cedar Ile, Captaine Martin hauing made shift to bee sicke neere a yeere, and now, neither Pepper, Sugar, Cloues, Mace, nor Nutmegs, Ginger, nor Sweet meats in the Coun­trey (to enioy the credit of his supposed Art) at his earnest request, was most willingly admit­ted to returne for England, yet hauing beene there but a yeere, and not past halfe a yeere since the ague left him (that he might say some what he had seene) he went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere seuen miles from Iames Towne, but lest the dew should distemper him, was euer forced to returne before night. Thus much I thought fit to expresse, hee expresly commanding The aduen­tures of Cap. Martin. 20 me to record his Iournies, I being his man, and he sometimes my Master. One hundred and twen­tie were landed in the last supply. Thomas Studly. Anas Todkill.

THe prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store that Smith and Scriuener The accidents which hapned in the discoue­rie of the Bay. Chap 5. I haue a Diarie of this and the following Dis­couerie of the Bay, contay­ning things more particu­lalrly & largely but I was loth to be tedious, & find the sub­stance in this. Cape Charles. Acawmacke. A strange mor­talitie of Sa­uages. had a while tyed both Martin and him to the Rules of Proportion, but now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authority so ouerswayed Master Scriueners discretion as our store, our time, our strength and labours were idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discouery; with this company. Walter Russell Doctor of Phy­sicke. Ralph Morton. Thomas Momford. William Cantrill. Richard Fetherstone. Iames Bourne. Mi­chael Sicklemore. Anas Todkill. Robert Small. Iames Watkins. Iohn Powell. Iames Read black Smith. 30 Richard Keale Fishmonger. Ionas Profit fisher.

These being in an open Barge of two tunnes burthen leauing the Phoenix at Cape Henrie, we crossed the Bay to the Easterne shoare, and fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles: the first people we saw there were two grimme and stout Sauages vpon Cape Charles, with long Poles like Iaue­lings, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would, but after many circumstances, they in time seemed very kind, and directed vs to Acawmacke, the habitati­on of the Weroans where we were kindly intreated; this King was the comeliest proper ciuill Sa­uage we incountred: his Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle. He told vs of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was? Two dead children by the extreme passions of their Parents, or some dreaming Visions, Phantasie, or affection mooued them againe to reuisit their dead car­kasses, 40 whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such pleasant delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall spirts. This is a Miracle drew many to behold them, all which, (being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one escaped. They spake the Language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Iles, and Riuers that often did vs exceeding pleasure. Passing alongst the Coast, searching euery Inlet, and Bay fit for Harbours and Habitations, seeing many Iles in the midst of the Bay, we bore vp for them, but ere we could attaine them, such an extreame gust of Winde, Raine, Thunder, and Lightning happened, that with great danger wee escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. An extreame gust. Russels Iles.

The next day searching those inhabitable Iles (which wee called Russells Iles) to prouide fresh 50 water, the defect whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne Channell, which brought vs to the Riuer Wighcocomoco, the people at first with great furie seemed to assault vs, yet at last with Songs, Dances, and much m [...]rth, became very tractable, but searching their habitations for wa­ter, Wighcocomoco. An extreme want of fresh water. we could fill but three, and that such puddle, that neuer till then, we knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many places, but ere the end of two dayes wee would haue re­fused two Barricoes of Gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Iles, falling with a high Land vpon the Mayne, we found a great pond of fresh water, but so excee­ding hot, that we supposed it some Bath: that place we called Point-ployer, in honour of that Ho­nourable House of Mousaye, that in an extreame extremitie once robbed our Captaine: Beeing thus refreshed in crossing ouer from the Mayne to other Iles, the winde and waters so much increased with Thunder, Lightning, and Raine, that our fore-mast blew ouer-boord, and such mightie The Barge neere sunke in a gust. 60 waues ouer-wrought vs in that small Barge, that with great labour, wee kept her from si [...]king by freeing out the water: two dayes wee were inforced to inhabit these vninhabited Iles, which (for the extremitie of Gusts, Thunder, Raine, Stormes, and ill weather) we called Limbo. Repai­ring Limbo Iles. [Page 1713] our fore-sayle with our shirts, we set sayle for the Mayne, and fell with a faire Riuer on the East called Kuskaranaocke.

The people ran as amazed in troupes, from place to place, and diuers got into the tops of Trees, they Cap. Smith. were not sparing of their Arrowes, nor the greatest passion they could expresse of anger, long they shot we still riding at an Anchor out of their reach, making all the signes of friendship wee could. The next day they came vnarmed, with euery one a Bisket, dancing in a ring to draw vs on shore, but seeing there was nothing in them but villanie, we discharged a volley of Muskets charged with Pestoll shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the ground, creeping some on way, some another into a great cluster of Reeds hard by, where there companions lay in Ambuscado. Towards the Euening wee weighed and approached the shore, discharging fiue or sixe shot amongst the Reeds we landed, where they laid a many of baskets, but saw not a Sauage, a smoke appearing on the other side the Riuer we went thither, where wee found two or 10 three little Houses in each a fire, there we left some pieces of Copper, Beads, Bels, and Looking-glasses, and then went into the Bay. When it was darke we came to an Anchor againe. Earely in the morning, foure Sauages came to vs in their Canoa, whom we vsed with such courtesie, nor knew what we were, nor had done, hauing beene in the Bay a fishing, [...]ad vs stay, and ere long they would returne, which they did, and some twentie more with them, with whom after a little conference, two or three hundred men, women, and children came clustering about vs, euery one presenting vs somewhat, which a little Bead would so well requite, we became such friends, they would contend who should fetch vs water, stay with vs for hostage, conduct our men any whether, and giue vs the best content.

By it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake, that much extolled a The first no­tice of the Massawomekes, 20 great Nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom wee returned by Limbo, but finding this Easterne shore shallow broken Iles, and the Mayne for most part without fresh water, we passed by the Straits of Limbo, for the Westerne shore. So broad is the Bay here, that we could scarce perceiue the great high Cliffes on the other side; by them wee anchored that night, and called them Richards Cliffes. Thirtie leagues we sayled more Northwards, not finding any Inhabitants, yet the Coast well watered, the Mountaines very barren, the Valleyes very fertile, but the Woods extreme thicke, full of Wolues, Beares, Deere, and other wild Beasts. The first Inlet we found, we called Bolus, for that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke: Bolus Riuer. when we first set saile, some of our Gallants doubted nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast home; but hauing lien not aboue twelue dayes in this small Barge, oft tyred at 30 their Oares, their Bread spoyled with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomackes that they could digest it) did it with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him be speake them in this manner.

Gentlemen, if you would remember the memorable Historie of Sir Ralfe Lane, how his company im­portuned Smiths spe [...], to his [...]ou. c [...] him to proceed in the Discouerie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a Dogge, that beeing boyled with Saxafras leaues, would richly feed them in their returnes; what a shame would it bee for you (that haue beene so suspicious of my tendernesse) to force me returne with a moneths prouision, scarce able to say where we haue beene, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke; you cannot say but I haue shared with you of the worst is past; and for what is to come of lodging, diet, or whatsoeuer, I am co [...]ten­ted you allot the worst part to my selfe; as for your feares that I would lose my self in these vnknown large 40 waters, or be swallowedvp in some stormie gust, abandon those childish feares, for worse then is past cannot happen, and there is as much danger to returne, as to proceed forward. Regaine therefore your old spirits; for returne I will not, (if God assist me) till I haue seene the Massawomekes, found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water, you conceit to be endlesse.

Three or foure dayes we expected wind and weather, whose aduerse extremities added such discouragements to our discontents as three or foure fell extreme sicke, whose pittifull com­plaints caused vs to returne, leauing the Bay some ten miles broad at nine or ten fathome water. The sixteenth of Iune we fell with the Riuer of Patawomeck: feare being gone, and our men re­couered, The discoue [...]ie of Patawomeck. we were all contented to take some paines to know the name of this nine miles broad Riuer, we could see no Inhabitants for thirtie miles sayle; then we were conducted by two Sa­uages vp a little bayed Creeke toward Onawmament, where all the Woods were laid with Am­buscadoes Ambuscadoes of Sauages. 50 to the number of three or foure hundred Sauages, but so strangely painted, grimed, and disguized, shouting, yelling, and crying, as we rather supposed them so many Deuils, they made many brauadoes, but to appease their furie, our Captaine prepared with as seeming willingnes (as they) to encounter them, the grazing of the bullets vpon the Riuer, with the Eccho of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their Bowes and Arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) Iames Watkins was sent sixe miles vp the Woods to their Kings Habitation: wee were kindly vsed by these Sauages, of whom we vnderstood, they were commanded to betray vs, by Pow [...]atans dire­ction, and he so directed from the discontents of Iames Towne. The like incounters we found at Patawomecke, Cecocawne, and diuers other places, but at Moyaones Nacothtant and Taux, the A trea [...]herous proiect. 60 people did their best to content vs. The cause of this Discouerie, was to search a gilistering Met­tall, the Sauages told vs they had from Patawomeck, (the which Newport assured that hee had tryed to hold halfe siluer) also to search what Furres, Metals, Riuers, Rockes, Nations, Woods, Fishings, Fruits, Victuals and other Commodities the Land affoorded, and whether the Bay [Page 1714] were endlesse, how farre it extended. The Mine we found nine or ten miles vp in the Country from the Riuer, but it proued of no value; to which he marched, leading his hinds in Chaines, Antimony. which they were to haue for their paines, and so returning loded with that Ore they had. Some Otters, Beuers, Martins, Lizards, and Sabels we found, and in diuers places that abundance of fish lying so thicke with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our Barge driuing a­mongst them) we attempted to catch them with a Frying-pan, but wee found it a bad instru­ment An abundant plenty of fish. to catch fish with. Neither better fish, more plenty, or variety, had any of vs euer seene, in any place swimming in the water, then in the Bay of Chesabeack, but there not to be caught with Frying-pans,

To expresse all our quarrels, treacheries, and incounters amongst those Sauages, I should be 10 too tedious; but in briefe, at all times we so incountred them and curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents to purchase peace, yet wee lost not a man. At our first meeting, our How to deale with the Saua­ges. Captaine euer obserued this order, to demand their Bowes and Arrowes, Sword, Mantles or Furs, with some childe for hostage; whereby he could quickly perceiue when they intended any vil­lanie. Hauing finished this discouery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to haue seene his imprisonments, acquaintance vpon the Riuer of Toppahannocke. But our Boate (by rea­son of the ebbe) chansing to ground vpon a many shoules lying in the entrance, wee spied many fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the Sands, our Captaine sporting himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his Sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner; by this de­uise, A Stingray ve­ry hurtfull, one in foulenes was so swolne with the sting of a R [...]y thorow his thi [...]ke fish ermans-boots, that he therof died, [...]n. 1613. and was so swolne that they could not bring his coffin out of the dore but brake the wall (as they told me) for that purpose. The Sauages affrighted with their owne sus­pition. we tooke more in an houre, then we all could eate: but it chanced, the Captaine taking a 20 fish from his Sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer taile, whereon is a most poysoned sting of two or three inches long, which shee strooke an inch and halfe into the wrist of his arme the which in foure houres had so extreamely swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body, as wee all with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his graue in an Ile hard by (as himselfe appointed) which then wee called Stingeray Ile, after the name of the fish. Yet by the helpe of a precious Oyle which Do­ctour Russells applied, ere night his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that hee eate the fish to his supper, which gaue no lesse ioy and content to vs, then ease to himselfe. Hauing neither Surgeon nor Surgery but that preseruatiue Oyle, we presently set saile for Iames Towne; pas­sing the mouth of Pyankatanck, and Pamaunke Riuers, the next day we safely arriued at Kecough­tan. 30 The simple Sauages, seeing our Captaine hurt, and another bloudy (which came by break­ing his shin) our number of Bowes, Arrowes, Swords, Targets, Mantles and Furres; would needes imagine wee had bin at warres, the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them, but impatiently they importuned vs to know with whom wee fought, finding their aptnesse to beleeue, we failed not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle wee had got and made of the Masawomeckes, this rumour went faster vp the Riuer then our Barge; that arriued at Weraskoyack the twentieth of Iuly, where trimming her with pain­ted streamers, and such deuises, we made the Fort iealous of a Spanish Frigot; where we all safely arriued the twenty one of Iuly.

There we found the last supply, all sicke, the rest, some lame, some bruised, all vnable to doe 40 any thing, but complaine of the pride and vnreasonable needelesse cruelty of their silly President, A needelesse misery. that had riotously consumed the store, and to fulfill his follies about building him an vnnecessary Pallace in the Woods, had brought them all to that misery: That had not we arriued, they had as strangely tormented him with reuenge. But the good newes of our discouery, and the good hope we had (by the Sauages relation) our Bay had stretched to the South Sea, appeased their furie; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captaine Smith would take vpon him the gouernment: their request being effected, hee Substituted Master Scriuener his deare friend in the Presidencie, equally distributing those priuate prouisions that the other had ingrossed; appointing more honest officers to assist Scriuener (who then lay extreamely tormen­ted with a callenture) and in regard of the weakenesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, 50 they being vnable to worke; he left them to liue at ease, but imbarked himselfe to finish his discouery. Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill. The Company left to liue at ease.

THe twentieth of Iuly Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discouery with twelue men their names were Nathaniell Powell, Thomas Momford, Richard Fetherstone, Michaell Sickle­more, What hapned the second voi­age to discouer the Bay. Chap. 6. Iames Bourne, Anas Todkill, Edward Pysing, Richard Keale, Anthony Bagnall, Iames Wat­kins, William Ward, Ionas Profit. The winde being contrary caused our stay two or three daies at Kecoughtan, the Werowans feasting vs with much mirth, his people were perswaded wee went purposely to be reuenged of the Massawomeckes, in the euening we firing two or three rackets, The Sauages admire fire­workes. so terrified the poore Saluages, they supposed nothing impossible we attempted, and desired to 60 assist vs. The first night we ancored at Stingeray Ile, the next day crossed Patawomecks Riuer, and hasted for the Riuer Bolus, we went not much farther before wee might perceiue the Bay to de­uide in two heads, and arriuing there wee found it deuided in foure, all which wee searched so The head of the B [...]. farre as we could saile them; two of them we found vninhabited, but in crossing the Bay to the [Page 1715] other, we encountered seuen or eight Canoaes full of Massawomeckes, wee seeing them pre­pare An incounter with the Massa­womecks. to assault vs, left our Oares and made way with our saile to incounter them, yet were we but fiue (with our Captaine) that could stand: for within two dayes after wee left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death (vntill they were seasoned to the Countrey) hauing shut them vnder our tarpawling, we put their hats vpon stickes by the Barge Good policy. side to make vs seeme many, and on each side a man a loded Musket; and so wee thinke the In­dians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled withall possible speede to the shoare, and there stayed, staring at the sailing of our Barge, till wee anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come vnto vs, at last they sent two of their company vnarmed in a Canoa, the rest all followed to second them if neede required: These two being but each 10 presented with a Bell, brought aboord all their fellowes, presenting the Captaine with Ve­nison, Beares flesh, Bowes, Arrowes, Clubbes, Targets, and Beare-skins, we vnderstood them no­thing at all but by signes, whereby they signified vnto vs that they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghs, the which they confirmed by shewing their green wounds; but the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete, but after that we neuer saw them.

Entring the Riuer of Tockwogh the Sauages all armed in a fleete of Boates round inuironed vs; An incounter with the Tock­woghs. it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a friendly parley: but when they saw vs furnished with the Massawomeckes weapons, and we fained the inuention of Kecoughtan to haue taken them perforce; they conducted vs to their palliz [...]doed Towne, mantelled with the Barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like Mounts, brested 20 about with Barkes very formally, their men, women, and children, with Dances, Songs, Fruits, Fish, Furres, and what they had kindely entertained vs, spreading Mats for vs to sit on, stretch­ing their best abilities to expresse their loues.

Many Hatchets, Kniues, and peeces of Iron, and Brasse, we saw, which they reported to haue Hatchets from Sasquesahanock. from the Sasquesahanockes a mighty people, and mortall enemies with the Massawomeckes: The Sasquesahanocks, inhabit vpon the chiefe Spring of these foure, two dayes iourney high­er then our Barge could passe for Rockes. Yet we preuailed with the interpreter to take with him another interpreter to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come to visite vs, for their language is different: three or foure dayes we expected their returne, and then sixty of these Gyantlike people came downe with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Ar­rowes, 30 fiue of their Werowances came boldly aboord vs, to crosse the Bay for Tockwogh, leauing their men and Canoaes, the winde being so violent that they durst not passe.

Our order was daily to haue prayer, with a Psalme; at which solemnity, the poore Sauages much wondered: our prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contriued their businesse; then they began in most passionate manner to hold vp their hands to the sunne with a most fearefull song, then imbracing the Captaine, they began to adore him The Sasquesa­hanocks offer [...]o the English. in like manner, though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their Song was finished, which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voyce began an Oration of their loues: that ended, with a great painted Beares skinne they couered our Captaine, then one ready with a chaine of white Beades (weighing at least six or seuen pound) hung it about his necke, the o­thers 40 had eighteene mantles made of diuers sorts of Skins sowed together, all these with many other toyes, they laid at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke for his cre­ation to be their Gouernour, promising their aides, victuals, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them to defend and reuenge them of the Massawomeckes: But we left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made vs of Atquanahucke, Massawomecke, and other people, signifying they inhabited the Riuer of Cannida, and from the French to haue Cannida. their Hatchets, and such like tooles by trade, these know no more of the territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them.

Thus hauing sought all the Inlets and Riuers worth noting, we returned to discouer the Ri­uer Pawtuxunt. R. of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and more ciuill then any, wee pro­mised 50 them, as also the Patawomeckes, thenext yeare to reuenge them of the Massawomeckes.

In the discouery of this Riuer, which some call Rapahanocke, others Tapahanocke; we were kinde­ly The exceeding loue of the Sa­uage Mosco. entertained by the people of Moraughtacun: here we encountred our old friend Mosko, a lustie Sa­uage of Wighcocomoco, vpon the Riuer of Patawomecke, wee supposed him some Frenchmans Sonne, because he had a thicke, blacke, bush Beard, and the Sauages seldome haue any at all, of which hee was not a little proud to see so many of his Countrie men: wood, and water hee would fetch vs, guide vs any whether, nay cause diuers of his Countrie men to helpe vs too, against winde or tyde, from place to place, till we came to Patawomeke. There he rested, till we returned from the head of the Riuer, and then occasioned vs conduct to the Mine, which we supposed Antimony. Now in this place hee fail [...]d not to Mine of Anti­mony. 60 doe vs all the good he could, perswading vs in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill vs, for being friends with the Moraughlacuds, that but lately had stolne three of the Kings wo­men. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely haue our trade, & so c [...]ossed the Riuer to the Rapahanocks: there some twelue or sixteene standing on the shore, directed vs to a little narrow cricke, [Page 1716] where was good landing, and commodities for vs, in three or foure Canoaes which we saw there. But ac­cording to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man, in signe of loue, which after they had a little con­sulted, Our fight with the Tapahonecks foure or fiue came to the middles to fetch our man, and leaue vs one of them, shewing we neede not feare them, for they had neither Clubs, Bowes, nor Arrowes: notwithstanding Anas Todkill being sent on shore to see if he could discouer any ambuscados; desired to goe ouer the plaine to fetch some wood, but they were vnwilling, except we would come into the creeke, where the Boate might come close a shore. Tod­kill by degrees hauing gotten some two stones throwes vp the plaine, perceiued two or three hundred men as he thought behinde the trees, so that offering to returne to the Boate, the Sauages assayed to carry him away perforce; he called to vs, we were betraid, and by th [...]t he had spoken the word, our hostage was ouer­boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water, immediatly we let fly amōgst them so that they fled, & 10 Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recouer the Boate: here the Massawomecks Targets stood vs in good stead, for vpon Moscos words we had set them about the forepart of our Boate like a fore-castell, from whence we securely beate the Sauages from off the plaine without a­ny hurt, yet they shot more then 1000. Arrowes, and then fled into the woods, arming our selues with those light Targets (which are made of little small sticks, wouen betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our cloth, but so firmly, that no Arrow can possibly pierce them) we rescued Todkill, who was bloudied by some of them that were shot, but as it pleased God, he had no hurt, and followed them vp to the woods, we found some wou [...]ded some slaine, & in diuers places much bloud: it seemes all their Arrows were spent, for we hard no more of them: their Canoas we tooke the Arrowes which we found we broke, except those we kept for Mosco, to whom we gaue the Canoaes for his kindnes, that entertained vs in the best trium­phing 20 manner and warlike order in armes he could procure of the Moroughtacunds.

The rest of the day wee spent in accommodating our Boate, instead of tholes we made stickes like bed­stanes, The Sauages disguised [...]ke bushes, fight. to which we fastned so many of our Massawomecke Targets, that inuironed her as wastcloathes: the next morning we went vp the Riuer, and our friend Mosco followed vs along the shoare, but at last de­sired to goe with vs in our Boate. But as wee passed by Pilacacke, Machopeake and Wecuppom, three Townes scituated vpon high white clay Clifts, the other side all a low plaine marish, and the Riuer there but narrow, thirty or forty of the Rapahanockes had so prepared themselues with branches, as we tooke them for little Bushes growing amongst the Sedge: seeing their Arrowes strike the Targets and drop in the Ri­uer, Mosco fell flat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks; which presently we espied to be the Bushes, which at our first Volley fell downe in the Sedge; when we were gone neere halfe a mile, they shewed themselues, 30 dancing and singing very merrily. The Kings of Piss [...]ssacke, Naudtaughtacund and Cuttatawomen, vsed vs kindely, and all the people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring vs to them. Betwixt Seco­becke and Massatecke is a small Ile or two, which causeth the Riuer to be broder then ordinary: there it pleased God to take one of our company, called M. Richard Fetherstone, that all the time hee had beene in the Country had behaued himselfe very honestly, valiantly, & industriously, where in a little Bay, called here upon Fetherstones Bay, we buried him with a volly of shot, the rest notwithstanding their ill diet and bad lodging crouded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers neuer resting, but alwaies tossed to & againe, Fetherstones Bay. had all well recouered their healths. The next day we sailed so high as our Boat would flote, there setting vp Crosses. Then we discouered the Riuer of Payankatank so high as it was Nauigable, but the people were For feare of tediousnesse I haue left out the most. most a hunting, but a few old men, women and children, that were tending their Corne; of which, 40 they promised vs part when wee would fetch it, as had done all the other Nations where euer we had yet beene. In a faire calme, rowing towards Point Comfort, wee anchored in Gusnolds Bay; but such a sodaine gust surprised vs in the night, with thunder and raine, that wee neuer thought more to haue seene Iames Towne; yet running before the winde, we sometimes see the Land by the flashes of fire from heauen, by which light onely wee kept from the splitting shoare, vntill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde Point Comfort: there refreshing our selues, because wee had onely but heard of the Chisapearckes and Nandsamunds, wee thought it as fit to know all our Neighbours neere home, as so many Nations abroad. This wee did (the particulars are omitted) and arriued safe the seuenth of September, 1608. where wee found Their procee­dings at Iames Towne. Master Skriuener, and diuers others well recouered, many dead, some sicke: The late Presi­dent 50 prisoner for muteny; by the honest diligence of Master Skriuener the haruest gathered, but the stores prouision much spoiled with raine. Thus was that yeare (when nothing wan­ted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the gouernment of Captaine Ratcliffe) but onely this Discouery, wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number passed in that small Barge, with such watrie diet in these great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious, or partiall, be­ing a party. By Nathaniell Powell, and Anas Todkill. The Presiden­cy surrendred to Cap. Smith, the arriual and returne of the second supply: and wh [...]t hap­pened. Chap. 7.

THe tenth of September 1608. by the election of the Councell, and request of the Compa­ny, 60 Captaine Smith receiued the Letters Patents, and tooke vpon him the place of Presi­dent, which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he were often importuned there­unto. Now the b [...]ilding of Ratcliffes Pallace was staid as a thing needelesse. The Church was repaired, the Storehouse recouered; building prepared for the supply we expected. The Fort [Page 1717] reduced to the for me of this figure, the order of watch renued, the squadrons (each setting of The figure is left out. the watch) trained: The whole Company euery Saturday exercised in a field prepared for that purpose; the Boates trimmed for trade, which in their iourney encountred the second sup­ply, that brought them backe to discouer the Countrey of Monacan. How, or why, Captaine Newport obtained such a priuate Commission as not to returne without a lumpe of Gold, a cer­tainty of the South-Sea or one of the lost Company of Sir Walter Rawley I know not, nor why he brought such a fi [...]e pieced Barge, not to beare vs to that South-Sea, till wee had borne her ouer the Mountaines: which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne) as for the Coronation Ciuility is not the way to win Sauages, nor magnificence and bounty to reclaime Bar­barians. Chil­dren are plea­sed with toyes and awed with rods; and this course o [...] toies & [...]ea [...]es ha [...]h alwaybest pro­spered with wilde Indians either to doe them, or to make them good to vs or themselues. This vanity of ours made Pow hatan ouerua­lue himselfe, his Corne, &c. No way but one to ouer­throw the busi­nesse. of Powhatan, and his Presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Cloathes, and such costly nouelties, they had bin much better well spared, then so ill spent. For we had his fauour much better, onely 10 for a poore peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting made him so much ouerualue himselfe, that he respected vs as much as nothing at all; as for the hiring of the Poles and Dutch to make Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Mils, and Sope-ashes, was most necessary and well. But to send them and seuenty more without victuall to worke, was not so well considered; yet this could not haue hurt vs, had they bin two hundred (though then we were one hundred and thirty that wanted for our selues.) For wee had the Sauages in that order (their haruest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuall sufficient, had wee bin fiue hundred. Now was there no way to make vs miserable, but to neglect that time to make our Prouision, whilst it was to be had; the which was done to performe this strange Discouery, but more strange Co­ronation; to loose that time, spend that victuall wee had, tire and starue our men, hauing no 20 meanes to carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, but their owne backes, how or by whom they were inuented, I know not; But Captaine Newport we onely accounted the author, who to effect these proiects had so gilded all our hopes, with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his resolution. I confesse wee little vnderstood then our estates, to con­clude his conclusion, against all the inconueniences the foreseeing President alleadged. There was added to the Counsell one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne, two ancient Souldiers and valiant Gentlemen, but ignorant of the businesse (being newly arriued) Ratcliffe was also per­mitted to haue his voyce, and Master Scriuener desirous to see strange Countries, so that al­though Smith was President, yet the Counsell had the authority, and ruled it as they listed; as for cleering Smiths obiections, how Pitch, and Tarre, Wanscot, Clapboord, Glasse, and Sope­ashes, 30 could be prouided to relade the Ship; or prouision got to line with all, when none was in the Countrey, and that which we had, spent before the Shippes departed: The answere was, Captaine Newport vndertooke to fraught the Pinnace with Corne, in going and returning in his Discouery, and to refraught her againe from Werowocomoco; also promising a great propor­tion of victuall from his Ship, inferring that Smiths propositions were onely deuises to hinder his iourney, to effect it himselfe; and that the cruelty Smith had vsed to the Sauages, in his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designes: For which, all workes were left, and one hundred and twenty chosen men were appointed for his guard; and Smith, to make cleere these seeming suspitions, that the Sauages were not so desperate, as was pretended by Captaine New­port, and how willing hee was to further them to effect their proiects (because the Coronation 40 would consume much time) vndertooke their message to Powhatan, to intreate him to come to Captain Smith with foure go­eth to Powha­tan. Iames Towne to receiue his Presents, accompanied onely with Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuell Collier; with these foure hee went ouer land, against Werawocomoco; there passed the Riuer of Pamaunke in the Sauages Canoaes, Powhatan being thir­ty miles off, who, presently was sent for, in the meane time his women entertained Smith in this manner.

In a faire plaine field they made a fire, before which he sitting vpon a Mat; suddenly amongst The womens entertainment at Werawoco­moco. the woods was heard such a hideous noise and shriking, that they be tooke them to their armes, supposing Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them; but the beholders which were many, men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter, being pre­sently 50 presented with this anticke, thirty yong women came naked out of the woods (onely co­uered behinde & hefore with a few greene leaues) their bodies all painted, some white, some red, some blacke, some party colour, but euery one different, their leader had a faire paire of Stagges hornes on her head, and another Skinne at her girdle, another at her arme, a quiuer of Ar­rowes at her backe, and Bowes and Arrowes in her hand, the next in her hand a Sword, ano­ther A wilde Diana A [...]n in one person. a Clubbe, another a Pot-sticke, all hornd alike, the rest euery one with their seuerall de­uises. These Feinds with most hellish cries and shouts rushing from amongst the trees, cast themselues in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with excellent ill variety, oft falling in­to their infernall passions, and then solemnely againe to sing and dance. Hauing spent neere an houre in this Maskarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed. Hauing reaccommoda­ted 60 themselues, they solemnly inuited Smith to their lodging, but no sooner was hee within the house, but all these Nimphes more tormented him then euer, with crowding, and pres­sing, and hanging vpon him, most tediously crying, Loue you not mee? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of Fruite in Baskets, Fish and Flesh in woodden Platters, [Page 1778] Beanes and Pease there wanted not (for twenty Hogges) nor any Sauage daintie which their inuention could deuise; some attending, others singing and dancing about them: this mirth and banquet being ended, with Firebrands (instead of Torches) they conducted him to his lodging.

The next day came Powhatan; Smith deliuered his Message of the Presents sent him, and re­deliuered him Namontacke, desiring him to come to his Father Newport to accept those Pre­sents, Captain Smiths message. and conclude their reuenge against the Monacans: whereupon, the subtill Sauage thus replyed:

If your King haue sent mee presents, I also am a King, and this my land; eight dayes I will stay to receiue them; your Father is to come to mee, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite Powhatans an­swer. 10 at such a baite: as for the Monacans, I can reuenge my owne in [...]ies, and as for Aaquanu­chocke, where you say your Brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it. But for any salt water beyong the Mountaines, the relations you haue had from my people are false; whereupon he began to draw plots vpon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regi­ons: many other discourses they had (yet both desirous to giue each other content in Comple­mentall curtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this answer. Powhatans Co­ronation. So much was done to buy repentance with more cost then worship. If we seeke Sa­uages we loose them, if wee force them to seeke vs, wee shal finde these shadowes of men close at our feet. I haue read more sto­ries of them then perhaps any man, and finde that a cruell mercy in awing Saua­ges to feare vs is better then that mercifull cruelty, which by too much kindenes hath made vs feare them, or else by too much confidence to loose our selues Smith & New­port may by their examples teach the iust course to be také with such: the one bree­ding awe and dread, without Spanish or Pa­n [...]e terror, the other disgra­ced in seeking to grace with offices of hu­manity, those which are gracelesse, Neither doth it become vs to vse Sauages with sauagenesse, nor yet with too humaine vsage, but in a middle path (medio tutissimus ibis) to goe and doe so that they may admire and feare vs, as those whom God, Religion, Ciuility, and Art, haue made so farre superiour; yet to abuse them (vnprouoked) as hostile slaues, or as meere beasts, with cruell and beastly f [...]ri­ty, whom nature hath equally made men. This breedes desperate depopulations, as in the Spanish Indies hath beene seene; that gentlenesse and vnequall equity makes them proud and treacherous, as wofull experience hath taught in the late massacre. 60 Our temperance and iustice should be qualified with prudence and fortitude. Neither must wee make them beasts, not yet value them as Christians, till we haue made them such; and the way to make them Christian men, is first to make them ciuill men. to file off the rust of their humanity, which as children (the like in taming wilde Beasts) must be done with seuere gentlenesse, and gentle seuerity, which may breede in them a louing awe, or awfull loue, atleast a iust dread toward vs, that feare may make them know vs, and then the fault is ours if they see no cause to loue vs.

Vpon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, which is neere one hundred miles, with fifty of the best shot, himselfe went by land, which is but twelue miles, where he met with our three Barges to transport him ouer. All things being fit for the day of his Coronation, the presents were brought, his Bason, Ewer, Bed and Furniture set vp, his Scarlet Cloake and Ap­parell (with much adoe) put on him, being perswaded by Namontacke, they would doe him no 20 hurt. But a foule trouble there was to make him kneele to receiue his Crowne, he neither know­ing the Maiesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, indured so many perswa­sions, examples, and instructions, as tired them all: At last, by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, so they put the Crowne on his head: When by the warning of a Pistoll, the Boates were prepared with such a Volly of shot, that the King start vp in a horrible feare, till he see all was well, then remembring himselfe, to congratulate their kindenesse, he gaue his old Shooes and his Mantle to Captaine Newport. But perceiuing his purpose was to discouer the Monacans, he laboured to diuert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides, more then Namontacke, and so (after some complementall kindenesse on both sides) in requitall of his 30 presents, he presented Newport with a heape of Wheate eares, that might containe some seuen or eight bushels, and as much more we bought ready dressed in the Towne, wherewith we retur­ned to the Fort.

The Ship hauing disburdened her selfe of seuenty persons, with the first Gentlewoman, and woman seruant that arriued in our Colony; Captaine Newport with all the Counsell, and one hundred and twenty chosen men, set forward for the discouery of Monacan, leauing the Presi­dent at the Fort with eighty (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriuing at the fals, wee marched by land some forty miles in two dayes and a halfe, and so returned downe to the same path we went. Two Townes we discouered of the Monacans, the people neither vsing vs well nor ill, yet for our security we tooke one of their petty Werowances, and led him bound, to con­duct 40 vs the way. And in our returne searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refining, hauing one William Callicut a refiner, fitted for that purpose, from that crust of earth which we digged, h [...] perswaded vs to beleeue hee extracted some small quantity of Siluer (and not vnlikely some better stuffe might be had for the digging) with this poore triall being contented to leaue this faire, fertill, well watered Country. Comming to the Fals, the Sauages fained there were diuers Ships come into the Bay to kill them at Iames Towne. Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not, for they had hid it in the woods, and being thus deluded we arriued at Iames Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tired with toile, famine, and discontent, to haue onely but discouered our gilded hopes, and fruitlesse certainties, as the President foretold vs.

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed as many as were able, some for Glasse, 50 others for Pitch, Tarre and Sope-ashes, leauing them (with the Fort) to the Councels ouersight. But thirtie of vs he conducted fiue miles from the Fort to learne to make clap-boord, cut downe Trees, and lie in Woods; amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriell Beadell, and Iohn Russell the on­ly two Gallants of this last supply, and both proper Gentlemen: strange were these pleasures to [Page 1719] to their conditions, yet lodging, eating, drinking, working, or playing, they doing but as the President, all these things were carried so pleasantly, as within a weeke they became Masters, making it their delight to heare the Trees thunder as they fell, but the Axes so oft blistered there tender fingers, that commonly euery third blow had a lowd Oath to drowne the Eccho; for re­medie of which sinne the President deuised how to haue euery mans Oathes numbred, and at night, for euery Oath to haue a Kan of water powred downe his sleeue, with which eue­ry A prerie pu­nishment for swearing. Offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an Oath in a Weeke.

By this, let no man thinke that the President, or these Gentlemens spent their times as com­mon Wood-hackers at felling of Trees, or such like other labours, or that they were pressed to 10 any thing as hirelings or common slaues, for what they did (beeing but once a little inured) it, seemed, and they conceited it only as a pleasure and a recreation. Yet thirtie or fortie of such vo­luntarie One Gentle­man better then twentie Lubbers. Gentlemen would doe more in a day then one hundred of the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion. Master Scriuener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, euery one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the Woods seeing the time consumed, and no prouision gotten, (and the ship lay idle, and would do nothing presently imbarked himselfe in the Discouery Barge, giuing order to the Councell, to send Master Percie after him with the next Barge that arriued at the Fort; two Barges, he had himselfe, and twentie men, but arriuing at Chickahamina, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolencie as they could expresse. The 20 President perceiuing it was Powhatans policie to starue vs, told them hee came not so much for The Chickaha­mines forced to contribution. their Corne, as to reuenge his imprisonment, and the death of his men murdered by them, and so landing his men, and readie to charge them, they immediatly fled; but then they sent their Ambassadors, with corne, fish, fowle, or what they had to make their peace (their corne being that yeere bad) they complained extremely of their owne wants yet fraughted our Boates with one hundred bushels of Corne, and in like manner Master Percies, that not long after vs arriued; they hauing done the best they could to content vs, within foure or fiue dayes wee returned to Iames Towne.

All this time our old Tauerne, made as much of all them that had either Money or Ware as A good tauern in Virginia. could be desired; and by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane Souldiers, 30 Saylers, and Sauages) as there was ten times more care, to maintayne their damnable and priuate Trade, then to prouide for the Colonie things that were necessarie, neither was it a small policie in the Mariners, to report in England wee had such plentie, and bring vs so many men without victuall, when they had so many priuate Factors in the Fort, that within sixe or seuen weekes after the ships returne, of two or three hundred Hatchets, Chissels, Mattockes, and Pick-axes scarce twentie could bee found, and for Pike-heads, Kniues, Shot, Powder, or any thing (they could steale from their fellowes) was vendible; They knew as well (and as secretly) how to con­uay A bad trade of Masters and Sailers. them to trade with the Sauages, for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneekes, young beasts or such like Commodities, as to exchange them with the Saylers, for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua­uitae, Beere, Bisket, and Oate-meale; and then faine, that all was sent them from their friends. 40 And though Uirginia affoord no Furres for the store, yet one Mariner in one Voyage hath got so many, as he hath confessed to haue sold in England for thirtie pound. And for all this riot and Newports boasting to leaue vs for twelue monethes, though we had eightie nine by his Discouerie sicke and lame, which by one man for a pound of Copper might much better haue beene done, and hauing but a pint of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to giue him three Hogsheads of that Corne to vi­ctuall his ship homeward.

Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Uirginia, that haue notwithstanding all this, meat, drinke, and pay, but now they beginne to grow wearie, their Trade beeing both perceiued and preuented; none hath beene in Uirginia (that hath obserued any thing) which knowes not this to be true, and yet the scorne, and shame was the poore Souldiers, Gentlemen and carelesse Go­uernours, 50 who were all thus bought and sold, the Aduenturers coozened, and the action ouer­throwne by their false excuses, informations, and directions by this let all the World Iudge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfering occasions.

The proceedings and accidents, with the second supply.

Master Scriuener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werawocomoco, where he found the Scriueners voy­age to Werawo­comoco. Sauages more readie to fight then trade, but his vigilancie was such, as preuented their proiects, and by the meanes of Namontack got three or foure Hogsheads of Corne, and as much red paint which (then) was esteemed an excellent die. 60

Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, and Sope-ashes, with that Clapboord and Wainscot which could bee prouided, met with Master Scriuener at Point Comfort, and so returned for England, leauing vs in all two hundred, with those he brought vs,

[Page 1720] Those poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine; that the President prouided for Nansamund, tooke with him Captaine Winne and Master Scriuener, (then returning from Captaine Nonsamund forced to con­tribution. Newport) these people also long denied him Trade (excusing themselues to be so commanded by Powhatan) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce, and then they would rather sell vs some, then we should take all; so loading our Boats, with one hundred bushels wee par­ted friends, and came to Iames Towne, at which time, there was a Marriage betweene Iohn Lay­don and Anna Burrowes, being the first Marriage we had in Virginia. First marriage.

Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine VValdo with two Barges, from Chawo­po, VVeanocke and all parts there, was found neither Corne nor Sauage, but all fled (being iealous of our intents) till we discouered the Riuer and people of Appametuck, where we found little: Appamatucke [...]couered. that which they had, wee equally deuided, betwixt the Sauages and vs (but gaue them Cop­p [...]r 10 in consideration) Master Percie, and Master Scriuener went also abroad but could finde no­thing.

The President seeing this procrastinating of time, was no course to liue, resolued with Cap­taine VValdo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprize Powhatan, and all his proui­sion, but Captaine VVinne, and Master Scriuener (for some priuate respects) did their best to hin­der their proiect: But the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starue, being inui­ted by Powhatan to come vnto him, and if he would send him but men to build him a house, bring him a Grindstone, fiftie Swords, some Peeces, a Cocke and a Henne, with Copper and Beads, he would load his ship with Corne, the President not ignorant of his deuices, yet vnwilling to neg­lect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutchmen and two English (hauing no victuals to 20 imploy them, all for want thereof being idle) knowing there needed no better Castell, then that house to surprize Powhatan, to effect this proiect hee tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him if need required; Scriuener he left his Substitute; and set forth with the Pinnace two Bar­ges, and sixe and fortie men which only were such as voluntarily offered themselues for his iour­nie the which) by reason of Master Scriueners ill successe) was censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie howsoeuer, caused many of those that he had appoin­ted, to find excuses to stay behind.

THe nine and twentieth of December hee set forward for Werawocomoco. In the Pinnace. Master George Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland. Master Francis West, bro­ther Cap Smiths iou [...]e to Pa­maunke. Ch. 8. 30 to the Lord De-la-Ware. William Phetiplace Captaine of the Pinnace. Iona [...] Profit Master. Robert Ford Clerke of the Councell.

Michaell Phetiplace. Geoff [...]ry Abbot Sergeant. William Tankard. George Yarington. Iames Bourne. George Burton. Thomas Coe. Gentlemen.

Iohn Dods. Edward Brinton. Nathaniell Peacocke. Henry Powell. Dauid Ellis. Thomas Gip­son. Iohn Prat. George Acrigge. Iames Reade. Nicholas Hancocke. Iames Watkins. Anthony Bag­gly Sergeant. Thomas Lambert. Edward Pising Sergeant. Souldiers.

Foure Dutchmen and Richard Sauage were sent by Land, to build the house for Powhatan a­gainst our arriuall.

This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes lodged the first night at Wera [...]koy­ack, 40 where the President tooke sufficient prouision; This kinde Sauage did his best to diuert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiuing hee could not preuaile, hee aduised in this manner; Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to vse you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he haue no opportuni­tie The good counsell of Weraskoyake. to seize on your armes, for he hath sent for you only to cut your throts; the Captaine thanked him for his good counsell, yet the better to try his loue, desired Guides to Chowa [...]oke, for hee would send a present to that King to bind him his friend. To performe this Iourney, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest valiant, and painfull Souldier, with him two Guides, and directions how to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and Silke Grasse: then wee departed thence, the President assuring the King his perpetuall loue, and left with him Samuell Collier his 50 Page to learne the Language.

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan sixe or seuen dayes, the extreme wind, raine, frost, and snow, caused vs to keepe Christmasse amongst the Sauages, where we were neuer more mer­rie, nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good Bread, nor ne­uer Plentie of [...]ictuall. 148 Fowles kissed at three shoots. had better fires in England then in the dry warme smokie houses of Kecoughtan. But depar­ting thence, when we found no houses, we were not curious in any weather, to lie three or foure nights together vpon any shore vnder the Trees by a good fire. The President Anthony Bagly, and Edward Pising, did kill one hundred fortie and eight Fowles at three shootes. At Kiskiack the Frost forced vs three or foure dayes also to suppresse the insolencie of those proud Sauages; to quarter in their houses, and guard our Barge, and cause them giue vs what we wanted, yet were wee but twelue with the President, and yet wee neuer wanted Harbour where wee found any 60 houses.

The twelfth of Ianuary we arriued at Werawocomo, where the Riuer was frozen neere halfe a mile from the shore; but to neglect no time, the President with his Barge, so farre had approa­ched [Page 1721] by breaking the Ice as the ebbe left him amongst those Ozie shoales, yet rather then to lie there frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to march middle deepe, more then a flight shot through this muddie frozen Oze; when the Barge floted hee appointed two or three An ill march. Powhatans sub­tletie. to returne her aboord the Pinnace, where for want of water in melting the Salt Ice they made fresh water, but in this march Master Russell (whom none could perswade to stay behind) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heauie, so ouer-toyled himselfe, as the rest had much adoe (ere hee got ashore) to regaine life, into his dead benummed spirits, quartering in the next Houses wee found, we sent to Powhatan for prouision, who sent vs plentie of Bread, Turkeyes, and Venison. The next day hauing feasted vs after his ordinary manner, he began to aske, when we would bee gone, fayning hee sent not for vs, neither had hee any Corne, and his people much lesse, yet for fortie Swords hee would procure vs fortie bushels. The President shewing him the men there 10 present, that brought him the message and conditions, asked him how it chanced hee became so forgetfull, thereat the King concluded the matter with a merrie laughter, asking for our Com­modities, but none hee liked without Gunnes and Swordes, valuing a basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of Copper, saying, hee could eate his Corne▪ but not his Copper.

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtle Sauage; beganne to deale with him after this Cap. Smiths discourse to Powha [...]n. manner, Powhatan, Though I had many courses to haue made my prouision, yet beleeuing your promi­ses to supply my wants, I neglected all, to satisfie your desire, and to testifie my loue, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting my owne: what your people had you haue engrossed, forbidding them our 20 Trade, and now you thinke by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not hauing to fulfill your strange demands, as for Swords and Gunnes, I told you long agoe, I had none to spare. And you shall know, those I haue, can keepe me from want, yet steale, or wrong you I will not nor dissolue that friend­we haue mutually promised, except you constraine me by your bad vsage.

The King hauing attentiuely listned to this Discourse; promised, that both he and his Coun­trey Powhatans re­ply and flattery would spare him what they could, the which within two dayes, they should receiue, yet Captaine Smith (saith the King) some doubt I haue of your comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to releeue you as I would; for many doe informe mee, your comming is not for Trade, but to inuade my people and possesse my Country, who dare not come to bring you corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To cleere vs of this feare, leaue aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse we being all friends and for euer Powhatans. 30

With many such Discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the Kings houses, the next day he reuiewed his building, which he little intended should proceed; for the Dutchmen finding his plentie, and knowing our want, and perceiuing his preparation to surprize vs, little Wickednesse of their Dutch­men. thinking we could escape, both him and famine (to obtaine his fauour) reuealed to him as much as they knew of our estates proiects, and how to preuent them; one of them being of so good a iudgement, spirit, and resolution, and a hireling that was certaine of wages for his labor, and e­uer well vsed, both he and his Countrimen, that the President knew not whom better to trust, and not knowing any fitter for that imployment, had sent him as a spie to discouer Powhatans in­tent, then little doubting his honestie, nor could euer be certaine of his villany, till neere halfe a 40 yeere after. Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a Copper Kettle, the which the President perceiuing him much to ef­fect, valued it at a much greater rate, but (in regard of his scarcitie) he would accept of as much more the next yeere, or else the Country of Monacan; the King exceeding liberall of that he had not yeelded him Monacan. Wherewith each seeming well contented; Powhatan began to expo­stulate the difference betwixt Peace and Warre, after this manner.

Captaine Smith you may vnderstand, that I, hauing seene the death of all my people thrice, and not Powhatans dis­course of Peace and Warre. one liuing of those three Generations, but my selfe, I know the difference of Peace and Warre, better then any in my Countrie. But now I am old, and ere long I must die, my Brethren, namely Opichapam, O­pechankanough, and K [...]kataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others suc­cessors, I wish their experiences no lesse then mine, and your loue to them, no lesse then mine to you: but 50 this brute from Nansamund that you are come to destroy my Countrie; so much affrighteth al my people, as they dare not visit you; what will it auaile you, to take that perforce you may quietly haue with loue, or to destroy them that prouide you food? what can you get by war, when we can hide our prouision and flie to the woods, wherby you must famish by wronging vs your friends; and why are you thus iealous of our liues, seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, and are willing still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our la­bours? thinke you I am so simple not to know, it is better to eat good meate, lie well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh & be merrie with you, haue Copper, Hatchets, or what I want, being your friend▪ then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed vpon Acornes, roots and such trash, and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eat, nor sleepe; but my tired men must watch, and if a twig but 60 breake, euery one cry there comes Captaine Smith, then must I flie I know not whether, and thus with mi­serable feare end my miserable life; leauing my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash vnaduisednesse, may quickly as miserably end, for want of that you neuer know how to find? Let this therefore assure you of our loues, and euerie yeere our friendly Trade shall furnish you with Corne, [Page 1722] and now also if you would come in friendly manner to see vs, and not thus with your Guns and Swords, as to inuade your foes. To this subtill discourse the President thus replied.

Seeing you will not rightly conceiue of our words, we striue to make you know our thoughts by our C. Smiths reply. deeds. The v [...]w I made you of my loue, both my selfe and my men haue kept, as for your promise I find it euerie day violated, by some of your subiects, yet we finding your loue and kindnesse (our custome is so far from being vngratefull) that for your sake onely, we haue curbed our thirsting desire of reuenge, else had they knowne as well the crueltie we vse to our enemies, as our true loue and curtesie to our friends. And I thinke your iudgement sufficient to conceiue as well by the aduentures wee haue vndertaken, as by the aduantage we haue by our Armes of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this wee could haue effected it; your people comming to me at Iames Towne, are entertained with their Bowes and Ar­rowes 10 without exception; we esteeming it with you, as it is with vs, to weare our Armes as our apparell. As for the dangers of our enemies, in such warres consist our chiefest pleasure, for your riches wee haue no vse, as for the hiding your prouision, or by your flying to the Woods, wee shall so vnaduisedly starue as you conclude▪ your friendly care in that behalfe is needlesse; for wee haue a rule to find beyond your knowledge.

Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade, but the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his mind once more in this manner.

Captaine Smith, I neuer vsed any Werowances so kindly as your selfe; yet from you I receiue the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gaue me swords, Copper, Clothes, a Bed, Tooles, or what I de­sired, Powha [...]ans im­portunitie for to haue them vnarmed, [...]o betray them. 20 euer taking what I offered him, and would send away his Guns when I intreated him: none doth deny to lay at my feet (or doe) what I desire, but onely you, of whom I can haue nothing, but what you regard not, and yet you will haue whatsoeuer you demand. Captaine Newport you call father, and so you call me, but I see for all vs both, you will doe what you li [...]t, and wee must both seeke to content you: But if you in­tend so friendly as you say, send hence your Armes that I might beleeue you, for you see the loue I beare you, doth cause me thus naked to forget my selfe.

Smith seeing this Sauage but trifled the time to cut his throat: procured the Sauages to breake the Ice (that his Boat might come to fetch both him and his Corne) and gaue order for his men to come ashore, to haue surprised the King, with whom also hee but trifled the time till his men landed, and to keepe him from suspition, entertained the time with this reply.

Powhatan, you must know as I haue but one God, I honour but one King; and I liue not here as your C. Smiths dis­course to delay time, that he might surprise Powhatan. 30 subiect, but as your friend, to pleasure you with what I can: by the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade, yet would you visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our customes to sell our cur­tesie as a vendible commoditie. Bring all your Countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike of it as being ouer iealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leaue my Armes, and trust to your pr [...]mise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will loue you, but the small care you had of such a child, caused my men to perswade me to shift for my selfe.

By this time Powhatan hauing knowledge, his men were readie: whilst the Ice was breaking, Powhatans plot to haue mur­dered Smith. his luggage, women, and children fled, and to auoid suspition, left two or three of his women tal­king with the Captaine, whilst hee secretly fled, and his men as secretly beset the house, which 40 being at the instant discouered to Captaine Smith, with his Pistol, Sword, and Target, hee made such a passage amongst those naked Deuills, that they fled before him, some one way, some ano­ther, so that without hurt hee obtained the Corps du-guard: when they perceiued him so well escaped, and with his eight men (for hee had no more with him) to the vttermost of their skill, they sought by excuses to dissemble the matter, and Powhatan to excuse his flight, and the sudden A Chaine of Pearle for a Present. comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great Bracelet, and a Chaine of Pearle, by an an­cient Orator that bespoke vs to this purpose (perceiuing then from our Pinnace, a Barge, and men departing and comming vnto vs.) Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your Guns, and knowing when the Ice was broken there would come more men, sent those of his to guard his Corne His excuse. from the pilfry, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, 50 yet he is your friend, and so will continue: and since the Ice is open hee would haue you send away your Corne; and if you would haue his company send also your Armes, which so affrighteth this people, that they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should: Now hauing prouided Baskets for our men to carry the Corne, they kindly offered their seruice to guard our Armes, that none should steale them. A great many they were, of goodly well appointed fellowes as grim as Deuills: yet the very sight of cocking our matches against them, and a few wordes caused them to leaue their Pretending to kill our men loaded with baskets, wee forced the Sa­uages to car­rie them. Bowes and Arrowes to our guard, and beare downe our Corne on their owne backes; wee needed not importune them to make quick dispatch. But our owne Barge being left by the ebbe, caused vs to stay till the midnight tide carried vs safe aboard, hauing spent that halfe night with such mirth, as though we neuer had suspected or intended any thing, we left the Dutchmen to build, 60 Brinton to kill Fowle for Powhatan (as by his Messengers he importunately desired) and left di­rections with our men to giue Powhatan all the content they could, that we might inio [...] his com­pany at our returne from Pamaunke.

[Page 1723] VVE had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and Francis (two How we esca­ped surprising at Pamavnke. Chap. 9. The Dutch­men deceiue C. Smith. Perfidious wretche [...] stout Dutch men) to the Fort, who faining to Captaine Winne that all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had vse for their Armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were giuen them) they told him their comming was, for some extraordinary tooles and shift of apparell, by this colourable excuse, they obtained sixe or seuen more to their confederacie, such expert theeues that presently furnished them with a great many of Swords, Pike-heads, Peeces, Shot, Powder, and such like; they haue Sauages at hand ready to carry it away. The next day they returned vnsuspected, leauing their confederates to follow, and in the interim, to conuay them a competencie of all things they could, for which seruice they should liue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected: free from those miseries that would happen the Colony. Samuell their 10 other consort, Powhatan kept for their pledge, whose diligence had prouided them three hundred of their kind of Hatchets, the rest fiftie Swords, eight Peeces, and eight Pikes: Briton, and Richard Sauage seeing the Dutch-men so strangely diligent to accommodate the Sauages, these weapons attempted to haue got to Iames Towne, but they were apprehended. Within two or three daies we arriued at Pamavnke, the King as many daies entertained vs with feasting and much mirth: and the day he appointed to begin our trade, the President, with M. Persie, M. West, M. Russell, M. Beheathland, M. Powell, M. Crashaw, M. Ford, and some others to the number of fifteene went vp to Opechanca­noughs aban­doned. Opechancanoughs house (neere a quarter of a mile from the Riuer) where we found nothing, but a lame fellow and a boy, and all the houses about, of all things abandoned; not long wee staid ere the King arriued, and after him came diuers of his people loaded with Bowes and Arrowes, but 20 such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value, as our Captaine began with him in this manner.

Opechancanough, the great loue you professe with your tongue, seemes meere deceit by your actions; Smiths speech to Opechanca­nough. last yeere you kindly fraughted our ship, but now you haue inuited me to starue with hunger. You know my want, and I your plentie, of which by some meanes I must haue a part, remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise, here are my commodities, whereof take your choice; the rest I will proportion fit bargaines for your people.

The King seemed kindly to accept his offer; and the better to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our owne content; promising the next day more company, better prouided (the Bar­ges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of M. Phetiplace) the President, with his old fif­teene 30 marched vp to the Kings house, where wee found foure or fiue men newly come with great Baskets. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheerefulnesse held vs with dis­course, what paines he had taken to keepe his promise, till M. Russell brought vs in newes that we were all betrayed: for at least sixe or seuen hundred of well appointed Indians had inuironed the 700. Sauages beset the Eng­lish [...]eing out sixteene. house and beset the fields. The King coniecturing what Russell related, wee could well perceiue how the extremitie of his feare bewrayed his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismayed with the thought of such a multitude; the Captaine incouraged vs after th [...]s manner. Worthy Country-men were the mischiefes of my seeming friends, no more then the danger of these ene­mies, Smiths speech to his Com­pany. I little cared, were they as many more; if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Councell, with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace-breaker 40 (in their opinions) in England, as will breake my necke: I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an Oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein, I pray aide me with your opinions, should we begin with them and surprize this King, we cannot keepe him, and defend well our selues, if wee should each kill our man, and so proceed withall in this house; the rest will all fly, then shall we get no more, then the bodies that are slaine, and then starue for victuall: as for their furie it is the least danger, for well you know (being alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them) I made them compound to saue my life, and we are now sixteene, and they but seuen hundred at the most, and assure your selues GOD will so assist vs, that if you dare but to stand to discharge your Peeces, the verie smoake will be sufficient to affright them: yet howsoeuer (if there be occasion) let vs fight like men, and not die like sheepe: but first I will deale with them, to bring it to passe, we may fight for some thing, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion, promise me youle be valiant. The time not permitting any argument, all vow­ed 50 to execute whatsoeuer he attempted, or die; whereupon the Captaine approaching the King, bespoke him in this manner.

I see Opechancanough your plot is to murder me, but I feare it not; as yet your men and mine, haue Smiths offer to Opechanca­nough. done no harme, but by our directions. Take therefore your Armes; you see mine: my bodie shall bee as naked as yours; the Ile in your Riuer is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conquerour (of vs two) shall be Lord and Master ouer all our men: otherwaies draw all your men into the field; if you haue not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will, so euerie one bring a basket of Corne, against all which I will stake the value in Copper; you see I haue but fifteene men, and our game shall be, The conquerour take all. 60

The King, being guarded with fiftie or sixtie of the chiefe men, seemed kindly to appease Opechanca­noughs deuice to b [...]tray Smith. Smiths suspition of vnkindnesse, by a great present at the doore, they intreated him to receiue. This was to draw him without the doore where the present was guarded with (at the least two hundred men, and thirtie lying vnder a great tree (that lay thwart as a Barricado) each his Ar­row [Page 1724] nocked ready to shoot; some the President commanded to go & see what kind of deceit this was, and to receiue the Present but they refused to doe it) yet diuers offered whom he would not Opechancanough taken prisoner amids his men. If this course had bin taken by o­thers, Virginia by this had [...] out of her [...]e, & able [...]o goe alone, yea to trade or [...]ight. But names of peace haue bred worse then wars, and our confidence hatched the miserable mas­sacre by this perfidious Sa­uage. And would God a Dale or Smith, or some such spirit were yet there to take this, that is the onely right course wi [...]h those which know not to doe right, fur­ther for feare of suffering it enforceth. Smiths dis­cour [...]e to the Pamavnkies. The Sauages dissemble their intent. See their vse of English Armes. Their excuse and recon­cilement. The losse of M. Skriuener and others with a Skiffe. M. Wiffin his iourney to the President. permit: but commanding M. Persie, and M. West to make good the-house, to M. Powell, and M. Beheathland to guard the doore, and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke of haire in the midst of his men, with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest, he instantly yeelded his Bow and Arrowes, and sued for his life: Thus he led the King (neere dead with feare) amongst all his people, who deliuering the Captaine his Bow and arrowes, all his men were easily intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner haue vsed their King: who then to escape himselfe, bestowed his Presents in good sadnesse. And hauing caused all his multi­tude to approach disarmed; the President argued with them to this effect. 10

I see you Pamavnkies, the great desire you haue to cut my throat; and my long suffering your iniu­ries, haue inboldned you to his presumption. The cause I haue forborne your insolencies, is the promise I made you (before the God I serue) to be your friend, till you giue mee iust cause to bee your enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow, to shed one drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beades, or Cop­per (I spurne before me with my foot) you shall see, I will not cease reuenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to find one of your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamavnke: I am not now at Ras­seneac (halfe drown'd with mire) where you tooke me prisoner, yet then for keeping promise, and your good vsage, and sauing my life, I so affect you, that your denialls of your treacherie, doth halfe per­swade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you aime at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You 20 promised to fraught my ship ere I departed, and so you shall, or I meane to load her with your dead carkas­ses; yet if as friends you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you giue mee the first occasion. Vpon this away went your Bowes and Arrowes, and men, women, and children brought in their commodities, but two or three houres they so thronged about the President, and so ouerwearied him, as hee retired himselfe to rest, leauing M. Beheathland, and M. Powel to ac­cept their Presents: but some Sauages perceiuing them fast asleepe, and the guard carelesly dis­persed, fortie or fiftie of their choice men each with an English Sword in his hand, began to enter the house, with two or three hundred others that pressed to second them. The noise and hast they made in, did so shake the house, as they awoke him from his sleepe, and being halfe ama­zed with this sudden sight, betooke him straight to his Sword and Target, M. Crashaw and some 30 other charging in like manner, they thronged faster backe, then before forward. The house thus clensed, the King and his Ancients, with a long Oration came to excuse this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse, the company againe renuing their Presents of their best prouision. And whatsoeuer we gaue them, they seemed well contented with it.

Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at the Port; M. Scriuener willing to crosse the surprizing of Powhatan; nine daies after the Presidents departure, would needs visit the Ile of Hogs, and tooke with him Captaine Waldo (though the President had appointed him to be readie to second his occasions) with M. Anthony Gosnoll, and eight others; but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how, none doth know for they were all drowned; onely this was knowne, that the Skiffe was much ouerladed, and 40 would scarce haue liued in that extreame tempest, had she beene emptie; but by no perswasion he could be diuerted, though both Waldo and a hundred others doubted as it hapned. The Saua­ges were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects. To aduertise the President of this heauy newes, none could be found would vn­dertake it, but the iourney was often refused of all in the Fort, vntill M. Wiffin vndertooke alone the performance thereof; wherein he was encountred with many dangers and difficulties, and in all parts as he passed (as also that night he lodged with Powhatan) he perceiued such preparation for warre, that assured him, some mischiefe was intended, but with extraordinary bribes, and much trouble, in three daies trauell at length he found vs in the midst of these turmoiles. This vnhap­py newes, the President swore him to conceale from the rest, and so dissembling his sorrow, 50 with the best countenance he could, when the night approached, went safely aboard with all his company.

Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith, that the next day they appointed the Country should come to trade Powhatan con­straineth his men to be treacherous. vnarmed: yet vnwilling to be treacherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting, al­most as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared couered with people, and baskets to tempt vs ashore. The President determined to keepe aboard, but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a Gun: then the President seeing many depart, and being vnwil­ling The third attempt to berray vs. to lose such a bootie, so well contriued the Pinnace, and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as 60 only with M. Persie, M. West, and M. Russell armed, he went ashore, others vnarmed hee appoin­ted to receiue what was brought; the Sauages flocked before him in heapes, and (the banke ser­uing as a trench for retreate) he drew them faire open to his Ambuscadoes, for he not being to be perswaded to goe to visit their King, the King came to visit him with two or three hundred [Page 1725] men, in the forme of two halfe Moones, with some twentie men, and many women loaded with great painted baskets; but when they approached somewhat neere vs, their women and children fled; for when they had enuironed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure; yet so trembled with feare, as they were scarce able to nock their Arrowes: Smith standing with his three men readie bent beholding them, till they were within danger of our Ambusca­do, who, vpon the word discouered themselues, and hee retiring to the banke: which the Sauages no sooner perceiued, but away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best aduantage. That night we sent to the Fort M. Crashaw, and M. Ford, who (in the mid-way betweene Werawoco­moco and the fort) met foure or fiue of the Dutchmens confederates going to Powhatan, the which (to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their running to the Sauages returned to the 10 Fort and there continued.

The Sauages hearing our Barge depart in the night were so terribly affraide, that wee sent for more men (wee hauing so much threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their Houses, Boates, and Canowes) that the next day the King, sent our Captaine a Chaine of Pearle to alter his purpose, A Chaine of Pearle sent to obtaine peace. and stay his men, promising (though they wanted themselues) to fraught our ship, and bring it aboard to auoid suspition, so that fiue or sixe daies after, from all parts of the Countrey with­in ten or twelue miles, in the extreame cold Frost, and Snow, they brought vs prouision on their naked b [...]ckes.

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poison beene sufficient, the The President poysoned. The offender punished. President with Master West and some others had beene poysoned: it made them sicke, but ex­pelled it selfe. Wecuttanow a stout young fellow, knowing hee was suspected for bringing this 20 present of poison, with fortie or fiftie of his choice companions (seeing the President but with a few men at Potavncat—) so proudly braued it, as though hee expected to incounter a reuenge: which the President perceiuing, in the midst of his company did not onely beat, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe: whereupon all of them fled into the Woods, thinking they had done a great matter, to haue so well escaped: and the Townsmen re­mayning, presently fraughted our Barge, to bee rid of our companies, framing many ex­cuses to excuse Wecuttanow (being sonne to their chiefe King, but Powhatan) and told vs, if wee would shew them him that brought the poyson, they would deliuer him to vs to punish as wee pleased. 30

Men may thinke it strange there should bee this stirre for a little Corne, but had it beene Gold with more ease wee might haue got it: and had it wanted, the whole Colony had star­ued. Wee may bee thought verie patient, to indure all those iniuries; yet onely with fearing them, wee got what they had. Whereas if wee had taken reuenge, then by their losse wee should haue lost our selues. We searched all the Countries of Youghtanund and Mattapamient, The Sauage want and pouertie. where the people imparted that little they had, with such complaints and teares from women and children; as hee had beene too cruell to bee a Christian that would not haue beene satis­fied, and moued with compassion. But this happened in October, Nouember, and Decem­ber, when that vnhappy discouerie of Monacan was made, wee might haue fraughted a Ship of fortie Tunnes, and twice as much might haue beene had from the Riuers of Toppahan­nock, 40 Patawomeck, and Pawtuxunt. The maine occasion of our temporizing with the Saua­ges was to part friendes (as wee did) to giue the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan, to flye: The Dutch­men did much hurt. by whom wee now returned, with a purpose to haue surprised him and his prouision: for effec­ting whereof (when wee came against the Towne) the President sent Master Wissin and Ma­ster Coe, a shoare to discouer and make way for his intended proiect. But they found that those damned Dutchmen had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house, and Werawocomoco, and to carrie away all his Corne and prouision; and the people they found by their meanes so ill affected, that had they not stood well vpon their guard, they had hardly escaped with their liues. So the President finding his intention thus frustrated, and that there was nothing now to bee had, and therefore an vnfit time to reuenge their abuses, held on the course for Iames Towne; wee hauing in this iourney (for fiue and twentie pound of Copper, fiftie pound of 50 Iron and Beades) kept fortie men sixe weekes, and daily feasted with Bread, Corne, Flesh, Fish, and Fowle, euery man hauing for his reward (and in consideration of his commodities) a months prouision (no trade being allowed but for the store) and wee deliuered at Iames Towne to the Cape-Merchant two hundred seuentie nine bushels of Corne.

VVHen the ships departed, all the prouision of store (but that the President had gotten) How the Saua­ges became subiect to the English. Chap. 10. was so rotten with the last Summers Raine, and eaten with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges would scarcely eate it, yet it was the Souldiers Diet, till our returnes: so that we found nothing done, but victuall spent, and the most part of our Tooles, and a good part of our Armes 60 conueyed to the Sauages. But now, casting vp the store, and finding sufficient till the next Har­uest, the feare of staruing was abandoned; and the Company diuided into tennes, fifteenes, or as the busines required foure houres each day was spent in work, the rest in pastimes and merrie ex­ercise. The Dutchmens Consorts so closely still conuaid Powder, Shot, Swords, and Tooles, that [Page 1626] though wee could find the defect, we could not find by whom it was occasioned, till it was too late. All this time the Dutchmen remayning with Powhatan, receiued them, instructing the Sa­uages The Dutch­mens plot to murder Cap. Smith. their vse. But their Consorts not following them as they expected (to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion (a stout young fellow) diguised Sauage like) to the Glasse­house (a place in the Woods neere a mile from Iames Towne) where was the randeuoze for all their vnsuspected villany; fortie men they procured of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Cap­taine Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutchman, but he sent to apprehend him, who found he was gone, yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, Captaine Smith presently dispatched twenty shot after him, and then returning but from the Glasse-house alone, he incountred the King of Paspa­heigh, a most strong stout Sauage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his am­bush, 10 seeing him only armed but with a Fauchion, attempted to haue shot him; but the President preuented his shot by grapling with him, and the Sauage as well preuented him for drawing his Fauchion, and perforce bore him into the Riuer to haue drowned him; long they struggled in the water, from whence the King perceiuing two of the Poles vpon the sands would haue fled; but the President held him by the haire and throat till the Poles came in; then seeing how pittifully the poore Saluage begged his life, they conducted him prisoner to the Fort. The Dutchman ere long was also brought in, whose Villany, though all this time it was suspected, yet he fained such Smith taketh the King of Paspaheigh pri­soner. a formall excuse, that for want of Language, Winne had not rightly vnderstood them, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to saue their liues they were constrained to accomodate his armes, of whom he extremely complained to haue detained them perforce; and that hee made this es­cape 20 with the hazard of his life, and meant not to haue returned, but only walked in the woods to gather Walnuts: yet for all this faire Tale (there was so small appearance of truth) hee went by the heeles; the King also he put fetters; purposing to regaine the Dutchmen, by the sauing his life; the poore Sauage did his best, by his daily Messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them, and to bring them fiftie miles on their backes they were not able. Daily this Kings Wiues, children, and people, came to visit him with Presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace, much trust they had in the Presi­dents promise, but the King finding his Guard negligent (though fettered) yet escaped; Cap­taine Winne thinking to pursue him, found such troupes of Sauages to hinder his passages, as they exchanged many volies of shot for flight of Arrowes. Captaine Smith hearing of this, in retur­ning 30 to the Fort tooke two Sauages Prisoners, the one called Kemps, the other Kinsock, the two most exact Villaines in the Countrey; with those, Captaine Winne and fiftie chosen men attemp­ted that night to haue regained the King, and reuenged his iniurie (and so had doue if he had fol­lowed his directions, or beene aduised by those two Villaines, that would haue betrayed both their King and Kindred for a piece of Copper) but hee trifling away the night, the Sauages the next morning by the rising of the Sunne, braued him to come ashore to fight, a good time both sides let flie at other, but we heard of no hurt, only they tooke two Canoaes, burnt the Kings House and so returned.

The President fearing those brauadoes, would but incourage the Sauages, begunne himselfe to The Sauages desire peace. trie his conclusions; whereby sixe or seuen Sauages were slaine, as many made Prisoners; burnt 40 their Houses, tooke their Boats with all their fishing weares, and planted them at Iames Towne for his owne vse; and now resolued not to ceasse till hee had reuenged himselfe vpon all that had iniured him, but in his iourney passing by Paspaheigh towards Chickahamina, the Sauages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Countrey, all shewed themselues in their brauest manner, to try their valours; he could not but flie, and ere hee could land, the Sauages no sooner knew him, but they threw downe their Armes and desired Peace; their Orator was a stout young man called Ocanindge, whose worthy Discourse deserueth Ocanindge his Oration. to be remembred; and this it was.

Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in this companie thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you; and of him he intended to haue beene reuenged, hauing neuer offended him: if he haue offended you 50 in escaping your imprisonment; the Fishes swimme, the Fowles flie, and the verie Beasts striue to escape the snare and liue; then blame not him being a man; he would entreate you remember, your being a pri­soner, what paines hee tooke to saue your life; if since hee hath iniured you, hee was compelled to it; but howsoeuer, you haue reuenged it with our too great losse; we perceiue and well know you intend to destroy vs, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship, and to enioy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate, otherwise you will haue the worst by our absence, for we can plant any where, though with more labour, and we know you cannot liue if you want our Haruest, and that reliefe we bring you; if you promise vs peace we will beleeue you, if you proceed in reuenge, we will abandon the Coun­trie. Vpon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did vs iniurie, vpon con­dition they should bring in prouision, so all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left 60 the Countrey. A Sauage smothered at Iames Towne, and was reco­uered.

Arriuing at Iames Towne, complaint was made to the President that the Chickahaminos, who all this while continued Trade, and seemed our friends by colour thereof were the only Theeues, and amongst other things, a Pistoll being stolne, and the Theife fled, there was apprehended two [Page 1727] proper young fellowes that were brothers, knowne to be his confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one we imprisoned, the other was sent to returne againe within twelue houres, or his brother to be hanged, yet the President pittying the poore naked Sauage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some Char-cole for fire; ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but the Charcole­smoke an v­sual murtherer by ouersi [...]ht, where no vent is le [...]t to it. Sauage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoake hee had made, and so pittiously burnt, that he found him dead, the other most lamentably bewailed his death, and brake forth in such bitter agonies, that the President (to quiet him) told him that if hereafter they would not steale, he would make him aliue againe, but little thought he could be recouered, yet (we doing our best with Aquauitae and Vineger) it pleased God to restore him againe to life, but so drunke and af­frighted that he seemed lunaticke, not vnderstanding any thing he spoke or heard, the which as 10 much grieued and tormented the other, as before to see him dead; of which maladie (vpon pro­mise Perhaps the Iesuites wits haue (besides meere lies) hatched many of their Indian Miracles from as vnlikely egs as this by con­ioyning indu­strie and op­portunitie. Powhatan desi­reth peace. What was done in three moneths ha­uing victuall. The store de­uoured by rats how we liued three moneths of such natural fruits as the Countrie af­forded. of their good behauiour afterward) the President promised to recouer him, and so caused him to be laid by a fire to sleepe, who in the morning (hauing well slept) had recouered his per­fect senses; and then being dressed of his burning, and each a piece of Copper giuen them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread amongst all the Sauages for a Miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue that is dead. These and many other such pretie accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and all his people that from all parts with presents they desired peace, returning many stolne things which wee neither demanded nor thought of. And after that, those that were taken stealing (both Powhatan and his people) hath sent them backe to Iames Towne to receiue their punishment, and all the Countrie became absolutely as 20 free for vs, as for themselues.

NOw wee so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths wee made three or foure last of Pitch and Tarre, and Sope-ashes, produced a triall of Glasse, made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water (which till then was wanting) built some twenty houses, reco­uered our Church, prouided Nets and wares for fishing (and to stop the disorders of our disorder­ly theeues and the Sauages) built a Blocke-house in the necke of our Ile, kept by a garrison to en­tertaine the Sauages trade, and none to passe nor repasse, Sauage, nor Christian, with out the Pre­sidents order; thirty or forty acres of ground we digged, and planted; of three Sowes in one yeare increased sixty and odde Pigges, and neere fiue hundred Chickens brought vp themselues 30 (without hauing any meate giuen them) but the Hogges were transported to Hogge Ile, where also we built a Blocke-house with a Garrison, to giue vs notice of any shipping, and for their ex­ercise they made Clap-boord, Wainscot, and cut downe Trees against the ships comming. Wee built also a Fort for a retreat, neere a conuenient Riuer vpon a high commanding Hill, very hard to be assaulted, and easie to be defended; but ere it was halfe finished, this defect caused a stay; in searching our Casked Corne, wee found it halfe rotten, the rest so consumed with the many thousand Rattes (increased first from the ships) that wee knew not how to keepe that little wee Rat-plague. had. This did driue vs all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the Countrey but what Na­ture affoorded, vntill this time Keinps and Tassore, were fettered Prisoners, and daily wrought, and taught vs how to order and plant our fields. Whom now (for want of victuall) we set at li­bertie, 40 but so well were they vsed, that they little desired it; and to expresse their loues, for sixteene dayes continuance, the Countrey brought vs (when least) one hundred a day of Squirrils, Turkeyes, Deare, and other wilde Beasts; but this want of Corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it beeing worke sufficient to prouide victuall, sixtie or eightie with Ensigne Laxon, were sent downe the Riuer to liue vpon Oysters, and twentie with Lieutenant Percie to try for fishing at Point Comfort, but in sixe weekes, they would not agree once to cast out their Net. Master West with as many went vp to the Falls, but nothing could be found but a few Berries and Acornes; of that in the store euery one had their equall proportion. Till this The paines of 40. fed 150. present (by the hazard and endeauour of some thirtie or fortie) this whole number had euer bin fed. We had more Sturgeon then could be deuoured by Dogge and Man; of which the indu­strious, 50 by drying and pownding, mingled with Cauiare, Sorrell, and other wholsome hearbs, would make Bread and Meate; others would gather as much Tockwough Roots in a day, as would make them Bread a Weeke, so that of those wilde Fruites, Fish, and Berries, these liued very well (in regard of such a Diet) but such was the most strange condition of some Basenesse of idlenesse. one hundred and fiftie, that had they not beene forced to gather and prepare their victuall they would all haue starued, and haue eaten one another: of those wilde fruites the Sauages often brought vs: and for that the President would not fulfill the vnreasonable desire of those distracted lubberly Gluttons to sell, not only our Kettles, Howes, Tooles, and Iron, nay Swords, Peeces, and the very Ordnance, and Houses (might they haue preuailed but to haue beene but idle) for those Sauage fruites they would haue imparted all to the Sauages, especially for one 60 basket of Corne they heard of, to bee at Powhatans, fiftie miles from our Fort, though hee brought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humours, yet to haue had the other Their de [...]ire [...] destroy them­selues. halfe, they would haue sold their soules (though not sufficient to haue kept them a Weeke) thousands were their exclamations, suggestions, and deuises, to force him to those base [Page 1728] Inuentions, to haue made it an occasion to abandon the Countrey. Want perforce con­strayned him to indure their exclayming follies till hee found out the Author, one Dyer, a most craftie Knaue, and his ancient maligner, whome hee worthily punished, and with the rest hee argued the case in this manner. Fellow Souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many so simple to bee perswaded, that I either intend to starue you, or that The Presi­dents Speech to the Drones. Powhatan (at this present) hath Corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or that I would not haue it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malicious as now I see a great many, yet it shall not so much passionate mee, but I will doe my best for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, nor that I will longer forbeare to force you from your idle­nesse, and punish you if you raile, you cannot denie but that by the hazard of my life, many a time I haue 10 saued yours, when, might your owne wills haue preuailed, you would haue starued, and will doe still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selues those fruits the Earth doth yeeld, you shall not only gather for your selues, but for those that are sicke: as yet I neuer had more from the store then the worst of you; and all my English extraordinary prouision that I haue, you shall see me deuide among the sicke. And this Sa­uage trash, you so scornfully repine at, being put in your mouthes your stomacks can digest it, and there­fore I will take a course you shall prouide it. The sicke shall not starue, but equally share of all our la­bours, and euery one that gathereth not euery day as much I doe, the next day shall be set beyond the Riuer, and for euer be banished from the Fort, and liue there or starue.

This order many murmured, was very cruell, but it caused the most part so well bestirre 20 themselues, that of two hundred men (except they were drowned) there died not past seuen or eight. As for Captaine Winne, and Master Ley, they died ere this want happened, and the rest But 7 of 200. died in two moneths. died not for want of such as preserued the rest. Many were billitted among the Sauages, where­by we knew all their passages, fields, and habitations, how to gather and vse their fruits, as well as themselues. So well those poore Sauages vsed vs (that were thus Billited) as diuers of the Souldiers ranne away, to search Kemps our old prisoner. Glad was this Sauage to haue such an The Sauages returne our Fugitiues. occasion to testifie his loue, for insteed of entertayning them, and such things as they had stolne with all the great offers and promises they made them, to reuenge their iniuries vpon Captaine Smith. First hee made himselfe sport, in shewing his Countrimen (by them) how hee was vsed; feeding them with this Law, Who would not worke must not eate, till they were neere star­ued, 30 continually threatning to beate them to death, neither could they get from him, till per­force he brought them to our Captaine, that so we contented him, and punished them: as many others that intended also to haue followed them, were rather contented to labour at home, then aduenture to liue idle among the Sauages (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians and good subiects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both) For so affraid were all those Kings and the better sort of their people, to displease vs, that some of the baser sort that wee haue extreamely hurt and punished for their villanies, would hire vs that wee should not tell it to their Kings or Countrimen, who would also repu­nish them, and yet returne them to Iames Towne to content the President, by that testimonie of their loues. 40

Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found little hope and lesse certaintie of Search for them sent by Sir W. Rawlew. Powhatan con­fessed that hee had bin at the murther of that Colon [...]e: and shewed to Cap. Smith a Musket barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine pee­ces of Iron wh [...]ch had bin theirs. The Dutchmens trayt [...]rous proiects. them which had beene left by Sir Walter Rawley. So that Nathaniell Powell and Anas Todkill, were also, by the Quiyough quohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search them there. But no­thing could we learne but they were all dead. This honest, proper, good promise-keeping King, of all the rest did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods hee was yet very zealous, yet he would confesst, our God as much exceeded his, as our Guns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President many Presents to pray to his God for rain, or his corn would perish, for his Gods were angrie all this time. To reclaime the Dutchmen, and one Bentley another Fugitiue, we imployed one William Volda, (a Switzer by birth) with pardons and promises to regain them. Lit­tle we then suspected this double villanie of any villany, who plainly taught vs, in the most trust 50 was the greatest Treason. For this wicked Hypocrite, by the seeming hate hee bore to the lewd condition of his cursed Countrimen, hauing this opportunitie by his imployment to regaine them, conueighed them euery thing they desired to effect their proiect to destroy the Colonie. With much deuotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended to haue done good ser­uice. But to begin with the first opportunitie, they seeing necessitie thus inforced vs to disperse our selues; importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not only destroy our Hogges, fire our Towne, and betray our Pinnasse; but bring to his seruice and subiection the most part of our companies. With this plot they had acquainted many discontents, and many were agreed to their deuillish practise. But one Thomas Douese and Thomas Mallard (whose Chri­stian hearts much relenting at such an vnchristian act) voluntarily reuealed it to Captaine Smith: 60 who did his best it might be concealed, perswading Douese and Mallard to proceed in the con­federacie: only to bring the irreclamable Dutchmen, and inconstant Sauages in such a manner a­mongst his Ambuscadoes, as hee had prepared, as not many of them should euer haue returned from out our Peninsula.

[Page 1729] But this brute comming to the eares of the impatient multitude, they so importuned the President to cut off those Dutchmen, as amongst many that offered to cut their throats before the Two Gentle­men sent to kil them. face of Powhatan, Master Wiffin and Iefra Abbot were sent to stabbe or shoote them; but these Dutchmen made such excuses accusing Uolday whom they supposed had reuealed their proiect, as Abbot would not, yet Wiffin would, perceiuing it but deceit. The King vnderstanding of this their imployment, sent presently his Messengers to Captaine Smith, to signifie it was not his fault to detayne them, nor hinder his men from executing his command, nor did hee nor would he mayntaine them, or any to occasion his displeasure. But ere this businesse was brought to a point, God hauing seene our misery sufficient, sent in Captaine Argall to fish for Sturgeon with a ship well furnished with Wine and Bisket, which though it was not sent vs, such were our oc­casions we tooke it at a price, but left him sufficient to returne for England, still dissembling Valdo 10 his villany, but certainly he had not escaped had the President continued.

Notwithstanding this Valdo comming for England, pretending to the Company what rich Mynes Cap. S [...]i. he had found, for which he was verie much fauoured, rewarded and respected, but returning with the Lord La-ware, he could not performe any thing hee promised, and thus also hauing coozened them all, died both basely and miserably. For the rest of his Consorts vpon the arriuall of the Lord La-ware, whom they highly recommended to Powhatan, promising what great wonders they would worke with his Lordship, would he giue them leaue to goe to him, but when he saw they would be gone, he replied, as you would haue betrayed Captaine Smith to me, so will you me to this Lord, for you that would be so false to him, cannot be true to me, so caused his men to beat out their braines, as the Sauages reported to diuers 20 that came from thence.

TO redresse those iarres and ill proceedings, the Councell in England altered the gouernment The arriuall of the third up­ply. Chap. 12. The alteration of the gouern­ment. The losse of Virginia. and deuolued the authoritie to the Lord De-la-ware. Who for his Deputie, sent Sir Thomas Gales, and Sir George Somers, with nine ships and fiue hundred persons: they set saile from Eng­land in May 1609. a small Catch perished at Sea in a Herycano. The Admirall, with 150. men, with the two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of loading with all manner of directions, and the most part of their prouision arriued not. With the other seuen (as Cap­taines) arriued Ratliffe (whose right name was Sickelmore) Martin, and Archer. Who as they had beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre all ashore. For though, as is said, they were for­merly 30 deposed and sent for England: yet now returning againe, graced by the title of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse: strengthned themselues with those new Companies, so railing and exclayming against Captaine Smith, that they mortally hated him, ere euer they saw him. Who vnderstanding by his Scowts, the arri­uall of such a fleet (little dreaming of any such supply) supposing them Spaniards, he so determi­ned and ordered his affaires, as we little feared their arriuall, nor the successe of our incounter, nor were the Sauages any way negligent or vnwilling, to aide and assist vs with their best power, had it so beene, we had beene happy. For we would not haue trusted them but as our foes, where­as The Sauages offer to fight vnder our co­lours. Mutinie. receiuing those as our Countrimen and friends, they did their best to murder our President, to surprize the store, the Fort, and our Lodgings, to vsurpe the gouernment, and make vs all their 40 seruants and slaues to our owne merit. To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines led this lewd company, wherein were many vnruly Gallants packed thether by their friends to escape ill Destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the gouernment, sometimes one, the next day another, to day the old Commission, to morrow the new, the next day by neither. In fine, they would rule all or ruine all; yet in Charitie wee must endure them thus to destroy vs, or by correcting their follies, haue brought the Worlds censure vpon vs to haue beene guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we beene had they neuer arriued; and wee for euer abandoned, and (as wee were) left to our fortunes, for on Earth was neuer more confusion, or misery, then their facti­ons occasioned.

The President seeing the desire those Braues had to rule, seeing how his authoritie was so vn­expectedly The planting Nansamund. changed, would willingly haue left all and returned for England, but seeing there was 50 small hope this new Commission would arriue, longer hee would not suffer those factious spirits to proceed. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible, should I particularly re­late the infinite dangers, plots, and practises, hee daily escaped amongst this factious crue, the chiefe whereof hee quickly laid by the heeles, till his leasure better serued to doe them Iustice; and to take away all occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request granted to re­turne for England, and Master West with one hundred and twentie went to plant at the Falls. Martin with neere as many to Nansamund, with their due proportions of all prouisions, accor­ding A plantation of the fals. to their numbers.

Now the Presidents yeere being neere expired, he made Martin President, who knowing his 60 owne insufficie [...]cie, and the Companies scorne and conceit of his vnworthinesse, within three houres resigned it againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nansamund thus proceeded. The people be­ing The breach of peace with the Sauages. Contributors vsed him kindly: yet such was his iealous feare, and cowardize in the midst of his mirth, he did surprize this poore naked King, with his Monuments, Houses, and the Ile hee [Page 1730] inhabited; and there fortified himselfe, but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldned the Sauages to assault him, kill his men, redeeme their King, gather and carrie away more then one thousand bushels of Corne, he not once daring to intercept them. But sent to the President then at the Falls for thirtie good shot, which from Iames Towne immediatly were sent him, but he so well imployed them, as they did iust nothing, but returned, complayning of his childish­nesse, that with them fled from his company, and so left them to their fortunes.

Master West hauing seated his men at the Falls, presently returned to reuisit Iames Towne, the President met him by the way as hee followed him to the Falls: where hee found this Company inconsiderately seated, in a place not only subiect to the Riuers inundation, but round inuironed with many intollerable inconueniences. For remedy whereof, hee sent presently to Powhatan, 10 to sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the Monacans, and these Powhat [...] sold for Copper. should be his conditions (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and Houses, and all that Coun­trey for a proportion of Copper: that all stealing offenders should bee sent him, there to receiue their punishment: that euery House as a custome should pay him a bushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Po [...]ones as a yeerely Tribute to King Iames, for their pro­tection as a dutie: what else they could spare to barter at their best discretion.

But both this excellent place and those good conditions did those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kinde care and authoritie, the worst they could to shew their spight, they did. I doe more then wonder to thinke how only with fiue men, hee either durst, or would aduenture Mutinies. as he did (knowing how greedie they were of his bloud) to land amongst them, and commit to 20 imprisonment the greatest spirits amongst them, till by their multitudes being one hundred and Fiue suppresse 120. twentie, they forced him to retire, yet in that retreat he surprized one of the Boats, wherewith he returned to their ship, wherein was their prouisions, which also he tooke. And well it chan­ced he found the Mariners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibilitie hee had euer escaped. Notwithstanding there were many of the best, I meane, of the most worthy in iudgement, reason or experience, that from their first landing hearing the generall good report of his old Souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Web, Captaine Moone, Captaine Phitz-Iames, Master Partridge, Ma­ster White, Master Powell, and diuers others: when they perceiued the malice and condition of Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer, left their factions; and euer rested his faithfull friend: But the 30 worst was, the poore Sauages that daily brought in their contribution to the President, that disorderly company so tormented those poore naked soules, by stealing their Corne, robbing their Gardens, beating them, breaking their Houses, and keeping some prisoners; that they daily The breach of peace with the Sauages at the F [...]lls. complayned to Captaine Smith, hee had brought them for Protectors worse enemies then the Monacans themselues, which though till then (for his loue) they had indured: they desired par­don, if hereafter they defended themselues, since hee would not correct them, as they had long expected he would: so much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanours, as they offe­red (if he would conduct them) to fight for him against them. But hauing spent nine dayes in seeking to reclaime them, shewing them how much they did abuse themselues, with their great gilded hopes, of Seas, Mynes, Commodities, or Victories they so madly conceiued. Then (seeing 40 nothing would preuaile with them) hee set saile for Iames Towne: now no sooner was the ship vnder saile but the Sauages assaulted those one hundred and twentie in their Fort, finding some An assault by the Sauages. stragling abroad in the Woods they slue many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners esca­ped, and they scarce retyred, with the Swords and Clokes, of these they had slaine. But ere we had sailed a league our ship grounding, gaue vs once more libertie to summon them to a parlie Where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poore simple assault, as they submitted themselues vpon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy. Who presently put by the heeles six or se­uen of the chiefe offenders, the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in their Sauage Fort they built and pretily fortified with Poles and Barkes of Trees sufficient to haue defended them from all their Sauages in Uirginia, dry Houses for Lodgings three hundred Acres of ground readie to 50 plant, and no place so strong, so pleasant and delightfull in Uirginia, for which wee called it None-such. The Sauages also he presently appeased; redeliuering to euery one their former los­ses. The planting of Nonsuch. New peace concluded. Thus all were friends, new Officers appointed to command, and the President againe ready to depart. But at that instant arriued Master VVest, whose good nature with the perswasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners was so much abused, that to regaine their old shops new turmoyles arose. For the rest being possessed of all their Victuall, Munition, and euery thing, they grow to that height in their former factions, as there the President left them to their Fortunes, they returning againe to the open Aire at VVest Fort, abandoning Non­such, and hee to Iames Towne with his best Expedition, but this happened him in that Iourney. 60

Sleeping in his Boat (for the Ship was returned two dayes before) accidentally, one fired his Powder-bag, which tore his flesh from his bodie and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most [...] pittifull manner: but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his clothes, hee leaped ouer­ [...] [...]to the deepe Riuer, where ere they could recouer him hee was neere drowned. In this [Page 1731] estate, without either Chirurgion, or Chirurgerie he was to goe neere one hundred miles. Arri­uing at Iames Towne, causing all things to be prepared for Peace or Warres to obtaine prouision, whilest those things were prouiding, Martin, Ratcliffe, and Archer, being to haue their trialls, their guiltie consciences fearing a iust reward for their deserts, seeing the President vnable to stand, and neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to haue murdered him in his bed. But his heart did faile him that should haue giuen fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. A bloudy in­tent. So, not finding that course to be the best, they ioyned together to vsurpe the gouernment, thereby to escape their punishment, and excuse themselues by accusing him. The President had notice of their proiects: the which to withstand, though his old Souldiers importuned him, but to permit them to take off their heads that would resist his command, yet he would not permit them: but sent for the Masters of The gouern­ment vsurped. 10 ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for England. Seeing their was neither Chirurgion, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart the next day, his Commission to be suppres­sed hee knew not why, himselfe and Souldiers to bee rewarded he knew not how, and a new Commission granted they knew not to whom, the which so disabled that authoritie he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies and factions as they did. Besides, so grieuous was his wounds, and so cruell his torment, few expected be could liue, nor was he able to follow his businesse to regaine what they had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the Countries for prouision as he intended, and well he knew those affaires his owne actions and presence was as requisite as his experience, and directions, which now could not be, hee went presently aboard, resoluing there to appoint them gouernours, and to take order for the mutiners and their confederates. Who seeing him gone, perswaded Master Persie to stay and be their President, and 20 within lesse then an hour was this mutation begun & concluded. For when the Company vnderstood Smith would leaue them, and see the rest in Armes called Presidents and Councellors, diuers began to fawne on The causes why Smith left the Countrie and his Com­mission. The state of the Colony when C. Smith left it. Prouisions [...] those new Commanders, that new bent all their wits to get him resigne them his Commission, who after many salt and bitter repulses, that their confusion should not bee attributed to him, for leauing the Coun­try without gouernment and authoritie; hauing taken order to be free from danger of their malice; he was not vnwilling they should steale it from him, but neuer consented to deliuer it to any.

Leauing vs thus, with three Ships, seuen Boats, commodities readie to trade, the Haruest new­ly gathered, ten weekes prouision in the store, foure hundred nintie and odde persons, foure and twentie Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets, Snaphanches, and fire-lockes, Shot, Pow­der, and match sufficient, Curats, Pikes, Swords, and Morions more then men: the Sauages their 30 language and habitations well knowne to one hundred well trained and expert Souldiers: Nets for Fishing, Tooles of all sorts to worke, Apparell to supply our wants, sixe Mares, and a Horse, fiue or sixe hundred Swine, as many Hennes and Chickens; some Goates, some Sheepe, what was brought or bred there remained: but they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to con­sume what wee had, tooke care for nothing but to perfit some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith, for effecting whereof, three weekes longer they staied the sixe Ships till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better haue beene spent; but it suted well Their com­plaints and proofe against him. with the rest of their discretions. Now all these which Smith had either whipped, punished, or any way disgraced, had free power and libertie to say or sweare any thing, and from a whole armefull of their examination, this was concluded. 40

The Mutiners at The Falls, complained he caused the Sauages to assault them, for that he would not reuenge their losse, they being but one hundred and twentie, and hee fiue men and himselfe, and this they proued by the oath of one hee had oft whipped for periury and pilfering. The Dutch-men that hee had ap­pointed to be stab'd for their treacheries, swore he sent to poison them with Rats-bane. The prudent Coun­cell, that he would not submit himselfe to their stolne authoritie. Coe and Dyer, that should haue mur­dered him, were highly preferred for swearing, they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, That hee heard a man say: if the King would not send that Corne hee had, hee should not long enioy his Copper Crowne, nor those Robes hee had sent him: yet those also swore he might haue had Corne for Tooles, but would not. The truth was, Smith had no such Engines as the King demanded, nor Powhatan any Corne. Yet this argued he would starue them. Others complained hee would not let them rest in the Fort 50 (to starue) but forced them to the Oyster Bankes to liue or star [...]e, as hee liued himselfe. For though hee had of his owne priuate prouisions sent from England, sufficient: yet hee gaue it all away to the weake and sicke, causing the most vntoward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from the vnknowne parts of the Riuers and Woods, that they liued (though hardly) that otherwayes would haue starued, ere they would haue left their beds, or at the most the fight of Iames Towne to haue got their owne victuall. Some propheticall spirit calculated he had the Sauages in such subiection, he would haue made himselfe a King, by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. It is true, she was the very nonparell of his Kingdome, Pocahonta [...], Powhatans daughter, her kindnesse to C. Smith. and at most not past thirteene or fourteene yeeres of age. Very oft she came to our Fort, with what shee could get for Captaine Smith, that euer loued and vsed all the Countrey well, but her especially hee euer much respected: and shee so well requited it, that when her father intended to haue surprized him, she by 60 stealth in the darke night came through the wild Woods and told him of it. But her marriage could no way haue entitled him by any right to the Kingdome, nor was it euer suspected he had euer such a thought, or more regarded her, or any of them, then in honest reason and discretion he might. If he would be might haue married her, or haue done what him listed. For there was none that could haue hindred his deter­mination. [Page 1732] Some that knew not any thing to say, the Councell instructed, and aduised what to sweare. So diligent they were in this businesse, that what any could remember, he had euer done, or said in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall oath, it was applyed to their fittest vse, yet not past eight or nine could say much, and that nothing but circumstances, which all men did know was most false and vntrue. Many got their Passes, by promising in England to say much against him. Instead of accusing him, I haue neuer heard any giue him a better report, then many of those witnesses themselues that were sent only home to testifie against him. Richard Pots, W. P.

The day before the Ships departed, C. Davis arriued in a small Pinnace, with some sixteene The pl [...]nting at Point Com­fort. proper men more: to those were added a company from Iames Towne, vnder the command of Captaine Ratcliffe, to inhabite Point-Comfort. Martin, and Master West hauing lost their Boats, 10 and neere halfe their men amongst the Sauages, were returned to Iames Towne. For the Sauages no sooner vnderstood of Captaine Smiths losse, but they all reuolted, and did murder and spoile all they could encounter. Now were wee all constrained to liue onely of that which Smith had onely for his owne company, for the rest had consumed their proportions. And now haue wee twentie Presidents, with all their appurtenances, for Master Persie was so sicke he could not goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Master West, and Ratliffe, each with a Pinnace, and thirtie or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade, and vpon confidence of Powhatan, Ratliffe [...]ffe alias Sicklemore [...]lain by Powhatan. and his men were slaine, onely Ieffery Shortridge escaped, and Pochahuntas the Kings daughter sa­ued a boy, called Henry Spelman, who liued many yeeres after by her meanes amongst the Patawo­mekes. Powhatan still as bee found meanes, cut off their Boats and denied them trade. And Master 20 West finding little better successe, set saile for England. Now we all found the want of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then curse his losse. Now for corne, prouision, and contri­bution from the Saueges; wee had nothing but mortall wounds with Clubs and Arrowes. As for our Hogs, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what liued, our Commanders and Officers did daily consume them: some small proportions (sometimes) wee tasted till all was deuoured, then Swords, Ar­rowes, Peeces, or any thing we traded to the Sauages, whose bloudy fingers were so imbrued in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our Gouernours indiscretion, and the losse of our Ships: Of fiue hundred within sixe moneths, after there remained not any more then sixtie most mise­rable and poore creatures. It were to vild to say what wee endured, Life was now preserued by Roots, Herbs, Acornes, Wal [...]uts, Berries, now and then a little Fish, and Starch by such as had any. A 30 Sauage slaine and buried, is said to haue beene taken vp by the poorer and eaten: which is reported also to haue hapned to others of their owne. A report was that one slew his wife, and had eaten part of her: this is by others denied, the murther acknowledged, and he iustly executed for that parricide.

The occasion of these miseries was onely our owne, for want of prouidence, industrie, and go­uernment, and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrey, as is generally supposed, for till then in three yeeres (for the numbers were landed vs) wee had neuer landed sufficient prouision for sixe moneths, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners, wee as little ta­sted Wickednes of some Mariners The fruits of improuidences of those great proportions for their prouisions, as they of our miseries, that notwithstanding euer swayd and ouerruled the businesse: though wee did liue as is said, three yeeres chiefly of what this good Countrey naturally affordeth; yet now had wee beene in Paradice it selfe (with 40 those Gouernours) it would not haue beene much better with vs, yet were there some amongst vs, who had they had the gouernment, would surely haue kept vs from those extreamities of mi­series, that in ten dayes more would haue supplanted vs all by death. Thus you see the miserable ends of those vsurping Commanders, for all their greatnesse, Oratory, and long being there, and what is the want of owne man in Authoritie, that is honest and valiant, discreet, and industrious; and how easily that may also be blemished, by ambitious indiscretion, or what did binder them now in his absence, they had not done much better then hee, hauing all these aduantages.

But God that would not it should bee vnplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sum­mers, The arriuall of Sir Tho. Gates with 150. Iames Towne abandoned. with one hundred and fiftie men, most happily preserued by the Bermudas to preserue vs. But when those noble Knights did see our miseries (being strangers in the Countrey) and could 50 vnderstand no more of the cause but by their coniecture of our clamours and complaints, of accu­sing or excusing one another, they imbarked vs with themselues, with the best meanes they could, and abandoning Iames Towne, set saile for England.

But yet God would not so haue it, for ere wee left the Riuer; wee met the Lord de-la-ware, The arriuall of the Lord La­ware. then gouernour of the Countrey, with three Ships exceeding well furnished with all necessaries fitting, who againe returned them to the abandoned Iames Towne, the ninth of Iune, 1610. ac­companied with Sir Ferdinando Wai [...]an, and diuers other Gentlemen of sort. Sir George Sommers, and Captaine Argall he presently dispatcheth to repaire to the Bermudas, to furnish them with prouision: Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their supplies: himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the furtherance of the businesse, and regaining what was lost. But 60 euen in the beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such an incounter, that after eight months sicknesse, he was forced to saue his life, by his returne for England. Two ships sent to the Bermu­das,

In this time Argall, not finding the Bermudas, hauing lost Sir George S [...]mers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock, where refreshing himselfe, he found a conuenient fishing for Cod. With a taste [Page 1733] whereof he returned to Iames Towne, from whence the Lord De-la-ware sent him to trade in the Riuer of Patawomeck, where finding an English boy those people had preserued from the fury of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good vsage of those kind Sauages, that they fraughted his Ship with Corne, wherewith he returned to Iames Towne, and so for England with the Lord Gouernour; yet before his returne, the aduenturers had sent Sir Thomas Dale with three Ships, The arriual of Sir. Tho. Dale. men and cattell, and all other prouisions necessarie for a yeere, all which arriued the tenth of May, 1611.

Againe, to second him with all possible expedition there was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, sixe tall Ships with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine, with other cattell, with muniti­on, and all manner of prouision could be thought needfull, and they arriued about the first of Au­gust next after safely at Iames Towne. 10

Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost: but thus it hapned, missing the Barmudas, Sir George So­mers arriuall at the Bermudas, and dicth. hee fell also as did Argall with Sagadahock, where being refreshed, would not content himselfe with that repulse, but returned againe in the search, and there safely arriued. But ouertoyling himselfe on a surfet died. And in this Cedar Ship built by his owne directions, and partly with his owne hands, that had not in her any Iron, but onely one bolt in her Keele, yet well endured thus tossed to and againe in this mightie Ocean, till with his dead bodie she arriued in England, and at Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was honourably buried, with mane vo­lies His heart and entralls were buried in Sum­mer Ilands a name from his to them com­municated. of shot, and the rites of a Souldier, &c.

But thus much may serue as the argument of the discourses following, and as the Prologue to the Vir­ginian 20 Scene, where we will first produce M. Archer, after whose succinct narration, M. Strachies co­pious discourse shall feast you with the liuely expression of others miseries, and Barmudas happy discouery in Rhetorickes Full sea and spring tide.

CHAP. V.

A Letter of M. GABRIEL ARCHAR, touching the Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, which arriued at Virginia, without Sir THO. GATES, and 30 Sir GEORGE SVMMERS, 1609.

FRom Woolwich the fifteenth of May, 1609, seuenth saile weyed anchor, and came to Plimmouth the twentieth day, where Sir George Somers, with two small Vessels, con­sorted with vs. Here we tooke into the Blessing (being the ship wherein I went) fixe Mares and two Horses; and the Fleet layed in some necessaries belonging to the action: In which businesse we spent time till the second of lune. And then wee set sayle to Sea, but crost by South-west windes, we put in to Faulemouth, and there staying till the eight of Iune, we then gate out. Our Course was commanded to leaue the Canaries one hundred leagues to the The appointed Course. 40 Eastward at least, and to steere away directly for Virginia, without touching at the West Indies, except the Fleet should chance to be separated, then they were to repaire to the Bermuda, there to stay seuen dayes in expectation of the Admirall; and if they found him not, then to take their course to Virginia.

Now thus it happened; about sixe dayes after we lost the sight of England, one of Sir George So­mers The Ships, and chiefe men in the Fleet. Pinnasses left our company, and (as I take it) bare vp for England; the rest of the ships, viz. The Sea Aduenture Admirall, wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somer, and Captaine New­port: The Diamond Vice-admirall, wherein was Captaine Ratcliffe, and Captaine King. The Falcon Reare-admirall, in which was Captaine Martin, and Master Nellson: The Blessing, wherein I and Captaine Adams went: The Vnitie, wherein Captaine Wood, and Master Pett were. The Lion, wherein Captaine Webb remained: And the Swallow of Sir George Somers, in which Captaine Moone, and Master Somer went. In the Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master: and in the Boat of Sir George Somers, called the Virginia, which was built in the North Colony, went one Captaine 50 Davies, and one Master Davies. These were the Captatines and Masters of our Fleet.

We ran a Southerly course fro [...] the Tropicke of Cancer, where hauing the Sun within sixe or seuen degrees right ouer our head in Iuly, we bore away West; so that by the feruent heat and loomes breezes, Sicknesse and mortalitie at Sea. many of our men fell sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was throwne ouer-boord thirtie two per­sons. The Viceadmirall was said to haue the plague in her; but in the Blessing we had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and children.

Vpon Saint Iames day, being about one hundred and fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, in crossing the Gulfe of Bahoma, there hapned a most terrible and vehement storme, which was a taile of the Terrible tem­pest. 60 West Indian Horacano; this tempest seperated all our Fleet one from another, and it was so violent that men could scarce stand vpon the Deckes, neither could any man heare another speake, being thus diuided, euery man steered his owne course, and as it fell out about fiue or sixe dayes after the storme ceased (which endure fortie foure houres in extremitie.) The Lion first, and after the Falcon and the Vnitie, got sight [Page 1734] of our Shippe, and so we lay a way directly for Virginia, finding neither current nor winde opposite, as some haue reported, to the great charge of our Counsell and Aduenturers. The Vnity was sore distressed Note. False ru­mors charge­able. when she came vp with vs, for of seuenty land men, she had not ten sound, and all her Sea men were downe, but onely the Master and his Boy, with one poore sailer, but we relieued them, and we foure consorting, fell into the Kings Riuer haply the eleuenth of August. In the Vnity were borne two children at Sea, but both died, being both Boyes. Arriuall in Virginia.

When wee came to Iames Towne, we found a Ship which had bin there in the Riuer a moneth before we came; this was sent out of England by our Counsels leaue and authority, to fish for Sturgeon, and to goe the ready way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and shee performed it: her Commander was 10 Captaine Argoll (a good Marriner, and a very ciuill Gentleman) and her Master one Robert Tindall. Captain Argall

The people of our Colonie were found all in health (for the most part) howbeit when Captaine Argoll came in, they were in such distresse, for many were dispersed in the Sauages townes, liuing vpon their almes State of the Colony. for an ounce of Copper a day, and fourescore liued twenty miles from the Fort, and fed vpon nothing but Oysters eight weekes space, hauing no other allowance at all, neither were the people of the Country able to relieue them if they would. Whereupon Captaine Newport and others haue beene much to blame to in­forme Idlenesse and other vices to blame also. the Counsell of such plenty of victuall in this Country, by which meanes they haue beene slacke in this supply to giue conuenient content. Vpon this, you that be aduenturers, must pardon vs, if you finde not returne of Commodity so ample as you may expect, because the law of nature bids vs seeke sustenance first, and then to labour to content you afterwards. But vpon this point I shall be more large in my next Letter.

After our foure Ships had bin in harbour a few dayes, came in the Viceadmirall, hauing cut her maine 20 Most ouer boord, and had many of her men very sicke and weake, but she could tell no newes of our Gouer­nour, Some things partly, false ru­mors, partly factions, sug­gestions, are here left out. and some three or foure dayes after her, came in the Swallow, with her maine Mast ouerboord also, and had a shrewd leake, neither did she see our Admirall.

Now did we all lament much the absence of our Gouernour, for contentions began to grow, and facti­ons, and partakings, &c. Insomuch as the President, to strengthen his authority, accorded with the Mariners, and gaue not any due respect to many worthy Gentlemen, that came in our Ships: whereupon They choose a new Gouernor they generally (hauing also my consent) chose Master West, my Lord de la Wars brother, to be their Go­uernour, or president de bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas Gates, or if he miscarried by Sea, then Hinc illae [...]ry­mae. Henee frō the malecon­tents which had beene in Virginia before enemies to the President, rai­sing now ill reports at their comming of him arose these stirs and the following miseries in which this Author with almost the whole Colony perished. to continue till we heard newes from our Counsell in England. This choice of him they made not to di­sturbe the old President during his time, but as his authority expired, then to take vpon him the sole go­uenment, 30 with such assistants of the Captaines, as discreetest persons as the Colonie afforded. Perhaps you shall haue it blazoned a mutenie by such as retaine old malice; but Master West, Master Percie, and all the respected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testifie otherwise vpon their oathes. For the Kings Patent we ratified, but refused to be gouerned by the President that now is, after his time was ex­pired, and onely subiected our selues to Master West, whom we labour to haue next President. I cannot certifie you of much more as yet, vntill we grow to some certaine stay in this our state, but by the other Ships you shall know more. So with my harty commendations I cease. From Iames Towne this last of Angust 1609.

CHAP. VI. 40

A true reportory of the wracke, and redemption of Sir THOMAS GATES Knight; vpon, and from the Ilands of the Bermudas: his comming to Virginia, and the estate of that Colonie then, and after, vn­der the gouernment of the Lord LA WARRE, Iuly 15. 1610. written by WILLIAM STRACHY, Esquire. 50

§. I.

A most dreadfull Tempest (the manifold deaths whereof are here to the life described) their wracke on Bermuda, and the descrip­tion of those Ilands.

EXcellent Lady, know that vpon Friday late in the euening, we brake ground out of the Sound of Plymouth, our whole Fleete then consisting of seuen good Ships, 2. Iune. 1609. 60 and two Pinnaces, all which from the said second of Iune, vnto the twenty three of Iuly, kept in friendly consort together not a whole watch at any time, loo­sing the sight each of other. Our course when we came about the height of be­tweene 26. and 27. degrees, we declined to the Northward, and according to Sea-course al­cered. [Page 1735] our Gouernours instructions altered the trade and ordinary way vsed heretofore by Dominico, and Meuis, in the West Indies, and found the winde to this course indeede as friendly, as in the iudgement of all Sea-men, it is vpon a more direct line, and by Sir George Summers our Ad­mirall Sir G Summers a good mari­ner and tried Souldier. had bin likewise in former time sailed, being a Gentleman of approued assurednesse, and ready knowledge in Sea-faring actions, hauing often carried command, and chiefe charge in ma­ny Ships Royall of her Maiesties, and in sundry Voyages made many defeats and attempts in the time of the Spaniards quarrelling with vs, vpon the Ilands and Indies, &c. We had followed this course so long, as now we were within seuen or eight dayes at the most, by Cap, Newports recko­ning of making Cape Henry vpon the coast of Virginia: When on S. Iames his day, Iuly 24. be­ing Monday (preparing for no lesse all the blacke night before) the cloudes gathering thicke vp­on A terrible storme expres­sed in a pathe­ticall and reto­ricall descrip­tion. Black-darknes. vs, and the windes singing, and whistling most vnusually, which made vs to cast off our Pin­nace 10 towing the same vntill then asterne, a dreadfull storme and hideous began to blow from out the North-east, which swelling, and roaring as it were by [...]ts, some houres with more vio­lence then others, at length did beate all light from heauen; which like an hell of darkenesse tur­ned blacke vpon vs, so much the more fuller of horror, as in such cases horror and feare vse to ouerrunne the troubled, and ouermastered sences of all, which (taken vp with amazement) the eares lay so sensible to the terrible cries, and murmurs of the windes, and distraction of our Com­pany, Feare of death at Sea more featefull. as who was most armed, and best prepared, was not a little shaken. For surely (Noble Lady) as death comes not so sodaine nor apparant, so he comes not so elui [...] and painfull (to men especially euen then in health and perfect habitudes of body) as at Sea; who comes at no time so 20 welcome, but our frailty (so weake is the hold of hope in miserable demonstrations of danger) it makes guilty of many contrary changes, and conflicts: For indeede death is accompanied at no time, nor place with circumstances euery way so vncapable of particularities of goodnesse and inward comforts, as at Sea. For it is most true, there ariseth commonly no such vnmercifull tempest, compound of so many contrary and diuers Nations, but that it worketh vpon the whole frame of the body, and most loathsomely affecteth all the powers thereof: and the manner of the sicknesse it laies vpon the body, being so vnsufferable, giues not the minde any free and quiet time, to vse her iudgement and Empire: which made the Poet say:

Hostium vxores, puerique caecos
Sentiant motus orientis Haedi, &
Aequoris nigri fremitum, & trementes 30
Uerbere ripas.

For foure and twenty houres the storme in a restlesse tumult, had blowne so exceedingly, as Con [...]in [...]nce and increase. we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence, yet did wee still finde it, not onely more terrible, but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storme vrging a second more outragious then the former; whether it so wrought vpon our feares, or indeede met with new forces: Sometimes strikes in our Ship amongst women, and passengers, not vsed to such hurly and discomforts, made vs looke one vpon the other with troubled hearts, and pan­ting bosomes: our clamours dround in the windes, and the windes in thunder. Prayers might well be in the heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the Officers: nothing heard that 40 could giue comfort, nothing seene that might incourage hope. It is impossible for me, had I the voyce of Stentor, and expression of as many tongues, as his throate of voyces, to expresse the outcries and miseries, not languishing, but wasting his spirits, and art constant to his owne prin­ciples, but not preuailing. Our sailes wound vp lay without their vse, and if at any time wee bore but a Hollocke, or halfe forecourse, to guide her before the Sea, six and sometimes eight men were not inough to hold the whipstaffe in the steerage, and the tiller below in the Gunner roome, by which may be imagined the strength of the storme: In which, the Sea swelled aboue Swelling Sea set forth in a swelling stile. the Clouds, and gaue battell vnto Heauen. It could not be said to raine, the waters like whole Riuers did flood in the ayre. And this I did still obserue, that whereas vpon the Land, when a storme hath powred it selfe forth once in drifts of raine, the winde as beaten downe, and van­quished therewith, not long after indureth: here the glut of water (as if throatling the winde ere 50 while) was no sooner a little emptied and qualified, but instantly the windes (as hauing gotten their mouthes now free, and at liberty) spake more loud, and grew more tumultuous, and Compared with the Au­thors former experiments. malignant. What shall I say? Windes and Seas were as mad, as fury and rage could make them; for mine owne part, I had bin in some stormes before, as well vpon the coast of Barbary and Al­geere, in the Leuant, and once more distresfull in the Adriatique gulfe, in a bottome of Candy, so as I may well say. Ego quid sit ater Adriae noui sinus, & quid albus Peccet Iapex. Yet all that I had euer suffered gathered together, might not hold comparison with this: there was not a moment in which the sodaine splitting, or instant ouer-setting of the Shippe was not expected. 60

Howbeit this was not all; It pleased God to bring a greater affliction yet vpon vs; for in the Leake added to the stormes t [...]riour. beginning of the storme we had receiued likewise a mighty leake. And the Ship in euery ioynt almost, hauing spued out her Okam, before we were aware (a casualty more desperate then any other that a Voyage by Sea draweth with it) was growne fiue foote suddenly deepe with water [Page 1736] aboue her ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilest we sat looking when to perish from aboue. This imparting no lesse terrour then danger, ranne through the whole Ship with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the bloud, and tooke downe the braues of the most hardy Marriner of them all, insomuch as he that before happily felt not the sorrow of others, now began to sorrow for himselfe, when he saw such a pond of water so suddenly broken in, and which he knew could not (without present auoiding) but instantly sinke him. So as ioyning (one­ly for his owne sake, not yet worth the sauing) in the publique safety; there might be seene Ma­ster, Masters Mate, Boateswaine, Quarter Master. Coopers, Carpenters, and who not, with can­dels in their hands, creeping along the ribs viewing the sides, searching euery, corner, and liste­ning in euery place, if they could heare the water runne, Many a weeping leake was this way 10 found, and hastily stopt, and at length one in the Gunner roome made vp with I know not how many peeces of Beefe: but all was to no purpose, the Leake (if it were but one) which drunke in our greatest Seas, and tooke in our destruction fastest, could not then be found, nor euer was, by any labour, counsell, or search. The waters still increasing, and the Pumpes going, which at Leake cannot be found, which cannot but be found. length choaked with bringing vp whole and continuall Bisket (and indeede all we had, tenne thousand weight) it was conceiued, as most likely, that the Leake might be sprung in the Bread­roome, whereupon the Carpenter went downe, and ript vp all the roome, but could not finde it so.

I am not able to giue vnto your Ladiship euery mans thought in this perplexity, to which we were now brought; but to me, this Leakage appeared as a wound giuen to men that were be­fore 20 dead. The Lord knoweth, I had as little hope, as desire of life in the storme, & in this, it went beyond my will; because beyond my reason, why we should labour to preserue life; yet we did, either because so deare are a few lingring houres of life in all mankinde, or that our Christian knowledges taught vs, how much we owed to the rites of Nature, as bound, not to be false to our selues, or to neglect the meanes of our owne preseruation; the most despairefull things a­mongst men, being matters of no wonder nor moment with him, who is the rich Fountaine and admirable Essence of all mercy.

Our Gouernour, vpon the tuesday morning (at what time, by such who had bin below in the hold, the Leake was first discouered) had caused the whole Company, about one hundred and Their labour for life three dayes and [...]o [...]re nights. forty, besides women, to be equally diuided into three parts, and opening the Ship in three pla­ces 30 (vnder the forecastle, in the waste, and hard by the Bitacke) appointed each man where to at­tend; and thereunto euery man came duely vpon his watch, tooke the Bucket, or Pumpe for one houre, and rested another. Then men might be seene to labour, I may well say, for life, and the better sort, euen our Gouernour, and Admirall themselues, not refusing their turne, and to spell each the other, to giue example to other. The common sort stripped naked, as men in Gallies, the easier both to hold out, and to shrinke from vnder the salt water, which continually leapt in among them, kept their eyes waking, and their thoughts and hands working, with tyred bodies, and wasted spirits, three dayes and foure nights destitute of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliuerance, testifying how mutually willing they were, yet by labour to keepe each other from drowning, albeit each one drowned whilest he laboured. 40

Once, so huge a Sea brake vpon the poope and quarter, vpon vs, as it couered our Shippe Sea breakes in. from stearne to stemme, like a garment or a vast cloude, it filled her brimme full for a while within, from the hatches vp to the sparre decke. This source or confluence of water was so violent, as it rusht and carried the Helm-man from the Helme, and wrested the Whip­staffe out of his hand, which so flew from side to side, that when he would haue ceased the same a­gaine, it so tossed him from Star-boord to Lar-boord, as it was Gods mercy it had not split him: It so beat him from his hold, and so bruised him, as a fresh man hazarding in by chance fell faire with it, and by maine strength bearing somewhat vp, made good his place, and with much clamour incouraged and called vpon others; who gaue her now vp, rent in pieces and absolutely lost. Our Gouernour was at this time below at the Capstone, both by his speech and authoritie 50 heartening euery man vnto his labour. It strooke him from the place where hee sate, and groue­led The Gouer­nours care. him, and all vs about him on our faces, beating together with our breaths all thoughts from our bosomes, e [...]e, then that wee were now sinking. For my part, I thought her alreadie in the bottome of the Sea; and I haue heard him say, wading out of the floud thereof, all his ambition was but to climbe vp aboue hatches to dye in Aperto coelo and in the company of his old friends. It so stun'd the ship in her full pace, that shee stirred no more, then if shee had beene caught in a Remero is fa­bled to be a small fish able to withstand a Shippe in her course. God in ableth whom he will saue to saue themselues. net, or then, as if the fabulous Remora had stucke to her fore-castle. Yet without bearing one inch of saile, euen then shee was making her way nine or ten leagues in a watch. One thing, it is not without his wonder (whether it were the feare of death in so great a storme, or that it pleased God to be gracious vnto vs) there was not a passenger, gentleman, or other, after hee beganne to 60 stirre and labour, but was able to relieue his fellow, and make good his course: And it is most true, such as in all their life times had neuer done houres worke before (their mindes now helping their bodies) were able twice fortie eight houres together to toile with the best.

During all this time, the heauens look'd so blacke vpon vs, that it was not possible the eleua­uation [Page 1737] of the Pole might be obserued: nor a Starre by night, not Sunne beame by day was to be seene. Onely vpon the thursday night Sir George Summers being vpon the watch, had an ap­parition Vtter darknes. of a little round light, like a saint Starre, trembling, and streaming along with a sparke­ling blaze, halfe the height vpon the Maine Mast, and shooting sometimes from Shroud to Shroud, tempting to settle as it were vpon any of the foure Shrouds: and for three or foure houres together, or rather more, halfe the night it kept with vs, running sometimes along the Maine­yard Light on the Shrouds. to the very end, and then returning. At which, Sir George Summers called diuers about him, and shewed them the same, who obserued it with much wonder, and carefulnesse: but vpon a sodaine, towards the morning watch, they lost the sight of it, and knew not what way it made. The superstitious Sea-men make many constructions of this Sea-fire, which neuerthelesse is vsu­all 10 in stormes: the same (it may be) which the Graecians were wont in the Mediterranean to call Castor and Pollux, of which, if one onely appeared without the other, they tooke it for an e­uill signe of great tempest. The Italians, and such, who lye open to the Adriatique and Tyrrene Sea, call it (a sacred Body) Corpo sancto: the Spaniards call it Saint Elmo, and haue an authentique See Tom. 1. l. 9. c. 12. §. 1. and miraculous Legend for it. Be it what it will, we laid other foundations of safety or ruine, then in the rising or falling of it, could it haue serued vs now miraculously to haue taken our height by, it might haue strucken amazement, and a reuerence in our deuotions, according to the due of a miracle. But it did not light vs any whit the more to our knowne way, who ran now (as doe hood winked men) at all aduentures, sometimes North, and North-east, then North and by West, and in an instant againe varying two or three points, and sometimes halfe the Com­passe. 20 East and by South we steered away as much as we could to beare vpright, which was no small carefulnesse nor paine to doe, albeit we much vnrigged our Ship, threw ouer-boord much luggage, many a Trunke and Chest (in which I suffered no meane losse) and staued many a Butt of Beere, Hogsheads of Oyle, Syder, Wine, and Vinegar, and heaued away all our Ordnance on the Starboord side, and had now purposed to haue cut downe the Maine Mast, the more to ligh­ten her, for we were much spent, and our men so weary, as their stengths together failed them, with their hearts, hauing trauailed now from Tuesday till Friday morning, day and night, with­out No sleepe or food from tues­day till friday. either sleepe or foode; for the leakeage taking vp all the hold, wee could neither come by Beere nor fresh water; fire we could keepe none in the Cookeroome to dresse any meate, and carefulnesse, griefe, and our turne at the Pumpe or Bucket, were sufficient to hold sleepe from 30 our eyes.

And surely Madam, it is most true, there was not any houre (a matter of admiration) all these dayes, in which we freed not twelue hundred Barricos of water, the least whereof contained six 1200. Barricos an houre, be­sides 3. Pumps, acquitting 100 tuns of water euery 4. houres gallons, and some eight, besides three deepe Pumpes continually going, two beneath at the Cap­stone, and the other aboue in the halfe Decke, and at each Pumpe foure thousand stroakes at the least in a watch; so as I may well say, euery foure houres, we quitted one hundred tunnes of wa­ter: and from tuesday noone till friday noone, we bailed and pumped two thousand tunne, and yet doe what we could, when our Ship held least in her, after tuesday night second watch) shee bore ten foote deepe, at which stay our extreame working kept her one eight glasses, forbearance whereof had instantly sunke vs, and it being now Friday, the fourth morning, it wanted little, 40 but that there had bin a generall determination, to haue shut vp hatches, and commending our sinfull soules to God, committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea: surely, that night we must haue done it, and that night had we then perished: but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope, by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers, when no man dreamed of such happinesse, had discouered, and cried Land. Indeede the morning now three quarters Summer Ilands descried by Sir George Summers spent, had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before, and it being better surueyed, the ve­ry trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side: whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp, the Boateswaine sounding at the first, found it thirteene fathome, & when we stood a little in seuen fatham; and presently heauing his lead the third time, had ground at foure fathome, and by this, we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land, where we had somewhat smooth water. But hauing no hope to saue her by 50 comming to an anker in the same, we were inforced to runne her ashoare, as neere the land as we could, which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare, and by the mercy of God vn­to vs, making out our Boates, we had ere night brought all our men, women, and children, about They go a land the number of one hundred and fifty, safe into the Iland.

We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland, or rather Ilands of the Bermuda: whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description, before I proceed to my narration. And that the Bermuda Ilands supposed the Diuels, &c. rather, because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them, and such tempests, thunders, and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them, that they be called commonly, The Deuils Ilands, and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue, aboue any other place in the 60 world. Yet it pleased our mercifull God, to make euen this hideous and hated place, both the place of our safetie, and meanes of our deliuerance.

And hereby also, I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour: it being coun­ted of most, that they can be no habitation for Men, but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked [Page 1738] Spirits; whereas indeed wee find them now by experience, to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation: insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting, it had long ere this beene inhabited, as well as other Ilands. Thus shall we make it appeare, That Truth is the daughter of Time, and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense.

The Bermudas bee broken Ilands, fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus (at Bermuda Ilands described. least if you may call them all Ilands that lie, how little soeuer into the Sea, and by themselues) of small compasse, some larger yet then other, as time and the Sea hath wonne from them, and eaten his passage through, and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant, within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most, albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene 10 leagues; and more in longitude as I haue heard. For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay, as by this Map your Ladyship may see, in which Sir George Summers, who coasted in his Boat about them all, tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full, and Sir George Sum­mers dil [...]gent suruey: his draught which we haue not. M. N [...]gaic hath since published an exact Map. made his draught perfect for all good occasions, and the benefit of such, who either in distresse might be brought vpon them, or make saile this way.

It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus, in his Booke intituled, The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies, written to the Emperor Charles the Fift, that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse (and I easily beleeue it) then they are now, who thus saith: In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India, and was the yeere following in Flanders, in the time of your most fortunate successe in 20 these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel, whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermu­das, otherwise called Gorza, being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world, and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards Orfadams braccia. In his Gen hist. li. 2 c. 9. he reci­teth the same historie more particularly he saith it hath two names, Garza, of the ship which first discouered it, being so called, and Bermudez of the Captain of that ship, na­med Iohn Ber­mudes. Note that he placeth it more to the North, then that which is by ours inhabi­ted, & say som­time they see it, somtime not as they passe. The Spaniards (as I haue heard) which were wracked there in Cap. Butlers time, were of opini­on that ours are not the Bermudas: Yea some of ours affirme, they haue seen such an Iland to the North of ours, and haue offe­red to discouer it; sub iudice lis est; veritas temporis fi [...]a. Halo, the circle seen about the Moon, of great compasse. of water, and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance, I determined to send some of the ship to Land, as well to make search of such things as were there, as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase, but the time not seruing my purpose, by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer: the Iland being twelue leagues in length, and sixteene in breadth, and about thirtie in circuit, lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side. Thus farre hee.

True it is, the maine Iland, or greatest of them now, may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east, and West South-west the longest part of it, standing in thirtie two degrees and 30 twentie minutes, in which is a great Bay on the North side, in the North-west end, and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay, and a little round Iland at the South-west end. As occasions were offered, so we gaue titles and names to certaine places.

These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests, great strokes of thunder, lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence: which (and it may well bee) hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes, and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea (some sixe, some seuen leagues, and is like in time to swallow them all) so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them, of the stormes continually raging from them, which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone (Winter or Summer) keepe their vnchangeable round, and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them, sometimes for­tie 40 eight houres together: especially if the circle, which the Philosophers call Halo were (in our being there) seene about the Moone at any season, which bow indeed appeared there often, and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth. I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great, especially about the twentieth of March, I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie, the mightiest blast of lightning, and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men, I thinke. In August, September, and vntill the end of October, wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely (as I say) thunder, lightning, and many scattering showers of Raine (which would passe swiftly ouer, and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe) wee wanted not any; and of raine more in Summer then in Winter, and in the beginning of December wee had great store of hayle 50 (the sharpe windes blowing Northerly) but it continued not, and to say truth, it is wintry or summer weather there, according as those North and Noth-west windes blow. Much taste of this kind of Winter wee had; for those cold windes would suddenly alter the ayre: but when there was no breath of wind to bring the moyst ayre out of the Seas, from the North and North-west, wee were rather weary of the heate, then pinched with extreamitie of cold: Yet the three Win­ter moneths, December, Ianuary, and February, the winds kept in those cold corners, and indeed then it was heauy and melancholy being there, nor were the winds more rough in March, then in the foresaid moneths, and yet euen then would the Birds breed. I thinke they bredde there, most monethes in the yeere, in September, and at Christmasse I saw young Birds, and in Februarie, at which time the mornings are there (as in May in England) fresh and sharpe. 60

Well may the Spaniards, and these Bis [...]ani Pilots, with all their Traders into the Indies, passe by these Ilands as afraid (either bound out or homewards) of their very Meridian, and leaue the fishing for the Pearle (which some say, and I beleeue well is as good there, as in any of their other Indian Ilands, and whereof we had some triall) to such as will aduenture for them. The [Page 1739] Seas about them are so ful of breaches, as with those dangers, they may wel be said to be the stron­gest situate in the world. I haue often heard Sir George Summers, and Captaine Newport say, how they haue not beene by any chance or discouery vpon their like. It is impossible without great and perfect knowledge, and search first made of them to bring in a bable Boat, so much as of ten Tun without apparant ruine, albeit within there are many faire harbours for the greatest English Ship: yea, the Argasies of Venice may ride there with water enough, and safe land-lockt. There is one onely side that admits so much as hope of safetie by many a league, on which (as before de­scibed) it pleased God to bring vs, wee had not come one man of vs else a shoare, as the weather was: they haue beene euer therefore left desolate and not inhabited.

The soile of the whole Iland is one and the same, the mould, dark, red, sandie, dry, and vncapa­ble Experience hath bet­ter shewed since, as we af­ter see, both for fruits, wormes, &c. those that dwell there finding more then these, which tooke there Inne or lodging. Yet the dawning & Aurora yeeld a delightsome light, though not all so cer­taine as the Sun: for which cause I haue not omitted these first dis­coueries. Spiders. Beetle very sweet. Hogs. Cedars. Cedar-drinke, American Ce­dars, are not the same kind with those of Libanus, as by the historie of them in our former Tome, pag. 1500, &c. Palmetos. Many sorts of Palmes, the Coco, the Date-Palme, the Wine-Palme, or tad­die, &c. besides these Reed-Palmes. Silke-wormes. 10 I beleeue of any of our commodities or fruits. Sir George Summers in the beginning of August, squared out a Garden by the quarter (the quarter being set downe before a goodly Bay, vpon which our Gouernour did first leape ashoare, and therefore called it (as aforesaid) Gates his Bay, which opened into the East, and into which the Sea did ebbe and flow, according to their tides, and sowed Muske Melons, Pease, Onyons, Raddish, Lettice, and many English seeds, and Kitchen Herbes. All which in some ten daies did appeare aboue ground, but whether by the small Birds, of which there be many kindes, or by Flies (Wormes I neuer saw any, nor any venomous thing, as Toade, or Snake, or any creeping beast hurtfull, onely some Spiders, which as many a [...]rme are signes of great store of Gold: but they were long and slender legge Spiders, and whether veno­mous or no I know not, I beleeue not, since wee should still find them amongst our linnen in our 20 Chests, and drinking Cans; but we neuer receiued any danger from them: A kind of Melontha, or blacke Beetell there was, which bruised, gaue a sauour like many sweet and strong gums pun­ned together) whether, I say, hindred by these, or by the condition or vice of the soyle they came to no proofe, nor thriued. It is like enough that the commodities of the other Westerne Ilands would prosper there, as Vines, Lemmons, Oranges, and Sugar Canes: Our Gouernour made triall of the later, and buried some two or three in the Garden mould, which were reserued in the wracke amongst many which wee carried to plant here in Virginia, and they beganne to grow, but the Hogs breaking in, both rooted them vp and eate them: there is not through the whole Ilands, either Champion ground, Valleys, or fresh Riuers. They are full of Shawes of good­ly Cedar, fairer then ours here of Virginia; the Berries, where of our men seething, straining, and 30 letting stand some three or foure daies, made a kind of pleasant drinke: these Berries are of the same bignesse, and collour of Corynthes, full of little stones, and verie restringent or hard building. Peter Martin saith, That at Alexandria in Egypt there is a kind of Cedar, which the Iewes dwelling there, affirme to be the Cedars of Libanus, which beare old fruite and new all the yeere, being a kinde of Apple which tast like Prunes: but then, neither those there in the Bermudas, nor ours here in Virginia are of that happy kind.

Likewise there grow great store of Palme Trees, not the right Indian Palmes, such as in Saint Iohn Port-Rico are called Cocos, and are there full of small fruites like Almonds (of the bignesse of the graines in Pomgranates) nor of those kind of Palmes which beares Dates, but a kind of Si­merons or wild Palmes in growth, fashion, leaues, and branches, resembling those true Palmes: 40 for the Tree is high, and straight, sappy and spongious, vnfirme for any vse, no branches but in the vppermost part thereof, and in the top grow leaues about the head of it (the most in most part whereof they call Palmeto, and it is the heart and pith of the same Trunke, so white and thin, as it will peele off into pleates as smooth and delicate as white Sattin into twentie folds, in which a man may write as in paper) where they spread and fall downward about the Tree like an ouer­blowne Rose, or Saffron flower not early gathered; so broad are the leaues, as an Italian Vmbrello, a man may well defend his whole body vnder one of them, from the greatest storme raine that falls. For they being stiffe and smooth, as if so many flagges were knit together, the raine easily slideth off. Wee oftentimes found growing to these leaues, many Silk-wormes inuolued there­in, like those small wormes which Acosta writeth of, which grew in the leaues of the Tunall Tree, of which being dried, the Indians make their Cochinile so precious and marchantable. With these 50 leaues we thatched our Cabbins, and roasting the Palmito or soft top thereof, they had a taste like fried Melons, and being sod they eate like Cabbedges, but not so offensiuely thankefull to the sto­macke. Many an ancient Burger was therefore heaued at, and fell not for his place, but for his head: for our common people, whose bellies neuer had eares, made it no breach of Charitie in their hot blouds and tall stomackes to murder thousands of them. They beare a kind of Berry, blacke and round, as bigge as a Damson, which about December were ripe and l [...]ous: being scalded (whilest they are greene) they eate like Bullases. These Trees sh [...]d their leaues in the Winter moneths, as withered or burnt with the cold blasts of the North winde, especi­ally those that grow to the Seaward, and in March, there Burgen new in their roome fresh 60 and tender.

Other kindes of high and sweet smelling Woods there bee, and diuers colours, blacke, yellow, Other Trees. and red, and one which beares a round blew Berry, much eaten by our owne people, of a stiptick qualitie and rough taste on the tongue like a Slow to stay or binde the Fluxe, which the often [Page 1740] eating of the luscious Palme berry would bring them into, for the nature of sweet things is to clense and dissolue. A kinde of Pease of the bignesse and shape of a Katherine Peare, wee found Prickle-peare. growing vpon the Rockes full of many sharpe subtill prickes (as a Thistle) which wee therefore called, The Prickle Peare, the outside greene, but being opened, of a deepe murrie, full of iuyce like a Mulberry, and iust of the same substance and taste, wee both eate them raw and baked.

Sure it is, that there are no Riuers nor running Springs of fresh water to bee found vpon any Waters. No Springs then found, since Wells haue bin there digged which ebbe and flow with the Sea. &c. of them: when wee came first wee digged and found certaine gushings and soft bublings, which being either in bottoms, or on the side of hanging ground, were onely fed with raine water, which neuerthelesse soone sinketh into the earth and vanisheth away, or emptieth it selfe out of sight in­to 10 the Sea, without any channell aboue or vpon the superficies of the earth: for according as their raines fell, we had our Wels and Pits (which we digged) either halfe full, or absolute ex­hausted and dry, howbeit some low bottoms (which the continuall descent from the Hills filled full, and in those flats could haue no passage away) we found to continue as fishing Ponds, or stan­ding Pooles, continually Summer and Winter full of fresh water.

The shoare and Bayes round about, when wee landed first afforded great store of fish, and that of diuers kindes, and good, but it should seeme that our fiers, which wee maintained Fish. on the shoares side draue them from vs, so as wee were in some want, vntill wee had made a flat bottome Gundall of Cedar with which wee put off farther into the Sea, and then dai­ly hooked great store of many kindes, as excellent Angell-fish, Salmon Peale, Bonetas, 20 Stingray, Cabally, Senappers, Hogge-fish, Sharkes, Dogge-fish, Pilcherds, Mullets, and Rock-fish, of which bee diuers kindes: and of these our Gouernour dryed and salted, and barrel­ling them vp, brought to sea fiue hundred, for he had procured Salt to bee made with some Brine, which happily was preserued, and once hauing made a little quantity, he kept three or foure pots Salt made there. boyling, and two or three men attending nothing else in an house (some little distance from his Bay) set vp on purpose for the same worke.

Likewise in Furbushers building Bay wee had a large Sein, or Tramell Net, which our Go­uernour caused to be made of the Deere Toyles, which wee were to carry to Virginia, by draw­ing the Masts more straight and narrow with Roape Yarne, and which reached from one side of the Dock to the other: with which (I may boldly say) wee haue taken fiue thousand of small 30 and great fish at one hale. As Pilchards, Breames, Mullets, Rocke-fish, &c. and other 5000. fishes taken at a hale kindes for which wee haue no names. Wee haue taken also from vnder the broken Rockes, Creuises oftentimes greater then any of our best English Lobsters; and likewise abundance of Crabbes, Oysters, and Wilkes. True it is, for F [...]sh in euerie Coue and Creeke wee found Snaules, and Skulles in that abundance, as (I thinke) no Iland in the world may haue grea­ter store or better Fish. For they sucking of the very water, which descendeth from the high Cause of their wholsomnesse. Hills mingled with iuyce and verdor of the Palmes, Cedars, and other sweet Woods (which likewise make the Herbes, Roots, and Weeds sweet which grow about the Bankes) become thereby both fat and wholsome. As must those Fish needes bee grosse, slimy, and corrupt the bloud, which feed in Fennes, Marishes, Ditches, muddy Pooles, and neere vnto places 40 where much filth is daily cast forth. Vnscaled Fishes, such as Iunius calleth Molles Pisces, as No vnscaled fishes. Trenches, Eele, or Lampries, and such feculent and dangerous Snakes wee neuer saw any, nor may any Riuer bee inuenomed with them (I pray God) where I come. I forbeare to speake what a sort of Whales wee haue seene hard aboard the shoare followed sometime by the Sword-fish and the Thresher, the sport where of was not vnpleasant. The Sword-fish, with Whale and Sword-fish. his sharpe and needle Finne, pricking him into the belly when hee would sinke and fall into the Sea; and when hee startled vpward from his wounds, the Thresher with his large Fins (like Flayles) beating him aboue water. The examples whereof giues vs (saith Ouiedus) to vnderstand, Cater-tray beare the bell away. Medio tutissimus ibis. Fowles. that in the selfe same perill and danger doe men liue in this mortall life, wherein is no certaine se­curity neither in high estate nor low. 50

Fowle there is great store, small Birds, Sparrowes fat and plumpe like a Bunting, bigger then ours, Robbins of diuers colours greene and yellow, ordinary and familiar in our Cabbins, and o­ther of lesse sort. White and gray Hernshawes, Bitters, Teale, Snites, Crowes, and Hawkes, of which in March wee found diuers Ayres, Goshawkes and Tassells, Oxen-birds, Cormorants, Bald-Cootes, Moore-Hennes, Owles, and Battes in great store. And vpon New-yeeres day in the morning, our Gouernour being walked foorth with another Gentleman Master Wild Swans. Iames Swift, each of them with their Peeces killed a wild Swanne, in a great Sea-water Bay or Pond in our Iland. A kinde of webbe-footed Fowle there is, of the bignesse of an English Web-footed Fowle. They call it of the cry which it maketh a Cohow. greene Plouer, or Sea-Meawe, which all the Summer wee saw not, and in the darkest nights of Nouember and December (for in the night they onely feed) they would come forth, but 60 not flye farre from home, and houering in the ayre, and ouer the Sea, made a strange hollow and harsh howling. Their colour is inclining to Russet, with white bellies, as are likewise the long Feathers of their wings Russet and White) these gather themselues together and breed in those Ilands which are high, and so farre alone into the Sea, that the Wilde Hogges [Page 1741] cannot swimme ouer them, and there in the ground they haue their Burrowes, like Conyes in a Warren, and so brought in the loose Mould, though not so deepe: which Birds with a light bough in a darke night (as in our Lowbelling) wee caught. I haue beene at the taking of three hundred in an houre, and wee might haue laden our Boates. Our men found a prettie way to take them, which was by standing on the Rockes or Sands by the Sea side, and hol­lowing, laughing, and making the strangest out-cry that possibly they could: with the noyse whereof the Birds would come flocking to that place, and settle vpon the very armes and head of him that so cryed, and still creepe neerer and neerer, answering the noyse themselues: by which our men would weigh them with their hand, and which weighed heauiest they tooke for the best and let the others alone, and so our men would take twentie dozen in two houres 10 of the chiefest of them; and they were a good and well relished Fowle, fat and full as a Par­tridge. In Ianuary wee had great store of their Egges, which are as great as an Hennes Egge, and so fashioned and white shelled, and haue no difference in yolke nor white from an Hennes Egge. There are thousands of these Birds, and two or three Ilands full of their Burrowes, whe­ther at any time (in two houres warning) wee could send our Cock-boat, and bring home as many as would serue the whole Company: which Birds for their blindnesse (for they see weak­ly in the day) and for their cry and whooting, wee called the Sea Owle: they will bite cruelly with their crooked Bills.

Wee had knowledge that there were wilde Hogges vpon the Iland, at first by our owne Wild Hogges how first found out and taken, Swine preserued from the wrack and brought to shoare: for they straying into the Woods, an 20 huge wilde Boare followed downe to our quarter, which at night was watched and taken in this sort. One of Sir George Summers men went and lay among the Swine, when the Boare being come and groueled by the Sowes, hee put ouer his hand and rubbed the side gently of the Boare, which then lay still, by which meanes hee fastned a rope with a sliding knot to the hin­der legge and so tooke him, and after him in this sort two or three more. But in the end (a little businesse ouer) our people would goe a hunting with our Ship Dogge, and sometimes bring home thirtie, sometimes fiftie Boares, Sowes, and Pigs in a weeke aliue: for the Dog would fasten on them and hold, whilest the Hunts-men made in: and there bee thousands of them in the Ilands, and at that time of the yeere, in August, September, October, and Nouember, they were well fed with Berries that dropped from the Cedars and the Palmes, and in our quarter wee made styes for 30 them, and gathering of these Berries serued them twice aday, by which meanes we kept them in good plight: and when there was any fret of weather (for vpon euery increase of wind the bil­low would be so great, as it was no putting out with our Gundall or Canow) that we could not fi [...]h nor take Tortoyses, then wee killed our Hogs. But in February when the Palme Berries be­gan to be scant or dry, and the Cedar Berries failed two moneths sooner. True it is the Hogs grew poore, and being taken so, wee could not raise them to be better, for besides those Berries, we had nothing wherewith to franke them: but euen then the Tortoyses came in againe, of which wee daily both turned vp great store, finding them on Land, as also sculling after them in our Boate strooke them with an Iron goad, and sod, baked, and roasted them. The Tortoyse is reasonable Tortoises, toothsom (some say) wholsome meate. I am sure our Company liked the meate of them ver [...]e 40 well, and one Tortoyse would goe further amongst them, then three Hogs. One Turtle (for so we called them) feasted well a dozen Messes, appointing sixe to euery Messe. It is such a kind of meat, as a man can neither absolutely call Fish nor Flesh, keeping most what in the water, and feeding vpon Sea-grasse like a Heifer, in the bottome of the Coues and Bayes, and laying their Egges (of which wee should finde fiue hundred at a time in the opening of a shee Turtle) in the Sand by the shoare side, and so couering them close leaue them to the hatching of the Sunne, like the Manati at Saint Dominique, which made the Spanish Friars (at their first arriuall) make some scruple to eate them on a Friday, because in colour and taste the flesh is like to morsells of Veale. Concerning the laying of their Egges, and hatching of their young, Peter Martyr writeth thus in his Decades of the Ocean: at such time as the heate of Nature moueth them to generation, they 50 came forth of the Sea, and making a deepe pit in the sand, they lay three or foure hundred Egges therein: when they haue thus emptied their bag of Conception, they put as much of the same a­gaine into the Pit as may satisfie to couer the Egges, and so resort againe vnto the Sea, nothing carefull of their succession. At the day appointed of Nature to the procreation of these creatures, there creepeth out a multitude of Tortoyles, as it were Pismyers out of an Ant-hill, and this on­ly by the heate of the Sunne, without any helpe of their Parents: their Egges are as big as Geefe Egges, and themselues growne to perfection, bigger then great round Targets. 60

§. II.

Actions and Occurrents whiles they continued in the Ilands: Rauens sent for Virginia; Diuers mutinies; PAINE executed: Two Pinnaces built.

SO soone as wee were a little setled after our landing, with all the conueniencie wee might, and as the place, and our many wants would giue vs leaue, wee made vp our long Boate (as your Ladyship hath heard) in fashion of a Pinnace, fitting her with a little Deck, made of the Hatches of our ruin'd ship, so close that no water could goe in 10 her, gaue her Sayles and Oares, and intreating with our Masters Mate Henry Rauens (who was H. Rauens voy­age from Ber­muda to Virgi­nia. supposed a sufficient Pilot) wee found him easily wonne to make ouer therewith, as a Barke of Auiso for Virginia, which being in the height of thirtie seuen degrees, fiue degrees from the Iland which we were, might bee some one hundred and fortie leagues from vs, or thereabouts ( [...]ko­ning to euery degree that lies North-east, and Westerly twentie eight English leagues) who the twentie eight of August being Munday, with sixe Saylers, and our Cape Merchant Thomas Whittingham departed from vs out of Gates his Bay: but to our much wonder returned againe vp­on the Wednesday night after, hauing attempted to haue got cleere of the Iland, from the North North-eath to the South-west, but could not as little water as shee drew, which might not bee aboue twentie inches for shoales and breaches, so as he was faine to go out from Summers Creeks, 20 and the same way we came in on the South South-east of the Ilands, and from thence wee made to Sea the Friday after the first of September, promising if hee liued and arriued safe there, to re­turne vnto vs the next new Moone with the Pinnace belonging to the Colony there: according vnto which instructions were directed vnto the new Leiftenant Gouernour, and Councell from our Gouernour here, for which the Ilands were appointed carefully to be watched, and fiers pre­pared as Beacons to haue directed and wafted him in, but two Moones were wasted vpon the Promontory before mentioned, and gaue many a long and wished looke round about the Hori­zon, from the North-east to the South-west, but in vaine, discouering nothing all the while, which way soeu [...]r we turned our eye, but ayre and sea.

You may please, excellent Lady, to know the reason which moued our Gouernour to dispatch 30 this long Boat, was the care which hee tooke for the estate of the Colony in this his inforced absence: for by a long practised experience, foreseeing and fearing what innouation and tumult might happily arise, amongst the younger and ambitious spirits of the new companies to arriue in Virginia, now comming with him along in this same Fleet, hee framed his letters to the Colony, and by a particular Commission confirmed Captaine Peter Win his Lieutenant Gouernour, with an Assistance of sixe Counsellours, writing withall to diuers and such Gentlemen of qualitie and knowledge of vertue, and to such louers of goodnesse in this cause whom hee knew, intreating them by giuing examples in themselues of duty and obedience, to assist likewise the said Lieute­nant Gouernour, against such as should attempt the innouating of the person (now named by him) or forme of gouernment, which in some Articles hee did likewise prescribe vnto them: 40 and had faire hopes all should goe well, if these his letters might arriue there, vntill such time as either some Ship there (which hee fairely beleeued) might bee moued presently to aduenture for him: or that it should please the right honourable, the Lordes, and the rest of his Maiesties Councell in England, to addresse thither the right honourable the Lord Lawar (one of more e­minencie Cap. Win. L. Lawarre. Sir George Summers his suruay, and o­ther industrie. and worthinesse) as the proiect was before his comming forth) whilest by their ho­nourable fauours, a charitable consideration in like manner might bee taken of our estates to re­deeme vs from hence. For which purpose likewise our Gouernour directed a particular letter to the Councell in England, and sent it to the foresaid Captaine Peter Winne (his now to bee cho­sen Lieutenant Gouernour) by him to bee dispatched (which is the first) from thence into England. 50

In his absence Sir George Summers coasted the Ilands, and drew the former plat of them, and daily fished, and hunted for our whole company, vntill the seuen and twentieth of Nouem­ber, when then well perceiuing that we were not likely to heare from Virginia, and conceiuing how the Pinnace which Richard Frubbusher was a building would not be of burthen sufficient to transport all our men from thence into Uirginia (especially considering the season of the yeare, wherein we were likely to put off) he consulted with our Gouernour, that if hee might haue two Carpenters (for we had foure, such as they were) and twenty men, ouer with him into the maine Iland, he would quickly frame vp another little Barke, to second ours, for the better fit­ting and conueiance of our people. Our Gouernour, with many thankes (as the cause required) cherishing this so carefull and religious consideration in him (and whose experience likewise was 60 somewhat in these affaires) granted him all things sutable to his desire, and to the furthering of the worke: who therefore had made ready for him all such tooles and instruments, as our owne vse required not: and for him, were drawne forth twenty of the ablest and stoutest of the com­pany, He builds a Pinnace. and the best of our men, to hew and square timber, when himselfe then, with daily paines [Page 1743] and labour, wrought vpon a small Vessell, which was soone ready as ours: at which wee leaue him a while busied, and returne to our selues. In the meane space did one Frubbusher, borne at Graues end, and at his comming forth now dwelling at Lime House (a painefull and well expe­rienced Shipwright, and skilfull workman) labour the building of a little Pinnace: for the fur­therance R. Frubbusher builds another of which, the Gouernour dispensed with no [...]rauaile of his body, nor forbare any care or study of minde, perswading (as much and more, an ill qualified parcell of people, by his owne performance, then by authority, thereby to hold them at their worke, namely to fell, carry, and sawe Cedar, [...]t for the Carpenters purpose (for what was so meane, whereto he would not him­selfe set his hand, being therefore vp earely and downe late?) yet neuerthelesse were they hard­ly drawne to it, as the Tortoise to the inchantment, as the Prouerbe is, but his owne presence and hand being set to euery meane labour, and imployed so readily to euery office, made our people Power of ex­ample. 10 at length more diligent, and willing to be called thereunto, where, they should see him before they came. In which, we may obserue how much example preuailes aboue precepts, and how readier men are to be led by eyes, then eares.

And sure it was happy for vs, who had now runne this fortune, and were fallen into the bot­tome of this misery, that we both had our Gouernour with vs, and one so solicitous and carefull, whose both example (as I said) and authority, could lay shame, and command vpon our people: else, I am perswaded, we had most of vs finished our dayes there, so willing were the ma [...]or part of the common sort (especially when they found such a plenty of victuals) to settle a foundati­on of euer inhabiting there; as well appeared by many practises of theirs (and perhaps of some of 20 the better sort) Loe, what are our affections and passions, if not rightly squared? how irreligi­ous, and irregular they expresse vs? not perhaps so ill as we would be, but yet as wee are; some Mutinous con­ceptions. dangerous and secret discontents nourished amongst vs, had like to haue bin the parents of blou­dy issues and mischiefes; they began first in the Sea-men, who in time had fastened vnto them (by false baits) many of our land-men likewise, and some of whom (for opinion of their Religion) was carried an extraordinary and good respect. The Angles wherewith chiefely they thus hook­ed in these disquieted Pooles, were, how that in Uirginia, nothing but wretchednesse and labour must be expected, with many wants, and a churlish intreaty, there being neither that Fish, Flesh, nor Fowle, which here (without wasting on the one part, or watching on theirs, or any threatning, and are of authority) at ease, and pleasure might be inioyed: and since both in the one, and the other place, they 30 were (for the time) to loose the fruition both of their friends and Countrey, as good, and better were it for them, to repose and seate them where they should haue the least outward wants the while. This, thus preached, and published each to other, though by such who neuer had bin more onward towards Virginia, then (before this Voyage) a Sculler could happily rowe him (and what hath a more adamantiue power to draw vnto it the consent and attraction of the idle, vntoward, and wretched number of the many, then liberty, and fulnesse of sensuality?) begat such a murmur, and such a discontent, and disunion of hearts and hands from this labour, and forwar­ding the meanes of redeeming vs from hence, as each one wrought with his Mate how to diuorse him from the same.

And first (and it was the first of September) a conspiracy was discouered, of which six were Conspira [...] found principals, who had promised each vnto the other, not to set their hands to any trauaile 40 or endeauour which might expedite or forward this Pinnace: and each of these had seueral­ly (according to appointment) sought his opportunity to draw the Smith, and one of our Car­penters, Nicholas Bennit, who made much profession of Scripture, a mutinous and dissem­bling Imposter; the Captaine, and one of the chiefe perswaders of others, who afterwards brake from the society of the Colony, and like outlawes retired into the Woods, to make a settlement and habitation there) on their party, with whom they purposed to leaue our Quarter, and possesse another Iland by themselues: but this happily found out, they were condemned to the same punishment which they would haue chosen (but without Smith or Car­penter) and to an Iland farre by it selfe, they were carried, and there left. Their names were Iohn Want, the chiefe of them, an Essex man of Newport by Saffronwalden, both sediticus, and Iohn [...]ant, [...] [...] and [...]. 50 a sectary in points of Religion, in his owne prayers much deuout and frequent, but har [...]ly drawne to the publique, insomuch as being suspected by our Minister for a Brownist [...], he was often compelled to the common Liturgie and forme of Prayer. The rest of the confederates were Christopher Carter, Francis Pearepoint, William Brian, William Martin, Richard Knowles: but soone they missed comfort (who were farre remoued from our store) besides, the society of their acquaintance had wrought in some of them, if not a loathsomenesse of their offence, yet a sorrow that their complement was not more full, and therefore a wearinesse of their being thus vntimely prescribed; insomuch, as many humble petitions were sent vnto our Gouernor, fraught full of their seeming sorrow and repentance, and earnest vowes to redeeme the former trespasse, 60 with example of dueties in them all, to the common cause, and generall businesse; vpon which our Gouernour (not easie to admit any accusation, and hard to remit an offence, but at all times sorry in the punishment of him, in whom may appeare either shame or contrition) was easily content to reacknowledge them againe.

[Page 1744] Yet could not this be any warning to others, who more subtilly began to shake the founda­tion of our quiet safety, and therein did one Stephen Hopkins commence the first act or ouerture: Another Mu­tinie. A fellow who had much knowledge in the Scriptures, and could reason well therein, whom our Minister therefore chose to be his Clarke, to reade the Psalmes, and Chapters vpon Sondayes, at the assembly of the Congregation vnder him: who in Ianuary the twenty foure, brake with one Samuel Sharpe and Humfrey Reede (who presently discouered it to the Gouernour) and alleaged substantiall arguments, both ciuill and diuine (the Scripture falsly quoted) that it was no breach of honesty, conscience, nor Religion, to decline from the obedience of the Gouernour, or refuse to goe any further, led by his authority (except it so pleased themselues) since the authority cea­sed when the wracke was committed, and with it, they were all then freed from the gouern­ment 10 of any man; and for a matter of Conscience, it was not vnknowne to the meanest, how much we were therein bound each one to prouide for himselfe, and his owne family: for which Conscience greatest ene­my to consci­ence. were two apparant reasons to stay them euen in this place; first, abundance by Gods prouidence of all manner of good foode: next, some hope in reasonable time, when they might grow wea­ry of the place, to build a small Barke, with the skill and helpe of the aforesaid Nicholas Bennit, whom they insinuated to them, albeit hee was now absent from his quarter, and working in the maine Iland with Sir George Summers vpon his Pinnace, to be of the conspiracy, that so might get cleere from hence at their owne pleasures: when in Uirginia, the first would be assu­redly wanting, and they might well feare to be detained in that Countrie by the authority of the Commander thereof, and their whole life to serue the turnes of the Aduenturers, with their 20 trauailes and labours. This being thus said, and by such a one, who had gotten an opinion (as I before remembred) of Religion; when it was declared by those two accusers, not knowing what further ground it had or complices, it pleased the Gouernour to let this his factious of­fence to haue a publique affront, and contestation by these two witnesses before the whole Com­pany, who at the toling of a Bell) assemble before a Corps du guard, where the Prisoner was Stephen Hopkins condemned and pardoned. brought forth in manacles, and both accused, and suffered to make at large, to euery particular, his answere; which was onely full of sorrow and teares, pleading simplicity, and deniall. But hee being onely found, at this time, both the Captaine, and the follower of this Mutinie, and generally held worthy to satisfie the punishment of his offence, with the sacrifice of his life, our Gouernour passed the sentence of a Martiall Court vpon him, such as belongs to Mutinie and 30 Rebellion. But so penitent hee was, and made so much moane, alleadging the ruine of his Wife and Children in this his trespasse, as it wrought in the hearts of all the better sort of the Com­pany, who therefore with humble intreaties, and earnest supplications, went vnto our Gouernor, whom they besought (as likewise did Captaine Newport, and my selfe) and neuer left him vntill we had got his pardon.

In these dangers and diuellish disquiets (whilest the almighty God wrought for vs, and sent vs miraculously deliuered from the calamities of the Sea, all blessings vpon the shoare, to con­tent and binde vs to gratefulnesse) thus inraged amongst our selues, to the destruction each of other, into what a mischiefe and misery had wee bin giuen vp, had wee not had a Gouer­nour with his authority, to haue suppressed the same? Yet was there a worse practise, fa­ction, Third Mutiny. 40 and coniuration a foote, deadly and bloudy, in which the life of our Gouernour, with ma­ny others were threatned, and could not but miscarry in his fall. But such is euer the will of God (who in the execution of his iudgements, breaketh the firebrands vpon the head of him, who first kindleth them) there were, who conceiued that our Gouernour indeede neither durst, nor had authority to put in execution, or passe the act of Iustice vpon any one, how treache­rous or impious so euer; their owne opinions so much deceiuing them for the vnlawfulnesse of any act, which they would execute: daring to iustifie among themselues, that if they should be apprehended, before the performance, they should happily suffer as Martyrs. They perseue­red therefore not onely to draw vnto them such 2 number, and associates as they could worke in, to the abandoning of our Gouernour, and to the inhabiting of this Iland. They had now purpo­sed 50 to haue made a surprise of the Store-house, and to haue forced from thence, what was therein either of Meale, Cloath, Cables, Armes, Sailes, Oares, or what else it pleased God that we had re­couered from the wracke, and was to serue our generall necessity and vse, either for the reliefe of vs, while wee staied here, or for the carrying of vs from this place againe, when our Pinnace should haue bin furnished.

But as all giddy and lawlesse attempts, haue alwayes something of imperfection, and that Euill, as it hath a deficient cause, so in and before the ef­fects, defects are found. as well by the porperty of the action, which holdeth of disobedience and rebellion (both full of feare) as through the ignorance of the deuisers themselues; so in this (besides those defects) there were some of the association, who not strong inough fortified in their owne conceits, brake from the plot it selfe, and (before the time was ripe for the execution thereof) discoue­red 60 the whole order, and euery Agent, and Actor thereof, who neuerthelesse were not sudden­ly apprehended, by reason the confederates were diuided and seperated in place, some with vs, and the chiefe with Sir Georgs Summers in his Iland (and indeede all his whole com­pany) but good watch passed vpon them, euery man from thenceforth commanded to weare [Page 1745] his weapon, without which before, we freely walked from quarter to quarter, and conuersed among our selues, and euery man aduised to stand vpon his guard, his owne life not being in safety, whilest his next neighbour was not to be trusted. The Centinels, and nightwarders doubled, the passages of both the quarters were carefully obserued, by which meanes nothing was further attempted; vntill a Gentleman amongst them, one Henry Paine, the thirteenth of H. Paine his Mutinus beh­uiour. March, full of mischiefe, and euery houre preparing something or other, stealing Swords, A­dises, Axes, Hatchets, Sawes, Augers, Planes, Mallets, &c. to make good his owne bad end, his watch night comming about, and being called by the Captaine of the same, to be vpon the guard, did not onely giue his said Commander euill language, but strucke at him, doubled his blowes, and when hee was not suffered to close with him, went off the Guard, scoffing at the double diligence and attendance of the Watch, appointed by the Gouernour for much 10 purpose, as hee said: vpon which, the Watch telling him, if the Gouernour should vnderstand of this his insolency, it might turne him to much blame, and happily be as much as his life were worth. The said Paine replyed with a setled and bitter violence, and in such vn­reuerent tearmes, as I should offend the modest eare too much to expresse it in his owne phrase; but the contents were, how that the Gouernour had no authoritie of that qualitie, to iustifie vp­on any one (how meane soeuer in the Colonie) an action of that nature, and therefore let the Gouer­nour (said hee) kisse, &c. Which words, being with the omitted additions, brought the next day vnto euery common and publique discourse, at length they were deliuered ouer to the Go­uernour, who examining well the fact (the transgression so much the more exemplary and o­dious, as being in a dangerous time, in a Confederate, and the successe of the same wishtly li­stened 20 after, with a doubtfull conceit, what might be the issue of so notorious a boldnesse and impudency) calling the said Paine before him, and the whole Company, where (being soone conuinced both by the witnesse, of the Commander, and many which were vpon the watch with him) our Gouernour, who had now the eyes of the whole Colony fixed vpon him, condemned him to be instantly hanged; and the ladder being ready, after he had made many confessions, hee earnestly desired, being a Gentleman, that hee might be shot to death, and towards the euening His execution, he had his desire, the Sunne and his life setting together.

But for the other which were with Sir George, vpon the Sunday following (the Barke beeing now in good forwardnesse) and readie to lanch in short time, from that place (as we supposed) 30 to meet ours at a pond of fresh water, where they were both to bee mored, vntill such time as being fully tackled, the wind should serue faire, for our putting to Sea together) being the eigh­teenth of March, hearing of Paynes death, and fearing hee had appeached them, and discouered the attempt (who poore Gentleman therein, in so bad a cause, was too secret and constant to his owne faith ingaged vnto them, and as little needed, as vrged thereunto, though somewhat was voluntarily deliuered by him) by a mutuall consent forsooke their labour, and Sir George Summers, and like Out-lawes betooke them to the wild Woods: whether meere rage, and gree­dinesse Diuers of Sir G Summers comp [...]ny fl [...]d into the woods after some little Pearle (as it was thought) wherewith they conceiued, they should for euer inrich themselues, and saw how to obtaine the same easily in this place, or whether, the desire for euer to inhabite heere, or what other secret else moued them ▪thereunto, 40 true it is, they sent an audacious and formall Petition to our Gouernour, subscribed with all their names and Seales: not only intreating him, that they might stay heere, but (with great art) importuned him, that he would performe other conditions with them, and not waue, nor euade from some of his owne promises, as namely to furnish each of them with two Sutes of Apparell, and contribute Meale rateably for one whole yeere, so much among them, as they had weekly now, which was one pound and an halfe a weeke (for such had beene our proportion for nine moneths.) Our Gouernour answered this their Petition, writing to Sir George Summers to this effect.

That true it was, at their first arriuall vpon this Iland, when it was feared how our meanes would not Sir T. Gates his letter to Sir G. Summers. extend to the making of a Vessell, capeable and large enough, to transport all our Countrimen at once, in­deed out of his Christian consideration (mourning for such his Countrimen, who comming vnder his com­mand, 50 he foresaw that for a while, he was like enough to leaue here behind, compelled by tyrannie of ne­cessitie) his purpose was not yet to forsake them so, as giuen vp like Sauages: but to leaue them all things fitting to defend them from want and wretchednesse, as much at least as lay in his power, to spare from the present vse (and perhaps necessitie of others, whose fortunes should be to be transported with him) for one whole yeere or more (if so long by any casualtie, the ships which he would send vnto them might be staied before their arriuall, so many hazards accompanying the Sea) but withall intreated Sir George to remember vnto his Company (if by any meanes he could learne where they were) how he had vowed vn­to him, that if either his owne meanes, his authoritie in Virginia, or loue with his friends in England, could dispatch for them sooner, how farre it was from him, to let them remayne abandoned, and neg­lected 60 without their redemption so long: and then proceeded, requesting Sir George Summers againe, to signifie vnto them, since now our owne Pinnasse did arise to that burthen, and that it would sufficiently transport them all, beside the necessitie of any other Barke: and yet, that since his Barke was now readie too, that those consultations, how soeuer charitable and most passionate in themselues, might determine, as [Page 1746] taken away thereby, and therefore, that he should now bee pleased to aduise them well, how vnanswerable this grant or consent of his should be: first, to his Maiestie for so many of his subiects, next to the Ad­uenturers, and lastly, what an imputation and infamy it might be, to both their owne proper reputations, and honours, hauing each of them authoritie in their places, to compell the aduersant and irregular mul­titude, at any time, to what should bee obedient and honest, which if they should not execute, the blame would not lye vpon the people (at all times wauering and insolent) but vpon themselues so weake and vn­worthy in their command. And moreouer intreated him by any secret practice to apprehend them, since that the obstinate, and precipitate many, were no more in such a condition and state to bee fauoured, then the murmuring and mutinie of such Rebellious and turbulent Humorists, who had not conscience nor knowledge, to draw in the yoke of goodnesse, and in the businesse for which they were sent out of England: 10 for which likewise, at the expence and charge of the Aduenturers, they were to him committed, and that the meanest in the whole Fleet stood the Company in no lesse then twentie pounds, for his owne personall Transportation, and things necessary to accompany him. And therefore louingly coniured Sir George, by the worthinesse of his (heretofore) well mayntayned reputation, and by the powers of his owne iudge­ment, and by the vertue of that ancient loue and friendship, which had these many yeeres beene setled betweene them, to doe his best, to giue this reuolted Company (if he could send vnto them) the conside­ration of these particulars, and so worke with them (if he might) that by faire meanes (the Mutinie re­conciled) they would at length suruey their owne errours, which hee would bee as readie, vpon their ren­dring and comming into pardon, as he did now pittie them; assuring them in generall and particular, that whatsoeuer they had sinisterly committed, or practised hitherto against the Lawes of dutie and honestie, 20 should not in any sort be imputed against them.

In which good Office Sir George Summers did so nobly worke, and heartily labour, as hee brought most of them in, and indeed all, but Christopher Carter, and Robert Waters, who (by no Waters and Carter stand out and are left behind. meanes) would any more come amongst Sir Georges men, hearing that Sir George had comman­ded his men indeed (since they would not be intreated by faire meanes) to surprize them (if they could) by any deuice or force. From which time they grew so cautelous and wary, for their owne ill, as at our comming away, wee were faine to leaue them behind. That Waters was a Sayler, who at his first landing vpon the Iland (as after you shall heare) killed another fel­low Sayler of his, the bodie of the murthered and Murtherer so dwelling, as prescribed now together. 30

During our time of abode vpon these Ilands, wee had daily euery Sunday two Sermons prea­ched by our Minister, besides euery Morning and Euening at the ringing of a Bell, wee repayred Religious ex­ercises perfor­med by Master Bucke. all to puplique Prayer, at [...]hat time the names of our whole Company were called by Bill, and such as were wanting, we [...] duly punished.

The contents (for th [...] most part) of all our Preachers Sermons, were especially of Thanke­fulnesse and Vnitie, &c.

It pleased God also to giue vs opportunitie, to performe all the other Offices, and Rites of our Christian Profession in this Iland: as Marriage, for the sixe and twentieth of Nouember we The most holy, ciuill and most na [...]urall pos­session taken of the Bermu­das by exercise of Sacraments Marriage, Child-birth, &c. Children na­med Bermuda and Bermudas. had one of Sir George Summers his men, his Cooke, named Thomas Powell, who married a Maid Seruant of one Mistris Horton, whose name was Elizabeth Persons: and vpon Christmasse Eue, 40 as also once before, the first of October; our Minister preached a godly Sermon, which being en­ded, he celebrated a Communion, at the partaking whereof our Gouernour was, and the grea­test part of our Company: and the eleuenth of February, wee had the childe of one Iohn Rofe christened a Daughter, to which Captaine Newport and my selfe were Witnesses, and the afore­said Mistris Horton and we named it Bermuda, as also the fiue and twentieth of March, the wife of one Edward Eason, being deliuered the weeke before of a Boy, had him then christened, to which Captaine Newport and my selfe, and Master Iames Swift were Godfathers, and we named it Bermudas.

Likewise, we buried fiue of our company, Ieffery Briars, Richard Lewis, William Hitchman, and my God-daughter Bermuda Rolfe, and one vntimely Edward Samuell a Sayler, being villanously 50 killed by the foresaid Robert Waters, (a Sayler likewise) with a shouell, who strake him there­with vnder the lift of the Eare, for which he was apprehended, and appointed to be hanged the next day, the fact being done in the twilight) but being bound fast to a Tree all night, with many Ropes, and a Guard of fiue or six to attend him, his fellow Saylers watching the aduantage of the Centinels sleeping) in despight and disdaine that Iustice should bee shewed vpon a Sayler, and that one of their crue should be an example to others, not taking into consideration, the vnman­linesse Saylers misor­der. of the murther, nor the horror of the sinne, they cut his bands, and conueyed him into the Woods, where they fed him nightly, and closely, who afterward by the mediation of Sir George Summers, vpon many conditions, had his tryall respited by our Gouernour.

Wee had brought our Pinnasse so forward by this time, as the eight and twentieth of August 60 we hauing laid her Keele. The sixe and twentieth of February, we now began to calke: old Ca­bles we had preserued vnto vs, which affoorded Ocam enough: and one barrell of Pitch, and a­nother of Tarre, we likewise saued, which serued our vse some little way vpon the B [...]lg. wee breamed her otherwise with Lime made of Wilke shels, and an hard white stone which we bur­ned [Page 1745] in a Kill, slaked with fresh water, and tempered with Tortoyses Oyle. The thirtieth of March being Friday, we towed her out in the morning Spring-tyde, from the Wharfe where she was built, boying her with foure Caske in her runne only: which opened into the North­west, and into which when the Breeze stood North and by West with any stiffe gale, and vpon the Spring-tydes, the Sea would increase with that violence, especially twice it did so, as at the first time (before our Gouernour had caused a solid Causey of an hundred load of stone to bee brought from the Hils and Neighbour Rockes, and round about her ribs from stemme to stemme, where it made a pointed Baulke, and thereby brake the violence of the Flowe and Billowe) it indangered her ouerthrow and ruine, beeing greene as it were vpon the Stockes. With much difficultie, diligence, and labour, we saued her at the first, all her Bases, Shores, and Piles, which 10 vnder-set her, being almost carried from her, which was the second of Ianuary, when her knees were not set to, nor one ioynt firme: We launched her vnrigged, to carrie her to a little round I­land, lying West North-west, and close aboord to the backe side of our Iland, both neerer the Ponds and Wels of some fresh water, as also from thence to make our way to the Sea the better: the Channell being there sufficient and deepe enough to leade her forth, when her Masts, Sayles, and all her Trimme should bee about her. Shee was fortie foot by the Keele, and nineteene foot broad at the Beame, sixe foote floore, her Rake forward was fourteene foot, her Rake aft from the top of her Post (which was twelue foot long) was three foot, shee was eight foot deepe vn­der her Beame, betweene her Deckes she was foure foot and an halfe, with a rising of halfe a foot more vnder her fore Castle, of purpose to scowre the Decke with small shot, if at any time wee 20 should bee borded by the Enemie. Shee had a fall of eighteene inches aft, to make her sterage and her great Cabbin the more large: her sterage was fiue foote long, and sixe foote high, with a close Gallerie right aft, with a window on each side, and two right aft. The most part of her timber was Cedar, which we found to be bad for shipping, for that it is wonderous false inward, Cedar ill for shipping. and besides i [...] is so spault or brickle, that it will make no good plankes, her Beames were all Oke of our ruine ship, and some plankes in her Bow of Oke, and all the rest as is aforesaid. When shee began to swimme (vpon her launching) our Gouernour called her The Deliuerance, and shee might be some eighty tunnes of burthen.

Before we quitted our old quarter, and dislodged to the fresh water with our Pinnasse, our Go­uernour set vp in Sir George Summers Garden a faire Muemosynon in figure of a Crosse, made of Crosse set vp for a memoria. 30 some of the timber of our ruined shippe, which was serued in with strong and great trunnels to a mightie Cedar, which grew in the middest of the said Garden, and whose top and vpper bran­ches he caused to be lopped, that the violence of the winde and weather might haue the lesse power ouer her.

In the middest of the Crosse, our Gouernour fastened the Picture of his Maiestie in a piece of His Maiestie [...] Picture. Siluer of twelue pence, and on each side of the Crosse, hee set an Inscription grauen in Copper, in the Latine and English to this purpose.

In memory of our great Deliuerance, both from a mightie storme and leake: wee haue set vp this to the honour of God. It is the spoyle of an English ship (of three hundred tunne) called the Sea Venture, bound with seuen ships more (from which the storme diuided vs) to Virginia, or Noua Britania, in A­merica. 40 In it were two Knights, Sir Thomas Gates Knight, Gouernour of the English Forces and Colonie there: and Sir George Summers Knight, Admirall of the Seas. Her Captaine was Christo­pher Newport, Passengers and Mariners shee had beside (which came all safe to Land) one hundred and fiftie. We were forced to runne her ashore (by reason of her leake) vnder a Point that bore South­east from the Northerne Point of the Iland, which wee discouered first the eight and twentieth of Iuly 1609.

About the last of Aprill, Sir George Summers launched his Pinnasse, and brought her from his building Bay, in the Mayne Iland, into the Chanuell where ours did ride, and shee was by the Keele nine and twentie foot: at the Beame fifteene foot and an halfe: at the Loofe fourteene, at the Trausam nine, and she was eight foot deepe, and drew sixe foote water, and hee called he [...] 50 the Patience.

§. III.

Their departure from Bermuda and arriuall in Virginia: miseries there, departure and returne vpon the Lord LA WARRES ar­riuing. IAMES Towne described.

FRom this time we only awaited a fauourable Westerly wind to carrie vs forth, which 60 longer then vsuall now kept at the East, and South-east, the way which wee were to goe. The tenth of May early, Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport went off with their long Boates, and with two Canoaes boyed the Channell, which wee were to leade it out in, and which was no broader from Shoales on the one side and [Page 1748] Rockes on the other, then about three times the length of our Pinnasse. About ten of the clocke, that day being Thursday, we set sayle an easie gale, the wind at South, and by reason no more winde blew, we were faine to towe her with our long Boate, yet neither with the helpe of that, were we able to fit our Bowyes, but euen when we came iust vpon them, we strucke a Rocke on the starboord side, ouer which the Bowye rid, and had it not beene a soft Rocke, by which meanes she bore it before her, and crushed it to pieces, God knowes we might haue beene like enough, to haue returned anew, and dwelt there, after tenne monethes of carefulnesse and great labour a longer time: but God was more mercifull vnto vs. When shee strucke vpon the Rocke, the Cock- [...]wayne one Walsingham beeing in the Boate with a quicke spirit (when wee were all amazed, and our hearts failed) and so by Gods goodnesse wee led it out at three fadome, 10 and three fadome and an halfe water. The wind serued vs easily all that day and the next, when (God be euer praysed for it) to the no little ioy of vs all, we got cleere of the Ilands. After which holding a Southerly course, for seuen dayes wee had the winde sometimes faire, and sometimes scarce and contrarie: in wh [...]ch time we lost Sir George Summers twice, albeit we still spared him our mayne top-sayle, and sometimes our fore course too.

The seuenteenth of May we saw change of water, and had much Rubbish swimme by our ship Signe of Land. side, whereby wee knew wee were not farre from Land. The eighteenth [...]bout midnight wee founded, with the Dipsing Lead, and found thirtie seuen fadome. The nineteenth in the mor­ning we sounded, and [...]ad nineteene and an halfe fadome, stonie, and sandie ground. The twen­tieth about midnight, we had a maruellous sweet smell from the shoare (as from the Coast of 20 Spaine, short of the Straits) strong and pleasant, which did not a little glad vs. In the morning by day breake (so soone as one might well see from the fore-top) one of the Saylers descryed Land about an houre after, I went vp and might discouer two Hummockes to the Southward, from which (Northward all along) lay the Land, which wee were to Coast to Cape Henrie. About seuen of the clocke we cast forth an Anchor, because the tyde (by reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay) make a strong Ebbe there, and the winde was but easie, so as not beeing able to stemme the Tyde, we purposed to lye at an Anchor vntill the next flood, but the wind comming South-west a loome gale about eleuen, we set sayle againe, and hauing got ouer the Barre, bore in for the Cape.

This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay, which wee haue called (in honour of our young Prince) Chesipiack Bay. 30 Cape Henrie ouer against which within the Bay, lyeth another Head-land, which wee called in honour of our Princely Duke of Yorke Cape Charles; and these lye North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, and they may bee distant each from the other in breadth seuen leagues, betweene which the Sea runnes in as broad as betweene Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay and a fairer, not easily to be found.

The one and twentieth, beeing Munday in the morning, wee came vp within two miles of Point Comfort, when the Captaine of the Fort discharged a warning Peece at vs, whereupon we came to an Anchor, and sent off our long Boat to the Fort, to certifie who we were by reason of the shoales which lye on the South-side, this Fort easily commands the mouth of the Riuer, al­beit it i [...] as broad as betweene Greenwich, and the Ile of Dogges. 40

True it is, such who talked with our men from the shoare, deliuered how safely all our ships the last yeere (excepting only the Admirall, and the little Pinnasse in which one Michael Philes commanded of some twentie tunne, which we towed a sterne till the storme blew) arriued, and how our people (well [...]ncreased) had therefore builded this Fort; only wee could not learne any thing of our long Boat, sent from the Bermudas, but what wee gathered by the Indians them­selues, especially from Powhatan, who would tell our men of such a Boat landed in one of his Ri­uers, and would describe the people, and make much scoffing sport thereat: by which wee haue gathered, that it is most likely, how it arriued vpon our Coast, and not meeting with our Riuer The long Boat sent by Ra­uens c [...]st away were taken at some time or other, at some aduantage by the Sauages, and so cut off. When our Skiffe came vp againe, the good newes of our ships, and mens arriuall the last veere, did not a 50 little glad our Gouernour: who went soone ashoare, and assoone (contrary to all our faire hopes) had new vnexpected, vncomfortable, and heauie newes of a worse condition of our people a­boue at Iames Towne.

Vpon Point Comfort our men did the last yeere (as you haue heard) rayse a little Fortification, which since hath beene better perfected, and is likely to prooue a strong Fort, and is now kept by Captaine Iames Dauies with forty men, and hath to name Algernoone Fort, so called by Cap­taine Algernoone Fort M. George Percy. George Percy, whom we found at our arriuall President of the Colony, and at this time like­wise in the Fort. When we got into the Point, which was the one and twentieth of May, being Munday about noone; where riding before an Indian Towne called Kecoughton, a mightie storme of Thunder, Lightning, and Raine, gaue vs a shrewd and fearefull welcome. 60

From hence in two dayes (only by the helpe of Tydes, no winde stirring) wee plyed it sadly vp the Riuer, and the three and twentieth of May we cast Anchor before Iames Towne, where we landed, and our much grieued Gouernour first visiting the Church caused the Bell to be rung, Miserable shewes of wel­come. at which (all such as were able to come forth of their houses) repayred to Church where our Mi­nister [Page] [...] [Page 1748] [...] [Page 1749] Master Bucke made a zealous and sorrowfull Prayer, finding all things so contrary to our expectations, so full of misery and misgouernment. After Seruice our Gouernour caused mee to reade his Commission, and Captaine Percie (then President) deliuered vp vnto him his Commis­sion, Old Patent yeelded vp. the old Patent and the Councell Seale. Viewing the Fort, we found the Pallisadoes torne downe, the Ports open, the Gates from off the hinges, and emptie houses (which Owners death had taken from them) rent vp and burnt, rather then the dwellers would step into the Woods a stones cast off from them, to fetch other fire-wood: and it is true, the Indian killed as fast with­out, if our men stirred but beyond the bounds of their Block-house, as Famine and Pestilence did Their miseries in [...]ed. Ipsi sibi causa mal [...]rum. within; with many more particularities of their sufferances (brought vpon them by their owne disorders the last yeere) then I haue heart to expresse. In this desolation and misery our Gouer­nour 10 found the condition and state of the Colonie, and (which added more to his griefe) no hope how to amend it or saue his owne Company, and those yet remayning aliue, from falling into the like necessities. For we had brought from the Bermudas no greater store of prouision (fea­ring no such accidents possible to befall the Colony here) then might well serue one hundred and fiftie for a Sea Voyage: and [...] was not possible, at this time of the yeere to am [...]d it, by any helpe from the Indian. For b [...]es that they (at their best) haue little more, then from hand to mouth, it was now likewise but [...]eir Seed-time, and all their Corne scarce put into the ground: nor was there at the Fort, as they whom we found related vnto vs) any meanes to take fish, nei­ther sufficient Seine, nor other conue [...]ient Net, and yet if there had, there was not one eye of Sturgeon yet come into the Riuer. All vhich considered, it pleased our Gouernour to make a 20 Speech vnto the Company, giuing them [...] vnderstand, that what prouision he had, they should equally share with him, and if he should fi [...] it not possible, and easie to supply them with some thing from the Countrey, by the endeuours [...] his able men, hee would make readie, and trans­port them all into their Natiue Countrey (acco [...]modating them the best that he could) at which there was a generall acclamation, and shoute of ioy on both sides (for euen our owne men began to be disheartened and faint, when they saw this m [...]ry amongst the others, and no lesse threat­ned vnto themselues. In the meane while, our Gouern [...]r published certaine Orders and Instru­ctions, Orders esta­blished which continued for their short stay: the parti­culers are here omitted. They contained a Preface and 21 Articles for Pietie, Loyal­tie and Politie conuenient to the Colonie. which hee enioyned them strictly to obserue, [...]e time that hee should stay amongst them, which being written out faire, were set vp vpon a po [...] in the Church for euery one to take notice of. 30

If I should be examined from whence, and by what occasion, [...] these disasters, and afflicti­ons descended vpon our people, I can only referre you (honoured [...]die) to the Booke, which the Aduenturers haue sent hither intituled, Aduertisements vnto the Colony in Uirginia: where­in the ground and causes are fauourably abridged, from whence these miser [...]le effects haue beene produced, not excusing likewise the forme of gouernment of some errour, which was not power­full enough among so headie a multitude, especially, as those who arriued here in the supply sent the last yeere with vs: with whom the better authoritie and gouernment now changed into an absolute command, came along, and had beene as happily established, had it pleased God, that we with them had reached our wished Harbour.

Vnto such calamity can sloath, riot, and vanity, bring the most setled and plentifull estate. In­deede 40 (right noble Lady) no story can remember vnto vs, more woes and anguishes, then these people, thus gouerned, haue both suffered and puld vpon their owne heads. And yet true it is, some of them, whose voyces and command might not be heard, may easily be absolued from the guilt hereof, as standing vntouched, and vpright in their innocencies; whilest the priuie factio­naries shall neuer find time nor darknesse, to wipe away or couer their ignoble and irreligious Men blamed, but not all the Country freed practises, who, it may be, lay all the discredits, and imputations the while vpon the Countrie. But vnder pardon, let me speake freely to them: let them remember that if riot and sloth should both meet in any one of their best Families, in a Countrey most stored with abundance and plen­tie in England, continuall wasting, no Husbandry, the old store still spent on, no order for new prouisions, what better could befall vnto the Inhabitants, Land-lords, and Tenants of that cor­ner, 50 then necessarily following cleannesse of teeth, famine and death? Is it not the sentence and doome of the Wiseman? Yet a little sleepe, a little slumber, and a little folding of the hands to sleepe: Prou. 6. so thy pouerty commeth, as one that trauelleth by the way, and thy necessitie like an armed man. And with this Idlenesse, when some thing was in store, all wastfull courses exercised to the heigth, and the headlesse multitude, some neither of qualitie nor Religion) not imployed to the end for which they were sent hither, no not compelled (since in themselues vnwilling) to sowe Corne for their owne bellies, nor to put a Roote, Herbe, &c. for their owne particular good in their Gardens or elsewhere: I say in this neglect and sensuall Surfet, all things suffered to runne on, to lie sicke and languish; must it be expected, that health, plentie, and all the goodnesse of a well ordered State, of necessitie for all this to flow in this Countrey? You haue a right and noble 60 heart (worthy Lady) bee iudge of the truth herein. Then suffer it not bee concluded vnto you, nor beleeue, I beseech you, that the wants and wretchednesse which they haue indured, ascend out of the pouertie and vilenesse of the Countrey, whether bee respected the Land or Riuers: the one, and the other, hauing not only promised, but powred enough in their veines, to con­uince [Page 1750] them in such calumnies, and to quit those common calamities, which (as the shadow accompanies the body) the precedent neglects touched at, if truely followed, and wrought vp­on. The Courtrey co [...]ed. What England may boast of, hauing the faire hand of husbandry to manure and dresse it, God, and Nature haue fauourably bestowed vpon this Country, and as it hath giuen vnto it, both by situation, height, and soyle, all those (past hopes) assurances which follow our well plan­ted natiue Countrie, and others, lying vnder the same influence: if, as ours, the Countrey and soyle might be improued, and drawne forth: so hath it indowed it, as is most certaine, with ma­ny more, which England fetcheth farre vnto her from elsewhere. For first wee haue experience, and euen our eyes witnesse (how yong so euer wee are to the Countrie) that no Countrey yeel­deth goodlier Corne, nor more manifold increase: large Fields wee haue, as prospects of the 10 same, and not farre from our Pallisado. Besides, wee haue thousands of goodly Vines in eue­ry hedge, and Boske running along the ground, which yeelde a plentifull Grape in their kinde. Let mee appeale then to knowledge, if these naturall Vines were planted, dres­sed, and ordered by skilfull Vinearoones, whether wee might not make a perfect Grape, and fruitefull vintage in short time? And we haue made triall of our owne English seedes, kitchen [...] and Rootes, and finde them to prosper as speedily as in England.

Onely let me truely acknowledge, they are not an hundre [...] or two of deboist hands, dropt forth by yeare after yeare, with penury, and leisure, ill prou [...]ed for before they come, and worse Rem acu tetigit. True cause of misery in Vir­ginia. to be gouerned when they are here, men of such distempe [...]d bodies, and infected mindes, whom no examples daily before their eyes, either of goodnesse [...] punishment, can deterre from their ha­bituall 20 impieties, or terrifie from a shamefull death, [...]hat must be the Carpenters, and worke­men in this so glorious a building.

Then let no rumour of the pouerty of the Cou [...]ry (as if in the wombe thereof there lay not those elementall seedes, which could produce [...] many faire births of plenty, and increase, and better hopes, then any land vnder the heaue [...], to which the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour) I say, let no imposture rumour, nor any fame of [...]ome one, or a few more changeable actions, interpo­sing by the way, or at home, waue any [...]ns faire purposes hitherward, or wrest them to a decli­ning and falling off from the businesse

I will acknowledge, deere Lady I haue seene much propensnesse already towards the vnity, and generall endeauours: how c [...]tentedly doe such as labour with vs, goe forth, when men of 30 ranke and quality, assist, an [...]et on their labours? I haue seene it, and I protest it, I haue heard the inferiour people, with alacrity of spirit professe, that they should neuer refuse to doe their best in the pr [...]tise of their sciences and knowledges, when such worthy, and No­ble Gentlemen goe [...]n and out before them, and not onely so, but as the occasion shall be Times of la­bour vnder Sir T. Gates. offered, no [...]e helpe them with their hand, then defend them with their Sword. And it is to be vnderstood, that such as labour, are not yet so taxed, but that easily they performe the same, and e [...] by tenne of the clocke haue done their Mornings worke: at what time, they haue the [...] allowances set out ready for them, and vntill it be three of the clocke againe, they take their owne pleasure, and afterwards with the Sunne set, their dayes labour is finished. In all which courses, if the businesse be continued, I doubt nothing, with Gods fauour towards 40 vs, but to see it in time, a Countrie, an Hauen, and a Staple, fitted for such a trade, as shall aduance assureder increase, both to the Aduenturers, and free Burgers thereof, then any Trade Note. The hopes of Vir­ginia. in Christendome, or then that (euen in her earely dayes, when Michael Cauacco the Greeke, did first discouer it to our English Factor in Poland) which extenus it selfe now from Calpe and Abila, to the bottome of Sidon, and so wide as Alexandria, and all the Ports and Hauens North and South, through the Arches to Cio, Smyrna, Troy, the Hellespont, and vp to Pompeys Pillar, which as a Pharos, or watch Tower, stands vpon the wondrous opening into the Euxine Sea.

From the three and twentieth of May, vnto the seuenth of Iune, our Gouernour attempted, Sir T. Gates his care. and made triall of all the wayes, that both his owne iudgement could prompe him in, and the 50 aduise of Captaine George Percy, and those Gentlemen whom hee found of the Counsell, when hee came in, as of others; whom hee caused to deliuer their knowledges, concerning the State and Condition of the Countrey: but after much debating, it could not appeare, how possibly they might preserue themselues (reseruing that little which wee brought from the Bermudas in our Shippes, and was vpon all occasions to stand good by vs) tenne dayes from staruing. For besides, that the Indians were of themselues poore, they were forbidden like­wise (by their subtile King Powhatan) at all to trade with vs; and not onely so, but to Pohatans po­licy. indanger and assault any Boate vpon the Riuer, or stragler out of the Fort by Land, by which (not long before our arriuall) our people had a large Boate cut off, and diuers of our men kil­led, euen within command of our Blocke-house; as likewise, they shot two of our people to 60 death, after we had bin foure and fiue dayes come in: and yet would they dare then to enter our Ports, and trucke with vs (as they counterfeited vnderhand) when indeede, they came but as Spies to discouer our strength, trucking with vs vpon such hard conditions, that our Sauage Spies. Gouernour might very well see their subtiltie, and therefore neither could well indure, nor [Page 1751] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 1751] would continue it. And I may truely say beside, so had our men abased, and to such a contempt, had they brought the value of our Copper, that a peece which would haue bought a bushell of Basenesse of our people. their Corne in former time, would not now buy a little Cade or Basket of a Pottle. And for this misgouernment, chiefely our Colony is much bound to the Mariners, who neuer yet in a­ny Voyage hither, but haue made a prey of our poore people in want; insomuch, as vnlesse Mischiefes of Mariners. they might aduance foure or fiue for one (how assured soeuer of the payments of their Bils of Exchange) they would not spare them a dust of Corne, nor a pinte of Beere, to giue vnto them the least comfort or reliefe, although that Beere purloyned, and stolne perhaps, either from some particular supply, or from the generall store: so vncharitable a parcell of people they be, and ill conditioned. I my selfe haue heard the Master of a Shippe say (euen vpon the ar­riuall 10 of this Fleete, with the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, when the said Master was treated with for such Commodities as hee brought to fell) that vnlesse hee might haue an East Indian increase, foure for one, all charges cleered, hee would not part with a Can of Beere. Besides, to doe vs more villany and mischiefe, they would send of their long Boates still by night, and (well guarded) make out to the neighbour Villages, and Townes, and there (con­trary to the Articles of the Fort, which now pronounce death for a trespasse of that quali [...]ie) trucke with the Indians, giuing for their trifles Otter skinnes, Beuers, Rokoone Furres, Beares skinnes, &c. so large a quantity, and me [...]sure of Copper, as when the Trucke-Master for the Co­lony, in the day time offered trade, the Indians would laugh and scorne the same, telling what bargains they met withall by night, from our Mangot Quintons (so calling our great Shippes) by 20 which meanes, the Market with them forestalled thus by these dishonest men, I may boldly say, they haue bin a consequent cause (this last yeare) to the death and staruing of many a worthy Pursers fraud. spirit; but I hope to see a true amendment and reformation, as well of those as of diuers other intollerable abuses, thrust vpon the Colony by these shamelesse people, as also for the transportati­on of such prouisions and supplies as are sent hither, and come vnder the charge of pursers (a par­cell, fragment, and odde ends of fellowes dependancies to the others) a better course thought vpon: of which supplies, neuer yet came into the Store, or to the Parties, vnto whom such sup­plies were sent, by relation hitherto, a moitie or third part; for the speedy redresse of this, being so soueraigne a point, I vnderstand how the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, hath adui­se) Remedy. vnto the Counsell, that there may be no more prouisions at all deliuered vnto Pursers, but 30 hath intreated to haue the prouision thus ordered. He would haue a Commissary Generall of the Victuals to be appointed, who (receiuing the store for the Colony, by Indenture from the Trea­surer, and Victuallers in England) may keepe a iust accompt, what the grosse amounteth vnto, and what is transported euery Voyage, in seuerall kindes, as of Bread, Meate, Beere, Wine, &c. which said Commissary shall deliuer ouer the same, to the Master of euery Ship, and take an Inden­ture from the said Master, of what he hath in charge, and what he is to deliuer to the Treasurer of the store in Virginia: of which, if any be wanting, he the said Master shall make it good, out of his owne intertainment, otherwise the Pursers, Stewards, Coopers, and quarter Masters, will be sure still, not onely to giue themselues and their friends double allowances, but thinke it all well gotten that they can purloine and steale away. 40

Besides that the Indian thus euill intreated vs, the Riuer (which were wont before this time of the yeare to be plentifull of Sturgion) had not now a Fish to be seene in it, and albeit we la­boured, and hold our Net twenty times day and night, yet we tooke not so much as would con­tent halfe the Fishermen. Our Gouernour therefore sent away his long Boate to coast the Riuer downward, as farre as Point Comfort, and from thence to Cape Henry, and Cape Charles, and all within the Bay: which after a seuen nights triall and trauaile, returned without any fruites of their labours, scarse getting so much Fish as serued their owne Company.

And to take any thing from the Indian by force, we neuer vsed, nor willingly euer will: and The Colony when they came within foure dayes of staruing. though they had well deserued it, yet it was not now time, for they did (as I said before) but then set their Corne, and at their best, they had but from hand to mouth; so as what now 50 remained? such as we found in the Fort, had wee staid but foure dayes, had doubt [...]esse bin the most part of them starued, for their best reliefe was onely Mushrums, and some hearbes, which sod together, made but a thin and vnsauory broath, and swelled them much. The pitty hereof moued our Gouernour to draw forth such prouision as he had brought, proportioning a measure e­qually to euery one a like. But then our Gouernor began to examine how long this his store would hold out, and found it (husbanded to the best aduantage) not possible to serue longer then sixteene dayes: after which, nothing was to be possibly supposed out of the Countrey (as before remembred) nor remained there then any meanes to transport him elsewhere. Whereupon hee then entred into the consultation with Sir George Summers, and Captaine Newport, calling vnto the same the Gentlemen and Counsell of the former Gouernment, intreating both the one and 60 the other to aduise with him what was best to be done. The prouision which they both had a­boord himselfe and Sir George Summers, was examined, and deliuered, how it, being rackt to the vttermost, extended not aboue, as I said, sixteene dayes, after two Cakes a day. The Gentle­men of the Town, who knew better of the Country, could not giue him any hope, or wayes, how [Page 1752] to improue it from the Indian. It soone then appeared most fit, by a generall approbation, that to preserue and saue all from staruing, there could be no readier course thought on, then to abandon the Country, and accommodating themselues the best that they might, in the present Pinnaces then in the road, namely in the Discouery and the Uirginia, and in the two, brought from, and builded at the Bermudas, the Delinerance, and the Patience, with all speede conuenient to make for the New found Land, where (being the fishing time) they might meete with many English Ships Purpose to leau the Country. into which happily they might disperse most of the Company.

This Consultation taking effect, our Gouernor hauing caused to be carried aboord all the Armes, and all the best things in the store, which might to the Aduenturers make some commodi­ty vpon the sale thereof at home, and burying our Ordnances before the Fort gate, which looked 10 into the Riuer. The seuenth of Iune hauing appointed to euery Pinnace likewise his complement and number, also deliuered thereunto a proportionable rate of prouision, hee commanded euery man at the beating of the Drum to repaire aboord. And because hee would preserue the Towne (albeit now to be quitted) vnburned, which some intemperate and malicious people threatned, The highest pitch & low [...]st dep [...]h of the Colonies mi­series scarsly escaping the i [...]wes of de­uouring despe­ration. Hopes mor­ning. L. La Waarr ar­riuall. his owne Company he caused to be last ashoare, and was himselfe the last of them, when about noone giuing a farewell, with a peale of small shot, wee set saile, and that night, with the tide, fell downe to an Iland in the Riuer, which our people haue called Hogge Iland; and the mor­ning tide brought vs to another Iland, which we haue called Mulberry Iland; where lying at an ancor, in the afternoone stemming the tide, wee discouered a long Boate making towards vs, from Point Comfort: much descant we made thereof, about an houre it came vp; by which, to 20 our no little ioyes, we had intelligence of the honorable my Lord La Warr his arriuall before Al­garnoone Fort the sixt of Iune, at what time, true it is, his Lordship hauing vnderstood of our Go­u [...]rnours resolution to depart the Country, with all expedition caused his Skiffe to be manned, and in it dispatched his letters by Captain Edward Bruster (who commandeth his Lordships Com­pany) to our Gouernour, which preuenting vs before the aforesaid Mulberry Iland, the eight of Iune aforesaid) vpon the receipt of his honours letters, our Gouernour bore vp the helme, with the winde comming Easterly, and that night (the winde so fauourable) relanded all his men at the Fort againe: before which (the tenth of Iune, being Sunday) his Lordship had likewise brought his Ships, and in the afternoone, came a shoare with Sir Ferdinando Weinman, and all his Lord­ships followers. 30

Here (worthy Lady) let mee haue a little your pardon, for hauing now a better heart, then when I first landed, I will briefely describe vnto you, the situation and forme of our Fort. When Captain Newport in his first Voyage, did not like to inhabit vpon so open a roade, as Cape Henry, nor Point Comfort he plied it vp to the Riuer, still looking out for the most apt and securest place, as well for his Company to sit downe in, as which might giue the least cause of offence, or distast in Description of the seate and site of Iames Towne. his iudgement, to the Inhabitants. At length, after much and weary search (with their Barge coa­sting still before, as Virgill writeth Aeneas did, arriuing in the region of Italy called Latium, vpon the bankes of the Riuer Tyber) in the Country of a Werowance talled Wowinchapuncke (aditionary to Powhatan) within this faire Riuer of Paspiheigh, which wee haue called the Kings Riuer, a Country least inhabited by the Indian, as they all the way obserued, and threescore miles & bet­ter 40 vp the fresh Channell from Cape Henry they had sight of an extended plaine & spot of earth, which thrust out into the depth, & middest of the channell, making a kinde of Chersonesus or Pe­ninsula, for it was fastened onely to the Land with a slender necke, no broader then a man may well quaite a tile shard, & no inhabitants by seuen or six miles neere it. The Trumpets sounding, the Admirall strooke saile, and before the same, the rest of the Fleete came to an ancor, and here (as the best yet offered vnto their view, supposed so much the more conuenient, by how much with their small Company, they were like inough the better to assure it) to loose no further time, the Colony disimbarked, and euery man brought his particular store and furniture, together with the generall prouision ashoare: for the safety of which, as likewise for their owne security, ease, and better accommodating, a certaine Canton and quantity, of that little halfe Iland of ground, 50 was measured, which they began to fortifie, and thereon in the name of God, to raise a Fortresse, with the ablest and speediest meanes they could: which Fort, growing since to more perfection, is now at this present in this manner.

A low leuell of ground about halfe an Acre, or (so much as Queene Dido might buy of King Hyarbas, which she compassed about with the thongs cut out of one Bull hide, and therein built The Fort, &c. described. her Castle of Byrza) on the North side of the Riuer, is cast almost into the forme of a Triangle, and so Pallizadoed. The South side next the Riuer (howbeit extended in a line, or Curtaine six score foote more in length, then the other two, by reason the aduantage of the ground doth so re­quire) containes one hundred and forty yards: the West and East sides a hundred onely. At eue­ry Angle or corner, where the lines meete, a Bulwarke or Watchtower is raised, and in each 60 Bulwarke a peece of Ordnance or two well mounted. To euery side, a proportioned distance from the Pallisado) is a setled streete of houses, that runs along, so as each line of the Angle hath his streete. In the middest is a market place, a Store house, and a Corps du guard, as likewise a pret­ty Chappell, though (at this time when wee came in, as ruined and vnfrequented: but the [Page 1753] Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall, hath giuen order for the repairing of it, and at this instant, many hands are about it. It is in length threescore foote, in breadth twen­ty foure, and shall haue a Chancell in it of Cedar, and a Communion Table of the Blake Walnut, and all the Pewes of Cedar, with faire broad windowes, to shut and open, as the wea­ther shall occasion, of the same wood, a Pulpet of the same, with a Font hewen hollow, like a Ca­noa, with two Bels at the West end. It is so cast, as it be very light within, and the Lord Go­uernour and Captaine Generall doth cause it to be kept passing sweete, and trimmed vp with di­uers flowers, with a Sexton belonging to it, and in it euery Sonday wee haue Sermons twice a day, and euery Thursday a Sermon, hauing true preachers, which take their weekely turnes, and euery morning at the ringing of a Bell, about ten of the clocke, each man addressèth him­selfe 10 to prayers, and so at foure of the clocke before Supper. Euery Sunday, when the Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall goeth to Church, hee is accompanied with all the Counsailers, Captaines, other Officers, and all the Gentlemen, and with a Guard of Hol­berdiers, in his Lordships Liuery, faire red cloakes, to the number of fifty both on each side, and behinde him: and being in the Church, his Lordship hath his seate in the Quier, in a greene Veluet Chaire, with a Cloath, with a Veluet Cushion spread on a Table before him, on which he kneeleth, and on each side sit the Counsell, Captaines, and Officers, each in their place, and when he returneth home againe, he is waited on to his house in the same manner.

And thus inclosed, as I said, round with a Pallizado of Planckes and strong Posts, foure foote deepe in the ground, of yong Oakes, Walnuts, &c. The Fort is called in honour of his Maiesties 20 name, Iames Towne; the principall Gate from the Towne, through the Pallizado, opens to the Riuer, as at each Bulwarke there is a Gate likewise to goe forth, and at euery Gate a Demi-Cul­uerin, and so in the Market Place. The houses first raised, were all burnt, by a casualty of fire, the The Houses. beginning of the second yeare of their seate, and in the second Voyage of Captain Newport, which since haue bin better rebuilded, though as yet in no great vniformity, either for the fashion, or beauty of the streete. A delicate wrought fine kinde of Mat the Indians make, with which (as they can be trucked for, or snatched vp) our people do dresse their chambers, and inward roomes, which make their houses so much the more handsome. The houses haue wide and large Country Chim­nies in the which is to be supposed (in such plenty of wood) what fires are maintained; and Barke Roofes. they haue found the way to couer their houses: now (as the Indians) with barkes of Trees, as 30 durable, and as good proofe against stormes, and winter weather, as the best Tyle defending likewise the piercing Sunbeames of Summer, and keeping the inner lodgings coole enough, which before in sultry weather would be like Stoues, whilest they were, as at first, pargetted and plaiste­red with Bitumen or tough Clay: and thus armed for the iniury of changing times, and seasons of the yeare, we hold our selues well apaid, though wanting Arras Hangings, Tapistry, and guilded Venetian Cordouan, or more spruse houshold garniture, and wanton City ornaments, remembring the old Epigraph:

We dwell not here to build vs Bowers,
And Hals for pleasure and good cheere: 40
But Hals we build for vs and ours,
To dwell in them whilst we liue here.

True it is, I may not excuse this our Fort, or Iames Towne, as yet seated in somewhat an vn­wholesome Vnhealthful­nesse of Iames Towne. and sickly ayre, by reason it is in a marish ground, low, flat to the Riuer, and hath no fresh water Springs seruing the Towne, but what wee drew from a Well sixe or seuen fathom deepe, fed by the brackish Riuer owzing into it, from whence I verily beleeue, the chiefe causes haue proceeded of many diseases and sicknesses which haue happened to our people, who are in­deede strangely afflicted with Fluxes and Agues; and euery particular season (by the relation of the old inhabitants) hath his particular infirmity too, all which (if it had bin our fortunes, to haue seated vpon some hill, accommodated with fresh Springs and cleere ayre, as doe the Natiues of the Country) we might haue, I beleeue, well escaped: and some experience we haue to perswade our selues that it may be so, for of foure hundred and odde men, which were seated at the Fals, the 50 last yeere when the Fleete came in with fresh and yong able spirits, vnder the gouernment of Captain Francis West, and of one hundred to the Seawards (on the South side of our Riuer) in the Country of the Nansamundes, vnder the charge of Captaine Iohn Martin, there did not so much as one man miscarry, and but very few or none fall sicke, whereas at Iames Towne, the same time, and the same moneths, one hundred sickned, & halfe the number died: howbeit, as we condemne not Kent in England, for a small Towne called Plumsted, continually assaulting the dwellers there (especially new commers) with Agues and Feuers; no more let vs lay scandall, and imputation vpon the Country of Virginia, because the little Quarter wherein we are set dowee (vnaduisedly so chosed) appeares to be vnwholesome, and subiect to many ill ayres, which accompany the like marish places. 60

§. IIII.

The Lord La WARRES beginnings and proceedings in Iames Towne. Sir THOMAS GATES sent into England; his and the Companies testimony of Virginia, and cause of the late miseries.

VPon his Lordships landing at the South gate of the Pallizado (which lookes into the Riuer) our Gouernour caused his Company in armes to stand in order, and make a Guard: It pleased him, that I should beare his Colours for that time: his Lordship 10 landing, fell vpon his knees, and before vs all, made a long and silent Prayer to him­selfe, and after, marched vp into the Towne, where at the Gate, I bowed with the Colours, and let them fall at his Lordships feete, who passed on into the Chappell, where he heard a Sermon by Master Bucke, our Gouernours Preacher; and after that, caused a Gentleman, one of his owne Commission red. Lord La Warrs ti [...]le. Sir T. Ga [...]es Lieutenant Generall. followers, Master Anthony Scot his Ancient, to reade his Commission, which intituled him Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall during his life, of the Colony and Plantation in Uirginia (Sir Thomas Gates our Gouernour hitherto, being now stiled therein Lieutenant Generall.)

After the reading of his Lordships Commission, Sir Thomas Gates rendred vp vnto his Lord­ship his owne Commission, both Patents, and the Counsell Seale: after which, the Lord Gouer­nour, 20 and Captaine Generall, deliuered some few words vnto the Company, laying many blames His speech. vpon them for many vanities, and their Idlenesse, earnestly wishing, that he might no more finde it so, least he should be compelled to draw the sword of Iustice, to cut off such delinquents, which he had much rather, he protested, draw in their defence, to protect them from iniuries; harte­ning them with the knowledge of what store of prouisions he had brought for them, viz. suffici­ent to serue foure hundred men for one whole yeare. Prouisions brought. Counsell cho­sen & sworne.

The twelfth of Iune, being Tuesday, the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, did consti­tute, and giue places of Office, and charge to diuers Captaines and Gentlemen, and elected vnto him a Counsell, vnto whom he did administer an Oath, mixed with the oath of Allegiance, and Supremacy to his Maiestie: which oath likewise he caused to be administred the next day after 30 to euery particular member of the Colony, of Faith, Assistance, and Secrecy. The Counsaile which he elected were. Sir Thomas Gates Kinght, Lieutenant Generall. Sir George Summers Knight, Admirall. Captaine George Percy E [...]quire, and in the Fort Captaine of fifty. Sir Ferdinando Wein­man Colonysworn. Knight, Master of the Ordnance. Captaine Christopher Newport, Vice-admirall. William Stra­chei Esquire, Secretary, and Recorder. Officers ap­pointed.

As likewise the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, nominated Captaine Iohn Martin, Master of the Battery workes for Steele and Iron: and Captaine George Webb Sergeant Maior of the Fort: and especiall Captaines ouer Companies, were these appointed; Captaine Edward Bru­ster, who hath the command of his Honours owne Company. Captaine Thomas Lawson. Captain Thomas Holecroft. Captaine Samuell Argoll. Captaine George Yardley, who commandeth the Lieu­tenant 40 Generals Company. Diuers other Officers were likewise made, as Master Ralph Hamor, and Master Browne, Clarkes of the Counsell, and Master Daniell Tucker, and Master Robert Wilde, Clarkes of the Store, &c.

The first businesse which the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall (after the setling of these Officers) thought vpon, was to aduise with his Counsell, for the obtaining of such proui­sions of victuals for store, and quality, as the Countrey afforded. It did not appeare, that any kinde of Flesh, Deere, or what else, of that kinde, could be recouered from the Indian, or to be sought in the Countrey, by the trauaile or search of his people, and the old dwellers in the Fort (together with the Indians not to friend) who had the last winter, destroyed and killed vp all the Hogges, insomuch, as of fiue or sixe hundred (as it is supposed) there was not one left aliue; nor 50 an Henne, nor Chicke in the Fort; and our Horses and Mares, they had eaten with the first, and the prouision which the Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall had brought, concerning any kinde of flesh, was little or nothing; in respect it was not drempt of by the Aduenturers in Eng­land, that the Swine were destroyed.

In Counsell therefore the thirteenth of Iune, it pleased Sir George Summers Knight, Admirall, to propose a Voyage, which for the better reliefe, and good of the Colony, he would performe in­to Sir G. Summers vnder [...]aketh to bring prouisi­ons from Ber­mudas. the Bermudas, from whence he would fetch six moneths prouision of Flesh and Fish, and some liue Hogges to store our Colony againe: and had a Commission giuen vnto him the fifteenth of Iune, 1610. who in his owne Bermuda Pinnace, the Patience, consorted with Captaine Samuell Argoll, in the Discouery (whom the Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall, made of the coun­sell 60 before his departure) the nineteenth of Iune, fell with the Tyde from before our Towne, and the twenty two left the Bay, or Cape Henry a sterne.

And likewise, because at the Lord Gouernous, and Captaine Generals first comming, there was found in our owne Riuer no store of Fish; after many trials, the Lord Gouernour, and Captaine [Page 1755] Generall, dispatched in the Uirginia, with instructions, the seuenteenth of Iune, 1610. Robert Tyndall, Master of the De la Warre, to fish vnto, all along, and betweene Cape Henry, and Cape Charles, within the Bay; who the last of the said moneth returned vnto vs againe, but as ill spee­ding as the former, whom our Gouernour (now Lieutenant Generall) had addressed thither be­fore for the same purpose. Nor was the Lord Gouernour, and Captaine Generall in the meane while idle at the Fort, but euery day and night hee caused the Nets to be hawled, sometimes a dosen times one after another. But it pleased not God so to blesse our labours, that we did at any time take one quarter so much, as would giue vnto our people one pound at a meale a peece, by which we might haue better husbanded our Pease and Oate meale, notwithstanding the great store we now saw daily in our Riuer: but let the blame of this lye where it is, both vpon our Nets, and the vnskilfulnesse of our men to lay them. 10

The sixth of Iuly Sir Thomas Gates Lieutenant Generall, comming downe to Point Comfort, the North wind (blowing rough) he found had forced the long Boate belonging to Algernoone Fort, to the other shoare vpon Nansamund side, somewhat short of Weroscoick: which to reco­uer againe, one of the Lieutenant Generals men Humfrey Blunt, in an old Canow made ouer, but the wind driuing him vpon the Strand, certaine Indians (watching the occasion) seised the poore fellow, and led him vp into the Woods, and sacrificed him. It did not a little trouble the Lieutenant Gouernour, who since his first landing in the Countrey (how iustly soeuer prouoked) would not by any meanes be wrought to a violent proceeding against them, for all the practises of villany, with which they daily indangered our men, thinking it possible, Ad Graca [...] Calenda [...]. Can a Leo­pard change his spots? Can a Sauage re­mayning a Sa­uage be ciuill? Were not wee our selues made and not borne ciuill in our Progeni­tors dayes? and were not Cae­sars Britaines as brutish as Virginians? The Romane swords were best tea­chers of ciui­litie to this & other Coun­tries neere vs. Grassesilke. by a more tra­ctable course, to winne them to a better condition: but now being startled by this, he well per­ceiued, 20 how little a faire and noble intreatie, workes vpon a barbarous disposition, and therefore in some measure purposed to be reuenged.

The ninth of Iuly, he prepared his forces, and early in the morning set vpon a Towne of theirs, some foure miles from Algernoone Fort, called Kecoughtan, and had soone taken it, without losse or hurt of any of his men. The Gouernour and his women fled (the young King Powhatans Sonne not being there) but left his poore baggage, and treasure to the spoyle of our Souldiers, which was only a few Baskets of old Wheate, and some other of Pease and Beanes, a little To­bacco, and some few womens Girdles of Silke, of the Grasse-silke, not without art, and much neatnesse finely wrought; of which I haue sent diuers into England, (beeing at the taking of the Towne) and would haue sent your Ladiship some of them, had they beene a Present 30 so worthy.

We purposed to set a Frenchman heere a worke to plant Vines, which grew naturally in great plentie. Some few Corne fields it hath, and the Corne in good forwardnesse, and wee de­spaire not but to bee (able if our men stand in health) to make it good against the Indian.

The continuall practises of the subtle King Powhatan, doth not meanely awaken all the powers and workings of vertue and knowledge, in our Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, how to preuent not only his mischiefes, but to draw him vpon some better termes, and acknow­ledgemen of our forces and spirits, both able and daring to quit him in any valiant and martiall course whatsoeuer, he shall dare to runne with vs, which hee doth yet scarsly beleeue. For this 40 therfore, since first, and that so lately, he hath set on his people, to attempt vs with priuate Con­spiracies and actuall violence, into the one drawing his Neighbour Confederates and vnder Prin­ces, and by the other working the losse and death of diuers of our men, and by such their losse seising their Armes, Swords, Peeces, &c. of which he hath gathered into his store a great quan­titie and number by Intelligence aboue two hundred Swords, besides Axes, and Pollaxes, Chis­sels, Howes, to paire and clense their ground, with an infinite treasure of Copper) our Lord Go­uernour English Armes treasured by Powhatan. Message to Powhatan. and Captaine Generall sent two Gentlemen with an Ambassie vnto him, letting him to vnderstand of his practises and outrage, hitherto vsed toward our people, not only abroad but at our Fort also: yet flattering him withall how the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall did not suppose, that these mischiefes were contriued by him, or with his knowledge, but conceiued them rather to be the acts of his worst and vnruly people, his Lordship therefore now complay­ning 50 vnto him required, that hee (being so great and wise a King) would giue an vniuersall order to his Subiects, that it might bee no more so, lest the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall should be compelled (by defending him and his) to offend him, which he would be loath to do: withall he willed the Messengers to demand of him the said Powhatan, that he would either pu­nish or send vnto his Lordship such of his people whom Powhatan knew well not long before, had assaulted our men at the Block-house, and but newly killed foure of them, as also to demaund of Powhatan, willing him to returne vnto the English Fort, both such men as hee detayned of ours, and such Armes as he had of theirs in his possession, and those conditions performed, hee willed them to assure vnto Powhatan that then their great Werowance, the Lord Gouernour and Captaine 60 Generall would hold faire quarter, and enter friendship with him, as a friend to King Iames and his Subiects. But refusing to submit to these demands, the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Gene­rall gaue in charge to the Messengers, so sent to signifie vnto Powhatan that his Lordship would by all meanes publike and priuate, seeke to recouer from him such of the English as he had, being [Page 1756] Subiects to his King and Master, vnto whom euen Powhatan himselfe had formerly vowed, not only friendship but homage, receiuing from his Maiestie therefore many gifts, and vpon his knees a Crowne and Scepter with other Ornaments, the Symbols of Ciuill State and Christian Soue­raigntie, thereby o [...]liging himselfe to Offices of dutie to his Maiestie. Vnto all which Powha­tan Powhatans ho­m [...]ge. returned no other answere, but that either we should depart his Country, or confine our selues to Iames Towne only, without searching further vp into his Land, or Riuers, or otherwise, hee would giue in command to his people to kill vs, and doe vnto vs all the mischiefe, which they at their pleasure could and we feared: withall forewarning the said Messengers, not to returne any more vnto him, vnlesse they brought him a Coach and three Horses, for hee had vnderstood by the Indians which were in England, how such was the state of great Werowances, and Lords in 10 England, to ride and visit other great men.

After this diuers times, and daily hee sent sometimes two, sometimes three, vnto our Fort to vnderstand our strength, and to obserue our Watch & Guard, and how our people stood in health, and what numbers were arriued with this new Weroance: which being soone perceiued our Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall forewarned such his Spies, vpon their owne perill, to resort no more vnto our Fort. Howbeit, they would daily presse into our Block-house, and come vp to our Pallizado gates, supposing the gouernment as well now, as fantasticall and negligent in the former times, the whilest some quarter of a mile short of the Block-house, the greatest num­ber of them would make assault, and lye in ambush about our Glasse-house, whether, Diuers times indeed our men would make out either to gather Strawberries, or to fetch fresh water, any 20 one of which so stragled, if they could with conueniencie, they would assault and charge with their Bowes and Arrowes, in which manner they killed many of our men: two of which being Paspaheans, who were euer our deadliest enemies, and not to be reconciled; at length being ap­prehended (and one of them a notable villaine, who had attempted vpon many in our Fort) the Lord Gouernour caused them to be manacled, and conuented before him and his Counsell, where it was determined that hee that had done so much mischiefe should haue his right hand strocke off, sending him away withall, with a message to Powhatan, that vnlesse hee would yet returne such Englishmen as he detayned, together with all such their Armes (as before spoken of) that not only the other (now Prisoner) should die, but all such of his Sauages (as the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, could by any meanes surprize) should runne the same course: as likewise the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall would fire all his Neighbour Corne Fieldes, 30 Townes, and Villages, and that suddenly, if Powhatan sent not to contract with him the sooner

What this will worke with him, wee know not as yet, for this was but the day before our ships were now falling to Point Comfort, and so to set sayle for England: which ships riding be­fore Weroscoick to take in their fraight of Cedar, Clap-boord, Blacke Wal-nut, and Iron Oare, tooke Prisoners likewise the chiefe King of Weroscoick, called Sasenticum, with his Sonne Kain­ta, King of Weros­coick taken Prisoner. and one of his chiefe men. And the fifteenth day of Iuly, in the Blessing Captaine Adams brought them to Point Comfort, where at that time (as well to take his leaue of the Lieutenant Generall Sir Thomas Gates, now bound for England, as to dispatch the ships) the Lord Go­uernour Sir T. Gates bound for England. 40 and Captaine Generall had pitched his Tent in Algernoone Fort.

The Kings Sonne Kainta the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall, hath sent now into England, vntill the ships arriue here againe the next Spring, dismissing the old Werowance, and the other with all tearmes of kindnesse, and friendship, promising further designes to bee ef­fected by him, to which hee hath bound himselfe, by diuers Sauage Ceremonies, and ad­mirations.

And thus (right Noble Ladie) once more this famous businesse, as recreated, and dipped a new into life and spirit, hath raysed it (I hope) from infamy, and shall redeeme the staines and losses vnder which she hath suffered, since her first Conception: your Graces still accompany the least appearance of her, and vouchsafe her to bee limmed out, with the beautie which wee will 50 begge, and borrow from the faire lips: nor feare you, that shee will returne blushes to your cheekes for praysing her, since (more then most excellent Ladie) like your selfe (were all tongues dumbe and enuious) shee will prayse her selfe in her most silence: may shee once bee but seene, or but her shadow liuely by a skilfull Workman set out indeed, which heere (hungerly as I am) I haue presumed (though defacing it) in these Papers to present vnto your Ladiship.

After Sir Thomas Gates his arriuall, a Booke called A true Declaration of Uirginia, was published by the Company, out of which I haue heere inserted this their publike testimo­nie of the causes of the former euils, and Sir Thomas Gates his Report vpon Oath of Virginia.

THe ground of all those miseries, was the permissiue Prouidence of God, who, in the fore-mentio­ned 60 violent storme, seperated the head from the bodie, all the vitall powers of Regiment being exiled with Sir Thomas Gates in those infortunate (yet fortunate) Ilands. The broken remainder of those supplyes made a greater shipwracke in the Continent of Virginia, by the tempest of Dissention: euery man ouer-ualning his owne worth, would be a Commander: euery man vnder prizing anothers va­lue, denied to be commanded.

[Page 1757] The next Fountaine of woes was secure negligence, and improuidence, when euery man sharked for his present bootie, but was altogether carelesse of succeeding penurie. Now, I demand whether Sici­lia, or Sardinia (sometimes the Barnes of Rome) could hope for increase without manuring? A Colony is therefore denominated, because they should be Coloni, the Tillers of the Earth, and Stewards of fertilitie: our mutinous Loyteyers would not sow with prouidence, and therefore they reaped the fruits of too deere bought Repentance. An incredible example of their idlenesse, is the report of Sir Thomas Gates, who affirmeth, that after his first comming thither, be hath seene some of them eat their fish raw, rather then they would goe a stones cast to fetch wood and dresse it. D j laboribus omnia vendu [...], God sels vs all things for our labour, when Adam himselfe might not liue in Paradice without dressing the Garden. 10

Vnto idlenesse, you may ioyne Treasons, wrought by those vnhallowed creatures that for sooke the Colo­nie, and exposed their desolate Brethren to extreame miserie, You shall know that eight and twentie or thirtie of the Company, were appointed (in the ship called the Swallow) to trucke for Corne with the In­dians, and hauing obtained a great quantitie by trading, the most seditious of them, conspired together, perswaded some, and enforced others, to this barbarous protect, They stole away the ship, they made a league amongst themselues to be professed Pirats, with dreames of Mountaines of Gold, and happie Rob­beries: thus at one instant, they wronged the hopes, and subuerted the cares of the Colonie, who dependi [...]g vpon their returne; fore-stowed to looke-out for further prouision: ther created the Indians our implaca­ble enemies by some violence they had affered: they carried away the best ship (which should h [...]ue beene a refuge in extremities:) they weakened our forces, by substraction of their armes and succours. These 20 are that scumme of men that fayling in their Piracie, that being pinched with famine and penurie, after their wilde rouing vpon the Sea, when all their lawlesse hopes failed, some remayned with other Pirates, they men vpon the Sea, the others resolued to returne for England, bound themselues by mutuall Oath, to agree all in one report to discredit the Land, to deplo [...]e the famine, and to protest that this their com­ming away, proceeded from desperate necessitie: These are they, that roared out the Trag [...]call Historie of the man eating of his dead Wife in Virginia; when the Master of this ship willingly confessed before for tie witnesses, that at their comming away, they left three monethes victuals, and all the Cattell liuing in the Fort: sometimes they reported that they saw this horrible action, sometimes that Captaine Dauies said so, sometimes that one Beadl [...] the Lieutenant of Captaine Dauies did relate it, varying this report into diuersitie of false colours, which bold no likenesse and proportion: But to cleere all doubts, Sir Tho­mas 30 Gates thus relateth the Tragedie.

There was one of the Company who mortally hated his Wife, and therefore secretly killed her, then cut her in pieces and hid her in diuers parts of his House: when the woman was mis­sing, the man suspected, his House searched, and parts of her mangled bodie were discouered, to excuse himselfe he said that his Wife died, that he hid her to satisfie his hunger, and that hee sed dady vpon her. Vpon this, his House was againe searched, where they found a good quantitie of Meale, Oat-meale, Beanes and Pease. He thereupon was arraigned, confessed the Murder, and was burned for his horrible villany.

Now shall the scandalous reports of a viperous generation, preponderate the testimonies of so worthy Leaders? Shall their venemous tongues, blast the reputation of an ancient and worthy Peere, who vpon Lord Lawarre. 40 the ocular certainty of future blessings, hath protested in his Letters, that he will sacrifice himselfe for his Countrie in this seruice, if he may be seconded; and if the Company doe giue it ouer, hee will yet lay all his fortunes vpon the prosecution of the Plantation?

Vnto Treasons, you may ioyne couetousnesse in the Mariners, who for their priuate lucre partly imbe­zeled the prouisions; partly preuented our Trade with the Indians making the Matches in the night, and forestalling our Market in the day: whereby the Virginians were glutted with our Trifles, and inhaun­ced the prices of their Corne and Victuall. That Copper which before would haue prouided a bushell, would not now obtaine so much as a Pottle.

Ioyne vnto these another euill: there is great store of Fish in the Riuer, especially of Sturgeon; but our men prouided no more of them then for p [...]esent necessitie, not barrelling vp any store against that season the 50 Sturgeon returned to the Sea. And not to dissemble their folly, they suffered fourteene nets (which was all they had) to rot and spoyle, which by orderly drying and mending might haue beene preserued: but be­ing lost, all helpe of fishing perished.

The state of the Colony, by these accidents began to finde a sensible declining: which Powhatan (as a greedy Vulture) obseruing, and boyling with desire of reuenge, hee inuited Captaine Rateliffe, and about thirty others to trade for Corne, and vnder the colour of fairest friendship, hee brought them within the compasse of his ambush, whereby they were cruelly murthered and massacred. For vpon confidence of his fidelitie, they went one and one into seuerall houses, which caused their seuerall destructions, when if but any fixe had remained together, they would haue beene a Bulwarke for the generall preseruation. After this, Powhatan in the night cut off some of our Boats, he draue away all the Deere into the farther part of the 60 Countrey, hee and his people destroyed our Hogs (to the number of about sixe hundred) hee sent one of his Indians to trade with vs, but layed secret ambushes in the Woods, that if one or two dropped out of the Fort alone, they were indangered.

Cast vp the reckoning together: ward of gouernment, store of idlenesse, their expectations frustrated [Page 1758] by the Traytos, their market spoyled by the Mariners, our Nets broken, the Deere chased, our Boats lost, our Hogs killed, our trade with the Indians forbidden, some of our men fled, some murthered, and most by drinking of the brackish water of Iames Fort weakened and indangered, famine and sicknesse by all these meanes increased, here at home the monyes came in so slowly, that the Lord Laware could not bee dis­patched till the Colony was worne and spent with difficulties: Aboue all, hauing neither Ruler, nor Prea­cher, they neither feared God, nor man, which prouoked the wrath of the Lord of Hosts, and pulled downe his iudgements vpon them. Discite iustitiam moniti.

The Councell of Virginia (finding the smalnesse of that returne, which they hoped should haue defray­ed the charge of a new supply) entred into a deepe consultation, and propounded amongst themselues, whe­ther it were fit to enter into a new contribution, or in time to send for home the Lord La-ware, and to a­bandon 10 the action. They resolued to send for Sir Thomas Gates, who being come, they adiured him to deale plainly with them, and to make a true relation of those things which were presently to be had; or hereafter to be hoped for in Virginia. Sir Thomas Gates with a solemne and sacred oath replied, that all things before reported were true: that the Countrey yeelded abundance of Wood, as Oake, Wainscot, Walnut Trees, Bay Trees, Ashe, Sarsafrase, liue Oake, greene all the yeere, Cedar and Fir; which are the materialls, of Soape ashes, and Pot ashes, of Oyles of Walnuts, and Bayes, of Pitch and T [...]r, of Clap­boards, Pipe-staues, Masts and excellent boards of fortie, fiftie, and sixtie length, and three foot breadth, when one Firre tree is able to make the maine Mast of the greatest Ship in England. He anouched that there are incredible varietie of sweet woods, especially of the Balfamum tree, which distilleth a precious Gumme; that there are innumerable white Mulberry trees, which in so warme a climate may cherish 20 and feede millions of Silke-wormes, and returne vs in a very short time, as great a plenty of Silke as is vented into the whole world from all the parts of Italy: that there are diuers sorts of Minerals, especial­ly of Iron oare lying vpon the ground for ten Miles circuite; of which wee haue made a triall at home, that it maketh as good Iron as any is in Europe:) that a kinde of Hempe or Flaxe, and Silke Grasse doe grow there naturally, which will affoord stuffe for all manner of excellent Cordage: That the Riuer swar­meth with all manner of Sturgeon: the Land aboundeth with Vines; the Woods doe harbour exceeding store of Beauers, Foxes, and Squirrels; the Waters doe nourish a great encrease of Otters, all which are co­uered with precious Furres: that there are in present discouered Dyes and Drugges of sundry qualities; that the Orenges which haue beene planted, did prosper in the winter, which is an infallible argument, that Lemmons, Sugar Canes, Almonds, Rice, A [...]niseede, and all other commodities which wee haue from the 30 Straights, may be supplied to vs in our owne Countrey, and by our owne industry: that the Corne yeeldeth a terrible encrease more then ours: and lastly, that it is one of the goodliest Countries vnder the S [...]e; enterueined with fiue maine Riuers, and promising as rich entrals as any Kingdome of the earth, to w [...] the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour.

CHAP. VII.

The Voyage of Captaine SAMVEL ARGAL, from Iames Towne in Virginia, to seeke 40 the Ile of Bermuda, and missing the same, his putting ouer toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod, and so backe againe to Iames Towne, began the nineteenth of Iune, 1610.

SIr George Summers, being bound for the Ile of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, the one called the Patience, wherein he sailed himselfe, set saile from Iames Towne in Uir­ginia, the ninteenth of Iune, 1610. The two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape Henry, to take more balast. The weather proued very wet: so Iune 19. 1610. wee road vnder the Cape till two of the clocke, the three and twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed and stood off to Sea, the wind at South-west. And 50 till eight of the clocke at night it was all Southerly, and then that shifted to South-west. The Cape then bearing West, about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred away South-east. The foure and twentieth, at noone I obserued the Sunne, and found my selfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees, fortie seuen minutes, about twentie leagues off from the Land. From the foure and twentieth at noone, to the fiue and twentieth at noone, sixe leagues East, the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was calme. From the fiue and twentieth at noone, to the sixe and twentieth about sixe of the clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and but little. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at West South-west. So by noone I had sailed fourteene leagues East, South-east pricked. From the sixe and twentieth at noone, to the seuen and twentieth at noone, twentie leagues East, South-east. The wind shifting from the West, South-west Southerly, and so to the 60 East, and the weather faire, but close. From the seuen and twentieth at noone, to the eight and twentieth at noone, sixe and twentie leagues East, South-east, the wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West. Then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees fif­tie foure minutes. From the eight and twentieth at noone, to the nine and twentieth at noone, [Page 1759] thirtie sixe leagues East by South, the wind at West, North-west. Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees, thirtie minutes pricked. From the nine and twentieth at noone, to the thirtieth at noone, thirtie fiue leagues East, South-east. The winde shifting be­tweene West, North-west, and West, South-west, blowing a good fresh gale. Then by my obser­uation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure degrees, fortie nine minutes pricked. From the thir­tieth of Iune at noone, to the first of Iuly at noone, thirtie leagues South-east by East, the winde at west, then I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked.

From the first of Iuly at noone, to the second at noon, twentie leagues East, South-east souther­ly, the wind West, then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees, thirtie minutes pricked, the weather very faire. From the second at noone, to the third at foure of the clocke in the after­noone it was calme, then it beganne to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east: so I made 10 account that the ship had driuen about sixe leagues in that time East. The Sea did set all about the West. From that time to the fourth at noone, seuenteene leagues East by North, the wind shifting betweene South-east and South South-west, then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees, fortie minutes, the weather continued very faire. From the fourth at noone, to the fifth at noone, ten leagues South-east, the wind and weather as before, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, seuenteene minutes pricked. From the fixt at noone, to the sixt at noone, eight leagues South-west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, fiftie seuen minutes pricked; the wind and weather continued as before, only we had a small showre or two of raine. From the sixt at noone, to the seuenth at noone, seuenteene leagues East by North, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, the wind and weather as b [...]fore. From the seuenth at noon, 20 to the eight at noone, fourteene leagues North-east, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three 23. degrees▪ 21▪ [...] degrees, thirtie two minutes, the wind and weather continued as before. From the e [...]ght at noon to the ninth at noone, fiue leagues South-east, there I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, twentie one minutes, the wind at South-west, the weather very faire. From the ninth at noone, [...]. to the tenth at noone, fiue leagues South, the wind westerly; but for the most part it was calme, and the weather very faire. From the tenth at noone, to the eleuenth at noone it was calme, and so continued vntill nine of the clocke the same night, then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-east, and continued all that night betweene South-east and South, and vntill the 33. degr [...] 30. minutes twelfth day at noone: by which time I had sailed fifteene leagues West southerly: then I found 30 the ship in thirtie three degrees, thirtie minutes. From that time to foure of the clock the twelfth day in the morning twelue leagues West by North, the wind all southerly, and then it shifted be­tweene South and South-west, then wee tacked about and stood South-east, and South-east by South: so by noone I had sayled fiue leagues South-east by East; then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees ten minutes. From the thirteenth at noone, to the fourteenth at noone, twenty leagues South-east by East, the wind shifting betweene the South-west, and West South-west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, thirtie fiue minutes. From the fourteenth at 32. degrees, noone, to the fifteenth at noone, twentie leagues South-east, then I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, the wind as before: then we tacked about, and lay North-west by West. From the fifteenth at noone, to the sixteenth at noone, twelue leagues North by West, the wind shifting 40 betweene South-west and West, and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of wind and rayne.

And about sixe of the clocke in the afternoone, being to windward of our Admirall I bare vp He speakes with the Ad­m [...]ll. vnder his lee: who when I hayled him, told me that he would tack it vp no longer, because hee was not able to keepe the sea any longer, for lacke of a road and water: but that hee would pre­sently steere away North North-west, to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which without delay he put in execution. His directions I followed: so from the sixteenth day at noone, to the seuen­teenth They faile to­ward Cape Cod at noone I had sailed thirtie eight leagues North North-west: then I found my ship to be in thirtie foure degrees, ten minutes. The seuenteenth and eighteenth dayes were very wet and stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse. The nineteenth day, ab [...]ut foure of the clocke in the morning it began to cleere vp, and then we had a very stiffe gale betweene East and 50 North-east. From the seuenteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at noone, I had sayled fiftie fiue leagues North North-west, then I found the ship to be thirtie sixe degrees, thirty minutes. From the nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone, thirty fiue leagues North-west: then I was in thirty seuen degrees, fifty two minutes, the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly. From the twentieth at noone, to the twentie one at noone, we sayled twenty leagues North by West, the wind betweene East and South-east, and the weather very faire. At the sunne setting West [...] atio [...] gr [...] I obserued, and found thirteene degrees, and an halfe of westerly variation, and vntill midnight we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and then it fell c [...]e a [...] a [...]d and [...]o con­tinued very little wind vntill the two and twentieth at no [...] [...] [...]g a [...] p [...]ts of the 60 Compasse: yet by mine obseruation that I ma [...]e then, I [...] [...] leagues North, for I found her to be in forty degrees, one m [...] there was some tide or current that did set Northward. Again [...], [...] did say, That in their watch they did see a race, and that ship did [...] when she had not a breath of wind.

[Page 1760] From the two and twentieth at noone, vntill ten of the clocke at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, betweene East and South-east, and then it shifted all westerly, and so continued vntill two of the clocke the twenty three in the morning: and then it began to be very foggy and but A great fog. little wind, yet shifting all the points of the Compasse, and so continued vntill ten of the clocke, and then it began to cleere vp. At twelue of the clocke I obserued, and then I found the ship to 40. deg. 56. mi. be in fortie degrees fiftie minutes: so from the twenty two at noone, to the twenty three at noone I had sayled twenty leagues Northward. From the twenty three at noone, to the twenty foure, at three of the clocke in the morning it was calme, and then we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and so it continued vntill noon southerly, in which time I had sailed twelue leagues North. And about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we had forty seuen fathoms of 47. fathoms water. Water like vn­a greene grasse 10 water, which water we did find to be changed into a grasse green in the morning, yet we would not heaue a lead, because our Admirall was so farre on head of vs: who about three of the clocke in the afternoone lay by the lee, and fished till I came vp to him: and then I fitted my selfe and my boat, and fished vntill sixe of the clocke. And then the Admirall fitted his sailes, and stirred They take fish. away North, whom I followed with all the speed I could. But before seuen of the clocke there fell such a myst, that I was faine to shoot off a Peece, which he answered with a Cornet that he A great fog. had aboord. So with hallowing and making a noyse one to another all the night we kept compa­ny. About two of the clocke, the twenty fiue day in the morning we tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull vntill fiue of the clocke: and then finding but small store of fish, we set faile and stirred away North-west, to fetch the mayne land to relieue our selues with wood and water, which 20 we stood in great need of. About two of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke in all our sailes and lay at Hull, a [...] which time I heaued the lead three times together, and had three sundry kindes of soundings. The first a blacke peppery sand, full of peble stones. The second blacke peppery, and Sounding. no stones: The third, blacke peppery, and two or three stones.

From the fourth at noone, to the twentie fiue, at two of the clocke in the afternoone, I sayled thirteene leagues West North-west: and the weather continuing very foggy, thicke, and rainy, Great fog and raine. about fiue of the clocke it began to cease, and then we began to fish, and so continued vntill seuen of the clocke in betweene thirty and forty fathoms, and then we could fish no longer. So hauing gotten betweene twentie and thirty Cods, we left for that night: and at fiue of the clocke, the twenty sixe in the morning we began to fish againe, and so continued vntill ten of the clocke, and 30 then it would fish no longer: in which time we had taken neere one hundred Cods, and a couple of Hollybuts. All this while wee had betweene thirty and forty fathoms water: before one of 100. Cods ta­ken. the clocke in the afternoone we found the ship driuen into one hundred and twenty fathoms, and soft blacke Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word, that he would set faile, and stand in The Ship d [...]th. for the Riuer of Sagadahoc; whose directions I followed.

Before two of the clocke we set saile, and stirred away North-west by North, the wind South South-west, and the weather continued very foggy. About eight of the clocke wee tooke in all They stand for the Riuer of Sagadahoc. our sailes, and lay at Hull at that night. The seuen and twentieth, about seuen of the clocke in the morning we heaued the lead, and had no ground in one hundred and twentie fathoms. Then I shot off a Peece, but could not heare none answere from our Admirall: and the weather was so 40 thicke, that we could not see a Cables length from our ship. Betweene nine and ten of the clock Verie foggie weather. we did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward: which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile, and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sayle and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe: the wind was at South-west, and I stood away West North-west. From the sixe and twentieth, at two of The thick fog continueth. the clocke in the afternoone, to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west. The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead, in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I stirred away North-west, till foure of the clocke at night: then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull, and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west. The eight and twentieth, at se­uen 50 of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set sayle againe, and steered away North, and North by West. At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground. So I steered on my course still, the wind shifted betweene South and South-west, and the fog continued. At foure of the clocke The fog con­tinueth. in the afternoone, I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground: so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke, by which time I had sailed twelue leagues: then I heaued the Lead againe, and had blacke O [...]e, and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water. Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth, at fiue of the clocke in the morning. Then I set saile againe, and steered away North, and North by West. At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water. Betweene eleuen 60 and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder, but the fogge continued not still. About two of the clocke in the afternoone, I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead, and had blacke The fog con­ [...]inueth. Ose in ninety fathoms water: by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more. Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet, and stood in with those sailes onely. [Page 1761] About sixe of the clocke I founded againe, and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water. Assoone as I came aboord it cleered vp, and then I saw a small [...], which bare North about two leagues off; whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke: And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day. Then I stood in againe, and aboue eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland. Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare; where I found great store of Seales: And I killed three Seales with my hanger. This Iland is not halfe a mile about and A Rocke of Marble halfe a mi [...]e about [...] of Seales. The smal rocky Iland lieth in 44. degrees. Many Ilands in eight fa­thoms water. August, 3. nothing but a Rocke, which seemed to be very rich Marble stone. And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea. About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe, with some Wood tha I had found vpon the Iland, for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there. Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues; this small rockie Iland ly­eth in forty foure degrees. About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many 10 Ilands in eight fathoms water: and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water, and Balast.

The third day of August, being fitted to put to Set againe, I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was, to see what directions I had, and for what place I was bound to shape my course. Then I tried whether there were any fis [...] her [...] or not, and I found Resonable store of [...]sh. reasonable good store there; so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August: and then finding that the fishing did faile, I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales, to see whether I could get any store of them or not; for I did find that they were very nourishing meate, and a great reliefe to my men, and that they would be very well saued with [...]al [...] to keepe a long time. But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any. The fourteenth day Seale Rocke in 43 deg. 41 m [...]. 20 at noone: I obserued the Sun, and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees, forty minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod, to see whether I could get any fish there or not [...]so by the fif­teenth Here turneth home. that noone, I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west, the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone, to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South, the wind shifting betweene West and South-west. And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water, full of shels and peble st [...]es of diuers colours, some greene, and some blewish, some like diamants, and some speckled: The [...] I [...]oke in all my sayles, and set all my company to fishing, and fished till eight of the clocke [...]hat [...]ght and finding but little fish there, I set sayle againe, and by the [...] that noone I had s [...]y [...]ed ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting betweene South and South-west. From noone, till sixe of the clocke 30 at night, foure leagues North-west, the wind shifting betweene West and South-west. Then it [...] did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles, and lay at hull all that night, vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning: and then I set saile againe, and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west, the wind betweene West and South-west. From the eighteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West, the wind shifting betweene South and South-west, and the weather very thick and foggy.

About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away, and the wind did shift Thick and fog­gie weather. westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to the North, and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone: but the weather was very cleere, and then by my obseruation I found the 40 ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees, forty foure minutes, and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West. From the nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone: about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-Ta [...]d, which did beare off me South-west, 41. deg. 44. mi. about foure leagues: so I steered with it, taking it to bee Cape Cod; and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales, that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning be­fore I could get cleere of them, it is a [...]ry dangerous place to fall withall to the [...] [...]e at Cape Cod. [...]e sho [...]d [...]s of Cape Cod. the least-ten leagues off from the Land: and I had vpon one of them but one [...]ath [...] and an halfe water, and my Barke did draw seuen foot. This Land lyeth South-west, and North-east, and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West, and so along toward the North. At the North­west by West Guards I obserued the North-starre, and found the ship to be [...] the [...] of for­tie-one degrees, fiftie minutes, being then in the middle of the Sholdes: and I did finde thirteene The middle of the Shol [...]es in 41 deg. 50. mi. 15. degrees of west [...]ly Va­riation. 50 degrees of westerly variation then likewise. Thus finding the place not to be for my turne, assoon as I was cleere of these dangers, I thought it fit to returne to [...]ames Towne in Uirginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my Lord Gouernour, and there to attend his command: so I shaped my course for that place. And the one and twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South South­west thirtie three leagues from this Cape: and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene North and North-west, and the weather very faire and cleere: From the one and twentieth at noone, to the two and twentieth at noone, I ran thirtie leagues South-West by West, and then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees, thirtie [...] minutes and I had 12. degrees of westerly Va­riation. twelue degrees westerly variation, and the wind [...]ifting betweene North and North-east, 60 and the weather very fa [...]re and cleere. From the two and twentieth at noone, to the three and twentieth at noone, nine leagues South-west by West; and then by obseruation I did find the 11. degrees of westerly Va­riation. ship in thirtie nine degrees, twentie foure minutes, and I had eleuen degrees of westerly variati­on: and there did blow but very little wind, and shifting betweene West and North, and the [Page 1762] weather very faire and cleere. From the three and twentieth at noone to the foure and twen­tieth at noone eighteene leagues South-west, and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two minutes: and I had twelue degrees of Westerly Variation, and the wind shif­ting 12 degrees of Westerly vari­ation. betweene North and West, and the weather very faire.

From the foure and twentieth at noone, to the fiue and twentieth, at noone two and twentie leagues West by South, the wind shifting betweene North and East. And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees fiue and twentie minutes, and the same Variation that I had before, and the weather very faire.

From the fiue and twentieth at noone, to the six and twentieth at noone, fiue and twentie leagues Westerly, the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west. And I had thirteene 10 degrees fiue and twentie minutes of Westerly Variation. About sixe of the clocke at night the water was changed, and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelue fathomes water a­bout 13. deg. 25. mi. of Westerly variation. twelue leagues from the shore.

The seuen and twentieth by day in the morning, I was faire aboord the shore, and by nine of the clocke I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay, where I found great store of people which were very kind, and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clocke that night the winde shifted from South-west to East North-east. So I weighed presently, and shaped my course to Cape Charles. This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues. And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and North North-west, and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes of Northerly Latitude. 20

The eight and twentieth day, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many of shoales, about twelue leagues to the Southw [...] of Cape La Warre. So there I came to Many shoales 12. leagues to the South of Cape La Warre an Anchor in three fathomes water, the winde beeing then all Easterly, and rode there all that Night.

The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed againe, the wind being all Southerly, and turned vntill night, and then I came to an Anchor in seuen fathomes water in the [...]ing to Sea.

How the tyde did set there, or whether that there did run any current or not, I cannot say; but I could find neither current nor tyde.

The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe, the wind still Southerly, and turned all that day, but got very little, so at Euening I stood off to Sea vntill midnight, and then stood in againe. 30

The one and thirtieth, about seuen of the clocke at night I came to an Anchor vnder Cape Charles in foure fathomes, and one third part water, and rode there all that night. Cape Charles.

CHAP. VIII.

A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia, touching his vnexpected returne home, and after­wards deliuered to the generall Assembly of the said Company, at a 40 Court holden the twentie fiue of Iune, 1611. Published by authoritie of the said Counsell.

MY LORDS, &c.

BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia, contrary either to my owne desire or other mens expectations, who spare not to censure mee, in point of dutie, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne, I am forced (out of a willingnesse to satisfie eue­ry man) to deliuer vnto your Lordships, and the rest of this Assembly, briefly 50 (but truly) in what state I haue liued, euer since my arriuall to the Colonie; what hath beene the iust occasion of my sudden departure thence; and in what termes I haue left the same: The rather because I perceiue, that since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred, in many of the Aduenturers, that some of them seeke to withdraw those payments, which they haue subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation, and by which that Action must be supported and mayntained, making this my returne, the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction. Which, that you may the better vnderstand, I must in­forme your Lordships, that presently after my arriuall in Iames Towne, I was welcommed by a hot and violent Ague, which held me a time, till by the aduice of my Physition, Doctour Law­rence B [...]n (by bloud letting) I was recouered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas G [...]es, I haue 60 informed you. That Disease had not long left me, till (within three weekes after I had gotten a Lord La Warres many sick­nesses. little strength) I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses, which successiuely and seuerally assailed me [...]: for besides a relapse into the former Disease, which with much more vio­lence held me more th [...] a moneth, and brought me to great weaknesse, the Flux surprized mee, [Page 1763] and kept me many dayes; then the Crampe assaulted my weake bodie, with strong paines; and af­terwards the Gout (with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled) afflicted me in such sort, that making my bodie through weaknesse vnable to stirre, or to vse any manner of exercise, drew vpon me the Disease called the Scuruy; which though in others it be a sicknesse of sloth­fulnesse, yet was in me an effect of weaknesse, which neuer left mee, till I was vpon the point to leaue the World.

These seuerall Maladies and Calamities, I am the more desirous to particularise vnto your Lord­shippes (although they were too notorious to the whole Colonie) lest any man should misdeeme that vnder the generall name and common excuse of sicknesse, I went about to cloke either sloth, or feare, or any other base apprehension, vnworthy the high and Honorable Charge, which you had entrusted to my Fidelitie. 10

In these extremities I resolued to consult my friends, Who finding Nature spent in mee, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily encreasing) gaue me aduise to prefer a hope­full recouery, before an assured ruine, which must necessarily haue ensued, had I liued, but twen­tie dayes longer in Virginia: wanting at that instant, both food and Physicke, fit to remedy such extraordinary Diseases, and restore that strength so desperately decayed.

Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolued by generall consent and perswasion, to ship my selfe for Meuis, an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholsesome Bathes, there to try what helpe the Heauenly Prouidence would affoord mee, by the benefit of the hot Bath: But God, who guideth all things, according to his good will and pleasure, so prouided, that after we had sayled an hundred Leagues, we met with Southerly windes which forced mee to change 20 my purpose (my bodie being altogether vnable to endure the tediousnesse of a long Voyage) and so steere my course for the Westerne Ilands, which I no sooner recouered, then I found helpe for my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by meanes of fresh Diet, and especially of Orenges and Orenges and Lemons good remedie for the Scuruie. Lemons, an vndoubted remedy and medicine for that Disease, which lastly, and so long, had af­flicted me: which ease as soone as I found, I resolued (although my body remayned still feeble and weake, to returne backe to my charge in Virginia againe, but I was aduised not to hazard my selfe before I had perfectly recouered my strength, which by counsell I was perswaded to seeke in the naturall Ayre of my Countrey, and so I came for England. In which Accident, I doubt not but men of reason, and of iudgement will imagine, there would more danger and preiudice haue happened by my death there, then I hope can doe by my returne. 30

In the next place, I am to giue account in what estate I left the Colonie for gouernment in my absence. It may please your Lordships therefore to vnderstand, that vpon my departure thence, I made choice of Captaine George Percie (a Gentleman of honour and resolution, and of no small Master George P [...]cie Depu [...] [...] [...]e [...] Sir T. Dale Marshall. 200. le [...]t there. experience in that place, to remayne Deputie Gouernour, vntill the comming of the Marshall Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to be determined, vpon the arriuall of Sir Tho­mas Gates, according to the intent and order of your Lordships, and the Councell here.

The number of men I left there, were vpward of two hundred, the most in health, and pro­uided of at least ten moneths victuals, in their Store-house (which is daily issued vnto them) be­sides other helps in the Countrey, lately found out by Captaine Argoll by trading with pettie Trade by Cape Argoll. 40 Kings in those parts, who for a small returne of a piece of Iron, Copper, &c. haue consented to trucke great quantities of Corne, and willingly imbrace the intercourse of Traffique, shewing vnto our people certaine signes of amitie and affection.

And for the better strengthening and securing of the Colonie, in the time of my weaknesse there, I tooke order for the building of three seuerall Forts, two of which are seated neere Point Three Forts. Comfort, to which adioyneth a large circuit of ground, open, and fit for Corne: the third Fort is at the Falls, vpon an Iland inuironed also with Corne ground. These are not all manned, for I wanted the commoditie of Boats, hauing but two, and one Barge, in all the Countrey, which hath beene cause that our fishing hath beene (in some sort) hindered for want of those prouisions, which easily will be remedied when we can gaine sufficient men to bee imployed about those bu­sinesses, which in Virginia I found not: but since meeting with Sir Thomas Gates at the Cowes Sir T. Gates his second voyage 50 neere Portsmouth, (to whom I gaue a particular account of all my proceedings, and of the pre­sent estate of the Colonie as I left it) I vnderstood those wants are supplyed in his Fleet.

The Country is wonderfull fertile and very rich, and makes good whatsoeuer heretofore hath beene reported of it, the Cattell alreadie there, are much encreased, and thriue exceedingly with the pasture of that Countrie: The Kine all this last Winter, though the ground was couered most with Snow, and the Season sharpe, liued without other feeding then the grasse they found, with which they prospered well, and many of them readie to fall with Calue: Milke beeing a great nourishment and refreshing to our people, seruing also (in occasion) as well for Physicke as for food, so that it is no way to be doubted, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, and 100. Kine and 200. Swine sent. 60 Sir Thomas Gates, shall arriue in Virginia, with their extraordinary supply of one hundred Kine, and two hundred Swine, besides store of all manner of other prouisions for the sustenance and maintenance of the Colonie, there will appeare that successe in the Action as shall giue no man cause of distrust that hath alreadie aduentured, but encourage euery good minde to further so [Page 1764] worthy a worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our Nation, and to the comfort of all those that haue beene Instruments in the furthering of it.

The last Discouery, during my continuall sicknesse, was by Captaine Argoll, who hath found a Trade with Patamack (a King as great as Powhatan, who still remaynes our Enemie, though K. and R. Pa tamack. not able to doe vs hurt.) This is in a goodly Riuer called Patomack, vpon the borders whereof there are growne the goodliest Trees for Masts, that may bee found else-where in the World: Hempe better then English: growing wild in abundance: Mynes of Antimonie and Lead.

There is also found without our Bay to the Northward an excellent fishing Banke for Cod and Ling, as good as can be eaten, and of a kind that will keepe a whole yeere in ships hold, with little care; a triall whereof I now haue brought ouer with me. Other Ilands there are vpon our 10 Coasts, that doe promise rich Merchandize, and will further exceedingly the establishing of the Plantation, by supply of many helpes, and will speedily affoord a returne of many worthy com­modities.

I haue left much ground in part manured to receiue Corne, hauing caused it the last Winter to be sowed for Roots, with which our people were greatly releeued. There are many Vines plan­ted in diuers places, and doe prosper well, there is no want of any thing, if the action can be vp­held with constancie and resolution.

Lastly, concerning my selfe and my course, though the World may imagine that this Coun­trie and Climate, will (by that which I haue suffered beyond any other of that Plantation) ill a­gree with the state of my bodie, yet I am so farre from shrinking or giuing ouer this honourable 20 Enterprize, as that I am willing and readie to lay all that I am worth vpon the aduenture of the Action, rather then so Honourable a Worke should faile, and to returne with all the conuenient expedition I may, beseeching your Lordships and the rest, not onely to excuse my former wants, happened by the Almightie Hand: but to second my Resolutions with your friendly indeuours: that both the State may receiue Honour, your selues Profit, and I future Comfort, by beeing im­ployed (though but as a weake Instrument) in so great an Action.

And thus hauing plainly, truly, and briefly deliuered the cause of my returne, with the state of our affaires, as we now stand, I hope euery worthy and indifferent hearer, will by com­paring my present resolution of returne, with the necessitie of my comming home, rest satisfied with this true and short Declaration. 30

CHAP. IX.

A Letter of Sir Samuell Argoll touching his Voyage to Virginia, and Actions there: Written to Master Nicholas Hawes. Iune 1613.

MAster Hawes, within seuen weekes after my departure from the Coast of England, be­ing the three and twentieth of Iuly, 1612. I fell with the Coast of Virginia, in the La­tituae 40 of fortie degrees. The twelfth of September, with all my men in good health, the number being sixtie two, and all my victuals very well conditioned: my course being fif­tie leagues to the Northward of the Azores. The seuenteenth, I arriued at Point Comfort, where by the discreet and prouident gouernment of Sir Thomas Gates, and great paines and hazard of Sir Thomas Dale, I found both the Countrey and people in farre better Sir T. Gates. Sir T. Dale. estate there, then the report was by such as came home in Sir Robert Mansfields ship. From my ar­riuall vntill the first of Nouember, I spent my time in helping to repaire such ships and Boats, as I found heere decayed for lacke of Pitch and Tarre: and in pursuing the Indians with Sir Thomas Dale, for The Deliue­rance. This was in the Riuer of Nansamund. His Voyage to Sir T. Smiths Iland. their Corne, of which we got some quantitie, which we were like to haue bought very deerely: for by the Prouidence of God, Sir Thomas Dale escaped killing very narrowly. Then about the beginning of No­uember, 50 by the aduice of Sir Thomas Gates, I carried Sir Thomas Dale to Sir Thomas Smiths I­land, to haue his opinion of the inhabiting of it: who, after three dayes march in discouering it, approued very well of the place: and so much the better, because we found abundance of fish there, and very great Cod, which we caught in fiue fathome water, of which we are in hope to get a great quantitie this Summer, for the reliefe of our men, as also to find safe passage for Boats and Barges thither, by a cut out of the bottome of our Bay, into the Dela Warre Bay. For which fishing and better Discouery, I haue my ship readie, with my Company in as good health, as at my arriuall, and as they haue continued euer, since: for Dela War Bay. which, God be glorified, to whom we giue daily thankes, for the continuance of his mercy. His first Voy­age to Patowo­mec and Pen­brooke Riuer. Ayapassus the weroance of Pa­stancie.

After my returne from Sir Thomas Smiths Iland, I fitted my ship to fetch Corne from Patowo­meck, by trading with the Indians, and so set sayle from Point Comfort the first of December: and being 60 entred into Penbrooke Riuer, I met with the King of Pastancie a hunting, who went presently aboord with me, seeming to be very glad of my comming, and told me that all the Indians there were my very great friends, and that they had good store of Corne for mee, which they had prouided the yere before, which we found to be true. Then I carried my ship presently before his Towne, and there [...] a [...] [Page 1765] shallop, to get the Corne aboord withall, which being done, and hauing concluded a peace with diuers other Indian Lords, and likewise giuen and taken Cap. Web, Ensigne Swift & Rob. Sparkes & two Boyes. 1100. bushels of Corne. The second voyage to Pen­brooke Riuer. Note. Great store of Oxen in Pen­brooke. Riuer. A Myne. A medicinable Earth. A water that hath the taste of Allum. An Earth like Gumme. A red Earth like Terra sigil­lata. The grea [...] King Patowomeck. Ensigne Swift. Hostages: I hasted to Iames Towne, beeing the first of Ianuary, and arriued at Point Comfort the first of February.

In this Uoyage I got 1100. bushels of Corne, which I deliuered into the seuerall Store-houses, accor­ding vnto the direction of Sir T. Gates: besides the quantitie of 300. bushels, reserued for mine Compa­ny. As soone I had vnladen this Corne, I set my men to the felling of Timber, for the building of a Fri­gat, which I left halfe finished in the hands of the Carpenters at Point Comfort, the 19. of March: and returned my selfe with the ship into Pembrook Riuer, and so discouered to the head of it, which is a­bout 65. leagues into the Land, and nauigable for any ship. And then marching into the Countrie, I found great store of Cattle as big as Kine, of which, the Indians that were my guides, killed a couple which wee 10 found to be very good and wholsome meate, and are very easie to be killed, in regard they are heauy, sl [...], and not so wild as other beasts of the Wildernesse. In this iournie I likewise found a Myne, of which I haue sent a triall into England: and likewise a strange kind of Earth, the vertue whereof I know not; but the Indians eate it for Physicke, alleaging that it cureth the sicknesse and paine of the belly, I likewise found a kind of water issuing out of the Earth, which hath a tart taste much like vnto Allum-water, it is good and wholsome: for my men did drinke much of it, and neuer found it otherwise. I also found an earth like a Gumme, white and cleere; another sort red, like Terra sigillata; another very white, and of so light a substance, that being cast into the water, it swimmeth.

Whilst I was in this businesse, I was told by certaine Indians, my friends, that the Great Powhatans Daughter Pokahuntis was with the great King Patowo neck, whether I presently repaired, resoluing to 20 possesse my selfe of her by any stratagem that I could vse, for the ransoming of so many Englishmen as were prisoners with Powhatan: as also to get such armes and tooles, as hee, and other Indians had got by murther and stealing from others of our Nation, with some quantitie of Corne, for the Colonies re­liefe. So soone as I came to an anchor before the Towne, I manned my Boate and sent on shoare, for the King of Pastancy and Ensigne Swift (whom I had left as a pledge of our loue and truce, the Voyage before) who presently came and brought my pledge with him: whom after I had receiued, I brake the matter to this King, and told him, that if he did not betray Pokohuntis into my hands; wee would be no longer brothers nor friends. Hee alleaged, that if hee should vndertake this businesse, then Powhatan would make warres vpon him and his people; but vpon my promise, that I would ioyne with him against him, hee repaired presently to his brother, the great King of Patowomeck, who being made acquainted 30 with the matter, called his Counsell together: and after some few houres deliberation, concluded rather to deliuer her into my hands, then lose my friendship: so presently, he betrayed her into my Boat, wherein I Pocahuntis ta­ken. carried her aboord my ship. This done, an Indian was dispatched to Powhatan, to let him know, that I had taken his Daughter: and if he would send home the Englishmen (whom he deteined in slauerie, with such armes and tooles, as the Indians had gotten, and stolne) and also a great quantitie of Corne, that then, he should haue his daughter restored, otherwise not. This newes much grieued this great King, yet, without delay, he returned the messenger with this answer. That he desired me to vse his Daughter well, and bring my ship into his Riuer, and there he would giue mee my demands; which being performed, I should deliuer him his Daughter, and we should be friends.

Hauing receiued this answere, I presently departed from Patowomeck, being the 13. of Aprill, and 40 repayred with all speed to Sir T. Gates, to know of him vpon what condition he would conclude this peace, and what he would demand: to whom I also deliuered my prisoner, towards whose ransome within few dayes, this King sent home seuen of our men, who seemed to be very ioyfull for that they were freed from 7. men freed. the slauery and feare of cruell murther, which they daily before liued in. They brought also three pieces, one broad Axe, and a long Whip-saw, and one Canow of Corne. I beeing quit of my prisoner, went forward with the Frigat which I had left at Point Comfort, and finished her.

Thus hauing put my ship in hand to be fitted for an intended fishing Uoyage, I left that businesse to be followed by my Master with a ginge of men, and my Lieutenant fortified on shoare with another ginge to fell timber, and cleaue plankes to build a fishing Boat; my Ensigne with another ginge was imployed in the Frigat, for getting of fish at Cape Charles, and transporting it to Henries Towne for the reliefe of 50 such men as were there: and my selfe with a fourth ginge departed out of the Riuer in my shallop, the first His third Dis­couery. of May, for to discouer the East side of our Bay, which I found to haue many small Riuers in it, and very good harbours for Boats and Barges, but not for ships of any great burthen: and also great store of In­habitants, who seemed very desirous of on loue, and so much the rather, because they had receiued good reports from the Indians of Pembrock Riuer, of our courteous vsage of them, whom I found trading with me for Corne, whereof they had great store. We also discouered a multitude of Ilands bearing good Medow ground, and as I thinke, Salt might easily be made there, if there were any ponds digged, for that I found Salt kerned where the water had ouer-flowne in certaine places. Here is also great store of fish, both shel-fish and other. So hauing discouered along the shore some fortie leagues Northward, I returned Kerned Salt found. May 12. 1613. againe to my ship, the twelfth of May, and hasted forward my businesse left in hand at my departure: and 60 fitted vp my ship, and built my fishing Boate, and made readie to take the first opportunitie of the wind for my fishing Voyage, of which I beseech God of his mercy to blesse vs.

CHAP. X.

Notes of Virginian Affaires in the gouernment of Sir THOMAS DALE and of Sir THOMAS GATES till Anno 1614. Taken out of Ma­ster RALPH HAMOR (Secretary to the Colo­nie) his Booke.

WE found the Colonie at our arriuall there, from the Bermudas, not liuing aboue 10 threescore persons therein, and those scarce able to goe alone, of wel-nigh six hun­dred, not full ten monethes before. The reason hereof is at hand, for formerly, when our people were fed out of the common store, and laboured ioyntly in the manuring of the ground, and planting Corne, glad was that man that could slip Euery mans care is no mans Proprie­tie is a proper painestaker. from his labour; nay, the most honest of them in a generall businesse, would not take so much faithfull and true paines, in a weeke, as now hee will doe in a day, neither cared they for the in­crease, presuming that howsoeuer their haruest prospered, the generall store must maintayne them. By which meanes we reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie men, as three men haue done for themselues. To preuent which mischiefe hereafter Sir Thomas Dale hath ta­ken Sir Thom. Dales good gouern­ment. a new course, throughout the whole Colonie, by which meanes, the generall store (apparell 20 onely excepted) shall not bee charged with any thing: and this it is, hee hath allotted to euery man in the Colonie, three English Acres of cleere Corne ground, which euery man is to mature and tend, being in the nature of Farmers (the Bermuda vndertakers onely excepted) and they are not called vnto any seruice or labour belonging to the Colonie, more then one moneth in the yeere, which shall neither be in Seed time, or in Haruest, for which, doing no other dutie to the Colonie, they are yeerely to pay into the store two barrels and a halfe of Corne: there to bee re­serued to keepe new men, which shall bee sent ouer, the first yeere after their arriuall: and euen by this meanes I dare say, our store will bee bountifully furnished, to maintayne three or foure hundred men, whensoeuer they shall be sent thither to vs.

Concerning the vndertaking of the Bermuda Citie, a businesse of greatest hope, euer begunne 30 in our Territories there, their Patent, doth apparantly demonstrate, vpon what termes and con­ditions Bermuda Citie. they voluntarily haue vndertaken that imployment. The Land is stored with plentie and varietie of wild Beasts, Lions, Beares, Deere of all sorts, onely differing from ours in their increase, hauing vsuall, three or foure Fawnes at a time, none that I haue seene or heard off vnder Deere haue 3. or 4. Fawnes at a time. two: the reason whereof some of our people ascribe to the vertue of some grassie or herbe which they eate, because our Goates oftentimes bring forth three, and most of them two: for my part I rather impute their fecundire to the Prouidence of God, who for euery mouth prouideth meate, and if this increase were not, the Naturals would assuredly starue: for of the Deere (they kill as doe we Beefes in England) all the yeere long, neither sparing young nor olde, no not the Does readie to fawne, nor the young Fawnes, if but two dayes olde) Beauers, Otters, Foxes, Racou­nes, 40 almost as bigge as a Foxe, as good meate as a Lambe, Hares, wild Cats, Muske Rats, Squir­rels flying, and other of three or foue sorts, Apossumes of the bignesse and likenesse of a Pigge of a Apossumes. moneth old, a beast of as strange incredible nature, she hath commonly seuen young ones, some­times more and sometimes lesse, which at her pleasure till they be a moneth old or more shee ta­teth vp into her belly, and putteth forth againe without hurt to her selfe or them. Of each of these beasts, the Lion excepted, my selfe haue many times eaten, and can testifie that they are not onely tastefull, but also wholsome and nourishing food.

There are fowle of diuers sorts, Eagles wild Turkeyes much bigger then our English Cranes, Herons white and russet Hawkes, wilde Pidgeons (in Winter beyond number or imagination, my selfe haue seene three or foure houres together flockes in the Aire, so thicke that euen they 50 haue shadowed the Skie from vs) Turkeyes, Buzzards, Partridge, Snipes, Owles, Swannes, Strange store o [...] [...]owle, as be­fore in Ouiedo. Geese, Brants, Ducke and Mallard, Droeis, Shel-drakes, Cormorants, Teale, Widgeon, Cur­lewes, Puits, besides other small birds, as Black-birds, Hedge-Sparrowes, Oxe-eyes, Wood-pec­kers, and in Winter about Christmasse many flockes of Parakertoths.

For fish, the Riuers are plentifully stored, with Sturgeon, Porpasse, Base, Rockfish, Carpe, Shad, Herring, Ele, Catfish, Perch, Flat-fish, Trout, Sheepes-head, Drummers, Iarfish, Creuises, Crabbes, A Frig [...]s la­ding taken at one draught. Oysters and diuers other kindes, of all which my selfe hath seene great quantitie taken, especi­ally the last Summer at Smiths Iland, at one hale a Frigots lading of Sturgion, Base and other great fish in Captaine Argals Saine: and euen at the very place which is not aboue fifteene miles from Point-Comfort, if we had beene furnished with salt, to haue saued it, wee might haue taken 60 as much fish as would haue serued vs that whole yeere.

To goe yet a little further, I my selfe know no one Countrey yeelding without Art or indu­stry so many fruits; Grapes, Strawberries, Mulberries, Maricocks, of fashion of a Lemmon, whose blossome may admit comparison with our most delightsome and beautifull Flowers, and the fruit Faire flowres. [Page 1767] exceeding pleasant and tastfull: Chesnut-trees towardes the Falls as many as Oakes, and as fer­till, many goodly Groues of Chincomen-trees, with a huske like vnto a Chesnut, raw or boiled, lus [...]ious and heartie meat: Walnuts of three or foure sorts, whereof there might bee yeerely made great quantitie of Oyles, as vsefull and good as that of Oliues: Some Filberds haue I seene, Crabs Crabs. great store, lesse, but not so sower as ours, which grafted with the Siens of English Apple-trees, without question would beare very good fruit.

In May, 1611. Sir Thomas Dale, with a prosperous passage, not full eight weekes arriued there Sir Tho. Dales going to Virgi­nia, A. 1 1 [...] eight weekes. with him about three hundred people, such as for the present speed and dispatch could then bee prouided, of worse condition then those formerly there, who I sorrow to speake it, were not so prouident, though once before bitten with hunger and penury, as to put Corne into the ground 10 for their Winters bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished but with eight months prouision. Retchlesse wretches. His first care therefore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne at the two Forts, seated vpon Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles, whereby the season then not fully past, though about the His care and imploiment. end of May, we had there an indifferent Crop of good Corne.

This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to his vnder Officers; to Iames Towne hee hastened, where the most company were, and their daily and vsuall workes, bowling in the streets, these he imployed about necessary workes, as felling of Timber, repairing their houses ready to fall vpon their heads, and prouiding Pailes, Posts and Railes, to impaile his purposed new Towne, which by reason of his ignorance in those parts, but newly arriued there, he had not resolued where to seat. For his better knowledge therefore of those parts, himselfe 20 with an hundreth men spent some time in the discouery, first of Nansamund Riuer, which in de­spight R. Nansamund. Wise seu [...]ritie remedie to sloth [...]ull sccu­ritie. of the Indians, then our enemies, hee discouered to the Head, after that, our owne Riuer to the Falls, where vpon a high Land, inuironed with the maine Riuer, some sixteene or twentie miles from the Head or the Falls, neere to an Indian Towne called Arsahattocke, hee resolued to plant his new Towne, and so did, whereof in his due place I shall make a briefe relation.

It was no meane trouble to him, to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition as may well witnesse his seuere and strict imprinted booke of Articles, then needfull with all seueritie and extremitie to bee executed, now much mitigated; for more deserued death in those dayes, then doe now the least punishment, so as if the law should not haue restrained by execution, I see not how the vtter subuersion and ruine of the Colony should haue beene preuen­ted, 30 witnesse Webbes and Prises designe in the first yeere, since that Abbots, and others more dan­gerous then the former, and euen in this Summer, Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more, ben­ding their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish plantation reported to be there, who had trauelled (it being now a time of peace) some fiue daies iourney to Ocanahoen, there cut off by certaine Indians, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts.

Thus much obuiously I proceed in his indeuours, vntill Sir Thomas Gates his happy arriuall, which was onely in preparing Timber, Pales, Posts, and Railes for the present impailing this new Towne to secure himselfe, and men from the malice and treacherie of the Indians, in the midst and heart of whom he was resolued to set downe. But before he could make himselfe readie for that businesse, Sir Thomas Gates happily arriued about the second of August, with sixe good Ships, men, Arriuall of Sir Tho. Gates, with sixe ships. 40 prouisions and cattle.

The worthies being met, after salutation and welcome giuen and receiued, Sir Thomas Dale ac­quainted Sir Thomas Gates, both with such businesses as he had affected since his arriuall, and also of his resolution to build a new Towne at the Fales: which designe and purpose of his, Sir Thomas Gates, then principall Gouernour in Virginia, well approuing, furnished him with three hundred ond fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of, and in the beginning of September, 1 [...]1. hee [...] from Iames Towne, and in a day and a halfe landed at a place where hee purpo [...]d to [...] at and build, where hee had beene ten daies before hee had verie strongly impaled seuen [...] of ground for a Towne, which in honour of the Noble Prince Henry (of euer happy and b [...] memory, whose Royall heart was strongly affected to that action) hee called by the name of Henrico. In foure moneths space, he had made Henrico much better, and of more worth then all 50 the worke euer since the Colony began, therein done. I should bee too tedious if I should giue vp the account of euery daies labour, which therefore I purposely omit, and will onely describe the Towne, in the very state and perfection which I left it, and first for the situation, it stands vpon a necke of a very high Land, three parts thereof inuironed with the maine Riuer, and cut out be­tween Henrico built by Sir T. Dale. two Riuers with a strong Pale, which maketh the neck of Land an Iland. There are in this Town three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church & the foundation of a more stately one laid of Brick, in length an hundred foot, and fiftie foot wide, besides Store-houses, Watch­houses, and such like: there are also, as ornaments belonging to this Towne, vpon the Verge of this Riuer, fiue faire Block-houses, or Commanders, wherein liue the honester sort of people, as 60 in Farmes in England, and there keepe continuall centinell for the Townes securitie, and about two miles from the Towne into the Main, a Pale of two miles in length cut o [...]r from Riuer to Riuer, guarded likewise with seuerall Commanders, with great quantitie of Corne ground impa­led, sufficient if there were no more in the Colony secured, to maintaine with but easie manuring, [Page 1768] and husbandry, more men, then I suppose will be addressed thither (the more is the pittie) these three yeeres.

For the further enlargement yet of this Towne, on the other side of the Riuer, by impaling likewise: for we make no other fence, is secured to our vse, especially for our hogges to feed in, a­bout twelue English miles of ground, by name, Hope in Faith, Coxen-Dale, secured by fiue Forts, called Charity Fort, Mount Malado, a Retreat or Guest-house for sicke people, a high seate, and wholsome ayre, Elizabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: and here hath Master Whitacres chosen his Par­sonage, or Church-land, some hundred Acres impaled, and a faire framed Parsonage house built thereupon, called Rocke Hall. Of this Towne, and all the Forts thereunto belonging, hath Cap­taine Iames Dauis the principall Command and Gouernment. 10

I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation, whether wee respect commoditie or secu­ritie (which we principally ay me at) against forraine designes and inuasion, I meane the Ber­muda Bermuda a city. Citie, begun about Christmasse last, which because it is the neerest adioyning to Henrico, though the last vndertaken, I hold it pertinent to handle in the next place. This Towne, or Plantation is seated by Land, some fiue miles from Henric [...], by water fourteene, being the yeere before the habitation of the Appamatucks, to reuenge the treacherous iniurie of those people done vnto vs, taken from them, besides all their Corne, the former before without the losse of a­ny, saue onely some few of those Indians (pretending our hurt) at what time Sir Thomas Dale, being himselfe vpon that seruice, and duely considering how commodious a habitation and seate it might be for vs, tooke resolution to possesse and plant it, and at that very instant, gaue it the Hundreds set out and distin­guished. 20 name of the new Bermudas, whereunto he hath laid out, and annexed to bee belonging to the Freedome, and Corporation for euer, many miles of Champion, and Wood-land, in seue­rall Hundreds, as the vpper and nether Hundreds, Roch-dale Hundred, Wests Sherly Hundred, French displan­ted. Long discour­ses followed in the Author; but Virginia is brought to such an a­bridgement, that I haue no heart to follow him or others in that kind. and Digges his Hundred.

Captaine Argalls Northward discoueries towardes Sacadehoc, and beyond to Port Royall, Sancta Crux, and thereabout may not bee concealed: In which his aduentures, if he had brought home no commoditie to the Colony (which yet he did very much, both of apparell, victualls, and many other necessaries) the honour which he hath done vnto our Nation, by displanting the French, there beginning to seat and fortifie within our limits, and taking of their Ship & Pinnace, which he brought to Iames Towne, would haue been reward enough for his paines, and will euer 30 speake loud his honour, and approued valour.

CHAP. XI.

A Letter of Sir THOMAS DALE, and another of Master WHITAKERS, from Iames Towne in Virginia, Iune 18. 1614. And a piece of a Tractate, written by the said Master WHITAKERS from Virginia the yeere before. 40

To the R. and my most esteemed friend, M. D. M. at his house at F. Ch. in London.

RIght Reuerend Sir, by Sir Thomas Gates I wrote vnto you, of such occasions as then presented themselues, and now againe by this worthy Gentleman Captaine Argall I sa­lute you: for such is the reuerend regard I haue of you, as I cannot omit any occasion to expresse the sincere affection I beare you. You haue euer giuen mee encouragements to perseuere in this Religious Warfare, vntill your last Letters; not for that you are now lesse well affected thereunto: but because you see the Action to be in danger of their non­performances 50 who vndertooke the businesse. I haue vndertaken, and haue as faithfully, and with all my might indeauoured the prosecution with all alacritie, as God that knoweth the heart can beare me record, what recompence, or what rewards, by whom, or when I know not where to expect; but from him in whose Vineward I labour, whose Church with greedy appetite I desire to erect. My glorious Master is gone, Prince Henry. that would haue ennamelled with his fauours the labors I vndertake, for Gods cause, and his immortall honour. Hee was the Great Captaine of our Israel, the hope to haue builded vp this heauenly new Ie­rufalem he interred (I thinke) the whole frame of this businesse, fell into his graue: for most mens for­ward (at least seeming so) desires are quenched, and Virginia stands in desperate hazard. You there doo your duties, I will no way omit mine, the time I promised to labour, is expired: it is not a yoke of Oxen hath drawne mee from this feast: it is not the marriage of a wife makes me hast home, though that sallat 60 giue mee an appetite to cause me returne. But I haue more care of the Stock, then to set vpon a Dye, and rather put my [...]fe to the curtesie of noble and worthy censures, then ruine this Worke; and haue a Iury (nay a million) of foule m [...]utbed detractors, scan vpon my endeauours, the ends whereof they can­not diue into. You shall briefly vnderstand what hath betide since my last, and how we now stand, and are [Page 1769] likely to grow to perfection, if wee be not altogether neglected, my stay grounded vpon such reason, as had I now returned, it would haue hazarded the ruine of all.

Sir Thomas Gates hauing imbarked himselfe for England, I put my selfe into Captaine Argalls ship, with a hundred and fiftie men in my frigot, and other boats went vnto Pamaunkie Riuer, where Powha­tan Sir T. Dales iourny to Pow­hatans Coun­try. This is more at large deliuered, with the particular circumstances (which I for breuiti [...] haue omitted) by M. Hamor. hath his residence, and can in two or three dayes, draw a thousand men together; with me I carried his daughter, who had beene long prisoner with vs, it was a day or two before wee heard of them: At length they demanded why wee came; I gaue for answere, that I came to bring him his daughter, condi­tionally he would (as hath beene agreed vpon for her ransome) render all the Armes, Tooles, Swords, and men that had run away, and to giue me a ship full of Corne, for the wrong hee had done vnto vs: if they would doe this, wee would be friends, if not burne all. They demanded time to send to their King; I assen­ted, 10 I taking, they receiuing two pledges, to carry my message to Powhatan. All night my two men lay not farre from the water side, about noone the next day they told them the great King was three daies iour­ney off, that Opochankano was hard by to whom they would haue had them deliuer their message, saying, That what hee agreed vpon and did, the great King would confirme. This Opocankano is brother to Powhatan, and is his and their chiefe Captaine: and one that can as soone (if not sooner) as Powha­tan command the men. But my men refused to doe my message vnto any saue Powhatan, so they were brought backe, and I sent theirs to them; they told me that they would fetch Simons to me, who had thrice plaid the runnagate, whose lyes and villany much hindred our trade for Corne: But they delayed vs, so as we went ashore they shot at vs, we were not behinde hand with them, killed some, hurt others, marched into the Land, burnt their houses, tooke their Corne, and quartered all night ashoare. 20

The next day we went further vp the Riuer, they dogged vs and called to know whither we went; wee answered, To burne all, if they would not doe as we demanded, and had beene agreed vpon. They would they said, bring all the next day so we forbare all hostilitie, went ashoare, their men in good numbers com­ming amongst vs, but we were very cautious, and stood to our Armes. The Kings daughter went ashoare, Pocahuntas be­hauiour and report. but would not talke to any of them, scarce to them of the best sort, and to them onely, that if her father had loued her, he would not value her lesse then old Swords, Peeces, or Axes: wherefore shee would still dwell with the English men, who loued her. At last came one from Powhatan, who told vs, that Simons was run away, to Nonsowhaicond, which was a truth, as afterwards appeared, but that the other Eng­lish man was dead, that proued a lie (for since M. Hamor; whom I employed to Powhatan brought him to mee) our Peeces, Swords, and Tooles within fifteene dayes, should be sent to Iames Towne, with some 30 Corne, and that his daughter should be my child, and euer dwell with mee, desiring to be euer friends, and named such of his people, and neighbour Kings, as hee desired to be included, and haue the benefit of the peace, promising if any of our men came to him, without leaue from mee, he would send them backe: and that if any of his men stale from vs, or killed our cattell, hee would send them to vs to bee punished as wee thought fit. With these conditions wee returned, and within the time limitted, part of our Armes were sent, and twentie men with Corne, and promised more, which he hath also sent. Opachankano desired I Opachankan [...] now their king, & worker of the massa [...]r [...] would call him friend, and that he might call me so, saying, Hee was a great Captaine, and did alwayes fight: that I was also a great Captaine, and therefore he loued mee; and that my friends should bee his friends. So the bargaine was made, and euery eight or ten dayes, I haue messages and presents from him, with many appearances that he much desireth to continue friendship. 40

Now may you iudge Sir, if the God of Battailes had not a helping hand in this, that hauing our Swords drawne, killing their men, burning their houses, and taking their corne: yet they tendred vs peace, and striue with all alacritie to keepe vs in good opinion of them; by which many benefits arise vnto vs. First, part of our Armes, disgracefully lost long agoe (kept by the Sauages as Monuments and Tro­phies of our shames) redeliuered, some repaire to our Honor. Our catell to increase, without danger of de­stroying, our men at libertie to hunt freely for Venison, to fish, to doe any thing else, or goe any whither without danger; to follow the husbanding of our corne securely, whereof wee haue aboue fiue hundred Acres set, and God be praised, in more forwardnesse then any of the Indians, that I haue seene or heard of this yeeres, Roots and Hearbs we haue abundance; all doubt of want is by Gods blessing quite vanished, and much plentie expected. And which is not the least materiall, wee may by this peace come to discouer the Countrey better, both by our owne trauells, and by the relation of the Sauages, as we grow in familiari­tie 50 with them.

Powhatans daughter I caused to be carefully instructed in Christian Religion, who after she had made some good progresse therein, renounced publikely her Countrey Idolatry, openly confessed her Christan Pocahunta [...] baptised: & of Mato [...] (so I haue heard she was properly named) [...] first called Rebecca, Faith, was, as shee desired, baptised, and is since married to an English Gentleman of good vnderstan­ding (as by his Letter vnto me, containing the reasons of his marriage of her you may perceiue) another knot to binde this peace the stronger. Her Father and friends gaue approbation to it, and her Vncle gaue her to him in the Church: shee liues ciuilly and louingly with him, and I trust will increase in goodnesse, as the knowledge of God increaseth in her. Shee will goe into England with mee, and were it but the gaining of this one soule, I will thinke my time, toile, and present stay well spent. 60

Since this accident, the Gouernours and people of Checkahomanies, who are fiue hundred Bow-men, and better, a stout and warlike Nation, haue made meanes to haue vs come vnto them, and conclude a peace, where all the Gouernours would meet me. They hauing thus three or foure times importuned me, I resolued to goe; so hauing Captaine Argall, with fiftie men in my Frigot and Barge I went thither: Cap­taine [Page 1770] Argall with forty men landed, I kept aboord for some reasons. Vpon the meeting they told Captaine Argall they had longed to be friends, that they had no [...]ing, but eight great men, who gouerned them. He told them that we came to be friends, asked them if they would haue King Iames to be their King, and whether they would be his men? They after some conference betweene themselues, seemed willing of both, demanding if we would fight against their enemies; he told them that if any did them iniury, they should send me word, and I would agree them, or if their aduersaries would not, then I would let them haue as many men as they would to helpe them: they liked well of that, and told him that all their men should helpe vs. All this being agreed vpon, Captaine Argall gaue euery Counsellour a Tamahawk, and They called the English Tos­santessas, and so would them­selues be cal­led. The parti­culars and ar­ticles of agree­m [...]nt are in M. H [...]amors Booke; here omitted. a peece of Copper, which was kindely taken: they requested further, that if their Boates should hap­pen to meete with our Boates, and that they said they were the Chikahominy Englishmen, and 10 King Iames his men, wee would let them passe: we agreed vnto it, so that they pronounced themselues Englishmen, and King Iames his men, promising within fifteene dayes to come vnto Iames Towne to see me, and conclude these conditions; euery Bowman being to giue me as a Tribute to King Iames two mea­sures of Corne euery haruest, the two measures containing two bushels and a halfe, and I to giue euery Bow­man a small Tamahawke, and to euery Counseller a suit of red cloath, which did much please them. This people neuer acknowledged any King before, no nor euer would acknowledge Powhatan for their King; a stout people they be, and a delicate seate they haue.

Now Sir you see our conditions, you, and all worthy men may iudge, whether it would not be a griefe to see these faire hopes frostbitten, and these fresh budding plants to wither? which had I returned, had assu­redly 20 followed: for here is no one that the people would haue gouerne them, but my selfe: for, I had now come away, had I not found a generall desire in the best sort to returne for England: Letter vpon Letter, request vpon request from their friends to returne, so as I knew not vpon whom to conferre the care of this busi­nesse in my absence: whom I thought sit was generally distasted, so as seeing the eminent ensuing danger, should I haue left this multitude, not yet fully refined, I am resolued to stay till haruest be got in, and then settle things according to my poore vnderstanding, and returne: if in the interim there come no authori­sed Gouernour from England.

Consider I pray you, since things be brought to this passe, as you see, and that I should haue come away, if then through their factions, humors, mutinies, or indiscretion of the Chiefes I had left behinde, this Sir T. Dales re­port of Virgi­nia. In another letter to the Committees he writeth that foure of the best Kingdoms of Christendome put all toge­ther, may no way compare with this coun­try, either for commodities, or goodnesse of soile. should fall to ruine: I then should receiue the imputation, and incurre the blame, for quitting the Planta­tion, although I might do [...] it, both with my honour, my promised stay of time being expired, and hauing 30 warrant from my Soueraigne, the Kings Maiesty: but the precedent reasons moued mee and that this astion of such price, such excellency and assured profit to mine owne knowledge should not dye to the scorne of our Nation, and to giue cause of laughter to the Papists, that desire our ruine. I can assure you, no Country of the world affords more assured hopes of infinite riches, which both by mine owne peoples disco­uery, and the relation of such Sauages, whose fidelity we haue often found, assureth me. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen ingage themselues, and thereby intermedling herein, haue caused a num­ber of soules transport themselues, and be transported hither? Why should they (I say) relinquish this so glorious an Action: for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to perseuere: if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant. Howsoeuer they stand affected, here is enough to content them, 40 let their ends be either for God, or Mammon.

These things hauing animated me to stay for a little season, to leaue those, I am tied in conscience to re­turne vnto, to leaue the assured benefits of my other fortunes, the sweete society of my friends and acquain­tance, with all mundall delights, and reside here with much turmoile, which I will constantly doe, rather then see Gods glory diminished, my King and Countrey dishonored, and these poore people, I haue the charge of, ruined. And so I beseech you to answer for me, if you heare me taxed for my staying, as some may iustly Master Alexan­der Whitaker was son to that worthy of Po­lemicall Di­uine Doctor Whitaker Ma­ster of S. Iohns Col. in Cam­bridge. Whatshadowes of men are the most in this age, that the best deseruing should neede apologies in­stead of pane­gyrik [...]s? They which for do­ing suffer ill, cry whore first, and by depra­uing iustice seek to be iust. doe, and that these are my chiefe motiues God I take to witnesse. Remember me, and the cause I haue in hand, in your daily meditations, and reckon me in the number of those that doe sincerely loue you and yours, and will euer rest in all offices of a friend, to doe you seruice.

To my very deere and louing Cosen M. G. Minister of 50 the B. F. in London.

SIr, the Colony here is much better. Sir Thomas Dale. our Religious and valiant Gouernour, hath now brought that to passe, which neuer before could be effected. For by warre vpon our enemies, and kinde vsage of our friends, he hath brought them to seeke for peace of vs, which is made, and they dare not breake. But that which is best, one Pocahuntas or Matoa the daughter of Powhatan, is married to an honest and discreete English Gentleman Master Rolfe, and that after she had openly renounced her Coun­try Idolatry, professed the faith of Iesus Christ, and was baptised; which thing Sir Thomas Dale had la­boured a long time to ground in her. 60

Yet notwithstanding, are the vertuous deedes of this worthy Knight, much debased, by the Letters which some wicked men haue written from hence, and especially by one C. L. If you heare any condemne this noble Knight, or doe feare to come hither, for those slanderow Letters, you may vpon my word boldly reproue thom. You know that no malefactors can abide the face of the Iudge, but themselues scorning to [Page 1771] be reproued, doe prosecute with all hatred, all those that labour their amendment. I maruaile much that any men of honest life, should feare the Sword of the Magistrate, which is vnsheathed onely in their defence.

But I much more muse, that so few of our English Ministers that were so hot against the Surplis and subscription: come hither where neither spoken of. Doe they not either wilfully hide their Tallents, or keepe themselues at home for feare of loosing a few pleasures? Be there not any amongst them of Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ? But I referre them to the Iudge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward euery one according to the gaine of his Talent. But you my co­sen, hold fast that which you haue, and I, though my promise of three yeeres seruice to my Countrey be expired, will abide in my vocation here vntill I be lawfully called from hence. And so betaking vs all vnto 10 the mercies of God in Christ Iesus, I rest for euer.

Part of a Tractate written at Henrico in Virginia, by Master ALEX. WHITAKER, Minister to the Colony there, which then gouerned by Sir T. DALE, 1613.

THey acknowledge that there is a great good God, but know him not, hauing the eyes of their vnderstanding as yet blinded: wherefore they serue the Diuell for feare, after a most base manner, sacrificing sometimes (as I haue here heard) their owne Children to him. I haue 20 sent one Image of their god to the Counsell in England, which is painted vpon one side of a toad­stoole, much like vnto a deformed monster. Their Priests (whom they call Qui [...]kosoughs) are no Their Pri [...]sts and manner of liuing. other but such as our English Witches are. They liue naked in body, as if their shame of their sinne deserued no couering: Their names are as naked as their body: they esteeme it a vertue to lye, deceiue, and steale, as their Master the Diuell teacheth them. Much more might be said of their miserable condition, but I referre the particular narration of these things to some other season.

These men are not so simple as some haue supposed them: for they are of body lusty, strong, and very nimble: they are a very vnderstanding generation, quicke of apprehension, suddaine in their dispatches, subtile in their dealings, exquisite in their inuentions, and industrious in their la­bour. 30 I suppose the world hath no better marke-men with their Bowes and Arrowes then they be; they will kill Birds flying, Fishes swimming, and Beasts running: they shoote also with meruailous strength, they shot one of our men being vnarmed quite through the body, and nai­led both his armes to his body with one Arrow: one of their Children also, about the age of twelue or thirteene yeeres, killed a Bird with his Arrow in my sight. The seruice of their God is answerable to their life, being performed with a great feare and attention, and many strange dumbe shewes vsed in the same, stretching forth their limbes, and straining their body, much like to the counterfeit women in England, who faine themselues bewitched, or possessed of some euill spirit. 40

They stand in great awe of the Quiokosoughs or Priests, which are a generation of Vipers, euen of Sathans owne brood. The manner of their life is much like to the Popish Hermits of our age; for they liue alone in the woods, in houses sequestred from the common course of men, neither may any man be suffered to come into their house or to speake with them, but when this Priest doth call him. He taketh no care for his victuals, for all such kinde of things both Bread and Wa­ter, &c. are brought vnto a place neere vnto his cottage, and there are left, which hee fetcheth for [...] proper neede. If they would haue raine, or haue lost any thing, they haue their recourse to him, who coniureth for them, and many times preuaileth. If they be sicke, he is their Physi­cian; if they be wounded, he sucketh them. At his command they make warre and peace, nei­ther doe they any thing of moment without him. I will not be tedious in these strange Narra­tions, when I haue more perfectly entered into their secrets, you shall know all. Finally, there is 50 a ciuill gouernment amongst them which they strictly obserue, and shew thereby that the law of Yet Namantack in his returne was killed in Bermuda by an­other Sauage his fellow. Nature dwell [...]th in them: for they haue a rude kinde of Common-wealth, and rough gouernment wherein they both honour and obey their Kings, Parents, and Gouernours, both greater and lesse, they obserue the limits of their owne possessions. Murther is scarsly heard of: Adultery and other offences seuerely punished.

The whole Continent of Uirginia situate within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beauti­fied by God, with all the ornaments of nature, and enriched with his earthly treasures: that part of it, which we already possesse, beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac, and stretching it selfe in Northerly latitude to the degrees of 39. and 40. is interlined with seuen most goodly Riuers, the 60 least whereof is equall to our Riuer of Thames: and all these Riuers are so neerely ioyned, as that A [...] 14. or. [...] miles. there is not very much distance of dry ground betweene either of them, and those seu [...]rall maine lands are euery where watered with many veines or creekes of water, which sundry waies doe ouerthwart the land, and make it almost nauigable from one Riuer to the other. The commodity [Page 1772] whereof to those that shall inhabite this land is infinite, in respect of the speedy and easie trans­portance of goods from one Riuer to the other, I cannot better manifest it vnto you, but in ad­uising you to consider whether the water or land hath beene more beneficiall to the Low-Coun­tries. To the Riuer which we inhabit (commonly called Powhatans Riuer) ebbeth and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the maine; at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of Henrico and Charles: two and forty miles vpward is the first and Mother-Christian Towne seated, called Iames-Towne; and seuenty miles beyond that vpward, is the new Towne of Henric [...] built, and so named in the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and blessed memory: tenne miles beyond this is a place called the Fals, because the Riuer hath there a great descent falling downe between many minerall Rockes which be there: twelue miles farther beyond this place is there a Chri­stall 10 Rocke wherewith the Indians doe head many of their Arrowes▪ three dayes iourney from Christall Rock thence is there a Rock or stony hill found, which is in the top couered all ouer with a perfect and most rich Siluer oare. Our men that went to discouer those parts had but two Iron Pickaxes with them, and those so ill tempered, that the points of them turned againe, and bowed at euery stroake, so that we could not search the entrailes of the place, yet some triall was made of that oare with good successe, and argument of much hope. Six dayes iourney beyond this Mine a great ridge of high hils doe runne along the maine land, not farre from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth runne, which we commonly call a South Sea, but in respect of our habitation is a West Sea, for there the Sun setteth from vs. The higher ground is much like vnto the molde of France, clay and sand being proportionably mixed together at the top; but if we digge any depth (as we 20 haue done for out Bricks) we finde it to be red clay, full of glistering spangles. There be many rockie places in all quarters; & more then probable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts: though I knew all, yet it were not conuenient at this time that I should vtter all, neither haue wee had meanes to search for any thing as we ought, thorough present want of men, and former wants of prouision for the belly. As for Iron, Steele, Antimonium, and Terra sigillata, they haue rather offered themselues to our eyes and hands, then bin sought for of vs. The Ayre of the Countrey Ayre and Sea­sons. (especially about Henrico and vpward) is very temperate and agreeth well with our bodies. The extremity of Summer is not so hot as Spaine, nor the cold of Winter so sharpe as the frosts of England. The Spring and Haruest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant, the Summer and Winter are both but short. The Winter is for the most part dry and faire, but the Summer 30 watered often with many great and sodaine showers of raine; whereby the cold of Winter is warmed, and the heate of Summer cooled. Many haue died with vs heretofore thorough their owne filthinesse and want of bodily comforts for sicke men; but now very few are sicke among vs: not aboue three persons amongst all the inhabitants of Henrico; I would to God our soules were no sicker then our bodies.

The naturall people of the Land are generally such as you heard of before. A people to be fea­red of those that come vpon them without defensiue Armor, but otherwise faint-hearted (if they see their Arrowes cannot pierce) and easie to be subdued. Shirts of Male, or quilted cotten coates are the best defence against them. There is but one or two of their petty Kings, that for feare of vs haue desired our friendship; and those keepe good quarter with vs, being very pleasant amongst 40 vs, and (if occasion be) seruiceable vnto vs. Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke, who are our ouerthwart neighbours at Iames-Towne, and haue beene friendly to vs in our great want. The other is the Werowance of Chescheak, who but lately traded with vs peaceably. If we were once the masters of their Country, and they stood in feare of vs (which might with few hands im­ployed Note well. about nothing else, be in short time brought to passe) it were an easie matter to make Feare is the be­ginning of piety & ciuility What vse may be made of the Natiues. them willingly to forsake the Diuell, to embrace the faith of Iesus Christ, and to be baptized. Besides, you cannot easily iudge how much they would be auaileable to vs in our Discoue­ries of the Countrey, in our Buildings and Plantings, and quiet prouision for our selues, when we may peaceably passe from place to place without neede of Armes or Guard.

The meanes for our people to liue and subsist here of themselues are many and most certaine 50 both for Beasts, Birds, and Hearbes. The Beasts of the Countrey are for the most part wilde: as Lyons, Beares, Wolues and Deere: Foxes blacke and red, Rakowns, Beuers, Possowns, Squer­rels, Wilde-Cats, whose skins are of great price, and Muske-Rats which yeelde Muske as the Muske-Cats doe. There be two kindes of Beasts amongst these most strange; one of them is the female Possowne, which will let forth her yong out of her belly, and take them vp into her bel­ly Possown a strange beast. againe at her pleasure without hurt to her selfe; neither thinke this to be a Trauellers tale, but the very truth; for nature hath framed her fit for that seruice, my eyes haue beene witnesse vnto it, and we haue sent of them and their yong ones into England. The other strange conditioned creature is the flying Squirrell, which thorough the helpe of certaine broad flaps of skin grow­ing Flying Squir­rels. on each side of her forelegs, will flye from tree to tree twenty or thirty paces at one flight 60 and more, if she haue the benefit of a small breath of winde. Besides these, since our comming hither, we haue brought both Kine, Goates, and Hogges, which prosper well, and would multi­ply exceedingly, if they might be prouided for. This Countrey besides is replenished with Birds of all sorts, which haue bin the best sustenance of flesh, which our men haue had since they came; [Page 1773] also Eagels and Haukes of all sorts, amongst whom are Auspreys, fishing Hauke, and the Cormo­rant. The woods be euery where full of wilde Turkies, which abound, and will runne as swift as a Greyhound. In winter our fields be full of Cranes, Herons, Pigeons, Partridges and Black­birds: Fowle. the Riuers and creekes be ouer-spread euery where with water foule of the greatest and least sort, as Swans, flockes of Geese and Brants, Ducke and Mallard, Sheldrakes, Dyuers, &c. besides many other kindes of rare and delectable Birds, whose names and natures I cannot yet re­cite, but we want the meanes to take them. The Riuers abound with Fish both small and great; the Sea-fish come into our Riuers in March, & continue vntill the end of September: great sculls Fish. of Herings come in first: Shads of a great bignesse, and Rock-fish follow them. Trouts, Base, Flounders, and other dainty fish come in before the other be gone: then come multitudes of 10 great Sturgeons, whereof we catch many, and should do more, but that we want good Nets answerable to the breadth and deapth of our Riuers: besides, our channels are so foule in the bot­tome with great logges and trees, that we often breake our Nets vpon them: I cannot reckon nor Nets. giue proper names to the diuers kindes of fresh fish in our Riuers; I haue caught with mine Angle, Pike, Karpe, Eele, Perches of six seuerall kindes, Crea-fish, and the Torope or little Turtle, besides many smaller kindes, &c.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Lottery: Sir THOMAS DALES returne: the Spaniards in Virginia. 20 Of POCAHVNTAS and TOMOCOMO: Captaine YERD­LEY and Captaine ARGOLL (both since Knighted) their Gouernment; the Lord LA-WARRS death, and other occurrents till Anno 1619.

HItherto you haue heard the Authors themselues speak of their owne affaires. Now we must for continuation and consummation of our Story, borrow a few Colle­ctions 30 from others, where the Authors themselues haue not comne to our hands. Wherein that industrious Gentleman Captaine Iohn Smith still breathing Virgi­nia, and diligent enquiry and writing, as sometime by discouery and doing to shew his zeale to this action (for seeing he cannot there be employed to performe Vir­ginian exploits worthy the writing, here he employeth himselfe to write Virginian affaires wor­thy the reading) hauing compiled a long History of that and the Summer Iland plantation, and of New England in six Bookes, hath gently communicated the same to mine, that is to thine, as intended to the Worlds vse. Out of his rich fields I haue gleaned these handfuls, adding thereto the crop also of mine owne industry.

Sir Thomas Gates returned from Virginia in March, and Captaine Argall in Iune following 1614. The Lottery▪ 40 and so animated by their hopefull reports the Aduenturers, that the great standing Lottery was drawne Anno 1615. in the West end of Pauls Churchyard (where before, as in many other places after; a run­ning Lottery of smaller aduentures had beene vsed) in which the Prizes were proportioned from two crownes (which was the least) to diuers thousands, arising in ordinary assents and degrees To 100. 200. 300. & 1000. 2000. and the highest 4500. crownes., casually ac­cruing as the lot fell, and paid in money or in Plate there set forth to view, prouided that if any chose mo­ney rather then Plate or goods for paiment, in summes aboue ten crownes, he was to abate the tenth part. The orders of this Lottery were published, and courses taken to preuent frauds.

Whiles Sir Thomas Dale was in Virginia, it chanced that a Spanish Ship beate vp and downe before Point Comfort, and sent ashoare for a Pilot. Captaine Iames Dauies sent them one, with whom they Spanish Ships a [...] Virginia. presently sailed away, leauing three of their company behinde. These, vpon examination, confessed that 50 hauing lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts; two of them said they were Cap­taines English Pilat [...] o [...] Iudas rather; suspended and exalted toge­ther according to his me [...]. of chiefe command in the Fleete. They receiued good vsage there, till one of them was found to be an Englishman, which in the great Fleete 1588. had bin a Pilot to the Spaniards, and now exercised his wonted trechery, hauing induced some malecontents to runne away with a small Barke. This darknesse being brought to light, some of them were executed, and he expecting no better, confessed that two or three Spanish Ships were at Sea, on purpose to discouer the state of the Colony: but their Commission was not to be opened till they arriued in the Bay, so that he knew no further. One of the Spaniards died, the other was sent for England, and this fellow was now repriued, but (as became such a Pilot) was hanged at Sea in Sir Thomas D [...]les returne. The English Pilot which they had carried away to Spaine, after long imprisonment by much suite recouered his liberty and Country. 60

Sir Thomas Dale hauing thus established things as you haue heard, returned thence, appoin­ting Cap▪ Y [...] [...] [...] [...]. Captaine George Yardly his deputy Gouernour in his absence, and arriued at Plimmouth in May or Iune 4. 1616. to aduance the good of the Plantation, Master Rolfe also with Rebecca his new conuert and consort, and Vttamatamakin (commonly called Tomocomo) one of Pohatans [Page 1774] Counsellours came ouer at the same time. With this Sauage I haue often conuersed at my good friends Master Doctor Goldstone, where he was a frequent guest; and where I haue both seen him Hitherto from Capt. Smith. sing and dance his diabolicall measures, and heard him discourse of his Countrey and Religion, Sir Tho. Dales man being the Interpretour, as I haue elsewhere shewed. Master Rolfe lent mee a dis­course which he had written of the estate of Virginia at that time, out of which I collected those things which I haue in my Pilgrimage deliuered. And his wife did not onely accustome her selfe See my Pil. l. 8. c. 5. to ciuilitie, but still carried her selfe as the Daughter of a King, and was accordingly respected, not onely by the Company, which allowed prouision for her selfe and her sonne, but of diuers particular persons of Honor, in their hopefull zeale by her to aduance Christianitie. I was pre­sent, when my Honorable & Reuerend Patron, the L. Bishop of London, Doctor King entertained 10 her with festiuall state and pompe, beyond what I haue seene in his great hospitalitie afforded to other Ladies. At her returne towards Uirginia she came at Grauesend to her end and graue, hauing giuen great demonstration of her Christian sinceritie, as the first fruits of Virginian conuersion, lea­uing here a godly memory, and the hopes of her resurrection, her soule aspiring to see and enioy presently in heauen, what here shee had ioyed to heare and beleeue of her beloued Sauiour. Not such was Tomocomo, but a blasphemer of what he knew not, and preferring his God to ours, be­cause he taught them (by his owne so appearing) to weare their Deuill-lock at the left eare; hee acquainted mee with the manner of that his appearance, and beleeued that this Okee or Deuil had See my Pilg. vbi sup. taught them their husbandry, &c. Powhatan was at this time of their comming gone Southwards, for feare (as some thought) least Opachancanough his brother should ioyne with the English a­gainst 20 him. His age was not so great as some haue reported, they reckoning euery Spring and Powhatans re­moue. Autumne for distinct yeeres. Tomocomo was as wise in computation of his sailing, reckoning each night (when hee expected they should haue anchored by the shoare) as another day. Hee is said Virginian yeers which perhaps occasioned the conceits of their longevity also to haue set vp with notches on a stick the numbers of men, being sent to see and signifie the truth of the multitudes reported to his Master. But his arithmetike soone failed, and wonder did no lesse amaze him at the sight of so much Corne and Trees in his comming from Plimmouth to London, the Uirginians imagining that defect thereof here had brought vs thither.

But let vs returne to Captaine Smiths Relations. The new Gouernour applied himselfe to the readiest way of gaine in planting Tobacco; and though Sir Tho. Dale had caused much Corne to be planted, yet the new supplies easing them of that superfluitie, hee sent to the Chickahaminies 30 for the tribute Corne which Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall had conditioned with them, but receiued a bad answere. Whereupon hee gathered a hundred men, and twelue of them were slaine, twelue others captiued, and returned to Iames Towne with three Boats laden with corne, of which one hasting to bring the newes was ouerset, and eleuen men, together with the goods drowned. Captaine Spelman by his language did them good seruice. This, together with the league which they had with Opachankanough enemy to the former, put them so in feare, that ours followed their labours quietly, and other Nations also brought them prouisions and would hunt for them. Captaine Yeardly is taxed for suffering two of his Sauages to vse the Peece in their game and therein to grow expert; a thing reported to haue beene practised by some others. Yet whiles hee staied in the gouernment they liued quietly with the Sauages, but grudges grew a­mongst 40 themselues.

A. 1617. Captaine Yeardly returned for England, after the arriuall of Captaine Argall, sent thi­ther to be deputie Gouernour.

Captaine Argall was sent in the George, and with Capt. Hamor his Vice-Admirall, in May, 1617. A. 1617. Cap. Argolls go­uernment. 1618. Great drought arriued at Iames Towne, where hee found things in much disorder, which hee sought to redresse. Their cattell were now well encreased, and both of their owne growing, and from the Sauages they had store of Corne, A. 1618. happened a great drought, and such a cruell storme of haile, that it did much hurt to their Corne and Tobacco. The Magazine that came in the George, being fiue moneths in her passage proued badly conditioned.

To supply them, the Company furnished and set forth in Aprill a Ship of two hundred and fiftie tunnes, L. De-la-Wars▪ last voyages and death. 50 with two hundred people. The Lord De-la-war went therein, and at the Iland of Saint Michael was honourably feasted. Departing from thence, they were long troubled with contrary windes, in which time many fell sicke, thirtie died, one of which was that honourable Lord of noble memory. The rest refreshed themselues on that Coast of New England, with Fish, Fowle, Wood, and Water, and after sixteene weekes spent at Sea, arriued in Virginia.

The Ship called the Treasurer not long after came thither with fortie Passengers, before the other Ship Plowing and Corne in Vir­ginia. was gone. They now had vsed the Plow, and reaped good Corne, and they writ for more Plow-haruesse to be sent them.

Richard Killingbeck with foure others, going to trade secretly with the people of Chickahaminias, either for reuenge of some before slaine in Captaine Yerdlyes expedition, or for couetousnesse of their goods 60 were assaulted by the Sauages, one of which had a Peece furnished and therewith shot Killingbeck dead; Killingbeck slain the rest also were all slaine, stripped and spoyled. Other murthers also were done by other Sauages, which Opachankanough excused by ignorance, and for the former, hee sent a basket of earth, in token of the gift and possession of that Towne where they dwelt, to Captaine Argal, desiring him not to reuenge the fault [Page 1775] of a few, which for feare of reuenge were fled to the Woods, on their innocent neighbours. Sam. Arg. Io. Rolfe.

Master Rolfe writ, Iune 15. 1618. that Powhatan died in Aprill before, Itopatan his second bro­ther Powhatans death. succeeded, who with Opachanckanough had confirmed the league with the Colony. May 11. happened at Iames Towne in the night, a terrible storme which lasted about halfe an houre, and poured downe hailestones eight or nine inches about.

A. 1619. Sir Edwin Sands being chosen Treasurer, Captaine Yerdley was knighted and sent Go­uernour Sir Edwin Sands Treasu­rer. into Virginia. A little Pinnace had arriued some twelue dayes before him, in which Captaine Argall returned, leauing in his place Captaine Nathaniel Powel. As for their digusts giuen the Company (in their apprehension) by Captaine Argall, I am not fully informed, or lust to bee the Informer. 10

Sir George Yerdly arriuing Aprill 18. filled the Colony with ioyfull hopes of better successe at his ar­riuall, Sir George Yerd­ley Gouernour. and I freely acknowledge the Treasurers great study and care was worthy (had God so pleased) of better enents, then by vnexpected accidents haue since happened.

Captaine West, Captaine Powel, Master Pory, Master Rolfe, Master Wickam, Master Ma­cock, were added to the Councell. A Pinnace of Captaine Bargraue, another of Captaine Lawnes, and a third of Master Euans, and the Marget of Bristol arriued. Some scandalous Letters, which laid a false imputation on the Countrey, caused enquiry to bee made, where by men of best experience was found, that an industrious man not otherwise imployed, may well husband foure Acres of Corne, and one thousand Profit to be made in Vir­ginia. Plants of Tobacco, of which many to haue much, neglect the goodnesse (in suffering too many leaues to grow on one stalhe) and many Tobaccomongers in England are said to sell the best of it in other names, 20 calling all their trash Virginian, and so at once rob both England and Virginia. Iune 25. the Triall came in with Corne and Cattell. The Gouernour and Counsell caused Burgesses to be chosen in all places, and a generall assembly was held for consultation about the Colonies good. The ancient Planters being set free chose places to their content, and sweetnesse of proprietie made them emulous to exceed each other in building and planting. Many good instructions were sent from the Company, to amend the Virginian a­buses and compete [...]cis of prouision was appointed for Officers.

But leaue we awhile our Captaines Notes, and let vs listen to that which the Company pub­lished, A. 1620.

CHAP. XIII. 30

The estate of the Colony, A. 1620. and Master Dermers Letter to mee from Virginia, touching his Voyage for the South Sea.

NOw touching the present estate of our Colony in that Countrey, We haue thought it not vnfit thus much briefly to declare. There haue beene sent thither this last yeere, and are now presently in going, twelue hundred persons and vpward, as particularly appeareth in the note aboue specified: and there are neere one thou­sand 40 more remaining of those that were gone before. The men lately sent, haue beene most of them choice men, borne and bred vp to labour and industry. Out of Deuonshire, about an hundred men, brought vp to Husbandry. Out of Warwickshire and Staf­fordshire, about one hundred and ten; and out of Sussex, about fortie; all framed to Iron-workes: the rest dispersedly out of diuers Shires of the Realme. There haue beene also sundry persons of good qualitie, much commended for sufficiency, industry and honestie, prouided and sent to take charge and gouernment of those people. The care likewise that hath beene taken by directions, instructions, Charters and Commissions to reduce the people and affaires in Virginia into a regu­lar course, hath been such and so great, that the Colony beginneth now to haue the face and fashi­on of an orderly State, and such as is likely to grow and prosper. The people are all diuided in­to 50 seuerall Burroughes; each man hauing the shares of Land due to him set out, to hold and enioy to him and his Heires. The publike Lands for the Company here, for the Gouernour there, for the Colledge, and for each particular Burrough, for the Ministers also, and for diuers other neces­sary Seuerall Burroughs▪ Officers, are likewise laid out by order and bounded. The particular Plantations for diuers priuate Societies, are setled in their Seates, being allotted to their content, and each in conueni­ent distance. The rigour of Martiall Law, wherewith before they were gouerned, is reduced within the limits prescribed by his Maiesty; and the landable forme of Iustice and gouernment vsed in this Realme, established, and followed as neere as may be. The Gouernour is so restrained to a Counsell ioyned with him, that he can doe wrong to no man, who may not haue speedy re­medy. 60 Each Burrough, and each particular Plantation, partly hath, partly is bound to haue in short time a sufficient Minister: for whom maintenance is ordained, to each of two hundred pounds a yeere value. Which orderly proceeding there, by direction from hence, hath caused the Colony now at length to settle themselues in a firme resolution to perpetuate the Plantati­on. [Page 1776] They fall to building of Houses, each for his owne priuate; and the Generality to the rea­ring of publike Guest-houses, for entertaining of new men vpon their first arriuall. They fall to set vp their Ploughes, to the planting of Vineyards; to the pursuing of the Staple Commodities furnished and commended from hence. In summe, they are now so full of alacrity and cheereful­nesse, that in a late generall Assembly, they haue in the name of the Colony presented their grea­test possible thankes to the Company, for the care that hath beene taken for the setling of the Plantation. Neither is it to be omitted, the care which hath beene had here lately at home, for the reducing of all the proceedings and affaires of the Company, to an orderly course of good go­uernment and Iustice. Wherein to begin with the Fountaine thereof, his Maiesties authoritie Patent three times renewed and pleasure, there hath beene a collection made of all the branches of the same, dispersed in his 10 Letters Patents, now three times renewed: as also out of other instructions proceeding from his Maiestie. Out of both which, together with such other Orders as (authorized by his Maiestie) the Companie themselues haue thought necessary to make, hath beene compiled a booke of stan­ding Orders and Constitutions, approued by the generall consent of all the Companie: where­by both the Company here, and the Colony in Virginia, haue their businesse carried regularly, in­dustriously, and iustly, euery man knowing both his right and dutie, to their generall great con­tent, and the great aduancement of the Action. And whereas the Colony likewise haue been of­ten Sutors in effect, to reduce into a compendious and orderly forme of writing, the Lawes of England proper for the vse of that Plantation, with addition of such other, as the nature of the place, the nouelty of the Colony, and other important circumstances should necssarily require: A 20 course is likewise taken for the effecting of this worke; yet so as to submit it first to his Maiesties view and approbation; it being not fit that his Maiesties Subiects should bee gouerned by any o­ther Lawes, then such as receiue the influence of their life from him.

And now to come to that which concerneth the Aduenturors in particular, by whose charges, care, and labour (next vnto his Maiesties especiall grace) this famous Plantation hath not onely beene vndertaken, but through so many difficulties vpheld and continued: wee should bee very greatly iniurious to them, if we should not acquaint them with this seasonable time, for the rea­ping of that benefit and reward which is due vnto them. Wee therefore let them know, that in this last yeere now ended, there haue beene granted by the Company vnder their legall Seale, eleuen seuerall Patents for particular Plantations; and more are in hand to bee passed this next 30 Quarter-Court. It is not vnprobable that vpon each of these Patents, diuers hundreds of persons will soone Plant in Virginia: there haue beene already transported vpon the first, aboue three hun­dred men. These and other like Planters; hauing priority of time, will haue priority also in choice of the Seat of their Plantations. Seeing therefore the onely matter of retribution to the Aduenturors, is by a faire proportion of Land to them and their heires, namely, of one hundred Acres for euery share of twelue pounds and ten shillings, vpon a first diuision; and as much more vpon a second, the first being peopled; with fiftie Acres for euery person (to bee doubled in like manner) which at their own charges they shall transport to inhabite in Uirginia before the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1625. if hee continue there three yeeres, either at one or seuerall times, or die after he is shipped for that voyage: It standeth them vpon, who are not willing to be the least 40 in the benefit to be partaked, not to be the last in setting forth to the choice and peopling of their Land. Wherein what fauour or assistance may by vs bee giuen them, they shall bee well assured of it, in equall proportion with our selues, as their charges and long expectance haue well deserued. And to the end that not onely the Aduenturors now liuing, but the Heires also of the deceased, may take certaine notice of the seuerall proportion of Land, which ratably to their Aduentures in money are due and belonging to them.

A Note of the Shipping, Men, and Prouisions sent to Virginia, by the Treasurer 50 and Company, in the yeere 1619.

THe Bona Noua of two hundred Tun, sent in August 1619. with one hundred and twenty per­sons. The Duty, of seuenty Tun, sent in Ianuary 1619. with fiftie one persons. The Ionathan Ships. of three hundred and fiftie Tun, sent in February 1619. with two hundred persons. The Triall, of two hundred Tun, sent in February 1619. with fortie persons, and sixtie Kine. The Faulcon, of one hundred and fiftie Tun, sent in February 1619. with thirtie sixe persons, fiftie two Kine, and foure Mares. The London Merchant, of three hundred Tun, sent in March 1619. with two hun­persons. The Swan of Barnstable, of one hundred Tunne, sent in March, 1619. with seuentie one persons. The Bonauenture of two hundred and fortie Tun, sent in April, 1620. with one hundred 60 and fiftie three persons. Besides these, set out by the Treasurer and Company, there hath beene set out by particular Aduenturers for priuate Plantations. The Garland of two hundred and fiftie Tun, sent in Iune, 1619. for M. Iohn Ferrars Plantation, with fortie fiue persons. Who are yet de­tained in the Summer Ilands. A Ship of Bristoll, of eightie Tun, sent in September, 1619. for M. [Page 1777] Barkleys Plantation, with fortie fiue persons. There are also two Ships in prouiding to be short­ly gone, for about three hundred persons more, to bee sent by priuate Aduenturers to Virginia. The summe of the persons one thousand two hundred sixtie one. Whereof in the eight Ships set out by the Treasurer and Company, eight hundred seuentie one.

Of these persons there are sent for publike and other pious vses, these ensuing▪ Tenants People. for the Gouernours Land, besides fiftie sent the former Spring, eightie. Tenants for the Companies Land, one hundred and thirtie. Tenants for the Colledges Land, one hundred. Tenants for the Ministers glebe-Lands, fiftie. Young Maids to make Wiues for so many of the former Tenants, ninetie. Boyes to make Apprentices for those Tenants, one hundred. Seruants for the publike, fiftie. Men sent by their labours, to beare vp the charge of bringing vp thirtie of the In­fidels 10 children in true Religion and Ciuilitie. The sum of persons for publike vse, &c. six hundred and fiftie. The six hundred and eleuen remaining, are sent for priuate Plantations.

The Commodities which these people are directed principally to apply (next to their own necessary main­tenance) Commodities. are these ensuing: Iron, for which are sent one hundred and fiftie persons, to set vp three Iron-workes; proofe hauing beene made of the extraordinary goodnesse of that Iron.

Cordage: for which (besides Hempe) direction is giuen for the planting of Silke-grasse (na­turally growing in those parts) in great abundance: which is approued to make the best Cor­dage and Linnen in the world. Of this, euery housholder is bound to set one hundred Plants: and the Gouernour himselfe hath set fiue thousand.

Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes, Pitch and Tarre: for the making whereof the Polacres are returned 20 to their workes.

Timber of all sorts, with Masts, Planks and Boords for prouision of Shipping, &c. there being not so good Timber for all vses, in any one knowne Countrey whatsoeuer. And for the ease and encrease of diuers of these workes, prouision is sent of men and materialls, for the setting vp of sundry Sawing Mills.

Silke: for which that Countrey is exceeding proper, hauing innumerable store of Muibery Trees of the best, and some-Silk-wormes naturally found vpon them, producing excellent Silke: some whereof is to be seene. For the setting vp of which Commoditie, his Maiesty hath beene graciously pleased now the second time (the former hauing miscarried) to bestow vpon the Company plenty of Silk-wormes-seed of his owne store, being the best. 30

Vines: whereof the Countrey yeeldeth naturally great store, and of sundry sorts: which by culture will be brought to excellent perfection. For the effecting whereof, diuers skilfull Vigne­rons are sent, with store also from hence of Vine-plants of the best sort.

Salt: which workes hauing beene lately suffered to decay, are now ordered to bee set vp in so great plentie, as not onely to serue the Colony for the present; but as is hoped in short time also the great Fishings on those Coasts.

For the following, working, and perfecting of these Commodities, all prouisions necessary for the present are sent in good abundance. As likewise the people that goe are plentifully furn [...]shed with apparell, bedding, victuall for sixe moneths: Implements both for the House and Labour, Armour, Weapons, Tooles, and sundry other necessaries. And a supply of Armour, Powder, and 40 many necessary prouisions is made for those of the Colony which were there before; yet without any preiudice to the former Magazin.

There haue beene giuen to the Colony this yeere by deuout persons, these Gifts ensuing: Two persons Gifts. vnknowne, haue giuen faire Plate, and other rich Ornaments for two Communion Tables; whereof one for the Colledge, and the other for the Church of Mistresse Mary Robinsons founding: who in the former yeere by her Will, gaue two hundred pounds towards the founding of a Church in Virginia.

Another vnknowne person (together with a godly Letter) hath lately sent to the Treasurer, fiue hundred and fiftie pounds in gold, for the bringing vp of children of the Infidels: first in the Knowledge of God and true Religion; and next, in fit Trades whereby honestly to l [...]ue. 50

Master Nicolas Ferrar deceased, hath by his Will giuen three hundred pounds to the Colledge in Virginia, to bee paid, when there shall be ten of the Infidels children placed in it. And in the meane time foure and twentie pounds by yeere, to bee distributed vnto three discreet and godly men in the Colony, which shall honestly bring vp three of the Infidels children in Christian Re­ligion, and some good course to liue by.

An vnnamed person sent to the Treasurer the summe of ten pounds, for aduancing of the Plantation.

There haue beene Patents granted this yeere for particular Plantations, as here ensueth: To the So­cietie Patents. of Southamton Hundred. To Master Heath, Recorder of London. To Master Wincop. To Master Tracie. To Doctor Bohun. To Master Pierce. To Master Delbridge. To Master Pointz. 60 To Master Barkley. To Captaine Bargraue. To Captaine Ward. Who haue vndertaken to trans­port to Virginia great multitudes of people, with store of cattell.

It is to be knowne, that touching the Colledge for the Infidels children, it hath beene thought more expedient to begin first with the planting and peopling of the Lands (which hath beene [Page 1778] done this yeere) and afterwards to proceed to the erecting of the Fabricke, which is to be perfor­med out of the reuenues of the Lands.

To his Worshipfull Friend M. SAMVEL PVRCHAS, Preacher of the Word, at the Church a little within Ludgate, London.

SIR,

IT was the nineteenth of May, before I was fitted for my discouery, when from Monahiggan I set sayle in an open Pinnace of fiue tun, for the Iland I told you of. I passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations, not long since populous now vtterly void; in other places a remnant re­maines, 10 but not free of sicknesse. Their disease the Plague, for wee might perceiue the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots of such as vsually die. When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Coun­try (finding all dead) I trauelled alongst adaies iourney Westward, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatched a Messenger a dayes iourney further West, to Poconaokit which bor­dereth on the Sea; whence came to see me two Kings, attended with a guard of fiftie armed men, who be­ing well satisfied with that my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them (being desirous of noueltie) gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded, where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Mastachusit, who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod. I must (amongst many things worthy obseruation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I passe (not mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Iland, which wee discouered 20 the twelfth of Iune. Here we had good quarter with the Sauages, who likewise confirmed former reports. I found seuen seuerall places digged, sent home of the earth, with samples of other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast, and the time being farre spent bare vp for Monahiggan, arriuing the three and tieth of Iune, where wee found our Ship ready to depart. To this Ile are two other neere adioyning, all which I called by the name of King Iames his Iles, because from thence I had the first motiues to search. For that (now probable passage) which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie. When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplishing my businesse. In regard of the fewnesse of my men, not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence, and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe, I put most of my prouisions aboord the Sampson of Cape Ward ready 30 bound for Virginia, from whence hee came, taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serue our turnes, determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast along, and at Virginia to supply our selues for a second discouery, if the first failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting, and are seldome without their crosses, so in this we had our share, and met with many difficulties: for wee had not sayled aboue forty leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly storme, which draue vs to this strait; ey­ther we must weather a rockie point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous; Incidit in Syllam, &c. the Rockes wee could not weather, though wee loosed till we receiued much water, but at last were forced to beare vp for the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the shoare, where we had beene bea­ten to pieces, had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our prouisions to haue our liues; by which meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, hauing our Planke broken, and 40 a small leake or two which we easily mended. Being left in this misery, hauing lost much bread, all our Beefe and Sider, some Meale and Apparell, with other prouisions and necessaries; hauing now little left besides hope to encourage vs to persist: Yet after a little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages as before, which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence, who desired (in regard of our long iourney) to slay with some of our Sauage friends at Sawahquatooke) for now almost euery where, where they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At Manamock (the Southerne part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliffe Inlets) I was vnawares taken prisoner, when they sought to kill my men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but missing of their purpose, they demanded a ransome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as before: yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to deliuer me, with three of them into my hands, and a little 50 after the chiefe Sacheum himselfe; who seeing me weigh anchor, would haue leaped ouerboord, but inter­cepted, craued pardon, and sent for the Hatchets giuen for ransome, excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his neighbours; and to be friends sent for a Canoas lading of Corne, which receiued we set him free. I am loth to omit the story, wherein you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our greatest misery, in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time. Departing hence, the next place we arriued at was Capaock, an Iland formerly discouered by the English, where I met with Epinew a Sa­uage that had liued in England, and speakes indifferent good English, who foure yeeres since being carried home, was reported to haue beene slaine, with diuers of his Countreymen, by Saylers, which was false. With him I had much conference, who gaue mee very good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could de­mand. Time not permitting mee to search here, which I should haue done for sundry things of speciall 60 moment: the wind faire, I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led mee, till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I discouered Land about thirtie leagues in length, heretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but by the helpe of an Indian I got to the Sea againe, through many crooked and streight passages. I let passe many accidents in [Page 1779] this iourney occasioned by treacherie, where wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares, once the Sauages had great aduantage of vs in a streight, not aboue a Bowe shot, and where a multitude of Indians let flye at vs from the banke, but it pleased God to make vs victours: neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rockie Ilands, occasioned by two vnequall tydes, the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other: here wee lost an Anchor by the strength of the current, but found it deepe enough: from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a great Bay (to vs so appearing) but indeede is broken land, which gaue vs light of the Sea: here, as I said, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West, offered me Pilots, and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke vpon a Chest, whereby I found it a great Iland, parted the two Seas; they report 10 the one scarce passable for shoalds, perillous currents, the other no question to be made of. Hauing re­ceiued these directions, I hasten to the place of greatest hope, where I purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse towards vs, and vse my best endeuour te bring the truth to light, but wee were but onely shewed the entrance, where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with contrary and ouerblowing windes, hardly escaping both our liues. Being thus ouercharged with weather, I stood alongst the coast to seeke harbours, to attend a fauourable gale to recouer the streight, but being a harbourlesse Coast for ought we could then perceiue, wee found no succour till wee arriued betwixt Cape Charles and the Maine on the East side the Bay Chestapeak, where in a wilde Roade wee anchored; and the next day (the eight of September) crossed the Bay to Kecoughtan, where the first newes strooke cold to our hearts, the generall sickenesse ouer the Land. Here I resolued with all possible speede to 20 returne in pursuite of this businesse; so that after a little refreshing, wee recouered vp the Riuer to Iames Citie, and from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon, where immediately wee fell to hew­ing of Boords for a close Decke, hauing found it a most desired course to attempt as before. As wee were thus labouring to effect our purposes, it pleased almighty God (who onely disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein all workes shall be accomplished) to visite vs with his heauie hand, so that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the rest, my selfe so sore shaken with a bur­ning feauer, that I was brought euen vnto deaths doore, but at length by Gods assistance escaped, and haue now with the rest almost recouered my former strength. The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on these Coasts especially) subiect to gusts and fearefull stormes, I haue now resolued to choose a more temperate season, both for the generall good and our owne safeties. And thus I haue 30 sent you a broken discourse, though indeede very vnwilling to haue giuen any notice at all, till it had pleased God to haue blessed mee with a thorow search, that our eyes might haue witnessed the truth. I haue drawne a Plot of the Coast, which I dare not yet part with for feare of danger, let this therefore serue for confirmation of your hopes, till I can better performe my promise and your desire; for what I haue spoken I can produce at least mille testes; farre separate, of the Sea behinde them, and of Ships, which come many dayes iourney from the West, and of the great extent of this Sea to the North and South, not knowing any bounds thereof Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity offer it selfe, re­membring my best lone, &c. I rest

Yours to command, THO. DERMER.

To Sir Edwin Sands in the Treasurership succeeded the right Honorable Henry Earle of South­ampton, Cap. I. Smith. whose industry together with that of those two brethren Iohn and Nicolas Farrars the Sir Edw. Sands was Treasurer from Ap. 1619. till Iun. 16 [...]0. successiue Deputies, haue giuen much content to many, but to diuers others matter of complaint; wherein I am an vnfit Iudge; onely as a reasonable man and Christian Minister (that I say not Historian) I am much grieued that Virginias prosperity cannot answer mens hopes; nor can any 50 man meruaile if diuisions (minde-massacres) here, with the massacring Sauages and diseases there, haue hindred there the expected effects of honorable and carefull indeuours. Master Stockam, a Master Stock­ams Letter to Master Whita­ker before. Minister, writ thence, May the eight and twentieth, that which deserueth iust consideration, that he found no probability by faire meanes alone to draw the Sauages to goodnesse, and if Mars and Minerua went hand in hand, they would effect more good in one houre, then these verball Mercurians in their liues: and till their Priests and Ancients haue their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conuersion. 60

CHAP. XIIII.

A true Relation of a Sea Fight betweene two great and well appointed Spanish Ships, or Men of Warre; and an English Ship, called thy Margaret and Iohn, or the Blacke Hodge, going for Virginia.

HAuing taken our iourney toward Virginia in the beginning of February last past, in a Ship called the Blacke Hodge, her burthen one hundred and sixtie tunne, man­ned 1620. 10 onely with eight Iron Peeces, and a poore Faulcon, we soone ouer-passed both the tedious endurances and fearefull dangers of such a Voyage, and came at last by the foureteenth of March vnder 13. and halfe Latitude, within twenty leagues of Matalina.

Falling with Meuis by the twentieth of March, and compassing the furthest point to stand in the hand sommer with the shore, wee perceiued two tall Ships at anchor right ouer against the watring place with their top sayles loose, and their Boates going ashoare for their men. At first we supposed them Hollanders, in respect of their building, and the Hollanders colours borne by Hollanders co­lours. their Admirall in the maine top, the vice Admirall hauing his fore top mast downe, and no colors displayed, which encreased our former opinion, adding withall that it must needes be prise, or 20 some other Ship subiect to the misfortune of a fight.

But driuing by necessity of water, and willing to refresh our selues a shoare, wee trimmed our Ship, and came to anchor fairely by them, sending our Boate in friendly manner to hale them both vnprouided and vnarmed, which returned with certificate, that they were Spaniards, where­in not fully satisfied, by reason of our former apprehension that it was otherwise; the better to be resolued, we sent out our Boate againe, as well to be assured what to trust vnto, as to gaine sometime to prepare our Shippe, and trim her more commodiously, being pestered with goods and fardels betweene the deckes, and altogether vnprouided for any fight, either offensiue or defensiue.

The Boate approached the hindmost Ship, which I call the vice-Admirall, and haled her, de­manding 30 who they were, but instead of resoluing vs, she commanded them to come aboord, and would answere no otherwise; whereupon the Boate rowed from them, as resoluing all was not The Spaniards shot at the boat well, and so made haste vnto vs againe, yet could not preuent a volley of small shot powred ve­ry dangerously amongst them, insomuch that they had their cloathes shot through, their Oares shiuered, and the sides battered with Bullets; yet thankes be to God, neither was a man hurt, nor any thing lost; which, as if they had had notice of the same escape, rated their rage so much the more: For by that time the Boate was out of reach of their small shot, they followed it to the Ship with great Ordnance; and when they perceiued they were safely come aboord, they They shot at the Ship. English vnpre­pared for fight. tooke it so ill, that they thundred against our Ship with the soarer rage, and most violent vollies, which we could not answer, hauing no Peece in our gunner roome, nor indeede any other well 40 mounted for such a Sea fight.

By this time their vice Admirall heaued vp her anchor to her warpe, and laid her selfe to Spanish aduan­tages. wind-ward, if either we should passe forward, or anchor short againe, so that we perceiued they meant to assault vs on all hands: for she let flye a whole broad-side vpon vs, and came furiously vp to our lee quarter without damage or resistance of our parts.

But when we were thus terrified and threatned by them, and thus encombred and disanima­ted amongst our selues, knowing withall (by reason of our ill prepared Ordnance) the disaduan­tage and hazard to be boorded at anchor by two good Ships well prepared for spoyle and ruine; we hoysed vp our sailes, and determined to set forward, had not the vice-Admirall come on our star-boord side, and beate vpon vs so hardly, that we fell to our businesse, and answered their vn­kndenesse 50 accordingly with many faire shot, which proued most effectuall, especially from a demy-culuering, which at last shot her betweene winde and water, so that shee was compelled from vs, and bare off to Sea, leauing her Admirall onely single with vs, who at last came fairely in our quarter to winde-ward, taking in her Holland flagge, and aduanced her Spanish colours, and so haled vs. Spanish colors.

We quietly and quickly answered, both what we were, and whither wee were bound, disco­uering Their confe­rence. the effect of our Commission, and relating the cause of our tarying there for water, neither purposing to annoy any subiect of the King of Spaines, nor by way of affront to braue either Mer­chant or man of Warre. Then she charged vs to strike our sailes for the King of Spaine, and vaile the bonnet according to the prerogatiue they had in those Seas: we replyed with enlarging the 60 particulars of the league betweene the King our Master and their King, adding with all, that as we intended no ill, we would take no wrong; Whereupon the Master left the poope, and se­questred himselfe from such open conference; had they not called for the Captaine againe, who at last presented himselfe, till they commanded him to come aboord with his Commission, [Page 1781] which he refused, yet wished them to send their Boat aboord, and then they should see it most willingly.

But instead either of answering vs further with kinde words, or accepting of our reply in good Insolence of the Spaniards. part, they made two great shot at vs, and poured among vs such a volley of small shot, before we could get off the poope, that we thanked God they did no more harme, yet we were much ama­zed they did so much: not thus content they waued vs with their bright swords, and reuiled vs with opprobrious tearmes, mis-tearming vs dogs, and inuenting more odious names against vs, then we could imagine that Christians durst vrge one another withall: at last they laid vs a­boord, which enforced vs to raise vp our maine sayle, and to giue the word to our small shot, which all this while lay close, well resolued and prepared: but sodainely breaking The English fight. forth wee plyed them in such sort that wee made them giue backe and shrinke from their former 10 forwardnesse.

The fight continued some halfe houre in our quarter, and according to the terrour of such en­counters, wee were compast as it were in fire and smoake, vntill they discouered the waste of our Ship naked, and were encouraged with the hope of reciprocall damage, whereupon they brauely ranne vpon our side, and laid vs aboord loofe to loofe, hastning with Pikes and Swords to enter, to which was added such fury, that if they had not beene preuented, we should haue Spaniards seeke to enter. shrunke vnder the rage of a barbarous slaughter: but it pleased God so to direct our Master with aduice, and encourage our men with valour, that our Pikes being formerly placed vnder our halfe decke, and certaine shot lying close for that purpose vnder the portels of the Shippe, encountred them so brauely, that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse inter­cepted, Their repulse. 20 and the whole Company beaten backe, especially vpon the wind-ward side, where the charge was hottest, and the fight bloodiest; for the [...]e the throng was great, and men had worke enough to make proofe of their courages and fortunes. Diuers of our men were hurt, and many fell on their side.

In the end they were violently repulsed by vs, enforced to a retreat, vntill they were reinfor­ced backe againe by their Commanders, who standing vpon tearmes of honor, as being men of Warre, and designed for that purpose, thought it an indignity to be so afronted and counterman­ded; which caused a second charge, and that was answered with a second beating backe, till the Second charge Captaine himselfe grew enraged, as not brooking to be so much ouermated, and constrained them to come on a fresh, which they did so effectually, that questionlesse it had wrought an alteration, Third charge. 30 if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth the Mountaines in his fury, had not taught vs to tosse our Pikes with prosperous euent, and poured out a sodaine volley of small shot vpon them, whereby that worthy Commander was slaine at the foote of a Pike, and many of his Souldiers Their Captain slaine. dropped downe on the top of the hatches. Presently our Master tooke aduantage of their dis­comfiture (though with some commiseration for their valiant Captaine so slaine) that hee not onely plyed them a fresh with great Ordnance, but had more false shot vnder the Pikes, which were bestowed to good purpose, and amased our enemies with the sodainnesse.

Amongst the rest one Lucas our Carpenters mate must not be forgotten, who perceiued a way how to annoy them, as they were thus pusled and in a confusion, drue out a minion which hee Lucas his braue act. 40 nobly set a worke vnder the halfe decke, till at the last hee brought it to the doxe of the halfe decke, and there bent it vpon them, but in such a manner, that when it was fiered the cases full of stones and peeces of Iron fell vpon them like haile, and cleared their decke in such a sort that The case alte­red. Omnium re [...]ur [...] vicissitudo. it slue many, and in short time we saw few assailants, but onely such as crept from place to place very couertly, and seemed willing to obscure themselues from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker then theirs: For although (as farre as we may commend our enemies) they had done some things worthy of admiration: yet either wanting men, or ouertaken with the vnlook­ed for valour of our company, they now began to shrinke, and gaue vs leaue to be wanton with our aduantage.

Yet were our great Ordnance onely foure, that we could vse in this fight, but it should seeme The English could [...] but foure Ord­nance. they serued the turne as well as foure times foure: for they shot her diuers times betweene winde 50 and water, and so preuailed, that at last we saw many signes of their willingnesse to leaue vs, but by reason she was fast in a slach of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung loose, she could not be diuided nor make that way shee purposed, vntill one of our men cut it with an Axe without direction, and was slaine for his labour. But when she perceiued she was loose, after she had beene a boord two houres and a halfe, good Lord what haste she made, and how quickly were we diuided, both great and small shot playing on both sides, which lasted vn­till Spaniards fall off. the remotenesse was aboue a Caliuer shot, and we discouered the vice-Admirall comming to her assistance, who began a farre off to ply vs with great shot, and put vs in minde we had ano­ther worke in hand. 60

Whereupon wee manned our Ship a new, separating the dead and hurt bodies by themselues Brauado tur­ned English. from vs, and were so encouraged, that we waued her, and in a manner made toward her to fight a fresh: For when we perceiued, that the Admirall made not a shot more at vs, we verily imagined, that either she was preparing her selfe with a new supply, or wanted men to make her seruiceable [Page 1782] or resolued to goe away from vs, considering shee had lost her Captaine; yet loth to bee secure, and imagining the Vice-admirall might come and boord vs finding vs play, till the Admirall did make her selfe better readie, we prepared our selues, wondring yet that shee came no neerer vs then Falcon shot, wherewith she plyed vs still on the Lee side, vntill at last she receiued another payment from our Demie-culuering, which shot her through, and made her beare with the shore into smooth water, where shee remayned till two of the clocke after midnight, and so wee had time to reforme our disorders, and make our selues better readie for the next dayes varietie.

By breake of day she came vp againe with the Admirall with her; as if they determined in­deed Next dayes fight. to deuoure vs at once; but as it seemed it was but a Brauado, though for the time they forsooke not our quarter within Musket shot: for all that night and morning they were quiet 10 Neighbours, and kept vs company without any great annoyance with their Top-sayles downe, not knowing, as it should seeme, what to doe with vs, or else suspecting their owne hurts and Leakes, they durst not trust themselues too farre from Land, nor to the furie of another encounter. All that night we had time and leisure to ouer-looke our losses, and pre­pare for them, the Admirall made shew of an encounter, and we after Prayers were ended pro­uided to fight with them, but suddenly wee perceiued the Vice-Admirall hang a sterne, cut­ting her mayne sayle to come vp, and stirring very ill.

At length the Admirall shooke in the wind, and by apparant signes gaue vs notice of slacking her course, whereby we might runne a head and follow the Seas at her pleasure, so wee per­ceiued The Vice-Ad­mirall seeketh to recouer the Iland and the qualitie, Sana. the Vice-Admirall with all her Sayles to make towardes an Iland called Sana, which 20 the Admirall either tooke notice of, as knowing the danger she wasin, or gaue directions accor­dingly, considering there was no good to bee done with vs: for presently she tacked about and lost vs, bearing toward that Iland also.

Wee lost Doctor Bohune, and seuen other were slaine out-right: two died shortly after Doctor Bohune and seuen o­thers slaine out-right. of their wounds, and sixteene were shot through in some part or other of the bodie, whose wounds Gods be thanked were recured and without mayme or further impeachment of health are now recouered and settled in Virginia, according to our first entended purpose and Commis­sion: I reckon not such as are hurt with Pikes and other offensiue Weapons, because there was no danger in their cures, and the skilfull Surgeon shewed his art and good speed with facilitie. How many they lost wee cannot tell, nor what men of name were entertayned amongst them, one­ly Spanish losse. 30 I am sure we saw many lie slaine on the Decke, and more cast ouer-boord in the fight, besides the Scuppers ran with bloud, and the very Sea in their quarter was coloured with a Scarlet hue, and looked fearfully vpon vs all.

The burthen of their Admirall was three hundred tunnes, hauing two and twentie Peeces Spanish ships described. of Brasse, and all prouision of a man of Warre indeed: their Vice-Admirall three hundred tuns, and sixteene cast Peeces, nor much inferiour to her for trimming and correspondent Equipage, and both to outward shew ouer-masterfull and daring for one poore Merchant and Passenger, be­ing but a hundred and sixtie tunnes, hauing eight Iron Peeces and one Falcon, ouer-loaden with Stuffe and Wares, encombred with Passengers, toyled with a storme, tyred with a long Voyage, affrighted with wants, and euery way insufficient to answere any such enemie: but 40 as it in the Scripture, it is all one to thee, O God, whether there be few or many, and Gedeons three hundred shall slay many thousands of the Midianites: as for deliuerances, the people of Israell shall passe through the Red Sea dry foot: Ionas shall bee cast safe on shoare out of the Whales belly: and Paul shall escape shipwracke, sauing his life with all his Passengers in the Iland of Malta.

For to conclude with the purpose in hand, there is one thing most remarkable as an induce­ment to this our deliuerance, that Captaine Chester embraced Doctor Bohune beeing mortally wounded, and thus recomforted him, saying, O Doctor Bohune what a disaster is this; the Noble Doctor no whit exanimated, replyed; Fight it out braue man, the cause is good, and Lord re­ceiue my soule.

A Sea Fight. 50

Slaine out right. Doctor Bohune. Thomas Demeter Gentleman. Th. Read. William Garret. Th. Vernam. Gabriel Peses. Dauid Bathering. Raph. &c. Died after. Francis Annis Gentle­man. Ed. Nerobery Sayler. Wounded yet cured. William Bird Gentleman. Alexander Bou [...]ntine. William Bannington Gentleman. William Ioyce Quarter Master. Iohn Wakings. Iohn Wilson Sayler. George Tayler Sayler. William Lucas Sayler. Iohn Robbins Steward. Phillip Dur [...]ine. Three Frenchmen. Robert Lector. Anthony Browne Gentleman. 60

CHAP. XV.

Virginian affaires since the yeere 1620. till this present 1624.

§. I.

A note of the shipping, men, and prouisions sent and prouided for Virginia, by the 10 Right Honourable HENRY Earle of South-hampton, and the Com­pany, and other priuate Aduenturers, in the yeere 1621. &c. with other Occurrents then published by the Company.

SHIPS AND PEOPLE.
  • 1 THe Elianor 30. tun: in May 1621. with 10. persons.
  • 2 The George 180. tun: in Iuly 20 120.
  • 3 The Charles 120. tunne: in Iuly 80.
  • 4 The Marmaduke 100. tun: in Iuly 80.
  • 5 The Temperance 80. tun: in Iuly 50.
  • 6 The Warwicke 160. tun: in August 100.
  • 7 The Tigre 40. tun: in August 40.
  • 8 The Sea-flowre 140. tun: in August 120.
  • 9 The Flying Hart 200. tun: in August 60. 30 Men, and 40. Cattell.
  • 10 The Discouerie 60. tun: in Nouember 20.
  • 11 The Bona Noua 200. tun: in Noumber 50.
  • 12 The Hope-well 60. tun: in Nouember 20.
  • 13 The God-speed 150. tun: in Aprill [...]1622. 100.
  • 14 The Gift of God 140. tun: in Aprill 100.
  • 15 The Prime-Rose 80. tun: in Aprill 60.
  • 16 The Charitie 80. tun: in Aprill 30.
  • 17 The Bonauenture 50. tun: in Aprill 10.
  • 18 The White Lion 180. tun: in May 40 Men, 40. Cattell.
  • 19 The Furtherance 180. tun: in May 80. men.
  • 20 The Ma [...]ret and Iohn 160. tun: in May 80.
  • 21 The Iames 120. tun: in May 80.
  • Summe of the persons, 1300. Cattell 80.
Sent also to the Summer Ilands by that Company.
  • 22 The Ioseph 150. tun: in May 1621. 100. persons.
  • 23 The Iames 120. tun: in Iuly 80.
  • 24 The Concord 180. tun: in August 70. Persons 250.

So there is foure and twentie Sayle of ships, with fiue hundred Mariners in them imployed to these Plantations in this yeere. 40

Besides, there are now prouiding seuerall ships in diuers parts of this Kingdome to transport to the Plantations aboue fiue hundred persons.

And for the benefit of the Plantations these things following haue beene here done this yeere.

Sixteene persons and others haue beene prouided and sent for the making of Beads for trade Beads. in the Countrie with the Natiues, and for making Glasse of all sorts.

Seuen and fiftie young Maides haue beene sent to make wiues for the Planters, diuers of which Maids. were well married before the comming away of the Ships.

A Magazine hath beene sent of all necessaries for the Colonie, to the value of two thousand Magazine▪ 50 pound, besides all priuate mens sending goods, which was very ample, Trade being set open for all his Maiesties Subiects. A ship called the Discouerie, hath beene set out for the rich Trade of Furre-trade. Furres, which both the French and Hollanders haue yeerely within our Precincts, and within fif­tie leagues of vs. Fiue and twentie persons for the building of Boats, Pinnasses and Ships, for the Boat-builders. necessarie vse of the Colonie for fishing, Trade, and Discouerie, &c. Seuen persons sent for plan­ting East Indie Schoole. the thousand Acres of Land giuen to the East Indie Schoole.

Other Occurents of Note.

The Gouernours arriuall in Virginia, at the end of the last Summer, with nine ships, and neere 60 seuen hundred people, all safely, and in good health. The admirable deliuerance of diuers ships; and namely, of the Tiger, which beeing driuen strangely neere two hundred leagues out of her course, fell into the Turkes hands, and yet came saue to Virginia.

[Page 1784] Master Berkleyes Letters assure vs, that there is not a more fit place for Iron-workes then in Virginia, both for Wood, Water, Mynes, and Stone: and that by Whitsontide next, wee may Iron. relie vpon Iron made by him.

The Plants of Cotton-wooll trees that came out of the West Indies, prosper exceeding well, and the Cotton-wooll-seeds from the Mogols Countrie come vp, and grow: Samples of it Cotton. they haue sent; and this Commoditie they hope this yeere to bring to a good perfection and quantitie. The Indico Seed thriues well, but they yet want knowledge how to cure it. Indico.

Our Frenchmen assure vs that no Countrie in the World is more proper for Vines, Silke, Oliues, R [...]ce, &c. then Uirginia, and that it excelleth their owne Countrey. The Vines beeing in abun­dance Vines. naturally ouer all the Countrey: a taste of which Wine they haue alreadie sent vs, with 10 hope the next yeere to send vs a good quantitie. There bee Mulberie trees in wonderfull abun­dance, Silke and Mul­beries. and much excelling both in goodnesse and greatnesse those of their Countrey of Langue­docke. To the full perfecting of both which rich Commodities of Wine and Silke, there wan­teth nothing but hands. And of the Mulberies may bee made also good wholesome Wine for the people there. And of a certaine Plumme in the Countrey, they haue made good drinke.

Salt-workes are erecting (the proper place being now found, as the Rocheller doth certifie vs) Plum-drinke. Salt-workes. whereby many ships will transport people at easier rates hereafter, finding Salt there to furnish them for the great and profitable fishings vpon that Coast, whither twentie sayle of ships went this last yeere but of the Westerne parts of England, besides the ships formerly mentioned.

Master Iohn Porie hath of late made a Discouerie into the great Bay Northward (yet at the 20 bottome of it he was not, reseruing it to a second Voyage) where are now setled neere one hun­dred New Discoue­ties by M. Pory. English very happily, with hope of a good Trade of Furres there to bee had. And Terra Lemnia was sent vs from thence, which is found as good as that of Turkey, and is in great abun­dance to be had.

In February last he likewise discouered to the South Riuer, some sixtie miles ouer Land from vs, a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey, full of Riuers, wherein are two Haruests in one yeere (the great King giuing him friendly entertainment, and desirous to make a league with vs) hee found also there in great quantitie of the same Silke-grasse (as appeareth by the samples sent vs) whereof Master Heriot in his Booke 1587. makes relation, who then brought home some of it, with which a piece of Grogeran was made, and giuen to Queene Elizabeth, and some heere who 30 haue liued in the East Indies affirme, that they make all their Cambaya Stuffes of this, and Cot­ton-wooll. Also in his passage by Land, Master Porey discouered a Countrey full of Pine-trees, aboue twentie miles long, whereby a great abundance of Pitch and Tarre may bee made: and o­ther sorts of woods there were, fit for Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes.

The Indians haue made relation of a Copper Myne, that is not farre from thence, how they gather it, and the strange making of it: a piece whereof was sent home being found (after trial) Copper Mine. very excellent metall. Some of the English haue made relation of a China Boxe seene at one of the Kings Houses, who declared, that it was sent him from the West, by a King that dwels o­uer the great Hils, whose Countrey is neere the Sea, he hauing that Boxe from a people as hee said, that come thitherin ships, and weare clothes, and dwell in Houses, and are called Acanack­china. 40 And he offered our people that he would send his Brother along with them to that King: which the Gouernour purposeth not to refuse, hoping thereby to discouer the South Sea, so long talked of.

A small ship comming in December last from the Summer-Ilands, to Virginia, brought thither from thence these Plants, viz. Vines of all sorts, Orange and Leman trees, Sugar Canes, Cassa­do Summer Iland Plants. Roots (that make bread) Pines, Plantans, Potatoes, and sundry other Indian fruits and plants, not formerly seene in Virginia, which begin to prosper very well.

Gifts. 50

The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall Iames, from the East Indies (beeing at Cape Bona Speranza homeward bound) gaue towards the building of a Free Schoole in Virginia, to be called the East Indie Schoole, the summe of seuentie pound eight shillings six pence.

Towards the furtherance of the said East India Schoole, an vnknowne person hath added the summe of thirtie pound.

A person refusing to be made knowne, hath giuen the summe of fortie shillings a yeere for e­uer, for a Sermon, before the Virginia Company thirtie pounds.

At a Quarter Court held the thirtieth of Ianuary 1621. by a person not willing as yet to bee knowne, was sent in Gold to helpe forward the East Indie Schoole, fiue and twentie pounds.

At the same Quarter Court, a small Bible, with a couer richly wrought; a great Church Bible; 60 Bookes of Common Prayer; and other Books were presented to be sent to Uirginia, in the name of a person who had the yeere before sent, for the vse of the Colledge at Henrico, diuers Bookes, and an exact Map of America; the Giuer is not knowne, but the Bookes are valued at tenne pound.

[Page 1787] Giuen by Master Thomas Bargraue, Preacher in Virginia deceassed, for the vse of the Colledge, a Library valued at a hundred Markes.

And there is a contribution made by the Inhabitants in Virginia, for the building of an house of entertainment for new commers at Iames Citie, amounting to the value of fifteene hundred pounds.

Patents granted this yeere.
  • 1 To the Ladie Dale.
  • 2 To Sir Dudly Digges.
  • 3 To Sir Iohn Bourchier. 10
  • 4 To Captaine Ralph Hamer.
  • 5 To Master Arthur Swayne, &c.
  • 6 To Master Rowland Trueloue, &c.
  • 7 To Master Iohn Crowe.
  • 8 To Master Edward Rider.
  • 9 To Captaine Simon Leeke.
  • 10 To Master Daniell Gookin.
  • 11 To Master Edward Bennet.
  • 12 To Master Ioseph Leming.
  • 13 To Sir Charles North. 20
  • 14 To Sir George Yeardly.
  • 15 To Master Thomas Leneson.
  • 16 To Captaine William Wildon.
  • 17 To Master Henry Southey.
  • 18 To Martins Hundred.
  • 19 To Master Robert Moston.
  • 20 To Master Edmund Wynne.
  • 21 To Captaine Henry Pelham, &c.
  • 22 To Captaine Daniell Tucker.
  • 23 To Sir Bowyer Worsly.
  • 24 To Master Thomas Buckley.
  • 25 To Master Francis Harwell.
  • 26 To Sir Iohn Brooke.

Who together with their Associates, haue vndertaken to transport great multitudes of peo­ple and cattle to Virginia.

§. II.

Newes from Virginia in Letters sent thence 1621. partly published by the Company, partly transcribed from the Originals, with Letters of his Maiestie, and of the Company touching Silke-workes. 30

IN the three last yeeres of 1619. 1620. and 1621. there hath beene prouided and sent 3570. people sent to Virginia in the three last yeeres 42. Saile of ships, 1200. Mariners imployed. 1500. To the Summer Ilands. Nine ships, & 240. Mariners imployed. for Virginia two and fortie Saile of ships, three thousand fiue hundred and seuentie men and women for Plantation, with requisite prouisions, besides store of Cattle, and in those ships haue beene aboue twelue hundred Mariners imployed: There hath also beene sent in those yeeres nine sh [...]ps to the Summer Ilands with about nine hundred people to inhabit there, in which ships two hundred and fortie Mariners were imployed. In which space haue beene granted fifty Patents to particular persons, for Plantation in Virginia, who with their Associates haue vndertaken therein to transport great multitudes of people and cattell thither, which for the most part is since performed, and the residue now in preparing, as by the seuerall 40 Declarations of each yeere in their particulars, (manifested and approoued in our generall and publike Quarter-Courts) and for the fuller satisfaction of all desirous to vnderstand the particu­larities of such proceedings, hath beene by printing commended to the vnderstanding of all.

Sir Francis Wiat was sent Gouernour into Virginia, who arriued there in Nouember 1621. with Master George Sandys Treasurer, Master Dauison Secretarie, &c. In the nine ships sent in that Fleet died but one Passenger of seuen hundred, in whose roome there was another also borne at Sea. Their prouisions were not found so well conditioned as was expected. The Sailers are still blamed for imbezelling the goods sent to priuate persons, for killing of Swine, inordinate trucking &c. It was ordained that for euery head they should plant but a thousand plants of To­bacco (and for the better strength not to suffer aboue nine leaues to grow on each plant) which will make about a hundred weight. 50

Master Gookin arriued also out of Ireland with fiftie men of his owne, and thirtie Passengers well furnished. The present gaine by Tobacco, had made the planting of Corne to be neglected: and some thinke that if Corne might there be valued (not at two shillings sixe pence the bushell) as deere as that which is brought from hence, there would be lesse feare of famine, or dependance on Tobacco.

The Letters written from the Gouernour and Treasurer in Virginia in the beginning of March last, (which came hither in Aprill) gaue assurance of ouercomming and bringing to perfection in this yeere, the Iron-workes, Glasse-workes, Salt-workes, the plentifull sowing of all lorts of English graine with the Plough, hauing now cleered good quantitie of ground; setting of store 60 of Indian Corne or Maiz, sufficient for our selues, and for trucke with the Natiues; restraint of the quantitie of Tobacco, and amendment of it in the qualitie, learned by time and experience; The planting of Vines and Mulberie trees neere to their Houses, Figge-trees, Pomegranates; Po­tatoes, and Cotton-wooll Seeds, Pocoon, Indico, Sugar Canes, Madder, Woade, Hempe, Flaxe, [Page 1786] and Silke-grasse; and for the erecting of a faire Inne in Iames Citie for the better entertainment of new commers, whereto and to other publike workes, euery old Planter there offered freely and liberally to contribute. I write the words of their Letters. And how in a late Discouerie made, a few moneths before by some of them to the Southward, they had past thorow great Forrests of Pines, fifteene or sixteene miles broad, and aboue threescore miles long, very fit for Masts for Forrest of Pines. shipping, and for Pitch and Tarre, and of other sorts of woods fit for Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes, and came vnto a most fruitfull Countrey, blessed with abundance of Corne, reaped twice a yeere (within the limits of Virginia) where also they vnderstand of a Copper Myne, an essay whereof was sent, and vpon triall here found to be very rich; and met with a great deale of Silke-grasse there growing, which monethly may be cut, of which kinds, and Cotton-wooll, all the Cam­baya 10 and Bengala Stuffes are made in the East Indies: and of which kindes of Silke-grasse was heretofore made a piece of Grogeram giuen to Queene Elizabeth. And how that in Decem­ber M. Hariot in his Booke of Vir­ginia, A. 1585. Vines planted. last they had planted and cultiuated in Uirginia Vines of all (as well those naturally grow­ing, as those other Plants sent them from these parts of Europe) Orenge and Lemon-trees, Fig­trees, Sugar Canes, Cotton-wooll, Cassaui Roots (that make very good bread) Plantanes, Pota­toes, and sundry other Indian fruits and Plants not formerly seene in Virginia, which at the time of their said Letters began to prosper very well: as also their Indico Seed, for the true cure where­of there is lately caused a Treatise to be written.

Furthermore, they write that in a Voyage made by Lieutenant Marmaduke Parkinson, and other English Gentlemen, vp the Riuer of Patomacke they saw a China Boxe at one of the Kings 20 Houses where they were. This Boxe or Casket was made of braided Palmito, painted without, and lined in the inside with blue Taffata after the China or East India fashion. They enquiring Note. A China Boxe seene with the Sa­uages. whence it came, the King of Patomecke said, it was presented him by a certaine people of the Mountaines toward the South-west, who got it from another Nation beyond them some thirtie dayes iournie from Patomacke, called Acana Echinac, beeing of small stature, who had Houses, Apparell, and Houshold stuffe like vs, and liuing within foure dayes iourney of the Sea, had ships come into their Riuer: and he his Brother along with them to that King, which offer the Go­uernour purposed not to refuse; and the rather, by reason of the continuall constant relations of all those Sauages in Virginia, of a Sea, and the way to it West, they affirming that the heads of all those seuen goodly Riuers (the least whereof is greater then the Riuer of Thames, and Nauigable 30 aboue an hundred and fiftie miles, and not aboue sixe or eight miles one from another) which fall all into one great Bay, haue their rising out of a ridge of Hils, that runnes all along South and North: whereby they doubt not but to find a safe, easie, and good passage to the South Sea, part by water, and part by Land, esteeming it not aboue an hundred and fiftie miles from the head of the Falls, where we are now planted; the Discouerie whereof will bring forth a most rich Trade to Cathay, China, Iapan, and those other of the East Indies, to the inestimable benefit of this Kingdome.

Moreouer, the Letters of Master Iohn Berkley, sometimes of Beuerstone Castle in the Coun­tie of Glocester, (a Gentleman of an Honourable Family) likewise certifie, that a more fit place M. Berkley. for Iron-workes (whereof he was made Master and Ouer-seer) then in Virginia, both for Wood, 40 Water, Mynes, and Stone, was not to be found: And that by Whitsontide the Company might relye vpon good quantities of Iron made by him: which also by Letters from Master George Sandys the third of March last, was confirmed, with this farther description of the place (called M. G. Sandys. The falling Creeke) to be so fitting for that purpose, as if Nature had applyed her selfe to the wish and direction of the Workman; where also were great stones hardly seene else-where in Uirginia, laying on the place, as though they had beene brought thither to aduance the erection of those Workes.

The Letters of the French Vignerous or Vine-men, procured out of France, and sent ouer in­to Uirginia, did likewise assertaine, that no Countrey in the World was more proper for Vines, French Vigne­rous. Silke, Rice, O liues, and other fruits, then Virginia is: and that it far excelled their owne Coun­trie 50 of Languedocke; the Vines of diuers sorts being in abundance naturally ouer all the Coun­trey. They scarsly beleeued those fruits to be Grapes till they had opened them and seene their kernels; such was their bignesse. They are in loue with the Countrey, and hauing planted some cuttings of Vines at Michaelmas last, in their Letters affirme that these bare Grapes alreadie this Spring to their great wonder, as being a thing they suppose not heard off in any other Coun­trie. A taste of Wine made of the wilde Grape, they last yeere sent, with hope to send a good quantitie this next Vintage; and that the Mulbery trees, where they abode were in wonderfull Mulberies. abundance, and much excelling both in goodnesse and greatnesse those of their owne Countrey of Languedocke: and that those Silke-wormes they haue, prosper exceeding well, and some Silke they hope to send this yeere, there wanting nothing to set vp that rich Commoditie but store of 60 hands wherewith England doth abound. Of the fruit of which Mulbery trees (as of a Plumme there plentifully growing) they would make wholsome Drinkes for the Colonie and people there.

Opachankanough doted on a house which the English had built for him of our fashion: hee [Page 1787] dwelled therein, shewed it to his owne people and strangers with pride, keeping his Keyes cha­rily, and busying himselfe with locking and vnlocking the doores, sometimes a hundred times in a day, admiring the strangenesse of that Engine, a Locke and Key. Hee gaue the English leaue to seate themselues any where on his Riuers where the Natiues are not actually seated, and en­tred into further couenants of amity, for reciprocall defence, mutuall transportation, discoue­ry of mines, &c. They report also of Copper Peeces presented to Opachank: which Copper is ga­thered at the foote of the Mountaines, where they digge a hole in the ground, in which they put the oare, and make thereon a great fire, which causeth it to runne into a masse, and become malleable: neither haue they any tooles, but smooth stones for that purpose. This seemed strange to ours which heard the English Copper passeth eleuen fires. 10

His Maiesties gracious Letter to the Earle of South-hampton, Treasurer, and to the Counsell and Company of Virginia here: commanding the present setting vp of Silke workes, and planting of Vines in Virginia.

RIght trusty and welbeloued, We greete you well: whereas We vnderstand, that the Soyle in Vir­ginia naturally yreldeth store of excellent Mulberry trees, We haue taken into Our Princely consi­deration, 20 the great benefit that ma [...] grow to the Aduenturers and Planters, by the breede of Silkewormes, and setting vp of Silkeworkes in those parts. And therefore of Our gracious Inclination to a designe of so much honour and aduantage to the publike, We haue thought good, as at sundry other times, so now more particularly to recommend it to your speciallcare, hereby charging and requiring you to take spee­dy order, that our people there, vse all possible diligence in breeding Silkewormes, and erecting Silke­workes, and that they rather bestow their trauell in compassing this rich and solid Commodity, then in that of Tobacco; which besides much vnnecessary expence, brings with it many disorders and inconueni­ences. And for as much as Our seruant, Iohn Bonoell hath taken paines in setting downe the true vse of the Silkeworme, together with the Art of Silkemaking, and of planting Vines, and that his experience and abilities may much conduce to the aduancement of this businesse; We doe hereby likewise require you 30 to cause his directions, both for the said Silkeworkes and Vineyards, to be carefully put in practice thorow­out our Plantations there, that so the worke may goe on cheerefully, and receiue no more interruptions nor delayes.

WINDEBANK.
To Our right trusty and right welbeloued Cousin and Councellour, HENRY, Earle of South­hampton, Treasurer of our Plantation in Virginia, and to Our trusty and welbeloued, the Deputy, and others of Our said Plantation. Virginia.40

The Treasurour, Counsell and Company of Virginia, to the Gouernour and Counsell of State in Virginia residing.

AFter our very harty commendations: His Sacred Maiesty, out of his high wisedome and care of the noble Plantation of Virginia, hath beene graciously pleased to direct his Letters to vs here in England, thereby commanding vs to aduance the setting vp of Silkworkes, and planting of Vineyards; as by the Copy herewith sent, you may perceiue. 50

The intimation of his Maiesties pleasure, we conceiue to be a motiue sufficient, to induce you to im­ploy all your indeuors to the setting forward those two Staple Commodities of Silke and Wine; which brought to their perfection, will infinitely redound to the honour, benefit, and comfort of the Colony, and of this whole Kingdome: yet we, in discharge of our duties, doe againe renew our often and iterated Instructi­ons, and inuite you cheerefully, to fall vpon these two so rich, and necessary Commodities. And if you shall finde any person, either through negligence or wilfulnesse, to omit the planting of Vines, and Mulberry trees, in orderly and husbandly manner, as by the Booke is prescribed, or the prouiding of conuenient roomes for the breeding of Wormes; we desire they may by seuere censures and punishment, be compel­led 60 thereunto. And on the contrary, that all fauour and possible assistance be giuen to such as yeelde wil­ling obedience to his Highnesse Commands therein. The breach or performance whereof, as we are bound to giue a strict account, so will it also be required of you the Gouernour and Counsell especially. Herein there can be no Plea, either of difficulty or impossibility; but all the contrary appeares, by the naturall a­abundance [Page 1788] of those two excellent Plants afore-named euery where in Virginia: neither will such excuses be admitted, nor any other pretences serue, whereby the businesse be at all delayed: and as wee formerly sent at our great charge the French Vignerons to you, to teach you their Art; so for the same purpose we now commend this Booke vnto you, to serue as an Instructour to euery one, and send you store of them The Booke is printed, con­taining many good rules both for Silk works, Vines & oth [...]r husbandry; but too long here to be inserted. to be dispersed ouer the whole Colony, to euery Master of a Family one, Silke-seede you shall receiue also by this Ship, sufficient to store euery man: so that there wants nothing, but industry in the Planter, sud­denly to bring the making of Silke to its perfection: which either for their owne benefit (we hope) they will willingly indeuour, or by a wholesome and necessary seuerity they must be inforced.

This particular aduice we thought necessary to giue you, lest that if it should haue come to you mingled with others, you would haue interpreted it as a common Instruction, or a businesse that was not taken so 10 to heart, as this by vs, and we hope will be by you in humble obedience to his Sacred Maiesties Royall Instructions. The paines and industry of the Authour, for the benefit of the Plantations (being a mem­ber of our Company) are sufficient arguments of his good affection to the Action, and they both deserue your best acceptance and ours, that others may thereby be inuited to impart their knowledge in businesse of this and the like nature; whereby the Colony may not onely be supported for the present, but brought to that perfection, that may redound to the glory of God, the honour of his Maiestie, and the inestimable benefit of his noble Kingdomes; which as they are the true aime and end the Aduenturers and Planters haue proposed vnto themselues, so ought they to be still the honorable seedes to put others also forward in this action: we commend this businesse againe to your speciall care. And so we commit you all, and your waighty affaires, to the protection of the Almighty. 20

HENRY Southampton.

§. III.

The barbarous Massacre committed by the Sauages on the English-Planters, March the two and twentieth, 1621. after the English accompt. 30

THe last May there came Letters from Sir Francis Wiat Gouernour in Uirginia, which did aduertise that when in Nouember last he arriued in Virginia, and entred vpon his Go­uernment, he found the Country setled in a peace (as all men there thought) sure and vnuiolable, not onely because it was solemnly ratified and sworne, and at the request of the Na­tiue King stamped in Brasse, and fixed to one of his Oakes of note, but as being aduantagious to both parts; to the Sauages as the weaker, vnder which they were safely sheltred and defended; to vs, as being the easiest way then thought to pursue and aduance our proiects, or buildings, plantings, and effecting their conuersion by peaceable and faire meanes. And such was the con­ceit of firme peace and amity, as that there was seldome or neuer a Sword worne, and a Peece sel­domer, 40 except for a Deere or Fowle. By which assurance of security, the Plantations of particu­lar Hasty security. Aduenturers and Planters were placed scatteringly and straglingly as a choyce veine of rich ground inuited them, and the further from neighbours held the better. The houses generally set open to the Sauages, who were alwayes friendly entertained at the table of the English, and commonly lodged in their Bed-chambers. The old Planters (as they thought now come to reape the benefit of their long trauels) placed with wonderfull content vpon their priuate diuidends, and the planting of particular Hundreds and Colonies pursued with an hopefull alacrity, all our proiects (saith he) in a faire way, and their familiarity with the Natiues, seeming to open a faire gate for their conuersion to Christianity.

The Country being in this estate, an occasion was ministred of sending to Opachankano the King Opachankanoes dissimulation occasioned by English security 50 of these Sauages, about the middle of March last, what time the Messenger returned backe with these words from him, That he held the peace concluded so firme, as the Skie should sooner fall then it dissolued: yea, such was the treacherous dissimulation of that people, who then had contriued our destruction, that euen two dayes before the massacre, some of our men were guided thorow the woods by them in safety: and one Browne, who then to learne the language liued among the Warrascoyacks (a Prouince of that King) was in friendly manner sent backe by them to Captaine Hamor his Master, and many the like passages, rather increasing our former confidence, then any wise in the world ministring the least suspition of the breach of the peace, or of what instantly ensued; yea, they borrowed our owne Boats to conuey themselues crosse the Riuer (on the bankes of both sides whereof all our Plantations were) to consult of the diuellish murder that ensued, 60 and of our vtter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of some of themselues con­uerted to Christianity) preuented: and as well on the Friday morning (the fatall day) the two and twentieth of March, as also in the euening, as in other dayes before, they came vnarmed in­to our houses, without Bowes or Arrowes, or other weapons, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Furres, [Page 1789] and other prouisions, to sell and trucke with vs for Glasse Beades, and other trifles: yea, in some places, sat downe at Breakfast with our people at their tables, whom immediately with their owne tooles and weapons, either laid downe, or standing in their houses, they basely and barba­rously murthered, not sparing either age or sexe, man, woman or childe; so sodaine in their cru­ell execution, that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. In which manner they also slew many of our people then at their seuerall workes and husban­dries in the fields, and without their houses, some in planting Corne and Tobacco, some in garde­ning, some in making Bricke, building, sawing, and other kindes of husbandry, they well know­ing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their daily familiarity, and resort to vs for trading and other negotiations, which the more willingly was by vs continued and cherished for the desire we had of effecting that great master-peece of workes, their conuer­sion. 10 And by this meanes that fatall Friday morning, there fell vnder the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhumane people, contrary to all lawes of God and Men, of Nature and Nations, three hundred and forty seuen men, women, and children, most by their owne 347. slaine and basely murthe­red, some think more. weapons; and not being content with taking away life alone, they fell after againe vpon the dead, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling the dead carkasses into many peeces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and bruitish tri­umph. Neither yet did these Beasts spare those amongst the rest well knowne vnto them, from whom they had daily receiued many benefits and fauours, but spitefully also massacred them. One instance of it, amongst too many shall serue for all. 20

That worthy religious Gentleman, Master George Thorpe Esquire, Deputie of the Colledge He had written letters the year before, May 17 testifying the plentiful com­ming vp of the Cotten seede, &c. attributing the ill successe of things, to the not seeking of Gods glory in conuerting the Natiues, which he said were peace a­ble, & wanted but meanes (indeed to mur­ther them, which this conceit pro­cured) Sure binde, sure find Pitty such an Abel should be so Kai [...] decei­ued. lands, sometimes one of his Maiesties Pensioners, and in one of the principall places of command in Uirginia, did so truely and earnestly affect their conuersion, and was so tender ouer them, that whosoeuer vnder his authority had giuen them but the least displeasure or discontent, hee punish­ed them seuerely. He thought nothing too deare for them, and as being desirous to binde them vnto him by his many courtesies, he neuer denied them any thing that they asked him, insomuch that when these Sauages complained vnto him of the fiercenesse of our Mastiues, most implaca­ble and terrible vnto them (knowing them by instinct it seemes, to be but treacherous and false­hearted friends to vs, better then our selues) he to gratifie them in all things, for the winning of them by degrees, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure 30 of the owners, and would haue all the rest guelt (had he not beene hindered) to make them the gentler and the milder to them. Hee was not onely too kinde and beneficiall to the common sort, but also to their King, to whom he oft resorted, and gaue many presents which he knew to be highly pleasing to him. And whereas this King before dwelt onely in a Cottage, or rather a denne or Hog-stye, made with a few poles and stickes, and couered with Mats after their wilde manner: to ciuilize him, he first built him a faire House, according to the English fashion, in which (as before is said) he tooke such ioy, especially in his Locke and Key, which hee so admired, as locking and vnlocking his doore an hundred times a day, he thought no deuice in all the world was comparable to it.

Thus insinuating himselfe to this King for his Religious purposes, he conferred after with him 40 oft, and intimated to him matters of our Religion; and thus farre the Pagan confessed, moued by naturall Principles, that our God was a good God, and better much then theirs, in that hee had with so many good things aboue them endowed vs. He told him, if he would serue our God, he should be partaker of all those good things we had, and of farre greater then sence or reason euer could imagine. He won vpon him, as he thought in many things, so as hee gaue him faire hea­ring and good answer, and seemed to be much pleased with his discourse, and in his companie. And both he and his people for the daily courtesies this good Gentleman did to one or other of them, did professe such outward loue and respect vnto him, as nothing could seeme more: but all was little regarded after by this Viperous brood, as the sequell shewed: for they not onely wil­fully murdered him, but cruelly and felly, out of a diuellish malice, did so many barbarous de­spights and foule scornes after to his dead corps, as are vnbefitting to be heard by any ciuill eare. 50 One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman, vpon his fatall houre, was warned by his man (who perceiued some treachery intended to them by these hell-hounds) to looke to him­selfe, and withall ran away for feare of the mischiefe he strongly apprehended, and so saued his owne life; yet his Master, out of the conscience of his owne good meaning, and faire deserts euer towards them, was so voide of all suspition, and so full of confidence, that they had sooner killed him, then he could or would beleeue they meant any ill against him.

At the time of this Massacre there were three or foure of our Ships in Iames Riuer, and one in the next Riuer, and daily more to come in, as three did within foureteene daies after; one of which they endeuoured to haue surprised, but in vaine, as had also beene their whole attempt, had 60 any the least fore-knowledge beene in those places where the Massacre was committed: yet were the hearts of the English euer stupid, and auerted from beleeuing any thing that might wea­ken their hopes of speedy winning the Sauages to Ciuilitie and Religion, by kinde vsage and faire conuersing amongst them. Hee, and the whole Counsell writ further, That Almighty God [Page 1790] (they doubt not) hath his great worke to doe in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honour and glory to his great Name; safety, and a more flourishing estate to themselues, and the whole Plantation there; and the more speedy conuersion of the Children of those Sauages to himselfe, since he so miraculously preserued so many of the English, whose desire to draw those people to Religion, by the carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes to haue beene the greatest cause of their owne ensuing destruction. Yet it pleased God to vse some of them as instruments to saue many of their liues, whose soules they had formerly saued, as at Iames Citie, and other places, and the Pinnace trading in Pamounkey Riuer; all whose liues were saued by a conuerted Indian, Conuerted Indian. disclosing the plot in the instant.

These wilde naked Natiues liue not in great numbers together, but dispersed, and in small Manner of the Sauages life. 10 companies; and where most together, not aboue two hundred, and that very rare, in other pla­ces fifty or forty, or thereabouts, and many miles distant from one another, in such places among the Woods where they either found, or might easeliest make some cleared plots of ground, which they imploy wholly in setting of Corne, whereby to sustaine their liues. These small and scatte­red Companies (as I haue said) had warning giuen from one another in all their habitations to meete at the day and houre appointed for our destruction, at all our seuerall Townes and places seated vpon the Riuer; some were directed to goe to one place, some to another, all to be done at the same day and time, which they did accordingly: some entring their Houses vnder colour of trucking, and so taking aduantage, others drawing our men abroad vpon faire pretences, and the 20 rest suddenly falling vpon those that were at their labours.

By Letters and those that returned it is certified, that besides Master George Thorpe, before mentioned, Master Iohn Berkeley, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and his wife (daughter of Master William Tracy, and great with childe) and Captaine Maycocke, all Gentlemen of birth, vertue, and industry, and of the Councell there, suffered vnder this their cruelty and treason. That the slaughter had beene vniuersall, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to one Perry, to disclose it, who liuing in the house of one Pace, was vrged by another, Indian his bro­ther (who came the night before and lay with him) to kill Pace (so commanded by their King, as he declared) as he would kill Perry: telling further, that by such an houre in the morning, a num­ber would come from diuers places to finish the Execution; who failed not at the time: Perries 30 Indian rose out of his bed and reueales it to Pace, that vsed him as a Sonne: And thus the rest of the Colony that had warning giuen them, by this meanes was saued. Such was (God be thanked for it) the good fruit of an Infidell conuerted to Christianity; for though three hundred and more of ours died by many of these Pagan Infidels, yet thousands of ours were saued by the meanes of one of them alone which was made a Christian: Blessed be God for euer, whose mercy endureth for euer; Blessed be God whose mercy is aboue his iustice, and farre aboue all his works; who wrought this deliuerance whereby their soules escaped euen as a Bird out of the snare of the Fowler.

Pace vpon this discouery, securing his house, before day rowed ouer the Riuer to Iames City (in that place neere three miles in bredth) and gaue notice thereof to the Gouernour, by which 40 meanes they were preuented there, and at such other Plantations as was possible for a timely in­telligence to be giuen; for where they saw vs standing vpon our Guard, at the sight of a Peece they all ranne a way. In other places that could haue no notice, some Peeces with munition (the vse whereof they know not) were there carried away, and some few Cattell also were destroy­ed by them. And as Fame diuulgeth (not without probable grounds) their King hath since cau­sed the most part of the Gunpowder by him surprized, to be sowne, to draw there-from the like increase, as of his Maiz or Corne, in Haruest next. And that it is since discouered, that the Gunpowder sowne, practi­sed before in Captain Smiths time. last Summer Opachankano practised with a King of the Easterne shoare (no well-willer of his) to furnish him with store of poison (naturally growing in his Countrey) for our destruction, which hee absolutely refused, though he sent him great store of Beades, and other Presents to 50 winne him thereunto: which he, with fiue or six of his great men, offered to be ready to iu­stifie against him. That the true cause of this surprize was most by the instigation of the Diuell (enemy to their saluation) and the daily feare that possest them, that in time wee by our grow­ing continually vpon them, would dispossesse them of this Country, as they had beene formerly of the West Indies by the Spaniard; produced this bloudy act. That neuer griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselues, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presentment of a staffe in manner of a Peece, nor an vncharged Peece in the hands of a Woman, from which they flye as so many Hares; much faster then from their tormenting Diuell, whom they worship for feare, though they acknowledge they loue him not. 60

§. IIII.

A Note of prouisions necessarie for euery Planter or personall Aduenturer to Virginia: and accidents since the Massacre.

THe Inconuiences that haue happened to some persons which haue transported themselues from England to Virginia, without prouisions necessary to sustaine themselues, hath greatly hin­dered the Progresse of that Noble Plantation. For preuention of the like disorders hereafter, that no man suffer either through ignorance or misinformation; it is thought requisite to publish this short Declaration: wherein is contayned a particular of such necessaries, as either priuate Families or single persons shall haue cause to furnish themselues with, for their better support at their first landing in Vir­ginia; 10 whereby also greater numbers may receiue in part, directions how to prouide themselues.

Apparell for one man and so after the rate for more.
  • One Monmouth Cap 1. s. 10. d.
  • Three falling bands 1. s. 3. d.
  • Three shirts 7. s. 6. d.
  • One Waste-coate 2. s. 2. d.
  • One sute of Canuase 20 7. s. 6. d.
  • One sute of Frize 10. s.
  • One sute of Cloth 15. s.
  • Three paire of Irish stockins 4. s.
  • Foure paire of shoes 8. s. 8.
  • One paire of garters 10.
  • One doozen of points 3. d.
  • One paire of Canuase sheets 8. s.
  • Seuen Ells of Canuase, to make a bed and boulster, to be filled in Virginia 8. s.
  • One Rug for a bed 8. s. which with the bed seruing 30 for two men, halfe is 8. s.
  • Fiue Ells coorse Canuase, to make a bed at Sea for two men, to be filled with straw 4. s. 5. s.
  • One coorse Rug at Sea for two men, will cost 6. s. is for one.
  • 4. li.
Victuall for a whole yeere for one man and so for more after the rate.
  • Eight bushels of Meale 40 2. li.
  • Two bushels of Pease at 3. s. 6. s.
  • Two bushels of Oatmeale 4. s. 6. d. 9. s.
  • One gallon of Aquauitae 2. s. 6.
  • One gallon of Oyle 3. s. 6. d.
  • Two gallons of Uineger 1. s. 2. s.
  • 3. li. 3. s.
Armes for one man, but if halfe of your men haue Armour it is sufficient, so that all haue Peeces and Swords. 50
  • One Armour compleat, light 17. s.
  • One long Piece, fiue foot or fiue and a halfe, neere Musket bore 1. li. 2. s.
  • One Sword 5. s.
  • One Belt 1. s.
  • One Bandaleere 1. s. 6. d.
  • Twentie pound of Powder 18. s.
  • Sixtie pound of shot or lead, Pistoll and Goose shot 60 5. s.
  • 3. li. 9. s. 6. d.
Tooles for a Family of sixe persons, and so after the rate for more.
  • Fiue broad howes at 2. s. a piece 10. s.
  • Fiue narrow howes at 16. d. a piece 6. s. 8. d.
  • Two broad Axes at 3. s. 8. d. a piece 7. s. 4. d.
  • Fiue felling Axes at 18. d. a piece 7. s. 6, d.
  • Two Steele Hand-sawes at 16. d. a piece 2. s. 8. d.
  • Two two-hand-sawes at 5. s. a piece 10. s.
  • One whip-saw, set and filed with boxe, file and wrest 10. s.
  • Two Hammers 12. d. a piece 2. s.
  • Three shouels 18. d. a piece 4. s. 6. d.
  • Two Spades at 18. d. a piece 3. s.
  • Two Augers 6. d. a piece 1. s.
  • Six Chissels 6. d. a piece 3. s.
  • Two percers stocked 4. d. a piece 8. d.
  • Three gimblets 2. d. a piece 6. d.
  • Two hatchets 21. d. a piece 3. s. 6. d.
  • Two frou [...]s to cleaue pale 18. d. 3. s.
  • Two hand-bils 20. a piece 3. s. 4. d.
  • One Grindlestone 4. s. 4. s.
  • Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2. li.
  • Two Pickaxes 3. s.
  • 6. li. 2. s. 8. d.
Houshold Implements for a Family of six persons, and so for more or lesse after the rate.
  • One Iron Pot 7. s.
  • One Kettle 6. s.
  • One large frying-pan 2. s. 6. d.
  • One Griddir [...]n 1. s. 6. d.
  • Two Skillets 5. s.
  • One Spit 2. s.
  • Platters, dishes, Spoones of wood 4. s.
  • 1. li. 8. s.
For Sugar, Spice, and fruit and at Sea for six men 12. [...]. 6. d.
  • So the full charge of apparell victuall, armes, [...]tooles, & houshold-stuffe and after this rate for each per­son, will amount vnto about the sum of 12. l. [...]0. s.
  • The passage of each man is 6. li.
  • The fraight of these prouisions for a man, will be a­bout halfe a Tun, which is 1. [...]. 10. s.
  • So the whole charge wil amount to about 20. l.

Nets, Hookes, Lines, and a Tent must be added if the number of people be greater, as also some Kine.

And this is the vsuall proportion that the Virginia Company doe bestow vpon their Tenants which they send.

Who [...]oeuer tran ports himselfe or any other at his owne charge vnto Virginia shall for each person so transported before Midsummer 1625. haue to him and his heires for euer fiftie Acres of Land vpon a first, and fiftie Acres vpon a second diuision.

[Page 1792] Sir George Yeardly intending to visit Smiths Iles, fell sicke and thereupon sent Master Porey with Estinien Moll a Frenchman to finde a conuenient place to make Salt, in Na­menicus Cap. Ioh Smith. M. P [...]rie. Naked breast concealed beast. King of Pawtuxunt came and shewed them his naked braest, protesting the inside to be as free ill meaning, as that from deformitie, and promising welcome if they would come into his Countrey, which they promised. After this they hauing conferred with Kiptopeke, King of Aquohanok, they passed Russels Iles and Onancoke, and arriued at Pawtuxunt, at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacu [...], and Wamanato his brother, who came aboord them with a brasse Kettle bright without, within full of Oysters. Hee was shewed their hunting conducted forth by the younger and home by the elder: presented also with Beauers skinnes, which hee requited with such things as Wamanato said he would keepe them while hee liued, and burie them with 10 him being dead: Namenacus his breast proued vlcerous within and treacherous, but without harme to them by reason of their circumspection: an ambush being prouided in a Wood at a point where they would haue had them land. Kiptokepe is the elder brother, and yeelded the moytie of his Countrie to the younger, bearing still the greater burthen in gouernment but lesse honour, whereas on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge, the elder the dignitie. These are the most thriftie Sauages, keeping Corne for all the yeere and hauing to spare, whereas others Prouident Sa­uages. want for one halfe. They are also more ciuill, iust reckoners, vse no Black-boy-ceremonies, and in Affinitie and Consanguinitie obserue a larger distance in their Marriages.

Anno 1622. the Abigail was sent, and therein Captaine Barwick with fiue and twentie men to build ships and Boats, and others to build the East Indie Schoole. That fatall Massacre, some 20 thinke to haue beene occasioned by Nemattanow, a Sauage called vsually lacke of the Feather, in Iack of the Feather. C [...]u [...]e of the Massacre. best esteeme amongst them for courage and policie; who perswading one Morgan to go with him to Pamaunke to trucke, by the way slue him two or three dayes after hee returned to Morgans house, and answered his Seruants asking for their Master that hee was dead, whereupon they would haue had him to Master Thorpe, but hee so moued their patience that they shot him. Hee (whom the Sauages esteemed free from hurt by the English and shot free) desired before his death that they would bury him with the English, and not make it knowne that hee was slaine with a bullet. Opachancanough was moued with his losse so as he threatned reuenge, which he could not effect but by treacherous pretence of greatest peace, after fourteene dayes by so many deaths, giuing life to the following Tragedie: which you heard deliuered by publike Authoritie.

This terrible blow so affrigheed all that it was concluded, that all the pettie Plantations 30 should be left, to make good a few places (some say fiue or six) whither for want of Boats their goods and cattell could not be so suddenly conueyed, but that much was exposed to the Sauages cruell gleanings. Master Gookins at Nuports newes, hauing thirtie fiue of all sorts with him re­fused M. Gookins. M. Iordan. Mistris Procter. that order, and made good his part against the Sauages. Master Iordan at Beggars Bush ga­thered a few about him, and fortified himselfe in despight of the enemie. Mistris Procter would haue aduentured the like, and did it for three weekes till the Officers (as some report) would no longer permit her. Captaine Nuse and Captaine Crawshaw are much for prouidence and valour commended. Waters and his wife were kept prisoners by the Nansamuds (this Edward Waters is one of those three which first stayed in Bermuda, and found the great piece of Ambergreece) 40 whence by chance vpon occasion of a Boat lost by ill weather (whose company were saued) and comming on their shoare, they being busied in their Triumphs and Dances for ioy, they found opportunitie to get into a Canoa, and escaped to Kecoughtan. Captaine Nuce called his Neigh­bours together when he heard of the Massacre, entrenched himselfe, and mounted three Peeces of Ordnance, so that in foure dayes hee was strong enough to defend himselfe against all the Barbarian forces. Captaine Crashaw with fiue others fortified himselfe in despight of all the Sa­uages, with the helpe of other Sauages, and made offer to the Colonie, if they would send him a shallop with Armes, men and prouision for Trade, that the next Haruest he would prouide them Corne sufficient, which then (in the latter end of Iune) was little to bee had in the Countrie. Captaine Maddeson is reported to haue giuen ouer-hastie credit to an exiled King, which com­ming 50 to Patowomeke for succour and not obtayning it, in reuenge deuised and slandered the Pa­towomekes with intent of betraying and killing the English: which credulitie produced effects of crueltie and the conceits of bloudie treacherie conceiued (if others conceiue not falsly) treacherie and bloud.

The last Summer 1623. they set forth a company which destroyed the Sauages Corne and hou­ses, and surprized Pamaunke chiefe Seat of Opachancanough. And the last report is that the Co­lonie is now in health, and that the Sauages haue returned seuen of the English which they held prisoners, out of selfe guiltinesse and feare of reuenge seeing ships still come thither, and wearie of their watchings and manifold losses and dangers. Opachankanough the authour of the Massacre is said to haue come to his end by meanes more sutable to his deserts, then perhaps agreeing with 60 Christian simplicitie. A sicknesse after the Massacre fell amongst the English, by reason that from neere eightie Plantations, they were brought to fewer then eight, these distracted with a sud­den remooue and distressed wants. It is thought that 1800. suruiued both.

[Page 1793] His Maiestie not a little moued with the losse of so many his good Subiects, and some complaints also being made of the Gouernment, many of the Virginian Company here holding no such vniforme agree­ment as was meete: both shewed his gracious bountie in the gift of diuers Armes out of the Towre, with further promises of his assistance; and appointed Commissioners to examine the Causes of Virginias not answering to the care and cost in so long time bestowed on her. I am no fit Relater of things ensuing, and farre-vnfitter Vmpire in such differences. I will now speake to God rather then men: Quid enim ni­si vota supersunt. My Prayers shall be to the Almightie for Virginias prosperitie; whose Dwarfish growth after so many yeeres, convulsions by dissentions there and heere, lamentations in the complaints of both sides (a Plurisie Stich in her sides, continuing after so much bloud taken from her) weaknesse. Sinne armes after such successions of armes and forces; Tantalean staruings amidst both Magazines and fertilitie; subuersions here, and selfe-euersions there (peruersnesse I mention not) rather then conuer­sions 10 of Sauages after so many learned and holy Dinines sent thither; pouertie, sicknesse, deaths, in so rich a Soyle, and healthfull a Climate; what should I say? I can deplore, I doe not much admire, that we haue had so much in Virginia, and haue so little; the promises as probable as large, and yet the premisses yeelding in the conclusion this Virginian sterilitie, and meagrenesse rather then the multiplied issue and thrift of a worthy Matron and Mother of a Family, answerable to her great Inheritance there, and Ioin­ter from hence. But what doe I in plaints, where some perhaps will complaine of my complayning? I will expect better from God and his Maiestie, and while my selfe meane-while in the better thriuing of the English Colonie in Bermudas or Summer Ilands.

CHAP. XVI. 20

English Voyges to the Summer Ilands; HENRY MAYS shipwracke there 1593. The first Colonie sent 1612.

IT is now time to leaue the Continent and visit Bermudas, of Sir George Summers called Summer Ilands. The occasion you had before related by Master Strachie, Sup. cap. 6. and that some of their Company tooke vp their abode there. This was not the first time that English eyes had seene those Ilands. For in the yeere 1593. Henry 30 May had beene there; one of Captaine Lancasters Company, which had beene in the East Indies, and in returning had put ouer to Trinidad, and thence to Puerto Rico and Hispaniola for refreshing, where Captaine Lancaster desired a Frenchman Monsieur de Barbotiere, to giue this Henry May passage home with him. They departed from Laguna the last of Nouember, and December the seuenteenth were wracked on the North-west part of Ber­muda about midnight. The Pilots making themselues at noone to be twelue leagues to the South­wards of the Iland, certified the Captaine that they were from all danger: and demanded their wine of height, which they had thought they had beene cast away by the shore, but were seuen leagues off; by the helpe of their Boat, and a Raft, sixe and twentie of aboue fiftie were saued. I 40 (saith May) durst not presse in, but stayed in the ship almost full of water, till the Captaine being entred the Boat, called me to him, and I entred leauing the better halfe of our company to the mercie of the Sea. We rowed all day till an houre or two before night, yer we could come on Land towing the Raft with the Boat. Hauing beene all day without drinke, wee sought long, and at last one digging among weeds, found fresh water being only raine water, which was all we found. It pleased God that we had saued our Carpenters tooles, and going roundly to worke, we built a Barke of some eighteene tun, for the most part with trunnels and a few nailes. For tacklings we made a Voyage to our ship and cut downe her shrouds; in stead of Pitch wee made Lime and mixed it with the Oyle of Tortoises; assoone as the Carpenters had calked, spreading it on with a sticke, which was soone dried by the heat, being in Aprill wee hasted away for feare 50 of water failing vs. We made two great chists and calked them, and stowed them on each side our maine Mast, and so put in our prouisions of raine water, and thirteene liuing Tortoyses for our food. The Hogs were leane, and there was store of Fowle, Fish and Tortoyses. There is also good fishing for Pearles.

The eleuenth of May we were cleere of the Land for our Voyage to New-found-land, and on the twentieth fell with the Land neere to Cape Briton, and thence to the Banke of New-found­land, where a Barke of Falmouth tooke vs in, wherein I had passage home, and arriued at Fal­mouth in August 1594. Thus much for May.

Let vs now heare the Relation sent from an English Colonie planted there vnder the gouern­ment of Master Richard Moore. This following Discourse hath beene printed, and was added 60 to a Tractate of Master Siluester Iordan touching the wracke of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers on the Bermudas, which beeing deliuered more fully by Master Strachie sup. cap. 6. I haue here omitted, and proceed to the English proceedings in those Ilands.

Being bound for the Sommer Ilands, in the Ship called the Plough, wee imbarked the eight and [Page 1794] twentieth of Aprill, 1612. So passing downe to Grauesend, wee anchored at Tilbery-hope, vntill the fifth of May. The wind comming taire, wee put forth and came to the Downes the sixth of May, where we staied till the ninth. And then setting forward wee had a faire and comfortable passage, and by Gods blessing found so direct a course, that on the eleuenth of Iuly in the morning, betwixt nine and ten of the clocke wee descried our hoped and desired Ilands, and in the after­noone of the same day, about three a clocke, wee arriued in a verie safe harbour neere S. Georges Saint Georges Iland. Iland, there wee landed all our men and women, and had beene at anchor aboue an houre, before wee could heare of our three men which had beene left there. As soone as wee had landed all our Three men had staied be­hind, and went not to Virginia, Harter, Water, and Chard. company, we went all to praier, and gaue thankes vnto the Lord for our safe arriuall; and whilest wee were at praier, wee saw our three men come rowing downe to vs, the sight of whom did 10 much reioyce vs: so they welcomming vs, and wee the like to them againe, we sung a Psalme, and praised the Lord for our safe meeting, and went to supper.

The next day, being the Sabbath day, which wee dedicated to God in the best manner wee could, wee abode still in the foresaid Iland, with all the rest of our company till Munday morning, being the thirteenth of Iuly: Then we went vp with our Ship and company higher into the har­bour, to the place where these three men had planted themselues. They had planted Corne, great store of Wheat, Beanes, Tobacco and Mellons, with many other good things for the vse of man: Besides they had wrought vpon Timber, in squaring and sawing of Cedar Trees, for they inten­ded to build a small Pinnace to carrie them into Virginia, being almost out of hope and comfort of our comming; because Cap. Dauies time was to haue beene with them long before we came. 20

Wee were no sooner come withing a league of the Land, but a company of Fish, as it were, met vs, and neuer left vs till wee were come to an ankor within the harbour; and as soone as we Commodites of the Coun­trie. Fishes. had passed ouer our businesse, and all things safe and in order, with a Hooke and Line wee tooke more then our whole company was able to eate, so that there was enough to feed many more. The next day after the Sabbath, wee went with our Net and Boat, and if we would haue loaded two Boats wee might; and so may you do day by day, Fishes doe so abound, and there be of these sorts, Mullets, Breames, Hog-fish, Rock-fish and Lobstars, with more sorts of other Fish which I cannot name.

Turkles there be of a mightie bignesse; one Turkle will serue or suffice three or foure score at a meale, especially if it be a shee Turkle, for shee will haue as many Egges as will suffice fiftie or Tortoises great, and of great vse. 30 threescore at a meale: This I can assure you, they are verie good and wholsome meat, none of it bad, no not so much as the verie Guts and Maw of it, for they are exceeding fat, and make as good Tripes as your beasts bellies in England. And for Fowle we went the third day of our arriuall vn­to the Bird Ilands (as wee call them) and vsing neither Stick, nor Stone-bow, nor Gun, we tooke them vp with our hands so many as wee would that euerie one of the company were to haue Fowle. some three, some foure a piece; three for a child, boy or girle, for a man foure; then reckon what those that serued some fourescore people did amount vnto. But this is for certaine, if wee would haue brought awaie twice so many more we might.

Some sixe daies after our comming, wee sent out for Hogges, so the company which went out Hogs by rea­son of their food there, and our mens sto­mackes, extra­ordinarily sweet. The weather. Fruits. Peares not hurtfull. brought home some: for the meate of them, I hold your Mutton of England not of so sweet and 40 pleasant a taste.

For the inclination of the weather, considering in what climate it lies, wee haue had for the space of some fortie daies no raine, but verie coole and fresh gales of wind, yet in the day time verie hot: but wee agree with it verie well, and not a man that had lien sicke or diseased, but all likes well, and followes and imploies themselues to one businesse or other.

For the fruites which the Land yeelds, th [...]y bee the Mulberrie, great store, and Peares which haue in them a red liquor, as the Pomgranat hat, or somewhat redder, but verie wholsome: if you eate an hundred at one time, you shall neuer surfet of them, if you eate some proportion of them they will bind, but if you exceed in eating of them, then are they of the contrarie operati­on: yet neuer any that hurt themselues by them, eate they neuer so many. It is certaine, that one 50 man eate aboue a peck of them in some ten houres, and was neuer the worse. We haue a kind of Berrie vpon the Cedar Tree verie pleasant to eate; and for the Palmito Tree, the top of it is a Cedar Berries. Palmitos. great deale sweeter and wholsomer then any Cabedge.

In some of our Ilands there growes Pepper, but not so good as our Indian Pepper: diuers sorts of other good things there is, which the seuerall times of the yeere bring forth one after another: Pepper. but the top of the Palmito Tree is in season and good all the yeere. Take a Hatchet and cut him or an Augar and bore him, and it yeelds a very pleasant liquor, much like vnto your sweet Wines; Palme-liquor. it beares likewise a Berrie in bignesse of a Prune, and in taste much like.

Also wee haue Oliues grow with vs, but no great store: many other good excellent things wee haue grow with vs, which this short time will not permit mee to write of so largely as I 60 might; but this is of truth, that Hogs, Turkles, Fish, and Fowle doe abound as dust of the earth: Ambergreece and Pearle. for Amber-greece and Pearle wee haue not had leasure, in so few daies since our arriuall to goe looke out for the one, or to fish for the other; but the three men which were left there, haue found of them both. Also they haue made a great deale of Tobacco, and if some would come that haue Tobacco. [Page 1795] kill in making it, it would be verie commodious, both to the Merchant, and to the maker of it. Silk-spider. Timber Trees. And for the Silk-worme, if any were brought ouer, and some of skill to vse them, there would bee very much good done with them, for the verie Spider in these our Ilands doth weaue perfect fine I haue omit­ted the rest of this discourse, as being better knowne to la­ter Writers. Silke, both Yellow and White.

The Timber of the Countrey consisteth of three sorts, the one is the Cedar, verie fine Timber to worke vpon, of colour red, and verie sweet: the other sorts we haue no name for, for there is none in the company hath seene the like in other Countries before we came, &c.

A Copie of the Articles which Master R. MORE, Gouernour Deputie of the Sommer 10 Ilands, propounded to the Company that were there with him to be subscribed vnto, which both he and they subscribed the second of August, in his house, Anno 1612. which about the same time he sent into England, to the Worshipfull Company of the Aduenturors.

WEe, who haue here vnder subscribed our names, being by the great goodnesse of God safely arriued at the Sommer Ilands, with purpose here to inhabite, doe hereby promise and bind our selues to the performance of the seuerall Articles hereafter following, and that in 20 the presence of the most glorious God, who hath in mercy brought vs hither.

First, We doe faithfully promise, and by these presents solemnly binde our selues euer-more to worsh [...]p that aforesaid only true and euerliuing God, who hath made the Heauens, and the Earth, the Sea, and all that therein is, and that according to those rules that are prescribed in his most ho­ly Word, and euer to continue in that faith into the which wee were baptised in the Church of England, and to stand in defence of the same against all Atheists, Papists, Anabaptists, Brow­nists, and all other Heretikes and Sectaries whatsoeuer, dissenting from the said Word and Faith.

Secondly, because the keeping of the Sabboth day holy, is, that wherein a principall part of Gods worship doth consist, and is as it were the Key of all the other parts thereof, wee do there­fore in the presence aforesaid promise, That wee will set apart all our owne labours and imploy­ments 30 on that day, vnlesse it be those that be of meere necessitie, much more vaine and vn­fruitfull practises, and apply our selues to the hearing of Gods Word, Prayer, and all other exer­cises of Religion in his Word required, to the vttermost of our power.

Thirdly, Seeing the true worship of God and holy life cannot be seuered, we doe therefore pro­mise in the presence aforesaid, That to the vttermost of our power we will liue together in do­ing that which is iust, both towards God and Man, and in particular we will forbeare to take the most holy name of God in vaine, in ordinary swearing by it, or any other thing, or by scoffing, or vaine abusing of his most holy Word, or to vse cursing, or filthy speeches, or any other thing for­bidden in Gods most holy Word, as also to liue together without stealing one from another, or quarrelling one with another, or slandering one of another: And to auoide all things that stand 40 not with the good estate of a Christian Church and well gouerned Common-wealth, as also to embrace the contrary, as Iustice, and Peace, Loue, and all other things that stand with the good and comfort of Societie.

Fourthly, Whereas we are here together farre remote from our natiue soile of England, and yet are indeed the naturall Subiects of our most Royall and gracious King IAMES of England, Scot­land, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Wee doe therefore in the presence a­foresaid, solemnly promise euermore to continue the loyall Subiects of our said Soueraigne King, his Heires and Successors, and neuer to reuolt from him, or them, vnto any other whatsoeuer, but euermore to acknowledge his Supreme Gouernment.

Fiftly, Whereas wee were sent hither by diuers Aduenturers of the Citie of London, and other parts of the Realme of England, wee doe here in the presence aforesaid promise to vse all dili­gence 50 for the good of the Plantation, and not to purloyne or imbesell any of the prohibited com­modities out of the generall estate, but to vse all faithfulnesse, as it becommeth Christians to doe, as also to bee obedient to all such Gouernour or Gouernours, or their Deputie or Deputies, as are, or shall be by them sent to gouerne vs; As also to yeeld all reuerence towardes the Ministery or Ministers of the Gospel, sent, or to be sent.

Sixtly and lastly, Wee doe here in presence aforesaid promise, the Lord assisting vs, that if at any time hereafter any forrain power shall attempt to put vs out of this our lawful possession, not cowardly to yeeld vp the same, but manfully to fight as true English men, for the defence of the Common-wealth we liue in, and Gospel wee professe, and that whiles we haue breath wee will 60 not yeeld to any, that shall inuade vs vpon any conditions whatsoeuer.

I had thought hitherto to haue added a Letter of M. Hughes, written from thence, Dec. 21. 1614. and printed. But our latter intelligence, being more ample, hath caused mee to omit him and others; Yea all things in some, and some things in all. M. Norwood hath beene a diligent [Page 1796] Surueyor of the place and accidents, and hath giuen a Map of the one (common to be sold) and a briefe relation of the other. But because his History of the Creatures is briefe, I haue borrowed out of Captaine Smith, what he had borrowed of Capt. Butler, and others to giue the Reader more full satisfaction in that kind.

CHAP. XVII.

Relations of Summer Ilands, taken out of M. RICHARD NORWOOD, his Map and Notes added thereto, printed 1622. The History of the Crea­tures 10 growing or liuing therein, being inlarged out of Capt. SMITHS written Relations.

SIr Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers, hauing staied in Bermuda nine moneths, with helpe of such things as they saued with the Sea-ven'ure, and of such as they found in the Countrey, had built of Cedar, and rigged fit for the Sea, two Ves­sels, a Ship and a Pinnace, and vpon the tenth of May, 1610. departed toward Uirginia, leauing onely two men behind them, and carrying them store of proui­sion for the reliefe of the people there. Vpon the foure and twentieth of May, 20 they arriued safely there, and shortly after some of them returned to the Sommer Ilands againe for a further supply, in the same Ship which they had formerly built there; where Sir George Sommers dying, his men did not according to his last charge giuen vnto them, returne to Virginia; but framed their course for England, leauing behind them three men, that staied voluntarily, who shortly after found in Sommerset Iland, which is a part of Sandys Tribe, a verie great treasure in Ambergreece, to the valew of nine or ten thousand pound sterling: there hath also been found Ambergreece. since diuers times of the best sort.

This new discouery of the Sommer Ilands, being thus made knowne in England, to the Virgini­an Company, by these men which returned, they sold it to some hundred and twentie persons of the same Company, who obtained a Charter from his Maiestie, and so hold it. And toward the 30 latter end of Aprill, 1612. sent thither a Ship, called the Plough, with some sixtie persons to in­habite, appointing Gouernour one Master Richard Moore, a man ingenuous and carefull, who since dyed in Sir Walter Rawlyes last voyage to Guiana, (a place as appeareth by our Moderne Geographers, very rich and spatious.) But, as I say, he arriued there about the beginning of Iuly, and found the foresaid three men that staied voluntarily, very well. Master Moore spent the three yeeres of his gouernment, for the most part in fortifying the Countrey, and trayning the people in Martiall exercises, which custome hath beene continued by his successours: hee built some nine or tenne Forts, placing O [...]dnance and Munition in them. In his time, the Lord sent vpon the Countrey, a very grieuous scourge and punishment, threatning the vtter ruine and desolati­on of it: That it came from God I need not striue to proue, especially considering it was gene­rally Rat-plague. 40 so acknowledged by vs at that time: The causes and occasions of it, I need not name, be­ing very well knowne to vs all that then liued there, which were about sixe hundred persons, thought shortly after much diminished. I will onely shew the thing it selfe, which was a won­derfull annoyance, by silly Rats: These Rats comming at the first out of a Ship, few in num­ber, How vaine a thing is man, whose best wits and indu­stry are trium­phed ouer by silly Rats? Great God, giue vs grace to feare thee, that we may feare nothing else: else shall we feare with Pharao Frogs, Lice, Flies, Grashopper; or with others, Fleas, Spar­rowes, & [...]. Yea a few Rats, in despite of Cats Dogs, Traps, poisons, shall starue vs. increased in the space of two yeeres, or lesse, so exceedingly, that they filled not onely those places where they were first landed: But swimming from place to place, spread themselues into all parts of the Countrey. Insomuch, that there was no Iland, though seuered by the Sea from all other Lands, and many miles distant from the Iles where the Rats had their originall, but was pestered with them. They had their Nests almost in euery Tree, and in all places their Burrowes in the ground (like Conies) to harbour in. They spared not the fruits of Plants and Trees, nei­ther 50 the Plants themselues, but eate them vp. When wee had set our Corne, they would com­monly come by troupes the night following, or so soone as it began to grow, and digge it vp a­gaine. If by diligent watching any of it were preserued till it came to earing, it should then ve­ry hardly scape them. Yea, it was a difficult matter after wee had it in our houses, to saue it from them, for they became noysome euen to the persons of men. Wee vsed all diligence for the de­stroying of them, nourishing many Cats, wilde and tame, for that purpose; wee vsed Rats-bane, and many times set fire on the Woods, so as the fire might run halfe a mile or more before it were extinct: Euery man in the Countrey was enioyned to set twelue Traps, and some of their owne accord set neere a hundred, which they visited twice or thrice in a night. Wee trayned vp our Dogs to hunt them, wherein they grew so expert, that a good Dog in two or three houres space, 60 would kill fortie of fiftie Rats, and other meanes we vsed to destroy them, but could not preuaile, finding them still to increase against vs.

And this was the principall cause of that great distresse, whereunto wee were driuen in the first planting of the Countrey, for these, deuouring the fruits of the earth, kept vs destitute of bread [Page 1797] a yeere or two, so that, when wee had it afterwardes againe, wee were so weaned from it, that wee should easily neglect and forget to eate it with our meat. We were also destitute at that time of Boats, and other prouision for fishing. And moreouer, Master Moore had receiued warning from England, that hee should expect the Spaniard that yeere, yet they came not, but with two ships, attempting to come in, and hauing their Boat before them to sound the way, were shot at by the said Master Moore from Kings Castle, and as we supposed one of them stricken through, where­vpon they presently departed. But (as I say) this expectation of them caused vs (though in great necessitie) to hasten the fortifications of the Countrey. All these ioyntly (but principally the Rats) were the causes of our distresse: for being destitute of food, many dyed, and wee all became very feeble and weake, whereof some being so, would not; others could not stir abroad to seeke reliefe, but dyed in their houses: such as went abroad were subiect, through weaknesse, to bee sud­denly 10 surprized with a disease we called the Feages, which was neither paine nor sicknesse, but as The Feag [...]. it were the highest degree of weaknesse, depriuing vs of power and abilitie for the execution of any bodily exercise, whether it were working, walking, or what else. Being thus taken, if there were any in company that could minister any reliefe, they would straightwayes recouer, other­wise they dyed there: Yet many after a little rest would be able to walke again, and then if they found any succour were saued.

About this time, or immediately before, came thither a company of Rauens, which continued with vs all the time of this mortalitie, and then departed. There were not before that time, nor since (so far as I heare) any more of them seene there. And this, with some other reasons of more moment, moued many to thinke that there was some other Ilands neere the Sommer Ilands, be­tweene 20 Uirginia, and it; and M. Moore (in his time, with some other of vs) went forth in a Boat so far as then wee could conuemently, of purpose to discouer it: Since then, it hath beene endeauoured by other, and is yet (as I heare) to be further attempted. And howsoeuer I am per­swaded (for certaine causes which I cannot here relate) there is no such thing; Yet would I not disanimate any from this enterprise, for if they find any, their labours will be well recompenced; and though they find none, yet might they discouer those parts so well, that the passage to and from Virginia would be more safe and easie.

But to returne from whence wee haue digressed: The extremitie of our distresse began to abate a little before M. Moores time of gouernment was expired, partly by supplies out of England, of victualland prouision for fishing, and partly by that rest and libertie we then obtained, the Coun­trey 30 being fortified. Yet the Rats encreased and continued almost to the end of Captaine Tuckers time, although hee was prouident and industrious to destroy them, but toward the end of his time it pleased God (by what meanes it is not wel known) to take them away, insomuch that the wilde Cats and many Dogs which liued on them were famished, and many of them leauing the Woods, came downe to the houses, and to such places where they vse to garbish their Fish, and became tame. Some haue attributed this destruction of them to the encrease of wild Cats, but that's not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time, then in the foure yeeres before. And the chiefe occasion of this supposition was, because they saw such companies of them leaue the Woods, and shew themselues for want of food. Others haue supposed it to come to 40 passe by the coolnesse of the weather, which notwithstanding is neuer so great there, as with vs in March, nor scarce as it is in April, except it be in the wind; besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young Birds and Chickens which they daily killed, and of Palmeto Mosse (as wee call it) to build themselues warme nests out of the wind, as vsually they did. Neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them, seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place, and be very fat euen in the midst of Winter. It remaineth then, that as we know God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes, and sometimes against them: So wee need not doubt, but that in the speedy encrease and spreading of these Vermine; as also, in the preseruation of so many of vs by such weake meanes as we then enioyed, and especially in the sud­den remouall of this great annoyance, there was ioyned with, and besides, the ordinary and mani­fest meanes, a more immediate and secret worke of God. 50

Now to proceed. M. Moores time of gouernment being expired, Capt. Tucker succeeded, arri­uing Cap. Tucker. there about mid-May, 1616. who likewise gouerned (according to the custome) three yeeres; which time hee spent, for the most part, in husbandring the Countrey, planting and nourishing all such things as were found fit either for trade, or for the sustentation and vse of the Inhabi­tants, wherein hee trauelled with much diligence and good successe, sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants and Fru [...]ts: hee also ad [...]ed to the Fortifications, and made some Inclosures. In his time, viz. in the yeere 1617. was sent a Ship and prouision, with men of skill, for the killing of Whales; but they arriued there too late to wit, about the midst of April, so that before they could make ready their Shallops, and fit themselues, the principall season for Whale-fishing was Whales. 60 past: For the Whale come thither in Ianuary, and depart againe toward the latter end of May: Yet they strook some, but found them so liuely, swift, & fierce after they were stricken, that they could take none. They yeeld great store of Oyle, as appeared by one that draue to shoare on Sommerset Iland, in Sandys Tribe: and by another that we found not far from thence dead vpon a Rocke.

[Page 1798] I also receiued by Captaine Tucker, directions from the Aduenturers to diuide the Countrey, and to assigne to each Aduenturer his shares or portion of Land: and withall, a description, with Shares. notes touching the manner how they would haue it done, as they had formerly determined by Lot. Which thing I did with all faithfulnesse and diligence, the manner of it doth aboue appeare, and is more largely manifested in a Booke of the Suruey of the Country, exhibited to the Right Honorable his Maiesties Counsell, and the Court of Aduenturers for these parts. And then be­gan this, which was before as it were an vnsetled and confused Chaos (I mean as touching a Plantation, for considered onely as a Regiment it was otherwise) to receiue a conuenient dispo­sition, forme, and order, and to become indeed a Plantation; for though the Countrey was small, yet they could not haue beene conueniently disposed and well settled, without a true descripti­on 10 and suruey made of it; and againe euery man being settled where hee might constantly abide, they knew their businesse, and fitted their houshold accordingly. They built for themselues and their Families, not Tents or Cabins, but more substantiall houses: they cleered their grounds, and planted not onely such things as would yeeld them their fruits in a yeere, or halfe a yeere: but all such too, as would affoord them profit after certaine yeeres, &c. So that in short time after, euen before expiration of Captaine Tuckers gouernment, the Country began to aspire and neerely to approch vnto that happinesse and prosperity wherein now it flourisheth. For may it not iustly be accounted happinesse and prosperitie, for men to liue where they enioy the meanes of true Re­ligion and Saluation, to wit, the sincere Ministerie of the Word and Sacraments? where the go­uernment is good without rigour and oppression, the place healthfull and temperate? where they are freed from all extreme care and toyle? where they haue food in abundance, and very good, 20 with other things needfull to the body? and where they haue Commodities meete for Trade, by which they better aduance their estates? all which and more is largely verified in the pres [...]nt estate of that Colonie, whatsoeuer some maliciously minded, or to euill ends suborned, may say to the contrary, so that there may seeme to bee a restauration of that Golden Age so much spoken of.

The Gouernour now there resident, is one Captaine Butler, for Captaine Tucker departing thence in December 1618. left in his place Captaine Kendall (who also was one that supplied the same place in the interim, betweene Master Moores time and Captaine Tuckers, and hath spent some nine or ten yeeres in the Countrey. But in the yeere 1619. about Midsummer, the 30 Aduenturers sent thither as Gouernour for three yeeres (according to the custome) the said Cap­taine Butler, and foure ships, with some fiue hundred persons, there beeing at that time in the Countrey onely fiue hundred more: for by the space of foure yeeres, to wit, during the latter part of Master Moores gouernment, and all the time of Captaine Tuckers, they had sent few thi­ther, being almost hopelesse of the place, by reason of the Rats: But since there haue beene sent many companies more then haue come to my knowledge. Insomuch that I vnderstand the Coun­trey is now almost fully planted and inhabited.

Thus haue I briefly related (so farre forth as hath come to my knowledge and remembrance) euery thing of most note and importance that hath befallen in the first Discouerie and planting of these Ilands, till this present. I haue laboured to contract my selfe, yet haue exceeded my en­tended 40 limits. Now I must speake something of the Countrey it selfe: Which consisteth of a company of small Ilands, situate and formed as aboue appeareth. It lyeth in the Westerne O­cean, in that part of the World lately discouered, and called America, or the New World, vulgar­ly, the West Indies: It hath Latitude, or Eleuation (as is abouesaid) 32. degrees 25. minutes, which is almost the same with the Maderaes, or rather more Southward.

The Countrey is round about enuironed with Rockes; which to the Northward, Westward, and Southward, extend farther then hath beene yet discouered: By reason of these Rockes the Countrey is very strong: For there is onely two places (and scarce two, except to such as know them well) where shipping may safely come in: and those places are very well fortified: but within is roome to entertaine a Royall Fleet. The Rockes in most places appeare at a low water: 50 neither are they much couered at a high water; For it ebbes and flowes there, not aboue fiue foot. The shoare it selfe (for the most part) is a Rocke: so hardned by the Sunne, Wind, and Sea, that it is not apt to be worne by the Waues; whose violence is also broken by the Rocks, before they come at the shoare. The Mould is of diuers colours; neither Clay, nor Sand, but a meane betweene. The Red, which resembleth Clay is worst; the whitish, resembling Sand, and the blackish, Clay, is good: the Browne, betweene them both (which they call white, because there is mingled with it, as it were a white Marle) is best. Vnder the Mould two or three foote deepe, and sometimes lesse, is a kind of white, hard substance, which they call the Rocke: the Trees vsual­ly fasten their Roots in it: and draw their nourishment from it: Neither is it indeed Rocke or Stone, nor so hard, though for the most part harder then Chalke; not so white, but Pumice-like 60 and Spongie, easily receiuing and contayning much water: I haue seene, in some places, Clay found vnder it. It seemes to be engendred of the Raine water, drayning through the earth, and drawing with it of his substance, vnto a certaine depth where it congeales. The hardest kind of it (which is commonly vnder the red ground) is not so Spongie, nor retaynes much water: but [Page 1899] lyeth in the ground in Quarries, as it were thicke Slates one vpon another: and there is some chinkes or creuises betwixt one late and another, through which the water hath passage: so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water. For all, or the most part of their fresh wa­ter (whereof they haue good store) commeth out of the Sea; drayning through the Sand, or through the foresaid substance, which they call the Rocke, and leauing his Salt behind it becomes fresh: Sometimes we digged Welles of fresh water, within foure or fiue paces of the Sea-side; Wels. sometimes further off. The most part of them would ebbe and flow, as the Sea did, and be leuell or little higher then the Superficies of the Sea.

The Aire is most commonly cleere, very temperate, moist, with a moderate heate, very The Aire. healthfull, and apt for the Generation and nourishing of all things; so that there is scarce any thing transported from hence thither, but it yeelds a farre greater encrease; and if it be any liuing 10 thing, becomes fatter and better liking, then here. By this meanes the Countrey was so repleni­shed with Hennes and Turkeyes, within the space of three or foure yeeres, that beeing negle­cted, many of them forsooke the Houses, and became wilde, and so liued in great abundance. The like encrease there is of Hogges and other Cattle, according to their kinds. There seemes to be a continuall Spring, which is the cause that some few things come not to that maturitie and perfection, as were requisite. And though the Trees doe shed their leaues, yet are they alwayes full of greene.

Their Corne is the same which they vse almost in all parts of the West Indies, to wit, Maiz: which, to such as are vsed to it, is more heartie and nourishing then our English Wheate, and yeelds a farre greater increase, as a pound, sometimes, of one or two graines. Of this Corne, 20 and [...]iuers other things, without either plowing or digging the ground, they haue two Haruests euery yeere: for they set about March, which they gather in Iuly; and againe in August, which is ripe in December: And little slips of Figge Trees, and Vines, doe vsually beare fruit within lesse then a yeere after they are planted, sometimes in halfe a yeere. The like fertilitie it hath in other things.

There is scarce at any time to be perceiued either Frost or Snow, nor any extreme heate; for Tēperature of the Countrey. there is almost alwayes some wind stirring, which cleereth and cooleth the Aire. Their Sum­mers and Winters obserue the same times with ours, but their longest dayes and nights are shor­ter then ours in England, by two houres and almost a halfe: as also their shortest dayes and nights 30 are as much longer then ours: for their longest dayes and nights are about fourteene houres, and their shortest ten. When it is Noone with vs, it is Morning with them; and when it is about fiue of the clocke in the Euening with vs, it is high-noone with them: so that whilest the Sun declines with vs, it riseth with them, as also it doth in Virginia. It is apt to Thunder and Light­ning all the yeere, oft-times more terrible then in England; but no man, or other liuing crea­ture haue I knowne hurt by it. There is no venemous creature in the Countrey: the yellow Spi­der Spiders. which is there, making her Webbe as it were of Silke, and bringing forth her young (as the Alchimists their stone) of Egges like little Balles of Quick-siluer, is not perceiued to bee any whit venemous. Yet there is a Plant (that climbeth Trees like Iuie, the leafe also of the same colour, but in shape like the Vine) that is somewhat venomous, but of no great force. 40

There is great store and varietie of Fish, and so good as these parts of the World affoords not the like; which being for the most part vnknowne to vs, each man gaue them names as they best liked: as one kind they called Rocke-fish, another Groopers, others Porgie-fish, Hog-fish, Angle-fish, Cauallies, Yellow-tayles, Spanish Makerell, Mullets, Breame, Connie-fish, Mor­rayes, Sting-rayes, Flying-fish, &c. The like they did by the Fowle, as Cohooes, Sand­birds, Herons, Ducke and Teale, Pemblicoes, Castle-boobies, Hawkes, &c.

The Countrey when we first beganne the Plantation, was all ouer-growne with Woods and Plants of seuerall kinds: and to such kinds as were vnknowne to vs (which were the most part) we also gaue names; such as were knowne retayning their olde names: as Cedars, Palmetoes, Black-wood, White-wood, Yellow-wood, Mulberie-trees, Stopper-trees, Lawrell and Oliue­trees, Mangrowes, Pepper-trees, Yellow-bery-weed, Red-weed: These, and many others, wee 50 found naturally growing in the Countrey. But since it hath beene inhabited, there hath beene brought thither, as well from the Indies as from other parts of the World, sundry other Plants, as Vines of seuerall kinds, Sugar-canes, Figge-trees, Apple-trees, Oranges, Lemmons, Pome­granets, Plantanes, Pines, Parsnips, Raddishes, Artichokes, Potatoes, Cassaui, Indico, and many other: Insomuch that it is now become as it were some spacious Garden or Nourcerie of many pleasant and profitable things.

Now if I should proceed to a more speciall Narration, and speake of all these Plants, Birds, Fishes, and other remarkable things particularly: I could not but bee much larger then were any wayes expedient in this place. Besides, I haue long since vnderstood, that Captaine Butler (the 60 Gouernour there resident) hath vndertaken to write of these and the like things, a peculiar Treatise. This therefore that is spoken touching the nature of the Countrey in generall, shall suffice. Onely to make choice of two particulars, wherof I will speake, not so largely as the things require, but so farre forth as will be meet and conuenient in this place.

[Page 1800] The first shall bee the Tortoyse, which they call a Turtle: which hauing some affinitie and resemblance with Fishes, Beasts, and Fowles, shall serue instead of a Historie of them all. The other shall be that which they call the prickled Peare-tree: which participating in nature, and resembling in some things, herbs and in other Trees; shall likewise serue in stead of the Na­turall Historie of them both.

And first of the Turckle, not regarding (for breuities sake) the large Discourses of others; I will onely write what I haue seene and knowne my selfe. They are in the shape of their bodie like a Crab-fish; and haue foure finnes: they are as great as three or foure men can carrie: the vpper part of them is couered with a great shell, which wee call a Galley-patch, weighing (as I take it) halfe a hundred weight: the flesh that cleaueth to the in-side of this being rosted 10 against the fire, is excellent meate: almost like the Marrow of Beefe: but the shell it selfe harder then Horne: shee hath also a shell on her belly, not so hard, but being boy led it becom­meth soft, like the sinewes or gristle of Beefe; and good meate. These liue in the Sea, spen­ding the Spring time, and part of the Summer about these Ilands: but the residue of the yeere, we know not where. They are like to Fowle in respect of the smalnesse and fashion of their heads and neckes: which are wrinkled like a Turkeyes, but white, and not so sharpe billed. They also breed their young of Egges which they lay. They resemble Beasts, in that their flesh is like Veale, but more hard and solid; and they feed alwayes vpon grasse growing at the bot­tome of the water; neither can they abide any longer vnder water, then they hold their breath; which the old ones will doe long: but the young ones being chased to and fro, cannot continue 20 two minutes with out comming vp to breathe. Shortly after their comming in, the Male and Female couple, which wee call cooting; this they continue some three dayes together, during which time, they will scarce separate though a Boat come to them, nor hardly when they are smitten. Not long after, the Shee-Turckle comes vp by night vpon some Sandie Bay; and fur­ther vp then the water vseth to flow, shee digges a hole with her finne in the Sand, some two foote deepe; and there comming vp seuerall nights, layes her Egges, some halfe a bushell (which are about the bignesse of a Hennes Egge, and round as a Ball) and each time couers them with Sand very curiously; so that a man shall hardly finde the place. These Egges (as it seemes) are afterwards hatched by heate of the Sunne, and then by the Prouidence of God (the meanes are yet vnknowne to vs) are brought out of the earth, for wee could neuer perceiue that 30 shee returnes any more to them, and yet in likelihood they remaine not long in the Earth after they are hatched, because (as I haue before said) they cannot liue without breathing. We some­times see of the young ones no bigger then a mans hand, which some fish will deucure. They grow slowly, and seeme to haue a very long life, they will sleepe on the top of the water, and were wont to sleepe often on the Land, till the Countrie was peopled; they will also liue out of the water some three weekes, and that without meate, but mourne and pine away; they are ve­ry wittie. Being on the Land turned vpon their backes, they can no more without some helpe or aduantage recouer themselues; by which meanes when they come on shoare to lay their Egges, they are easily taken, as also they are when they are cooting. But otherwise wee take them for the most part by night, making a great light in a Boate, to which they will some­times 40 swimme, and seldome shunne: so that a man standing readie with a staffe in his hand, which hath at one end a socket, wherein is an Iron lesse then a mans finger, foure-square and sharpe, with a line fastned to it, hee striking this Iron into the vpper shell of the Turckle, it stickes so fast, that after shee hath a little tired her selfe by swimming too and fro, shee is taken by it. They will liue, the head being cut off, foure and twentie houres; so that if you cut the flesh with a Knife, or touch it, it will tremble and shrinke away. There is no meate will keepe lon­ger either fresh or salt.

But leauing these, we will now come to speake of the Prickled Peares, which are a fruit growing in these Ilands, in such places as are scarce fit for any thing else, namely, vpon Rockes and Cliffes, and commonly by the Sea side, as if the salt-water did somewhat helpe to the gene­ration 50 and nourishing of them. The tree seemes to grow certaine yeeres before it beares fruit, and then to continue bearing, very many yeeres, hauing almost all the yeere long fruit vpon it. And although we call this a Tree, yet hath it scarce any bodie or branches, but consisteth in a manner wholly of leaues and fruit, soft and brittle.

But we will giue you a larger Historie of the Creatures from Captaine Smith, in the next Chapter. 60

CHAP. XVIII.

Extracts out of Captaine IOHN SMITHS Historie of Bermudas, or Summer Ilands; touching the English Acts and Occurrents there from the beginning of the Plantation.

SOme one hundred and twentie of the Uirginian Company bought that Title which the Company might seeme to haue to Bermuda, and obtayned Letters Pa­tents of his Maiestie. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer, and Master Ri­chard 10 Moore sent thither with the first Colonie, which found the three men well, Carter, Chard, and Waters, which had found store of Ambergrice, which Inueniuntur o­pes irritamenta malorum. was the occasion of great stirres betwixt Moore and Kendall, (who was impri­soned) Chard (who was condemned and on the Ladder to be hanged, but repriued, and all Moores time detayned prisoner) and Captaine Dauies, who had almost kindled a mutinie till better thoughts did better him. Sic vos non vobis, was the conclusion of that Treasure to the finders, howsoeuer Dauies and Kendall are said to haue licked their fingers well. For the naturall Historie thereof I haue added thus much out of him to that which before hath beene deliuered by others.

The most troublesome to these Ilands are the Winds and Wormes, specially in the Spring and Autumne, rather to awaken industrie then to cause despaire. 20

The Musketas or Flies are very busie, with a certaine Indian bugge called by the Spaniards, a Flies. Cacaroatch, which creeping into Chists by their ill sented dung defile all, besides their eating. Little Ants are in Summer so troublesome that they are forced to dry their figs on high frames, Ants. anointing the feete with Tarre which stay their passage that else would spoile. all. Wormes in Wormes. the earth are noisome to their Corne and Tobacco, causing them great labour euery morning to destroy them; which else would destroy all. Large Lizards haue been there, now destroyed by the Lizards. Cats. Spiders are large but beautifully coloured, as if they were adorned with Siluer, Gold, and Spiders. Peatle: their Webs in Summer wouen from Tree to Tree a perfect raw Silke in substance and co­lour, so strong that Birds like Snites bigger then Black-birds, are snared in their Nets.

There are grey and white Hearne, grey and greene Plouer, wild Ducks, and Mallards, Coots, Fowles. 30 Red-shankes, Sea-wigeons, grey Bitternes, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds, like Sparrowes and Robbins, which haue lately beene destroyed by the Wild Cats, very many Wood-peckers, Crowes, which since the Plantation are killed, and seldome seene except in places least inhabited, where they are obserued to take their flight about Sun-set, directing their course toward the North-west, which causeth the coniecture of other Ilands. (Yea, the Spaniards say this is not true Bermuda, &c.) sometimes also are seene Falcons, Iarfalcons, Osprayes, a Bird like a Hobby, holden but a passenger.

The Cohow is so termed of his voice; a night Bird all day hid in the Rockes. The Egge-bird on the first day of May constantly obserued to come, they begin to lay Egs as big almost as Hens Egges; so continuing till Mid-summer, so tame you must thrust them off: then permitted to 40 breed (growing weake) and their young are excellent meate. The Egges of those are white; of the Cohowes speckled, as bigge as Hennes: strict inhibition was made for their sparing beeing al­most destroyed.

The Tropiks Bird hath his name of the places where he is most seene. Another Bird of her Cry is called Pemblico, seldome seene by day, an vnwelcome Prophet of Tempests by her clamorous crying. Owles are now gone, Pigeons prosper not. Tame Duckes and Geese are there.

Now for Plants there growing, the most remarkeable are, the Poyson-wead, which is much in shape like our English Iuie, with the touch thereof causing rednesse, itching and blisters, all which after a while passe away of themselues without further hurt.

The Red-reed is a tall Plant, whose stalke is couered with a red rind; the Roote steeped, or a 50 small quantitie of the iuyce drunke alone procureth a forceable Vomit, generally vsed and effe­ctuall against distempers of the stomacke.

A kind of Wood-bind is common neere the Sea running on Trees like a Vine, the fruit some­what like a Beane but flatter, which eaten any way causeth to purge vehemently, yet without further harme.

Another small Tree causeth costiuenesse. There is also a Plant like a Bramble, bearing a long yellow fruit with a hard shell, and within a hard Berrie which stamped and taken inwardly, purgeth gently.

Red-Pepper is a fruit like our Barberies, which beaten, or bruized with the Teeth, sets all the mouth on a heat, for the time terrible; but swallowed whole haue the same operation that 60 blacke Pepper.

The Sea-feather is a Plant growing on the Rocks in the bottome of the Sea in forme of a Vine­leafe, but farre more spread with veines of a palish red, strangely interlaced and weaued into each other: the vertue vnknowne.

[Page 1802] There are besides fruits thither carried which thriue and multiply, White, Red, Yellow Po­tatoes, Sugar-canes, Indicoes, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, Cassaui (the American root for bread) the Indian Pompeon, the water Melon, the Muske Melon, the most delicate Pine­apple, Plantans, and Papawes; the English Artichoke, Pease, &c.

Master Moore applied himselfe to fortifying and to traine his men: hee laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort, Pembrokes Fort, Smiths Fort, Gates Fort, Moores Forts. Warwickes Castle, Saint Katherines Fort, &c. mounting therein all such Ordnance as he had. Be­ing busied in these and other necessaries, which held the men hard at worke, Master Keath the Master Keath. Minister, a Scot, taxed him in the Pulpit for grinding the faces of the poore, oppressing his Chri­stian brethren with Pharoos taxes; for which being conuented, and by the generality contrari­ed, 10 he fell on his knees and asked pardon, which was easily with good admonition granted. Two other malecontents were condemned to be hanged, one of which for feare fell into a dead palsie, the other was freed, and after proued a good labourer. He got two peeces of Ordnance out of the Sea-Venture (Sir George Summers wracke) framed a Church of Timber, which was blowne Church built. downe and reedified, and another built in a closer place with Palmito leaues. Before the yeare expired, an Aduiso with thirtie passengers were sent, to prepare for Spaniards; which made Supplies sent An. 1613. M. Barklie. them fall so hard to worke, that many fell sicke. The Martha followed with sixtie passengers, and in it Master George Barklie, who tooke good notice of those Ilands. The Elizabeth was sent the second time with fortie passengers. These carried the first Potatos, which being all lost but two castaway rootes haue yeelded increase there to admiration, and are great reliefe to Increase of Potatos. 20 the Inhabitants.

Two Spanish Ships were seene soone after this Ship was gone, to sound with their Boate, at­tempting to come in; but from the Kings Castle Master Moore made two shot, which caused them to depart, to the ioy of the Plantation, which then had but three quarters of a barrell of Spanish Ships. Powder, and but one shot more: the Powder also by carelesnesse tumbled vnder the Muffels of the two Peeces which were discharged, and yet not touched with fire. The like mercifull pro­uidence appeared in certaine cartrages of Paper filled with Powder; a negligent fellow leauing his Match burning vpon one of them all the while they were at Prayer, so that the cole touched Escapes from dangers. the Paper and fired it not.

A worse thing happened by a caruell of Meale, which Daniel Elfred brought thither, so stored 30 with Rats, that had neere ruined all the Plantation. Two yeeres after came in the Blessing with Rats. M. Barklies se­cond coming. one hundred passengers, and the Starre with one hundred and eightie, and soone after the Mar­garet, and two Frigats with one hundred and sixtie. Master Barkley also came to diuide the Coun­trie into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares; but Moore seeing his share and the Colonies to be none, gaue him so cold entertainment, that he returned as he came.

This bred Moore more dislike in England, and his minding fortification so much, with neglect of Corne bred a famin; that attended with diseases, specially one called the Feagues, which with­out 1614. Famine and sicknesse. Rauens. sense of paine, swallowed vp all their strength at once, whereof without succour they died; some by foode and rest recouered. The Rauens continued this mortality and then departed. Wil­liam Millinton was drawne into the Sea by a Fish, and neuer seene more. The Famine gaue a su­persedeas 40 to the workes, and Moore sent them to seeke reliefe. At Coupers Ile with a contrary extremity of the abundance of Cahows and Fish, many surfeited and died. Some killed the Cat­tell, Contrary ex­treme. and one stole away to the Woods and there franked himselfe, feeding on land Crabbes and Wilkes. For fishing, the Smith was faine to make Hookes of Swords, and Lines of old Ropes, till a Frigat being sent with aduice into England, the Welcome was sent with prouision. Master Moore returned in this Ship, and left the Gouernment to a Councell of sixe, which should succeede each other monethly; viz. Captaine Miles Kendall, Captaine Iohn Mansfield, Thomas Knight, Charles Gouernment by a Counsell. Caldicot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelue Assistants. Moore arriuing here, af­ter much quarrell, obtained eight shares of Land. Hee died after in Sir Walter Raleighs Guiana voyage. He was a man very pragmaticall, and had before vndertaken much in Foulenesse for 50 Rapes seede, &c. A man fitter for such a Plantation as this in the beginning was, then some silken Citizen, or stalking Gentleman, or talking Traueller, or sowre Humorist, or grim Martialist might haply haue proued.

Caldicots Lot was first, whose moneth being ended, with Knight and Waters in a small Frigot he went to Virginia, Mansfield succeeded in the new triumuirate, and a plot not to surrender the Caldicots lot. Gouernment to such as from England should be appointed, was disappointed: Master Hughes was imprisoned, and soone set at liberty, but Master Keath his Symmystes fell to strange dis­putes, and Hughes was againe conuented, and by the Iury acquitted. Mansfields moneth being M. Keath and M. Hughes. passed in braules, the two next were quiet; yet those contestings after reuiued. The Edwin arri­ued with good supplies. Diuers Boates were lost at Sea about this time.

But one memorable accident was this: In March, a season most tempestuous, on a faire Fri­day Strange acci­dent. 60 morning, seuen men went in a Boate of two or three tuns to fish, some of them fasting, nei­ther had they any prouision in the Boat with them but a few Palmeto berries; some foure leagues from shoare a tempest tooke them, and carried them quite out of sight of land; their strength be­ing [Page 1803] spent, the strength also of the tempest abated on sunday, and a calme followed. Too weake Andrew Hilli­aras aduen­tures. for Oares they lay adrife that night: the next morning Andrew Hillyard (the rest not able to helpe themselues) spred the saile: On tuesday one died, on wednesday three, which were cast ouer­boord; on thursday night the sixth, whom he was not able to turne ouer, but stripped him, rip­ped his belly with his Knife, threw his bowels into Sea, spred his body abroad, tilted open with a sticke, and so let it lye as a Cesterne to receiue some luckie raine water, which God sent present­ly after, so that in a small shower he recouered about foure spoonefuls of raine to his vnspeakable refreshment. He also preserued neere halfe a pint of blood in a shooe, which hee did sparingly drinke to moisten his mouth. Two dayes he fed on his flesh to the quantity of a pound: the e­leuenth day after his losse of Land, two flying Fishes fell into his Boate, whose warme iucie bloud 10 he sucked, to his great comfort, and within an houre after, with greater comfort espied land, which within foure houres he attained on a Rocke neere Port Royall, where his Boate was split presently in peeces, and he made shift to climbe so steepe a Rocke by night, as would haue trou­bled the strongest man in [...]le to haue done by day. He discerned in the morning where he was, and without other refreshing then water (which he tooke temperately, or might else haue drunk his last) he got in halfe a day to a friends house. He was liuing Anno 1622.

Some treasure in Dollers, to the value of twentie pounds was found, the remainder of some M. Tucker, 1616. Wrack. The Company sent M. Daniel Tucker, to be Gouernour; hee set saile in the George, ac­companied with the Edwin: some preparation was made to resist, but he at last was receiued and acknowledged in May, 1616. Somewhat hee had to doe to bring them to their workes, which 20 yet he effected; their day worke till nine in the morning, and then staying till three in the after­noone, they began againe continuing till sun-set. Besides meat, drinke, and clothes, they had for a time a certaine kind of brasse Money, with a Hog on the one side, in memory of the Hogs there found at first landing. Hee by Master Richard Norwoods helpe, laid out the eight Tribes in the Tribes laid o [...] Mayne, which were to consist of fiftie shares to a Tribe, each share twentie fiue Acres. He began to plant some of the Colony on speciall shares, and appointed Bailiffes to each Tribe. Hee held a generall Assise in his second moneth at Saint Georges, where for sedition Iohn Wood a Frenchman Assises. was hanged. He sent the Edwin to Trade with the Natiues of the West Indies for Cattel, Corne, Plants, which had it been continued, might happily haue bin more beneficiall to the Plantation then the Magazines from hence. She returned with Figs, Pines, Sugar-canes, Plantans, Papawes, 30 and diuers other plants, which were presently replanted, and since haue increased by the Go­uernours The Gouer­nours. commendable husbandry. Seuerity, by the conceit thereof produced an admirable fact: Fiue men which could by no meanes get passage for England, resolued to aduenture an escape, viz. Richard Sander Mariner chiefe plotter, William Goodwin a Ship Carpenter, Tho. Harison a Ioyner, Iames Baker Gentleman, and Henry Puet. These insinuated to the Gouernour, that they would Admirable voyage. build him a Boat of two or three Tuns with a close Deck, fit to fish in all weathers. Hee glad to see them so obsequious, furnished them with necessaries whatsoeuer they could desire. Shee was fitted and gone the euening before hee sent for her, to see, as was reported, how shee could saile. This was most true, and Botelias his aduenture from Goa in the East Indies to Lisbon was not so admirable a triall. Barker had borrowed a Compasse Diall of M. Hughes, leauing a Letter to him His course was neerer shoare, with all proui­sions fitting. 40 to haue patience for that losse, whereby their aduenture was intimated. The Gouernours threats were not in that remotenesse so terrible as the two present swelling Elements, whom yet they found more gentle then a French Pickaroone, who in stead of succour, which they desired, tooke from them what they liked, leaning them not so much as a Crosse-staffe to obserue with, and so cast them off. They continued their course till their victuall began to faile, and the knees of their Small Boat from Bermu­das commeth, to Ireland. Sanders his for­tunes. Boat were halfe hewed away for fire wood. They at last arriued in Ireland, where the Earle of Tomund entertained them, and caused the Boat to be hanged vp for a Monument, hauing sayled 3300. miles thorow the Ocean by a right line without sight of any Land. This fortunate San­ders in the rifling of a Ship taken in the East Indies, bought a Chest for three or foure shillings, but would for want of a Key haue sold it againe for lesse. But one day hauing little to doe, hee broke it open and found therein 1000. pounds sterling, or so much gold as bought him in England a 50 good estate, which leauing with his wife he returned againe to the East Indies.

The Company sent Captaine Powell in the Hopewell, after he had landed his passengers in Sum­mer Cap. Powell. Iles, to trade in the Indies, who by the way fell foule on a Brasillman, and afterwards a French­man on him: but hee got safe to the Ilands and told what he had done. The Gouernour kept his second Assize, and made a proclamation against the killing of coheires. Powell is againe sent to the West Indies from thence, with thirteene or fourteene men. Hee made triall but in vaine, for the Whale-fishing, for which and to which purpose the Company soone after sent the Neptune. In the beginning of his second yeere he called the third azise, in which one was hanged, two others condemned, but reprieued. The Rat Tragedy was now terrible: some Fishes haue been taken with 60 Rats in their bellies, catched as they swam from Ile to Ile. One Henry Long, with sixe others be­ing 1617. Hurt by Rats filling all the Iland. on fishing, a sudden storm arose with terrible thunder, and the Boat was tossed ouer the Rocks, the fi [...]h tossed ouer-boord, and Long with two others escaped (the rest drowned) one of the three being demanded what he thought in the present perill, answered, hee said nothing, but Gallowes [Page 1804] claime thy right, which within halfe a yeere fell out accordingly. Powell returned with three Fri­gats, laden with Meale, Hides, and Munition. The Master and Gouernour contending, both were Gallowes clap­pers fate. dispossessed by a stronger power. Waters, with twelue men were sent to Virginia, and would no more returne to Summers Iles.

A. 1618. arriued there the Diana, with men and prouision, and the first Magazine (a course I 1618. Magazines not so profitable as intended. heare not much applauded by the Planters here, or in Virginia, the companies honest care) seeming by some others dishonestie frustrate. This Ship fraught with 30000. weight of Tobacco, gaue by the good sayle thereof encouragement to the Aduenturers. The Gouernour building a house of Cedar in the best Land, appropriated it to himselfe to the griefe of others there, of whom Master Hughes could not by threats nor imprisonment be so pacified, but that here to the Company hee 10 approued his cause. Two men and a Gentlewomen, thinking to make their escape in a Boat to Virginia, were neuer heard of after. Sixe others attempted the like, but were apprehended, a­raigned, Escapers not escaping. condemned, and one of them hanged. The Gouernours hard dealings so much complai­ned of, caused him in the Blessing to returne to excuse himselfe, and to get that house assured him, leauing Captaine Kendall to supply his place. The Gilli-flower and the Treasurer were sent. By Two ships sent the Sea-flower which went to Virginia, a Preacher was sent to the Ilands, and newes of a new Gouernour. Captaine Kerby came in with a small Barke from the West Indies. A Dutch Frigot was cost away on the Westerne shoare, the people saued by the English.

Captaine Butler, the new Gouernour arriued in the Warwicke, the twentieth of October, 1619. Cap. Butler Gouernour. 1619. The Redoubt, a platforme of the Kings Castle, at the same time whiles the New Gouernour and 20 old Planters were feasting aboord, accidentally was consumed with fire. The next month came in the Garland, which had come from England sixe or seuen weekes before him, and spent seuenteen weekes on the voyage, which proued so tedious, that many both Saylers and Passengers died. In the end of Nouember, arose such a storme that many great Trees were blown vp by the roots, the Great stormes Warwicke cast away, the Garland forced to cut her Masts ouerboord. Not long after happened another as fierce; in which the Mount, built by M. Moore for a Watch-tower, was blowne vp by the roots; and their winter crop of Corne blasted.

He began the new yeere with refortifying the Kings Castle, and finding the Treasurer rotten, tooke nine Peeces of Ordnance out of her. Hee sent the Garland for England. Hee finished the Church begun by Captain Kendall, with great toile got three Peeces out of the wracked Warwick, 30 imployed a Dutch Carpenter of the former Dutch wrack to build Boates. A luckie fellow in Fe­bruary, found a piece of Ambergreece of eight Ounces, as hee had done twice afore, and according to order of Court (to preuent concealements) had therfore thirtie pound an Ounce. Two Dutch Ambergreece. Frigots arriued, conducted by Captaine Powell, and much refreshed the Colony with Oyle and Bacon at cheape rates. The Gouernour made a new platforme in place of the burned Redoubt, New platforme and mounted seuen great Peeces on Cariages of Cedar. The Ministers not being conformable to the Church of England, nor vniforme with themselues in administration of the Sacrament, and Ministers scruples. Matrimony. Hee translated the Liturgie Booke of Garnsie and Iarsie, void of the pretended scru­ples which was generally embraced, and in his time practised, and the Sabbaths obseruation pro­claimed. They rebuilded the Mount, and diuers Boats was indangered with a Hericano, one lost. 40 Finding a little Crosse erected where Sir George Summers his heart and entrailes were buried: he Sir George Sum­mers memorial caused a Marble stone brought out of England, to bee handsomely wrought, and an Epitaph en­grauen, in memory of that worthy Souldier, and laid thereon, inuironed with a square wall of hewed stone.

On the second of Iune, began their Assizes, in which their Lawes and Gouernment were re­duced to the English forme. The first of August, was a generall Assembly in manner of a Parlia­ment, Their first Par­liament. at Saint Georges, diuers Articles concluded, and being sent hither, by the Company con­firmed, which for breuitie I omit. The Magazine Ship soone after came in weake case thither, ha­uing cast ouerboord twentie or thirtie of her people, and had they staied at Sea a weeke longer, were likely to haue all perished. That aire soon mends or ends men in that case, and those which 50 died not soone after the landing recouered, not without infection of others there. 70000. weight of Tobacco was prefixed for her freight. Commandement came now to entertaine no Ships, but such as were sent from the Company, to the Colonies great griefe, which now were forced to a Magizane-Monopoly, and debarred of occasionall reliefe. Cap. Powell soone after came thither, imployed by the States, desiring admittance for wood and water, which was denied with excee­ding murmuring and exclaiming of the Colony. The Magazine Ship arriued, her Master dead, Spanish Wrack. and many passengers, the rest sicke.

Then happened also in September a Spanish Wrack, which comming from Carthagena with These made false reports in England, the Spanish Emba­sado [...]r also vr­ging the same, till the contra­ [...]ie was mani­fested. the Spanish Fleet lost their Ship on those Rockes, and seuentie persons were saued, some of which had beene rifled, but their money to the value of one hundred and fortie pound restored them by 60 the Gouernours meanes: into whose hands they committed it for disbursment of their charges. Some were sent away, others forced to stay till their labours had procured meanes for their pas­sage. Hee made meanes to get out of the Wrack two Sakers, and three Murtherers, which were the same which Cap. Kendall had sold to Cap. Kerby, who was taken by two men of War of Car­thagena, [Page 1805] most of his men slaine or hanged, hee wounded died in the Woods, as these Spaniards re­lated. Three Bulwarkes were raised at Southampton Fort, with two Curtens and two Iauelens. Armes were distributed to all such as were able to vse them.

The Weauells (which had at this time much hurt their Corne) found a strange remedy. For a Weauells cure, proclamation being made that all Corne should be gathered by a day, because many had lost some for want of gathering, st [...]ll haunting the Ships for Aqua-vitae and Beere; some bad husbands ha­stily gathered it, and threw it on heapes in their houses vnhusked, so letting it lye foure or fiue moneths. Now the good husbands husked theirs, and hanged it vp with much labour, where the Flies did blow it, which the others idlenesse, as the euent shewed, preuented, that being thus found to be the best way to saue the corne and labour, to let it lye in the huske. Diuers places of 10 fresh-water were now also luckily found out. Another triall of whale-fishing was vainely at­tempted by a Ship which came from Uirginia, who returned thither fraught with Lime-stone, 20000. pound weight of Potatos, &c.

Aprill and May were spent in building a Prison, and perfecting some Fortifications, and foure Sakers were gotten from the Spanish Wrack, and mounted at the Forts. One was hanged for buggering a Sow, whose Cock in the time of his imprisonment vsed also to tread a Pig, as if it had beene a Hen, till the Pig languished and died, and then the Cock haunted the same Sow. A­bout the same time two Chickens were hatched, one of which had two heads, the other is said to haue crowed loud and Iustily within twelue houres after it was out of the shell. Other Peeces were got out of the Spanish Wrack, and a Saker also out of that of Sir George Summers. 20

By a Barke going to Uirginia, Captaine Butler, his time expiring, conueied himselfe thither, leauing the gouernment to C. Felgate C. Stokes, &c. In the Kings Castle were mounted, or sufficient platformes, sixteen Peeces of Ordnance. In Charles Fort two, in Southampton Fort fiue, betwixt Forts & Ord­nance in Ber­mudas. which & the Castle passeth the channel into the Harbor, secured by twenty three Peeces of good Ordnance. In Coups Ile is Pembrookes Fort, with two Peeces. Saint Georges channell is guarded by Smiths Fort and Payets Fort, in which are eleuen Peeces. Saint Georges Towne is comman­ded by Warwicks Fort, with three great Peeces, on the Wharfe before the Gouernours house are eight more, besides the warning Peece by the Mount, and three in Saint Katherines; in all tenne Fortresses, and fiftie two Peeces of Ordnance sufficient and seruiceable. Hee left one thousand fiue hundred persons, and neere one hundred Boates, the Ile replenished with prouisions, fruites, 30 poultry, &c.

Master Iohn Bernard, was sent by the Honourable Company to supply his place, who arriued M. Bernard Gouernour, 1622. within eight dayes of Captaine Butlers departure, with two Ships, and one hundred and fortie Passengers, with Armes and all sorts of Munition and other prouisions. During his life (which continued but sixe weekes) hee gaue good proofe of his sufficiency in reforming things defectiue. M. Harrison Gouernour. 1623. He and his wife were both buried in one day, and one graue: and Master Iohn Harrison chosen Go­uernour till further order came from London.

The Wormes before mentioned are still troublesome, and make them morning workes to kill Wormes noy­some. them. Caterpillers are pernicious to their fruits, and Land Crabs are as thicke in some places, as Conies in a Warren, and doe much harme. A Ship in which had beene much swearing and blas­pheming 40 vsed all the voyage, perished; the companies negligence iovially frolicking in their cups and Tobacco (hauing landed certaine goods) by accident the Powder fired, and blew vp the great Cabbin; some were taken vp in the Sea, liuing in miserable torments, eighteene were lost with this fatall blast, the Ship also sunke, with sixtie Barrells of Meale sent for Virginia, and her other prouisions lost. The Company haue sent Captaine Woodhouse in a Ship called the Tigre for that gouernment, a man much commended and hopefull. I haue beene told that there are three thou­sand persons of all sorts liuing there, halfe of which number is able to beare Armes, and exerci­sed to that seruice.

CHAP. XIX. 50

Briefe intelligence from Virginia by Letters, a supplement of French-Virginian Occurrants, and their supplantation by Sir SAMVEL ARGAL, in right of the English Plantation.

THe late alteration of Virginia Gouernment is vnknowne to none; and most know of the frequent complaints, both by priuate Letters, and by Petitions to his Ma­iesty. Now least any should hereupon thinke Virginia to be vnworthy of such our 60 care and cost; I haue out of one of the Planters priuate Letters transcribed a few words of grieuances, and yet a magnifying of the Country, that the English may be more blamed for want of Prouidence, then the Region for defect of Natures best gifts. Other things I could alleadge from others, but my meaning is to amend things not to [Page 1806] quarrell them, and to awaken the care of good men, rather then to recite the faults of the bad. In one Letter, dated Dec. 22. last past, he hath these words:

The intollerable rates we pay here for commodities, as ten pound sterling a hogshead of Meale, sixteen shillings a gallon of Alligant, three pound sterling a Henne and eight Chickens, &c. and so according to He mentions in other letters 3. s. a pound of Butter, 6. d. rea dy monie for a pinte of Milke, 10 s. or 12. s. a day for a work­man (Carpen­ter) besides meate and lodging. these rates for euery thing else: lastly, the heauy taxations that are laid vpon vs free men, for building of Castles, paying of publique debts, for the not gathering of Sasafras, &c. so that it will come to my share, with that that is paid, and that that is to pay in Corne and Tobacco, to at least twenty or fiue and twenty pound sterling, this yeere; so that when I haue paid this, and paid my faithlesse seruants their wages, I shal scarse haue good Tobacco enough left to buy my selfe for the next yeer a pint of Aquauitae, &c. Thus you see (I neither warrant, nor except against the truth, but present the worst quarelled paralel­led 10 with the best) complaints of great prizes of things, not arising from plenty of money, as you reade before in the conquest of Peru, but from I know not what ill habit and indisposition of that Colony. And least any man should withdraw his heart, hand, or purse therefore from that worthy work, I haue out of the same mans Letters deliuered a commendation of the Countrey. The Letters were written, and dated 22. March 1624. and containe for substance none other then what before you haue read in others; yet are more sutable to this time and purpose, as later newes and fitter directories to the Phisitians of that Estate; that at last the English honour may be vindicated against so base perils from Sauages, and baser quarrels from and amongst our owne. God prosper his Maiesties care, and make those which are therein emploied not to seeke their owne good by hasty returnes, much lesse other their fellow aduenturers euill by calumnies and 20 vnderminings, but Virginias prosperity; of which, Natures prosperity is thus related by one que­rulous of his owne losses and crosses. His words are these:

Now concerning the state of the Country, so much as I haue obserued, I will relate vnto you: First, the Countrie it selfe, I must confesse is a very pleasant Land, rich in Commodities, and fertile in soyle to pro­duce all manner of Plants, Hearbes, and Fruites. I haue seene here my selfe both Carrets, Turneps, Ca­bages, Onyons, Leekes, Garlicke, Tyme, Parseley, Pompions, Muskmilion, and Watermilions, rare fruits and exceeding wholesome, here are also Strawberries; I haue lien downe in one place in my Corne field, and in the compasse of my reach haue filled my belly in the place: and for Mulberries, I can when I list goe and gather a bushell at a time▪ here is also a coole Fruite growing wildely on the ground, much resem­bling a great Walnut with the greene rinde on it, which reserues in it three admirable good tastes, namely 30 of Strawberries, Rosewater, and Sugar, they were an exceeding great comfort to me in my last yeeres sick­nesse, and are admirable good against the bloudly fluxe.

English Wheate and Barley will grow here exceeding well; I haue seene here growing as good Eng­lish Wheate as euer I saw in England in all my life. For Timber we haue the Oake, Ashe, Poplar, blacke Walnut, white Walnut, Pines, Gumme trees; the Pines here afford admirable good Pitch and Tarre, and serue, split out in small peeces, in many places of this Land instead of Candles; but it will smeare one worse then a Linke: here are also Peare trees which yearely bring forth Peares. But there is a tree that passeth all Fruite trees, which we call by the names of a Prissurmon tree, which beareth a Plum much about the bignesse of a Peare plum. I doe thinke it is one of the rarest Fruites in the world; when they are ripe they eate naturally of themselues from the tree better then any preserued Plummes I euer tasted in Eng­land. 40 The Beasts that this Land is plentifully stored withall are Deere, Beares in some parts, Beauers, Otters, Foxes, Hares, Squirrels, Roccounes, Possucins, names strange to you, yet are they singular good meate; the Roccouns tasting as well as Pigges flesh. Indian Dogges here are as good meate with vs as your English Lambe. English Cattell here increase and thriue very well, as Kine, Hogges, Goates, and Poultry. Fowle here are abundance, as Swans, Brants, Geese, Turkies, Herons, Cranes, Eagles, fishing Hawkes, Bussards, Ducke and Mallard, Sheldrake, Dapchicke, Partriches, Pidgeons, Crowes, Blacke-birds, and all manner of small Birds in abundance. Our Riuers here are likewise rich by the a­bundance of Fish, as Herings, Shads, Perch, Eele, Pike, Carpe, Cat-fish, Rock-fish, Gor-fish, and Stur­geon. If here were any that would make fishing for Sturgeon an occupation, they might take inough to fur­nish this Land, and also plentifully supply England. I my selfe haue seene aboue twenty Sturgeon leape a­boue 50 water in lesse then two houres. As for our Graine, I thinke it produceth the plentifullest encrease of any Corne in the World; for I haue seene one graine of Corne, that by the assistance of growth and time, hath yeelded a pint of Corne: we haue here also Beanes and Pease.

I confesse here are plentie of all those things I haue set before you, but all the craft is in catching them; for he that will get any gaine, must be a wary and a well eyed shot, and to prop his profession, he must adde great care and vigilance, both in defending himselfe and winning his game. It hath beene often seene in this Land, that whilest an Englishman hath beene winning his game, an Indian hath dogd him, atten­ding his opportunitie by the others discharge to fill him full of Arrowes. Since the Massacre they haue killed vs in our owne doores, fields, and houses: thus are we not safe neither at home nor abroad; and (which grieues me to write) our safetie is lessened by our malice one to another, for the most part altoge­ther 60 neglecting the common enemie. I my selfe and my wife are by some secret enemies much wronged for I am shauen so bare, that I haue scarse either Garter, Girdle, Stocking, or Shirt left; all my wearing Cloathes likewise are torne and tattered, I can accuse no man, and they that likewise doe it, doe it priuate­ly, and which grieues me most of all, they striue by base and insinuating meanes to clip the wings, as well of [Page 1807] my prosperitie as of my reputation; yet I hope God will giue me patience to beare, and in his good time giue me a ioyfull deliuerance in the middest of all these miseries. Whilest I was a writing these lines, newes was brought me of the killing of one, and the carrying away prisoner of another of my neighbours, by the Indi­ans; one was an old Virginian, and one who for a long time was Sir Thomas Dale his Ouerseer in this Land, his name was Master Henry Watkins: and but two daies agoe there was another that had his braines beaten out by the Indians, in the next Plantation to vs. Wherefore with a sad and sorrowfull heart I take my leaue of you deere Father, Mother, Sisters, Brethren, and all the rest of my kinde and louing friends; for the case stands so with vs here, that if wee goe out in the morning, wee know not whether wee shall euer returne; working with our Hoe in one hand, and our Peece or Sword in the other, &c. 10

And now from latest intelligence you haue notice of the good and euill, as becommeth a faith­full Historian, nequid non veri audeat, nequid veri non audeat; It is good to know the worst, to pre­uent it: forewarned, forearmed. Easily you may see that the good things of Virginia are na­turall and her owne, the bad accidentall and our owne; and consequently if wee amend our selues, Virginia will soone be amended. The body there is found; to cut the haire, auoide the excrements, paire the nailes, wash away sweate and dust, and to cure other like accidents of negligence, or impenitent and vnprofitable diligence, is a worke feasible and facile also to in­dustrious and vnanimous workemen. One thing touching the French (whose Plantations are be­fore recited) remaineth, that we take away all scruple from feare of suspected neighbours. I shall therefore adde a little more touching them, the conclusion of their Virginian Plantation in a dou­ble 20 sense. As for the English right to these parts, the next Chapter will shew, and consequently the Iustice of Sir Samuell Argals act. The Patents to Sir Humfry Gilbert, and to Sir Walter Raleigh, and their actuall possession before these latter Plantations may be alleadged likewise against the French. These things I haue collected out of Sir William Alexanders Encouragement to Colonies; Lescarbot hath also related them.

The Marquesse de la Roche, by a Commission from Henry the fourth, intending a Voyage for Canada, happened by the way vpon the Ile of Sablon (which is now comprehended within the Patent of new Scotland) and there (trusting to the strength of the place, where there are no Sa­uages at all) landed some of his men, till he should haue found a conuenient place within the maine Corteregalis made a voiage to thos [...] parts An. 1500. and another 1501. After that his brother, but both lost. Go­mes another Portugal sought straits ther. An. 1525. The land was called Terra Cortere­galis from 60. deg. to S. Lau­rence. Land fit for a habitation, promising then to returne for them. But it was his fortune, by reason 30 of contrary winde, neuer to finde the Maine Land, but he was blowne backe to France without seeing of them, where he was in the time of the ciuill warres (such is the vncertainty of world­ly things) taken prisoner by the Duke of Mercaeur, and shortly after died; so that his people whom he had left at Sablon, furnished but for a short time, had quickly spent their prouisions, ha­uing for their maintenance onely such things as the place it selfe did without labour freely afford; which hath a race of Cowes, as is thought, first transported thither by the Portugals, that haue long continued there: they had likewise there growing wilde, of this which wee call Turkey Wheate, and sundry Rootes fit to be eaten, and euery where abundance of Fishes, with Venison, and (hauing no meanes to liue but by sport) as for their Apparell, they cloathed themselues with the Skins of such creatures as they could kill by Land or Sea: so that hauing liued there for the 40 space of 12. years: when they were presented to King Henry, who had hired a Fisherman to bring them home, as I haue heard from them that did see them at first before the King, they were in very good health, and looked as well as if they had liued all that time in France: hauing bin a­bused by the Fisherman, who cunningly conceiling that he had bin directed by the King, did bar­gaine with them to haue all their Skins for transporting them home, which were of great value, some of them being of blacke Foxes, which haue bin sould at fiftie pound sterling a peece and a­boue: for the recouery thereof they intended a Processe against him before the Court of Parlia­ment at Paris, wherein they preuailed, gaining by that meanes a stocke wherewith to traffique in these parts againe.

Monsieur de Montes betaking himselfe to trade for Furs, Monsieur Pourtrincourt resoluing to prosecute the Plantation at that place sent his sonne Biencourt to France, to bargaine with some that would send them a supply, such as was requisite for establishing of that 50 Colonie.

The first that embraced his propositions were the Iesuites, who as they haue ordinarily good Iesuites. wits which made them the rather capable of so aduantagious a proiect, so they were the more a­nimated thereunto by vpbraiding the lazinesse of our Clargie, to shew with what feruency they trauelled to propagate the Gospell, in doing whereof (whether it be ambition or deuotion that prouokes them) sparing no paines, they haue trau [...]lled both to the East and West Indies, and to the admired Kingdome of China. Their society in France, preuailing with all that had any in­clination either to zeale or to vertue, did easily gather a voluntary contribution for the furthe­ring 60 of so commendable a purpose. Thereafter they sent away two Fathers of their Company, with a new supply of all things necessary to the Plantation at Port Royall, but shortly after their arriuall (their predominant disposition hardly yeelding to any superiour, specially if it be a secu­lar power) they began to contradict Pourtrincourt in the execution of those decrees which had [Page 1808] bin giuen forth by him, as ciuill Magistrate of that place: whereupon the Gentleman extreame­ly discontented, and weary or contesting with him; hauing said that it was his part to rule them vpon earth, and theirs onely to guide him the way to heauen, he returned backe to France, lea­uing his Sonne Biencourt in his place. Who being a youth at that time of more courage then circumspectnesse, disdaining to be controuled by them whom he had enuited thither, and scor­ning their insupportable presumption, vsing spirituall armes for temporall ends, and an imperious kinde of carriage, who onely for spleene had excommunicated and branded him with a spiritu­all censure; he threatned them by his temporall power with a more palpable punishment. So that after much controuersie, resoluing to separate themselues, the two Iesuites taking a part of the Company with them, went from thence to a place in new England, called by them Mount 10 Desart, where they seated themselues; and hauing a supply from the Queene Mother did plant sundry Fruit trees of the most delicate kindes in France, such as Apricockes and Peaches, neuer in­tending to remoue from thence.

At this time Sir Samuel Argall being then Gouernor I haue heard that Sir T. Dale was the Go­uernor of Vir­ginia and [...]t him. of Virginia, coasted alongst new Eng­land to traffique and discouer, or to acquire things necessary for the Southerne Colony in these parts, where the lands are reputed to be more fertil, and the Seas more frequented, & did conceiue by a description made vnto him by the Sauages, that there were some come from this part of the World to inhabit there; and being iealous of any thing that might derogate from the honour, or proue preiudiciall to the benefit of his Nation, where their interest in this was easie to be appre­hended; he went whereas he was informed that they were, and his vnexpected arriuall, as it 20 would seeme, not onely amazed the mindes of the French, but likewise preuenting their prepa­ration and resolution; he approached so neere to a Ship that lay before their Fort, that hee beate them all that were therein with Musket shot from making any vse of their Ordnance, saue one of the two Iesuites, who was killed in giuing fire to a Peece. Hauing taken the Ship, they landed Iesuite killed. and went before the Fort, summoning them that were therein to yeelde themselues, who at the first made some difficulty, asking a time to aduise; but that being refused, they priuately abando­ned the Fort, stealing out by some backe way into the Woods, where they staied one night, and the next day comming backe, rendered themselues to Sir Samuel Argall, who had lodged all that night within the Fort, giuing vp the Patent they had from the French King to be cancelled. He vsed them very curteously, as their owne Writers doe make mention, suffring such as had a 30 minde to goe for France, to seeke out Fishers Ships wherein they might be transported; the rest that were willing to goe for Uirginia went thither alongst with him; no man hauing lost his life but onely that one Iesuite, who was killed whilst they made resistance, during the time of the conflict. Thereafter Father Biard, the other of the Iesuites, comming backe from Virginia with Sir Samuell Argall, out of the indigestable malice that he had conceiued against Biencourt, did in­forme him where he had planted himselfe, offering (as he did) to conduct him thither. As soone as they were entered within the Fort, neere the vppermost of the Ilands, Sir Samuel directed the Ship to ride at a reasonable distance to attend occasions before the Fort did land himselfe with forty of the best of his men vpon a Meddow, where immediately they heard a peece of Ord­nance from the Fort, and he conceiuing since it was shot whilst it could doe no harme, that it 40 was done either but to giue terrour to them, or to warne some that might happen to be abroad, did make the greater haste towards the Fort, where he presently entered, finding it abandoned without any men at all left for the defence thereof. He went vp the Riuer side fiue or six miles, where he saw their Barnes, and the ground where a great quantity of Wheate had grown, which he carried with him to proue for Seede in Virginia: he saw also their corne Milne very conueni­ently placed, which together with the Barnes he left standing vntouched. As for the Fruit it selfe he destroied it downe to the ground, racing the French armes, and leauing no Monument that might remaine to witnesse their being here.

After this, Biencourt, who had been somewhere abroad trauelling through the Countrey com­ming home, desired to conferre with Sir Samuel Argall, who did meete with him a part from the 50 company vpon a meadow: and after they had expostulated a space for what had past controuer­ting concerning the French and English, little to these bounds, at last Biencourt offered, if hee might haue a protection from him, to depend vpon our King, and to draw the whole Furres of that Countrey to one Port, where he would diuide them with him; as likewise hee would show him good mettalls, whereof he gaue him pieces, the other refused to ioyne in any societie with him, protesting that his Commission was onely to displant him, and that if hee found him there thereafter hee would vse him as an enemy. Biencourt labouring earnestly to haue had the Iesuit, as he confessed, with a purpose to hang him. Whilest they were discoursing together, one of the Sauages rushing suddenly forth from the Woods, and licentiated to come neere, did after his manner, with such broken French as he had earnestly mediate a peace, wondring why they that 60 seemed to be of one Country, should vse others with such hostilitie, and that with such a forme of habit and gesture as made them both to laugh.

After Biencourt remouing from thence to some other, Monsieur Champlein, who had liued long here, did carry a company with him from France of some fortie persons or thereabouts, vp [Page 1809] the Riuer of Canada whom hee planted on the North side thereof, with a purpose to sue for a Factory, drawing all the trade of that farre running Riuer, within the hands of a few whom he doth command, which a Plantation would haue dispersed in many parts, otherwise, if his desires had beene bended that way, hee might haue planted many people there ere now; the place is called Kebeck, where the French doe prosper well, hauing Corne by their owne labour, which may furnish themselues for foode, and likewise for a stocke to traffique with the Sauages, with sundry other Fruites, Rootes, Vine grapes and Turkey Wheate. Champlein hath discoue­red the Riuer of Canada from the Gulfe vpwards aboue 1200. miles, finding in it sometimes such fals as he must carry his Boate a little way by land, and then put it in againe. He did many times come to great Lakes, at the end whereof he did alwaies finde a Riuer againe: and the last Lake 10 where he came was a very huge one, iudged to be three hundred miles in length, by the report The South Sea suspected (as before in Der­mers l [...]ter) by Sauages rela­tions. of some Sauages, who did affirme vnto him, that at the further end thereof they did finde Salt water, and that they had seene great Vessels; which made Champlein beleeue that a passage might be there to the Bay of California, or to some part of the South Sea, which would proue an inesti­mable benefit for the Inhabitants of these parts, opening a neere way to China, which hath bin so many sundry wayes with so great charges so long sought for. Howsoeuer, in regard of the season, and for want of necessary prouisions, Champleine did returne backe at that time, with a purpose to goe againe another yeare: which if hee hath done is not yet knowne, but this is most certaine, that the Riuer of Canada hath a long course, and through many goodly Countries: some of these great Lakes, by sending forth, or by receiuing great Riuers, doe afford 20 meanes of commerce as farre as to some parts of Terra Florida, as may be gathered by Champleines discouery, &c.

THus haue I giuen thee Others trauells to Virginia and the Summer Ilands, I will conclude with mine owne trauells for them. I see many likely to bee disheartened by the slender growth of the Vir­ginian Plantation, which for the time might haue beene not onely a safe, but a rich and blessed Mother of a numerous thriuing generation, branching farre into other Colonies; and yet is! But why doe I inter­cept your eyes and diuert your thoughts (suspend them at best) from that which for my Countries good, and zeale to Virginia, without partiall respect on the right hand or on the left, with a candid right hand I here present, and forbid all sinister hands to meddle with? Tros Tyriusve mihi—I side no where, but 30 embrace Virginia with a right heart, my pen directed, my hands erected for her good, which can doe [...]ee no other good, but in reference to the publike, whose I am and whom vnder God and his Maiestie I serue and obserue with all that I haue, am, and can. I had written it as a tractate by it selfe, at the request of some worthy friends, but here haue abridged it in some such things as the other parts of these Vo­lumes containe.

CHAP. XX.

Virginias Verger: Or a Discourse shewing the benefits which may grow to this 40 Kingdome from American English Plantations, and specially those of Virginia and Summer Ilands.

GOd is the beginning and end, the Alpha and Omega, that first and last, of whom and for whom are all things. The first and last thing therefore in this Virginian ar­gument [...]. A [...]at. Of God, and the image of God in Man. Gen. 1. 1. considerable, is God; that is, whether we haue Commission from him to plant, and whether the Plantation may bring glory to him: This in regard of vs and our scope; That in regard of it, and the lawfulnesse thereof. To begin with this; In the beginning God created heauen and earth (all things therefore are his by 50 a higher name then right, this rule and the things ruled, being his creatures) of both which Man onely amongst Visible creatures was created capable, which Moses deliuereth in these words, that God created him after his owne Image: which is spoken not onely of the spirituall, immortall sub­stance of his soule, whose vnity shineth with that created Trinity of Vnderstanding, Will, Memory, in it selfe; and that of Vegetation, Sense, Reason, exercised in and by bodily motion; but more espe­cially in regard of the Creator, a conformity to him in righteousnesse & holinesse of truth (the whole Eph. 4. 24. Man shining with a borrowed light, as the Moone is the image and reflexion of the Sunne) and in regard of the Creature, a iust dominion ouer the same, as the holy words manifest; replenish the Gen 1. 28. Earth and subdue it, and haue dominion ouer the Fish of the Sea, and ouer the Fowle of the ayre, and ouer euery liuing thing that moueth vpon the earth. Although Mans rebellion had forfeited this Na­turall 60 Charter, yet was the same in the repeopling of the World renewed to Noah and his Sons, Gen. 9. 2. which euer since haue beene in actuall possession: and as Adam gaue names (as humaine earemarks) to [...]he liuing creatures; so Noahs heires haue since giuen names to Seas and Lands, and other crea­tures Gen. 2. quite thorow the knowne World. Neither did the Fall of Man so cracke this earthen vessell, [Page 1810] that all his created excellence ran out: for neither were the substance or faculties of the soule ex­tinct, nor his prerogatiue ouer the visible creatures (the spirituall creature naturally excelling the bodily, and the reasonable and liuing, the sensitiue, vegetatiue and torpid:) these receiued a wound, the other (his spirituall and religious conformitie in these to God) as a purer water of the purest life, ran forth irrecouerably; and as our naturall parts were weakned and wounded, so of those supernaturall wee were vtterly robbed; till that good Samaritan vndertooke the restitution of that in redemption, whereunto in creation he had giuen first institution, God hath laid vpon him the iniquitie of vs all, and in his stripes wee are healed; our Charter is renued and now made so com­pleat, Esay 53. that whereas the deuills thought to rob man of Earth and Paradise, Hee which taketh the wise in his craftinesse hath restored him: nay (that is little) hath added Heauen Himselfe: that as 10 the Israelites entred vpon the houses, Cities and possessions of the cursed Canaanites, so Chri­stians 1. Cor. 3. into those Thrones and celestiall Dominions, which those spirituall Thrones and Domi­nions lost, and there haue God himselfe and the Lambe to be their Temple and All in all vnto them Apoc. 21. [...]. Cor. 15. for euer, Amen.

Hence is it that Christians (such as haue the Grace of the Spirit of Christ, and not the profes­sion Of the right of Christians and that of Hea­thens to the world. See these things more fully handled in To. 1. l. 1. c. 1. §. 3, 4. 5. Ioh. 8. 35. 36. [...], 1. Tim. 1. 6. Christians may not spoile Heathens. Gal. 3. 17. Tit. 1. of his merit alone) haue and hold the world and the things thereof in another tenure, where­of Hypocrites and Heathens are not capable. These haue onely a Naturall right, by the reliques of the Law of Nature left in Man, by the Creators goodnesse, for the conseruation of the face of a world in the world; the same further improued with a warrantization, Contra omnes gentes (our euidences dialect) by the Law of Nations vnto Nations, and Lawes Politicke and Ciuill in each 20 Nation, allotting to the members thereof the publike and priuate ciuill rights and tenures, which either publike or priuate, persons or corporations, held therein.

This tenure comparatiuely that Christian, is by our Lord himselfe called a tenure in villenage, that of sonnes: the seruant hath his time and abides not in the house for euer: but the sonne is heire in see simple (fide simplici) for euer. Neither yet is it lawfull for Christians, to vsurpe the goods and lands of Heathens; for they are villains not to vs; but to our and their Lord; nor hath the sonne in nonage power to dispossesse villaines: nor are wee sonnes by nature, but by adoption, and a later Euangelicall Charter which doth not disannull the former (the Truth, or Word of the Gospel receiued by Faith, makes vs free) free Tenants to our Lord, not Lordly subuerters of o­thers tenures; which may with a good conscience vse our owne (all things to the pure are pure, 30 which others cannot, whose conscience being pitchy, all things it toucheth, are defiled) and not, as some haue turned libertie into licentiousnesse, with a bad conscience take away that which is anothers. Christ came not to destroy the Law, of which one Commandement is, Thou shalt not steale: My Kingdome, saith hee, is not of this world, and therefore properly medleth not with proprietie Matth. 5. Iohn 19. 36. 2. Cor. 10. 4. and ciuill interests. The weapons of our warfare, saith Saint Paul, are not carnall but spirituall, and the Keyes so much boasted on by Peters pretended Successors, are called Keyes of the King­dome of Heauen; lawfull keyes, not thieuish picklocks; of Heauen, not of Earth. And it is remark­able Matth. 16. that neither Pope nor Anabaptist (the troubles of Israel with worse then Heathenish con­ceits in this kind) euer inuerted or interuerted Scepters, till they had denied the very Christian name which they receiued in Baptisme; nor dispised gouernment till they were twice dead, nor pro­mised 40 this libertie to others, till themselues were the seruants of corruption. Euen a Malefactor, a Iud. 8. 2. Pet. 2. 19. Traytor, a very Faux, or Rauiliac, is permitted to breath, yea is in prison, the Kings house (where­of no priuate hand may dispossesse him) maintained at the Kings charge, till iudgement haue pas­sed on him, which to the world is not till the end of the world, when Christ shall come to iudge the quick and dead; who once so respected the iurisdiction of Ethnickes, that himselfe was there­by adiudged to the worst of sufferings, yea acknowledged that power giuen to Pilat from aboue. His Iohn 19. 11. Birth acknowledged Augustus his Edict, his Infancy fled Herods tyranny, his Man-hood payd Tiberius tribute, and his Death was Roman both in kind and sentence. Let euery soule be subiect to Rom. 13. 1. the higher powers, yeelded those noble armies of Martyrs in the Primitiue Church; the contrary whereof hath yeelded Mastiues and Monsters in these last and worst dayes. 50

Therefore was Babels building in the East (and shall not Babel bable building in the West be) confounded that men might bee dispersed thorow the world, to take possession of their inheri­tance: Gen. 11. and God which said, Replenish the earth, hath made of one bloud all Nations of men, to dwell on Acts 17. 27. all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times and bounds of their habitation. Hee gaue Ar to the children of Lot, and the Land of the Horims to Esaus posteritie, though not with like circum­stances Deut. 2. 9, 19. as Canaan to Israel: and it was by speciall indulgence, that Israel both spoiled the Egyp­tians and disherited the Canaanites. Let it bee enough, that Christ hath giuen vs our selues in the Lords seruice to bee a perfect freeman, the Vniuerse in an vniuersall tenure, and Heauen in reuersi­on; that hath giuen his Sonne, doth giue his Spirit, will giue himselfe; that all things are ours, and 1. Cor. 3. wee Christs, and Christ Gods: without thoughts of inuasion and vsurpation, knowing that Chri­stian 60 Charity seeketh not her owne things (much lesse obtrudes on others) and Christian libertie ma­keth 1. Cor. 13. liberall Saints of naturall men, not vnnaturall deuills of professed Saints. Our Light should so shine before others, that they may see our good workes, that they which know not the world, may bee Matth. 5. 1. Pet. 3. won without the Word, in admiring our Christian conuersation.

[Page 1811] This should be, and in the most Aduenturers I hope is the scope of the Virginian Plantation, not to make Sauages and wild degenerate men of Christians, but Christians of those Sauage, wild, de­generate men; to whom preaching must needs bee vaine, if it begins with publike Latrocinie. And this is sufficient to preuent scruple of the Popes Bul, which (if Basan Buls roaring were eui­dence) maketh as wel against England, this being no lesse questionable then Virginia, Paul, Pius, Gre­gory Sixtus breathing as much fire against this, as Alexander for that. But what right can England then challenge to Virginia? I answere, that we would be loth to begin our right at wrong, either to Ethnick or Christian: nor need we, hauing so manifold and iust interests. First, as men, we haue Mans naturall right in places, either wholly or in great part not inha­bited. a naturall right to replenish the whole earth: so that if any Countrey be not possessed by other men, which is the case of Summer Ilands, and hath beene of all Countries in their first habitations) euery 10 man by Law of Nature and Humanitie hath right of Plantation, and may not by other after com­mers be dispossessed, without wrong to human nature. And if a country be inhabited in some parts therof, other parts remaining vnpeopled, the same reason giueth liberty to other men which want conuenient habit [...] [...] seat themselues, where (without wrong to others) they may prouide for themselues. For these haue the same right vnto these latter parts, which the former had to the for­mer; especially where the people is wild, and holdeth no settled possession in any parts. Thus the Abraham, Lot, Iacob, &c. holy Patriarks remoued their habitations and pasturages, when those parts of the world were not yet replenished: and thus the whole world hath been planted and peopled with former and later Colonies: and thus Virginia hath roome enough for her own (were their numbers an hundred times I haue heard by one which I thinke hath more searched the Countrie then any other Cap. Smith, that in [...]eere so much as all England, they haue not aboue 5000. men able to bear armes, which manu­red and ciuilly planted might well nourish 1500000. and many many more; as appeareth by this o [...] c [...]un­trie, not hauing so rich a natu­rall Inheri­tance. Right of Mer­chandise. 1. Cor 11. 21. Securitie of Ports. Gen. 10. as many) and for others also which wanting at home, seeke habitations there in vacant pla­ces, 20 with perhaps better right then the first, which (being like Cain, both Murtherers and Vaga­bon [...]s in their whatsoeuer and howsoeuer owne) I can scarsly call Inhabitants. To question this right, were to accus [...] almost all Nations which were rocked (for the most part) in no other cradle: and to disappoint also that Diuine Ordinance of replenishing the Earth, whose habitations other­wise would be like scattered Ilands in the Seas, or as the present Spanish Plantations in the Indies, so dispersed and disioyned that one cannot in any distresse succour another, and therefore are made an easier prey to euery Inuader. Another right is that of Merchandise: Non omnia possumus omnes, Nec vero terrae ferre omnes omnia possunt; God in manifold wisedome hath diuesified euery Coun­tries commodities, so that all are rich, and all poore; not that one should be hungry and another drun­ken, but that the whole world might be as one body of mankind, each member communicating 30 with other for pu [...]like good. He hath made this immutable decree in the mutabilitie of the Winds, commodities & commodiousnesse of Seas, and Harbors, varietie of Baies and Riuers, multiplicity of all Mens both Necessities and Superfluities, and their vniuersall desires of Nouelties. Thus Sa­lomon and Hiram had right to sayle ouer the Ocean, and to negotiate with the Ophirians for G [...]mmes, Gold, Ivory, and other commodities seruiceable for his peoples necessities, for pompous Magnificence, and for the Temples Holies. And if hee did not plant Colonies there, you must remember that the Iewish Pale was then standing, which prohibited voluntarie remote dwellings, where each man was thrice a yeere to appeare before the Lord in Ieru­salem. Besides, it is a question whether the Countrey peopled so long before, had roome for such Neighbours. 40

It is therefore vngodly, and inhumane also to deny the world to men, or like Manger-dogges (neither to eat hay themselues, nor to suffer the hungry Oxe) to prohibite that for others ha­bitation, whereof themselues can make no vse; or for merchandise, whereby much benefit ac­creweth to both parts. They which doe this, Tollunt è vita vitae societatem, to vse Tullies phrase, & hominem ex homine tollunt, to borrow Saint Ieroms in another matter. The Barbarians themselues by light of nature saw this, and gaue Ours kind entertainment in mutuall cohabita­tion Rom. 2. 14. and commerce: and they hauing not the Law were a Law to themselues, practically acknow­ledging this Law of Nature written by him, which is Natura naturans, in their hearts: from which if they since haue declined, they haue lost their owne Naturall, and giuen vs another Na­tionall right; their transgression of the Law of Nature, which tieth Men to Men in the rights of Right Natio­nall: Ius gen­tium. Natures commons, exposing them (as a forfeited bond) to the chastisement of that common 50 Law of mankind; and also on our parts to the seueritie of the Law of Nations, which tyeth Nation to Nation. And if they bee not worthy of the name of a Nation, being wilde and Sa­uage: yet as Slaues, bordering rebells, excommunicates and out-lawes are lyeble to the punish­ments of Law, and not to the priuiledges; So is it with these Barbarians, Borderers and Out­lawes of Humanity. Armatenenti, Omnia dat qui iusta negat, If the Armes bee iust, as in this case of vindicating vnnaturall, inhumane wrongs to a louing and profitable Nation, entertained Lucan. Right by righ [...] conquest. 2. Sam. 10. voluntarily, in time of greatest pretended amity. On this quarrell Dauid conquered all the King­dome of the Ammonites and le [...] it to his [...] in many generations, notwithstanding Mo­ses had otherwise left a speciall caution for their security, testifying that God had giuen it the 60 sonnes of Lot, and prohibiting inuasion to Israel. That natural right of cohabitation and commerce Deut. 2. 19. we had with others, this of iust inuasion and conquest, and many others praeuious to this, we haue aboue others; so that England may both by Law of Nature and Nations challenge Virginia for her owne peculiar propriety, and that by all right and rites vsuall amongst men, not those mentioned [Page 1812] alone but by others also, first discouery, first actuall possession, prescription, gift, cession, and liuery of seisin, sale for price, that I mention not the naturall Inheritance of the English their naturally borne, and the vnnaturall outcries of so many vnnaturally murthered, for iust vengeance of root­ing Englands ma­ [...] [...]hts to Virginia. out the authors and actors of so prodigious iniustice.

And first for discouery, the English, Spaniard, and Portugall seeme the Triumuiri of the Worlds first discoueries, the Spaniard and Portugall first opening the Eastern, Western, and Southern parts, First discouery the English the Northern America, and all known parts thence to the North & Northeast. I could bring authority for King Arthurs conquests, aboue 1000. yeers since in Island, Gronland, Estotiland: but I feare this would seeme too weake a foundation, and (which lyers get by lying) discredit our other authorities lesse suspicious; howsoeuer Authors of best note in Geography alledge those, Mercator. D. Dee. Ortel. &c. 10 which reuerence of the truth makes me let passe. And so I doe King Malgo soone after him, and Saint Brandon, and the Friar of Oxford (which A. 1360. is said to discouer to the Pole) and Owen Gwined Prince of North Wales his sonne Madock, A. 1170. which conueyed a Colony, as learned men thinke into the West Indies. In all Antiquities, as Uarro obserued, there are some­things fabulous (so I deeme the former) something vncertaine, as this last; and somethings Hi­storicall, as that which we shall deliuer. Robert Thorne in a Booke to Doctor Leigh writeth, that his father with another Merchant of Bristol, Hugh Eliot, were the first discouerers of the New-found­lands; and if the Mariners would haue beene ruled by their Pilot, the Lands of the West Indies M. Thorne. from whence the Gold commeth had beene ours. What yeere this happened he expresseth not; but the words import that it was before Columbus his discouery. And before Columbus his discoue­ry Sir Seb Cabota. his picture in the pri [...]e gal­lerie at White Hall hath [...]hese words. Effigies Seb. Cabotae An­gli filij Ioannis Cabotae Veneti, militis aurati, &c. he was born at Venice, and seruing H. 7. H. 8. Ed. 6. was accounted English, &c. Galpano saith he was borne at Bristol. 20 of the continent, Sir Sebastian Cabot, at the charges of K. Henry the seuenth, with two Caruels, in the yeere 1496. (so him selfe, in Ramusio; the Map with his picture in the Priuy Gallery hath 1497.) sailed to the New-found land, which he called Prima Vista, and the Iland S. Iohns, because it was discouered on the Feast of S. Iohn Baptist; from whence he sailed Northerly to 67. deg. and a halfe, hoping by that way to passe to Cathay, but his mutinous company (terrified haply with Ice and cold) forced his returne, which hee made along the Coast toward the Equinoctiall, to the part of the firme land now called Florida, and then his victualls failing, he returned into Eng­land, where by occasion of warres with Scotland, the imploiment was laid aside. Afterwards the same Sir Sebastian Cabot was sent, A. 1516. by King Henry the eight, together with Sir Thomas Pert Viceadmirall of England, which after coasting this Continent the second time, as I haue read, 30 discouered the Coast of Brasil, and returned from thence to S. Domingo and Puerto Rico. Now Co­lumbus his first discouery of the Ilands, was in 1492. of the Continent in his third voyage in Au­gust, 1497. or as others, 1498. so that counting most fauourably for Columbus, Cabot had disco­uered the Continent in Iune next before; by one reckoning aboue a yeere, by another aboue two yeeres before. And indeed that New World might more fitly haue borne his name, then America of Americus vesputius, or of Columbus, Cabot hauing discouered farre more of that Continent then they both, or any man else in those Seas: to wit, from 67. degrees and an halfe to the Line, and from thence Southerly to the Riuer of Plate.

Hee also was the principall mouer in the setting forth of Sir Hugh Willoughby, in King Edwards time (vnder whom he was constituted Grand Pilot of England, with the annuall stipend of one Sir Seb. Cab. Grand Pilot of England. 40 hundred sixtie sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence) in which voyage Greeneland was dis­couered (neither is there any other Willoughbys Land to be found, but in erroneous Maps) and the Russian Empire by the North Cape, and the Bay of Saint Nicolas. But for Uirginia, as it was then discouered by Sir Seb. Cabot, so it receiued that name from our Virgin-Mother, Great Elizabeth: in whose time formal & actual possession was taken for her Maiesty, the thirteenth of Iuly, 1584. by Captain Philip Amadas, and Captain Barlow, whom Sir Walter Raleigh had sent thither with Possession, continuation, prescription. two Barkes furnished, who also the next yeere, 1585. sent Sir Richard Greenevile with seuen sayle, which there left an English Colony vnder the gouernment of M. Ralph Lane. A. 1586. hee sent another Ship of one hundred Tuns thither for their reliefe: but the Colony being returned in Sir Francis Drakes Fleet, shee returned also. Sir Richard Greenevile also about a fortnight after 50 their departure arriued with three Ships, and not finding the Colonie, left fifteene men to keepe possession, furnished with prouision for two yeeres.

A. 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh sent a new Colony of one hundred & fifty persons, with three saile, The names of aboue 100. are extant in M. Hack. 3. Tome. a Ship of one hundred and twenty Tuns, a Fly-boat and a Pinnace. Hee appointed twelue Assi­stants to the Gouernour, and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia. To these, Sir Walter Raleigh sent succour fiue seuerall times, the last by Samuel Mace, 1602. An. 1603. the Bristow men sent thither, by leaue of Sir Walter Raleigh, in which Expedition was Master Robert Saltern, who the yeere before had beene with Cap. Bart. Gosnold. And thus are wee come to the beginning of his Maiesties gracious raigne, when the North and South Plantations were by new Patents eagerly pursued, the one from hence, the o­ther 60 from the West parts of England. Mawooshen and other parts, were many yeeres visited by our men, and An. 1607. a Plantation setled at Sagadahoc, by two Ships sent by that wise and se­uere Iustice Sir Iohn Popham and others: the successe whereof hath been such, that from the North Plantation it hath beene dignified with the Title of New England. And for the Southerne parts, [Page 1813] A. 1606. a Colony went from hence, set forth by the Virginia Company, which haue euer since maintained their Plantation in differing fortunes. As for the former Plantations of Sir Walter Raleigh, some children were borne to them there: and whether they liue, they continued the Two former Colonies wholly, &c. possession; or if the Sauages dealt perfidiously with them (as Powhatan confessed to Cap. Smith, that hee had beene at their slaughter, and had diuers vtensills of theirs to shew) their carkasses, the dispersed bones of their and their Countrey mens since murthered carkasses, haue taken a mor­tall immortall possession, and being dead, speake, proclaime and cry, This our earth is truly English, and therefore this Land is iustly yours O English.

Thus haue we discouered the English right by Discouery, Possession, Praescription; to which we may adde, that none other Nation hath once aduentured to settle in those parts, nor scarce to view them: yea the French and Spanish Plantations in Florida, Virginias Southerne neighbour, 10 soone ended in bloudy massacres, the Spanish cruelly murthering the French, vnder the conduct of Pedro Melendes, which An. 1567. was repaid them by Dominique de Gorgues, the acquittance written with his sword in Spanish bloud: Florida euer since expecting ciuilizing from her first dis­couerers the English: which is further ratified by the former Spanish disasters in the Expeditions of Pamphilo di Nauarez, 1527. and of Solo, 1537. into Florida: which two iourneyes consumed neere one thousand men therein imployed: besides other Expeditions of Ponce de Leon and o­thers mentioned by Uega and the Spanish Authors. Virginians ac­knowledge subiection and seruice to the English.

Now for voluntary subiection of the Natiues, giuing themselues and their lands to the Crown of England, M. Ralph Lane hath testified for the first Colonie, that Menatonon their King by his Messenger, & with him twentie foure principal men sent from Okisko King of Weopomiok his Vas­sall, 20 formally acknowledged Her Maiesty as seruants and homagers to her, and vnder her to Sir W. R. For the last Plantation by the present Patent of His Maiesty, Paspehay, one of their Kings sold vs land for Copper, and Powhatan the chiefe Lord of all the Sauages, with thirty nine Werowances, haue yeelded to more then formes and circumstances of homage; besides contributi­on, Right by buy­ing & selling: and by cession. hauing also actually sold for Copper by him receiued of Cap. Iohn Smith, and made voluntary cession of as much as the English desired, going away with his people to leaue it to the English onely. This purchase was much increased by Sir Thomas Dale, and for whatsoeuer else which he Right by For­feiture. held, hee accepted a Copper Crowne as Vassall to His Maiesty: which also hee really performed for a time, howsoeuer since they haue beene perfidious. And this perfidiousnesse of theirs hath further warranted the English Title. Temperance and Iustice had before kissed each other, and see­med 30 to blesse the cohabitations of English and Indians in Virginia. But when Virginia was vio­lently rauished by her owne ruder Natiues, yea her Virgin cheekes dyed with the bloud of three Colonies (that of Sir R. Greenevile, that of Sir W. R. both confessed by themselues, and this last butchery intended to all, extended to so many hundreths, with so immaine, inhumane, d [...]uillish treachery) that I speake not of thousands otherwise mis-caring here and mis-carrying there, ta­king possession of Uirginia by their facts, and fates, by so manifold losses adding to the price of Fatall possessi­on. Virginias purchase: Temperance could not temper her selfe, yea the stupid Earth seemes distem­pered with such bloudy potions and cries that shee is ready to spue out her Inhabitants: Iustice cryeth to GOD foe vengeance, and in his name adiureth Prudence and Fortitude to the 40 execution.

The Holy Patriarks had a promise of Canaan, yet held no possession but with their dead bodies; Heb. 11. Ioseph by faith gaue charge concerning his bones: Virginia by so many rights naturalized English, by first discouery, actuall possession, chargeable continuation, long prescription, voluntary subiecti­on, deliuery of seisin, naturall inheritance of English there borne, reall sale, legall cession, regall vassallage; disloyall treason hath now confiscated whatsoeuer remainders of right the vnnaturall Naturalls had, and made both them and their Countrey wholly English, prouoking vs, if wee bee our owne, not base, degenerate, vnworthy the name of English; so that wee shall not haue any thing left (like Dauids Embassadors, which thus abused, brought their Master a iust title to Am­mon, purchased by their disgraces) to couer our nakednesse, till Virginia couer, reward, inrich vs with a totall subiection at lest, if not a fatall reuenge. And thus much for our right which God 50 hath giuen vs: whose Virginian tribute is his glory, that hee may indeed be Alpha and Omega (as hath beene said) of the Virginian Plantation: which if it hath not satisfied the expectation hi­therto, no doubt that defect hath in great part proceeded from this. The Glorie of God in his Word and Workes ad­uanced by this Plantation.

The end of a thing is the beginning, being first in intention though last in execution: the end which Christians ought to ayme at is God, Doing all things in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father, by the gracious guide and assistance of the Holy Ghost. Glory is, Cicero. Frequens de aliquo fama cum laude, And heereby is our Father glorified, sayeth Christ, if yee bring forth much fruite, and so shall yee be my Disciples. Loe here the scope of Christians Plantations, to plant Christianity, to produce and multiply Christians, by our words Ie. 15. 60 and works to further the knowledge of God in his Word and Workes. The workes of God glori­fie their Creator: The Heauens, saith Dauid, declare the glory of God, &c. I will triumph in the workes Ps. 19. 1. Ps. 92. 4. of thy hands. O Lord, how great are thy workes? and thy thoughts are very deepe. A bruitish man knoweth not, neither doth a foole vnderstand this. All creatures are inuited to praise the name of the [Page 1814] Lord, for hee hath commanded and they were created: How much more should the tongue of man be the Pen of a readie writer, and as it is called, The glory of the man, so imploy it selfe in setting forth Ps. 148. 5. Ps. 16. & ac 2. E [...] The workes of God and va [...]i­etie there seen set forth his glorie. the glory of God, in his Workes of Creation, Prouidence, Redemption?

God is a Glorious Circle, whose Center is euery where, his circumference no where: himselfe to himselfe is Circle and Circumference, the Ocean of Entitie, that very vbique, from whom, to whom (the Centre of vnitie) all diuersified lines of varietie issue and returne. And although we euery where feele his present Deitie, yet the difference of heauenly climate and influence, causing such discording concord of dayes, nights, seasons; such varietie of meteors, elements, aliments; such noueltie in Beasts, Fishes, Fowles; such luxuriant plentie and admirable raritie of Trees, Shrubs, Hearbs: such fertilitie of soyle, insinuation of Seas, multiplicitie of Riuers, safetie of 10 Ports, healthfulnesse of ayre, opportunities of habitation, materialls for action, obiects for con­templation, haps in present, hopes of future, worlds of varietie in that diuersified world; doe quicken our mindes to apprehend, whet our tongues to declare, and fill both with arguments of diuine praise. On the other side considering so good a Countrey, so bad people, hauing little of Humanitie but shape, ignorant of Ciuilitie, of Arts, of Religion; more brutish then the beasts Propagation of the Gospell: & rewards therof they hunt, more wild and vnmanly then that vnmanned wild Countrey, which they range ra­ther then inhabite; captiuated also to Satans tyranny in foolish pieties, mad impieties, wicked idlenesse, busie and bloudy wickednesse: hence haue wee fit obiects of zeale and pitie, to deliuer from the power of darknesse, that where it was said, Yee are not my people, they may bee called the chil­dren 20 of the liuing God: that Iustice may so proceed in rooting out those murtherers, that yet in iudgement (imitating Gods de [...]ling with vs) wee may remember Mercy to such as their owne in­nocence Ose 2. shall protect, and Hope shall in Charitie iudge capable of Christian Faith. And let men know that hee which conuerteth a sinner from the errour of his way, shall saue a soule from death, and shall hide a multitude of sinnes. And Sauiours shall thus come on Mount Zion to iudge the Iam. 5. 20. Mount of Esau, and the Kingdome (of Virginia) shall be Lord. Thus shall wee at once ouercome both Men and Deuills, and espouse Virginia to one husband, presenting her as a chast Uirgin to Obad. vlt. 2. Cor. 11. 2. Matth. 6. 22. Christ. If the eye of Aduenturers were thus single, how soone and all the body should be light? But the louing our selues more then God, hath detained so great blessings from vs to Virginia, and from Virginia to vs. Godlinesse hath the promises of this life, and that which is to come. And if wee be care­full 1. Tim. 4. 8. 30 to doe Gods will, he will be ready to doe ours.

All the rich endowments of Uirginia, her Virgin-portion from the creation nothing lessened, are wages for all this worke: God in wisedome hauing enriched the Sauage Countries, that those riches might be attractiues for Christian suters, which there may sowe spirituals and reape temporals.

But what are those riches, where we heare of no Gold nor Siluer, and see more impouerished here then thence enriched, and for Mines we heare of none but Iron? Iron mindes! Iron age of Answeres to Obiections: & first to the want of Gold and Siluer Mines. the world! who gaue Gold or Siluer the Monopoly of wealth, or made them the Almighties fa­uorites? Precious perils, specious punishments, whose originall is neerest hell, whose house is dark­nesse, which haue no eye to see the heauens, nor admit heauens eye (guilty malefactors) to see 40 them; neuer produced to light but by violence, and conuinced, vpon records written in bloud, the occasioners of violence in the World; which haue infected the surface of their natiue earth with deformity and sterility (these Mines being fit emblemes of mindes couetous, stored with want, and euer wanting their owne store) her bowels with darknesse, damps, deaths, causing trouble to the neighbour Regions, and mischiefe to the remotest! Penurious mindes! Is there no riches but Gold Mines? Are Iron Mines neglected, reiected for hopes of Siluer? What, and who else is the Alchymist, and impostor, which turnes the World, and Men, and all into Iron? And how much Iron-workes in Warres and Massacres hath American Gold and Siluer wrought thorow all Chri­stendome? Neither speake I this, as if our hopes were blasted, and growne deplorate and despe­rate this way, the Country being so little searched, and the remote in-land-Mountaines vn­knowne: 50 but to shew the fordid tincture and base alloy of these Mine-mindes. Did not the Spa­nish Iron (tell me you that contemne Iron-mines) draw to it the Indian Siluer and Gold? I will not be a Prophet for Spaine from Virginia. But I cannot forget the wily apophthegme of the Pi­lots Boy in the Cacafuego, a great Ship laden with treasure taken in the South Sea, by Sir Fran­cis Drake; who seeing the English Ordnance command such treasure from the Spanish Cacafuego; Our Ship, said he, shall be called the Cacaplata, and the English may be named the Cacafuego. I will not be so vnmannerly to giue you the homely English; it is enough that English Iron brought home the Spanish-Indian Siluer and Gold. But let vs consult with the wisest Councellour. Ca­naan, Abrahams promise, Israels inheritance, type of heauen, and ioy of the earth! What were her riches? were they not the Grapes of Eshcol, the balme of Gilead, the Cedary neighbourhood 60 of Libanus, the pastury vale of Ierieho, the dewes of heauen, fertility of soile, temper of climat, the flowing (not with Golden Sands, but) with Milke and Hony (necessaries, and pleasures of life, not bottomelesse gulfes of lust) the commodious scituation for two Seas, and other things like (in how many inferiour?) to this of Virginia. What golden Country euer nourished with her naturall store the hundreth part of men, in so small a proportion of earth, as Dauid there [Page 1815] mustered, being 1100000. of Israel, and 500000. Compare 2 Sam. 24. with 1 Chron. 21. It seemes that there were a­boue two mil­lions of men besides women and children. of Iuda, not reckoning the Tribes of Leui and Beniamin, all able men for warres? And after him, in a little part of that little Iehoshaphat (More I dare say then the Spaniards can finde in one hundred times so much, of their Mine lands, and choose their best in Peru, New Spaine, and the Ilands) the Scriptures containing an infallible mu­ster-booke of 1160000. able Souldiers in his small territories?

That then is the richest Land which can feede most men, Man being a mortall God, the best part of the best earth, and visible end of the visible World. What remarkeable Gold or Siluer Mines hath France, Belgia, Lumbardy, or other the richest peeces of Europe? what hath Baby­lonia, Mauritania, or other the best of Asia and Africke? What this our fertile Mother England? Aske our late Trauellers which saw so much of Spaine, the most famous part of Europe for Mynes 10 of old, and inriched with the Mynes of the New World, if an Englishman needs to enuy a Spani­ard, or prefer a Spanish life and happinesse to his owne. Their old Mynes made them the seruants of Rome and Carthage: and what their Mynes and mindes doe now I leaue them to others. Once, as the Mynes are in barrennest soyle, and couetous men haue least, euen when they are had of most money (medijs vt Tantalus vndis) so I haue heard that in Spaine is lesse Gold and Siluer, then in other parts of Europe, (I dare not mention the proportions) from both Spanish and Eng­lish relation: their vsuall money also (to meddle with no more) is of base mettall, and their grea­test summes computed by Marauedis lesse then our later tokens: except which (deuised for poo­rer vses of the poorest) England of long time knowes no base monyes: and hath seene plentie of Siluer and Gold, of Wine and Oyle which (grow not in her) when Spaine, which produceth 20 these, is fed with salads, and drinketh water, helped now and then with Hogges-kinne vnsauou­ry Wine. The Indian Fountaines runne with golden and siluer streames (sic vos non vobis) not to themselues, but into that Spanish Cisterne; and these Cisternes are like those of the London Water-house, which hath the Conduit Pipes alway open in the bottome, so that a thousand other Cisternes hold more water then it: so may it be said of the other; it is not Concha but Ca­nalis, a Pipe rather then Cisterne, a Cash-keeper rather then Owner; and (which is spoken of better things) remaining poore, makes many rich. To proceed, are not Myners the most misera­ble of Slaues, toyled continually, and vnto manifold deaths tired for others, in bringing to light those Treasures of darknesse, and liuing (if they liue, or if that bee a life) in the suburbs of Hell, to make others dreame of Heauen? Yea Paradise, the modell of heauen, had in it no Minerals, 30 nor was Adam in his innocency, or Noah after the Worlds recouery, both Lords of all, employ­ed in Mines, but (in those happy workes which Uirginia inuiteth England vnto) in Vines, Gar­dening, and Husbandry. Neither let any man thinke that I pleade against the sourenesse of the Grapes, like the Foxe which could not reach them: but I seriously shew that they are calues and not men, which adore the golden Calfe, or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue, as if the body were not more then raiment, and those things to be preferred to money, for whose sake mony (the creature of man; base Idolatry where the Creator worships his creature!) was first ordained, and still hath both vse and being.

Doe we not see in this respect, that the Silkes, Calicos, Drugges, and Spices of the East swal­low vp (not to mention the Belgian whirlepoole) all the Mines of the West? and that one Car­ricke 40 carrieth more Rials thither, then perhaps some whole Region in Spaine retaineth for vul­gar vse? And whence are English, Portugals, or Dutchmen fitted for that commerce? as if Ame­rica had ominously (for other iust reason there is none) beene called India, as if the West were but drudge and factor for the East. And what hath dispeopled the New World, not leauing in some places one of Millions, but Auri sacra fames, others killing them in the Mines, or they kil­ling themselues to preuent the Mines? Let it be riches enough, that Sir Thomas Dale testified Virginias high valuation. Cap. Ioh. Smith by Letters from thence, and after his returne to me that foure of the best Kingdomes of Christen­dome were not for naturall endowments comparable to Virginia: and which I haue heard of one which hath trauelled in all the best Regions of Europe, and hath seene more of Virginia then per­haps any man else, and which needes not speake for any gaine there or thence gotten, as no re­puted fauourite or fauourer of that Society and their actions; that he hath seene no Country to 50 be preferred for soile, nor for commodious Riuers to be compared.

And if successe hath not beene correspondent to English hopes: who seeth not the causes of Answer to the obiected ill successes and causes thereof. those diseasters?

Diuision that taile-headed Amphisbana and many-headed monster, deformed issue of that diffor­med old Serpent, in some of the Colony there & Cōpany here, hath from time to time thrust in her forged venomous tongue, wherby they haue swolne with deadly poison of great thoughts of heart Iud. 5116. Prou. 13. 10. (onely by pride doe men make contention) with blinde-staring eyes of self-loue abounding in their own sense: whence suspicions, iealousies, factions, partialities to friends and dependants, wilfull ob­stinacies, and other furious passions haue transported men from Uirginias good and their owne. 60 Couetousnesse hath distorted others to minde earth and not heauen, in hastinesse of more then speedy returne and present gaine, forgetting that Godlinesse is the best gaine, and that they are 1 Tim. 6. planting a Colony, not reaping a haruest, for a publike and not (but in subordinate order) priuate wealth. A long time Uirginia was thought to be much encombered with Englands excrements, [Page 1816] some vicious persons, as corrupt leuin sowring, or as plague sores infecting others, and that Colo­ny was made a Port Exquiline for such as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke worthy to be euacuated from This Body: whence not only lazie drones did not further the Plan­tation, but wicked Waspes with sharking, and the worst, that is beggerly tyrants, frustrated and supplanted the labours of others. Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. A prodigious Prodigall here, is not easily metamorphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter: nor can there neede wiser choise or more industrious course in any vndertaking, then is requisite in a Chri­stian Colonies plantation amongst Infidels. Which I suppose hath beene carefully by many Ad­uenturers practised: and whatsoeuer faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings, neglect of seasons, riot, sl [...]ath, occasionall wants of or in Gouernours or Gouernment, abuses of Mariners, 10 trechery of Fugitiues, and Sauages; and other diseases, which haue in part attended all new Plantat [...]ons, and consumed many: experience I hope by this time hath taught to preuent or re­medy. The late barbarous Massacre (hinc illa lachrym [...]) still bleedeth, and when things were reported to be in better forwardnesse then euer, in great part blasted those hopefull blossomes, The massacre hat [...] been the chiefe cause of later miscary­ing. di [...]ointed the proceedings in the Iron workes, Vineyards, Mulberry plants; and in sudden shifts for life, exposed them to manifold necessities; insomuch, that many of the Principals being slain, the rest surprised with feare, reduced themselues almost from eighty to eight Plantations; where­by pestered with multitude, and destitute of Corne and other forsaken necessaries, they incurred a grieuous and generall sicknesse, which being increased by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-passage with corrupt Beere, there followed a mortality which consumed about fiue 20 hundred persons, besides three hundred and fifty or thereabouts murthered in that Sauage-Massa­cre. All which notwithstanding, there remaine, some haue if truely calculated and coniectured This number of 1800. was presented by the Companie to the Lords of the Councell. eighteene hundred persons: for whose security and prouision it hath pleased his Maiesty to haue a Royall care, as l [...]kewise the Honorable Lords of his Maiesties priuy Councell, besides the ho­norable endeuours of the Councell and well affected members of that Society, which God almigh­ty, the great Founder of Colonies, prosper.

Now that I may shew Virginia worthy those princely, honorable and industrious thoughts, I haue aduentured briefely to point out, rather then to paint out her beauty and attractiue or­naments. Arguments for Virginian plan­tation, as be­ing honorable. 1. Religion.

First Religion (as is before obserued) inuiteth vs there to seeke the Kingdome of God first, and all 30 other things shall be ministred to vs, and added as aduantage to the bargaine: seeke the Kingdome of God, and see an earthly Kingdome in recompence, as the earnest, and the heauenly King­dome for our full paiment. Of glorifying God in his word and workes in this designe is already spoken.

Secondly, Humanity and our common Nature forbids to turne our eyes from our owne flesh; yea commands vs to loue our neighbours as our selues, and to play the good Samaritan with these [...]. Humanitie. our neighbours (though of another Nation and Religion, as the wounded Iew was to him) to recouer them if it be possible, as by Religion, from the power of Sathan to God; so by hu­manity and ciuility from Barbarisme and Sauagenesse to good manners and humaine polity.

Thirdly, the Honour of our Nation enioyneth vs not basely to loose the glory of our fore­fathers 40 acts, which here haue beene shewed in King Henry the seuenth, King Henry the 3. Honor of the English Nation eight, King Edward the sixt, and Queene Elizabeths times, all which illustrated their names by Discouery of Realmes remote, vnknowne parts and ports (and the first, first of all Kings, and the last holding to the last) Discouering and possessing these, and leauing them as iust inheri­tance to his Maiesty. What shame to a degenerate posterity, to loose so honorable a claime, and gaine; yea, to neglect that which many English haue purchased with doing and suffe­ring so much, and not with their sweate alone, their care and cost, but with their deerest bloud and manifold deaths?

Fourthly, wee may reckon the Honour of our King, and his Royall posterity: to which, in time Uirginia may performe as much with equall manuring as euer Britannia and Ireland could 4. Honour of the King. 50 promise when first they became knowne to the then ciuiller World. And were not comparisons odious! I am sure I heard Sir Thomas Dale confidently and seriously exulting in priuate confe­rence with me, in the hopes of future greatnesse from Virginia, to the English Crowne. And if the wise King wisely said, the honour of a King is in the multitude of his Subiects, loe here the way to preserue, employ, encrease them; and for his Maiesty to reach his long royall armes to another World. The Roman Empire sowed Roman Colonies thorow the World, as the most naturall and artificiall way to win and hold the World Romaine.

Fifthly, the honour of the Kingdome, thus growing and multiplying into Kingdomes, that as Scotland and England seeme sisters, so Virginia, New England, New found Land in the Con­tinent 5. Honor of the Kingdome. already planted in part with English Colonies, together with Bermuda, and other 60 Ilands may be the adopted and legall Daughters of England. An honorable designe, to which Honor stretcheth her faire hand, the fiue fingers whereof are adorned with such precious Rings, each enriched with inualuable Iewels of Religion, Humanity, Inheritance, the King, the Kingdome [...] Honos alit artes, omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria.

[Page 1817] And if Honour hath preuailed with honorable and higher spirits, we shall come laden with ar­guments of profit to presse meaner hands and hearts to the seruice of Virginia. Onely I desire that 6. Argument of profit, ge­nerally pro­pounded. men bring their hearts first, and consider that the very names of a Colony and Plantation doe im­port a reasonable and seasonable culture, and planting before a Haruest and Vintage can be ex­pected: which if they here exercise our Faith and Hope both for earth and heauen, where all things are prepared; let vs not in ruder and cruder foundations and beginnings there, precipitate vnto hasty fals.

And before we come to Virginias particular probabilities for this Kingdomes good, we need Illustrated by the Castilian greatnesse, not far fetched speculations, we haue euidence from experience. Castile (a Kingdome which now stoops to none, and which some of her flatterers aduance aboue all, making it Catholike with­out respect to Faith) grew from an almost nothing out of the Moorish deluge, to be but a pettie 10 something in comparison of others in Europe, till Ferdinands time who sent Columbus to Ame­rica. And how poore abilities or probabilities had they for it, when Columbus vpon false grounds hauing conceiued strong, strange hopes of the Easterne Indies, stumbled vpon a Westerne World Vpon lesse probabilities. whereof hee neuer dreamed, which therefore he called India, and Hispaniola Ophir: to which Expedition (neither founded on sound reason, nor experience of former Discoueries, when as yet the Mariners Art was but crept out of the Cradle, and blessed only in the Euent) the state of Castile was as poorely furnished as it seemes, eyther with money or credit, the Queene pawning part of her Iewels for 2000. Duckets, to set Columbus forth with three poore Caruels for this Discouery. Little was it then imagined, that in Hispaniola should be found (which happened in the taking of Domingo by Sir Francis Drake) a Spanish Scutchion with a Horse, whose hinder 20 feet trod on the Globe, his fore-feet prauncing as if he would foot out another World (like A­lexander hearing Philosophers discourse of other Worlds, weeping that hee had not yet finished the conquest of this) hauing this Motto annexed, Non sufficit Orbis. Yea, but they found Gold and Siluer in abundance? the Pockes they did! and plagued all Europe with the great ones, See Ouiedo & our sixth Book. with the small consuming America: and if they did find Gold and Siluer, how poore were the proportions till the Mexican Discouery almost thirty yeeres, and that of Peru forty yeeres after their Indian plantation. And who knowes what Uirginia in that space may produce by better Their greatest benefit in commodities, not in Mines, to the com­mon subiect. Discouery of it, and further Discouery of parts adioyning, whereof we haue ten thousand times more pregnant hopes, then they had in their first Expedition, by knowledge gathered from their 30 Discoueries.

Besides, though Gold and Siluer from thence hath enriched the Spanish Exchequer, yet the Magazines haue found other and greater wealth, whereof Virginia is no lesse capeable, namely, the Countrey Commodities. What Mynes haue they, or at least, what doe they vse in Brasill, or in all the Ilands, where yet so many wealthy Spaniards and Portugalls inhabit? Their Ginger, Sugar, Hides, Tobacco and other Merchandize, I dare boldly affirme, yeeld far far more profit to the generalitie of the Spanish Subiects thorow that vast World, then the Mynes do or haue done this last Age. Which I shall make apparant by honourable testimonie, in one of the last English Exploits on the Spanish Indies. The Right Honorable Earle of Cumberland in a Letter of his af­ter the [...]aking of Port Rico, (chiefe Towne if not the greatest Iland in those parts, and far short of Hispaniola and Cuba) affirmeth, that if hee would haue left the place, hee might haue had by The Earle had purposed to leaue Sir Iohn Barkley with a Garrison to hold it, but a great sicknesse and mortalitie consuming most of his men, he was forced to leaue the place, to bring home his ships. I finde this in a written Ex­t [...]ct of all the Ports, shipping Cities, Men, &c. of Spaine, which some­times belong­ed to that in­dustrious Gen­tleman M. W. Burrough Con­troller of the Nauie. 40 good account as much Sugar and Ginger in the Countrey, as was worth 500000. pounds. But he intended to keepe it, as the Key of the Indies, which who soeuer possesseth (I vse his owne words) may at his pleasure goe to any Chamber in the House, and see how they sleepe before hee be either stopped or descried: so as they must at euery doore keepe so great a force to guard them, as will consume a great part of their yeerely Reuenue; and send it from place to place with so great a waftage, as will cause them to curse their new Porter: for when they haue done what they can, they shall beare his charge to their owne destructions, and still be loosing places both of strength and wealth. Thus that valorous and re­nowmed Earle, whose bloud ennobled his attempts, whose attempts added glory to his bloud, and noblenesse to his Nobilitie: which I rather recite that you might see the great wealth which the Spaniards reape of Ginger and Sugar, to which that of Hides in that Iland holds such propor­tion, that one inhabitant thereof named Ch [...]rigo, had no fewer then twelue thousand Beeues: 50 where Beeues growing wild, it was tolerable to any Ilander to kill a beast, if hee returned the skinne to the Owner: and what he speakes of a Key and a Porters aduantage, Mutato nomine de te, change the name, and if Uirginia and Summer Ilands fall short some wayes, they will, more then equall it other wayes, in Case! But I must containe my selfe, lest I purchase a Purchas Case for medling.

Now if any shall thinke that the many transplantations of people into those parts, would ex­haust England, Spaine will answere that point also, now in these dayes complayning no more of scarcitie of people (notwithstanding their many and long Warres in so many parts of Europe, ex­cept 60 the expulsion of the Moores and Marans, haue caused it) then when first they vndertooke those consuming vast Enterprizes, not of a Uirginia, but of a World. And yet what in compa­rison is Spaine for multitudes of people, whose vastnesse is said to yeeld (the King, Dukes, Mar­quesses and Earles only with their retinue excepted) from eighteene yeeres of age to fiftie, but [Page 1818] 1125390. men of all sorts, as I haue seene in an Extract of the Royall Muster-booke, which how much is it exceeded by the numerous excesse of people in this Iland, straitned in farre lesse roome, and wanting necessary employments, which almost exacteth a Virginian vent and aduenture. For how much more conuenient is a transmigration, into a fruitfull, large and wholesome Region, where the Countrie hath need of a Colonie to cultiuate it, as well as those Coloni and Inhabi­tants Arg. 7. from necessi [...]ie by our multitudes haue need of a Countrie to inhabit rather then to breed a fulnes in This Bodie, which with­out some such euacuation either breeds matter for the pestilence and other Epidemicall Diseases, or at least for Dearth, Famine, Disorders, ouer-burthening the wealthier, oppressing the poorer, disquieting both themselues and others, that I mention not the fatall hand of the Hangman? And thus you haue Uirginias hopes in generall propounded by Spanish example vrged and en­forced 10 by our necessitie of seeking vent to such home-fulnesse.

But looke vpon Virginia; view her louely lookes (howsoeuer like a modest Virgin she is now Arguments of particular cō ­modities and commodious­nesse. vailed with wild Couerts and shadie Woods, expecting rather rauishment then Mariage from her Natiue Sauages) suruay her Heauens, Elements, Situation; her diuisions by armes of Bayes and Riuers into so goodly and well proportioned limmes and members; her Virgin portion nothing empaired, nay not yet improoued, in Natures best Legacies; the neighbouring Regions and Seas so commodious and obsequious; her opportunities for offence and defence; and in all these you shall see, that she is worth the wooing and loues of the best Husband. First, for her Heauens and Climate, she with her Virgin Sisters hath the same (being extended from 30. to 45. degrees of North latitude) with the best parts of Europe, namely the fat of Graecia, Thracia, Spaine, Ita­lie, 20 Morea, Sicilia, (and if we will looke more Northward to the height of France and Britaine, there her Sisters New England, New Scotland, and New-found-land, promise hopefull and kinde entertainment to all Aduenturers. If you looke Southwards, you may parallel it with Barbarie, Egypt, and the fertilest parts of Africke) and in Asia, all that Chuersonessus, sometime the seate of foure thousand Cities, and so many Kingdomes, now called Natolia, with her Neighbours Antiochia, and other Regions of Syria, Damascus, Labanus, with Babylonia and the glorie of the 1. The same climate with best Countries Earth: and Types of Heauen, Iudaea and Paradise; the Silken Countries also of Persia, China in her best parts, and Iapan, are in the eleuation; and Virginia is Daughter of the same Heauens, which promise no lesse portion to this Virgin, then those Matrons had for the foundation-stock of their wealth and glory. 30

Secondly, this Climate as it promiseth wealth, so it doth health also, enioying the temper of 2. Temperate. the most temperate parts, euen of that in which Adam, Abraham, with the Prophets and Apo­stles were bred in, and receiued as an Earthly priuiledge; and in which Christ conuersed in the flesh. And thirdly for extension, if couetousnesse gape wide, ten Iudaeas, and a hundred Para­dises, 3. Large ex­tension. may be equalled for quantitie in Virginia, whose mid-land Regions are wholly vnknowne, till we arriue at that Noua Albion, which yeelded it selfe English before the first Uirginian plantation.

Fourthly for commodious diuisions, the Lands and Seas contend by fresh Riuers and Armes of the Sea so to diuersifie the soyle as if in luxuriant wantonnesse they were alway engendring ma­nifold 4. Commodi­ous diuision of Lands and Ri­uers. Twinnes of Commoditie and Commodiousnesse, Profit and Pleasure, Hunting and Fishing, 40 Fruits and Merchandizing, Marinership and Husbandry, Opus and Vsus, Meate and Drinke, Wares and Portage, Defending and Offending, Getting and Keeping, Mountaines and Valleyes, Plaines and Hillocks, Riuers Nauigable and shallower Foords, Ilands and Land-iles (or Peninsulae) Woods and Marishes, Vegetatiues and liuing creatures maruellously diuersified. Looke on the Map, and tell me if any Countrey in the World promiseth more by the lookes then it. Yea I haue obserued in the Letters of greatest Malcontents from thence, foe and friend and themselues are blamed rather then the Countrey, the least finger of Virginias hand (I meane the least of fiue Riuers (or as Master Alexander Whitakers relateth, the least of seuen) in a small part of that great Countrie, is bigger then the First-borne of Britaines waters, the famous Thames, all Nauigable, some one hundred miles, some one hundred and sixtie, receiuing Tributes by the way of innume­rable 50 Springs, Brookes, Riuerets (such as that of Ware, and fit for portage of Wares in smaller Barkes, of which kind Iames Riuer hath fiue Attendants in ordinary) the fall of euery one of the fiue is within twentie or fifteene miles of some other: and not aboue fifteene miles in some pla­ces is the Great Riuer of Roanoke said to be distant from some of those which fall into Iames Ri­uer, yeelding a commodious intercourse twixt those Southerly and these more Northerly parts of the Countrey. I know not how Nature hath here also wantonized and danced a Loath to de­part in the winding of those Streames, which seeme willingly againe and againe to embrace that beloued Soile, and to present her with rich Collers of siluer Esses, murmuring that they must leaue so fresh and fertile a Land, of which at last with Salt teares they take their leaue, but contra­cting with their New Sea Lord to visit their old Land-lord and former Loue euery Floud. Meane 60 whiles those many impetuous clippings and sweet embraces, searching refuges euery way make shew as if they would meet together in consultation, and agree on some Conspiracie, which how­soeuer disappointed, yeeld neuerthelesse many conueniences of entercourse and easier portage, each Riuer comming within foure, eight, ten miles, more or fewer in diuers places of another. All [Page 1819] these Riuers runne into a faire Bay, on which the Earth euery way is a greedie gazing Spectator, Bay of Chese­peake. except where the Ocean rusheth in to rauish her beauties, flowing neere two hundred miles into it, and forcing a Channell one hundred and fortie, of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fathome, and ten or fourteene miles in ordinary breadth. The Earth yet vndermining it by Ilands, and mustering those Riuer Captaines and innumerable Springs and Brookes, maintaineth his fresh challenge with continuall Warres, forcing backe the Ocean euery Ebbe to retire, which yet loth to lose so sweete a possession returneth within few houres, freshly flowing with Salt re­enforcements.

Fifthly, the soile is blessed, euery Element bestowing a rich portion on her. The fire hath trea­sures 5. Fertile soile. laid vp to maintaine her fewell vnto prodigality (yea which seldome meete, a thriftie pro­digality) 10 for many yeeres. Her store of waters you haue heard, but not her watery store of fishes vnto incredibility in kinds, goodnesse, numbers. The Aire is no lesse luxuriant in the Fowles of Heauen. But the Earth (fruitfull Mother of Mankind) she is prodigiously prodigall, in fatnesse of the soile, talnesse, sweetnesse, strength, varietie, numberlesse numbers of her Trees: her Oakes 6. Trees for timber and o­ther vses many no lesse excellent then frequent, many of them bearing two foote and an halfe square of good Timber twenty yards long: of which also are diuers kinds. Elmes and Ashes (of which Sope­ashes are made) Wal-nuts in three sorts, Cypresses (or much resembling them) Cedars and other sweet smelling Timbers, Chesnuts, Plummes of diuers sorts, Cheries and other Trees, &c. rec­koned by Virginian Relators, I omit. But most remarkable and promising are the Mulberie and the Vine, the one to the backe, the other to the belly, yeelding Silkes and Wine. 20

As for Silke, how great profits are raised thereof to the Chinois and Persian? Yea to come nee­rer, 7. Specially for Silkes. in Naples and other parts of Italy, which haue prouoked France to a generall imitation. And how vnualuable are the expenses of this Kingdome for that materiall, Ut matronae in pub­lico luceant? Likewise for Wines from France, Spaine, Germanie, and other parts how many thou­sands 8. And for Wines. are yeerely expended to the profits of Strangers, that I say not to enemies, or at least to suspected friends? It hath pleased his Maiestie to take these two into his Princely consideration Iuly 9. A. R. 20. See sup. c. 15. and by his Letter to the Right Honorable the Earle of Southampton, and the Company of Virginia to commend and command this care to them.

The Countrey it selfe naturally produceth Vines in great abundance, and some of a very good sort: diuers plants also haue beene sent thither of the better kinds of Christendome, with eight 30 Vignerons procured from Languedock for the husbanding of that commoditie. The Soyle is no lesse naturally happy in Mulberie Trees of the best kind and some Silke-wormes also: and gene­rall order hath beene taken for the abundant planting of them in all places inhabited: large supply also of Silke-worme-seed from his Maiesties store, and men skilfull in that kind for the well ordering of that businesse haue beene sent. In a word, the very prosperity and pregnant hopes of that Plantation made the Deuil and his lims to enuy, feare and hate it. Hence thatbloudy Massacre which caused almost a sudden Chaos to the hinderance of those affaires, by the convul­sions, combustions, and almost confusion of that Body and their Designes: whereof yet we hope not only a recouery but greater aduantage, the greatest danger from the Sauages, growing out of our mens confidence, which that terrible stroke (except a stupid Deuill possesse vs) hath cut off; 40 which likewise requires that seruile natures be seruily vsed; that future dangers be preuented by 9. Iust aduan­tage from the Sauages to make vse of their labours. 10. Drugs, and diuers other commodities. the extirpation of the more dangerous, and commodities also raised out of the seruilenesse and seruiceablenesse of the rest.

As for Sassafras, Salt, Terra Lemnia, Gummes and other profitable Drugges I shall not neede speake: nor of their Silke-grasse naturally growing, besides a kind of Hempe or Flaxe, yeelding most excellent Cordage. Pot-ashes, Sope-ashes, Pitch and Tarre haue beene the employment of Polacres sent thither.

In foure yeeres space before the Massacre (the Iron Oare of Virginia being found very good and 11. Iron mines. very plentifull) aboue fiue thousand pounds were spent, and one hundred and fiftie persons sent for that imployment; which being brought in manner to perfection, was interrupted by that 50 fatall accident, since which the restituion is with all possible diligence (as it is said) ordered and furthered.

There haue beene also sent skilfull men from Germany, for setting vp of Saw-mils: Virginia 12. Timbers for all vses. yeelding to no place in the knowne World for Timbers of all sorts, commodious for strength, pleasant for sweetnesse, specious for colours, spacious for largenesse, vsefull for Land and Sea, for housing and shipping: in which Timber vses England and Holland alone are said to disburse a­bout 300000. pounds sterling yeerely. And the defects at home, where the Hearth hath clim­bed into the Roofe, where back-fewell hath deuoured our buildings in the Woods, and belly­fewell hath deuoured the Woods, and conuerted them to arable: where so many ships are em­ployed for prouisions of and for shipping, Virginia by diuine bountie is Magnae spes altera Britan­niae. 60 Herein we may verifie the old Prouerbe, That he which liueth longest, shall fetch his wood furthest; but so, as he shall be paid for the fetching with great aduantage. 13. More espe­cially for buil­ding both houses & ship.

And if an Iland needs woodden Wals to secure it against others, to enrich it from others, Vir­ginia offers her seruice herein, and will looke so much more cheerefully on you, how much more [Page 1820] you shall disburthen her in this kind: yea, as England hath wooed and visited Virginia, so herein Virginia will be glad and reioyce to visit England, in her there-built ships, and to dwell here with vs in thence-brought Timbers, and esteeme her selfe aduanced to adorne our Towres, and take view of our Pomps and Spectacles.

And touching shipping and the materials thereof; Timbers, Pitch, Tarre, Cordage, Sayles, 14. The mani­fold materialls for shipping. Anchors, &c. necessitie of the times exacteth in our defects at home, for securitie from ene­mies abroad employment of Mariners, Merchants and our numerous multitudes, offending our Offenders, defending our Allies, that I adde not the Riches of the World, and glory of Exploits, all which depend on Nauigation. Hence Tyrus and her Daughter Carthage of old (Matre pulchrâ filia pulchrior) hence the Egyptian Alexandria and many Nations since, haue reaped wealth and 10 honour. Hence the Lumbards and Easterlings sucked out the sweetes of this Kingdome in for­mer times, whiles we like children were fed by their hands, and they were inriched by the Im­portation and Exportation of Merchandise to and from vs: which when that glorious Elizabeth altered, and sought to stand in the Seas on her owne legs, and to flie ouer them with her owne wings, it not only wanne her renowme but dread abroad, and such strength at home, that not­withstanding her manifold wars offensiue and defensiue, and motherly protection of her Neigh­bours round about with Men and Monies; her Custome, her Nauie, and the wealth of her peo­ple is thought to haue receiued in her time a seuen-fold aduancement. And what hath so long vpholden and enhanced the Hanse Townes? What hath raysed the rich and glorious States of Venice and Genoa? What hath since freed, and doth still sustaine the Hollanders, but their mouing 20 Magazines and Castles, their strength and magnificence being (by a Miracle in State) hereby most, wherein it is least, in their Sea-forrests; Nature denying that to their Soyle, which Art hath su­perabundantly supplied by shipping, to their Lands, to their Seas, for vse, for admiration? hence hath the Abassine or Prester Iohn lost his estate, the Turke not encreased his by swallowing the rest of Christendome, the Persian, the Mogull and other mighty Asian Potentates haue not bin mighty, howsoeuer sirnamed Great; haue beene so long awed, and as it were, imprisoned with­in their owne shores, there also often braued, assaulted, forced to receiue Lawes and conditions, yea to pay Customes for their owne ships, and prohibited Trade with others by a handfull of Portugalls. Hence the Portugals themselues crept out of their Straites and obscuritie, and hence the Castilian colours haue been so far displayed, and set the rest of the World in this present Maze: 30 Hence our Edgar, Edward the Third, and Great Elizabeth, haue left such memories of them, after them; hence all Maritime States and Kings haue receiued encrease or diminishing; as their Nauies haue beene, so haue they. Yea, without a Nauie, Salomon had not beene so meet a Type of Christ, so glorious in Domesticall, Politicall or Ecclesiasticall magnificence.

Haile then al-haile Virginia, hope of our decayed Forrests, Nursery of our Timbers, second supply to our shipping, the succenturiatae copiae in distresse of Nauall materials: and those inde­pendant on forreine States, disburthened of Taxes, Customes, Impositions, and Suspensions of 15. Sauing of expenses and freeing from dangers in for­reine Coun­tries. 16. Imploy­ment and [...]ding of Mariners. 17. Many pro­babilities by transplantati­on of cattell, fruits, &c. ex­emplified by Spaniards. forreine Princes: yea gainfull not in the ships alone, but in Shipmen and Mariners trained vp and multiplved by that imployment, with mutuall entercourse of Wares and manifold Commodi­ties. Hee that lookes on the best Corne-fields soone after the sowing, seeth expense and labour 40 without any profit but in expectation. Now is our Seed-time; and if cost and industry want no, Virginia, in her Soyle and Climate not only promiseth these materials, there also to be made at ea [...]ier rates; but infinite other Commodities also which may be transplanted from these and o­ther parts, as the Spaniards in their Indies, haue giuen vs example. These haue reserued Wines and Oyle, as Staple Commodities to be carried from Spaine (that these Americans may still haue need of Spanish Commodities) which else would easily grow there. They haue againe furnished those parts both from Spaine and many other Countries, with Figs, Oranges, Limons, and fruits for present vse and for Merchandize, with Sugar-canes, Gingers, Cattell and other Commodi­ties, yeelding exceeding summes of Treasure to the Planters. And I know not but in a settled Virginian Plantation, Sugars, Gingers, Hides, &c. may there prooue as gainfull, as they haue 50 in the Spanish Indies, that is, beyond all conceit of ordinarie valuation, and as good as many Mynes.

Now for the Cattell and Fowles, I might here present their Deere of all sorts, reported to 18. The Coun­trie, cattell & beasts not on­ly for vse there but Merchan­dise h [...]re. haue three or foure Fawnes at a time, and none vnder two (which some impute to the qualitie of that Countrey, hauing happened likewise to the Goats transported from hence) and were it not for this increase, eyther they must faile, or the Natiues (these sparing neither old nor young, nor old with young, nor obseruing any rule of Season or Reason therein) I might adde Shag-haired Oxen-seene by Sir Samuell Argoll, Beauers, Otters, Foxes, Wilde and Ciuet Cats, Muske Rats, and many Beasts which beare good Furres; their large Turkeyes, Cranes, Herons, Partridges, and innumerable other Fowles: fish also of innumerable numbers and manifold kinds, Sturgeon, Por­pose, 60 Base, Rock-fish, Carpe, Shad, and the rest. It seemeth to vs incredible, which is related of the both numbers Cap. Smith tels of 1000. Basses at a draught: M. Rolse of 5000. the least of two foot long, 300. as big as Cod, by Sir T. Dale. and excellencie at one draught taken. As for the varietie of Corne, the excel­lencie also and multiplication to 1500. or 2000. for one stalke of Maiz, the vsefulnesse, their suc­ceeding-exceeding Haruests, their Roots, Herbs, Pulse, and the rest, I referre to all the Writers in [Page 1821] that Argument, and to as many as haue beene Eye-witnesses themselues to be Relaters.

Were it but a fishing trade, yet his vnderstanding is contemptible, that thinkes contemptibly 19. Benefits by fishing. D. D. Brit. Mo­narchie. of it. He that should reade Doctor Dees relations of so many hundred Busses, and Flemmish saile on the English, and Spanish, on the Irish coasts: or what Master Gentleman hath related of the Commodities raised that way by the Holanders, summed to millions of pounds in Herring, Cod and Ling: and that which others relate of 3600. saile of Fishermen in Holand and Zeland, with other things of like nature gathered together by Captaine Smith in his New Englands Trials, Et quae non pro­sunt singula, multa inuant. with the experiments of that coast also (part of our Virginian subiect shall see, as greatest bo­dies composed of least parts, so greatest summes raised out of least and meanest meanes, that being dundant in tale, which seemeth wanting in weight. Once, the impregnable wals of the vni­ted 10 Prouinces are their Ships (whereof some reckon small and great of all sorts 20000,) and their principall and most generall Trade is Fishing, which is the Seminary of their Mariners of which some haue reckoned aboue 100000. and summed their returnes thence growing to 7000000. pounds in a yeare. I am none of Neptunes. Secretaries; yet know this, that there is no fishing to the Sea, and no Country so strong by Sea as that which findeth most employment in this kinde, where no exportation of treasure, no custome, no consumption and exhausting of commodities can be quarelled. Thus then, whether we consider Wines, Silkes, and other the appurtenances of our pleasures, as Dies, Drugges, Gummes, Sugars, Ginger, Furres, and the like, which cost this Kingdome yearely some hundreths of thousands of our pounds: or whether wee reckon those more staple and necessary commodities for Shipping, and all sorts of Timber, Cordage, and other 20 like, no lesse costly, Virginia inuiteth our hopes, and couenanteth to bestow them on the indu­strious: so that we shall saue those treasures and costs that way expended, shall lesse depend on other Nations, lesse feare imbarguing, detention, imposts; yea, shall from other Nations raise by returne of our excesse in these kindes great Summes, besides the furnishing of the Kingdome with greater encrease of Shipping, Marriners, and innumerable employments, and the securing and enriching the Ports, both of Ireland and England. As for Tobacco I haue said little of it, because 20. Tobacco. A Booke pre­sented to the Parliament by Master Bennet. It is said that some ma­liciously father all their bad Tobacco on Virginia and Bermuda, [...]nd th [...] go [...] [...]rom thence, [...]n Spanish [...] 21. Hopes of future T [...]e for clothes & other English commodities. it is so generally knowne (which yet is said to be worth to Spaine 100000. pounds yearely; and that (I grieue to speak it) from the fume-fome-froth-spirits of England) & the abundance brought from Virginia and Summer Ilands (inopes nos cepia fecit) exceedeth the Market: and because so many by immoderate vse thereof are corrupted here at home, and the present benefit thereby ac­crewing 30 in quicke returne, hindreth designes of better consequence there. And thus much of Vir­ginias present or very probable Commodities: to which we may adde the hopes in future times by finding there as good vent for our Wools and Clothes, both to the English and ciuilized Indi­an, as the Spaniards doe in their Indies by their Wines and Oyle, of which I haue already said that they permit not the generall growth in their Indian plantations for the continuance and necessi­tie of commerce with Spaine. And who seeth not the exceeding benefit which may arise by com­pleat commerce, in venting our owne superfluities of Men; of others, and specially the principall of English Commodities, Cloth and Wooll, with the Gospel of our Lord Iesus; and returning from thence, Clapboord, Pipe-staues, Cauiare, Oade, Madder, Salt, Cordage, Pitch, Tarre, Sope­ashes, Pot-ashes, Cotton-wools, Gaules, Furres, Hops, Hides, Gummes, Dyes, Gingers, Sugars, 40 Silkes, Wines, Iron, Timbers, Fish, Ships, Mariners, Merchants, and a World of the Worlds most vseful good things thorow an open Sea, obnoxious to no forreine Potentate, from and to known and secure Ports and Harbours?

It is also not only vsefull at all times, but necessary to these times, as to transport superfluous 22. Manifold necessities of these times. numbers from hence to Virginia, so to cure the diseases of the times caused by the wants of Monies (the life of trading, and sinewes of a great State) attended with wants of sale for the Merchant, and consequently of Clothiers and other subordinate professions; want of worke for Spinsters, Weauers, and innumerable poorer Trades and Handicraftsmen; want of trading for Citizens (nei­ther hath such a generall breaking beene euer knwone, so many shops in the principall limmes and streets of this Citie, yea, in Cheapside the faire face, yea, in the eye of that beauteous face, 50 the Gold-Smiths Row (where besides so many shoppes conuerted to other Trades, I haue told this last Winter betwixt Friday-street and Bread-street the third part shut vp) want of employ­ment for decayed Gentlemen, both the elder Vnthrifts and younger Gallants; which want of moneyes and store of wants thence issuing, is in greatest part caused by the Merchandizes sought and bought in other Countries, whereby our Moneyes fall into forraine Whirle-pooles without hopes of recouery; whereas if our Trade lay (as we see the Spanish) with our owne Colonies and Plantations else-where, wee should hold them still current in our owne Nation, and draw others to bring to vs both Wares and Moneyes from other Regions for the Commodities aforesaid. And thus should the Vices of the Times be remedied, and the vices of men or vicious men finde from Tobacco, Silkes, Wines and other excesses (like the sting of Scorpions from the Oyle of Scor­pions) 60 a cure thence, whence they receiued their wounds; and so many ruptures should eyther be preuented or healed; prouisions also procured for employment of honest and humble pouertie at home, and the inordinate spirits of others tamed by the Sea, and trained at labour to better Discipline.

[Page 1822] I adde further, that the prosecution of the Virginian Plantation, is both profitable and neces­sary for the strengthning of the Plantations already begun in Summer Ilands, New England, and 25. N [...]cessarie for streng the­ning other Plantations. 24. Prob [...]bili­ties of a South Sea passage & mame manie commodities thereoy. New found Land, and that other expected in New Scotland.

Now if we adde the hopefull passage to the South Sea, that one argument is more then all the rest, if our eyes shall once be blessed with that desired sight. For the trade of the whole world is then made compendious, all the rich trades of the East Indies are obuious and neerer hand, and no force is able to scoure so large a Coast as that Westerne shoare of all America, and secure it from our trading. Hence, if we finde not golden Countries before not possessed by other Christians (whereof also Sir Francis Drakes Noua Albion so long since subiected by voluntary surrender to the English Crowne, hath giuen vs hope) yet trade will bring the Mines of the West into our 10 ships, and the Spices and other rich Merchandize of the East into our shops at easier charge, and therefore saleable at easier rates.

But this Designe of the South Sea may seeme desperate, and the Argument ridiculous. I shall 25. Necessitie of m [...]intai­ning Virginia in case of war forc [...]d [...]y o­thers. therefore indeuour to giue better light therein, and withall to adde another Argument as weigh­tie as it, and greater then all exceptions.

I may adde also the case of Warre, which I desire not; but which may happen, and Bellona may euen now seeme pregnant and alreadie conceiued, whose abortion might be wished, if necessitie adde not honour to the lawfulnesse. I but propound a case possible. The most certaine, honorable, and beauteous front of Peace, hath a backe part of Warre, and therefore in securest Peace, Pru­dence 20 is not so secure, but she armeth her selfe against feares of War, forewarning and forearming men by the Sword drawne to preuent the drawing of Swords, and eyther eschewes it, or reaps good out of it.

It is not vnknowne what expenses England hath sustained in, and euer since Sir Sebastian Ca­bots first Discouerie, as in those of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Burrough, Pet and Iackman by the North-east, South Sea why so called. of Hudson, Poole, Fotherby, and diuers other Nauigations by the North; of Sir Martine Frobusher, Captaine Dauies, Sir Thomas Button, Master Knight, Hudson, Hall, Baffin, and other manifold Discoueries by the North-west, all seeking a compendious passage to Cathay, and to the East Indies. The Reasons which mooued them were far more hopefull then that of Columbus, which found not with standing far better and speedier successe. Successe is a seruile Argument, for 30 Sense rather then for Reason, and in this whole Virginian proiect, I speake to English Aduentu­rers, and not to pettie Pedlers, or Virginian Sauages, to such whose eyes are in their heads and not in their hands: Careat successibus opto, Quisquis abeuentu facta notanda putet. Yet hath not Suc­cesse beene wholy frustrate, yea both Reason and Sense plead for a Passage, and Virginias vseful­nesse therein.

I will not bring vncertaine testimonies of a Portugall taken in a Carrike in Queene Elizabeths dayes, and of another Portugall in Guinie, which affirmed to Sir Martine Frobusher that hee had past it; nor of Garcia Loaisa, which is said by the Coast of New-found-land to haue gone to the Moluccas; nor of Uasco Coronado in his Letter to the Emperour Charles, and other antiquated Witnesses of Antiquitie.

I haue already in due place produced See sup. the end of the 4. Booke: & Der­mers Letter in this. Thomas Cowles, Iuan de Fuca, Thomas Dermer, Sir Thomas 40 Button, Master Brigges, besides the constant and generall report of all the Sauages from Florida, to the great Riuer of Canada. Now for the hopes of Uirginia by a South-Sea Discouery, how neere is England that way to the Trade of both Indies, that is, of all the remoter World? It stands midway betwixt vs and the most frequented Ports of the West, which perhaps may shortly come to full age and sue out her Liuerie, how euer hitherto kept in close Wardship, and debarred the rights of common humanite, that is, the commerce with other Nations, without discerning Friend and Foe. Strange iealousie and worthy of iealous Suspicion! to admit Trade in all Euro­pean Ports, not Siuill and Madrid excepted, and to prohibit the same in all the East and West, where it can lesse be prohibited! there to repute all in nature of Pyrats, and accordingly to make 50 prize of ships, goods, and men which shall attempt to sayle that vast Ocean, or offer Trade in a­ny of those Habitations! But leauing that to consideration of my Betters, in the East both Eng­lish and Dutch haue maintayned their iust Trade by force, which by vniust force was denied, and haue paid themselues largely for all losses sustayned by the Insultings or Assaultings of those Monopolians, with gaine, with honour: that trade being almost denied to those iniurious deni­ers, their owne reputation and traffique now bleeding, which would haue cut the throates of all others aduentures, of all other aduenturers. I neither prophesie, nor exhort vnto the like in the West: Our prudent and potent Mother Elizabeth wan renowne and wealth in their owne har­bours and Cities at home, and no lesse in the remotest of their Lands and Seas. Yea, the South Sea by furthest compasse was neere to her long and iust armes, and their Cacaplata and Saint Anne, 60 with other their richest Ships and Ports were ransacked by English Cacafuegos, and the charges of those warres borne by those enemies which caused them. Nulla salus bello pacem te poscimus omnes. He whose words and workes hath euer beene Beati pacifici, knowes best when and how to exact his and the Worlds right, in the World, of which God hath granted a Monopoly to no man; and (if others can embrace the whole Globe with dispersed habitations) not to suffer his long arme [Page 1823] to be shortned, and the strong armes of his to be pinioned, and forced to accept of a bounded and limited commerce in a little corner at others pleasure. Once, in iust and euen peace, Virginia stands fit to become Englands Factor in America; if war should happen, both it and Bermuda are fit Sen­ [...]nels and Scouts, yea fit Searchers and Customers, fit Watch-towers and Arsenals to maintaine right against all wrong-doers. And for the South Sea, if a passage be found neere vnto Uirginia, as Master Dermer was confident vpon relations (as he writ to me) of a thousand witnesses, wee then see Uirginias lap open, yeelding her Ports and Harbours for the Easterne treasures to be the neerest way conueied by the West. Yea if it be more remote, as Chacke and Fuca relate, yet hath Virginia an vsefull neighbourhood both for sicke men, weatherbeaten Ships, and prouisions ex­haust in long Voyages, to make them fitter for returne. And if such passage were not at all, yet 10 the Mountaines of Virginia cannot but send Riuers to that Sea; so that as the wealth of Peru is brought to Panama, and thence by Land conuaied to the Ports of this Sea, so may the wealth of the South Sea, and the Regions of the West of America be that way passed to English hands. The like may be said of the Ilands of Salomon, the South vnknowne Continent, which after­times may discouer (probably as rich as the rest) that I mention not the knowne Regions of the East already traded. And although the passage be not yet perfectly knowne, yet may the sea­sons and fittest opportunities and prouisions for that discouery be most easie from Uirginia: and there, if crossed with stormes or other diasters, they may finde securest refuge and refresh­ing. And if (which God auert) we may not haue the wares of peace, yet the peace of warres (that is, a fit rendeuous and retiring place, where to cheere and hearten, to repaire and supply vp­on 20 all occasions) is there offered, by the aduantages of both Seas. For in both, that vast bo­dy must needes be of slow motion, where the limmes are so disioynted, and one member vnfit to helpe another by remotenesse. And if it should but force the aduersary to maintaine Garrisons in his Ports on both sides, to secure them from inuasion, and a double Nauie of War in both Seas, the one to secure the Coasts, the other to secure his Shippes in the South Sea passing from the Philippinas, or from one Port to another; and in the North Sea to wafte his Treasures and Merchandise into Europe, the wings of that Eagle would be so pulled with such costs, that hee could not easily make inuasiue flight vpon his neighbours in these parts; vea, both those and these Dominions would be exposed to the easier inuasions of others. Tam Marte, quam Mercurio, in Peace and Warre, so vsefull may Uirginia and Bermuda be 30 to this Kingdome.

Now if any say Medice cura teipsum, and alleadge that they themselues are not able to stand against an enemy: I answere, first, for Bermuda, or Summer Ilands, that little body is all heart, and hath the strentgh of Nature and Art conspiring her impregnablenesse. For the Rockes euery way haue so fortified the scituation, that she would laugh at an Armada, at a World of Ships; where the straight passage admits not two Ships abreast to enter, and hath ten Forts with Ordnance to en­tertaine them. She feares no rauishment, and as little needes she famishment, so that vnlesse God for our sinnes, or the Diuell by the worst of sinnes, treason, and the worst of his Sonnes, some Iu­das, expose her to the Enemy, she can know no other loue or Lord but English. And for Virginia against the Sauages greatest fright, Captaine Smith maintained himselfe without losse, with gaine 40 with thirty eight men: against others she hath so fit places for fortification; so fit meanes and materials to secure her, as eye-witnesses report, that the worst of enemies to be feared is English backwardnesse or frowardnesse, like Sampsons Foxes either drawing backe, or hauing fire at their tongues ends.

Now if Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory, were able from England onely to annoy her enemies, so great and potent, so much and farre: what may we in Gods name hope of a New England, New found Land, Bermuda and Uirginia already planted with English? When vpon newes of the fall of that great Northen Starre, the Duke of Braganzas brother, spake of her as the Iesuites had slandered; hold your peace brother, said the Duke himselfe (one M. Thomas Turner an Eng­lish Merchant liuing then in Portugall in name of an Almaine. then present re­lated this to me) had it not beene for her Religion (for which wee most honour her, for which God did most blesse her) she might iustly haue beene ranked with the ancients Romans: England 50 is a small thing, as the Map sheweth, to Spaine, and yet we durst not looke out of doores for her and hers. Thus worthily that worthy man, of the Worthy of women in her time. Great and glorious Elizabeth! how didst thou contemne the Iberian threates? How didst thou inuert, di­uert, subuert their attempts? How victoriously didst thou euade their inuinoible Inuasion? how Q Elizabeths praises. didst thou inuade the Inuaders, at their gates, in their ports? how didst thou meete them in the Atlanticke, pursue them to the South, to the Indian Seas, and round about the World? How did the skie, windes, waues serue to a higher prouidence in thy deliueries, in thy triumphs? how often were the prodigious Carrikes of the East, and prodigall Vessels of the West, either staid at home for feare, or driuen to fort-couert by the way, or costly wafted on their way, or burned in 60 the way, or sunke out of the way, or carried quite a way to visite the English shoares, and adorn [...] the Trophees of great and glorious Elizabeth? Rouze vp your braue spirits English hearts in loyall subiection to your Royall Soueraign: be ready to offer right, feare not to suffer wrong: seeke the good, and see the goods which Virginia offers. Here could I wilder my selfe in thickets of argu­ments, [Page 1824] and could Muster more motiues and more necessarily concluding for Virginias aduance­ment, if that which we desire not be enforced on vs, then I haue already numbred in plantation and commerce: Yea almost all those former arguments are pressed of necessity, or offer their ser­uice voluntarily, some more, others no lesse seruiceable that way, then to publike peace and traf­fique, which also are securest when they neede not feare a Warre.

The honour of Religion defended by the Defender of the Faith; of our Nation, King, Kingdome; the Materials of Ships, Mariners, Armes, Victuals; Fishing, Merchandise, and Prize subseruient to each Voyage, that one may supply if the other faile; in crossed Voyages, a conuenient receptacle for refreshing; fit place of stay in not fitting and vnseasonable seasons: a safe repository for spoiles gotten in expectation of greater purchase: a redresse to weatherbeaten and storme-distressed 10 Ships: a refuge to such as the enemy hath battered and endangered: an Hospitall for sicke, woun­ded, and presently vnseruiceable Mariners and Souldiers: a storehouse to repaire Timbers, Tack­ling, and other prouisions to Ships and Men: a fit meane (in supplying vs from thence with ne­cessaries) to keepe those Monies in our owne hands, whereby we are destitute of the principall si­newes of warre, yea perhaps the enemy armed against vs: a schoole and training place for our youth to endure labour and hardship, and to prepare them like the Iewes in Nehemiahs time, to vse the Sword with one hand, and instruments of labour in the other: an exercise to breede Men for longer Voiages: a backedoore to breake out suddenly on the enemy: an ambushment, whiles Ships from hence & thence shal at once be expected, and he w [...]ich flees the one shall fall into the other: a redoubling of our forces when they meete: a safe harbour in Bermuda or in Virginia for 20 a hundred sailes, or many more, to awaite all opportunities: a place likely to yeelde to men of merit entertainment and reward: a place yeelding opportunity by trade there to weaken our possible or probable enemies, to whom now wee seeke for trade, and consequently to weaken them by the want of our Commodities, and to adde a double strength to our selues: a place com­modious to preuent warre by diuerting it, to diuert it by preuenting: to subuert the enemies Plantations by sudden assaults, or force them to costly Garisons: to euert their Merchandising by trade suspended, surprized, or defended with chargeable waftage: to interuert their intelligence and profits: to inuert the hearts of Malecontents, and those hands which feare now curbeth and bri [...]leth: to conuert to our parts those which maintaine a fugitiue and wilde enmity with them: to auert the profits of their Mines by other imployments: and in a word, to make that vse of 30 others against them, which their examples haue taught vs in acquiring the great Empires of Mexico and Peru, with other parts of America, which without the helpe of Indians against Indians, banding themselues with a contrary faction, such handfuls had neuer beene able to haue effected: What shall I say more? If others impotence and importunities force a War, Uirginia and Summer Ilands seeme to this English body as two American hands, eares, feete; two eyes for defence: two Keyes (as before is said) for offence: two Armes to get, encompasse, embrace: two Fists to strike: the Sword and Dagger; Ship and Pinnace; Castle and Rampire, Canon & Mus­ket, Arsenale and Peere, and whatsoeuer God shall please to giue to humaine industry, who giues all things of free grace, but to such to whom he hath giuen grace freely to seeke them; and is al­way a facile and easie giuer, but to them onely which loue not their ease and idle pleasure. And al­though 40 I am no Secretary of Gods Counsell for the Indies, yet euent hath reuealed thus much of his will, that no other Christian Nation hath yet gotten and maintained possession in those parts, but the English: to whom therefore wee may gather their decreed seruiceablenesse in Peace, ad­uantagiousnesse in Warre, and opportunity for both, to be both Magazine and Bulwarke, and ready euen by naturall scituation to sit on the skirts of whatsoeuer enemies, which passe from A­merica to Europe.

Three Spanish witnesses, Acosta, Ouiedo, and Herrera, haue related this, in describing the course Acosta. l. 3. c. 4. 5. 6. 7. Ouiedo Summa­ry & Gen. hist. l. 2. Hereras. Descri. of Ind. [...]. 2. 3. of that Nauigation; yea, all experience, the Heauens also and Elements subscribe to it. For such is the statute of the windes, which all Shipping in that Sea must obey: they must goe one way and returne another. To the Indies the course from Europe is by the Canaries, and thence entring 50 the Tropike, they meete with the Brises, which are perpetuall Easterne windes, or I know not what impetuosity by the motion of the heauens breathed into the lower aire betwixt the Tro­pikes, and pressing all vapours and exhalations vnto that seruice in one or other point Easterly: which force the Ships to returne neerer the American coast there to seeke as it were some alloy of The brises and course of Na­uigation. that impetuous motion (euen as you see Water-men in the Thames rowing against the tide, to couet neere the shoare where the tide is weakest) and thence passing the Tropike to seeke Wester­ly windes, which from twenty seuen to thirty seuen doe there vsually remaine, as wee see in Eddies caused by stronger motions. Thus the Spanish Ships on the South Sea make one way from Eddy windes. Acapulco to the Philippinas, which is the Tropicke; and another without in the height of Ia­pan, to returne. And thus in the Atlanticke the Ships from their seuerall ports come to the Ha­uana 60 in Cuba, and thence must take their course neere to Uirginia and Summer Ilands, to finde the Azores: in which way, from thence it is easie for English Ships (not far from their owne home or Ports) to disperse themselues in expectation of a surprisall.

The want of such helpes in Queene Elizabeths glorious times, enforced our men of Warre still [Page 1825] to awaite both for the Indian Carrickes, and all American Ships, houering about the Azores I­lands Disaduantage to our Ships of warre by want of some such Plantation as this is and may be: whence ma ny Voyages were frustra­ted in part or wholly. subiect to the Spanish Crowne, where they neither had harbour in stormes, nor could in any wants refresh themselues with water, victuals, or other prouisions but by force; where a greater and stronger Armada of the enemy waited to wafte home their Ships returning; where it often hapned that the Ships could not so soone be descried, but they gat either into some Port, and vn­der some Fort which secured them; or else there ran themselues aground, and sauing what they could with their persons, fired the rest, so to sacrifice it to Neptune or Uulcan, rather then permit it to English hands. Neither had the English any neere Port where to supply themselues in any di­stresse, or exhaustion of prouisions, but must necessarily returne home for England, if not (as some­times) perishing in the way, with little or perhaps no prize attained. Likewise in long Voya­ges, as to the East Indies, and to the South Sea, hauing no harbour to friend, euery disease proued 10 mortall to their Voyage, and forced at lest a returne, that is, a miscarrying of the designe, if not of themselues: whereas, such a refuge as Virginia and Summer Ilands might either haue recouered the Voyage intended, or refreshed and inabled them to make as good a purchase vpon the enemy, making him to pay their charges, perhaps with more gaine then the first intents could haue pro­duced. S. Seb. Sabot. Examples will make this more euident.

And first to begin with the first of our great Discouerers; Sir Sebast ian Cabot, and Sir Thomas Anno 1517. Ouiedo. Gen. hist. l. 19. c. 13. Pert, were set forth by King Henry the eight (as before is mentioned) in a Voyage of American Discouery, a Ship of which Fleete comming from the coast of Brasil to Domingo (Ouiedo menti­ons it in the Spanish stile, branding them with Piracy, yet laieth nothing to their charge but dis­couery and offer of trade, paying with Pewter dishes for what they tooke) was thence repelled 20 Anno 1517. and obtained some prouisions at Saint Iohn, from whence in their returne to Eng­land, Ouiedo thinkes they perished: at least the Voyage miscarried, as appeareth by Master Thornes and Master Edens testimony thereof, for want of prouisions. The like happened to Ma­ster Master Hore. 1536. Sir Io. Hawkins. 1564. 1567. Hores Voyage, described in Master Hakluit Anno 1536. when want of victuals made them eate one another, and at last to steale a French Ship, in which they returned.

Anno 1564. Sir Iohn Hawkins hauing made a profitable Voyage by sale of Negros on the coast Townes of America, was driuen to seeke reliefe of the French (then planted in Florida, rooted thence not long after by Spanish butchery) And in another Voyage 1567. incurred by perfidious treachery of the Spaniards, a most lamentable disaster. He then sailed in the Iesus of Lubecke, hauing to his consorts, the Minion, the William and Iohn, the Iudith, the Angell and the Swallow. Ha­uing 30 gotten Negros in Guinnee and made his market in the Spanish Indies, he put in for reliefe at Saint Iohn de Vlhua. Whiles his Fleete was there, the Spanish Fleete came thither with their new Viceroy, which he could easily haue kept out of the harbour; but there being then no Warres be­twixt England and Spaine, certaine Articles were concluded betwixt them; from which the Spanish perfidie. V [...]ceroy perfidiously resulting, with close trechery (contrary to his faith plighted) assaulted the English with a strong power on the sudden: the issue whereof was the firing, drowning, taking many of the English, whom they put also to execrable tortures. Onely the Minion and Iudith of that whole Fleete escaped, if it be an escaping to auoide Scylla and rush on Charibdis. For they were so shaken in fight first, after with stormes, lastly and worst of all, with famine, that they 40 were forced to expose a hundred and foureteene men to the mercy of cruell elements, crueller Sauages, cruellest Spaniards, who exercised in the Inquisition with bondage, rackes, whips, fires, Spanish cruelti [...] famishments, & plurima mortis imago, what the other had spared; so that of a hundred and foure­teene not aboue the odde foure, and those foure after Odysses of wandrings, and Iliades of mise­ries returned home from the foure corners of the World. Had Sir Iohn Hawkins had a Uirginian opportunity of refreshing, the first danger should not haue needed, and the last had not proued worse then the first: that exposing being not farre from the Uirginian shoare, and the current fitting to carry him thither. Sir Francis Drake was then Captaine of the Iudith, and repaied that courtesie to the Spaniards after, who to shew the fesibility of such refreshing Anno 1585. hauing sacked Saint Iago, Domingo, Carthagena, and Saint Augustine, returned by Uirginia to relieue the Colony there planted by Sir W. Raleigh. 50

Anno 1591. Captaine George Raymund in the Penelope, Captaine Foxcroft in the Merchant Cap. Lancaster. 1591. Royall, and Captaine Lancaster in the Edward Bonaduenture, set forth a Voyage intended for the East Indies. Their Company were so weakened with sicknesse, that the Viceadmirall was sent backe from Soldanha with sicke men. The Admirall was lost, the Rereadmirall returned, and for want of prouisions put ouer from Saint Helena to Trinidad, in hope of reliefe. Yet being there dis­appointed, they intended to get to Newfoundland, but being crossed with stormes in the way, and forced backe to Port Ricco, the Ship was driuen away and lost not far from Mona, whiles the fa­mished Company were seeking refreshing (which how easily had a Bermuda or Virginia supplied, had an English plantation flourished there?) Sir Iames Lancaster and the rest being forced to return 60 after much misery, in French Ships for France, and thence home.

Anno 1596. the Beare, the Beares Whelpe, and the Beniamin, were set forth for China vnder the Cap. [...]. [...] 1596. Sant [...]s of [...] Orient [...]. [...]. command of Captaine Beniamin Wood. Frier Ioaon dos Santos mentions both the two former of Raymund and Lancaster, and two also of these seene on the coast of Mozambique. Bartolome Leo­nardo [Page 1826] de Argensola in his Booke, printed at Madrid 1609: hath published the Letter of the Chi­nese Visitor of Chincheo, in which he writeth to Don Pedro de Acnnaa, Gouernour of the Philip­pinas, that the King of China had done two Sangleys to death, for shewing the hauen to these two English Ships: and Acunna rescribes that the English were Pyrates, &c. after the Spanish wont. These Ships were vnheard of in England, vntill a Letter of Alcasar de Villa sennor, Auditor of Domingo, writ to the King his Master, being by an English Ship intercepted, gaue intelligence of one of those two Ships which distressed for want of necessaries, by mortality, had foure men only left aliue in her, which seeking reliefe, put themselues into their Boate, and comming on shoare in the Iland Vtias, not farre from Domingo, with Iewels and great riches, confessed that they had taken three Portugall prizes. The Spaniards at first receiued them on good conditions, but some 10 villaines seeing their wealth, murthered them, for which this Auditor had sentenced Roderigo de Fuentes, with others, as his Letter to the King of Spaine importeth. Now had there then beene a Virginian or Bermudan Plantation, how easily might they haue attained thither (the Boat at least) and escaped that butchery? I could hither adde instructions from the English Indian Ships 1604. and 1608. from Captaine Fenton 1582. from the Earle of Cumberlands Voyages before related, in the yeares 86. 89. 91. 93. 96. 97. and from Master Candish, Master Dauis, and others.

But we haue made too long a Virginian Voyage, hauing no better freight then Arguments, which the Times doe now promise, if not worthy wise mens approbation, yet good mens indul­gence; where in a weake body, and manifold weighty imployments, the willingnesse of a heart truely English, sincerely Christian, may seeme tolerable, if not commendable; pardonable if not East Indie soci­etie. 20 plausible.

Another labour remaines to set downe rules and proiects of best fecibility and accomplishing this noble worke, but I am onely a Freeman, no Councellour of that Plantation, and haue neither Lands there, nor other aduenture therein, but this of my loue and credit, which with the alle­giance to my Soueraigne, and desire of the publike good of this Kingdome, is more to me then all the treasures of America. I seeke the good and not the goods of England and Virginia. I follow the hand of God, which haue giuen England so many rights in Virginia, right naturall, right na­tionall, right by first discouery, by accepted trade, by possession surrendred voluntarily, continued constantly, right by gift, by birth, by bargaine and sale, by cession, by forfeiture in that late damnable trechery and massacre, and the fatal possession taken by so many murthered English. Gods 30 bounty before, his iustice now hath giuen vs Virginia, that we should so in iudgement remember mercy, as to giue Virginia againe to God, in Christian acknowledgement of his goodnesse and The Conclu­sion. mercy, of his word and workes, and in our owne more serious conuersion to prepare that of Vir­ginia. God goeth before vs in making this designe honorable to Religion, to Humanity, to our Ancestors, to our King, to our Kingdome. God goeth before vs, and hath giuen Virginia so rich a portion, to allure and assure our loues; in multiplying our people, and thereby our necessities en­forcing a vent: in endowing Virginia with so large a iointure, so temperate, so commodious for the climate compared with other Countries, beyond other Countries in her own diuersified Lands, Seas, Riuers; in so fertile a soyle, in so strong, sweete, stately, delicate Woods and Timbers, in her naturall hopes of Wines, of Silkes, of the bodies of Natiues seruile and seruiceable: in Drugges, Briefe recapi­tulation of the most remarka­ble premisses. 40 Irons, and probability also of other Mines; in all materials for Shipping, and other buildings: God goeth before vs in offering that meane to saue that which wee seeke and spend in other (perhaps enemies) Countries; to breede vp Marriners, to train vp Souldiers, to exercise labourers, by trans­portation of English and Europaean creatures to plant another England in America, enriched with the best things of Europe; to giue vs Fish, Tobacco, and other present improuements as earnest of future better hopes; and that in these times, which haue so manifold necessities thereof, in regard of monies, men, and trades decayed, in regard of neighbour plantations, in the probabilities of a South-Sea glory, and in the case of obtruded warre, obtruding on vs absolute necessity, and inclu­ding and concluding euery way so manifold vse. God the Father, Sonne and holy Ghost, which goe before vs in these things, if not in miraculous fire and cloudy pillars, (as when Israel went to 50 Canaan) yet in the light of reason, and right consequence of arguments; come into vs and fillvs with the spirit of wisedome and vnderstanding, the spirit of counsell and of fortitude, the Ex. 13. spirit of knowledge, and the feare of the Lord (I may adde the spirit of vnity and counsell) that he may vouchsafe to goe with vs, and we with him, and after him to Uirginia, Amen, O Amen. Be thou Es. 11. the Alpha and Omega of Englands Plantation in Virginia O GOD. 60

The end of the ninth Booke.

ENGLISH DISCOVE­RIES 10 AND PLANTATI­ONS IN NEW ENGLAND AND NEW-FOVND-LAND; WITH THE PATENT AND VOYAGES TO NEW-SCOTLAND: Relations also of the 20 Fleets set forth by Queene Elizabeth against the Spaniards.
THE TENTH BOOKE.

CHAP. I.

A briefe Relation of the Discouerie and Plantation of New-England: 30 and of sundry Accidents therein occurring, from the yeere of our Lord 1607. to this present 1622. Published by the President and Councell, and dedicated to the Princes Highnesse here ab­breuiated.

WHen this Designe was first attempted, some of the pre­sent 40 Company were therein chiefly interessed; who being carefull to haue the same accomplished, did send to the discouery of those Northern parts a braue Gentle­man, Cap. Henry Challons, with two of the Natiues of that Territorie, the one called Maneday, the other Asse­comet. But his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so that by them, his Company were seized, the ships and goods confiscated, and that Voyage wholly ouerthrowne.

This losse, and vnfortunate beginning, did much a­bate 1. Ca. Challon 2. Cap. Hanam sent by Lord Chiefe Iustice Popham. 50 the rising courage of the first Aduenturers; but im­mediately vpon his departure, it pleased the Noble Lord Chiefe Iustice, Sir Iohn Popham Knight, to send out an­other shippe, wherein Captayne Thomas Hanam went Commander, and Martine Prinne of Bristow Master, with all necessary supplyes, for the secon­ding of Captayne Challons and his people; who arriuing at the place appointed, and not finding that Captayne there, after they had made some Discouerie, and found the Coasts Hauens, and Harbours answerable to our desires, they returned. Vpon whose Relation the Lord Chiefe Iustice, and we all waxed so confident of the businesse, that the yeere following euery man of any worth, formerly interessed in it, was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent 60 number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull Plantation.

Hereupon Captaine Popham, Captaine Rawley Gilbert, and others were sent away with two 3. Cap. Popham & Cap. Gilbert. ships, and an hundred Landmen, Ordnance, and other prouisions necessary for their sustentation and defence; vntill other supply might be sent. In the meane-while, before they could returne, [Page 1828] it pleased God to take vs from this worthy member, the Lord Chiefe Iustice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the Aduenturers, as some grew cold, and some Sir Iohn Pop­hams death. did wholly abandon the businesse. Yet Sir Francis Popham his Sonne, certaine of his priuate friends, and other of vs, omitted not the next yeere (holding on our first resolution) to ioyne in sending forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed.

But the ships arriuing there, did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the Lord Chiefe Iustice, together with the death of Sir Iohn Gilbert, the elder Brother vnto Captaine Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was President of that Councell: But found that the old Cap­taine Popham was also dead; who was the onely man (indeed) that died there that Winter, Captaine Pop­hams death. wherein they indured the greater extremities; for that, in the depth thereof, their Lodgings and 10 stores were burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed.

This calamitie and euill newes, together with the resolution that Captaine Gilbert was for­ced to take for his owne returne (in tha [...] he was to succeed his Brother, in the Inheritance of his Lands in England) made the whole Company to resolue vpon nothing but their returne with the ships; and for that present to leaue that Countrey againe, hauing in the time of their abode Death of the Plantation. there (notwithstanding the coldnesse of the season, and the small helpe they had) built a prettie Barke of their owne, which serued them to good purpose, as easing them in their returning.

The arriuall of these people here in England, was a wonderfull discouragement to all the first vndertakers, in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other Plantation in those parts for a long time after: only Sir Francis Popham hauing the ships and prouision, which re­mayned Sir Fr. Popham. 20 of th Company, and supplying what was necessary for his purpose, sent diuers times to the Coasts for Trade and fishing; of whose losse or gaines himselfe is best able to giue account.

Our people abandoning the Plantation in this sort as you haue heard; the Frenchmen imme­diately Frenchmen plant there. tooke the opportunitie to settle themselues within our limits; which beeing heard of by those of Virginia, that discreetly tooke to their consideration the inconueniences that might a­rise, by suffering them to harbour there, they dispatched Sir Samuel Argall, with Commission to Sir Sa. Argall. displace them, which he performed with much discretion, iudgement, valour, and dexteritie. For hauing seized their Forts, which they had built at Mount Mansell, Saint Croix, and Port Reall, he carried away their Ordnance; he also surprised their Ship, Cattle, and other Proui­sions, 30 which he transported to the Colonie in Virginia, to their great benefit. And hereby hee hath made a way for the present hopefull Plantation to be made in Noua Scotia, which we heare Noua Scotia. his Maiestie hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Maiesties most Ho­norable Councell of the Kingdome of Scotland, to be held of the said Crowne, and that not with­out some of our priuities, as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare. Whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre from making a Monopoly of all those Lands belonging to that Coast (as hath beene scandalously by some obiected) That wee wish that many would vn­dertake the like.

In this Interim there were of vs who apprehended better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt, being thereunto perswaded, both by the Relations of our people that had indured 40 the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subiected, chiefly in the Winter Season; and like­wise by the informations giuen them by certaine of the Natiues, that had beene kept a long time in their hands; wherefore we resolued once more to trie the veritie thereof, and to see if possibly we might finde some thing that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a Worke so pious and so honourable. And thereupon they dispatched Captayne Hobson, of the Ile of Wight, to­gether with Captayne Herley, Master Iohn Matthew, Master Sturton, with two Sauages, the one Cap. Hobson imployed with Cap. Herley, &c. 1611. called Epenow, the other Manawet, with Commission and directions fit for them to obserue and follow, the better to bring to passe what was expected. But as in all humane affaires, there is nothing more certaine, then the vncertaintie thereof; so fell it out in this; for a little before such time as they arriued vpon the Coast with the foresaid Sauages, who were Naturals of those parts, 50 it happened there had beene one Hunt (a worthlesse fellow of our Nation, set out by certaine Hunts Sauage hunting of Sa­uages. Merchants for loue of gaine, who, not content with the commoditie he had by the fish, and peace­able Trade he found among the Sauages, after he had made his dispatch, and was ready to set sayle more Sauage-like then they) seized vpon the poore innocent creatures, that in confidence of his honestie had put themselues into his hands. And stowing them vnder Hatches, to the number of twentie foure, carried them into the Straits, where he sought to sell them for slaues, and sold as many as he could get mony for. But when it was vnderstood from whence they were brought, Friers charitie. the Friers of those parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith; and so disappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new and Deuillish proiect.

This being knowne by our two Sauages, formerly spoken of, they presently contracted such 60 an hatred against our whole Nation, as they immediately studied how to be reuenged; and con­triued Wicked effects of wickednes. with their friends the best meanes to bring it to passe; but Manawet dying in a short time after the shippes arriuall there, and the other obseruing the good order, and strong guard our [Page 1829] people kept, studied only how to free himselfe out of our hands, and thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed effected his purpose, although with so great hazard to himselfe and friends, that laboured his rescue, that Captayne Hobson and his whole Company imagined hee had beene slaine. And though in the recouery of his bodie they wounded the Master of our ship, and di­uers other of our Company, yet was not their Designe without the slaughter of some of their people, and the hurts of other, compassed, as appeared afterward.

Hereupon Captaine Hobson and his Company, conceiuing the end of their attempt to bee fru­strate, resolued without more adoe to returne, and so those hopes, that charge and Voyage was lost also, for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill successe of the vnfortu­nate cause thereof, and of a Warre now new begun betweene the Inhabitants of those parts, and vs. A miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now left, to pursue the conclusion of so 10 tedious, an Enterprise.

While this was a working, we found the meanes to send out Captaine Iohn Smith from Plim­mouth, Cap. I. Smith in a ship, together with Master Dermer, and diuers others with him, to lay the founda­tion of a new Plantation, and to try the fishing of that Coast, and to seeke to settle a Trade with the Natiues: But such was his misfortune, as being scarce free of our owne Coast, he had his Masts shaken ouer-boord by stormes and tempests, his ship wonderfully distressed, and in that extremitie forced to come backe againe; so as the season of the yeere being almost spent, wee were of necessitie enforced to furnish him with another ship, and taking out the prouision of the first, dispatched him away againe, who comming to the height of the Westerne Ilands, was cha­sed 20 by a French Pirate, and by him made Prisoner, although his ship in the night escaped away, and returned with the losse of much of her prouision, and the ouerthrow of that Voyage, to the ruine of that poore Gentleman Captayne Smith, who was detayned Prisoner by them, and for­ced to suffer many extremities, before he got free of his troubles.

Notwithstanding these Disasters, it pleased God so to worke for our incouragement againe, as he sent into our hands Tasquantum, one of those Sauages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy Hunt before named, by whose means there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs, and his friends, they beeing the principall Inhabitants of that Coast, where the fire was kindled. But this Sauage Tasquantum, being at that time in the New-found-land with Captaine Mason, Gouernour there for the vndertakers of that Plantation: Master Darmer Cap. Mason Gouernor in New found land Plantation. 30 (who was there also, and sometimes before imployed as wee haue said by vs, together wi [...]h Captayne Iohn Smith) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good vse that might bee made of his Employment, with the readinesse of Captayne Mason, to further any of our Attempts that way, eyther with Boates or other prouision necessarie, and resoluing himselfe to goe from thence, aduised vs to send some to meete with him at our v­suall place of fishing; to ayde him in his indeuour, that they ioyning together, might bee a­ble to doe what he hoped would be very acceptable vnto all wel-wishers of that businesse. Vpon this newes, we dispatched the next season Cap. Rocraft, with a company for that purpose, in hope Cap. Rocraft. to haue met with Captaine Darmer; but the care and discretion of Cap. Mason was such, finding Captayne Darmers resolution to goe beyond his meanes, that he perswaded him first to go for 40 England, that prouiding himselfe there, as was requisite, hee might proceed in time expedient, which counsell he obserued (as fit it was) although our expectation of his ioyning with Captaine Rocraft was thereby disappointed. Yet so it happened, that Captaine Rocraft at his arriuall in those parts, met with a French Barke that lay in a Creeke a fishing, and trading, which hee seized on, and sent home the Master and Company in the same ship which hee went out in. French seized.

With this Barke and his owne Company, he meant to keepe the Coast that Winter quarter, being very well fitted both with Salt, and other necessaries for his turne: but as this was an Act of extremitie (the poore man being of our owne Religion) so succeeded it accordingly. For in a short time after, certaine of this Captaynes Company, conspired together to cut his throate, and to make themselues Masters of the whole spoyle, and so to seeke a new Fortune where they could best make it. This Conspiracie being discouered to the Captayne, he let it go on, till the Conspiracie. 50 time that it should haue beene put in execution, when hee caught them in their owne traine, and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to begin their Massacre.

But after hee had preuented the mischiefe, and seized vpon the Malefactois, hee tooke to his consideration what was best to bee done with them. And being loth by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserued, hee resolued to put them a shoare, thinking by their ha­zard, that it was possible they might discouer something, that might aduance the pub­like; and so giuing them some Armes for their defence, and some victuall for their su­stentation, Conspirators [...]ft Sawagua­tock Menehig­hon. vntill they knew better how to prouide for themselues, hee left them a place called Sawaguatock, where they remayned not long, but got from thence to Menehighon, an 60 Iland lying some three leagues in the Sea, and fifteene leagues from that place, where they remayned all that Winter, with bad lodging, and worse fare, yet came all safe home saue one sickely man, which dyed there, the rest returned with the Shippe wee sent for Rocrafts supply and prouision, to make a Fishing Voyage.

[Page 1830] After these fellowes were landed, the Captaine finding himselfe but weakely man'd, and his Ship to draw too much water to Coast those places, that by his instructions hee was assigned to discouer, hee resolued to goe for Virginia, where he had liued a long time before, and had (as hee conceiued) many friends, that would helpe him with some things that hee had occasion to vse. Arriuing there, he was not deceiued of his expectation; for Sir Samuel Argall being their Gouer­nour, and one that respected him much for his owne sake was the readier to helpe him, in regard of the good hee wished to the businesse wherein he was imployed.

But all this could not preuaile, for after that Sir Samuel Argall came from thence (his depar­ture, being more sudden then was expected) it fell out that the new Gouernour entred the Har­bour: and finding Rocraft ready to bee gone, sent to him to command him to come aboord to 10 speake with him, which hee readily obeyed, as soone as hee could fit his boat and men for that purpose. And so leauing his Barke with her great Anker at head, and taking with him the halfe of his company, he was forced to stay aboard the new Gouernors Ship that night. In the meane while a storme arising, our Barke wanting hands to doe their labour, droue a shoare, and there sunke. But yet the Gouernour and Captaine so laboured the next day, when they knew there­of, Barke sunke. as that they freed her againe, but that occasion forced our Captain to stay so long in the Coun­trey to fit himselfe a new, as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place; so as Rocraft was slaine, and the Barke sunke the second time, and finally disabled from Rocraft [...]aine. yeelding vs any benefit to this present.

But we not knowing this disaster, and Captain Darmer arriuing with his Sauage out of New­found Cap. Darmers voiage. 20 land, dispatched him away the next season, in a Ship wee sentagaine for the fishing busi­nesse, and assigned him a company to ioyne with Rocraft and his people. Captain Darmer arriuing there, and not finding Rocraft, was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to doe: yet hearing by those Mutiners which hee found there, that hee was gone for Virginia; he was hopefull of his re­turne; and liued in that expectation, till such time as he heard (by a Ship that came from thence to fish for the Colony) the confusion of his fortune, and the end of his masery in this world. Then hee determined to take the Pinnace, that the yeere before was assigned to Rocraft, for him to make the Trade with, and with her to proceed on his designe, and so embarked himselfe and his prouision and company in her. And leauing the Fisher-men to their labour, he coasted the shoare from thence, searching euery Harbour, and compassing euery Cape-land, till hee arriued in Uir­ginia; 30 where hee was in hope to meet with some of the prouision, or company of Rocraft, to help to supply him of what hee wanted; as also to lay a Decke vpon his Pinnace, that before had not Necessi ie of a Deck in Pin­naces of disco­uerie. any, and now was taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied.

But those hopes failed him (all being before that time ruined and dispersed) so farre, as he saw it in vaine to hope for helpe by that meanes, and therefore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne. And going to set his men a worke, they all in few dayes after their arriuall, fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that time in the Countrey, so as now he was not onely for­ced to be without hope of their helping of him, but must labour himselfe all hee could to attend and sustaine them; but so God fauoured him, that they recouered, and in time conuenient he dis­patched his businesse there, and put himselfe to Sea againe, resoluing to accomplish in his iour­ney 40 backe to New-England, what in his last Discouery he had omitted. In his passage he met with certaine Hollanders, who had a trade in Hudsons Riuer some yeeres before that time, with whom Hollanders in Hudsons Riuer. he had conference about the state of that coast, and their proceedings with those people: whose answere gaue him good content. Hee betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse, discoue­ring Darmers disco­ueries. many goodly Riuers, and exceeding pleasant and fruitfull Coasts and Ilands, for the space of eightie leagues from East to West, for so that Coast doth range along, from Hudsons Riuer to Cape Iames.

Now after wee had found by Captaine Rocrafts relation made the yeere before, the hopes hee conceiued of the benefits that Coast would afford, towards the vpholding of the charge for set­ling our Plantation, by reason of the commodities arising by Fishing and Furres, if a course might 50 bee taken for the managing of that businesse, as was fit for such a designe; as well as for the ad­uancement of the publike good of our whole Nation, and satisfaction of euery well disposed per­son that had a will to be interressed therein. It was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our New Patent thought on. selues by a new Grant to bee obtained from his Royal Maiesty: the rather, finding that those of Uirginia had by two seuerall Patents setled their bounds, and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their Company; and had wholly altered the forme of their Go­uernment, from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both Colonies, leauing vs as desperate, and our businesse as abandoned. These considerations (as is said) together with the necessitie of setling our affaires, bounds and limits, dictinct from theirs, made vs resolue to petiti­on his Maiestie for the renewing of our Grant. By which time the rumour of our hopes was so 60 publikely spread abroad, and the commodities of the Fish and Trade so looked into, as it was de­sired that all that Coast might bee made free, as well to those of Virginia, as to vs to make their commoditie: How iust or vniust that motion was, wee will not argue, seeing the businesse is en­ded. By this meanes our proceedings were interrupted, and wee questioned about it; first, by the [Page 1831] Counsell of Virginia, whom wee thought to haue beene fully satisfied therein, before wee could haue way giuen vs for a new Patent, both parties hauing beene heard by certaine of the Lords of the Councell; and the businesse by them so ordered, as wee were directed to proceed and to haue our Grant agreeable to the libertie of the Virginia Company, the frame of our gouernment ex­cepted; but this order not being liked of, it was againe heard and concluded. Lastly, the Patent being past the Seale, it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the King, and by his Maiesty referred to the Councel to be setled, by whom the former Orders were confirmed, the difference cleered, and we ordered to haue our Patent deliuered vs.

These disputes held vs almost two yeeres, so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs, and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more, than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to ad­uance our proceedings, in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home and abroad, that 10 wee were [...]aine to giue order by the Ships wee sent a fishing, for the retiring of Master Darmer and his people, vntill all things were cleered, and wee better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe: But this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue, and reso­lutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at, could not be perswaded to looke backe, as yet; and so refusing to accept our offer, began againe to prosecute his Discouery, wherein he was betrayed Dermer betrai­ed by Sauages. See sup. his owne letter to me. His death. by certaine new Sauages, who sodainly set vpon him, giuing him fourteene or fifteene wounds; but by his valour and dexteritie of spirit hee freed himselfe out of their hands, yet was constrai­ned to retire into Virginia againe the second time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed: so ended this worthy Gentleman his dayes, af­ter he had remained in the discouery of that Coast two yeeres, giuing vs good content in all hee 20 vndertooke; and after hee had made the peace betweene vs and the Sauages, that so much ab­horred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as you haue heard: but the fruit of his la­bour in that behalfe wee as yet receiue to our great commoditie, who haue a peaceable Plantation Peaceable Plantation by his meanes. at this present among them, where our people both prosper and liue in good liking, and assured­nesse of their neighbours, that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs, as will more at large appeare hereafter.

But hauing passed all these storms abroad, and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions, and Patentre­newed. freed our Patent, which wee were by order of State assigned to renew, for the amendment of some defects therein contained, wee were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before; and therefore wee tooke first to consideration, how to raise the meanes to aduance the 30 Plantation. In the examination thereof, two wayes did first offer themselues: The one was the voluntary contribution of the Patentees; The other, by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake only of the present profits arising by the Trade and Fishing vpon the Coast. The first was to proceed from those Noble-men, and others that were Patentees, and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a piece, for the aduance­ment of such necessary businesse as they had in hand. The second was to bee accomplished by set­ling such liberties and orders in the Westerne Cities and Townes, as might induce euery reaso­nable man, in, and about them, affecting the publike good, or a regular proceeding in the businesse of Trade, to embrace an vniformitie, and to ioyne a communitie or ioynt stock together, &c. 40

BVt this Countrey, what by the generall and particular situation is so temperate, as it seemeth to hold the golden meane, and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne, which is Temperate Climate. made manifest by experience, the most infallible proofe of all assertions; insomuch as our people that are setled, enioy their life and health much more happily then in other places; which can be imputed to no other cause, then to the temperature of the Climate. Now as the Clime is found to be so temperate, so delicate and healthfull, both by reason and experience; such is the soile al­so, Fertile Soile. some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase, both of Corne, the Natiues haue most vse of; as also of our owne, of all sorts: with infinite varietie of nourishing Rootes, and other Hearbs and Fruits common among them, but rare with vs. Besides, the Coast doth abound with most conue­nient Commodious Coast. Hauens and Harbors, full of singular Ilands fit for Plantation; replenished with Plants and 50 Wood of all sorts; as Oake, Cedars, Spruce, Fir, Pyne, Walnut, Chestnut, Elme, Sassafras, Plum­trees, and Calamus Aromaticus, &c.

The people are tractable (if they be not abused) to commerce and Trade withall, and as yet haue good respect of vs. The Seas are stored with all kindes of excellent Fish, and in many places vpon the Coast, fit to make Salt in. The Countrey aboundeth with diuersitie of wilde Fowle, as Fowle. Turkies, Partridges, Swans, Cranes, wild Geese of al sorts, wild Ducks of three sorts, many Doues, especially when Strawberries are ripe.

There are seuerall sorts of Deere in those parts, and some that bring forth two, three, and foure young at once, which is a manifest proofe of the fertilitie of the Soile, or temper of the Clime, or 60 both together. There is also a certaine Beast, that the Natiues call a Mosse, hee is as big bodied Deere. The Mosse a strange Beast described. as an Oxe, headed like a fallow Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mues euery yeere, as doth the Deere, and neck like a Red Deere, with a short Mane running downe along the Ranes of his back, his haire long like an El [...]e, but esteemed to be better then that for Sadlers vse, he hath like­wise [Page 1832] a great bunch hanging downe vnder his throat, and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fal­low Deere, his legs are long, and his feet as big as the feet of our Oxen, his taile is longer then the Single of a Deere, and reacheth almost downe to his Huxens, his skinne maketh very good Buffe, and his flesh is excellent good food, which the Natiues vse to Ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne, and so proues very seruiceable for their vse. There haue beene many of them seene in a great Iland vpon the Coast, called by our people Mount Mansell, whither the Sauages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them; the manner whereof is by making of seuerall fires, and set­ting Mount Mansell the Countrey with people, to force them into the Sea, to which they are naturally addicted, and then there are others that attend them in their Boates with Bowes and weapons of seuerall How they take the Mosse or Musse. kindes, wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure. And there is hope that this kind of 10 Beasts may be made seruiceable for ordinary labour, with Art and Industry.

The knowne Commodities of that Countrey are Fish of seuerall sorts, rich Furres, as Beauers, Otters, Martins, blacke Fox, Sables, &c. There are likewise plentie of Vines, of three kinds, and Commodities. those pleasant to the taste, yet some better then other. There is Hempe, Flax, Silkgrasse, seue­rall veines of Ironstone, commodities to make Pitch, Rosen, Tarre; Deale-boords of all sorts, Spars, Masts, for Ships of all burdens; in a word, there comes no commoditie out of France, Germany, or the Sound, but may be had there with reasonable labour and industry.

Further, wee haue setled at this present seuerall Plantations along the Coast, and haue granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie. Those of our Seuerall Plan­tations along the Coast. people that are there haue both health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there is no want of 20 any thing, but of industrious people, to reape the commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed so much affected to the place, as they are loth to bee drawne from thence, although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose rather to per­forme that office by Letters, together with there excuse for breach of their duty in that behalfe. And thus you see there is no labour well imployed, but hath his reward at one time or other. These incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed to the ingaging of our selues for the buil­ding of some Ships of good burden, and extraordinary mould, to lie vpon the Coast for the de­fence of Merchants and Fishermen that are imployed there, as also to Waft the Fleets, as they goe to and from their Markets: and wee purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there, where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice, together with the most opportune places that can 30 bee desired.

Lastly, finding that we haue so far forth preuailed, as to wind our selues into familiaritie with the Natiues (which are in no great number) along the Coast, for two hundred Leagues together, wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose, to dyue into the bowels of the Continent, there to search and finde out what Port, or Place, is most conuenient to settle our mayne Plantation in, where wee meane to make the Residencie of our State and Go­uernment, as also to bee assured what other commodities may bee raysed for the publike, and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse, and willing to bee interessed in any the Lands there: Whither is gone this yeere already, for Trade and Fishing onely, thirite Saile of the better sort of Ships belonging to the Westerne parts, besides those who are gone for trans­portation Thirtie saile 1622. 40 of the Planters, or supply of such as are already planted, whose returne (as is suppo­sed) will amount (at the least) to thirty thousand pound, the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion. And therefore as touching the third happinesse of these parts, which is the Sea, there needeth no other greater commendation, then this benefit of Fishing assured vnto vs by common Experience; although it affords many other hopes, both in regard of the facilitie of the Nauigati­on, the boldnesse of the Coast, the conueniencie of Roades, Hauens and Harbors, for performance of all manner of imployments; yet is there also found Showes of Pearle, Ambergreece, great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable meanes to raise profit to the industrious Inhabitants or diligent Traders.

CHAP. II. 50

The Voyage of M. HENRY CHALLONS intended for the North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way, and ill vsed by Spaniards: written by IOHN STONEMAN Pilot.

ON Tuesday the twelfth of August, 1606. M. Henry Challons Gentleman set forth from Plimouth, in our small Ship of the burthen of fiftie fiue Tunnes or there­about, 60 called the Richard of Plimouth. Wherein went twentie nine Englishmen, and two of the fiue Sauages (whose names were Mannido and Assacomo [...]) which were brought into England the yeere before out of the North parts of Uirginia, from our goodly Riuer by him thriee discouered, called in the Latitude [Page 1829] of 43. derees, 20. minutes were imployed for a farther discouery of these Coasts: And if any good occasion were offered, to leaue as many men as wee could spare in the Country. Being victualled for eleuen or twelue moneths, at the charges of the Honourable Sir Iohn Popham Knight, Lord chiefe Iustice of England, Sir Fardinando Gorges Knight, Captaine of the Fort of Plimouth, toge­ther with diuers other worshipfull Knights, Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Countrye: Iohn Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot, who had beene in the foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before, with George Waymouth: The Masters name was Nicholas Hine of Cockington, neere Dartmouth;

The last day of August wee fell with the Ile of Madera, where we watered and refreshed our Madera. selues, and stayed three dayes, being very kindly vsed by the Inhabitants. The third day of Sep­tember wee departed from thence, passing betweene Gomora and Palma, two of the Canary Iles, 10 and from thence were driuen by contrary winds, to take a more Southerly course then we inten­ded, and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could recouer any of the Ant-Iles. The first that wee could recouer, was the Ile of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14. degrees, 20. minutes, Saint Lucia. where we refreshed our selues with Wood and Water. And saw certaine of the Sauages there, a­bout fortie or fiftie, came vnto vs at our Ship in one of their Cannoas, bringing vnto vs Tobacco, Potatos, Plantins, and Cassaui Bread, the which Sauages had slaine more then fortie of our Nati­on, Fortie English slaine by Saua­ges, 1605. See the storie, sup. pag. 1255. the yeere before 1605. as after wee vnderstood by Philip Glasco, and Miles Pett, being two of Captaine Nicholas, Saint Iohns company, which was there treacherously slaine a­mong the rest.

Hauing stayed heare three dayes, about the two and twentieth of October we departed thence 20 to the Northward. And in passing by the Ile of Dominica, wee chanced to see a white Flag put Dominica. forth on the shoare, whereat maruelling, wee supposed that some Christians had sustained ship­wrack their. And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the shoare towards vs, which when they came neere, being very little wind, we layed our Ship by the lee and stayed for them a little, and when they were come within a little distance of the Ship, wee perceiued in the Cannoa a Friar, who cried aloud in the Latine tongue, saying, I beseech, as you are Christians, for Christ his Friar Blascus his request. sake to shew some mercy and compassion on mee, I am a Preacher of the Word of God, a Friar of the Order of Franciscus in Siuill, by name Friar Blasius. And that hee had beene there sixteene moneths a Slaue vnto those Sauages; and that other two Friars which were of his company they had murthered and throwne into the Sea. We demanded of him then, how he got so much fauour 30 to preserue his life, his Brethren being murthered: Hee answered, because hee did shew the Saua­ges how to fit them Sayles for their Cannoas, and so to ease them of much labour often in rowing, which greatly pleased the Sauages as appeared, for wee saw them to vse sayles in their Cannoas, which hath not beene seene before.

Then we demanded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make those Sayles: hee an­swered, That about two yeeres before that, three Gallions comming to the West Indies were cast Three gallions lost at Guada­lupa. away on the Ile of Gwadalopa, where abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchandise was cast on shoare. We demanded farther, what was the cause of his being in this place, and how he came thither: he answered, That the King of Spaine did euery yeere, send out of euery great Monastery 40 certaine Friars into the remote parts of the Indies, both to seeke to conuert the Sauages, as also to seeke out what benefits or commodities might be had in those parts, and also of what force the Causes of yeer­ly sending of Friars out of Spaine. Sauages were of, and what number of them were in the seuen Ant-Iles, viz. Saint Vincent Grana­do, Saint Lucia, Mattalina, Dominica, Gwadalopa, Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had diligently noted and obserued, and did hope to make perfect relation of such great bene­fits and riches as was to be drawne from thence, as he doubted not but would bee greatly accep­ted of his King, if hee might liue to returne to declare it: For, said hee, I haue seene in one Riuer discending from the Mountaines in the Ile of Dominica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Cop­per, whereupon I tooke some of it, and chewed it betweene my teeth, and found it perfect Met­tall, Gold in Domi­nica. the Sauages noting me, began to haue some iealousie of me, so as I durst not take any farther notice of it, neither would they suffer him forward to come neere to that place. And farther hee said, That if the great plentie of diuers Fruits and Roots fit for mans sustenance were perfectly 50 knowne, together with the Sugar-canes that they haue in those Iles, and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very shortly inhabited; and as for the number of Sauages there, as neere as we could vnderstand, was scarce one thousand of all sorts of men, women, and children in all the said seuen Iles.

Now, being moued with pittie at the lamentable complaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, wee tooke him into our Ship, and sent away the Sauages much discontented. And from thence wee sayled to the Ile of Saint Iohn De-port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth of Octo­ber, They land [...] Friar on Port Rico. wee arriued on the Southside, and forthwith sent the Friar on shoare, and deliuered him to 60 two Heardsmen, which most thankfully receiued him, and of their courtesie brought vs a fat Cow, and proferred vs more with Hogs, Calues, or any thing else that they could procure vs in recom­pence of the good deed done to the Friar.

Wee departed from thence, and sayled out betweene the Iles of Saint Iohn De-portrico, and [Page 1834] Hispaniola standing away to the Northward. And leauing the great shoalds called Abrioio, on our Larboord side, being in the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence Westward, our course North North-west, and North-west and by North, vntill wee were in the Latitude of 27. de­grees or better, and about one hundred and eightie leagues from Saint Iohn de Port Rico.

In this place hauing had a very great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe houres and more before on the tenth day of Nouember, about ten of the clocke in the morning, sudden­ly we found our selues in the middest of a Fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke fogge of They by vn­happy hap fall amongst Spa­nish ships. mist and raine, so as we could not see them before they were very neere, and within shot of them, wherein three of them were on the wind-ward of vs, on a third and fourth more to lee-ward: those at the wind-ward came to me vnto vs, and shot at vs, requiring vs to speake with their 10 Admirall. When we saw that by no meanes we could auoid them, but that they would speake with vs, we put abroad our Colours, and went toward the Admirall, before wee came vnto him, he likewise strooke downe our Sayle, and came vnder his lee, demanding his pleasure: the other ship which first shot vs, all our Sayles being downe, and shot our mayne Sayle in pieces lying on the Decke.

And forthwith the Admirall came on boord of vs, with two and twentie men in their They are bor­ded, taken and abused. ships Boate with Rapiers, Swords, and halfe-pikes. We being all in peace stood readie to enter­tayne them in peace. But assoone as they were entred on boord of vs, they did most cruelly beate vs all, and wounded two of our Company in the heads with their Swords, not sparing our 20 Captayne nor any. Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Sauages aforesaid, most cruelly in seuerall places in the bodie, and thrust quite through the arme, the poore creature creeping vnder a Cabbin for feare of their rigour: and as they thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King Iames, King Iames, King Iames his ship, King Iames his ship. Thus hauing beaten vs all downe vnder the Deckes, presently they beat vs vp againe, and thrust vs ouer-boord into their Boate, and so sent vs on boord of the Admirall ship. Neither would they suffer any of vs to speake a King Iames his name little respected by Spaniards. word, to shew the cause of our passing the Seas in these parts. Neyther regarded they any thing, our Commission which the Captayne held forth vnto them in his hand: vntill that the Admirall with the Company of foure other of the ships, had rifled, spoyled, and deliuered all the Merchan­dize and goods of the ship among them: which beeing done, they also diuided vs beeing thirtie 30 persons in all into the said fiue ships, by seuen, six, fiue, and foure to a ship.

Three of the former eight Sayle made Sayle away, and neuer came neere vs, neither were par­takers of our spoyle. Then they also repayred our Maine Sayle which was torne with the shot a­foresaid, and put their men into her. And after because they could not make her to sayle well, they tooke two of our men, and put into her to helpe them, the other fiue ships and our ship kept company two or three dayes together. After this they separated themselues either from other, not through any tempest or storme, but through wilfull negligence or simple Ignorance, by sha­ping contrary courses the one from the other. So as not two of them kept company together. My selfe and sixe more of our company in the Vice-Admirall (of the burthen of one hundred and eightie tunnes; called the Peter of Siuill, the Captaynes name was Andreas Barbear) beeing a­lone, 40 and hauing lost the company of the Fleet, continued our course vntill the middle of De­cember: at which time being about twentie leagues off from the Ile of Santa Maria, one of the Iles of the Azores, the Vice-Admiral and the whole company disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he had told them ten dayes before that he was very neere the Ilands, and had wai­ted all this time, and could find any of them, entreated me very earnestly to shew my skill. And the Pilot himselfe brought mee his Instruments, and be sought mee most earnestly to assist him, and to appease the company. Whereunto by there much importunitie I yeelded. And by Gods assistance on Christmasse Eeue, after our English account, I brought them safe to the Barre of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole Fleet that arriued there.

One of the ships of this Fleet, by the great Ignorance of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Ma­riners 50 was driuen beyond all the Coast of Spaine, into Burdeaux in Gascayne, In which shippe the Officers of the Admiraltie of France, finding foure of our Englishmen prisoners vnder French cour­tesie. the Deckes in hold; to wit, Master Daniell Tucker, who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and two others, did very friendly set them at libertie; and the said Daniel Tucker presently arrested the Spanish ship and goods beeing of great value, which of long time remay­neth vnder arrest.

The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arriuall of certaine English prisoners taken here, the Coast of the West Indies, sent command to the Captaynes of the Spanish ships, to bring foure of the chiefest to be brought before him. Whereupon my selfe, Master Thomas Saint Iohn, Iohn Wal­rond our Steward, and William Stone our Carpenter were brought before him. The ship wherein 60 Master Challous was, was not yet come.

Master Dauid Neuill an Englishman dwelling in Saint Lucas, was appointed our Interpretor. And then the Duke required me vpon my oath to yeeld a true and faithfull answere, according to the whole state and manner of our Voyage and proceedings, which I did, according to the for­mer Relation afore written, wherevpon his Excellencie replyed vnto the Spanish Captaynes [Page 1835] which had brought vs, saying, it this bee true which this Englishman affirmeth, you haue greatly wronged these men. And so commanded them to prouide meate, drinke, and fit lodging for vs, and to bring vs againe the next day before him. They sent vs neuerthelesse to Siuill, where wee were brought to a Dutchmans house, called Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and entertayned that night.

The next morning being New yeeres day we were brought before the President of Siuill, at Their impri­sonment. the Contractation, who hearing of our comming, and not vouchsafing to speake with vs, sent foure O [...]ers to vs, and cast vs into Prison. Where for the space of fiue dayes wee had publike allowance, but such as poore men which were there Prisoners, also did of their mereie bestow on vs. At length after many humble Sutes, and earnest Petitions exhibited to the President, we had a Riall of Plate allowed to each man a day, which is sixe pence English, wh [...]ch by reason of the 10 dearth of all sorts of victuall in those parts, will not goe so far as three pence in England.

And so at seuerall times, within one moneth after eleuen more of our Company were com­mi [...] to Prison, as they came home, whereof our Captaine was one. Notwithstanding that the good Duke of Medina had discharged both him and all those of his Company, which came in­to Spaine with him, and willed him to goe home to the Court of England, or to the Court of Spaine where he thought to haue best reliefe for his poore imprisoned Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master, and two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like to bee the Issue, made haste away out of the Citie, and so got passage and escaped into England.

Before the comming of our Captaine to Siuill, my selfe and eleuen more of my Company were examined before the President of the Contractation: who finding no iust cause of offence in vs, 20 did often earnestly examine me of the manner and situation of the Countrie of Virginia, toge­ther with the Commodities and benefit thereof. And after the comming of our Captaine, they likewise examined him to the same purpose. We answered both to one purpose, according to our Commission in writing, which the Spaniards at our taking at Sea, had preserued and deliuered vp vnto the hands of the President. Within few dayes after, they gaue our Captaine and Master Thomas, Saint Iohn, libertie of mayne Prison, vpon the securitie of two English Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and Master Iohn Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling and maried in Siuill. The rest of the Company being one and twentie in Prison, continued still in miserable estate. And about two moneths after, Robert Cooke of London one of our Company fell sick of a Hard hearted Spaniard. Fluxe, whereof he languished three moneths and more, and by no meanes that wee could make, 30 could get him forth to bee cured, although wee spent more then sixtie Rials in Supplicaues and Sutes to get him out. At length being dead, they caused his bodie to bee drawne vp and downe the Prison by the heeles, naked, in most contemptible manner, crying, Behold the Lutheran, as fiue others of our Company beeing then in Prison beheld: and so laid him vnder the Conduit, and Cruell im [...] ­nitie. powred water into his dead bodie. This done, they cut off his Eares, Nose and Members, as the Spaniards themselues confessed vnto vs, and so conueyed his bodie wee could neuer learne whe­ther, although we proffered them money to haue his dead corps to burie it.

Shortly after Nathaniel Humfrie our Boatswaine was stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which was a slaue in the Prison, and fourteene dayes after dyed, who beeing dead I 40 went vnto the Keeper of the Prison, desiring to buy his dead bodie to burie it, and so for twenty Rials I bought his bodie, and buried it in the field. Then we be sought the President for Iustice on this slaue which had slaine our Boatswaine: he demanded what we would haue of the slaue. And we requested, that as he had slaine an honest and worthy man of ours cause lesse, that hee might die for it according to the Law. The President answered no, but if we would haue him condem­ned for two or three yeares more to the Gallies he should. For said hee, The King of Spaine will Spanish Presi­dents respect to the English. not giue the life of the worst Slaue that he hath, for the best Subiect the King of England hath, and so sent vs away with this answere. Whereupon being out of all hope of Iustice with the President, we repaired vnto the Regent being an Ecclesiasticall man, one of the chiefest Iudges of the Ci­tie, Honest Spa­niards. desiring likwise Iustice on the Murtherer aforesaid: who in kind tearmes promised vs Iustice, and so willed vs to retaine counsell and Atturnies to prosecute our Sute; which wee did accor­dingly, 50 and so after two moneths Sute, and the cost of more then two hundred Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length we had him hanged by the fauour of the Regent, which o­therwise we had neuer obtained.

And now I may not omit to shew how I got the libertie to haue the scope of the Citie for my Race to come, and go. Hauing beene three moneths in close Prison with our poore company as aforesaid. At length I got the fauour of two Englishmen inhabiting in Siuill named Constantine Collins, and Henry Roberts who did ingage themselues for me. The Spaniards were very desirous to haue me to serue their State, and proffered me great wages, which I refused to doe, affirming, that this imployment which I had in hand, was not yet ended vntill which time I would not de­termine 60 any.

Then the Alcadie maior of the Contractation House and diuers others Merchants perswaded me to make them some descriptions and Maps of the Coast and parts of Virginia, which I also refused to doe. They being discontent with me, sent mee againe to Prison, where I continued [Page 1836] two and twentie dayes, and then I making meanes vnto my good friends borrowed money, and so gaue diuers bribes vnto the keepers of the Prison, whereupon they gaue mee libertie to goe a­broad againe into the Citie at my pleasure. And wayting euery day for some order from the Court of Spaine of our discharge, there came none but delayes and prolonging of our troubles and mise­ries. So as we began almost to despaire of libertie.

At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Siuill, named Hanse Eloyse, sent vnto mee to speake with me, which when I came vnto him, signified vnto me what he had learned of one of the Iudges of the Contractation: who told him as he reported vnto me, that the Spaniards had a great hate vnto me aboue all others, because they vnderstood that I had beene a former Disco­uerer in Virginia, at the bringing into England of those Sauages; and that they thought it was 10 by my instigation to perswade our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had receiued so small knowledge of those parts by my confession: and that they could not perswade mee to serue that State, neither would make them any note draught, or descriptions of the Countrie. They resolued to bring to the Racke and torment me, whereby to draw some further knowledge by confession from me, before any discharge might come for vs. The which this honest Merchant considering, and the Innocencie of our case, gaue me to vnderstand. And wished mee rather to flie and preserue my selfe, then to stand to their mercie on the Racke. I hearing this the next morning, being the three and twentieth of October, suddenly fled from Siuill, and with me Ma­ster Thomas Saint Iohn aforesaid, and one other of our Company named Iames Stoneman my Bro­ther, whom through great cost and charges bestowed on the Keepers of the Prison a little before 20 I had got forth to bee cured of a Callenture. Thus wee fled from Siuill, leauing Master Henry Challons our Captaine at libertie vpon sureties, and sixteene more of our Company in close Prison.

From thence on the fiue and twentieth of October, wee came to a Mount in the C [...]ndado, where finding no passage by any shipping into England, France or Flanders. Wee trauelled through Algaruie, to the Port of Setunall, and finding no passage there, wee trauelled to Lasbone in Portugall. Where wee arriued the one and thirtieth of October, and there found ships readie bound to goe to England, but the wind was contrary for fourteene dayes.

At the time of our abode at Lisbone, wee vnderstood that three Carrickes were come from the East Indies: whereof one was arriued safely at Lisbone tenne dayes before our comming thi­ther. Another was driuen to leeward, and put in Veego, as wee heard. The third Carracke 30 beeing at the Ile of Tercera, was so leake that they could not bring her home into Portugall, but vnloaded her into three of the King of Spaines great Armadoes, to bring the goods more safely to Lisbone. Which Ships at there comming before the mouth of the Riuer of Lisbone in the night within three dayes after my comming thither, were all cast away on certaine shoaldes there called Oscac [...]opos, or as wee commonly call them the Catchops, where of nine Three ships cast away. hundred men, as the Portugalls reported, but only thirtie seuen were saued, and of the goods very little at all: because the said ships being cast away on the ebbe. The goods were driuen off into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were drowned, I my selfe saw [...]ast on the shore with the sundry wrackes of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards, with other wracke of Caske, Chists, and such like in great abundance.

The fourteenth day of Nouember the winde being faire, wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a 40 small Barke belonging to Bid [...]ford, called the Marget, and on the foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth, where I shewed vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diuers others the Aduenturers, the whole Discourse of our vnhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had, and did indure vnder the Spani­ards hands. And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England, where I was assured to my great comfort; that they either were alreadie, or very shortly should bee deliuered.

Before my departure from Siuill, I should haue remembred, that about Whitsontide last Cap. Iohn Le­gat of Plim­mouth. Mutine. Cap. Legat slaine by his mutinous crew, which knew not when they had done to bring home their ship, and so stumbled on Spanish iusti­cers. I haue heard him much com­mended for a proper and ex­pert Sea-man. there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there, two young men brought out of 50 the West Indies, in one of the Kings Gallions, which were of Captaine Iohn Legats company of Plimmouth, which departed out of England, about the latter end of Iuly 1606. bound for the Riuer of Amazons, as hee told me before his going forth, where hee had beene two yeeres before. And comming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere Plimmouth) reported vnto mee whether falling to the leeward of the Riuer of Amazons, or deceiued by his Master they knew not. And not being able to recouer the said Riuer, were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies, in which time there fell a great disorder betweene the said Captaine Legat and his company, so as one of his company, in a broyle within themselues aboard there ship, slue the said Captaine Legat, whether in his owne priuate quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the Company, they could not tell mee. 60 But this is the more to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages dealt very straitly with his company. After his death his company comming to the Ile of Pinos, on the Southside of Cuba, to refresh themselues, being eighteene persons were circumuented by the trecherie of the Spaniards, and were there betrayed, and taken Prisoners: and within foure dayes after, of [Page 1837] eighteene persons, fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were saued to serue the Spaniards, whereof, two of them, refusing to serue longer in there ships, were put into the Pri­son at Siuill, the other two remayne still as slaues to the Spaniards.

This I had the rather noted to the end, that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men haue gone out of England, since the conclusion of peace betweene England and Spaine, in the way of honest Trade and Traffique, and how many of them haue miserably miscar­ried. Hauing beene slaine, drowned, hanged or pittifully captiued, and thrust out of their ships and all their goods.

REader, I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas Hanham, (written by himselfe) vnto Saga­dahoc: also the written Iournals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in 10 that vnseasonable Winter (fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation) of Iames Dauies, Iohn Eliot, &c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomackes: for which cause I haue omitted them, euen after I had with great labour f [...]ted them to the Presse: as I haue also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen, and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie (one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham) and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diuers Letters from Cap. Popham and others. You must obserue, that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia, and the Northerne Plantation or Colonie. But Captaine Smith (a man which hath so many Irons in our fire) presented a Booke of the Countrie to Prince Charles his Highnesse, with a Map of the Countrey, who stiled it (as our hopes are, he will one day make it) New England, and altered the Sauage names 20 of places to English. Hee made one Voyage thither, Anno 1614. and the next yeere beganne another, which taken by Frenchmen, he was not able to make vp: but in testimonie of his loue to his Countrey here, and of his hopes there hath written diuers Bookes, One called A Description of New Eng­land (in which his said Uoyages are described, with the description of the Countrey and many Argu­ments to incite men to that vndertaking; which I had also prepared for the Presse, but for the former feares haue omitted) the other called New Englands Trials twice or thrice printed, out of which I haue added thus much, that the World may see the benefit to bee made by fishing, and may also be bet­ter acquainted with the successe and succession of New Englands Affaires.

CHAP. III. 30

Extracts of a Booke of Captaine IOHN SMITH, printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls, and continuing the Storie thereof, with Motiues to the businesse of fishing there.

The benefit of fishing, as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie. 40

HE saith that it is more then foure and fortie yeeres agoe, and it is more then fortie yeeres since he writ it, that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries, vnder the King of Spaine, were siue hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred Sayle of Flemmings.

The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by three hundred Sayle of strangers. Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred Sayle of Spaniards, where King Edward the Sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle, because of the Strait, to haue Tri­bute for fishing.

Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure hundred Sayle of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. 50

Master Gentleman, and many Fisher-men and Fish-mongers, with whom I haue conferred, report, The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, 3000000. pounds.

English and French by Salt-fish, Poore Iohn, Salmons, and Pilchards, 300000. pounds.

Hamborough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, 100000. pounds.

Cape Blacke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, 30000. pounds.

But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say, though it may seeme incredible, That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny, Mullit and Purgos, more then 10000. pounds.

Lubeck hath seuen hundred Ships: Hamborough six hundred: Embden lately a Fisher Towne, 60 one thousand foure hundred, whose Customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so power­full as they bee.

Holland and Zealand, not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirtie walled Townes, foure [Page 1838] hundred Villages, 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes; thirtie sixe thousand are Fisher-men, where­of one hundred are Doggers, seuen hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates, seuen hundred Frand Boates, Britters and Tode-boats, with one thousand three hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yeerely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their Fish for Gold; and fifteene yeeres ago they had more then 116000. Sea-faring men.

The fishing shippes doe take yeerely two hundred thousand Last of fish, twelue barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000. pounds by the Fishermens price, that fourteene yeeres agoe did pay for their Tenths 300000. pound; which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmarke, Lef­land, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else-where, &c. make their returnes in a yeere about 7000000. pounds; and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to build ships, 10 nor Merchandize to set them forth; yet by their industrie they as much increase, as other Na­tions decay. But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine:

That the Coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland and the Sound, New-found-land, and Cape Blanke, doe serue all Europe, as well the Land Townes as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Cauiare, Buttargo.

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may be had in a Land more fer­tile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, Boates, and houses, and the nourishment of man; the Seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations, we 20 may there make, that New England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe far cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither Wood, Salt, nor Food, but at great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carrie in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.

But New Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of Wood, Water, Fruites, Fowles, Corne, or other refreshings needfull; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Pro­uance, Sauoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as conuenient Markets for our dry fish, greene fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Litt [...]ania, or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tarre, Sope-ashes, Cordage, Flaxe, Waxe, and such like Commodities: we, Wines, Oyles, Sugars, Silkes, and such 30 Merchandize as the Straits affoord, whereby our profit may equalize theirs; besides the increase of shipping and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:

With two ships sent out at the charge of Captaine Marmaduke Roydon, Captaine George La [...] ­gam, Proofe 1. 1614. Master Iohn Buley and W. Skelton, I went from the Downes the third of March, and arriued in New England the last of April, where I was to haue stayed but with ten men to keepe posses­sion of those large Territories, Had the Whales proued, as curious information had assured mee and my Aduentures, (but those things failed.) So hauing but fortie fiue men and boyes, we built seuen Boates, thirtie seuen did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the Coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the Inhabitants; 1100. Beuer skinnes, a hundred Martines, and as many Otters. Fortie thousand of dry fish wee sent for Spaine, with the Salt-fish, 40 traine Oyle and Furres, I returned for England the eighteenth of Iuly, and arriued safe with my Company the latter end of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my Voyage out and home; and by the labour of fiue and fortie, got neere the value of fifteene hundred pounds in those grosse Commodities. This yeere also one went from Plimmouth, set out by diuers of the Ile of Wight, and the West Countrie, by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with nothing.

The Virginia Company vpon this sent foure good ships; and because I would not vndertake it for them, hauing ingaged my selfe to them of the West, the Londoners entertained the men that Proofe 2. 1615. came home with me. They set sayle in Ianuary, and arriued there in March; they found fish e­nough vntill halfe Iune, fraughted a ship of three hundred tunnes, went for Spaine, which was 50 taken by the Turkes; one went to Uirginia to relieue that Colonie, and two came for England with the greene fish, traine Oyle and Furres within six moneths.

In Ianuary with two hundred pounds in cash for aduenture, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the foure Ships was promised, prepared for mee in the West Countrey, but Proofe 3. 1615. I found no such matter; notwithstanding at the last, with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimoth, with a Ship of two hundred Tunnes, and one of fiftie: when the fishing was done onely with fifteene I was to stay in the Countrey; but ill weather breaking all my Masts, I was forced to returne to Plimoth, where rather then lose all, reimbarking my selfe in a Barke of sixtie Tuns, how I escaped the English Pyrats and the French, and was betrayed by foure Frenchmen of War, I refer you to the description of New England: but my Vice-Admirall, notwithstanding the late­nesse 60 of the yeere, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners in Ianuary, shee arriued in May, they in March, yet came home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within fiue mo­neths, odde dayes.

The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all their losse by the Turkes, which was valued a­bout Proofe 4. 1616. [Page 1839] foure thousand pounds sent two more in Iuly; but such courses they tooke hy the Canaries to the West Indies, it was ten moneths ere they arriued in New England, wasting in that time their seasons, victuall, and health, yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues, and the one returned, neere fraught with Fish and Traine, within two moneths after.

From Plimoth went foure Ships, onely to Fish and Trade, some in February, some in March, Proofe 5. 1616. one of two hundred Tuns got thither in a moneth, and went full fraught for Spaine, the rest retur­ned to Plimoth well fraught, and their men well, within fiue moneths, odde dayes.

From London went two more, one of two hundred Tuns, got thither in sixe weekes, and Proofe 6. 1616. within sixe weekes after, with fortie foure men and boyes was full fraught, and returned againe into England within fiue moneths and a few dayes; the other went to the Canaries with dry fish, which they sold at a great rate, for Rials of eight, and as I heard turned Pyrats. 10

I being at Plimoth prouided with three good Ships, yet but fifteene men to stay with me in the Proofe 7. 1617. Countrey, was Wind-bound three moneths, as was many a hundred saile more, so that the sea­son being past, the Ships went for New-found-land, whereby my designe was frustrate, which was to me and my friends no small losse, in regard whereof here the Westerne Commissioners, in the behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Company, contracted with me by Articles inden­ted vnder our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters Patents so to be nominated, halfe the fruites of our endeuours theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged; now the businesse doth prosper, some of them would willingly forget mee; but I am not the first they haue deceiued. 20

There was foure good Ships prepared at Plimoth, but by reason of their disagreement, the sea­son Proofe 8. 1618. so wasted, as onely two went forward, the one being of two hundred Tunnes, returned well fraught for Plimoth, and her men in health, within fiue moneths; the other of eightie Tuns, went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good returne. In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant Souldier, that had beene with mee in Virginia, and seuen yeeres after went with mee from Plimoth towardes New England, with Thomas Darmer, an vnderstanding and [...]n industrious Gentleman to inhabite it; all whose names, with our proceedings, you may read at large in my description of New England, vpon triall before the Iudge of the Admiraltie, how when wee had past the worst, for pure cowardise the Master and Sailer ran away with the Ship and all I had, and left mee alone among eight or nine Frenchmen of War, in the yeere 1615. This Stallings went 30 now againe in those Ships, and hauing some wrong offered him in New England by a Frenchman, he tooke him, and as he writ to mee, he went with her to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare; hee knew both these Countries well, yet hee pro­mised mee the next Spring to meete mee in New England; but the Ship and he perished in Uirginia.

This yeere againe, diuers Ships intending to goe from Plimoth, so disagreed, as there went but Proofe 9. 1619. one of two hundred Tunnes, who stayed in the Countrey about six weekes, with thirtie eight men and boyes, had her fraught, which shee sold at the first peny, for two thousand one hundred pounds, besides the Furs: so that euery poore Sayler, that had but a single share, had his charges, and sixteene pound ten shillings, for his seuen moneths worke. M. Thomas Darmer, hauing liued 40 about a yeere in New-found-land, returning to Plimoth, went for New England in this Ship, and not onely confirmes what I haue writ, but so much more approued of it, that he stayed there with fiue or six men in a little Boat; finding two or three Frenchmen among the Sauages, who had lost their Ship, augmented his company, with whom hee ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcommed and well refreshed; thence returned to New England againe, where ha­uing beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Uirginia, he was so wounded by the Sauages, hee dyed vpon it, them escaped were relieued at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great aduentures and vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserue them, with so small meanes to doe so much, leauing the fruites of their labours, to bee an encouragement to those our poore vndertakings; and this for aduantage as they writ vnto mee, that God had laid 50 this Countrey open for vs, and slaine the most part of the Inhabitants by cruell Wars and a mor­tall disease; for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred people, there is scarce ten to bee found. From Pembrocks Bay, to Harrintons Bay, there is not twentie; from thence to Cape Anne, some thirtie; from Taulbuts Bay to the Riuer Charles, about fortie, and not any of them touched with any sicknesse, but one poore Frenchman that dyed.

For to make triall this yeere, there is gone sixe or seuen sayle from the West Countrey, onely Proofe 10. 1620 to fish, three of whom are returned, and as I was certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that euery Sayler for a single share had twentie pounds for his seuen moneths worke, which is more then in twentie months hee should haue gotten, had he gone for wages any where. Now, though all the former Ships haue not made such good voyages, as they expected, by sending opinionated 60 vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke, nor take that there was; which now patience and practise hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection: in de­spite of all detractors and calumniations, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor mee.

[Page 1840] VPon these inducements, some few well disposed Gentlemen and Merchants of London and A Plantation in New Eng­land. Proofe 11. 1620 other places prouided two Ships, the one of one hundred and sixtie Tuns, the other of seuen­tie; they left the Coast of England the three and twentieth of August, with about one hundred and twentie persons, but the next day the lesser Ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimouth, where discharging her and twentie Passengers, with the great Ship, and a hundred persons besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixth of September, and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape Iames; but being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwholsome Ship, lying wet in their Cabbins, most of them grew very weake and weary of the Sea, then for want of experi­ence ranging to and againe sixe weekes before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture in the extremitie of Winter, fortie of them dyed, 10 and sixtie were left in very weake estate at the Ships comming away, about the fifth of April fol­lowing, and arriued in England the sixth of May.

Immediately after her arriuall from London, they sent another of fiftie fiue Tuns to supply Proofe 12. 1620 them, with thirtie seuen persons, they set saile in the beginning of Iuly, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimouth, and arriued at New Pli­mouth in New England the eleuenth of Nouember, where they found all the people they left in April, as is said, lusty and in good health, except six that dyed. Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded with Clapboord, Wainscot, and Walnut, with about three Hogsheads of Beauer skins, and some Saxefras, the thirteenth of December, and drawing neere our Coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera Gouernour of Ile Deu, on the Coast of 20 Poytou, where they kept the Ship, imprisoned the Master and Companie, tooke from them to the value of about fiue hundred pounds; and after fourteene dayes sent them home with a poore sup­ply of Victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants; they arriued at London the fourteenth of Februarie, leauing all them they found and carried to New England, well and in health, with victuall and Corne sufficient till the next Haruest.

The Copie of a Letter sent by this Ship.

LOuing Cousin, at our arriuall at New Plimoth in New England, wee found all our Friends and A Letter from New Plimoth. 30 Planters in good health, though they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes, the Indians round about vs peaceable and friendly, the Countrey very pleasant and temperate, yeelding naturally of it selfe great store of fruits, as Uines of diuers sorts in great abundance; there is likewise Walnuts, Ches­nuts, Small-nuts and Plums, with much varietie of Flowers, Roots, and Hearbs, no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place hath more Goose-berries, and Straw-berries, nor better; Timber of all sorts you haue in England, doth couer the Land, that affords Beasts of diuers sorts, and great flockes of Turkies, Quailes, Pigeons and Partridges: Many great Lakes abounding with Fish, Fowle, Beauers, and Otters. The Sea affoords vs as great plentie of all excellent sorts of Sea-fish, as the Riuers and Iles doth varietie of wild Fowle of most vsefull sorts. Mynes we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor qualitie wee know. Better Graine cannot be then the Indian Corne, if we will plant it vpon as good ground 40 as a man need desire. Wee are all Free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble vs, and all those good bles­sings we haue, of which and what wee list in their seasons for taking. Our company are for most part ve­ry religious honest people; the Word of God sincerely taught vs euery Sabbath: so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my Wife and Children to mee, where I wish all the Friends I haue in England, and so I rest

Your louing Kinsman William Hilton.

From the West Countrey went ten or twelue Ships to Fish, which were all well fraughted; Proofe 13. 1622 those that came first at Bilbow, made seuenteene pounds a single share, besides Beauer, Otters, and Martins skins; but some of the rest that came to the same Ports, that were already furnished, so glutted the Market, their price was abated, yet all returned so well contented, they are a prepa­ring 50 to goe againe.

There is gone from the West of England onely to fish, thirtie fiue Ships, and about the last of April two more from London, the one of one hundred Tuns, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie For this yeere 1622. Passengers to supply the Plantation with all necessary prouisions. Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie, would all the Christian Princes but bee truly at vnitie, as his Royall Maiesty our Soueraigne Lord and King desireth, seuentie saile of good Ships were suf­ficient to fire, the most of his Coasts in the Leuant, and make such a guard in the straits of Hel­lespont, as would make the Great Turke himselfe more afraid in Constantinople, then the smallest Red Crosse, crosses the Seas would be, either of any French, Piccaroun, or the Pyrates of Argere. 60

An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in New England, Iuly sixteene, 1622.

Since the newes of the Massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet [Page 1841] are wee more wary of them then before; for their hands haue beene embrued in much English bloud, one­ly by too much confidence, but not by force.

Here I must intreat a little your fauours to digresse. They did not kill the English, because they were Christians, but for their weapons and commodities, that were rare nouelties; but now they feare we may beat them out of their Dens, which Lions and Tygers would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an Englishman, or discourage any either in Virginia or New Eng­land? No: [...]or I haue tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that Countrey, with thirtie eight, and had not to eate but what we had from the Sauages. When I had ten men able to goe abroad, our Common-wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that vnknowne Countrey fourteene weekes; I had but eighteen to s [...]bdue them all, with which great Army I stayed sixe weeks before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they 10 could; and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray mee.

Of their numbers wee were vncertaine; but those two honourable Gentlemen, Captaine George Percie, and Captaine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble Gen­tlemen and resolute spirts bore their shares with me, and now liuing in England, did see me take this murdering Opechankanough, now their Great King by the long lock on his head, with my Pi­stoll Opechancanough taken in [...]he midst of his ar­mie, as Atabali­pa was by Pi­çarra. at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before wee parted, made him fill our Barke of twentie Tuns with Corne. When their owne wants was such, I haue giuen them part a­gain in pitty, & others haue bought it again to plant their fields. For wronging a Souldier but the 20 value of a peny, I haue caused Powhatan send his own men to Iames Town to receiue their punish­ment, at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremity they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner: yet God made Pocahontas the Kings Daughter the meanes to deliuer me: and thereby taught mee to know their treacheries to preserue the rest. It was also my chance in single combate to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced his subiects to worke in Chaines, till I made all the Countrey pay contribution, hauing little else-whereon to liue.

Twice in this time I was their President, & none can say in all that time I had a man slain: but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and heere: yet I left fiue hundred behind mee that through their confidence in sixe monethes came most to confusion, as you may 30 reade at large in the description of Virginia. When I went first to those desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to goe; and procrastination caused more runne away then went. But after the Ice was broken, came many braue Voluntaries: notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honorable Company haue beene humble Suters to his Maiestie to get Vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither; nay, so much scorned was the name of Virgnia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and discouragement, and this lamentable Massacre, there are more honest men now suters to goe, then euer haue been constrained knaues; and it is not vnknowne to most men of vn­derstanding, how happy many of those Callumners doe thinke themselues, that they might bee admitted, and yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia: and had I but meanes to transport 40 as many as would goe, I might haue choice of ten thousand that would gladly bee in any of those new places, which were so basely contemned by vngratefull base minds.

To range this Countrie of New England, in like manner I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruite conditions I met many of their silly incounters, and without any hurt, God be thank­ed: when your West Countrie men were many of them wounded, and much tormented with the Sauages that assaulted their Ship, as they did say themselues, in the first yeare I was there 1614. and though Master Hunt then Master with me, did most basely in stealing some Sauages from that coast to sell, when he was directed to haue gone for Spaine, yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should haue fraughted them with Gold Ore, that his fault could be no cause of their bad successe, howeuer it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not this out of vain glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some was neuer there, may censure mee: but to let all 50 men be assured by those examples, what those Sauages are that thus strangely doe murder and be­tray our Co [...]ntrie men. But to the purpose.

What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the ayre, the richnesse of the soyle, the goodnesse of the Woods, the abundance of Fruits, Fish, and Fowle in their season, they still affirme that haue beene there now neer two yeeres, and at one draught they haue taken one thousand Basses, and in one night twelue hogs­heads of Herring. They are building a strong Fort, they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are well prouided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well neere sixtie Acres of ground well planted with Corne, besides their Gardens well replenished with vsefull fruits; and if their Aduentu­rers would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants would quickly bee supplied. To supply 60 them this sixteenth of October, is going the Paragon, with sixtie seuen persons, and all this is done by pri­uate mens purses. And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all plenties they haue found, they thinke they should not be beleeued.

For the twentie sixe sayle of Ships, the most I can yet vnderstand is. M. Ambrose Iennens of London, [Page 1842] and Master Abraham Iennens of Plimmoth sent (their Abraham) a Ship of two hundred and twen­tie Tuns, and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred: whose Fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds: in all they were fiue and thirty saile: and wherein New found Land they shared sixe or seuen pounds for a common man, in New England they shared foureteene pounds; besides six Dutch and French Ships made wonderfull returnes in Furres.

Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England (by Virginia) which hath 1622. bin so costly to this Kingdome, and so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleede, par­don me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I may call them my children, for they haue bin my Wife, my Hawkes, my Hounds, 10 my Cards, my Dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters haue crossed both them and me, yet were there not one Englishman remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at the first; not for that I haue any secret encou­ragement from any I protest, more then lamentable experiences: for all their Discoueries I can yet heare of, are but Pigs of my owne Sowe; nor more strange to me then to heare one tell mee he hath gone from Billings gate and discouered Greenwich, Grauesend, Tilberry, Quinborow, Lee and Margit, which to those did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England, might be made seeme some rare secrets and great Countries vnknowne, except the Relation of Master Dirmer. But to returne: It is certaine, from Cannada and New England within these sixe yeares, hath 20 come neere 20000. Beuer Skins. Now had each of those Ships transported but some small quan­titie of the most increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruites, Plants and Seedes, as I proiected, by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent, euery one so regar­ding their priuate gaine, that it is hard to effect any publicke good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, vnlesse both authority and money assist experiences. It is not a worke for euery one to plant a Colony; but when a House is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of art, iudgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence and experience to doe but neere well: your home-bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there a great difference betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the Fishing will goe forward if you plant 30 it or no; whereby a Colonie may be transported with no great charge, that in a short time might prouide such fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling, as I would hope no Ship should goe or come empty from New England.

The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines, Kniues, Irish Rugs, course Cloath, Beades, Glasse, and such like trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Sauages, beside our owne necessa­ry prouisions, whose endeuours will quickly defray all this charge: and the Sauages haue intrea­ted me to inhabite where I will. Now all these Ships, till this last yeare, haue bin fished with­in a square of two or three leagues, and not one of them all would aduenture any further, where questionlesse fiue hundred saile may haue their fraught better then in Island, New found Land, or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their Ships, because New 40 Englands fishing begins with February, the other not till mid May: the progression hereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose emptie Ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a good friend in time of neede to the Inhabitants of New found Land, &c.

CHAP. IIII.

A Relation or Iournall of a Plantation setled at Plimoth in New Eng­land, 50 and proceedings thereof; Printed 1622. and here abbreuiated.

WEdnesday the sixt of September, the Winde comming East North-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from Plimoth, hauing bin kindely entertained and curteously v­sed Sep. 6. 1620. by diuers friends there dwelling, and after many difficulties in boisterous stormes, at length by Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouember following, by breake of the day we espied Land, which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so No. 9. Cape Cod. afterward it proued. Vpon the eleuenth of Nouember, we came to an anchor in the Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round, except in the entrance, which is about foure 60 miles ouer from land to land, compassed about to the verie Sea with Oakes, Pines, Iuniper, Saffa­fras, and other sweete Wood: it is a harbour wherein 1000. saile of Ships may safely ride, there wee relieued our selues with Wood and Water, and refreshed our people, while our Shallop was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation: there was the greatest store of Fowle that euer we saw.

[Page 1843] And euerie day we saw Whales playing hard by vs, of which in that place, if wee had instru­ments and meanes to take them, we might haue made a verie rich returne, which to our great griefe we wanted. Our Master and his Mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed, wee might haue made three or foure thousand pounds worth of Oyle; they preferred it before Green­land Whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here: for Cod we assaied, but found none, there is good store no doubt in their season. Neither got we anie fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shoare. We found great Mussles, and verie fat and full of Sea Pearle, but we could not eate them, for they made vs all sicke that did eate, as well sai­lers as passengers; they caused to cast and scoure, but they were soone well againe. The Baie is so round and circling, that before we could come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compasse. We could not come neere the shoare by three quarters of an English mile, because of 10 shallow water, which was a great preiudice to vs, for our people going on shoare were forced to Ill Landing. wade a Bow shoote or two in going aland, which caused manie to get colds and coughs, for it was manie times freezing cold weather.

This day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agree­ment, that we should combine together in one bodie, and to submit to such gouernment and Go­uernours, as we should by common consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that followes word for word.

IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnderwritten, the loyall Subiects of our 20 dread Soueraigne Lord King Iames, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Hauing vndertaken for the glorie of God, and aduancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and Countrie, a Voiage to plant the first Colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnely and matually in the presence of GOD and one of another, couenant and combine our selues together in a ciuill bodie politike, for our better ordering and preseruation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such iust and equall Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constituti­ons, offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and conuenient for the generall good of the Colonie: vnto which wee promise all due submission and obedience. In witnesse 30 whereof we haue here vnder suscribed our names. Cape Cod eleuenth of Nouember, in the yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, of England, France and Ireland, 18. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 1620.

The same day so soone as we could we set ashoare fifteene or sixteene men, well armed, with some to fetch Wood, for we had none left; as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabi­tants they could meete with, they found it to be a small necke of Land: on this side where we lay is the Bay, and the furthest side the Sea: the ground or earth, sand hils, much like the Downes in Holland, but much better: the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent blacke earth: all woodded with Oakes, Pines, Saffafras, Iuniper, Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut; the Wood for the most part open and without vnder-wood, fit either to goe or ride in: at night our 40 people returned, but found not anie person, nor habitation, and laded their Boate with Iu­niper, which smelled verie sweete and strong, and of which wee burnt the most part of the time we lay there.

Munday the thirteenth of Nouember, we vnshipped our Shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, hauing bin forced to cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the peoples lying in her, which kept vs long ther, for it was sixteene or seuenteene daies before the Carpenter had finished her: our people went on shoare to refresh themselues, and our women to wash, as they had great neede: but whilest wee lay thus still, hoping our Shallop would be readie in fiue or six daies at the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better fur­therance 50 to trauaile by Land into the Countrie, which was not without appearance of danger, not hauing the Shallop with them, nor meanes to carrie prouision, but on their backes, to see whe­ther it might be fit for vs to seate in or no, and the rather because as we sailed into the Harbour, there seemed to be a Riuer opening it selfe into the maine Land; the willingnesse of the persons was liked, but the thing it selfe, in regard of the danger was rather permitted then approued, and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteene men were set out with euery man his Musket, Sword, and Corslet, vnder the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish, vnto whom was ad­ioyned for counsell and aduise, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.

Wednesday the fifteenth of Nouember, they were set a shoare, and when they had ordered themselues in order of a single File, and marched about the space of a mile, by the Sea they espi­ed 60 fiue or six people, with a Dogge, comming towards them, who were Sauages, who when they Sight of Sa­uages. saw them, ran into the Woods and whistled the Dogge after them, &c. First, they supposed them to be Master Iones, the Master and some of his men, for they were a shoare, and knew of their comming: but after they knew them to be Indians they marched after them into the [Page 1844] Woods, least other of the Indians should lye in Ambush: but when the Indians saw our men fol­lowing them, they ran away with might and maine; and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the way they intended to goe, but they could not come neere them. They follow­ed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their footings, & saw how they had come the same way they went, and at a turning perceiued how they raune vp an hill, to see whether they followed them. At length night came vpon them, and they were constrained to take vp their lodging, so they set forth three Sentinels, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched Woods & there held our Randeuous that night. In the morning so soone as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our iournie, and had the tracke vntill wee had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they tooke into another Wood, and we after them, supposing to finde some of their dwellings, but we marched thorow Boughes and Bushes, and vnder Hils and Vallies, which 10 tore our verie Armour in peeces, and yet could meete with none of them, nor their houses, nor finde any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in neede off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland Cheese, and a little Bottell of Aquauite, so as we were sore a thirst. About ten a clocke we came into a deepe Val­ley, full of brush, wood-gaile, and long grasse, through which wee found little paths or tracts, and there we saw a Deere, and found Springs of fresh Water, of which we were hartily glad, and A Deere and water. sat vs downe and drunke our first New England Water, with as much delight as euer we drunke drinke in all our liues.

When we had refreshed our selues, we directed our course full South, that wee might come to 20 the shoare, which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, that they in the Ship might see where we were (as wee had direction) and so marched on towards this supposed Ri­uer: and as we went in another Valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of fresh water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twise as long: there grew also many small Vines, and Fowle and Deere haunted there; there grew much Sasafras: from thence we went on and found much plain ground about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow, and some signes where the Indians had formerly planted, their Corne: after this, some thought it best for nearenesse of the Riuer to goe downe and tra­uaile on the Sea sands, by which meanes some of our men were tired, and lagged behinde, so we stayed and gathered them vp, and strucke into the Land againe; where we found a little path to certaine heapes of Sand, one whereof was couered with old Mats, and had a woodden thing like 30 a Mor [...]er whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged and found a Bowe, and as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten; We supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed them graues, Sepulchers. we put in the Bow againe and made it vp as it was, and left the rest vntouched, because we thought it would be odious vnto them to ransacke their Sepulchers. We went on further and found new stubble of which they had gotten Corne this yeare, and many Walnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Strawberries, and some Vines; passing thus a field or two, which were not great, we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and there wee found where an house had beene, and foure or fiue old Plankes laied together; also we found a great Kettle, which Kettle and Corne found. had beene some Ships kettle and brought out of Europe; there was also an heape of sand, made like 40 the former, but it was newly done, wee might see how they had padled it with their hands, which we digged vp, and in it we found a little old Basket full of faire Indian Corne, and digged further, and found a fine great new Basket full of very faire Corne of this yeare, with some sixe and thirty goodly eares of Corne, some yellow, and some red, and others mixt with blew, which was a very goodly sight: the Basket was round, and narrow at the top, it held about three or foure bushels, which was as much as two of vs could lift vp from the ground, and was very hand­somely and cunningly made: But whilst we were busie about these things, we set our men Sen­tinell in a round ring, all but two or three which digged vp the Corne. Wee were in suspence, what to doe with it, and the Kettle, and at length after much consultation, we concluded to take the Kettle, and as much of the Corne as wee could carry away with vs: and when our Shallop 50 came if we could finde any of the people, and came to parley with them, wee would giue them the Kettle againe, and satisfie them for their Corne.

So we tooke all the Eares, and put a good deale of the loose Corne in the Kettle, for two men to bring away one Staffe; besides, they that could put away into their Pockets filled the same; the rest wee buried againe, for we were so laden with Armour that we could carry no more. Not P [...]lizado. farre from this place we found the remainder of an old Fort, or Palizado, which as we conceiued had beene made by some Christians, this was also hard by that place which we thought had been a Riuer, vnto which we went and found it so to be, diui [...]ing it f [...]re into two armes by an high banke, standing right by the Cut or Mouth which came from the Sea, that which was next vnto vs was the lesse, the other arme was more then twice as big, and not vnlike to bee an Harbou [...] 60 for Ships; but whether it be a fresh Riuer, or onely an indraught of the Sea, wee had no time to discouer, for we had commandement to be out but two dayes. Here also we saw two Canoas, the one on the one side, the other on the other side, we could not beleeue it was a C [...]noa, t [...]ll we ca [...]e They returne. neere it, so we returned, leauing the further d [...]scouery hereof to our S [...] an [...] [...] that night [Page 1845] backe againe to the fresh water pond, and there we made our randeuous that night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to wind ward of vs, and kept good watch with three Sentinels all night, euery one standing when his turne came, while fiue or sixe inches of Match was burning. It proued a very rainie night. In the morning we tooke our Kettle and sunke it in the Pond, and trimmed our Muskets, for few of them would goe off because of the wet, and so coasted the Wood againe to come home, in which we were shrewdly pusled, and lost our way; as we wan­dred we came to a tree, where a yong Spirit was bowed downe ouer a Bowe, and some Acornes strewed vnderneath; Stephen Hopkins said, it had beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were look­ing Deuise to catch Deere. at it, William Bradford oeing in the Reare, when he came looking also vpon it, and as he went about, it gaue a sodaine ierke vp, and he was immediately caught by the legge: It was a very 10 pretty deuise, made with a Roape of their owne making, and hauing a noose as artificially made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be, which wee brought away with vs. In the end wee got out of the Wood, and were fallen about a mile too high aboue the creake, where we saw three Buckes, but we had rather haue had one of them. We also did spring three couple of Partridges; and as we came along by the creake, we saw great flockes of wilde Geese and Duckes, but they were very fearefull of vs. So we marched some while in the Woods, some while on the Sands, and other while in the Water vp to the knees, till at length we came neere the Ship, and then we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boate came to fetch vs: Master Iones and Master Caruer being on the shoare, with many of our people, came to meete vs. And thus wee came both weary and welcome home, and deliuered in our Corne into the store, to be kept for 20 seede, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore was very glad, purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the Inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction.

When our Shallop was fit indeede, before she was fully fitted, for there was two daies worke after bestowed on her, there was appointed some foure and twenty men of our owne, and armed, then to goe and make a more full discouery of the Riuers before mentioned. Master Iones was de­sirous to goe with vs, and tooke such of his Saylers as he thought vsefull for vs, so as we were in all about foure and thirty men: we made Master Iones our Leader, for we thought it best herein to geatifie his kindnesse and forwardnesse. When we were set forth, it proued rough weather and crosse windes, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop, and others in the long Boate, to row to the neerest shoare the winde would suffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out a­boue 30 the knees; the winde was so strong as the Shallop could not keepe the water, but was for­ced to harbour there that night, but we marched six or seuen miles further, and appointed the Shallop to come to vs as soone as they could. It blowed and did snow all that day and night, and frose withall; some of our people that are dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next day about eleuen a clocke our Shallop came to vs, and we shipped our selues, and the winde being good, we sailed to the Riuer we formerly discouered, which we named Cold Harbour, to Cold Harbour. which when we came we found it not Nauigable for Ships, yet we thought it might be a good harbour for Boates, for it flowes there twelue foot at high water. We landed our men betweene the two creekes, and marched some foure or fiue miles by the greater of them, and the Shallop followed vs: at length night grew on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe 40 the steepe Hils, and deepe Vallies, which lay halfe a foote thicke with Snow: Master Iones wea­ried with marching, was desirous we should take vp our lodging, though some of vs would haue marched further, so we made there our Randeuous for that night, vnder a few Pine trees, and as it fell out we got three Geese, and six Duckes to our Supper, which we eate with Soldiers stomacks, for we had eaten little all that day. We marched to the place where we had the Corne formerly, which place we called Corne-hill; & digged & found the rest, of which we were very glad: we al­so digged in a place a little farther off, & found a bottle of Oyle, we went to another place which we had seen before & digged and found more Corn, viz. two or three Baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of Beans, with a good many of faire wheat-eares; whilst some of vs were digging vp this, Note. some others found another heape of Corn, which they digged vp also, so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serue vs sufficiently for Seede. And sure it was Gods good prouidence that we 50 found this corn, for else we knew not how we should haue done, for we knew not how we should finde, or meete with any of the Indians, except it be to doe vs a mischiefe. Also we had neuer Frost and Snow. in all likelihood seene a graine of it, if we had not made our first Iourney; for the ground was now eouered with Snow, and so hard frosen, that we were faine with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and carue the ground a foote deepe, and then wrest it vp with leauers, for we had forgot to bring other Tooles: whilst we were in this imploiment, foule weather being towards, M. Iones was earnest to goe aboord, but sundry of vs desired to make further discouery, and to finde out the Indians habitations, so we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sicke, and all the Corne, and eighteene of vs staied still, and lodged there that night, & desired that the Shal­lop 60 might returne to vs next day, and bring vs some Mattockes and Spades with them.

When wee had marched fiue or six miles into the Woods, and could find no fignes of any peo­ple, wee returned againe another way, and as we came into the plaine ground, wee found a place like a graue, but it was much bigger and longer then any wee had yet seene. It was also couered with boords, so as wee mused what it should be, and resolued to dig it vp; where we found, first a [Page 1846] Mat, and vnder that a faire Bow, and there another Mat, and vnder that a Boord about th [...] quarters long, finely carued and painted, with three▪ Ty [...]es, or broches on the top, like a Crowne Sepulchre opened. also betweene the Mats we found Bowles, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets; at length wear came to a faire new Mit, and vnder that two Bundles, the one bigger, the other lesse, we opene [...] the greater and found in it a great quantitie of fine and perfect Red Powder, and in it the bone [...] and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, there was bound vp with a Knife, a Packneedle, and two or three old Iron things. It was boun [...] vp in a Saylers Canuas Casacke, and a payre of Cloth Breeches; the Red Powder was a kind of [...] Emba [...]lment, and yeelded a strong, but no offensiue smell; It was as fine as any Flower. We ope­ned the lesse bundle likewise, and found of the same Powder in it, and the bones and head of a 10 little childe, about the legges, and other parts of it was Bound strings, and Bracelets of fine white Beads; there was also by it a little Bow, about three qu [...]rters long, and some other odde knackes: we brought sundry of the pretiest things away with vs, and couered the Corps vp againe. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found no more Corne, nor any things else but graues: Whilest we were thus ranging and searching, two of the Saylers, which were newly come on the shoare, by chance espied two houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. They hauing their Peeces, and hearing no body, entred the houses, and tooke out some thing, and durst not stay but came again & told vs; so some seuen or eight of vs went with them, and found how wee had gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses were made with Two houses. long young Sapling Trees bended, and both ends stucke into the ground; they were made round, 20 like vnto an Arbour, and couered downe to the ground with thicke and well wrought Mats, and the doore was not ouer a yard high, made of a Mat to open: the Chimney was a wide open hole in the top, for which they had a Mat to couer it close when they pleased, one might stand and goe vpright in them; in the mi [...]st of them were foure little Tru [...]ches knockt into the ground, and small-stickes lai [...] ouer, on which they hung their Pots, and what they had to seeth: round a­bout the fire they lay on Mats, which are their Beds. The Houses were double matted, for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer and fairer Mats. In the Houses wee Houshold stuffe. found Woodden Bowle [...], Trayes and Dishes, Earthen Pots, Hand-baskets made of Crab-shells, wrought together: also an English Payl [...]or Bucket, it wanted a Baile, but it had two Iron Eares: there was al [...]o Baskets of sundry sorts, bigger, and some lesser, finer, and some courfer: some were 30 curiously wrought wi [...]h Blacke and White in prettie workes, and sundry other of their houshold stuffe: wee found also two or three D [...]eres Heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh: there was also a company of Deeres Feete, stucke vp in the Houses, Harts Hornes, and Eagles Clawes, and sundry such like things there was: also two or three Baskets full of parched Acornes, pieces of Fish, and a piece of a broyled Herring. We found also a little Silke Grasse, and a little Tobacco Seed, with some other Seeds which wee knew not: without was sundry bundles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stuffe to make Mats; there was thrust into an hollow Tree, two or three pieces of Venison, but wee thought it fitter for the Dogges then for vs: some of the best things wee tooke away with vs, and left the houses standing still as they were: Much disputation fell out about the place where wee should abide; and a Company was chosen 40 to goe out vpon a third Discouery (whilest some were imployed in this Discouery', it pleased God that Mistris White was brought a bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine.)

Wednesday the sixt of December we set out, being very cold and hard weather, we were a long Third discoue­rie. while after wee lanched from the Ship, before wee could get cleere of a Sandy Point, which lay within lesse then a furlong of the same. In which time, two were very sicke, and Edward Tilley had like to haue sou [...]ded with cold; the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death (but hope of trucking Extreme cold. made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the next night: at length wee got cleare of the Sandy Point, and got vp our Sayles, and within an houre or two wee got vnder the weather shoare, and t [...]en had smoother water and better sayling, but it was very cold, for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of Iron: wee sayled sixe or seuen leagues by 50 the shoare, but saw neither Riuer nor Creeke, at length wee met with a tongue of Land, being flat off from the shoare, with a Sandy point, wee bore vp to gaine the Point, and found there a faire Income or Rode, of a Bay, being a league ouer at the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but wee made right ouer to the Land before vs, and left the discouerie of this Income till the next day: as wee drew neere to the shoare, wee espied some ten or twelue Indians, very busie about a blacke thing, what it was wee could not tell, till afterwards they saw vs, and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying something away, wee landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe to put a shoare any where, it lay so full of flat Sands: when wee came to shoare, we made vs a Baricado, and got fire Wood, and set out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to our lod­ging, Gram [...]us Bay. Th [...]y found Grampuses dead, two in­ches thicke of fat, and fiue or six paces long. such as it was; wee saw the smoake of the fire which the Sauages made that night, about 60 foure or fiue miles from vs: in the morning wee diuided our Company, some eight in the Shallop, and the rest on the shoare went to discouer this place, but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either Riuer or Creeke comming into it. This place the most were minded wee should call, the Grampus Bay, because wee found many of them there: we followed the tract of the Indians bare [Page 1847] feet a good way on the Sands, at length we saw here they strucke into the Woods by the side of a Pond, as we went to view the place, one said, he thought he saw an Indian-house among the Trees, so went vp to see: and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke; so we lite on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the Woods, at length we found where Corne had been set, but not that yeere; a non we found a great burying place, one part whereof was incompassed with a large Palizado, like a Church-yard, with young spires foure or fiue yards long, set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in the ground; within it was full of Graues, some bigger and some lesse, some were also paled about, and others had like an Indian-house made ouer them, but not matted: those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne-hill, yet we digged none of them vp, only viewed them and went our way: without the Palizado were Graues also, but not so costly. 10 We went ranging vp and downe till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the Woods, that we might come to our Shallop. By that time we had done, and our Shallop come to vs it was within night, and we fed vpon such victualls as we had, and betooke vs to our rest af­ter we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme. So we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets and noise ceased: we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues & Foxes, for one told vs he had heard such a noise in New-found-land. About fiue a clocke in the morning we began to be stirring, vpon a sudden wee heard a great & strange cry which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes; one of the company being abroad came running in, and cried, They are men, Indians, Indians; and withall, their Arrowes came flying amongst vs, our men ran out with all speed to recouer their 20 Armes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially, when our men ran out to recouer their Armes, their note was after this manner, Woath woach ha ha hach woach: our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but the enemy was readie to assault them.

There was a lustie man, and no whit lesse valiant, who was thought to be their Captain, stood behind a Tree within halfe a Musket shot of vs, and there let his Arrowes flie at vs; hee stood three shots off a Musket, at length one tooke as he said full ayme at him, after which he gaue an extraordinarie cry and away they went all, wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but wee left sixe to keepe our Shallop, for wee were carefull of our businesse. Wee tooke vp eighteene of their Arrowes, which wee had sent to England by Master Iones, some where­of were headed with brasse, others with Harts horne, and others with Eagles clawes; many 30 more no doubt were shot, for these wee found were almost couered with leaues: yet by the spe­ciall prouidence of God, none of them either hit or hurt vs. On Munday we found a very good A good Har­bour. Harbour for our shipping, we marched also into the Land, and found diuers corne Fields and little running Brookes, a place verie good for scituation, so we returned to our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their hearts.

This Harbour is a Bay greater then Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly Land, and in the Bay two fine Ilands vninhabited, wherein are nothing but Woods, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasi­fras, Vines, and other Trees which we know not. This Bay is a most hopefull place, innumerable store of Fowle, and excellent good, and cannot but be of Fish in their seasons: Skote, Cod, Turbot and Herring we haue tasted of, abundance of Mufles the greatest and best that euer we saw; Crabs 40 and Lobsters, in their time infinite: It is in fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke.

The eighteenth we went along the Coast in the Woods, some seuen or eight mile, but saw not an Indian, nor an Indian house, onely we found where formerly had beene some Inhabitants, and where they had planted their Corne: wee found not any Nauigable Riuer, but foure or fiue small running Brookes of very fresh water, that all run into the Sea. The Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent blacke mould and fat in some places; two or three great Okes, but not very thicke, Pines, Walnuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, Holley, Asp, Sasifras, in abundance, and Vines euery where, Cherry-trees, Plum-trees, and many other which we know not; many kinds of Hearbs we found here in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innumerable, Sorrell, Yarow, Caruell, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water-cresses, great store of Leeks and Onyons, and an excellent strong 50 kind of Flax and Hempe. Here is Sand, Grauell, and excellent Clay, no better in the World, ex­cellent for Pots, and will wash like Sope, and great store of Stone, though somewhat soft, and the best water that euer we drunke, and the Brookes now begin to be full of Fish; that night many being weary with marching, we went aboord againe.

The nineteenth of December, after our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could we came to a conclusion, by most voyces, to set on the Maine Land, on the first place, on an high ground, where there is a great deale of Land cleered, and hath beene planted with Corne three or foure yeeres agoe, and there is a very sweet Brook runs vnder the Hill side, and many delicate Springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where wee may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well, and in this Brooke is much good Fish in their seasons. On the further side of the 60 Riuer also much Corne ground cleered, in one Field is a great Hill, on which wee point to make a plat-forme, and plant our Ordnance, which will command all round about, from thence we may see into the Bay, and far into the Sea, and we may see thence Cape Cod.

[Page 1848] Saturday the three and twentieth, so many of vs as could went on shore, felled and carried tim­ber, to prouide themselues stuffe for building. Munday the fiue and twentieth, wee went on shoare, some to fell timber, some to sawe, some to riue, and some to carry, so no man rested all that day.

Munday the fiue and twentieth, being Christmasse day, we began to drinke water aboord, but at night the Master caused vs to haue some Beer, and so on boord we had diuers times now & then some Beere, but on shoare none at all. Wee tooke notice how many Families they were, willing all single men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Family as they thought fit, that so wee might build fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced them to nineteene Families; to grea­ter Families we allotted larger plots, to euery person halfe a Pole in breadth, and three in length, 10 and so Lots were cast where euery man should lie, which was done, and staked out; we thought this proportion was large enough: at the first, for Houses and Gardens to impale them round, con­sidering the weakenesse of our people, many of them growing ill with colds, for our former Dis­coueries in frost and stormes, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weaknesse amongst vs, which increased euery day more and more, and after was the cause of many of our deaths.

Friday and Saturday wee fitted our selues for our labour, but our people on shoare were much troubled and discouraged with rayne and wet that day, being very stormy and cold; wee saw great smoakes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seuen miles from vs as wee co [...]iectured.

Thursday the fourth of Ianuarie, Captaine Miles Standish, with foure or fiue more, went to 20 see if they could meete with any of the Sauages in that place where the fires was made, they went to some of their houses but not lately inhabited, yet could they not meet with any; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat; It was hardly to be discerned from Mutton.

Tuesday the ninth of Ianury, was a reasonable faire day, and wee went to labour that day in the building of our Towne, in two rowes of houses for more safetie: wee diuided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our Towne: After the proportion formerly allotted, we agreed that eue­ry man should build his owne house, thinking by that course men would make more hast then working in common: the common house, in which for the first we made our Rendeuous, being neere finished, wanting only couering, it being about twentie foot square, some should make mor­ter, 30 and some gather thatch, so that in foure daies halfe of it was thatched, frost and foule weather hindered vs much; this time of the yeare seldome could we worke halfe the weeke.

On the twelfth day, Iohn Goodman and Peter Browne at dinner time tooke their meat in their hands, and would go walke and refresh themselues, so going a little off they find a Lake of water, and hauing a great Mastiffe bitch with them, and a Spannell; by the water side they found a great D [...]ere, the Dogs chased him, and they followed sofar as they lost themselues, and could not find the way backe, they wandred all that afternoone being wet, and at night did freeze and snow, they were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his Cicle, nor any victu­alls, they ranged vp and downe and could finde none of the Sauages habitations. When it drew to night they were much perplexed, for they could find neither harbour nor meat, but in frost 40 and snow, were forced to make the Earth their bed, and the Element their couering, and another thing did very much terrifie them; they heard as they thought two Lions roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they thought was very neere them: so not knowing what to doe, they resolued to climbe vp into a Tree as the safest refuge, though that would proue an intollerable cold lodging. They stood at the Trees root, that when the Lions came they might take their opportunitie of climbing vp, the Bitch they were faine to hold by the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lion; but it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild Beasts came not: so they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night, it was an extreame cold night; so soone as it was light they trauelled againe, passing by many Lakes, and Brookes, and Woods, and in one place where the Sauages had burnt the space of fiue miles in length, which is a fine Cham­pion 50 Countrey, and euen. In the afternoon it pleased God from an high Hill, they discouered the two Iles in the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to faint with trauell and want of victualls, and almost famished with cold, Iohn Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his feet they were so swelled with cold, and it was a long while after ere hee was able to goe. The house was fired occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all vp, but the roofe stood and little hurt; the most losse was Master Caruers and William Brad­fords, who then lay sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speed, had beene blowne vp with powder: but through Gods mercy they had no harme: the house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed be God there was no harme done

Munday the fifteenth day, it rained much all day, that they on ship-boord could not goe on shoare, nor they on shoare doe any labour but were all wet. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were 60 very faire Sun-shiny daies, as if it had beene in April, and our people so many as were in health wrought chearefully. The ninteenth day wee resolued to make a Shed, to put our common pro­uision in, of which some were already set on shoare, but at noone it rained that wee could not [Page 1849] worke. This day in the euening, Iohn Goodman went abroad to vse his lame feet, that were pitty­fully ill with the cold hee had got, hauing a little Spannell with him, a little way from the Plan­tation, two great Wolues ran after the Dog, the Dog ran to him, and betwixt his legs for succour, Two great Wolues. he had nothing in his hand, but tooke vp a sticke and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came againe; he got a Paile boord in his hand, and they sate both on their tailes, grinning at him a good while and went their way and left him.

Saturday the seuenteenth day in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of Mili­tary Orders amongst our selues, and we chose Miles Standish our Captaine, and gaue him authori­tie of command in affayres.

Saturday the third of March, the wind was South, the morning mystie, but towards noone warme and faire weather: the Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly; at one of the clocke it 10 thundred, which was the first we heard in that Countrey, it was strong and great claps, but short, Thunder. but after an houre it rayned very sadly till midnight. Wednesday the seuenth of March, the wind was full East, cold, but faire.

Friday the sixteenth, there presented himselfe a Sauage, which caused an Alarum, he very bold­ly came all alone and along the houses straight to the Randeuous, where we intercepted him, not Conference with Sauages. suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would out of his boldnesse hee saluted vs in English, and bad vs welcome, for he had learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the Captaines, Commanders, and Masters, that vsually come; he was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde, and of a seemly carriage, we questioned him of many things, he was the first Sauage we could meet with­all; 20 hee said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof, had beene eight moneths in these parts, it lying hence a daies saile with a great wind, and fiue dayes by Land: he discoursed of the whole Countrey, and of euery Prouince, and of their Sa­gamores, and their number of men, and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, wee cast a Horsemans Coat about him, for he was starke naked, only a leather about his wast, with a fringe about a span long, or little more; he had a Bow and two Arrowes, the one headed, and the other vnheaded; he was a tall straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all; he a [...]ked some Beere, but we gaue him Strong-water and Bisket, and But­ter, and Cheese, and Pudding, and a piece of a Mallerd; all which he liked wel, and had bin acquain­ted 30 with such amongst the English; he told vs the place where we now liue, is called, Patuxet, and Patuxet. People all dead of a plague. that about foure yeeres agoe all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is nei­ther man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we haue round none, so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claime vnto it. All the afternoone we spent in communication with him, we would gladly haue been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to goe this night, then we thought to carry him on ship-boord, wherwith hee was wel content and went into the Shallop, but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not returne backe. We lodged that night at Steuen Hopkins house, and watched him: the next day he went away back to the Masasoyts, from Masasoyts. whence he said he came, who are our next bordering neighbours; they are sixtie strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as neere South-east of them, and are a hundred strong, and those were they of Nausites. 40 whom our people were encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and prouo­ked against the English, and about eight moneths agoe slew three Englishmen, and two more hard­ly escaped by flight to Monhiggon; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this Sauage told vs, as he did likewise of the Huggery, that is, Fight, that our discouerers had with the Nausites, and of our Tooles they were taken out of the Woods, which we willed him should be brought againe, otherwise we would right our selues. These people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, a Master of a Ship, who deceiued the people, and got them vnder colour of trucking Hunts wicked­nesse. with them, twentie out of this very place where we inhabite, and seuen men from the Nausites, and carried them away and sold them for Slaues, like a wretched man (for twentie pound a man) that care not what mischiefe he doth for his profit. 50

Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Sauage, and gaue him a Knife, a Bracelet, and a Ring; he promised within a night or two to come again, & to bring with him some of the Massasoyts our neighbours, with such Beauers skins as they had to trucke with vs. Saturday and Sunday reaso­nable faire dayes. On this day came againe the Sauage, and brought with him fiue other tall pro­per men, they had euery man a Deeres skin on him, and the principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one arme: they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes, close made; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather, they were altogether like the Irish­trouses; they are of complexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their faces, on their heads long haire to the shoulders, onely cut before; some trussed vp before with a feather, broad wise, like a fan, another a Fox taile hanging out: these left (according to our charge giuen 60 him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter of a mile from our Towne, we gaue them enter­tainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eate liberally of our English victuals, they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie; they sang and danced after this manner like S [...]u [...]ge [...] d [...] ­s [...]ribed▪ Anticks; they brought with him in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of them had [Page 1850] about his wast) a little of their Corne pounded to powder, which put to a little water they eate: he had a little Tobacco in a bag, but none of them drunke but when he listed, some of them had their faces painted blacke, from the forehead to the chin, foure or fiue fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked: they brought three or foure Skins, but wee would not trucke with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night or two, and would leaue these behind them, though wee were not wil­ling they should, and they brought all our Tooles againe which were taken in the Woods, in our mens absence, so because of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset our first acquaintance, either was sicke, or fained himselfe so, and would not goe with them, and staied with vs till Wednesday morning: Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not 10 according to their words, and we gaue him an Hat, a paire of Stockings and Shooes, a Shirt, and a piece of Cloth to tye about his wast.

Thursday the 22. of March, was a very faire warme day. About noone we met againe about our publike businesse, but we had scarce beene an houre together, but Samoset came againe, and Squanto, the onely Natiue of Patuxat, where wee now inhabite, who was one of the twentie Captiues that by Hunt were carried away, and had beene in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with Master Iohn Slanie a Merchant, and could speake a little English, with three others, and they brought them some few Skins to trucke, and some Red Herrings newly taken and dried, but not salted, and signified vnto vs, that there Great Sagamore Massasoyt was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well expresse in English what they would, but af­ter 20 an houre the King came to the top of an Hill ouer against vs, and had in his trayne sixtie men, that we could well behold them, and they vs: wee were not willing to send our Gouernour to them, and they vnwilling to come to vs, so Squanto went againe vnto him, who brought word that wee should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, and to signifie the mind and will of our Gouernor, which was to haue trading and peace with him. Wee sent to the King a paire of Kniues, and a Copper Chaine, with a Iewell at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a Iewell to hang in his eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good quantitie of Bisket, and some Butter, which were all willingly accepted: our Mes­senger made a speech vnto him, that King IAMES saluted him with words of Loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and Alley, and that our Gouernour desired to see him and to 30 trocke with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next neighbour: hee liked well of the speech, and heard it attentiuely, though the Interpreters did not well expresse it; after hee had eaten [...]nd drunk himselfe, & giuen the rest to his company, he looked vpon our Messengers Sword and Armor which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our Mes­senger shewed his vnwillingnesse to part with it: In the end he left him in the custodie of Quade­quina his brother, and came ouer the Brook and some twenty men following him, leauing all their Bowes and Arrowes behind them. We kept six or seuen as Hostages for our Messenger; Cap. Stan­dish and M. Williamson met the King at the Brook, with halfe a dozen Musketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one going ouer, the one on the one side, and the other on the other, con­ducted him to an house then in building, where wee placed a greene Rug, and three or foure Cushi­ons. 40 Then instantly came our Gouernour, with a Drum and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers. After salutations, our Gouernour kissing his hand, the King kissed him, and so they sate downe. The Gouernour called for some strong water, and drunke to him, and he drunke a great draught that made him sweate all the while after; hee called for a little fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did giue his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was;

First, That neither he nor any of his should iniure or do hurt to any of our people. Secondly, & if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him. Thirdly, The agree­ments of peace betweene vs and Massasoyt. that if any of our tooles were taken away when our people were at work, he should cause them to bee restored, and if ours did any harme to any of his, we would doe the like to them. Fourthly, If any did vniustly war against him we would aide him; If any did war against vs, he should aide vs. 50 Fifthly, He should send to his neighbor Confederates, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of Peace. Sixthly, That when their men came to vs, they should leaue their Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee should doe our Peeces when we came to them. Lastly, that doing thus King IAMES would esteeme of him as his Friend and Ally: all which the King seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his fol­lowers, all the while he sate by the Gouernour hee trembled for feare. In his person hee is a very lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able body, graue of countenance, and spare of speech: In his at­tyre little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, onely in a gr [...]a [...] Chaine of white bone Beades about his neck, & at it behind his neck hangs a little bag of Tobacco, which he drank and gaue vs to drinke; his face was painted with a sad Red like Murry, and oyled both head and 60 face, that hee looked greasily: All his followers likewise, were in their faces in part or in whole painted, some Blacke, some Red, some Yellow, and some White, some with Crosses, and other Antick workes, some had Skins on them, and some naked, all strong tall men in appearance. The King had his bosome hanging in a string, a great long Knife; he maruelled much at our Trumpet, [Page 1851] and some of his men would sound it as well as they could, Samoset and Squanto, stayed all night with vs, and the King and all his men lay all night in the Wood, not aboue halfe an English mile from vs, and all their wiues and women with them, they said, that within eight or nine daies, they would come and set Corne on the other side of the Brooke, and dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs. That night wee kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger; the next morning diuers of our people came ouer to vs, hoping to get some victualls as wee ima­gined, some of them told vs the King would haue some of vs come see him; Captaine Standish, and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcommed of him after their manner: he gaue them three or foure ground Nuts, and some Tobacco. Wee cannot yet conceiue, but that hee is 10 willing to haue peace with vs, for they haue seene our people sometimes alone two or three in the Woods at worke and Fowling, when as they offered them no harme, as they might easily haue done, and especially because hee hath a potent Aduersarie, the Narowhiganseis, that are at warre with him, against whom hee thinkes wee may bee some strength to him, for our Peeces are ter­rible vnto them. This morning they sta [...]ed till ten or eleuen of the clocke, and our Gouernour bid them send the Kings Kettle, and filled it full of Pease, which pleased them well, and so they went their way.

Friday was a very faire day, Samoset and Squanto stil remained with vs, Squanto went at noon to fish for Eeles, at night he came home with as many as hee could well lift in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat and sweete, hee trod them out with his feete, and so caught 20 them with his hands without any other Instrument. This day we proceeded on with our com­mon businesse, from which we had bin so often hindred by the Sauages comming, and concluded both of Militarie Orders, and of some Lawes and Orders as we thought behoouefull for our pre­sent estate, and condition, and likewise chuse our Gouernour for this yeere, which was Master Iohn Carver, a man well approued amongst vs.

IT seemed good to the Company for many considerations, to send some amongst them to Mas­sasoyt, A iourney to Packanokik, the Habitation of the Great King Massasoy [...]. the greatest Commander amongst the Sauages, bordering about vs; partly to know where to find them, if occasion serued, as also to see their strength, discouer the Countrey, pre­uent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs, make satisfaction for some conceiued iniuries 30 to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship betweene them and vs. For these, and the like ends, it pleased the Gouernour to make choice of Steven Hopkins, and Edward Winsloe to goe vnto him, and hauing a fit opportunitie, by reason of a Sauage, called Tis­quantum (that could speake English) comming vnto vs: with all expedition prouided a Horse­mans Coat, of Red Cotton, and laced with a slight Lace for a Present, that both they and their message might bee the more acceptable amongs them.

Wee set forward the tenth of Iune, about nine a clock in the morning, our guide resoluing that 1621. night to rest at Namaschet, a Towne vnder Massasoyt, and conceiued by vs to be very neere, be­cause the Inhabitants flocked so thicke vpon euery slight occasion amongst vs: but wee found it to bee some fifteene English miles. On the way wee found some ten or twelue men, women, and 40 children, which had pestered vs, till wee were wearie of them, perceiuing that (as the manner of them all is) where victuall is easiliest to be got, there they liue, especially in the Summer: by rea­son whereof, our Bay affording many Lobsters, they resort euery Spring Tide thither: and now returned with vs to Namaschet. Thither we came about three a clocke after noone, the Inha­bitants entertaining vs with ioy, in the best manner they could, giuing vs a kind of bread, called by them Maizium, and the spawne of Shads, which then they got in abundance, in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them, with these they boyled mustie Acornes, but of the Shads wee eate heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a Crow, complaining what da­mage they sustained in their Corne by them, who shooting some fourescore off and killing, they much admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tisquantum told vs wee should 50 hardly in one day reach Pakanokick, mouing vs to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals then there: Being willing to hasten our iourney we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing vpon a Wa [...]e which they had made on a Riuer which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse. These welcommed vs also, gaue vs of their fish, and we them of our victualls, not doubting but we should haue enough where ere we came. There we lodged in the open fields: for houses they had none, though they spent the most of the Summer there. The head of this Riuer is reported to bee not farre from the place of our abode, vpon it are, and haue beene many Townes, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleered: Thousands of men haue liued there, which died in a great plague Great plague. 60 not long since: and pittie it was and is to see, so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dresse and manure the same. Vpon this Riuer dwelleth Massasoyt.

The next morning wee brake our fast, tooke our leaue and departed, being then accompanied with some sixe Sauages, hauing gone about sixe miles by the Riuer side, at a knowne shoale place, it being low water, they spake to vs to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow. Here [Page 1852] let me not forget the valour and courage of some of the Sauages, on the opposite side of the Riuer, for there were remaining aliue onely two men, both aged, especially the one being aboue three­score: These two espying a company of men entring the Riuer, ran very swiftly and low in the grasse to meet vs at the Banke, where with shrill voyces and great courage, standing charged vp­on vs with their Bowes, they demanded what wee were, supposing vs to be enemies, and think­ing to take aduantage on vs in the water: but seeing wee were friends, they welcommed vs with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of Beads on them. Thus farre we are sure the Tide ebbes and flowes.

Hauing here againe refreshed our selues we proceeded in our Iourney, the weather being verie hot for trauell, yet the Countrey so well watered, that a man could scarce be drie, but hee should 10 haue a Spring at hand to cloole his thirst, beside small Riuers in abundance: But the Sauages will not willingly drinke, but at a Spring head. When we came to any small Brooke, where no Bridge was, two of them desired to carry vs through of their owne accords, also fearing wee were or would bee wearie, offered to carrie our Peeces, also if wee would lay off any of our clothes, wee should haue them carried: and as the one of them had found more speciall kindnesse from one of the Messengers, and the other Sauage from the other; so they shewed their thankfulnesse accor­dingly in affording vs all helpe, and furtherance in the Iourney.

As we passed along, we obserued that there were few places by the Riuer, but had beene inha­bited, by reason whereof much ground was cleere, saue of weeds which grew higher then our heads. There is much good Timber, both Oake, Walnut-tree, Firre, Beech, and exceeding great 20 Chesnut-trees.

After we came to a Towne of Massasoyts, where we eat Oysters and other Fish. From thence we went to Packanokick, but Massasoyt was not at home, there we staied, he being sent for: when newes was brought of his comming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at our meeting, wee would discharge our Peeces, but one of vs going about to charge his Peece, the women and chil­dren through feare to see them take vp his Peece, ran away, and could not be pacified, till he laid it downe againe, who afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our Peeces, and saluted him, who after their manner kindly welcommed vs, and tooke vs into his house, and set vs downe by him, where hauing deliuered our Message and Pre­sents, and hauing put the Coat on his backe, and the Chaine about his necke, hee was not a little 30 proud to behold himselfe, and his men also to see their King so brauely attired. For answer to our Message, he told vs we were welcome, and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friend­ship which was betweene him and vs: and for his men they should no more pester vs as they had done: Also, that hee would send to Paomet, and would helpe vs with Corne for Seed, according to our request.

This being done, his men gathered neere vnto him, to whom hee turned himselfe, and made a great Speech; they sometime interposing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was (as farre as wee could learne) thus; Was not bee Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about them? Was not such a Towne his and the people of it? and should they not bring their skins vnto vs. After this manner, he named at least thirtie places, and 40 their answere was as aforesaid to euery one: so that as it was delightfull, it was tedious vnto vs. This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell to discoursing of England, and of the Kings Maiestie, maruelling that hee would liue without a Wife. Also hee talked of the Frenchmen, bid­ding vs not to suffer them to come to Narohiganset, for it was King IAMES his Countrey, and he also was King IAMES his man. Late it grew, but victualls he offered none; for indeed he Royall enter­tainment. had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to goe to rest: hee laid vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at the one end and wee at the other, it being onely plankes laid a foot from the ground, and a thinne Mat vpon them. Two more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon vs; so that wee were worse wearie of our lodging then of our iourney. 50

The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or pettie Gouernours came to see vs, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of Games for Skins and Kniues. There we challenged them to shoot with them for Skins: but they durst not: onely they desired Games. to see one of vs shoot at a marke, who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke so full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought two Fishes that he had shot, they were like Breame, but three times so bigge, and better meat. These being boyled▪ there were at least fortie looked for share in them, the most eate of them: This meale onely we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of vs bought a Partridge, we had taken our Iourney fasting: Very im­portunate Hungrie fare. hee was to haue vs stay with them longer: But wee desired to keepe the Sabbath at home, and feared wee should either bee light-headed for want of sleepe, for what with bad lod­ging, 60 the Sauages barbarous singing (for they vse to sing themselues asleepe) Lice and Fleas with­in doores, and Muskeetoes without, wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not bee able to recouer home for want of strength. So that on the Friday morning before Sun-rising, wee tooke our leaue and departed, [Page 1853] Massasoyt being both grieued and ashamed, that he could not better entertaine vs; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure trucke for vs: and appointing another, called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had to and faithfull before and after vpon all occasions.

THe eleuenth of Iune we set forth toward Nauset, the weather being very faire: but ere we A Voyage made by ten of our men o [...]the Kingdome of Nauset, to seek a Boy that had lost himselfe in the Woods; with such acci­dents as besell vs in that Voyage. had bin long at Sea, there arose a storme of winde and raine, with much lightning and thun­der, in so much that a spout arose not farre from vs: but God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for Harbour at a place called Cummaquid, where we had some hope to finde the Boy. Two S [...]uages were in the Boat with vs, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the o­other Tokamahamon, a speciall friend. It being night before we came in, wee Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were dry at a low water. In the morning we espied Sauages seek­ing 10 Lobsters, and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them, the channell being betweene them; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to feare vs, for we would not hurt them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well, but he was at Nauset; yet since wee were there they desired vs to come ashoare and eate with them: which as soone as our Boate floated we did: and went sixe ashoare, hauing foure pledges for them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouernour, whom they call Iyanough, a man not exceeding twenty six yeares of age, but very personable, gentle courteous, and faire conditio­ned, indeed not like a Sauage, saue for his attyre: his entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheare plentifull and various. 20

One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place: There was an old Woman, whom wee iudged to be no lesse then an hundred yeares old, which came to see vs because shee neuer saw English, yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessiuely. We demanding the reason of it, they told vs, she had three Sonnes, who when Ma­ster Hunt was in these parts, went aboord his Ship to trade with him, and he carried them Cap­tiues into Spaine (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also) by which meanes shee was depriued of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them wee were sorry that any Englishman should giue them that offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English that heard of it condemned him for the same: but for vs, we would not offer them any such iniury, though it would gaine vs all the Skins in the Countrie. So we gaue her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased her. 30

After dinner we tooke Boate for Nauset, Iyanough and two of his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, in so much as we could not goe in with our Shallop: but the Sachim or Gouernour of Cummaquid went ashoare and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. After Sun­set Aspinet came with a great traine, and brought the Boy with him, one bearing him through the water: he had not lesse then an hundred with him, the halfe whereof came to the Shallop side vnarmed with him, the other stood aloofe with their Bowe and Arrowes. There he deliue­red vs the Boy, beh [...]ng with Beades, and made peace with vs, wee bestowing a Knife on him, The Boy is re­stored. and likewise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought him thither. So they depar­ted 40 from vs.

Here we vnderstood that the Narrohigansets had spoyled some of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This strucke some feare in vs, because the Colony was so weakely guarded, the strength thereof being abroad: But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste home we could; yet the winde being contrary, hauing scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteene leagues home, we put in againe for the shoare. There we met againe with Iyanough the Sachim of Cum­maquid, and the most of his Towne, both men, women and children with him. Hee being still willing to gratifie vs, tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great way for water, but could finde none good; yet brought such as there was on his necke with them. In the meane time the women ioyned hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the men also shewing all the kindenesse they could, Iyanough himselfe taking a Bracelet from about his necke, and hang­ing 50 it vpon one of vs. By Gods prouidence we came safely home that night.

CHAP. V.

Good newes from New England: Or, A Relation of things remarkeable in that Plantation; written by E. WINSLOVV and here abbreuiated.

THe good Ship called the Fortune, which in the Moneth of Nouember 1621. (bles­sed be God) brought vs a new supply of fiue and thirty persons, was not long de­parted 60 our Coast, ere the Great people of Nanohigganset, which are reported to [...]e many thousands strong, began to breath forth many threats against vs, not­withstanding their desired and obtained peace with vs in the fore-going Summer. Insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the [Page 1854] preparation they made to come against vs, In reason, a man would thinke they should haue now more cause to feare vs than before our supply came: but though none of them were present, yet vnderstanding by others that they neither brought Armes nor other prouisions with them, but wholly relied on vs, it occasioned them to sleight and braue vs with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to vs, who was sent by Conauacus their chiefe Sachim or King, ac­companied with one Tokamahamon a friendly Indian. This Messenger inquired for Tisquantum Snakes skin defiance. our Interpreter, who not being at home seemed rather to be glad then sorry, and leauing for him a bundle of new Arrowes lapped in a rattle Snakes skinne, desired to depart with all expedition.

When Tisquantum returned, and the Arrowes were deliuered, and the manner of the Messen­gers 10 cariage related, he signified to the Gouernour, that to send the rattle Snakes skinne in that manner, imported enmitie, and that it was no better then a challenge. Hereupon, after some de­liberation, the Gouernour stuffed the skin with Powder and Shot, and sent it backe, returning no lesse defiance to Conauacus, assuring him if he had Shipping now present thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset (the place of his abode) they should not neede to come so farre by Land to vs: yet withall, shewing that they should neuer come vnwelcome or vnlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and deliuered in such sort, as it was no small terrour to this Sauage King, insomuch as he would not once touch the Powder and Shot, or suffer it to stay in his House or Countrie. Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, another tooke it vp, and hauing beene posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole backe againe. 20

In the meane time, knowing our owne weakenesse, notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, hauing as yet (vnder God) no o­ther defence then our Armes, we thought it most needfull to impale our Towne, which with all expedition we accomplished in the moneth of February, and some few dayes, taking in the top Towne impa­led. of the Hill vnder which our Towne is seated, making foure Bulwarkes or ietties without the ordinary circuit of the Pale, from whence we could defend the whole Towne: In three whereof are Gates, and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captaine Standish diuided our strength into foure squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to haue command of each: And at a generall Muster or Training, appointed each his place, gaue each his Company, giuing them charge vpon euery alarum to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place, and in 30 his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his Company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their Muskets. After which they brought their new Commanders to their houses, where againe they graced them with their shot, and so departed. Fearing also least the enemy at any time should take any aduantage by firing our houses, Captaine Standish appointed a certaine Company, that whensoe­uer they saw or heard fire to be cryed in the Towne, should onely betake themselues to their Armes, and should inclose the house or place so indangered, and stand aloofe on their guard, with their backes towards the fire, to preuent trechery, if any were in that kinde intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it, but not otherwise, without speciall command. 40

Long before this time we promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come vnto them, and trade for their Furres, which being then come, we began to make prepa­ration for that Voyage. In the meane time, an Indian, called Hobbamocke, who still liued in the Towne, told vs, that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseuks (for they so called the people of that place) were ioyned in confederacie with the Nanohigganneucks, or people of Nanohig­ganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off Captaine Standish and his Company abroad: but howsoeuer in the meane time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home, giuing many reasons for his iealousie, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our Shallops to the Indians houses for their better aduantage. 50

Notwithstanding the forenamed Captaine with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke, set forwards for the Massachusets: but we had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour, called the Gurnets nose (where being becalmed we let fall our grapneli, to set things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eagernesse, hauing his face wounded, and the bloud still fresh on the same, calling to them to repaire home, oft looking behinde him, as if some o­thers had him in chase, saying that at Namaschet (a Towne some fifteene miles from vs) there were many of the Nanobiggansets, Massassowat our supposed friend; and Conbatant our feared ene­my, with many others, with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunity, to as­sault the Towne in the Captaines absence, affirming that hee receiued the wound in his face for 60 speaking in our behalfe, and by sleight escaped, looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed againe to the Gouernour, whereupon he gaue command that three peece of Ordnance should be made ready and discharged, to the end that if wee were not out of hearing, we might returne thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but we repaired homeward with [Page 1855] all conuenient speede, arming our selues, and making all in readinesse to fight. When wee entred the Harbour, we saw the Towne like wise on their guard, whither we hasted with all conueni­ent speede. The newes being made knowne vnto vs, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, as­suring vs of Massassowats faithfulnesse; howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie, himselfe being a Pinse, that is, one of his chiefe Champions or men of valour, it being the manner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke.

The Gouernour caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to Puckanokick the chiefe place of Massassowats residence (pretending other occasions) there to informe her selfe, and so vs, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such 10 matter was or had beene intended, she told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth (by them called Patuxet) which when he vnderstood, he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thankes to the Gouernour for his good thoughts of him; and assuring him, that according to their first Articles of peace, hee would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards.

Thus by degrees we began to discouer Tisquantum, whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of his Country-men, by meanes of his neerenesse and fauour with vs, not caring Tisquantum▪ trech [...]y. who fell, so he stood. In generall, his course was to pers wade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a priuate man­ner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himselfe to worke 20 their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme then many of their Sachims, yea, they themselues sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of vs; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas diuers were wont to relye on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leaue him, and seeke after Tisquantum. But when we vnderstood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocen­cy therein, assuring them till they begun with vs, they should haue no cause to feare. And if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance, which gaue the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.

After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the Massachusets, where we had good store of Trade and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driuen from before our Towne in great danger and 30 extremity of weather. At our returne, we found Massassowat at the Plantation, who made his seeming iust Apologie for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and inraged a­gainst Tisquantum, whom the Gouernour pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a Messenger to the Gouernour, intreating him to giue way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. But the Gouernour answered; Although he had deserued to dye both in respect of him and vs; yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him, and the rather because without him he knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe, or any other the Indians. With this answer the Messenger returned, but came againe not long after, ac­companied with diuers others, demanding him from Mass [...]ssowat their Master, as being one of his subiects, whom by our first Articles of peace we could not retaine: yet because hee would not 40 willingly doe it without the Gouernors approbation, offered him many Beuers skins for his con­sent thereto, saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had sent his owne Knife, and therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Gouernour an­swered; It was not the manner of the English to sell mens liues at a price, but when they had de­serued iustly to die, to giue them their reward, and therefore refused their Beauers as a gift: but sent for Tisquantum, who though he knew their intent, yet offered not to flye, but came and ac­cused Hobbamocke as the author and worker of his ouerthrow; yeelding himselfe to the Gouer­nour to be sent or not according as he thought meete. But at the instant, when our Gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his Executioners, a Boate was seene at Sea to [...]e before our Towne, and fall behinde a head-land not farre off: whereupon, hauing heard many rumours of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination betweene the 50 Sauages and them, the Gouernour told the Indians, he would first know what Boate that was ere he would deliuer him into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heate.

Here let me not omit one notable (though wicked) practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might possesse his Countrimen with the greater feare of vs, and so consequently of him­selfe, told them we had the plague buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though wee stirred not from home. Being vpon the forenamed brabbles sent for by the Gouernour to this place, where Hobbamock was & some other of vs, the ground being broke in the middest of the house (where­under 60 certaine barrels of Powder were buried, though vnknowne to him) Hobbamock asked him what it meant? To whom he readily answered; That was the place wherein the plague was Plagy [...] buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our people whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it? Who answered no; But [Page 1856] the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622. At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, hauing liued long before with a bare and short allowance: The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned, which came so vnprouided, not landing so much as a barrell of Bread or Meale for their whole Company, but contrariwise receiued from vs for their Ships store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certaine amongst our selues, who were too prodigall in their writing and reporting that plenty we en [...]oyed. But that I may returne.

This Boate proued to be a Shallop that belonged to a fishing Ship, called the Sparrow, set forth 10 by Master Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London, which brought six or seuen pas­sengers at his charge, that should before haue beene landed at our Plantation, who also brought no more prouision for the present then serued the Boats gang for their returne to the Ship, which made [...]er Voyage at a place called Damarins Coue, neere Munhiggen, some forty leagues from vs North-east-ward; about which place there fished aboue thirty saile of Ships, and whither my selfe was imployed by our Gouernour, with orders to take vp such victuals as the Shippes could spare; where I found kinde entertainment and good respect, with a willingnesse to supply our wants: But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessitie of some amongst themselues, whom they supplied before my comming, would not take any Bils for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had beene such as they might in greater 20 measure haue expressed their owne loue, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, prouoking one another to the vtmost of their abilities: which although it were not much a­mongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet through the prouident and discreete care of the Gouernours, recouered and preserued strength till our owne crop on the ground was ready.

Hauing dispatched there, I returned home with all speede conuenient, where I found the state of the Colony much weaker then when I left it: for til now we were neuer without some Bread, the want wherof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if the Countrey abound with Fish and Fowle in such measure as is reported, how could men vndergoe such measure of hardnesse, except through their owne negligence? I answere: E­uery 30 thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one said, will goe into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries: so he that lookes for Fowle there in the Summer, will be de­ceiued in his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with vs, is from the beginning of October to the end of March: but these extremities befell vs in May and Iune. I confesse, that as the Fowle decrease, so Fish increase. And indeede their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our Bay and Creekes were full of Basse, and other fish, ye [...] for want of fit and strong S [...]y [...]es, and other netting, they for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet we had neither tackling nor harseis for our Shallops. And indeede had we not beene in a place where diuers sorts of Shel­fish are that may be taken with the hand, we must haue perished, vnlesse God had raised some vn­knowne 40 or extraordinary meanes for our preseruation.

In the time of these streits (indeede before my going to Munhiggen) the Indians began againe to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakenesse, and giuing out how easie it would be ere long to cut vs off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frowne on vs, and neither came or sent to vs as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of Fortification. And whereas we haue a Hill called the Mount, inclosed within our Pale, vnder which our Towne is seated, we resolued to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might easily secure the Town from any assault the Indians can make, whilest the rest might be imployed as occasion serued. This worke was begun with great eagernesse, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continuall guard there kept, it would vtterly discourage the Sa­uages 50 from hauing any hopes or thoughts of rising against vs. And though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from dressing our Corne, yet (life being continued) wee hoped God would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our further preseruation.

In the end of Iune, or beginning of Iuly, came into our harbour two Ships of Master Westons Master Westons planters: which pl [...]id the w [...]sps with English and Sauages. aforesaid, the one called the Charitie, the other the Swan, hauing in them some fiftie or sixtie men sent ouer at his owne charge to plant for him. These we receiued into our Towne, affording them whatsoeuer curtesie our meane condition could afford. There the Charitie, being the big­ger Ship, left them, hauing many passengers which she was to land in Uirginia. In the meane time, the body of them refreshed themselues at Plimoth, whilest some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of Corne we had, was exceedingly wasted by the vniust and dishonest 60 walking of these strangers, who though they would sometimes seeme to helpe vs in our labour about our Corne, yet spared not day and night to steale the same, it being then eatable, and plea­sant to taste, though green and vnprofitable. And though they receiued much kindnesse, s [...]t light both by it and vs. At length their Coast [...]rs returned, hauing found in their iudgement a place fit [Page 1857] for plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place called by the Indians Wichagus­cusset. To which place the body of them went with all conuenient speede, leauing still with vs such as were sicke and lame, by the Gouernours permission, though on their parts vndeserued, whom our Surgeon by the helpe of God recouered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as oc­casion serued. They had not beene long from vs, ere the Indians filled our eares with clamours a­gainst them, for stealing their Corne, and other abuses conceiued by them. At which we grieued the more, because the same men, in mine owne hearing, had beene earnest in perswading Cap­taine Standish, before their comming to solicite our Gouernour to send some of his men to plant by them, alledging many reasons how it might be commodious for vs. But wee knew no meanes to redresse those abuses, saue reproofe, and aduising them to better walking, as occa­sion serued. 10

In the end of August came other two Ships into our harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discouerie, Captaine Iones hauing the command thereof, the other was that Ship of Master Two Ships. Westons, called the Sparrow, which had now made her Voyage of Fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Uirginta. Of Captaine Iones we furnished our selues of such pro­uisions Helpe f [...] Master Iones. as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as he vsed vs kindely, so made vs pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his All-ordering Prouidence, dire­cted him to vs, it would haue gone worse with vs, then euer it had beene, or after was: for, as we had now but small store of Corne for the yeere following: so for want of supply, we were worne out of all manner of trucking-stuffe, not hauing any meanes left to helpe our selues by trade; but 20 through Gods good mercy towards vs, hee had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kinde competently.

In the end of September, or beginning of October, Master Westons biggest Ship called the Cha­ritie, returned for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colony for their further helpe. At which time they desired to ioyne in partnership with vs to trade for Corne; to which our Gouernour and his Assistant agreed vpon such equall conditions, as were drawne and confir­med betweene them and vs. The chiefe places aimed at were to the Southward of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with Ma­sassowat, vndertooke to discouer vnto vs that supposed, and still hoped passage within 30 the Sholes.

Both Colonies being thus agreed, our Gouernour in his owne person supplied the Captaines place, and in the month of Nouember set forth, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter and Pi­lot, who affirmed he had twice passed within the Sholes of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Neuerthelesse, they went so farre with him, as the Master of the Ship saw no hope of passage: but being (as he thought) in danger, bare vp, and according to Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not farre from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they found, and sounding it with their Shallop found the channell, though but narrow and crooked, where at at length they harboured the Ship. Here they perceiued that the Tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more Southerly, which they had not seene nor could discouer, by 40 reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some iudged the entrance thereof might be beyond the Sholes, but there is no certainty thereof as yet knowne. That night the Gouernour accompanied with others, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter went ashoare: At first the Inhabitants plaied least in sight, because none of our people had euer beene there be­fore; but vnderstanding the ends of their comming, at length came to them, welcomming our Gouernour according to their Sauage manner, refreshing them very well with store of Venison and other victuals which they brought them in great abundance, promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladnesse of the occasion: yet their ioy was mixed with much iealousie, as appea­red by their after practises: for at first they were loath their dwellings should be knowne, but when they saw our Gouernours resolution to stay on the shoare all night, they brought him to their houses, hauing first conuaied all their stuffe to a remote place, not farre from the same, which one of our men walking forth occasionally, espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor 50 they could be found, and so many times after vpon conceiued occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards (by Tisquantums meanes) better perswaded, they left their iealousie and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of Corne and Beanes, though the people were but few. This gaue our Gouernour and the Company good encourage­ment. Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the Inhabitants affirming, they had seene Ships of good burthen passe within the Sholes aforesaid. But here, though they had deter­mined to make a second assay, yet God had otherwaies disposed, who strucke Tisquantum with sicknesse, in so much as he there died, which crossed their Southward trading, and the more, be­cause the Masters sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to 60 goe vpon discouery, hauing no guide to direct them.

From thence they departed, and the winde being faire for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather because the Sauages vpon our motion had planted much Corne for vs, which they [Page 1858] promised not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a great sicknesse to be amongst the Indians, not vnlike the Plague, if not the same. They renued their complaints to our A Plague. Gouernour, against that other Plantation seated by them, for their iniurious walking. But in­deede the trade both for Furres and Corne was ouerthrowne in that place, they giuing as much Note. for a quart of Corne, as we vsed to doe for a Beauers skin; so that little good could be there done. From thence they returned into the bottome of the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset, where the Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and where they bought eight or ten hogs­heads of Corne and Beanes. Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kinde en­tertainment and Corne also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent stormes, as the Ship was much endangered, and our Shallop cast away, so that they 10 had now no meanes to carry the Corne aboard that they had bought, the Ship riding by their re­port well neere two leagues from the same, her owne Boate being small, and so leake (hauing no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Gouer­nour caused the Corne to be made in a round stacke, and bought Mats, and cut Sedge to couer it, and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next to it a re­ward, if he would keepe vermine also from it, which he vndertooke, and the Sachim promised to make good. In the meane time, according to the Gouernors request, the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop, which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke, hauing many things Honest Sa­uages. remaining in her, but vnseruiceable for the present; whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken. And hauing procured a Guide, it being no lesse 20 then fiftie miles to our Plantation, set forward, receiuing all respect that could be from the In­dians in his iourney, and came safely home, though weary and surbated, whether some three dayes after the Ship also came. The Corne being diuided which they had got, Master Westons Company went to their owne Plantation, it being further agreed, that they should returne with all conuenient speede, and bring their Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the Corne, and saue their Shallop.

At their returne Captaine Standish being recouered and in health, tooke another Shallop, and went with them to the Corne, which they found in safety as they left it: also they mended the other Shallop, and got all their Corne aboard the Ship. This was in Ianuary, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour being none of the best) they were constrained to 30 cut both the Shallops from the Ships sterne, and so lost them both a second time. But the storme being ouer, and seeking out, they found them both, not hauing receiued any great hurt. Whilest they were at Nauset, hauing occasion to lye on the shoare, laying their Shallop in a Creeke not farre from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certaine Beads, C [...]ssers, and other trifles out of the same, which when the Captaine missed, he tooke certaine of his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling him what had hapned, and requiring the same againe, or the par­ty that stole them (who was knowne to certaine of the Indians) or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure, and so tooke leaue for that night being late, refusing whatsoeuer kind­nesse they offered. On the morrow, the Sachim came to their randeuow, accompanied with ma­ny men, in a stately manner, who saluting the Captaine in this wise; He thrust out his tongue, 40 that one might see the roote thereof, and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end, withall bowing the knee, striuing to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum: his men did the like, but in so rude and Sauage a manner, as our men could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter. After salutation, he deliuered the Beads, and other things to the Captaine, saying, he had much beaten the party for doing it, causing the wo­men to make Bread, and bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed, and came home in safety; where the Corne was equally diuided, as before.

After this, the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes, with another Company, and bought Corne likewise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Manomet. That from Na­masket Namasket. Manomet. 50 was brought home partly by Indian women; but a great sicknesse arising amongst them, our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest. That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachims custody: this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles, and stands vpon a fresh Riuer, which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset, and cannot be lesse then sixty miles from thence. It will beare a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place. Hither the Dutch, or French, or both vse to come, It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards the Towne. The heads of the Riuer, and this Creeke, are not farre distant. This Riuer yeeldeth thus high, Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other Shel-fish, one in shape like a Beane, another like a Clam, both good meate, and great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. 60 The Gouernour or Sachim of this place, was called Canacum, who had formerly, as well as many others (yea all with whom as yet we had to doe) acknowledged themselues the Subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King. This Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilest the Gouernour was there within [Page 1859] night in bitter weater, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of, and hauing set aside their Bowes and Quiuers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and tooke a pipe of To­bacco, not vsing any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speake: At length they looked toward Canacum, and one of them made a short speech, and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of Tobacco, and many Beades, which the other receiued thankfully. After which, he made a long speech to him, the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Gouernour for his Guide) to be as followeth; It hapned that two of their men fell out as they were in game (for they vse gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, euen their skin from their Sauages great gamsters. backs, yea and for their wiues skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, 10 as my selfe haue seene) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of speciall note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well misse, yet another people greater then themselues threatned them with warre, if they would not put him to death. The partie offending was in hold, neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne, resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weightie a matter. After this there was silence a short time; at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best. A­mongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought? Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought it was better that one should die then many, since he had deserued it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him.

Not long after ( [...]auing no great quantitie of Corne left) Captaine Standish went againe with a 20 Shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremitie of weather, both of winde, S [...]ow, and Frost, insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same. Here they pretended their wonted loue, and spared them a good quantitie of Corne to confirme the same: Strangers also came to this place pretending onely to see him and his Companie, whom they neuer saw before that time, but intending to ioyne with the rest to kill them, as after ap­peared. But being forced through extremitie to lodge in their houses, which they much pres­sed, God possessed the heart of the Captaine with iust iealousie, giuing strait command, that as Iust iealousie. one part of his Companie slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he vnderstood, whereof he could make no good construction. Some of the Indians spying a fit op­portunitie, stole some Beades also from him, which he no sooner perceiued, hauing not aboue six 30 men with him, drew them all from the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims house, where the most of the people were, threatning to fall vpon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them, signifying to the Sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least iniurie, so he would not receiue any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to finde out the partie, which when he had done, caused him to returne them againe to the Shallop, and came to the Captaine, desiring him to search whether they were not about the Boat, who suspecting their knauerie, sent one, who found them lying openly vpon the Boats cu [...]dy; yet to appease his anger, they brought Corne afresh to trade, insomuch as he laded his Shallop, and so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against 40 him. So that through the good mercy and prouidence of God they returned in safetie. At this Base Summer and Winter. place the Indians get abundance of Basse both Summer and Winter, for it being now February they abounded with them.

In the beginning of March, hauing refreshed himselfe, he tooke a Shallop, and went to Mano­met, to fetch home that which the Gouernour had formerly bought, hoping also to get more from them, but was deceiued in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found else­where, and the Gouernour had there receiued. The reason whereof, and of the trecherie inten­ded in the place before spoken of, was not then knowne vnto vs, but afterwards: wherein may be obserued the abundant mercies of God working with his prouidence for our good. Cap­taine Standish being now farre from the Boat, and not aboue two or three of our men with him, and as many with the Shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims house, but in 50 came two of the Massachuset men, the chiefe of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villaine, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the bloud of English and French, and had oft boasted of his owne valour, and derided their weaknesse, especially because (as he said) they died crying, making sowre faces, more like children then men. This villaine tooke a dagger from about his necke (which hee had gotten of Master Westons people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captaine (though he be the best Linguist amongst vs) could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterward discouered to be as followeth: The Mas­sacheuseuckes formerly concluded to ruinate Master Westons Colonie, and thought them­selues, 60 being about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the same: yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselues to make their partie good against vs at Plimoth, concluding, that if wee remained (though they had no other Arguments to vse against vs) yet wee would neuer leaue the death of [Page 1860] our Countrimen vnreuenged, and therefore their safetie could not be without the ouerthrow of both Plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this Sachim, as also the other called I anough at Mattachiest, and many others to assist them, and now againe came to pro­secute the same; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered by the Captaines pre­sence, they thought best to make sure him and his Company. After this message was deli­uered, his entertainment much exceeded the Captaines, insomuch as hee scorned at their be­hauiour, and told them of it: after which, they would haue perswaded him, because the weather was cold, to haue sent to the Boate for the rest of his Company, but he would not, desiring according to promise, that the Corne might be carried downe, and he would con­tent the women for their l [...]bour, which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of 10 Paomet or Cap: Cod then present, who had euer demeaned himselfe well towards vs, being in his generall carriage very affable, courteous, and louing, especially towards the Captaine. This Sauage was now entred into confederacie with the rest, yet to auoide suspition, made many signes of his continued affections, and would needes bestow a Kettle of some six or seuen gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying, he was rich, and could af­ford to bestow such fauours on his friends whom he loued: also hee would freely helpe to car­ry some of the Corne, [...]ffirming he had neuer done the like in his life before, and the winde be­ing bad would needes lodge with him at their Randeuow, hauing indeede vndertaken to kill him before they parted, which done they intended to fall vpon the rest. The night proued exceeding cold, insomuch as the Captaine could not take any rest, but either walked or tur­ned 20 himselfe to and fro at the fire: This the other obserued, and asked wherefore he did not sleepe as at other times, who answered he knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then mist hisopportunity. The winde seruing on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian, who vsed many arguments to perswade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much Corne, and many other, the most wherof he would procure for vs, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captaine put forth with him, and was forced backe by contrary winde; which winde serued for the Massachuset, was fitted to goe thither. But on a sudden it altered againe.

During the time that the Captaine was at Manomet, newes came to Plimoth that Massasso­wat was like to die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch Ship driuen so high on the shoare by stresse of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides encreased, she could not be got Dutch Ship. 30 off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any (especially of note) are dan­gerously sicke, for all that professe friendship to them, to visit them in their extremity, either in Visitations of the sicke. their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them, therefore it was thought meete (being a good and warrantable action) that as we had euer professed friendship, so we should now maintaine the same, by obseruing this their laudable custome: and the rather, because we desired to haue some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should haue so fit an opportu­nity. To that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there, and vnderstanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Gouernour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe, and fitted me with some cor­dials to administer to him, hauing one Master Iohn Hamden a Gentleman of London (who then wintered with vs, and desired much to see the Country) for my Consort, and Hobbamocke for our 40 guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had friendly enter­tainment.

The next day about one of the clock, we came to a ferrie in Conbatants Country, where vpon discharge of my Peece, diuers Indians came to vs from a house not far off. There they told vs, that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, hauing houe off their Ship already. This newes strucke vs blanke; but especially Hob­bamocke, Reports of Massassowats death. who desired we might returne with all speede. I told him I would first thinke of it, con­sidering now that he being dead, Combatant was the most like to succeede him, and that we were not aboue three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place, although he were but a hollow-hear­ted friend towards vs, I thought no time so fit as this, to enter into more friendly tearmes with 50 him, and the rest of the Sachims thereabout, hoping (through the blessing of God) it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state, to settle their affections towards vs, and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personall safety, because my selfe and Hobbamocke had beene imploy­ed vpon a seruice against him, which he might now fitly reuenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leauing the euent to God in his mercy. I resouled to put it in practise, if Master Hamden and Hob­bamock durst attempt it with me, whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, Hobbamocke manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus, &c. His commen­dation. My louing Sachim, my louing Sachim. Many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee: And tur­ning him to me said; Whilest I liued, I should neuer see his like amongst the Indians, saying, he 60 was no lyer, he was not bloudy and cruell like other Indians; In anger and passion he was soone reclaimed, easie to be reconciled towards such as had offended him, ruled by reason in such mea­sure, as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men, and that he gouerned his men better with few stroakes then others did with many; truely louing where he loued; yea, he feared we had not [Page 1861] a faithfull friend left among the Indians, shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice, &c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeined sorrow, as it would haue made the hardest heart relent.

At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the Sachimo Comaco (for so they called the Sa­chims place, though they call an ordinary house Witeo) but Combatant the Sachim was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some fiue or six miles off; the Squa-sachim (for so they call Sachims wife) gaue vs friendly entertainment. Here we enquired againe concerning Massassowat, they thought him dead, but knew no certainty; wherupon I hired one to goe with all expedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withall to acquaint Combatant with our there being. About halfe an houre before Sun-setting, the messenger returned, and told vs that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should finde him liuing. Vpon this we 10 were much reuiued, and set forward with all speede, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoone the Dutchmen departed, so that in that respect our iournie was frustrate. When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could Miserable comforters. scarce get in, though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. There were they in the middest of their charmes for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered vs that were well, and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his armes, legs, and thighes, to keep heat in him: when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends the English were come to see him (hauing vnderstanding left, but his sight was wholly gone) he asked who was come, they told him Winsnow (for they cannot pro­nounce the letter [...], but ordinarily n in the place thereof) he desired to speake with me: when I 20 came to him, & they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took; then he said twice, though very inwardly, keen Winsnow, which is to say, art thou Winslow? I answered, a [...]e, that is, yes; then he doubled these words, Matta neen wonckanet namen Winsnow; that is to say, O Winslow I shall neuer see thee again. Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Gouer­nor hearing of his sicknes, was sorry for the same, & though by reason of many businesses he could not come himselfe, yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely, to doe him good in this extremity, and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently giue him; which he desired, and hauing a confection of many comfortable Conserues, on the point of my Knife I gaue him some, which I could scarce get thorow his teeth; when it was dissolued in his mouth, he swal­lowed the iuice of it, whereat those that were about him much reioyced, saying, he had not swal­lowed 30 any thing in two daies before. Then I desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly fur­red, and his tongue swelled in such manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopt vp. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, & got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which, I gaue him more of the confection, which he swallow­ed with more readines; then he desired to drinke, I dissolued some of it in water, and gaue him thereof; within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eies of all that beheld him; presently after his sight began to come to him. In the meane time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stoole? They said he slept not in two daies before, & had not had a stoole in fiue; then I gaue him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Gouernour also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would 40 send for more of the same, also for Chickens to make him broth, & for other things which I knew were good for him, and would stay the returne of the Messenger, if he desired. This he tooke mar­uellous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning, a­gainst which time I made ready a Letter, declaring therein our good successe, the state of his body &c. desiring to send such things as I sent for, and such physicke as the Surgion durst administer to him. He requested me that the day following, I would take my Peece, and kill him some Fowle, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Plimoth, which I promised: after his stomacke comming to him, I must needes make him some without Fowle, before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me; but being I must doe somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some Corne, and take the flower from it, and set ouer the g [...]ut or broken Corne in a Pipkin (for they 50 haue earthen Pots of all sizes.) When the day broke, we went out (it being now March) to seeke hearbes, but could not finde any but Strawberrie leaues, of which I gathered a handful & put into the same, and because I had nothing to relish it, I went forth againe, and pulled vp a Saxafras root, and sliced a peece thereof, and boiled it till it had a good relish, and then tooke it out againe. The broth being boiled, I strained it thorow my handkerchiffe, and gaue him at least a pinte, which he dranke, and liked it very well. After this, his sight mended more and more, also he had three mo­derate stooles, and tooke some rest: Insomuch, as we with admiration blessed God for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes, making no doubt of his recouery, himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation. That morning he caused me to spend 60 in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the Town, requesting me to wash their mouthes also, and giue to each of them some of the same I gaue him, saying, they were good folke. This paines I tooke with willingnesse, though it were much offensiue to me, not being ac­customed with such poisonous sauours.

[Page 1862] The Messengers were now returned, but finding his stomacke come to him, he would not haue the Chickens killed, but kept them for breede. Neither durst we giue him any physicke which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions, neither saw we any neede, not doubting now of his recouery, if he were carefull. Many whilest we were there came to see him, some by their report from a place not lesse then an hundred miles. Vpon this his re­couery, he brake forth into these speeches; Now I see the English are my friends and loue me, and whilest I liue I will neuer forget this kindenesse they haue shewed me. Whilest wee were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers. At our comming away, he called Hobbamocke to him, and priuately (none hearing saue two or three other of his Pueeses, who are of his Coun­sell) reuealed the plot of the Massachenseucks before spoken of, against Master Westons Colony, 10 and so against vs, saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succouet Mattachiest, Manomet Ago­waywam, and the Ile of Capawack, were ioyned with them; himselfe also in his sickenesse was earnestly sollicited, but he would neither ioyne therein, nor giue way to any of his. Therefore as we respected the liues of our Countrimen, and our owne after-safety, he aduised vs to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischiefe. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if said he vpon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their Countrimen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselues, that then it will be too late to recouer their liues, nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficultie preserue their own, & therefore he coun­selled He reuealeth the trechery of the Massachu­sets. without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this hee 20 charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way, that I might informe the Gouernour thereof at my first comming home. Being fitted for our returne, we tooke our leaue of him, who returned many thankes to out Gouernour, and also to our selues for our labour and loue: the like did all that were about him. So we departed.

That night, thorow the earnest request of Combatant, who till now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so like wise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry iests and squibs, and ne­uer better pleased then when the like are returned againe vpon him. Amongst other things he asked me, If in case he were thus dangerously sicke, as Massassowat had beene, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Maskiet, that is, Physicke, whether then Master Gouernour would send it? 30 and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him? To both which I answered yea; whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes. After that, being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst being but two come so farre into the Country? I answered, where was true loue there was no feare, and my heart was so vpright towards them, that for mine owne part I was fearelesse to come amongst them. But, said he, if your loue be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how commeth it to passe, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand vpon your guard, with the mouthes of your Peeces presented towards vs? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honora­ble and respectiue entertainment we could giue them; it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends: and as it was vsed on the Land, so the Ships obserued it also at Sea, which Hobbamock knew, and had seene obserued. But shaking the head, he answered, that he 40 liked not such salutations.

Further, obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate, and after to giue thankes for the same, he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary custome? Hereupon I tooke occasion to tell them of Gods workes of Creation, and Preseruation, of the Lawes and Or­dinances, especially of the ten Commandements, all which they hearkned vnto with great at­tention, and liked well of; onely the seuenth Commandement they excepted against, thinking there were many inconueniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman: about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoeuer good things we had, we receiued from God, as the Author and giuer thereof, and therefore craued his blessing vpon that we had, and were about to eate, that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies, and hauing eaten suffici­ent, 50 being satisfied there with, we againe returned thankes to the same our God for that our re­freshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well, and said, they beleeued almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kietitan. Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no lesse delight­full Their name of God. to them, then comfortable to vs. Here we remained onely that night, but neuer had better entertainment amongst any of them.

The day following, in our iourney, Hobbamocke told me of the priuate conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there with (as I shewed before) which hauing done, he vsed many arguments himselfe to moue vs thereunto: That night we lodged at Namasket, and the day following about the mid-way betweene it and home, we met 60 two Indians, who told vs that Captaine Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets: but contrary windes againe draue him backe, so that we found him at home; where the Indian of Pao­met still was, being very importunate that the Captaine should take the first opportunitie of a faire winde to goe with him, but their secret and villanous purposes being through Gods mercy [Page 1863] now made knowne, the Gouernour caused Captaine Standish to send him away without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the better effect and bring to passe that which should be thought most necessary.

Before this iourney we heard many complaints both by the Indians and some others of best desert amongst Master Westons Colony, how exceedingly their Company abased themselues by vndirect meanes, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not farre from them, fetching them wood & water, &c, and all for a meales meate, whereas in the meane time, they might with diligence haue gotten enough to haue serued them three or foure times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians store, for which they had beene publiquely stocked and whipt, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February, at which time they had spent all their Bread and Corne, not leauing any for Seede, neither would the Indians lend or 10 sell them any more vpon any tearmes. Hereupon they had thought to take it by violence, and to that spiked vp euery entrance into their Towne (being well impaled) saue one, with a full re­solution to proceede. But some more honestly minded, aduised Iohn Sanders their Ouer-seer first to write to Plimoth, and if the Gouernor aduised him thereunto, he might the better doe it. They sent, and our Gouernour writ diuers reasons of dislike. With these Letters wee dispatched the Messenger; Vpon the receipt whereof they altered their determination, resoluing to shift as they could, till the returne of Iohn Sanders from Munhiggen, who first comming to Plimoth, notwithstanding our owne necessities, the Gouernour spared him some Corne to carrie them to Munhiggen. But not hauing sufficient for the Ships store, he tooke a Shallop, and leauing others 20 with instructions to ouer-see things till his returne, set forward about the end of February, so that he knew not of this conspiracie of the Indians before his going, neither was it knowne to any of vs till our returne from Sawaams or Puckanakick: at which time also another Sa­chim called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachim of the Massachusets, who had for­merly smarted for partaking with Coubatant, and fearing the like againe, to purge himselfe, re­uealed the same thing.

The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearely Court day, the Go­uernour hauing a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being to vndertake warre without the consent of the body of the Company; made knowne the same in publique Court. We came to this conclusion, That Captaine Standish should take so ma­ny 30 men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachuset Bay; & because (as all men know that haue had to doe in that kinde) it is impossible to deale with them vpon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others; therfore he should pretend trade as at other times: but first goe to the English, & acquaint them with the plot, & the end of his owne comming, that comparing it with their carriages towards them, he might better iudge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to reuenge the same: but should for­beare if it were possible till such time as he could make sure Wituwamat, that bloudy & bold villain before spoken of, whose head he had order to bring with him, that hee might be a warning and terrour to all that disposition. Vpon this, Captaine Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more because he would preuentiealousie, knowing their guilty consciences would 40 soone be prouoked thereunto: but on the next day before he could goe, came one of Master We­stons Company by land vnto vs, with his packe at his backe, who made a pittifull narration of their lamentable and weake estate, and of the Indians carriages, whose boldnesse increased abun­dantly, Indians into lence. insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their Pots and eate before their faces, yea if in any thing they gaine-said them, they were ready to hold a Knife at their breasts; that to giue them content, since Iohn Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged one of them that stole their Corne, and yet they regarded it not: that another of their Company was turned Sauage, that their people had most forsaken the Towne, and made their randeuous where they got their victuals, because they would not take paines to bring it home: that they had sold their cloathes for Corne, and were ready to starue both with cold and hunger also, because they could not indure to get victuals by reason of their nakednesse: and that they were dispersed into 50 three Companies, scarce hauing any Powder and Shot left. As this Relation was grieuous to vs, so it gaue vs good encouragement to proceede in our intendments, for which Captaine Standish was now fitted, and the winde comming faire, the next day set forth for the Massachusets.

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man, and suspecting his comming to vs, as wee conceiue, sent one after him, and gaue out there that he would neuer come to Patuxet, but that some Wolues or Beares would eate him: but we know not by our owne experience, and the re­port of others, that though they finde a man sleeping, yet so soone as there is life discerned, they feare and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little, and missing him passed by the towne 60 and went to Manomet, whom we hoped to take at his returne, as afterward we did. Now was our Fort made fit for seruice and Iome Ordnance mounted; and though it may seeme long worke it being ten moneths since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a worke is begun with such small meanes, a little time cannot bring to perfection: beside those workes which tend to [Page 1864] the preseruation of man, the enemy of mankinde will hinder what in him lieth, sometimes blin­d [...] iudgement, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety. The Indian last mentioned in his returne from Monomet, came through the Towne, pretending still friendship and in loue to see vs, but as formerly others, so his end was to see whether wee continued still in health and strength, or fell into weakenesse like their neighbours, which they hoped and looked for (though God in mercy prouided better for vs) and hee knew would be glad tydings to his Countrie men. But here the Gouernour staid him, and sending for him to the Fort, there gaue the Guard charge of him as their prisoner, where he told him hee must be contented to remaine till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets, so he was locked in a chaine to a staple in the Court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our Fort hanselled, this being the first day as I take it, 10 that euer any watch was there kept.

The Captaine being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the Ship, but found neither man, or so much as a Dogge therein: vpon the discharge of a Musket the Master and some others of the Plantation shewed themselues, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other foode. After salutation, Captaine Standish asked them how they durst so leaue the Ship, and liue in such security, who answered like men senslesse of their owne misery, they feared not the Indians but liued and suffered them to lodge with them, not hauing Sword or Gunne, or nee­ding the same. To which the Captaine answered, if there were no cause he was the gladder, but vpon further inquiry, vnderstanding that those in whom Iohn Sanders had reposed most speciall confidence and left in his stead to gouerne the rest, were at the Plantation: thither he went, and 20 to be briefe, made knowne the Indians purpose, and the end of his owne comming, as also (which formerly I omitted) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the Go­uernours and people of Plimouth there to receiue them till they could be better prouided: but if they conceiued of any other course that might be more likely for their good, that himselfe should further them therein to the vttermost of his power. These men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better, and it was Gods mercy that they were not killed before his comming, desiring therefore that he would neglect no oppor­tunity to proceede: Hereupon he aduised them to secrecy, yet withall to send speciall command to one third of their Company that were farthest off to come home, and there enioyne them on paine of death to keepe the Towne, himselfe allowing them a pint of Indian Corne to a man for 30 a day (though that store he had was spared out of our Seede.) The weather prouing very wet and stormy, it was the longer befor [...] he could doe any thing.

In the meane time an Indian came to him and brought some Furres, but rather to gather what he could from the Captaines, then comming then for trade; and though the Captaine carried things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his returne he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart, and therefore began to suspect themselues discouered. This caused one Pecksuot who was a Pinese, being a man of a notable spirit to come to Hobbamocke who was then with them, and told him hee vnderstood that the Captaine was come to kill himselfe and the rest of the Sauages there; tell him, said he, we know it, but feare him not, neither will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take vs at vnawares: many times af­ter, 40 diuers of them seuerally, or few together, came to the Plantation to him, where they would whet and sharpen the point of their Kniues before his face, and vse many other insulting ge­stures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his Knife, on the end of the handle there was pictured a womans face, but said hee, I haue another at home wherewith I haue killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it, and by and by these two must marry: Further he said of that Knife he there had; Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi­chen, mattacuts: that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat [...] but not speake. Also Pecksuot being a man of greater stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine, yet he was but a little man: and said he, though I be no Sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captaine obserued, yet bare with patience for the pre­sent. 50 On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Peck­suot and Wituwamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteene yeares of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and villaine-like trode in his steps, daily putting many trickes vpon the weaker sort of men, and hauing about as many of his owne Company in a roome wi [...]h them, gaue the word to his men, and the doore being fast shut, began himselfe with Peck­suot, and snatching his owne Knife from his necke, though with much strugling, killed him there­with, Sauages slain. the poin [...] whereof he had made as sharpe as a needle, and ground the backe also to an edge: Wituwamat and the other man, the rest killed, and tooke the youth, whom the Captaine caused to be hanged; but it is incredible how many wounds these two Pueeses receiued before they died, not making any fearefull noyse, but catching at their weapons and striuing to the last. Hobba­mocke 60 stood by all this time as a spectator and medled not, obseruing how our men demeaned themselues in this action: all being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to the Captaine; Yesterday Pecksuot bragging of his owne strength and stature, said, though you were a great Captaine, yet you were but a lttle man; but to day I see you are big enough to lay him [Page 1865] on the ground. But to proceede, there being some women at the same time, Captaine Standish left them in the custody of Master Westons people at the Towne, and sent word to another Com­pany that had intelligence of things to kill those Indian men that were amongst them, these kil­led two more: himselfe also with some of his owne men went to another place, where they kil­led another, and through the negligence of one man an Indian escaped, who discouered and cros­sed their proceedings.

Not long before this Execution, three of Master Westons men, which more regarded their bel­lies Sauage Eng­lishmen. then any command or Commander, hauing formerly fared well with the Indians for making them Clanoes, went againe to the Sachim to offer their seruice, and had entertainment. The first night they came thither within night late came a Messenger with all speede, and deliuered a sad 10 and short message: Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their Bootes and Breeches, trussed vp themselues, and tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their returne they should haue Venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise then the rest, calling former things to minde, especially the Captaines presence, and the strait charge, that on paine of death none should got a Musket-shot from the Piantation; and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himselfe at home againe, which was further of then diuers other dwelt: Hereupon he moued his fellowes to returne, but could not perswade them: so there being none but women left, and the other that was turned Sauage, about midnight came away, forsaking the paths lest he should be pursued, and by this meanes saued his life. 20

Captaine Standish tooke the one halfe of his men, and one or two of Master Westons, and Hobba­mock, still seeking to make spoyle of them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians which made towards them amayne, and there being a small aduantage in the ground by reason of a Hill neere them, both Companies stroue for it. Captain Standish got it, whereupon they retrea­ted and tooke each man his Tree, letting flie their Arrowes amayne, especially at himselfe and Hobbamocke, whereupon Hobbamocke cast off his coate, and being a knowne Pinese, (theirs being now killed) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him, insomuch as our men could haue but one certaine marke, and then but the arme and halfe face of a notable vil­laine as hee drew at Captaine Standish, who together with another both discharged at him, and brake his arme; whereupon they fled into a swampe, when they were in the thicket they par­lied, 30 but to small purpose, getting nothing but foule language. So our Captain dared the Sachim to come out and fight like a man, shewing how base and womanlike hee was in tounging it as he did: but he refused and fled. So the Captaine returned to the Plantation, where hee released the women and would not take their Beauer coates from them, nor suffer the least discourtesie to bee offered them. Now were Master Westons people resolued to leaue their Plantation and goe for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and returne with the Fishing Ships. The Captaine told them, that for his owne part hee durst there liue with fewer men then they were, yet since they were otherwayes minded, according to his order from the Gouernours and people of Plimouth, hee would helpe them with Corne competent for their prouision by the way, which hee did, scarce leauing himselfe more then brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the bodie 40 to goe to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to goe with him to Plimouth, hee tooke them into the Shallop: and seeing them set sayle and cleere of the Massachuset Bay, he tooke leaue and re­turned to Plimouth, whither hee came in safetie (blessed be God) and brought the head of Witu­wamat with him.

Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth that was euer of a courteous and louing dispositi­on towards vs, hee notwithstanding the death of his Countrimen, came to the Captaine without feare, saying, His good conscience and loue towards vs imboldned him so to doe. This youth con­fessed that the Indians intended to kil Master Westons people, and not to delay any longer then till they had two more Canoes or Boats, which Master Westons men would haue finished by this time (hauing made them three already) had not the Captaine preuented them, and the end of stay 50 for those Boats, was to take their Ship therewith.

Now was the Captaine returned and receiued with ioy, the head being brought to the Fort and there set vp, the Gouernours and Captaines with diuers others went vp the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked pittiously on the head, being asked whether he knew it, he an­swered, yea: Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people prouoked Obtakiest their Sachim thereunto, being drawne to it by their importunitie: Fiue there were (he said) that prosecuted it with more eagernesse then the rest, the two principall were killed, being Pecksnot and Witu­wamat, whose head was there, the other three were Powahs, being yet liuing, and knowne vnto vs, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himselfe hee would not acknowledge that hee had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying, Hee was not a Massachuset 60 man, but as a stranger liued with them. Hobbamock also gaue a good report of him, and besought, for him, but was bribed so to doe it. Neuerthelesse, that wee might shew mercy as well as extrea­mitie, the Gouernour released him, and the rather because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest his Master. No sooner were the Irons from his legs, but he would haue beene gone, but [Page 1866] the Gouernour bid him stay and feare not, for hee should receiue no hurt, and by Hobbamock com­manded him to deliuer his message to his Master; That for our parts, it neuer entred into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their owne treachery enforced vs thereunto, and therefore they might thanke themselues for their owne ouerthrow, yet since hee had begun, if againe by any the like courseshe [...] did prouoke him, his Countrey should not hold him, for hee would neuer suffer him or his to rest in peace, till hee had vtterly consumed them, and therefore should take this as a warning. Further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen hee had and not kill them; also that hee should not spoyle the Pale and Houses at Wichaguscusset, and that this Messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both, promising his safe returne.

This message was deliuered, and the partie would haue returned with answer, but was at first 10 disswaded by them, whom afterward they would, but could not perswade to come to vs. At length (though long) a woman came and told vs that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed before he heard from the Gouernour, otherwise hee would haue sent them. Also shee said, hee would faine make his peace againe with vs, but none of his men durst come to treate about it, hauing forsaken his dwelling, and daily remoued from place to place, expecting when wee would take further vengeance on him.

Concerning those other people that intended to ioyne with the Massachuseucks against vs, though we neuer went against any of them, yet this sudden and vnexpected execution, together with the iust iudgement of God vpon their guiltie consciences, hath so terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsooke their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, liuing 20 in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselues, whereof very many are dead, as Canacum the Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, and Ia­nowgh Sachim of Mattachuest. This Sachim in his life, in the middest of these distractions, said, The God of the English was offended with them, and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange to heare how many of late haue, and still daily dye amongst them, neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease, because through feare they set little or no Corne, which is the staffe of life, and without which they cannot long preserue health and strength. From one of these places a Boat was sent with Presents to the Gouernour, hoping thereby to worke their peace, but the Boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not farre from our Plantati­on, onely one escaped, who durst not come to vs, but returned, so as none of them date come 30 amongst vs.

The moneth of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare for Corne. And be­cause there was no Corne left before this time, saue that was preserued for Seed, being also hope­lesse An. 1623. of reliefe by supply, we thought best to leaue off all other workes, and prosecute that as most necessarie. And because there was no small hope of doing good, in that common course of labour that formerly wee were in, for that the Gouernours that followed men to their labours, had no­thing to giue men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command ouer them therein as formerly they had done, especially considering that selfe-loue wherewith euery man (in a measure more or lesse) loueth and preferreth his owne good before his neighbours, and also the base disposition of some drones, that as at other times so now especially would bee most burdenous to the rest: It was therefore thought best that euery man should vse the best dili­gence 40 he could for his owne preseruation, both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his owne Corne for the yeere following: and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of publike Officers, Fishermen, &c. which could not bee freed from their calling without greater in­conueniences. This course was to continue till haruest, and then the Gouernours to gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselues and such others as necessitie constrained to exempt from this condition.

In the middest of Aprill we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much in­couraged vs, giuing vs good hopes of after plentie: the setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God for our further chastisement, to send a great drought, insomuch, as in six 50 weekes after the later setting there scarce fell any raine, so that the stalke of that was first set, be­gan to send forth the eare before it came to halfe growth, and that which was later, not like to Great drought yeeld any at all, both blade and stalke hanging the head, and changing the colour in such manner as we iudged it vtterly dead: our Beanes also ran not vp according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had beene soorched before the fire. Now were our hopes ouerthrowne, and we discouraged, our ioy being turned into mourning. To adde also to this sorrowfull estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent vnto vs many moneths since, which hauing two repulses before, was a third time in company of another Ship three hundred Leagues at Sea, and now in three moneths time heard no further of her, one­ly the signes of a wrack were seene on the Coast, which could not be iudged to be any other then 60 the same.

These & the like considerations, moued not only euery good man priuately to enter into exami­nation with his own estate between God and his conscience, & so to humiliation before him: but also more solemnly to humble our selues together before the Lord by Fasting and Prayer. To that [Page 1867] end a day was appointed by publike authority, and set a part from all other emploiments, hoping Publike Fast. that the same God which had stirred vs vp hereunto, would be moued hereby in mercy to looke vpon vs & grant the request of our deiected soules, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glorie and our good. But oh the mercy of our God! Who was as readie to heare as we to aske: For though in the morning when wee assembled together, the heauens were as cleere and the drought as like to continue as euer it was: yet (our exercise continuing some eight or nine Gracious dewes. houres) before our departure the weather was ouercast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweete, and moderate showers of raine, continuing some fourteene daies, and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered Corne, or drouping affections were most quickned or reuiued. Such was the boun­tie 10 and goodnesse of our God. Of this the Indians by meanes of Hobbamock tooke notice: who being then in the Towne, and this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said, It was but three daies since Sunday, and therefore demanded of a boy what was the reason thereof? Which when hee knew and saw what effects followed thereupon, hee and all them admired the goodnesse of our God towards vs, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, shewing the difference be­tweene Indians coniu­ration. their Coniuration, and our Inuocation on the Name of God for raine; theirs being mixed with such stormes and tempests, as sometimes in stead of doing them good, it laieth the Corne flat on the ground, to their preiudice: but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they neuer obserued the like.

At the same time Captaine Standish, being formerly imployed by the Gouernour, to buy pro­uisions 20 for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, accompanied with on M. Dauid M. Tomson a Scot his Plan­tation. Tomson, a Scotchman, who also that Spring began a Plantation twentie fiue leagues North-east from vs, neere Smiths Iles, at a place called Pascatoquack, where hee liketh well. Now also heard wee of the third repulse that our supply had, of their safe, though dangerous returne into England, and of their preparation to come to vs. So that hauing these many signes of Gods fauour and acceptation, wee thought it would bee great ingratitude, if secretly wee should smoother vp the same, or content our selues with priuate thanks-giuing, for that which by priuate praier could Day of thanks not be obtained. And therefore another solemne day was set apart for that end wherein wee re­turned glory, honour, and praise, with all thankfulnesse to our good God, which dealt so graciously with vs, whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by 30 them be blessed and praised now and euermore, Amen.

In the latter end of Iuly, and the beginning of August, came two Ships with supply vnto vs, Two Ships. who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recouered in short time, who also not­withstanding all our wants and hardship (blessed be God) found not any one sick person amongst vs at the Plantation. The bigger Ship called the Anne was hired, and there againe fraighted backe, from whence wee set saile the tenth of September. The lesser called the little Iames, was built for the Company at their charge. Shee was now also fitted for Trade and discouery to the Southward of Cape Cod, and almost readie to set saile, whom I pray God to blesse in her good and lawfull proceedings.

A Few things I thought meete to adde heereunto, which I haue obserued amongst the 40 Indians, both touching their Religion, and sundry other Customes amongst them. And first, whereas my selfe and others, in former Letters (which came to the Presse against my Their Religion The meaning of the word, [...]e [...]tan, I think hath re­ference [...]o An­tiquity for Chise is an old man, and Ki [...]h­chise, a man that excee­de [...]h in ag [...]. I [...]e maledicti. will and knowledge) wrote, that the Indians about vs are a people without any Religion or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though wee could then gather no better: For as they conceiue of many diuine powers, so of one whom they call Kiehtan, to bee the principall maker of all the rest, and to be made by none: Hee (they say) created the Heauens, Earth, Sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that hee made one man and one woman, of whom they and wee and all mankind came: but how they became so farre dispersed that know they not. At first they say, there was no Sachim, or King, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth aboue the Heauens, whither 50 all good men goe when they die to see their friends, and haue their fill of all things. This his ha­bitation lyeth Westward in the Heauens, they say; thither the bad men goe also, and knocke at his doore, but he bids them Quachet, that is to say, Walke abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in restlesse want and penury. Neuer man saw this Kiehtan; onely old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge vpon them. This power they acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtaine any great matter, meet together, and cry vnto him, and so likewise for plen­tie, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, giue thankes, and hang vp Garlands and other things in memo­ry of the same.

Another power they worship, whom they call Hobbamock, and to the Nothward of vs Hob­bamoqui; Their Deuill. 60 this as farre as wee can conceiue is the Deuili, him they call vpon to cure their wounds and diseales. When they are curable, hee perswades them hee sends the same for some conceiued anger against them, but vpon their calling vpon him can and doth helpe them: But when they are mortall, and not curable in nature, then he perswades them Kiehtan is angry and sends them, [Page 1868] whom none can cure: insomuch, as in that respect onely they somewhat doubt whether hee bee simply good, and therefore in sicknesse neuer call vpon him. This Hobbomock appeares in sundry formes vnto them, as in the shape of a Man, a Deare, a Fawne, an Eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a Snake: Hee appeares not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them, though all of them striue to attaine to that hellish height of Honour. He appeareth most ordinary, and is most conuersant with three sorts of people, one I confesse, I neither know by name nor office directly: Of these they haue few but esteeme highly of them, and thinke that no weapon can kill them: another they call by the name of Powah, and the third Pniese.

The office and dutie of the Powah is to be exercised principally in calling vpon the Deuill, and Powah or Priest curing diseases of the sicke or wounded. The common people ioyne with him in the exercise of 10 Inuocation, but doe but onely assent, or as we terme it, say Amen to that he saith, yet sometime breake out into a short musicall note with him. The Powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and ioyneth many antick and laborious gestures with the same ouer the partie dis­eased. If the partie be wounded, he will also seeme to sucke the wound, but if they bee curable (as they say) hee toucheth it not, but a Skooke, that is the Snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the Eagle sitteth on his shoulder and lickes the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them hee doth it himselfe. If the partie be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape hee but come into the house, taking it for an vndoubted signe of recouery.

And as in former ages Apollo had his Temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus; so haue I heard them call vpon some, as if they had their residence in some certaine places or because they appea­red 20 in those formes in the same. In the Powahs speech hee promiseth to sacrifice many skinnes of Beasts, Kettles, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, and other the best things they haue to the fiend, if hee will come to helpe the partie diseased: But whether they performe it I know not. The other Offerings. practises I haue seene, being necessarily called at some times to be with their sicke, and haue vsed the best arguments I could make them vnderstand against the same: They haue told me I should see the Deuill at those times come to the party, but I assured my selfe and them of the contrary, which so proued: yea, themselues haue confessed they neuer saw him when any of vs were pre­sent. In desperate and extraordinary hard trauell in childe-birth, when the partie cannot be de­liuered by the ordinary meanes, they send for this Powah, though ordinarily their trauell is not so extreame as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardie nature; for on the third day 30 after childe-birth, I haue seene the mother with the Infant, vpon a small occasion in cold weather in a Boat vpon the Sea.

Many sacrifices the Indians vse, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Sacrifices. Kiehtan; saying, In their memory he was much more called vpon. The Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind deuotion, and haue a great spatious house wherein onely some few (that are as wee may tearme them Priests) come: thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods, as Kettles, Skins, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, &c. all which are cast by the Priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering euery man bringeth freely, and the more he is knowne 40 to bring, hath the better esteeme of all men. This the other Indians about vs approue of as good, Burnt offring. The Deuill keeps his ser­uants poore. and wish their Sachims would appoint the like: and because the plague hath not raigned at Na­nohigganset, as at other places about them, they attibute to this custome there vsed.

The Panieses are men of great courage and wisedome, and to these also the Deuill appeareth more familiarly then to others, and as wee conceiue maketh couenant with them to preserue Their Knights. Pnieses: valou­rous counsel­lours. them from death, by wounds with Arrowes, Kniues, Hatchets, &c. or at least both themselues and especially the people thinke themselues to be freed from the same. And though against their battels, all of them by painting disfigure themselues, yet they are knowne by their courage and boldnesse, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and 50 are of the Sachims Councell, without whom they will not warre or vndertake any weightie bu­sinesse. In warre their Sachims, for their more safetie goe in the midst of them. They are com­monly men of greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most hardnesse, and yet are more discreet, courteous, and humane in their carriages then any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men. And to the end they may haue store of these, they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their child-hood in great hardnesse, and make them abstaine from daintie meat, obseruing diuers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age the Deuill may appeare to them, causing to drinke the juyce of Sentry and other bitter Hearbs till they cast, which they must disgorge into Bitter trialls. the platter, and drinke againe, and againe, till at length, through extraordinary pressing of nature 60 it will seeme to bee all bloud, and this the boyes will doe with eagernesse at the first, and so con­tinue, till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must goe forth into the cold: also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the Deuill, that in time he may appeare vnto them.

[Page 1869] Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest re­sort Sachim or Lords. for protection, and pay homage vnto them, neither may they warre without their know­ledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serueth. Of this sort is Massassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy. Euery Sachim ta­keth care for the widdow and fatherlesse, also for such as are aged, and any way maymed, if their friends be dead, or not able to prouide for them. A Sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equall to him in birth, otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble, and though they haue many other wiues, yet are they no other then concubines or seruants, and yeeld a kind of obedience to the principall, who ordereth the family, and them in it. The like their men obserue also, and will adhere to the first during their liues; but put away 10 the other at their pleasure. This Gouernment is successiue and not by choyce. If the father dye before the sonne or daughter bee of age, then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till hee be of age, but when that is I know not.

Euery Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limits of his owne Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance, out or that if any of his men desire land to set their Corne, hee giueth them as much as they can vse, and sets them in their bounds. In this cir­cuit whosoeuer hunteth, if any kill any venison, bring him his fee, which is foure parts of the same, if it bee killed on the Land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof: The Great Sachims or Kings know not their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All Tra­uellers 20 or Strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims, when they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they goe, during which time they receiue entertainment according to their persons, but want not. Once a yeere the Pnieses vse to prouoke the people to Tribu [...] bestow much Corne on the Sachim. To that end they appoint a certaine time and place neere the Sachims dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of Corne, and make a great stack thereof. There the Pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the Sachims behalfe, and after acquainteth the Sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no lesse thankfull, bestow­ing many gifts on them.

When any are visited with sicknesse, their friends resort vnto them for their comfort, and con­tinue with them oftentimes till their death or recouery. If they die they stay a certaine time to Mourning fo [...] the dead. 30 mourne for them. Night and morning they performe this dutie many daies after the buriall in a most dolefull manner, insomuch as though it bee ordinary, and the Note Musicall, which they take one from another, and altogether, yet it will draw teares from their eyes, and almost from ours also. But if they recouer then because their sicknesse was chargeable, they send Corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call Commoco.

When they bury the dead, they sowe vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth. If the par­tie Burialls. be a Sachim, they couer him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and inclose the graue with a pale. If it bee a childe, the father will also put his owne most speciall Iewels and Ornaments in the earth with it, also he will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very 40 much in token of sorrow. If it bee the man or woman of the house, they will pull downe the mats and leaue the frame standing, and bury them in or neere the same, and either remoue their dwelling, or giue ouer house-keeping.

The men imploy themselues wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the Bow, except at some times they take some paine in fishing. The women liue a most slauish life, they carry all Womens sla­uery. their burdens, set and dresse their Corne, gather it in, and seeke out for much of their food, beate and make readie the Corne to eate, and haue all houshold care lying vpon them.

The younger sort reuerence the elder, and doe all meane offices whilst they are together, al­though they be strangers. Boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. 50

A man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act, or shew forth such courage and reso­lution Manhood▪ as becommeth his place. The men take much Tobacco, but for boyes so to doe they ac­count it odious.

All their names are significant and variable; for when they come to the state of men and wo­men, Names. they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions.

When a maide is taken in marriage, shee first cutteth her haire, and after weareth a couering Maids & wiues on her head till her haire be growne out. Their women are diuersly disposed, some as modest as they will scarce talke one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also: yet other some light, lasciuious and wanton. If a woman haue a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there bee warre or opposition betweene that and any other people, shee will runne away from him 60 to the contrary partie and there liue, where they neuer come vnwelcome: for where are most women, there is greatest plentie. When a woman hath her monethly termes, shee separateth her selfe from all other company, and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone: after which she wa­sheth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed, and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or [Page 1870] family. For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some com­mon strumpets there are as well as in other places, but they are such as either neuer married, or Adulterie and whooredome. widowes, or put away for adultery: for no man will keepe such an one to wife.

In matters of vniust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence hee is disgracefully rebuked, for the second beaten by the Sa­chim Theft. with a cudgell on the naked backe, for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes, and hath his nose slit vp ward, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, hee must likewise die for the same. The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors, Murther. but executeth the same with his owne hands, if the partie bee then present; if not, sendeth his owne knife in case of death, in the hands of others to performe the same. But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment, hee will not receiue the same but from the Sachim himselfe, be­fore 10 whom being naked he kneeleth, and will not offer to runne away though hee beat him neuer so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, then is his offence and punishment. Crying, a cowards note.

As for their apparell, they weare breeches and stockings in one, like some Irish, which is made of Deere skinnes, and haue shooes of the same leather. They weare also a Deeres skinne loose a­bout Apparell. them like a cloake, which they will turne to the weather side. In this habite they trauell, but when they are at home, or come to their iourneyes end, presently they pull of their breeches, stockings, and shooes, wring out the water, if they bee wet, and drie them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets. The 20 men weare also when they goe abroad in cold weather, an Otter or Fox skin on their right arme, but onely their bracer on the left. Women and all of that sex weare strings about their legs, which the men neuer doe.

The people are very ingenious and obseruatiue, they keepe account of time by the Moone, and Winters or Summers; they know diuers of the Starres by name, in particular, they know the Wittie people. Their Arts. Note. North-star, and call it Maske, which is to say, The Beare. Also they haue many names for the Winds. They will guesse very well at the wind and weather before hand, by obseruations in the Heauens. They report also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift, can raise stormes and tempests, which they vsually doe when they intend the death or de­struction of other people, that by reason of the vnseasonable weather, they may take aduantage 30 of their enemies in their houses. At such times they performe their greatest exployts, and in such seasons when they are at enemitie with any, they keepe more carefull watch then at other times.

As for the language it is verie copious, large, and difficult, as yet wee cannot attaine to any great measure thereof; but can vnderstand them, and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding, Language. by the helpe of those that daily conuerse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that they very well vn­derstand each other. And thus much of their liues and manners.

In stead of Records and Chronicles, they take this course, where any remarkeable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway neere adioyning, they make a round Registers. 40 hole in the ground about a foot deepe, and as much ouer, which when others passing by behold, they enquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once knowne, they are carefull to acquaint all men as occasion serueth therewith. And least such holes should bee filled, or growne vp by any accident, as men passe by they will oft renew the same: By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory. So that as a man trauelleth, if hee can vnderstand his guide, his iourney will be the lesse tedious, by reason of many historicall Discourses will be re­lated vnto him.

For that Continent, on which wee are called New-England, although it hath euer beene con­ceiued by the English, to bee a part of the maine Land adioyning to Virginia, yet by relation of The Country. the Indians it should appeare to bee otherwise: for they affirme confidently, that it is an Iland, 50 and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea, betweene vs and Uirginia, and driue a great Trade in the same. The name of that Inlet of the Sea, they call Mohegon, which I New England an Iland. take to be the same which wee call Hudsons Riuer, vp which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of meanes (as I heare) left it vndiscouered. For confirmation of this, their o­pinion is thus much; Though Virginia bee not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs, yet they neuer heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey, saue onely by vs and Tisquantum, who went into an English Ship thither: And therefore it is the more probable, because the water is not passable for them, who are very aduenturous in their Boates.

Then for the temperature of the ayre, in almost three yeeres experience, I can scarce distin­guish 60 New England from Old England, in respect of heate, and cold, frost, snow, raine, winds, &c. Some obiect, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and fortie, it must needes bee much [...]otter. I confesse I cannot giue the reason of the contrary; onely experience teacheth vs, that if it doe exceed England, it is so little as must require better iudgements to discerne it. And Seasons. [Page 1871] for the Winter, I rather thinke (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New Eng­land then Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other, may deceiue my iudgement also. But in my best obseruation, comparing our owne conditions with the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremitie of heat, nor nipped with biting cold, by which meanes, blessed be God, wee enioy our health, notwithstanding those difficul­ties wee haue vndergone, in such a measure as would haue been admired if we had liued in Eng­land with the like meanes. The day is two houres longer then here, when it is at the shor­test, Dayes. and as much shorter when it is at the longest.

The soyle is variable, in some places Mould, in some Clay, and others a mixed Sand, &c. The Soyle. chiefest graine is the Indian Mays, or Ginny-Wheat; the seed-time beginneth in the midst of A­pril, Corne, 10 and continueth good till the midst of May. Our Haruest beginneth with September. This Corne increaseth in great measure, but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceiue, is because Uirginia is farre hotter then it is with vs, it requiring great heat to ripen; but whereas it is obiected against New England, that Corne will not there grow, except the ground bee manured with Fish: I answere, That where men set with Fish (as with vs) it is more easie so to doe, then to cleere ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeeres, and so be­gin a new, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be ta­ken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set foure yeeres together without, and haue as good Corne or better then we haue that set with them, though indeed I thinke if wee had Cattell to 20 till the ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soyle, to sowe Wheat, Ry, Barley, Pease, and Oats, then to set Mays, which our Indians call Ewachim: for we haue had ex­perience that they like and thriue well; and the other will not bee procured without good la­bour and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also bee watched by night to keepe the Wolues from the Fish, till it be rotten, which will bee in foureteene dayes; yet men agreeing to­gether, and taking their turnes it is not much.

Much might bee spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furres, if men take a right course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume vpon that small experience I haue had, to affirme, that the English, Dutch, and French, returne yeerely many thousand pounds profits by Trade onely from that Iland, on which 30 wee are seated.

Tobacco may bee there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the increase were equall, because Fish is a better and ri­cher Commoditie, and more necessary, which may be, and there are had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world; Witnesse the West-countrey Merchants of England, which re­turne incredible gaines yeerely from thence. And if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more Company to make their voyage, then will saile their Ships, what may the Planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their Salt there, and imploy themselues at lest eight moneths in fishing, whereas the other fish but foure, and haue their Ship lie dead in the Harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to Plantati­ons 40 may take fraight of Passengers or Cattle thither, and haue their lading prouided against they come. I confesse we haue come so far short of the meanes to raise such returns, as with great diffi­cultie wee haue preserued our liues; insomuch as when I looke backe vpon our conditi­on, and weake meanes to preserue the same, I rather admire at Gods mercies and prouidence in our preseruation, then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. But though our be­ginning haue beene thus raw, small, and difficult, as thou hast seene, yet the same God that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former, I hope w [...]ll raise meanes to accomplish the latter.

CHAP. VI.

Noua Scotia. The Kings Patent to Sir WILLIAM ALEXANDER Knight, for 50 the Plantation of New Scotland in America, and his proceedings therein; with a description of Mawooshen for better know­ledge of those parts.

IAcobus Dei gratia Magnae Brittanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex fidei (que) defensor: Omnibus probis hominibus totius terrae suae Clericis & laicis salutem. Sciatis nos sem­per ad quamlibet quae ad decus & emolumentum regni nostri Scotia spectaret occasio­nem amplectendum fuisse intentos, [...]llamque aut faciliorem aut magis innoxiam ac­quisitionem 60 censere, quàm quae inexteris & incultis regnis vbi vitae & victui suppectunt commode neuis deducendis Colonijs factu sit; praesertim si vel ipsa regna cultoribus prius vacua, vel ab infidelibus, quos ad Christianam conuerti fidem & Dei gloriam interest plurimum, [Page 1872] insessa fuerint. Sed cum & alia nonnulla regna, & haec non it a pridem nostra Anglia landabiliter sua nomina nouis terris acquisitis sed in se subactis indiderunt, quam numerosa & frequens diuino beneficio haec gens, haec tempestate sit nobiscum reputantes, quamque honesto aliquo & vtili cultu eam studiose ex­ercerine in deteriora ex ignauia & otio prolabatur expediat plerosque in nouam deducendos regionem quam Colonijs compleant, operaepretium duximus qui & animi promptitudine & alacritate corporumque robore & viribus qu [...]uscunque difficultatibus, si qui alij mortalium vspiamse audiant opponere, hunc co­natum huic regno maxime idoneum inde arbitramur quod virorum tantummodo & mulierum iumento­rum & frumenti, non etiam pecuniae transuectionem postulat, neque incommodam ex ipsius regni merci­bus retributionem hoc tempore cum negotiatio adeo imminuta sit, possit reponere. Hisce de causis sicuti & propter bonum fidele & gratum dilecti nostri consiltarij Domini Willelmi Alexandri eq [...]itis seruitium no­bis 10 praestitum & praestandum, qui proprijs impensis ex nostratibus primus externam hanc coloniam du­cendam conatus sit, diuer sasque terras infra designatis limitibus circumscriptas incolendas expetiuerit. Nos igitur ex regali nostra ad Christanam religionem propagandam & ad opulentiam, prosperitatem, pacemque naturalium nostrorum subditorum dicti regni nostri Scotiae acquirendam cura, sicuti alij Prin­cipes extranei in talibus casibus hactenus fecerunt, cum anisamento & consensu praedicti nostri con­sanguinei & consiliarij Ioannis Comitis de Marr Domini Er [...]kene & Garrioche summi nostri The sau­rarij computorum rotulator is collectoris ac The saurarij nouarum nostrarum augmentationum huius Reg­ni nostri Scotiae, ac reliquorum dominorum nostrorum Commissionariorum ciusdem Regni nostri, dedi­mus concessimus & disposumus, tenoreque praesentie chartae nostrae damus concedimus & d [...]sponimus prae­facto Domino Willelmo Alexandro, haredibus suis vel assignatis quibuscunque haereditariè omnes & 20 singulas terras continentis ac insulas situatas & iacentes in America, intra caput seu promontorium communiter Cap. de Sable appellatum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta trium graduum aut ab co circa, ab aequinoctiali linea versus septentrionem, à quo promontorio versus littus maris tendentis ad oc­cidentem ad stationem Sanctae Mariae na [...]ium (vulgo S. Maries Bay) & deinceps versus septentrio­nem per directam lineam introitum siue o [...]tium magnae illius stationis nauium traijcientem quae excurrit in terrae orientalem plagam inter Regionis Suriquorum & Etechemmorum (vulgo Suriquois & Etechemi­nes) ad fluuium vulgo nomine Santae Crucis appellatum: Et ad scaturiginem remotissimam siue fontem ex occidentali parte eiusdem qui se primum praedicto flu [...]io immiscet, vnde per imaginariam directam lineam quae pergere per terram seu currere versus septentrionem concipietur ad proximam nauium stationem, fluuium vel scaturiginem in magno flunio de Cannada sese exonerantem. Et ab co pergendo versus ori­entem 30 per maris oras littorales eiusdem fluuij de Cannada ad fluuium stationem nauium portum aut littus communiter nomine de Gachepe vel Gaspie notum & appellatū, Et deinceps versus Euronotum ad insulas Bacalaos vel Cap. Briton vocatas Relinquendo casdem Insulas à dextra & voraginem dicti magni fluuij de Cannada siue magne stationis na [...]ium & terras de New-found-land, cum insulis ad easdem ter­ras pertinentibus à sinistra. Et deinceps ad Caput siue promentorum de Cap. Briton praedictum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta quinque gradnum aut eo circa. Et à dicto promentorio de Cap. Briton versus meridiem & Occidentem ad praedictum Cap. Sable vbi incipit per ambulatio includenda & compre­henda intra dictas maris oras littorales ac carum circumferentias à mari ad omnes terras continentis For the De­scription & in­couragements to this designe, and for better knowledge of New Scotland, besides a Book purposely pub­lished by the Honourable & learned Au­thor (who at other weapons hath plaied his Muses prizes, and giuen the world ample testimony of his learning) you may read our 8. Booke from the sixt Chapter for­wards, the last two Chapiters of the ninth Booke, & that description of the Countrey of Maw [...]oshen, which I haue added hereto. cum fluminibus torrentibus, sinubus, littoribus, insulis aut maribus iacentibus prope infra sex lucas ad ali­quam earundem partem ex occidentali boreali vel orientali partibus ororum litteralium & praecinctuum 40 earundem. Et ab Euronoto (vti iacet Cap. Britton) & ex australi parte eiusdem vbi est Cap. de Sa­ble omnia maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earundem magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Ile de Sable vel Sablon includen. iacen. versus carban vulgo South South-east, circa triginta leucas à dicto Cap. Britton in mari & existen, in la­titudine quadraginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa. Quae quidem terrae praedictae omni tempore affu­turo nomine Noua Scotia in America gau [...]lebunt, Quas etiam praefatus Dominus Willelmus in partes & portiones sicut et visum fuerit diuidet ijsdem (que) nemi [...] pro beneplacito imponet. Vua cum omnibus fodinis tum regalibus auri & argenti quam alijs fodinis ferri, plumbi, cupri, stanni, aeris, &c.

In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti Chartae nostrae magnum Sigillum nostrum apponipraecepimus Te­stibus praedict is nostris consanguineis & Confiliarijs Iacobo Marchione de Hamilton Comite Arraniae 50 & Cambridge Domino Auen & Innerdail, Georgio Mariscalli comite Domino Keith & alt. regni nostri Mariscallo, Alexandro Comite de Dunfermling Domino Fyviae & vrquhant nostro Cancellaris, Thoma Comite de Mel [...]os Domino Byres & Bynning nostro Secretario, Dilectis nostris familiaribus Consiliarijs Domino Richardo Ko Kburne Iuniore de Clerkington nostri Secreti Sigills custode, Georgio Hay de Knifarunis nostrorum Rotulorum Registrorum ac Concilij Clerico, Ioanne Cockburne de Or­mestoun nostrae lustitiariae Clerico, & Ioanne Scot de Scottistaruet nostrae Cancellariae Directore, Mili­tibus. Apud Castellum nostrum de Winsore decimo die mensis sebtembris Anno Domini milesimo sex en­tesim [...] vigesimo primo Regnorum (que) nostrorum annis quinquagesimo quinto & decimo non [...].

Sir Ferdinando Gorge being entrusted with the affayres of New England, after hee had aduised 60 with some of the Company; considering the largenesse of the bounds intended to bee planted by his Maiesties subiects in America, and the slow progresse of Plantations in these parts, that the Scottish Nation may be perswaded to imbarke themselues in their forraine enterprise; hee was content that Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Maiesties most Honorable Priuy Councel [Page]

[Page]
This Scale conteineth 150 English Leagues
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[Page] [Page 1873] of that Kingdome, should procure a Patent of such a bounds as his Maiestie should appoint to bee called New Scotland, and to bee held of the Crowne of Scotland, and gouerned by the Lawes of that Kingdome, as his said Patent containing all the bounds, that doth lie to the East of Saint Croix, compassed with the great Riuer of Canada on the North, and the Maine Ocean on the South doth more particularly beare. Whereupon the said Sir William did set out a Shippe with a Colony of purpose to plant, which being too late in setting forth were forced to stay all the Winter at New-found-Land, and though they had a Shippe with new Ann. 1622. prouisions the next Spring from the sayde Sir William, yet by reason of some vnexpected occasions, the chiefe of the Company resolued not to plant at the first, but onely to discouer and to take possession, which a number made choyce of for that purpose [...]d happily performe. 10

The three and twentieth of Iune, they loosed from Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-Land, An. 1623. and sayled towardes New Scotland, where for the space of fourteene dayes they were by Fogges and contrarie Windes kept backe from spying Land till the eight of Iuly: there­after that they saw the West part of Cape Breton, and so till the thirteenth day, they sayled to and fro alongst the Coast till they came the length of Port de Muton, where they discouered three very pleasant Harbours, and went a shoare in one of them, which they cal­led Lukes Bay, where they found a great way vp to a very pleasant Riuer being three fathoms Lukes Bay. deepe at low water; at the entry thereof, and on euery side of the same they did see very delicate Meadowes, hauing Roses white and red growing thereon, with a kind of wild Lilly, which had a very daintie smell. 20

The next day they resolued to coast alongst to discouer the next Harbour, which was but two leagues distant from the other, where they found a more pleasant Riuer, being foure fathom wa­ter at a low water, with Meadowes on both sides thereof, hauing Roses and Lillies growing thereon as the other had. They found within this Riuer a very fit place for a Plantation, both in regard that it was naturally apt to bee fortified, and that all the ground beweene the two Fit place for a Plantation. Riuers was without Wood, and was good fat earth hauing seuerall sorts of Berries grow­ing thereon, as Gooseberry, Strawberry, Hyndberry, Rasberry, and a kinde of Red-wine­berry: As also some sorts of Graine, as Pease, some eares of Wheat, Barley, and Rye, growing there wild; the Pease grow euery where in abundance, very big and good to eate, but taste of the Fitch. This Riuer is called Port Iolly, from whence they coasted alongst to Port Negro, being Port Iolly. Port Negro. 30 12. leagues distant, where all the way as they sailed alongst they found a very pleasant Countrey hauing growing euery where such things as they did see in the two Harbours where they had beene. They found like wise in euery Riuer abundance of Lobsters, and Cockles, and other small fishes, and also they found not onely in the Riuers, but all the Coast alongst, numbers of seuerall sorts of Wild-fowle, as Wild-goose, Black-Duck, Woodcock, Herron, Pigeon, and many other sorts of Fowle which they knew not. They found likewise, as they sailed alongst the Coast abun­dance of great God, with seuerall other sorts of great fishes. The Countrey is full of Woods, not very thick, and the most part Oake, the rest Fir-tree, Spruce, Birch, and many other sorts of wood which they had not seene before. 40

Hauing discouered this part of the Countrey in regard of the voyage, their Ship was to make to the Straits with fishes, they resolued to coast alongst from Lukes Bay to Port de Muton, being foure leagues to the East thereof, where they encountred with a Frenchman, that in a very short time had a great voyage, hauing furnished one Ship away with fishes, and had neere so many ready as to load his owne Ship and others. And hauing taken a view of this Port, which to their iudgement they found no wayes inferiour to the rest they had seene be­fore, they resolued to retire backe to New-found-land, where their Ship was to receiue her loading of fishes, the twentieth of Iuly they loosed from thence, and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land; and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception, where they left the Ship, and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England, and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a 50 Colony to plant there. This descripti­on of Mawoo­shen I had a­mongst M. Hakluyts pa­pers. Climate and quantitie. Tarantines are said to be the same with the Souriquois. 1. Quibequesson Riuer.

The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen, discouered by the English, in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9.

MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia, betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad, and fiftie in length, lying in breadth East and West, and in length North and South. It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey, the people, whereof they call Tarrantines: on the West with Epistoman, on the North with a great Wood 60 called Senaglecoune, and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea, and many Ilands.

In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers, whereof the first to the East is called Quibi­quesson; on which there is one Towne, wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords, the one called A­sticon, [Page 1874] the other Abermot. In this Towne are fiftie houses, and 150. men. The name of which Towne is Precante; this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne, at the head thereof there is a Asticon Sagamo. Lake of a great length and breadth; it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe, and halfe a A great Lake. mile ouer.

The next is Pemaquid, a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered; it is ten fa­thoms 2. P [...]maquid riuer water at the entrance, and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water; it is halfe a mile broad, and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney: where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad. In this Lake are seuen great Ilands: toward the farthest A great Lake. end there falleeh in a Riuer, which they call Acaconstomed, where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp, and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more, and 10 then come to another Riuer, where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon, with whom Anadabis. the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time. Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes: the first is Upsegon, where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell. And in this Three townes Towne are sixtie houses, and 250. men, it is three daies iourney within the Land. The second is Caiocame; the third Shasheekeing. These two last Townes are opposite one to the other, the Riuer Bashabes. Caiocame. diuiding them both, and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes. In Caioc [...] dwelleth Maiesquis, and in Shasheokeing Bowant, two Sagamos, subiects to Bashabes. Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake, for a good distance the ground is plaine, without Trees or Bushes, but full of long Grasse, like vnto a pleasant meadow, which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere. Beyond this Meadow are great Woods, whereof 20 more shall bee spoken hereafter. The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson.

The third Riuer is called Ramassoc, and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iour­ney; it is twentie fathoms at the entrance, and hath a mile ouer; it runneth into the Land three 3. Ramassoc. daies iourney, and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes: vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot, the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood; who hath in his Town Panobsc [...]t a Towne. 4. Apanawapeske, fiftie houses, and eightie men.

The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske, lying West and by South of Ramassoc, at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water, and it is a mile broad: it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney; and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes, the one called Mee­combe, 30 where dwelleth Aramasoga, who hath in his Towne fiftie houses, and eightie men. The other is Chebegnadose, whose Lord is Skanke, and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men. The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney.

To the South-west foure daies iourney, there is another excellent Riuer; in the entranc [...] whereof is twentie fathoms water, and it is a quarter of a mile broad, it runneth into the Land 5. Apanmensek. two daies iourney, and then there is a great fall; at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iour­ney long and as much in breadth. On the side of this Lake there is a Strait, and at the end of A L [...]ke. that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long, and two daies iourney broad; wher­in there are two Ilands, one at the one end, and another at the other end. I should haue told you Another Lake. All the Lakes full of Fish, Beeues, and sweet Rats. 6. Aponeg. that both these Lakes, as also the rest formerly spoken of, doe infinitely abound with fresh wa­ter 40 fish of all sorts [...], as also with diuers sorts of Creatures, as Otters, Beeues, sweete Rats, and such like.

The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes; the first is called Appi­sham, where dwelleth Abochigishic. The second is Mesaqueegamic, where dwelleth Amniquin, in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men; the third is Matammiscowte, in which are eightie houses and ninetie men, and there dwelleth Narracommique.

To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg: it hath at the entrance ten fa­thoms 7. Aponeg. water, and is a mile broad: it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water. Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes, the one called Nebamocago, the other called Ashawe. In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet, and hath in his Towne 160. housholds, and some 300. men. In 50 the second dwelleth Hamerhaw, and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men. On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan, where are 120. housholds, and 100. men. There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw.

Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward, there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc: the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer, holding that breadth a daies iourney, and then 8. Sagadahoc. Here C. Pop­ham buil [...] S. Georges Fort, and planted. Great Sound. it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad: in which Sound are six Ilands, foure great and full of Woods, and two lesse without Woods: The greater are called Sowaghcoc, Neguiwo, Neiwoc. And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland: from the West of which Iland to the Maine, there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar, so that that way is not passable for shipping: but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water. This Sound diuideth it 60 selfe into two branches or armes, the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney, the o­ther North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine: At the heads whereof there are two Lakes, T [...]o Lakes. the Westermost being eight daies iourney long, and foure daies iourney broad; and the Easter­most foure daies iourney long, and two daies broad. The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this [Page 1875] Sound, and so maketh as it were a great Iland between Sagadahoc and it. From the Iland vpward the water is fresh, abounding in Salmons, and other fresh-water fish. Some thirteene or fourteen A great Iland. daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch, there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney, which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water. Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail, which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh: vpon this arme there are foure Townes: The first is called Kenebeke, which hath eightie houses, and one Kenebeke. hundred men. The Lord whereof is Apombamen. The second is Ketangheanycke, and the Sa­gamos name is Octoworthe, who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds, and three hundred and thirtie men. This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke, and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne, which they call Naragooc; where there 10 are fiftie housholds, and one hundred and fiftie men. The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cococ­kohamas. And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne, named by M [...]ssakiga; where there are but eight housholds, and fortie men. Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more: The first is called Amereangan, and is di­stant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney. In this place are ninetie housholdes, and two hun­dred and sixtie men, with two Sagamoes; the one called Sasu [...]a, the other Scawas. Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo, whose name is Octowor [...]kin, and his Townes name Na­mercante, wherein are fortie housholds, and one hundred and twentie men. A dayes iour­ney aboue Namercante there is a downefall, where they cannot passe with their Cannoes, but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile, and then they put 20 them into the Riuer againe: And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another, where they carrie their Boates as at the first; and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer, where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long, and foure dayes broad before mentioned. In this Lake there is one Iland; and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants, wherein are threescore hous­holds, and foure hundred men: And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe. This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen, and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion, where he hath any that doe him homage.

To the Westward of Sagadahoc, foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashama­baga, 9. Ashamabaga. which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water, and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad: 30 it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney: and on the East side there is one Towne cal­led Agnagebcoc, wherein are seuentie houses, and two hundred and fortie men, with two Saga­mes, the one called Maurmet, the other Casherokenit.

Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer, that is sixe 10. Shawak [...]toc. fathoms to the entrance: This Riuer is named Shawakotoc, and is halfe a myle broad; it run­neth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney: but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow, that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the o­ther, as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way: for which cause the In­habitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head, are forced to goe by Land, ta­king A Lake foure dayes iourney long & 2, broad their way vpon the West side. At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes 40 iourney long, and two dayes broad, wherein are two Ilands. To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake, at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince, which they call Crokemago, wherein is one Towne. This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez, and Quibiquisson the Westermost.

To the Reader.

I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England, those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land. This was first discouered, Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth: the Voyages followed of M. Rut, Albert de Prato, M. Hore, and o­thers. 50 Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession, was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory, and her Successours, by that memorable Knight, Sir Humfrey Gilbert (see sup. lib. 4. ca. 13.) And in the yeere, 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there, a written Copy whereof I haue. A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation, part whereof (the whole might seeme too long for our purpose) we haue inserted. 60

CHAP. VII.

The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land; and the Plantation there made by the English, 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY, to M. SLANY: Also of the weather the three first Winters, and of Captaine WESTON: with other remark­able Occurrents.

IAMES, by the Grace of GOD, of Great Brittaine, France, and Ireland King, De­fendour 10 of the Faith, &c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come, gree­ting. Know yee, whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects, are desi­rous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies, in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey, and Ile or Ilands, commonly cal­led New-found-land, vnto the Coast and Harbour, whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of Eng­land haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards, yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish; intending by such Plantation and inhabiting, both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer; And also, to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof, which hitherto from the beginning (as it seemeth ma­nifest) 20 hath remained vnprofitable: And for better performance of such their purpose and inten­tions, haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance; Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts, where Our Subiects vse to fish, re­maineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance, that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof: And well knowing that the same lying, and being so vacant, is as well for the reasons aforesaid, as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions: And that by the Law of Nature, and Nations, We may of Our Royall Au­thoritie, possesse our selues, and make graunt thereof, without doing wrong to any other Prince, or State, considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto, in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed, and inhabited by any Christian, or other 30 whomsoeuer. And therefore, thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King, to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind; And therefore in­tending, not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects, but prin­cipally to increase the knowledge of the Omnipotent God, and the propagation of Our Christi­an Faith, haue graciously accepted of their said intention, and suit. And therefore doe of Our spe­ciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successors, giue, graunt, and confirme by these Presents, vnto Our right deere, and right welbeloued Cousin, and Coun­sellor, Henry Earle of Northampton, Keeper of Our Priuy Seale, and to Our trustie and right wel­beloued. Sir Laurence Tanfield Knight, chiefe Baron of Our Exchequer, Sir Iohn Dodridge Knight, one of Our Sergeants at Law, Sir Francis Bacon Knight, Our Sollicitor Generall, Sir Daniel 40 Dun, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Pierciuall Willoughby, and Sir Iohn Constable Knights, Iohn Weld Esquire, William Freeman, Ralph Freeman, Iohn Slany, Humfrey Slany, William Turner, Robert Kirkam Gen­tlemen, Iohn Weld Gentleman, Richard Fishburne, Iohn Browne, Humfrey Spencer, Thomas Iuxon, Iohn Stokely, Ellis Crispe, Thomas Alport, Francis Needeham, William Iones, Thomas Langton, Phil­lip Gifford, Iohn Whittingam, Edward Allen, Richard Bowdler, Thomas Iones, Simon Stone, Iohn Short, Iohn Vigars, Iohn Iuxon, Richard Hobby, Robert Alder, Anthony Haueland, Thomas Aldworth, Wil­liam Lewis, Iohn Guy, Richard Hallworthy, Iohn Langton, Humfrey Hooke, Phillip Guy, William Me­redith, Abram Ienings, and Iohn Dowghtie, their Heires and Assignes. And to such, and so ma­ny as they doe, or shall hereafter admit to be ioyned with them in forme hereafter in these Pre­sents expressed, whether they goe in their persons to bee planted in the said Plantation, or whe­ther 50 they goe not, but doe aduenture their Monyes, Goods, and Chattels, that they shall bee one Body, or Comminaltie perpetuall, and shall haue perpetuall succession, and one common Seale to serue for the said Body, and Comminaltie; And that they, and their successours shall be knowne, called, and incorporated by the name of the Treasurer, and the Company of Aduenturers, and Planters of the Citie of London, and Bristoll, for the Colony or Plantation in New-found-land, and that they, and their successours shall bee from henceforth for euer inabled, to take, require, and purchase by the name aforesaid (Licence for the same, from Vs, Our Heires and Successours first had, and obtained) any manner of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods, and Chat­tels, within Our Realme of England, and Dominion of Wales, and that they, and their successours shall bee like wise inabled by the name aforesaid, to plead and be impleaded, before any Our Iud­ges, 60 or Iustices in any of Our Courts, and in any Actions and Suits whatsoeuer. And Wee doe al­so of Our said speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, giue, grant, and confirme vnto the said Tresurer and Company, and their Successours, vnder the reseruations, limitations, and declarations hereafter expressed, all that part and porti­on [Page 1877] of the said Countrie, commonly called New found land, which is situate, lying and being to the Southward of the parallel line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or hedland, commonly called or knowne by the name of Bonewist Inclusiue, which Cape or hedland is to be Northward of the Bay, commonly called Trinity Bay, and also which is situate, lying, and being to the East­ward of the Meridian line, to be conceiued to passe by the Cape, or headland, commonly called or knowne by the name of Cape Sancta Maria, or Cape Saint Maries Inclusiue, which Cape or headland is to be Eastward of the Bay commonly called the Bay of Placentia, together with the Seas and Ilands lying within ten leagues of any part of the Sea coast of the Countrie aforesaid, and also all those Countries, Lands, and Ilands commonly called Newfound land, which are situate betweene forty and six degrees of Northerly latitude, and two and fifty degrees of the like lati­tude, 10 and also all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mines, as well royall Mines of Gold and Siluer, as other Mines, Minerals, Pearles, and precious stones, Woods, Quarries, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Hunting, Hawking, Fowling, Commodities, and Hereditaments whatsoeuer, together with all Prerogatiues, Iurisdictions, Royalties, Priuiledges, Franchises, and Preheminen­cies, within any the said Territories, and the precincts there of whatsoeuer, and thereto or there abouts, both by Sea and Land, being, or in any sort belonging or appertaining; and which wee by our Letters Patents may or can grant, and in as ample manner and sort, as We or any of Our Noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any Company, body politique or Corporate, or to any Aduenturer or Aduenturers, Vndertaker, or Vndertakers of any Discouery, Plantation, or Trafficke, of, in or into any foraine parts whatsoeuer, and in as large and ample manner, as if the 20 same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed. Neuerthelesse Our will and pleasure is, and We doe by these presents expresse and declare, that there be saued, and reserued vnto all manner of persons of what Nation soeuer, and also to all and euery Our louing Subiects, which doe at this present, or hereafter shall trade, or voyage to the parts aforesaid for Fishing, &c. April. 27. A. Reg. 8.

Master IOHN GVY his Letter to Master SLANY Treasurer, and to the Counsell of the New-found-land Plantation.

RIght worshipfull, it may please you to vnderstand, that it was the tenth day of this moneth of May 30 before the Barke of Northam, called the Consent, arriued here in New-found-land; notwith­standing that a Ship of Bristoll, called the Lionesse, came to this Countrey the second of May in a moneths space: and the Trial of Dartmouth arriued here before in sixteene dayes: By reason of which Voyage in eight daies. stay of the aforesaid Barke, nothing could be done to take any of the places desired: all being possessed be­fore. So that the Ship that commeth, whereof as yet there is no newes, is to trust to the place here, which is reserued for her; which I hope will proue a good place. Some yeeres as great a Uoyage hath bin made here, as in any place in this Land: God send her hither in safetie. I haue not yet seene any of the Coun­trey to the Southward, or Northward of this Bay of Conception since this spring, because I expected daily the arriuall of the Barke, and thought it not fit to be absent herehence vntill she were arriued, and 40 dispatched: but presently vpon her departure, no time, God willing shall be lost, The care that was taken to require generally the Fishermen to assist vs, and to supply our wants, if any should be, was most ioyfull Fishermens kinde assistan­ces. and comfortable to vs, which was most willingly accomplished by the most part of those which I haue yet seene: yet, God be praised, such was the state of all things with vs, as we were in no want of victuals, but had a great remainder, as you shall after vnderstand.

The state of the Autumne and Winter was in these parts of New-found-land after this manner. In State of the weather in Autumne and Winter. I haue by me a writ­ten iournall, declaring the winde and weather of e­uery day from 24. Nouember 1610. till the last of Aprill 1611. but thought it would seeme ted ous, the substance thereof being here contai­ned. Moderate Frosta. both the moneths of October and Nouember, there were scarce six dayes wherin it either freezed or snow­ed: and that so little, that presently it was thawed and melted with the strength of the Sunne: All the re­sidue of the afore said two moneths being both warmer and drier then in England. In December we had sometimes faire weather, sometimes frost and snow, and sometime open weather and raine: for in the lat­ter 50 end it was rainie, and was open weather. All these three moneths the winde was so variable, as it would euery fortnight visite all the points of the Compasse.

The most part of Ianuary and February vnto the middle of March the frost continued: the winde be­ing for the most part Westerly, and now and then Northerly; notwithstanding three or foure times, when the winde was at South, it began to thaw and did raine. That which fell in this season was for the most part Snow, which with the heate of the Sunne would be consumed in the open places within a few dayes. That which abode longest was in February. During this time many dayes the Sun shone warme and bright from morning to night: notwithstanding the length of this frosty weather, small brookes that did run al­most in leuell with a slow course, were not the whole winter three nights ouer frozen so thicke, as that the Ice could beare a Dogge to goe ouer it, which I found by good proofe: for euery morning I went to the brooke 60 which runneth by our house to wash. The Snow was neuer aboue eighteene inches thicke generally out of the drift; so that the feare of wanting wood or water neuer tooke hold of vs: for albeit we made no prouisi­on for them, yet at a minute of an houres warning we were furnished where there were Lakes of fresh wa­ter [Page 1878] that stood still and did not run, there is remained frozen able to beare a man almost three moneths, and was not dissolued vntill the middle of Aprill. But where the ayre had entrance and issue cut of them, there was no frost. When the winde in the winter time in England is at the North-east one moneth together, the frost is greater, and the cold more sharpe, then it is here at all. There was no moneth in all the winter Spring. that some of our company did not trauell in, either by land or by water, and lie abroad and drinke water, in places distant two, three, foure and fiue leagues from our habitation, and sometimes lay in the woods with­out fire, and receiued no harme. When Aprill came our Spring began, and the first that did bud was the small Resen or the Corinth tree. Our Company was not letted in working abroad, & in the woods and open ayre fifteene dayes the wholewinter. We neuer wanted the company of Rauens and small Birds: So that the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse; and that not onely men may safety inhabit here without any neede of 10 Stoue, but Nauigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare.

Concerning the healthfulnesse of these Countries, we hauing bin now more then ten moneths vpon this Voyage, of nine and thirty persons, which was all our number which wintered here, there are wanting one­ly Healthfulnes. foure; whereof one Thomas Percy Sawyer died the eleuenth of December of thought, hauing slaine a man in Rochester; which was the cause, being vnknowne vnto mee vntill a day before he died, that he came this Voyage. And one other, called Iohn Morris Tyler, miscarried the first of February by reason of a bruse. The third, called Marmaduke Whittington, was neuer perfectly well after he had the small Homicide di­eth for thought Poxe, which he brought out of Bristoll with him, who died the fifteenth of February. And the fourth, cal­led William Stone, hauing at the first onely a stiffenesse in one of his knees, kept his bed ten weakes, and would neuer stirre his body, which lasinesse brought him to his end, who died the thirteenth of Aprill. Of 20 the rest foure or fiue haue bin sicke, some three moneths, and some foure moneths; who now are better then they were, except one. All of them, if they had bad as good will to worke, as they had good stomackes to their victuals, would long since haue bin recouered. One Richard Fletcher, that is Master Pilot here and a director of the Fishing, reported vnto me, that he was one of the company consisting of forty persons, that went in a drumbler of Ipswich, called the Amitie, to the North part of Ireland about eleuen yeeres agoe from London in the late Queenes seruice, vnder the charge of one Captaine Fleming, and continu­ed there the space of two yeares: In which time two and thirty died of the Scuruie, and that onely eight of them returned home, whereof the said Richard Fletcher was one. So that the accident of death or sicknesse of any persons in these our parts of New-found-land is not to argue any vnhealthfulnesse of this Country, 30 no more then Ireland is to be discredited by the losse of those two and thirty men: notwithstanding that there were to be had fresh victuals and many other helpes, which this Country as yet hath not, but in good time may haue.

From the sixt of October vntill the sixteenth of May our Company had bin imployed in making of a Store-house to hold our prouisions, and a dwelling house for our habitation, which was finished about the Imployment of the Colony first of December; with a square inclosure of one hundred and twenty foot long and nintie foot broad, compassing these two houses, and a worke house to worke dry in to make Boates or any other worke out of the raine: and three peeces of Ordnance are planted there to command the Harboroughs vpon a platforme made of great posts, and railes, and great Poles sixteene foot long set vpright round about, with two Flan­kers to scoure the quarters. A Boat about twelue tuns big with a decke is almost finished to saile and row 40 about the headlands: six fishing Boates and Pinnesses: a second saw pit at the fresh Lake of two miles in length and the sixt part of a mile broad, standing within twelue score of our habitation, to saw the timber to be had out of the fresh Lake, in keeping two paire of Sawyers to saw plankes for the said buildings, in ridding of some grounds to sow Corne and garden seedes: in cutting of wood for the Collier, in coling of it: in working at the Smiths Forge Iron workes for all needfull vses: in costing both by Land and Sea to many places within this Bay of Conception: in making the frame of timber of a farre greater and fairer house, then that which as yet we dwell in, which is almost finished, and diuers other things. We haue sowed all sorts of graine this Spring, which prosper well hitherto. Our Goates haue liued here all this winter; English Corne, Fowle and Cattle prosper there. and there is one lustie Kidde, which was yeaned in the dead of winter. Our Swine prosper. Pidgens and Conies will endure exceeding well. Our Poultrie haue not onely laied Egges plentifully, but there are eigh­teene 50 yong Chickins, that are a weeke old, besides others that are a hatching.

The feare of wilde Beasts we haue found to be almost needelesse. Our great Ram-Goate was missing fifteene dayes in October, and came home well againe, and is yet well with vs. If the industry of men and presence of domesticall Cattle were applied to the good of this Countrey of New-found-land, there would shortly arise iust cause of contentment to the inhabitants thereof. Many of our Masters and Sea-faring men seeing our safetie, and hearing what a milde winter we had, and that no Ice had bin seene fleeting in any of the Bayes of this Countrey all this yeare (notwithstanding that then met one hundred and fifty leagues off in the Sea great store of Ilands of Ice) doe begin to be in loue with the Countrey, and doe talke of comming to take land here to inhabit: falling in the reckoning aswell of the commoditie that they may make by the banke fishing, as by the husbandry of the Land, besides the ordinary fishing. At the Greene Bay, where some of our Company were a fishing in Nouember, they report there is great store of 60 good grounds without woods, and there is a thousand acres together which they say may be mo [...]ed this yere. Medow. There is great store of Deere, whereof they saw some diuers times, and twice they came within shot of them; and the Greyhound, who is lustie, had a course, but could not get vpon them. But neerer vnto Cape Razo, Deere. [Page 1879] Reuonse, and Trepasse there is great quantitie of open ground and Stagges. It is most likely that all the Sackes will be departed out of England before the returne of this our Barke, which shall not make any matter; because I am now of opinion that nothing should be sent hither before the returne of the Ships from fishing. For as concerning sending of Cattle, it will be best that it be deferred vntill the next Spring. And concerning Victuals, in regard of the quantity, we haue of it remaining of old, together with that that is come now, as with the dry fish that here we may be stored with, I am in good hope there will not want any to last till this time twelue moneths. And according to the victuals which shall be found at the end of the fishing, the number of persons that shall remaine here all the next winter shall be fitted, that there shall not want: notwithstanding about Alhollantide, or the beginning of December, a Ship may be sent, such a one as our Fleming was with Salt from Rochel; for at any time of the winter Ships may as well goe 10 and come hither, as when they doe, especially before Ianuary. This Summer I purpose to see most places be­tweene Cape Rase, Placentia, and Bona vista, and at the returne of the fishing Ships to entertaine a fit number of men to maintaine here the winter; and to set ouer them, and to take the care of all things here, with your patience, one Master William Colton, a discreete yong man, and my brother Philip Guy, who haue wintered with me, and haue promised me to vndertake this charge vntill my returne the next Spring, or till it shall be otherwise disposed of by you, and then together with such of the company as are willing to goe home, and such others as are not fit longer to be entertained here, I intend to take passage in the fishing Ships, and so returne home: And then betweene that and the Spring to be present, to giue you more ample satisfaction in all things, and to take such further resolution, as the importance of the enter­prise shall require: wherein you shall finde me alwayes as ready as euer I haue bin to proceeds and goe for­ward, 20 God willing. And because at my comming home it will be time enough for mee to lay before you mine opinion touching what is to be vndertaken the next yeare, I will forbeare now to write of it; because you should be the sooner aduertised of our welfare: and because such of the Company as are sent home both for their owne good, and that the vnprofitable expence of victuals and wages might coase: I haue laden little or nothing backe, that the said Company might the better be at ease in the hold. Onely there is sent three hogsheads of Charcoles: where Numero 1o. is, they are of Burch: no. 2o. is, of Pine and Spruce, no. 3o. is of Firre, being the lightest wood, yet it maketh good Coles, and is vsed by our Smith. I send them because you shall see the goodnesse of each kinde of Cole. Also I send you an Hogshead of the Skinnes and Furres of such Beasts as haue bin taken here, the particulers whereof appeare in the Bill of lading. 30

While I was writing I had newes of the Vineyard, the Ship which you send to fishing, to haue bin in company with another Ship that is arriued on this side of the Banke, and that the Master intended to goe to Farillon or Fer-land: God send her in safety. So praying God for the prosperity of your Worships, and the whole Company, with hope that his diuine Maiestie which hath giuen vs so good a beginning, will al­wayes blesse our proceedings: my dutie most humbly remembred, I take my leaue. Dated in Cupers Coue the sixteenth of May, 1611.

I haue also a Iournall of the winde and weather from the latter end of August 1611. till Iune 1612. written by Master William Colston; and deliuered to Master Iohn Guy, Gouernour of the English Colony in Newfoundland, at his returne from England thither, Iune the seuenth 1612. By 40 which it appeareth that the weather was somewhat more intemperate then it had beene the yeare before, but not intolerable, nor perhaps so bad as we haue it sometims in England. Their Dogges killed a Wolfe, Otters, Sables, &c. Captaine Easton a Pirat was troublesome to the Eng­lish, and terrible to the French there: of whom I haue added this Letter; for the Diarie of the weather and occurrents each day would be very tedious.

To Master IOHN SLANY Treasurer, and others of the Councell, and Company of the New-found-land Plantation, the twenty nine of Iuly 1612. 50

RIght Worshipfull, by my last of the seuenteenth of Iune. I wrote you of the estate then, of all matters here, by the Holland Ship, which (I hope) is long since safely arriued, together with Master Col­ston, who hath (I doubt not) made by word of mouth, full relation of all matters. Because the proceedings of one Captaine Peter Easton a Pirate, and his company since, are most fit to be knowne, before I touch our Plantation businesse you shall vnderstand, what they haue bin vnto this time: vntill the seuenteenth of this present, the said Captaine Easton remained in Harbor de Grace, there trimming, and repairing his Shipping, and commanding not onely the Carpenters of each Ship to doe his businesse, but hath taken vi­ctuals, munition, and necessaries from euery Ship, together with about one hundred men out of the Bay, 60 to man his Ships, being now in number six. He purposed to haue before he goeth, as is said, cut of the land fiue hundred men, while he remained there, two seuerall Companies to the number of about one hundred and eightie persons to each Company, being discontented, stole away from him in a Shallop, and tooke two Ships that were fishing in Trinitie Bay, one belonging to Barnstable, and one other to Plimmouth, and [Page 1880] so intend, to begin to be new beads, of that damnable course of life. As I sailed from hence towards Re­noose, in a small Barke, I fell into one of their hands: and one of my company was hurt with a Musket. there was one of their crew that wintered with me here the first yeare, by whose meanes, and because I was in the Barke, they made shew, that they were sorry that they had medled with vs: And so they departed from vs, without comming aboord. That which they sought after was men, to increase their number. Be­fore the said Captaine Eastons departure, he sent three Ships into Trinitie Bay, to store himselfe with victuals, munition, and men, who are said to be worse vsed, then the Ships here, he taketh much ordnance from them. The said Easton was lately at Saint Iones, and is now, as farre as I can learne, at Feriland, where he taketh his pleasure, and thereabouts, the rest are to meete him. It is giuen out, that we will send one Captaine Haruy in a Ship to Ireland, to vnderstand newes about his pardon, which if he can obtaine 10 in i [...] [...]rge and ample manner as he expecteth, then he giueth out, that he will come in: otherwise, it is thought, that he will get Protection of the Duke of Florence, and that in his course herehence, he will ho­uer about the Westwards of the Ilands of the Azores, to see whether he can light vpon any of the Plate fleete, or any good rich bootie, before his comming in. Albeit, he hath so preuailed here to the strengthening of himselfe, and incouraging of others to attempt the like hereafter: yet, were there that course taken, as I hope shall be, it is a most easie matter to represse them.

I haue also a Diarie of the winter weather, and obseruations of occurrents from August 1612. till Aprill 1613. December was very full of Snow (for I dare not present the whole) and the fresh-water Lake was frozen ouer, and the Frost and Snow by the tenth of that moneth, as in 20 any part of the two former places. Ianuary was much milder till the foureteenth, from thence it was very frosty. Their Beere was frozen, and they dranke halfe water (an ill remedy to cold.) The Cattell did not well thriue, as comming out of a Countrie not so cold. And therefore Iresh Cattell (where the winter is warmer) are not so fit to be transported hither. George Dauis died of the Scuruie, and after him Edward Garten, Edward Hartland, Iohn Tucker, and one and twenty were sicke (most of the Scuruie) the whole Colonie was sixtie two. February was much war­mer and more temperate. Toby and Grigge died in March, the rest recouered. Turneps being found as good to recouer from the Scuruie as the Aneda tree to Iacques Cartiers Company. Nicho­las Guies wife was deliuered of a lusty boy March 27. The Easterly windes and some Currents brought Ilands of Ice from the North Seas, which made the weather colder that Spring then in 30 the depth of winter when the same windes blowed, namely East and Northeast, those Ilands be­ing blowne into the Baies, and the windes from them euen in Aprill very sharpe; and the Snow on the tenth of Aprill as thicke as any time that yeare.

In October Iohn Guy with thirteene others in the Indeauour, and fiue in the Shallop, went vp­on Discouery. A [...] Mount Eagle Bay they found store of Scuruy-grasse on an Iland. In the South bottome of Trinitie Bay, which they called Sauage Harbour, they found Sauages houses, no peo­ple in them; in one they found a Copper Kettle very bright (you shall haue it as one of them writ Copper kettle. it in his owne tearmes) a furre Goune of Elke skin, some Seale skins, an old saile and a fishing reele. Order was taken that nothing should be diminished, and because the Sauages should know that some had bin there, euery thing was remoued out of his place, and brought into one of the 40 Cabins, and laid orderly one vpon the other, and the Kettle hanged ouer them, wherein there was put some Bisket, and three or foure Amber Beades. This was done to begin to win them by faire meanes. This time of the yeare they liue by hunting; for wee found twelue Elkes hoofes, that were lately killed. A little peece of flesh was brought away, which was found to be a Be­uer Cod, which is forthcomming to be seene. Their Houses there were nothing but Poles set in Their houses described. round forme meeting all together aloft, which they couer with Deere skins, they are about ten foote broad, and in the middle they make their fire: one of them was couered with a saile, which they had gotten from some Christian.

All things in this manner left, euery one returned by the Moone-light, going by the brinke of the Lake vnto the enterance of the made way: and a little before they came thither, they pas­sed 50 by a new Sauage house almost finished, which was made in a square forme with a small roofe, and so came to the Barke. They haue two kinde of Oares, one is about foure foot long of one peece of Firre; the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces, one being as long, big, and Their Oares. round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood, which by likelihood they made of a Biskin Oare, the other is the blade of the Oare, which is let into the end of the long one slit, and whipped very strongly. The short one they vse as a Paddle, and the other as an Oare. The thirtieth, without any further businesse with the Sauages, we departed thence to the Northerne side of Trinity Bay, and anchored all that night vnder an Iland. The one and thirtieth, we rowed vnto an harbour, which now is called Alhallowes; which hath adioyning vnto it very high land.

Nouember the sixt, two Canoas appeared, and one man alone comming towards vs with a 60 Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin, shaking it and making a loud noise, which we tooke to be for a parley: whereupon a white Flag was put out, and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them, Sauages. which the Sauages did not like of, and so tooke them to their Canoas againe, and were going a­way: whereupon the Barke wheazed vnto them, and flourished the Flag of truce, and came to [Page 1881] anker, which pleased them, and then they staied: presently after the Shallop landed Master Whit­tington with the Flagge of truce, who went towards them. Then they rowed into the shoare with one Canoa, the other standing aloofe off, and landed two men, one of them hauing the white skin in his hand, and comming towards Master Whittington, the Sauage made a loud speech; and shaked the skin, which was answered by Master Whittington in like manner, and as the Sauage drew neere, he threw downe the white skin on the ground, the like was done by Master Whit­tington; whereupon both the Sauages passed ouer a little water streame towards Master Whitting­ton, dancing, leaping, and singing, and comming together, the foremost of them presented vnto him a chaine of leather full of small Periwinckle shels, a spitting knife, and a Feather that stacke in his eare: the other gaue him an Arrow without a head; and the former was requited with a linnen Cap, and a hand Towell, who put presently the linnen Cap vpon his head: and to the o­ther 10 he gaue a Knife: and after hand in hand, they all three did sing and dance: vpon this, one of our company called Francis Tipton went ashoare, vnto whom one of the Sauages came running, and gaue him a Chaine, such as is before spoken of, who was gratified by Francis Tipton with a Knife and a small peece of Brasse. Then all foure together danced, laughing and making signes of ioy and gladnesse, sometimes striking the brests of our company, and sometimes their owne. When signes were made that they should be willing to suffer two of our Company more to come on shoare, for two of theirs more to be landed, and that Bread and Drinke should be brought ashoare, they made likewise signes that they had in their Canoas meate also to eate: vpon this the Shal­lop rowed aboord, and brought Iohn Guy and Master Teage a shoare, who presented them with a 20 Shirt, two table Napkins, and a Hand-towell, giuing them Bread, Butter, and Reasons of the Sunne to eate, and Beere, and Aquauitae to drinke: and one of them blowing in the Aquauitae Bottle, that made a sound, which they fell all into a laughing at. After, Master Croote and Iohn Crouther came ashoare, whom they went to salute giuing them shell Chaines, who bestowed Gloues vpon them. One of the Sauages that came last ashoare, came walking with his Oare in his hand, and seemed to haue some command ouer the rest, and behaued himselfe ciuilly: For when meate was offered him, he drew off his Mitten from his hand before hee would receiue it, and gaue an Arrow for a present without a head: who was requited with a dozen of Points. Af­ter they had all eaten and drunke, one of them went to their Canoa, and brought vs Deeres flesh dried in the smoake or winde, and drawing his Knife from out of his necke, hee cut euery man a 30 peece, and that fauoured very well. At the first meeting, when signes were made of meate to eate, one of the Sauages presently ran to the banke side, and pulled vp a roote, and gaue it to. Master Whittington, which the other Sauage perceiuing to be durtie tooke it out of his hand, and went to the water to wash it, and after diuided it among the foure, it tasted very well: hee that came a­shoare with the Oare in his hand, went and tooke the white skin that they hailed vs with, and gaue it to Master Whittington; and presently after they did take our white Flagge with them in the Canoa, and made signes vnto vs that we should repaire to our Barke, and so they put off, for it was almost night.

In the two Canoas there were eight men, if none were women (for commonly in euery Canoa there is one woman) they are of a reasonable stature, of an ordinary middle sise, they goe bare­headed, 40 wearing their haire somewhat long, but round: they haue no Beards; behinde they haue a great locke of haire platted with feathers, like a Hawkes Lure, with a feather in it standing Their fashions vpright by the crowne of the head, and a small locke platted before, a short Gown made of Stags skins, the Furre innermost, that ranne downe to the middle of their legges, with sleeues to the middle of their arme, and a Beuer skin about their necke, was all their apparell, saue that one of them had shooes and Mittens, so that all went bare-legged, and most bare-foote. They are full eyed, of a blacke colour; the colour of their haire was diuers, some blacke, some browne, and some yellow, and their faces something flat and broad, red with Oker, as all their apparell is, and the rest of their body: they are broad brested, and bould, and stand very vpright.

Their Canoa, are about twenty foote long, and foure foote and a halfe broad in the middle a­loft, Their Canoas. 50 and for their Keele and timbers, they haue thin light peeces of dry Firre, rended as it were lathes: and instead of Boords, they vse the outer Burch barke, which is thin, and hath many folds, sowed together with a thred made of a small root quartered. They will carry foure persons well, and weigh not one hundred weight: they are made in forme of a new Moone, stem and sterne alike, and equally distant from the greatest breadth: from the stem and sterne here riseth a yard high a light thin staffe whipped about with small rootes, which they take hold by to bring the Canoa ashoare, that serueth instead of ropes, and a harbour, for euery place is to them a harbo­rough; where they can goe ashoare themselues, they take a land with them their Canoa: and will neuer put to Sea but in a calme, or very faire weather: in the middle the Canoa is higher a great deale then in the Bowe and quarter, they be all bearing from the Keele to the portlesse not with 60 any circular line but with a right line. They had made a Tilt with a Saile that they got from some Christian, and pitched a dozen poles in the ground ueere, on which were hanged diuers Furs, and chaines made of shels, which at that instant we fell not in the reckoning to what intent it was done, but after it came to our minde, as hereafter you shall pereeiue.

[Page 1882] The seuenth day we spent in washing, and in beginning a house to shelter vs when we should come thither hereafter, vpon a small Iland of about fiue acres of ground, which is ioyned to the maine with a small Beech: for any bartering with the Sauages there cannot be a fitter place.

The eighth day it began to freeze, and there was thin Ice ouer the sound; and because we heard nothing more of the Sauages we began to return out of the Sounds, & comming to the place which the Sauages had made two dayes before fire in, wee found all things remaining there, as it was when we parted, viz. an old Boat saile, three or foure shell chaines, about twelue Furres, of Bea­uers most, a Fox skin, a Sable skin, a Bird skin, and an old Mitten, set euery one vpon a seuerall pole: whereby we remained satisfied fully, [...] they were brought thither of purpose to barter with vs, and that they would stand to our courtesie to leaue for it what wee should thinke good. 10 Because we were not furnished with fit things for to trucke, we tooke onely a Beauer skin, a Sa­ble skin, and a Bird skin, leauing for them a Hatchet, a Knife, and foure Needles threaded. Ma­ster Whittington had a paire of Cizzars which he left there for a small Beauers skin, all the rest we left there vntouched, and came that night to the harbour that we were in at our entring, which we call Flag-staffe Harbour, because we found there the Flag-staffe throwne by the Sauages away. These Sauages by all likelihood were animated to come vnto vs, by reason that wee tooke no­thing from them at Sauage Bay, and some of them may be of those which dwell there. For in no other place where we were could we perceiue any tokens of any aboade of them, &c.

CHAP. VIII. 20

Captaine RICHARD WHITBOVRNES Voyages to New-found-land, and obseruations there, and thereof; taken out of his Printed Booke.

IT it well knowne, that my breeding and course of life hath beene such, as that I haue long time set many people on worke, and spent most of my daies in trauell, specially in Merchandizing, and Sea-Voyages. I haue beene often in France, Spain, 30 Italy, Portugall, Sauoy, Denmarke, Norway, Spruceland, the Canaries, and Soris I­lands: and for the New-found-land, it is almost so familiarly knowne to me as my owne Countrey.

In the yeere 1588. I serued vnder the then Lord Admirall, as Captaine in a Ship of my owne set forth at my charge against the Spanish Armado: and after such time as that seruice was en­ded, taking my leaue of his Honour, I had his fauourable Letters to one Sir Robert Denuis, in the Countie of Deuon, Knight; whereby there might be some course taken, that the charge as well of my owne Ship, as also of two other, and a Pinnace, with the victuals, and men therein imploi­ed, should not be any way burthensome to me. Wherein there was such order giuen by the then right Honorable Lords of the priuie Counsell, that the same was well satisfied: which seruice is 40 to be seene recorded in the Booke at White-Hall.

Now to expresse some of my Voyages to the New-found-land, which make most for the pre­sent purpose. My first Voyage thither, was about fortie yeeres since, in a worthie Shippe, of the burthen of three hundred [...]un, set forth by one Master Cotton of South-hampton: wee were bound to the Grand Bay (which lieth on the Northside of that Land) purposing there to trade then with the Sauage people (for whom we carried sundry commodities) and to kill Whales, and to make Traine Oyle, as the Biscaines doe there yeerely in great abundance. But this our intended Voy­age was ouerthrowne, by the indiscretion of our Captaine, and faint-hartednesse of some Gen­tlemen of our Companie: whereupon we set faile from thence, and bare with Trinity Harbour in New-found-land: where we killed great store of Fish, Deere, Beares, Beauers, Seales, Otters, and 50 such like, with abundance of Sea-fowle; and so returning for England, wee arriued safe at South­hampton.

In a Voyage to that Countrie, about six and thirtie yeeres since, I had then the command of a worthy Ship of two hundred and twenty tun, set forth by one Master Crooke of South-hampton: At that time Sir Humfrey Gilbert, a Deuonshire Knight, came thither with two good Ships and a Pinnace, and brought with him a large Patent, from the late most renowned Queene Elizabeth, and in her name tooke possession of that Countrie, in the Harbour of Saint Iohns, whereof I was an eye-witnesse. He failed from thence towards Virginia; and by reason of some vnhappy di­rection in his course, the greatest Ship he had strucke vpon Shelues, on the Coast of Canadie, and was there lost, with most part of the company in her; And he himselfe being then in a small Pin­nace 60 of twenty tun, in the company of his Vice-Admirall (one Captaine Hayes) returning to­wards England, in a great storme was ouerwhelmed with the Seas, and so perished.

In another Voyage I made thither, about foure and thirty yeeres past, wherein I had the com­mand of a good Ship, partly mine one: at that time own Sir Bernard Drake of Deuonshire, Knight, [Page 1883] came thither with a Commission, and hauing diuers good Ships vnder his command, hee there took many Portugall Ships laden with Fish, and brought them into England as Prizes. Omitting to speak of other Voyages, I made thither, during the late Queens raign, I will descend to later times.

In the yeere 1611. being in New-found-land, at which time that famous Arch-Pirate, Peter Easton, came there, and had with him ten saile of good Ships well furnished and very rich, I was kept eleuen weekes vnder his command, and had from him many golden promises, and much wealth offered to be put into my hands, as it is well knowne: I did perswade him much to de­sist from his euill course; his intreaties then to me, being that I would come for England, to some friends of his, and sollicite them to become humble petitioners to your Maiestie for his pardon: but hauing no warrant to touch such goods, I gaue him thinkes for his offer; onely I requested 10 him to release a Ship that he had taken vpon the Coast of Guinnie, belonging to one Captaine Rashly of Foy in Cornewall; a man whom I knew but onely by report: which he accordingly re­leased. Whereupon I prouided men, victuals, and a fraught for the said Ship, and so sent her home to Dartmouth in Donen, though I neuer had so much as thankes for my kindenesse therein. And so leauing Easton, I came for England, and gaue notice of his intention, letting passe my Voyage I intended for Naples, and lost both my labour and charges: for before my arriuall, there was a par­don granted, and sent him from Ireland. But Easton houering with those ships and riches vpon the Coast of Barbary, as he promised, with a longing desire, and full expectation to be called home, lost that hope by a too much delaying of time by him who carried the Pardon. Whereupon he failed to the Straights of Gibraltar, and was afterwards entertained by the Duke of Sauoy, vnder whom 20 he liued rich.

I was there also in the yeere 1614. when Sir Henry Manwaring was vpon that Coast, with fiue good Ships strongly prouided: he caused me to spend much time in his company, and from him I returned into England, although I was bound from thence to Marsse [...]is, to make sale of such goods as I then had, and other imploiments, &c.

In the yeere 1615. I returned againe to New-found-land, carrying with mee a Commission out of the high Court of Admiraltie, vnder the great Seale thereof, authorising me to empannell Iu­ries, and to make inquirie vpon Oath, of sundry abuses and disorders committed amongst Fisher­men yeerly vpon that Coast, and of the fittest means to red [...]esse the same, with some other points, hauing a more particular relation to the Office of the Lord Admirall. 30

What was then there done, by vertue of that Commission, which was wholly executed at my owne charge, hath bin at large by me already certified into the high Court of Adm [...]altie. Neuer­thelesse, seeing the same hath beene ouer slipt euer since, & not produced those good effects which were expected, I will, in some conuenient place of this Discourse; set downe a briefe collection of some part of my endeuours spent in that seruice; not doubting but it will be as auaileable for the furtherance of our intended designe, as any other reason I shall deliuer.

In the yeere 1616. I had a Ship at New-found-land of a hundred tun, which returning laden from thence, being bound for Lisbone, was met with by a French Pirace of Rochell, one Daniel Ti­bolo, who rifled her, to the ouerthrow and losse of my Voyage, in more then the [...] of 860. pounds, and cruelly handled the Mastes and the Company that were in her; and although I made 40 good proofe thereof at Lisbone, and represented the same also to this Kingdome, as appertained, after my returne from thence; yet for all this losse, [...] could neuer haue any recompence.

Shortly after my returne from Lisboue, I was sent for by a Gentleman, who about a yeere be­fore, by a grant from the Patentees, had vndertaken to settle people in New-found-land; he ac­quainted me with his designes, & after some conference touching the same, we so concluded, that he gaue me a conueiance vnder his hand and seale for the terme of my life, with full power to go­uerne within his circuit vpon that Coast; whereupon (being desirous to aduance that worke) in Anno 1618. I sailed thither in a Ship of my owne, which was victualled by that Gentleman, my selfe, and some others. We likewise then did set forth another Ship, for a fishing Voyage, which also carried some victuals for those people which had beene formerly sent to inhabit there: but this Ship was intercepted by an English erring Captain (that went forth with Sir Walter Raleigh) 50 who tooke the Master of her, the Boatswaine, & two other of the best men, with much of her vi­ctuals (the rest of the Company for feare running into the woods) and so left the Ship as a Prize, whereby our intended Fishing Voyages of both our Ships were ouerthrown, and the Plantation hindered.

Now seeing it pleased your Maiestie many yeers since, to take good notice of the said New­found-land, and granted a Patent for a Plantation there, wherein many Honorable and worthy mens endeuours, and great charge therein, haue deserued good commendations (as is well known) the which I desire to further with all my best endeuours: and not to disgrace or disable the foun­dation and Proiects of others, knowing they haue beene greatly hindered by P [...]ats, and some er­ring 60 Subiects that haue arriued vpon that Coast; it being indifferent to me, whether there be a new foundation laid, or whether it be builded vpon that which hath already beene begun; so that the Plantation go forward. Yet I may truly say, that hither to little hath beene performed to any purpose, by such as therein were imploied, worthy the name of a Plantation, or answerable to the [Page 1884] expectationa and desert of the Vndertakers; neither haue such good effects followed, as may be expected from a thorow performance hereafter. And seeing that no man hath yet published any fit motiues or inducements, whereby to perswade men to aduenture, or plant there; I haue presu­med plainly to lay downe these following reasons, &c.

A Relation of the New-found-land.

NEw-found-land is an Iland, bordering vpon the continent of America, from which it is diui­ded by the Sea: so far distant, as England is from the neerest part of France, & lieth between The situation of the Country 46. and 53. deg. North-latitude: It is neere as spacious as Ireland, and lieth neere the course that Ships vsually hold in their return from the Wost Indies, and neere halfe the way between Ireland 10 and Virginia I shall not much neede to co [...]end the wholsome temperature of that Countrie, see­ing the greatest part thereof lieth aboue 3. degrees neerer to the South, then any part of England doth. And it hath bin well approued by some of our Nation, who haue liued there these many The tempera­ture of the Ayre. yeeres, that euen in the winter it is as pleasant and healthfull as England is. And although the ex­ample of one Summer be no certain rule for other yeeres; yet thus much also can I truely affirme, that in the yeare 1615. of the many thousands of English, French, Portugals, and others, that were then vpon that Coast (amongst whom I sailed to and [...]o more then one hundred leagues) I neither saw nor heard in all that crauell, of any man or boy of either of these Nations, that died there du­ring the whole Voyage; neither was so much as any one of them sicke.

The naturall Inhabitants of the Countrie, as they are but few in number, so are they something The Inhabi­tanes, with their nature and customes. 20 rude and sauage people; hauing neither knowledge of God, nor liuing vnder any kinde of ciuil go­uernment. In their habits, customs & manners, they resemble the Indians of the Continent, from whence (I suppose) they come; they liue altogether in the North and West part of the Country, which is seldome frequented by the English; But the French and Biscaines (who resort thither yeerely for the Whale-fishing, and also for the Cod-fish) report them to be an ingenious and tra­ctable people (being well vsed) they are ready to assist them with great labour and patience, in the killing, cutting, and boyling of Whales; and making the Traine Oyle, without expectation of other reward, then a little Bread, or some such small hire.

All along the coast of this Countrie, there are many spacious and excellent Bayes, some of them stretching into the land, one towards another, more then twentie leagues. On the East side of The conueni­ency of the Bayes in that Countrie. 30 the Land, are the Bayes of Trinitie and Conception, which stretcheth themselues towards the South-weste To [...] Bay, and Cap [...] Bay, lying also on the East, stretch toward the West: the Bayes of Trepassoy, S. Mary, B [...]rrell, and Plais [...]ce, on the South part of the Land, extend their armes to­ward the North: The great Bay of S. [...] lying on the South-west side of the Land, and East, So [...]rly from the great Riuer of C [...] being about twentie leagues distant, the same stretch­eth toward the East. And here I pray you note, that the bottoms of these Bayes doe meete to­gether within the compasse of a small [...]: by meanes whereof our men passing ouer land from Bay to Bay may with much facilitied discouer the whole Countrie.

From the Bay of S. Peter round about the West side of the Land, till you come to the grand Bay which [...] on the North side of the Countrie; and so from thence, till you come round, back 40 to T [...] Bay, are abundance of large and excellent Bayes; which are the lesse knowne, because not frequented by the English, who seldome [...] to the Northward of Tri [...]tie Bay.

And it is to be obserued, that round about the Coast and in the Bayes, there are many small I­lands (none of them further off the [...] league from the land) both faire and fruitfull [...] neither doth Commodious Ilands & wor­thy Harbours. any one part of the world afford greacee store of good Harbours, more free from dangers, or more commodious, then are there built by the admirable workmanship of God; I will onely instance two or three of the chiefest, for some speciall reasons.

Trinitie Harbour [...]yes fortie nine degrees North-latitude, being very commodiously sea­sted to receiue shipping in reasonable weather, both to anchor in and from thence to saile to­wards Trinitie Harbor affording di­uers good commodities. either the East, West, or South: It hath three Armes or Riuers, long and large enough 50 for many hundred fayle of Ships, to moare fast at Anchor neere asmile from the Harbours mouest; close adioyning to the Riuers side, and within the Harbour is much open land, well stored with Grasse suffcient, Winter and Summer, to maintaine great store of ordinary Cat­tell, besides Hogges and Geats, if such beasts were carried thither and it standeth North, most of any Harbour in the Land, where our Nation practiseth Fishing; It is neere vnto a great Bay lying on the North side of it, called the Bay of Flowers, to which place no Ships repaire to fish; partly in regard of sundry Rockes and Ledges lying euen with the water, and full of dan­ger: but [...]niefly (as I coniecture) because the Sauage people of that Countrey doe there in­habite: many of then secretly euery yeere, come into Trinitie Bay and Harbour, in the night Sauages liuing neer to Trinitie Harbour. time, purposely to steale Sailes, Lines, Hatchets, Hookes, Kniues, and such like. And 60 this Bay is not three English miles ouer Land from Trinitie Bay in many places; which peo­ple if they might bee reduced to the knowledge of the true Trinitie indeed, no doubt but it would bee a most swe [...] and acceptable sacrifice to God, an euerlasting honour to your Maie­sty, and the heauenliest blessing to those poore Creatures, who are buried in their own superstious [Page 1885] ignorance. The taske thereof would proue easie, if it were but well begun, and constantly seconded by industrious spirits: and no doubt but God himselfe would set his hand to reare vp and aduance so noble, so pious, and so Christian a building.

The bottome of the Bay of Trinity lieth within foure leagues through the land South-west, The bottoms of diuers Baies meeting neere together. Southerly from Trinity, as by experience is found, and it comes neere vnto the Bay of Trepassey, and the bottome of some other Bayes, as I haue alreadie touched before.

Trepassey in like manner is as commodious a Harbour, lying in a more temperate climate, al­most in 46. degrees, the like latitude, and is both faire and pleasant, and a wholesome Coast, free The Harbour of Trepassey ly­ing commodi­ously. from Rockes and Shelues: so that of all other Harbours, it lies the South-most of any Harbour in the Land, and most conueniently to receiue our Shipping to and from Uirginia, and the Bermuda Ilands; and also any other Shipping that shall passe to and from the Riuer of Cana­dy 10 and the Coast thereof; because they vsually passe and returne in the sight of the Land of Tre­passe, and also for some other purposes, as shall be partly declared in the following discourse.

The soile of this Countrie in the Vallies and sides of the Mountaines, is so fruitfull, as The fertiltie of the soyle. that in diuers places, there the Summer naturally produceth out of the fruitfull wombe of the earth, without the labour of mans hand, great plentie of greene Pease and Fitches, faire, round, full and wholesome as our Fitches are in England: of which I haue there fed on ma­ny times: the hawmes of them are good fodder for Cattell and other Beasts in the winter, with the helpe of Hay; of which there may be made great store with little labour in diuers places of the Countrie.

Then haue you there faire Strawberries red and white, and as faire Raspasse berrie, and Goose­berries, Seuerall sorts. of Fruits there growing. 20 as there be in England; as also multitudes of Bilberries, which are called by some Whortes, and many other delicate Berries (which I cannot name) in great abundance. There are also many other fruites, as small Peares, sowre Cherries, Filberds, &c. And of these Berries and Fruits the store is there so great, that the Marriners of my Ship and Barkes Companie, haue often gathered at once, more then halfe an Hogshead would hold; of which diuers times ea­ting their fill, I neuer heard of any man, whose health was thereby any way impaired.

There are also Herbes for Sallets and Broth; as Parslie, Alexander, Sorrell, &c. And also Flow­ers, Herbs & Flow­ers both plea­sant and medi­cinable. as the red and white Damaske Rose, with other kindes, which are most beautifull and de­lightfull, both to the sight and smell. And questionlesse the Countrie is stored with many Physi­call herbs and roots, albeit their vertues are not knowne, because not sought after; yet within 30 these few yeeres, many of our Nation finding themselues ill, haue bruised some of the herbs and streined some of the iuice into Beere, Wine or Aquauite; and so by Gods assistance, after a few drinkings, it hath restored them to their former health. The like vertue it hath to cure a wound or any swelling, either by washing the grieued places with some of the herbes boiled, or by ap­plying them so thereunto (plaister-wise) which I haue seene by often experience. This being the naturall fruitfulnesse of the earth, producing such varietie of things, fit for foode, without the la­bour of man: I might in reason hence inferre, that if the same were manured, and husbanded in some places, as our grounds are, it would be apt to beare Corne, and no lesse fertill then the Eng­lish soile.

But I neede not confine my selfe to probabilities; seeing our men that haue wintred there di­uers Corn growing there, yeelding good increase. 40 yeeres, did for a triall and experiment thereof sowe some small quantitie of Corne, which I saw growing verie faire; and they found the increase to be great, and the graine very good; and it is well knowne to me, and diuers that trade there yeerely, how that Cabbage, Carrets, Tur­neps, Lettice, and such like, proue well there.

In diuers parts of the Countrie there is great store of Deere, & some Hares, manie Foxes, Squir­rels, Store of Deere & other Beasts Beuers, Wolues, and Beares, with other sorts of Beasts, seruing as well for necessitie, as for profit and delight. Neither let me seeme ridiculous, to annex a matter of noueltie, rather then A rare example of the gentle nature of the Beasts of that Country. weight, to this discourse. In the yeere 1615. it was well knowne to eight and fortie persons of my Companie, and diuers other men, that three seuerall times, the Wolues & Beasts of the Coun­trie came downe neere them to the Sea-side, where they were labouring about their Fish, how­ling 50 and making a noise: so that at each time my Mastiffe Dogge went vnto them (as the like in that Countrie hath not been seene) the one began to fawne and play with the other, and so went M Guies Ma­st [...]e & Grey­hound vsed a Wolfe there more dogged­ly, one pulling out the throat the other the belly. together into the Woods, and continued with them, euerie of these times, nine or ten daies, and did returne vnto vs without any hurt.

The Land Fowle (besides great number of small Birds flying vp and downe, some without name, that liue by scraping their food from the earth in the hardest winter that is) there are also Hawkes great and small, Partridges, Thrush, and Thrussels abundance, very fat. As also Filladies, Nightingales, and such like, that sing most pleasantly. There are also Birds that liue by prey, as Rauens, Gripes, Crowes, &c. For Water-fowle, there is certainly so good, and as much varietie, 60 as in any part of the world; as Geese, D [...]cks, Pidgeons, Gulls, Penguins, and many other sorts. Great store of Land Fowle. Water Fowle, Penguins. These Penguins are as bigge as Geese, and flie not, for they haue but a little short wing, and they multiply so infinitely, vpon a certaine flat Iland, that men driue them from thence vpon a boord into their Boates by hundreds at a time; as if God had made the innocencie of so poore a crea­ture [Page 1886] to become such an admirable instrument for the sustentation of man. There are also God­wits, Curlewes, and a certaine kinde of Fowle are called Oxen and Kine, with such like; which Fowle doe not onely steed those that trade thither greatly for foode, but also they are a great fur­thering to diuers Ships voyages, because the abundance of them is such, that the Fishermen doe ba [...]t their hookes with the quarters of Sea-Fowle on them: and therewith some Ships doe yeerely take a great part of their Fishing Voyages, with some baite, before they can get others.

The fresh waters and Springs of that Countrie, are many in number, and withall very plea­sant, delightfull and wholesome, that no Countrie in the world hath better. And Fewell for fire Fresh water and Springs. is so plen [...]full, that there is neuer like to be want of that commoditie. 10

In like manner there is great abundance of Trees fit to be imploied in other seruiceable vses: There are Furre and Spruce trees, sound, good, and fit to mast Ships withall; and as commodious Many sorts of Timber there growing. for boords and buildings as the Spruce and Firre trees of Norway, and out of these came abundance of Turpentine. No Countrie can shew Pine and Birch trees, of such height and greatnesse as those are there: and doubtlesse, if some store of your Maiesties subiects doe once settle there to liue, and would be industrious to search further, and more throughly into the Countrie, then as yet it hath beene, there might be found many other commodities of good worth. Amongst the Good hope of Mines, and making of I­ron and Pitch. which I may not omit, that there is much probabilitie of finding Mines, and making of Iron and Pitch.

The Riuers also and Harbors are generally stored with delicate Fish, as Salmons, Pearles, Eeles, 20 Herring, Mackerell, Flounders, Launce, Capelin, God, and Troutes the fairest, fattest and swee­test, Fish in great abundance. that I haue seene in any part of the world. The like for Lobsters, Crabfish, Musktes, Hens, and other varietie of Shel-fish great store. And also obserue here, that in these places there is v­sually store of the spawne and frie of seuerall sorts of fishes: whereby the Sea-fowle liue so fat as they are there in the winter: And likewise the Beuers, Otters, and such like, that seeke their foode in the Ponds, and fresh Riuers. The Seas likewise all along the Coast, doe plentiful­ly abound in other sorts of fish as W [...]ales, Spanish Mackerell, Dorrell, Pales, Herring, Hogs, Por­poses, Seales, and such like royall fish, &c.

But the chiefe commodity of New-found-land yet knowne, and which is growne to be a set­led trade, and that may be much bettered by an orderly Plantation there (if the Traders thither Cod-fishing a great hope of benefit there­from. 30 will take some better course, then formerly they haue done, as shall be declared) if the Cod­fishing vpon that Coast, by which our Nation and many other Countries are enricht. And if I should here set downe a valuation of that Fish, which the French, Biscaines, and Portugals setch yeerely from this Coast of New-found-land, and the Banke, which lieth within fiue and twen­tie The benefit a­rising to France, Spaine and Italy from fishing vpon those coasts. leagues from the South-Cape of that Countrie, where the French vse to fish Winter and Sum­mer, vsually making two Voyages euery yeere thither: (To which places, and to the Coast of Canady, which lieth neere vnto it, are yeerely sent from those Countries, more then foure hun­dred saile of Ships:) It would seeme incredible, yea some men are of opinion, that the people of France, Spaine and Italy, could not so well liue, if the benefit of the fishing vpon this Coast, and your Maiesties other Dominions, were taken from them. 40

But I trust it will be sufficient, that I giue an estimate of our owne trading thither, and partly of the wealth and commodities we reape thereby, without any curious search into other mens profits. In the yeere 1615. when I was at New-found-land with the Commission before mentio­ned, 250. saile of Shipslying vp­on that coast, Anno 1615. which was an occasion of my taking the more particular obseruations of that Country, there were then on that Coast, of your Maiesties subiects two hundred and fiftie saile of Ships great and small. The burthens and Tunnage of them all, one with another, so neere as I could take no­tice, allowing euery Ship to be at least threescore tun (for as some of them contained lesse, so ma­ny of them held more) amounting to more then 15000. tunnes. Now for euery threescore tun burthen, according to the vsuall manning of Ships in those Voyages, agreeing with the note I then tooke, there are to be set downe twentie men and boyes: by which computation in these 50 two hundred and fiftie saile, there were no lesse then fiue thousand persons. Now euery one of these Ships, so neere as I could guesse, had about 120000. fish, and fiue tunne of traine Oyle one with another. So that the totall of the Fish in these two hundred and fiftie saile, when it was brought into England, France or Spaine (being sold after the rate of foure pound, for euery thou­sand What the valew of the Fish con tained in most Ships did a­mount vnto. of fish, sixscore fishes to the hundred, which is not a pennie a fish, and if it yeelde lesse, it was ill sold) amounted in monie to 120000. pound.

Now, as I haue said before, allowing to euery Ship of sixtie tun, at least fiue tun of traine Oyle, the totall of that ariseth to 1250. tun; each tun, whether it be sold in England, or elsewhere, be­ing vnder-valued at twelue pound. So as the whole value thereof in monie, amounteth to the sum of 15000. pound, which added to the fish, it will appeare that the totall value of the fish, and 60 Traine Oyle of those 250. saile of Ships that yeere, might yeelde to your Maiesties subiects better then the Summe of 135000. pound, omitting to reckon the ouer-prices which were made and gotten by the sale thereof in forrain Countries, being much more then what is vsually made at home, and so the like in other yeeres. And this certainly, in my vnderstanding, is a point wor­thy [Page 1887] of consideration, that so great wealth should yearely be raised, by one sole commodity of that Countrie, yea by one onely sort of fish, and not vpon any other trade thither, which must needes yeelde, with the imploiments thereof, great riches to your Maiesties Subiects: And this also to be gathered and brought home by the sole labour and industry of men, without exchange or exportation of our Coine, and natiue commodities, or other aduenture (then of necessarie pro­uisions for the fishing) as Salt, Nets, Leads, Hookes, Lines, and the like; and of victuals, as Bread, Beefe, and Porke, in competent measure, according to the number and proportion of men imploy­ed in those. Voyages. The conuerting of these commodities (gotten by fishing) into mony, cannot choose but be a great benefit to all your Maiesties Kingdomes in many respects.

What the charge in setting forth of these two hundred and fiftie saile might amount vnto (be­ing The relief that the trading there will af­ford to seuerall sorts of people onely for victuals, which our Country yeeldeth) I hold it not fit here to set down, lest I should 10 be accused by some therein. And withall it is to be considered, that the trade thither (as now it is) doth yearely set on worke, and relieue many numbers of people, as Bakers, Brewers, Coopers, Ship-Carpenters, Smiths, Net-makers, Rope-makers, Line-makers, Hooke-makers [...]lly ma­kers, and many other trades, which with their families haue their best meanes of [...], from these New-found-land Voyages. Adde vnto them the families or seruants of [...] Owne [...] and Masters of such Ships as goe thither, and Mariners with their families, hereby [...]ied and maintained, After this the author vseth reasons to per­swade to a Plantation there; which I haue omitted, as busied in hi­story. The Book is common to such as desire to reade it. I haue also omit ted his Admi­ralty commis­sion and pro­ceedings. &c.

THe Natiues of the Countrey haue great store of red Oaker, which they vse to colour their Bodies, Bowes and Arrowes, and Cannowes withall, which Cannowes are built in shape, 20 like the Wherries on the Riuer of Thames; but that they are much longer, made with the rinds of Birch trees, which they sew very artificially and close together, and ouerlay euery seame with Turpentine; and in like manner they sew the rindes of Spruce trees, round and deepe, in propor­tion like a Brasse Kettle, to boyle their meate in, which hath beene well proued by three Mari­ners of a Ship, riding at Anchor by me, who being robbed in the night by the Sauages, of their ap­parell and diuers prouisions, did the next day seeke after them, and came suddenly where they had set vp three Tents, and were feasting, hauing three Canoas by them, and had three Pots made of such rindes of trees, standing each of them on three stones boyling with twelue Fowles in each of them; euery Fowle as bigge as a Widgeon, and some so bigge as a Ducke: they had also ma­ny Commoditie [...] vsed by the Natiues. 30 such pots so sewed, and fashioned like the leather Buckets that are vsed for quenching of fire, and those were full of the yolks of Egges, that they bad taken and boiled hard, and so dried small, which the Sauages vsed in their broth, as Sugar is vsed in some meates: they had great store of the Skins of Deere, Beuers, Beares, Seales, Otters, and diuers other fine skins which were well dressed; as also great store of seuerall sorts of flesh dried; and by shooting off a Musket towards them, they all ran away naked without any apparell, but onely their hats on their heads, which were made of Seales skins, in fashion like our hats, sewed handsomely with narrow bands about them, set round with fine white shels, such as are carried from Portugall to Braseile; where they passed to the Indians as ready monie. All their three Canoas, their Flesh, Skins, Yolks of Egges, Targets, Bowes and Arrows, and much fine Okar, and diuers other things, they tooke & brought 40 away, and shared it amongst those three that tooke it, and brought to me the best Canoa, Bowes and Arrowes, and diuers of their Skins, and many other things worth the noting: which may seeme to inuite vs to finde out some other trades with them.

Now also I will not omit to relate something of a strange Creature that I first saw there in the yeere 1610. in a morning early as I was standing by the water side, in the Harbour of Saint Iohns; which I espied verie swiftly to come swimming towards me, looking cheerefully, as it had beene a woman, by the Face, Eyes, Nose, Mouth, Chin eares, Necke and Forehead: It seemed to be so beautifull, and in those parts so well proportioned, hauing round about vpon the head, all blew strakes, resembling haire, downe to the Necke (but certainly it was haire) for I beheld it long, and another of my companie also, yet liuing, that was not then farre from me; and seeing the same comming so swiftly towards mee, I stepped backe, for it was come within the length of a long Pike. Which when this strange Creature saw that I went from it, it presently thereupon 50 diued a little vnder water, and did swim to the place where before I landed; whereby I beheld the shoulders and backe downe to the middle, to be as square, white and smooth as the backe of a man, and from the middle to the hinder part, pointing in proportion like a broad hooked Ar­row; how it was proportioned in the forepart from the necke and shoulders, I know not; but the same came shortly after vnto a Boat, wherein one William Hawkridge, then my seruant, was, that hath bin since a Captaine in a Ship to the East Indies, and is lately there imploied againe by Sir Thomas Smith, in the like Voyage; and the same Creature did put both his hands vpon the side of the Boate, and did striue to come in to him and others then in the said Boate: whereat they were afraid; and one of them strooke it a full blow on the head; whereat it fell off 60 from them: and afterwards it came to two other Boates in the Harbour; the men in them, for feare fled to land: This (I suppose) was a Mermaide. Now because diuers haue written much of Mermaides, I haue presumed to relate, what is most certaine of such a strange Creature that [Page 1888] was seene at New-found-land: whether it were a Mermaide or no, I know not; I leaue it for o­thers to iudge, &c.

R. W.

CHAP. IX.

The names of diuers honorable persons and others who haue vndertaken to helpe 10 aduance his Maiesties [...]laviation in the New-found-land: written by the said R. W. with extracts of certaine Letters written from thence.

THe right Honorable, Henry Lord Cary, Viscount of Fanlke-land, Lord Deputie for the Kingdome of Ireland, hath vndertaken to plant a Colonie of his Maiesties Subiects in the New-found-land, and is well pleased to entertaine such as are wil­ling to be Aduenturers with him therein; vpon such Conditions as may appeare in the latter part of this Booke: And in his Lordships absence, hee hath authorized this Agent, Master Leonard Wellsted, by warrant vnder his hand and Seale, to rati­fie 20 whatsoeuer shall be by him concluded therein. The said Master Wellsteds Chamber is neere one Master Garlands house, at the lower end of Saint Mar [...] lane in the fields.

The right Honorable Sir George Cal [...]ert, Knight; one of the principall Secretaries vnto his Ma­iestie, hath also vndertaken to planta large Circuit of that Countrie: who hath already sent thi­ther this yeare and the former yeare, a great number of men and women, with all necessarie pro­uisions fit for them; where they liue pleasantly, building of Houses; [...]sing of Land for Corne, and Meddowes, Cabage, Carrets, Turneps, and such like: as also for Wood and Tobacco Like­wise they are there preparing to make Salt; for the prel [...]tion of fish another yeere, and for diuers other seruices. And his Honor is likewise well pl [...]aled to entertaine such as will aduenture with him therein, vpon very fit conditions.

The Worshipfull Iohn Slany of London Merchant, who is one of the vndertakers of the New-found-land 30 Plantation, and is Treasurer vnto the pat [...] of that Societie, who haue maintained a Colonie of his Maie [...]es subiects there about twelue yeeres, and they are willing to entertaine such as will further his Maiesties said Plan [...], vpon fit conditions.

Diuers Worshipfull Citizens of the Citie of Bristoll, haue vndertaken to plant a large Circuit of that Countrie, & they haue maintained a Colony of his Maiesties subiects there any time these fiue yeeres, who haue builded there many faire Houses, and done many other good seruices, who liue there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased to entertaine vpon fit conditions such as will be Aduenturers with them.

The Worshipfull William Vanghan of Tarratod, in the Countie of Ca [...], Doctor of the 40 Ciuill Law, hath also vndertaken to plant a Circuit in the New-found-land and hath in two seue­rall yeeres sent thither diuers men and women, and hee is willing to entertaine such as will be Aduenturers with him vpon fit conditions.

And there are many other worthy persons Aduenturers in the said Plantation, whose names are not herein mentioned. And it is well hoped, that diuers others will also put their helping hand to aduance the same, when they are giuen to vnderstand what honour and benefit may accrue thereby. And if his Maiesties subiects of this Kingdome may be willing to set forth from euerie seuerall Countrie, but one good Ship yearely thither, with people and prouisions fit for them, it will be then not onely a great honour and benefit to his Maiestie, but also a great increase of Ship­ping and Marriners, and the imploying and inriching of many thousands of poore people which 50 now liue chargeably to the Parishioners. The wh [...]ah may be easily performed by the able Sub­iects, to set forth the charge at first, and so euerie Parish to recouer yearely their equall parts of the benefit which may accrue by the said stocke, and thereby not onely disburden yeerely them­selues of some of those which lie chargeable vnto them within their seuerall Parishes; but also yeerely yeelde a great benefit to euery seuerall Countie, though it lie something remote from the Sea-coast, if they imploy a discreete honest man there, who may yearely be accomptable to eue­rie Parish of the charge, and likewise the benefit. The which will not be anie way burdensome or hurtfull vnto any: as the following discourse which I haue written will plainly informe them. 60

Extracts of a Letter from Captaine EDWARD WINNE, Gouernour of the Colony at Ferryland; within the Prouince of Aualon, in Newfound-Land, vnto the Right Honourable Sir GEORGE CAL­VERT Knight, his Maisties Principall Secretary; Iuly 28. 1622.

May it please your Honour:

VPon the seuenteenth day of May, I receiued here yo [...]. Letters of the nineteenth of February, from the [...]a [...]ds of Robert Stoning. Vpon the six and twentieth of the same; a Ship of Master Iennins, with your people and prouision arriued here in safetie: and from the hands of Captaine Powell I receiued 10 then your Honours Letters of the fourteenth of March. And vpon the last of Iune Master Iames came hither from Renouse, and the Saltamaker Master Iohn Hickson; from whose hands I receiued two Letters more, that by Master Iames, being of the fourth of May, and the other by Hickson of the tenth of the same, &c.

It may please your Honour, that as soone as I had deliuered my last Letters of the fifth of Septem­ber, This was the last Letter sent into England the yeere be­fore, 1621. I immediately addressed my selfe onely to our businesse. Notwithstanding our diligent labour and extraordinary paines-taking, it was Alha [...]entide before our first range of building was fitted for an habitable being, &c.

After Christ [...]asse, wee imployed our selues in the Woods, especially in [...] weather, whence wee got 20 home as many Boord-stockes as afforded vs [...] hundred Boords; and about two hundred Timber-trees besides. Wee got home as much or as many Trees, as serued vs to p [...]lizade into the Plantation about foure Acr [...] of ground, for the keeping off of both man and [...]east, with Post and Rayle seuen foot high, sha [...]pened in the [...]p the Trees being p [...]ched vpright and fastened with Spikes and Nayles. Wee get also together as much fire-wood as will serue vs yet these two months. We also f [...]ed much Garden ground for Seed I meane Barley, Oates, Rease, and Beanes.

For addition of building, we haue at this present a Parlour of fourteene f [...]ot besides the Chinney, and twelue foot br [...]d, of [...] bright, and a lodging Chamber ouer it; to each a Chimney of Stone-work with Staires, and a S [...] besides a [...] of two [...], or a story and a halfe, which serues for a Store-house till wee are otherwise prouided. The Forge hath beene finished these fine weekes: the Salt­worke 30 is now almost ready. Notwithstanding this great t [...]ke for so fe [...] [...]ds, we haue both Wheat, Bar­ley, They were but twelue men all the last Win­ter, vnti [...] the new supply came in the Spring follow­ing. Oates, Pease and B [...]nes about the quant [...]tie of two A [...]res. Of Garden roome about halfe a [...] Acre: Corne, though late sowne is now in earings the B [...]nes and the good [...]st Pease that I euer saw, haue flou­rished in their bloomes this twentie dayes. Wee haue a plentifull Kitchin Garden of Le [...]tic [...], Rad­dish, Carrets, Coleworts, Turneps, and many other things. Wee haue also at this present, a flou­rishing Meadow, &c.

For the Countrey and Clymate: It is better, and not so cold [...] England hitherto. My comfort is, that the Lord is with your Honour, and your designes: for we haue prospered, to the admiration of all the behol­ders in what is done. And thus with my humble duty remembred, I rest, &c.

Another Letter to Master Secretary CALVERT, from Captaine WINNE, 40 of the seuenteenth of August, 1622.

May it please your Honour;

VVE haue Wheat, Barley, Oates, and Beanes both eared and codded, and though the late sowing and setting of them might occasion the contrary, yet it ripens now so fast, that it carries the like­lihood of an approaching Haruest. Wee haue also a plentifull Kitchen-Garden of many things, and so ranke, that I haue not seene the like in England. Our Beanes are exceeding good: our Pease shall goe wothout compare: for they are in some places as high as a man of an extraordinary stature, Raddish as 50 big as mine arme, Lettice, Cale or Cabbage, Turneps, Carrets, and all the rest is of like goodnesse. We haue a Meadow of about three Acres: it flourished lately with many cockets of good Hay, and now it is made vp for a Winter feeding. Wee hope to bee well fitted with many Acres of Meadow against another yeere: of Pasture-land, wee baute already to serue at least three hundred heads of Cattell: and to all this, if it please God, a good quantitie of Seed-ground shall be fitted, and such buildings as wee shall be able to accomplish.

Now in the next place it may please your Honour to vnderstand; That touching this Countrey, the Summer time here is so faire, so warme, and of so good a temperature, that it produceth many Hearbes and Plants very wholsome, medicinable, and delectable, many fruit Trees of sundry kindes, many sorts of Berries wholsome to eate, and in measure most abundant: insomuch as many sorts of Birds and Beasts 60 are relieued with them in time of Winter, and whereof with further experience I trust to fi [...]d some for the turne of D [...]ers. Our high leuells of Land are adorned with Woods, both fare and seemely to behold, and greene all Winter. Within Land there are Plaines innumerable, many of them containing many thousand Acres, very pleasant to see to, and well furnished with Ponds, Brookes and Riurrs, very plentifull of sun­dry [Page 1890] sorts of Fish: besides store of Deere and ether Beasts that yeeld both Food and Furre. Touching the soyle, I find it in many places, of goodnesse farre beyond my expectation: the Earth as good as can be: the Grasse both fat and vnctious, and if there were store of Cattle to feed it vp, and with good ordering, it would become a most stedfast nourishment: whereof the large breed of Cattell to our Northerne Planta­tion, haue lately giuen proofes sufficient, though since, they haue beene most shamefully destroyed. The ayre here is very healthfull, the water both cleer and wholsome, and the Winter short & tolerable, continu­ing onely in Ianury, February and part of March: the day in Winter longer then in England: the nights both silent and comfortable, producing nothing that can be said, either horrid or hideous. Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the yeere before. I remember but [...]eree seuerall dayes of hard Temperate Winter. weather indeed, and they not extreame neither: for I haue knowne greater Frosts, and farre greater 10 Snowes in our owne Countrey.

At the B [...] Plantation, there is as goodly Rye now growing, as can bee in any part of England: they are also well furnished with Swine, and a large breed of Goates, fa [...]er by far then those that were sent Bristow Planta­tion. ouer at the first.

The Stones, Kernells, and Seeds that Stoning brought mee, were put into the ground presently after his arriuall, the which are already of a prettie growth, though late set; for they came to my hands but vp­on the seuenteenth of May. The Uines that came from Plimouth, doe prosper very well: nay, it is to be assured, that any thing that growes in England, will grow and prosper very well here: whereby it plainly appeares vnto your Honour, what manner of Countrey the same is.

It may please your Honour to vnderstand, that our Salt-maker hath performed his part with a great 20 deale of sufficiency, by whom I haue sent your Honour a Barrell of the best Salt that euer my eyes beheld, Salt made there. who with better setling doth vndertake to better this, which hee hath made already. I shall humbly also desire you to remember my last yeeres suit, that our delicate Harbours and Woods may not bee altogether destroyed. For there hath beene rinded this yeere not so few as 50000. Trees, and they heaue out ballast Abuses of Fi­shermen. into the Harbors, though I looke on. It may likewise please your Honour to giue expresse order; First, that such as be sent thither hereafter, may be such men as shall bee of good strength: whereof wee stand in need of sixe Masons, foure Carpenters, two or three good Quarry-men, a Slater or two, a Lyme- [...]urner, and Lyme-stones, a good quantitie of hard Laths; a couple of strong Maids, that (besides other worke) can both Brew and Bake, and to furnish vs with Wheeles, He [...]pe, and Flax, and a conuenient number of West­countrey Labourers to fit the ground for the Plough. Secondly, that no more Boyes or Girles be sent hither, 30 I meane, vpon your Honors charge, nor any other persons which haue not beene brought vp to labour: for they are vnfit for these affaires. Thirdly, your Honor of necessitie must needes send some Gunnes, and a Gunner with his necessaries: for the place and time doe require it. It is a durable Chartell; they will com­mand the Harbour, and secure all, &c.

A Copie of a Letter from N. H. a Gentleman liuing at Ferryland in Newfound-Land, to a worthy Friend W. P. of the 18. of August, 1622.

SIR,

MY humble seruice remembred; accounting my selfe bound vnto you in a double bond, namely, loue 40 and dutie: I could not be vnmindfull to shew the same vnto you in these rude lines, thereby to ac­quaeint you with our health, the temperature of the Countrey, and the commodities and blessings therein. And first, for the first: Concerning our health, there is not any man amongst our company, that hath beene sicke scarcely one day since he came, but hath beene able to follow his worke. The Climate differs but little from England, and I my selfe felt lesse cold here this Winter, then I did in England the Winter before by much. The a [...]e [...] sweeter: for I neuer s [...]elt any euill sauor in the Countrey, nor saw any ve­nemous creature to burt mee. Gods blessings vpon this Land are manifold: As for wood and water, it passeth England: the one most sweet in growing and burning, the other most pleasant to taste, and good to drinke. For in Whitson-holidayes (I taking with me Master Stoning) did coast some ten miles in­to 50 the Countrey Westward from our Plantation, to make some discouery of the Countrey, and to kill a Deere; and being some fiue miles into the Land, where wee lodged that night in a Wood, we found much Champion ground, and good leuels of one, two, three or foure hundred Acres together, and at the foot of each Mountaine and small Hill, wee alwayes met with a faire fresh Riuer, or a sweet Brooke of running water, whereof wee freely dranke, and it did quench my thirst as well as any Beere, and much refresh vs both, and neuer offended our stomackes at all. Wee trauelled three dayes, but found no Deere saue their footings, which came to passe by meanes of a great fire that had burned the Woods a little before ten miles compasse. It began betweene Formouse and Aquafort: it burned a weeke, and then was quen­ched by a great raine.

I know not how or what hee was that gaue sire to it, but I thinke hee was a seruant hired by the Deuill 60 to doe that wicked deed, who (I doe not doubt) will pay him for his worke. In the night the Wolues being neere, did something affright vs with howlings, but did not hurt vs: for wee had Dogs, Fire, and Sword to welcome them. As for the Beares, although there bee many; they beare vs no ill will, I thinke, for I haue eaten my part of two or three, and taken no hurt by them. Foxes heere are many, and as subtill as a [Page 1891] Foxe, yet haue wee coozned many of them of their rich coats, which our worthy Gouernour keepes care­fully, as also of Cattagena's and Otters, whose couerings wee preserue as fitting presents for greater per­sons. The Fowles and Birds of the Land are Partridges, Curlues, Fillidayes, Black-birds, Bulfinches, Larkes, Sparrowes, and such like. Those of the Sea, are Goose, Ducks of foure sorts, Capderace, Teale, Snipes, Penguyns, Murres, Hounds, Sanderlings, Redshanks and others, all very fat, sweete and whol­some. The Fowles of prey, are Tercells, Goshawkes, Falcons, Laners, Sparhawkes, Gripes, Ospreis, Owles great and small, Rauens, Gulls, Pu [...]erils, and some others; and of most of these sorts I haue killed ma­ny. As for the plentie of Codfish it is well knowne vnto you. Salmons, Eeles, Mackarell, Herrings; Lance, Caplin, Dog fish, Hollibuts, Flowkes, Lobsters, Crabs and Muskles: All and more then all these are here in great plentie, very good and sweet meat. The wild fruit and berries, are small Peares, Cher­ries, Nuts, Resberries, Strawberries, Barberries, Dewberrics, Hurtleberries, with others, all good to eate. 10 Many faire Flowers I haue seene here, which I cannot name, although I had learned Gerrards Herball by heart: But wild Roses are here both red and damaske, as fragrant and faire as in England. All our Corne and Seedes haue prospered well, and are already growne almost to perfect maturitie, &c.

THE SECOND PART OF 20 THE TENTH BOOKE.

CHAP. X.

Diuers Warlike Fleets set forth to Sea against the Spaniards, by our English DEBORA, Queene ELIZABETH, of Glorious memory: Her manifold Deliueries and Victories. 30

LOI the Man, whose M [...]se [...]s'd on Plantations,
New England, Virgin, Bermude, Newfound-landed,
Lawrell for oliue take, and make Relations
Of Armes, Harmes, Fights, Frights, Flights, Depopulations,
Romes Buls, Spaines broyles, Irelands [...], Traitors branded.
GOD, Angels, Winds, Seas, Men, Elizas Glory
Conspire; Shee outlines Death, [...]n Heauen, in Story.

HAile greatest of English Names, Glorious ELIZABETH! Nor may wee 40 after thy voyage and peregrination out of this World, vnto thy true and heauenly home & Country, forget the great Acts of thy earthly Pilgri­mage. Thou wast indeed the Mother of English Sea-greatnesse, and didst first by thy (Generalls) not salute alone, but awe and trrrifie the remo­test East and West, stretching thy long and strong armes to India, to China, to America, to the Peruvian Seas, to the Californian Coast and New Albions Scepters: Thou mad'st the Northerne Muscouite admire thy Greatnesse: Thou gauest name to the North-west Straits (Meta Incognita) and the Southern Negros, and Ilands of the South-vnknowne-continent which knew not humanitie, were compel­led 50 to know Thee; Thou imbracedst the whole earthly Globe in thy Maritime Armes: thou freedst England from Easterlings and Lumbards borrowed legs, and taughtst her not onely to stand and goe without helpe, but become helpe to our friends, and with her own Sea forces to stand against, yea to stand vpon, and stampe vnder feet the proudest of her foes. Thou wast a Mother to thy Neighbours, Scots, French, Dutch; a Mirrour to the remotest of Nations. Great Cumberland; twelue voyages before recited are thine, and the fiery vigor of his Martiall Spirit was kindled at thy bright Lamp, & quickened by the Great Spirit of ELIZABETH. Drake, Candish, Iohn and Richard Hawkins, Raleigh, Dudley, Sherley, Preston, Greenuile, Lancaster, Wood, Raimund, Leuison, Monson, Winter, Frobisher. Da [...]es, and other the Star-worthies of Englands Sphere, whose Pla­net-courses The Fi [...]ts s [...] forth by queen Elizabeth. Sup. pag. 108 [...]. & [...]. we haue before related, acknowledge ELIZAS Orb to be their First and highest 60 Mouer. How many Royall Fleets did shee set forth? In the yeeres 85. and 87. those vnder Sir Francis Drake, before mentioned, as that also in 95. vnder him and Sir Iohn Hawkins: another: Fleet 1590. vnder Sir Iohn Hawkins, and Sir Martin Frobisher to the Ilands; also 1591. the Iland Fleet vnder the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earle of Suffolke; that 1592. by Sir Iohn Burroughs [Page 1892] and Sir Robert Crosse, when the Madre de Dios was taken, and another Carrike burnt: An. 1594. Shee sent forth a Fleet to Brest, where Frobusher was slaine. Another 1599. vnder the Lord Thomas Howard. A. 1600. vnder Sir Richard Leuison a Fleet to the Ilands; 1601. another to Ireland. A. 1602. vnder Sir Richard Leuison and Sir William Manson; and another vnder the same Commanders, 1603. as bequeathing in her fatall extreames, Marine Actions and Glory to her Successour. These and other her Sea-glories I purpose not here to dilate, hauing already handled some of them; but haue singled from the rest the actions of 88. 89. 96. and 97. prae­mising somthing as a Preface of the great deliuerances which God vouch safed that Virgin Queen.

That Church which is mystically called, The woman drunken with the bloud of Saints, had begun A [...]. 17. 6. Her persecuti­on from the Papacie from the wombe. to persecute her from her birth, Pope Clement the sixt decreeing against her Mothers mariage, 10 and Pope Paul the third thundring a terrible sentence against her Fathers Soueraigntie. And al­though King Henry had first enacted against his daughters, and after for them by Parliamentary authoritie, yet when King Edward (which vsed to call her his sweet sister Temperance) was dead, there wanted not some which extruded both the sisters, and obtruded another succession. Queene Mary dispersing that storme, raised another, wherein shee was exposed to the columnies of faire­soule-mouthed sycophants, which would haue stained the reigne of that Queene, otherwise bran­ded, as short, bloudy, vnfortunate, with the slaughter of that Royall Virgin: Story and others say­ing, In queen Ma­ries daies. That in vaine the boughs of Heresie were lopped off, if the Root were suffered to continue. Long and straight imprisonment shee ind [...]red, and was forced by them to Masse, Confession and externall profession of that Romish Catholi [...]sme, which perhaps had not diuerted her enemies designe, had 20 not the peruers [...]st of her enemies Gardiner beene auerted by his owne death; and had not also King Philip with the Spaniards enuied to the French so rich an Inheritance, as by Queene M [...] death without [...]ssue (which could scarsly from her sicke and aged body be expect,) was likely to fall vpon Queene Mary of Scotland betrothed to the Dolphin of France, whereby the Spanish greatnesse already embroyled enough, was likely to bee ouermatched by the French, increased with addition of three mightie Kingdomes. Queene Mary dying, and Cardinall Poole with ma­ny Prelates, as it were, attending her exequies with their owne, with generall applause Shee was acknowledged Queen. Her first care was to restore Religion, notwithstanding the dangers thence incompassing her: shee also reiected the mariage with King Philip, whereof hee had treated with her by the Earle of Feria his Embassadour, promising to procure thereunto the Popes dispensati­on: 30 neither admitted shee the offered match of Charles, sonne to Ferdinand the Emperour; and when Henry the French King by the Guisians was perswaded to challenge England to his sonne and daughter in law, causing them to vse her title Francis & Mary by the Grace of God King and French wrongs Queene of Scotland, England, and Ireland) and prepared Warres against her, God tooke him out of the world, being s [...]e at a Talt sport.

The new King and Queene continued their former challenge, Title and Ensignes, which gaue no small occasions of those euills, which afterwards inuolued her, breeding a great d [...]gust betwixt those two greatest Ladies which Christendome had, both Heires to an absolute Souereigntie. Q. Elizabeths prosperitie. See of Gods mercies in this & other kinds, the B. of Chi­chister his Re­ligious Trac­tate of Thanks­giuing. See also Cam­dens Elizabetha, and others Anuales of her Reigne. Shee expelled the French out of Scotland, stablished the affaires of Ireland, procured armour and weapons out of Germany, caused much Artillery to bee cast of Brasse and Iron, new Mynes of 40 Brasse being sound at Keswicke, and the stone Calammaris vsefull for Brasse-workes found here al­so: prouision for Gunpowder was first at her commandement made here at home; Barwicke for­tified, the Nauie furnished, the Sea Townes imitating her example and increasing dayly in Na­uall forces, answered by Martiall Spirits for Land and Sea seruice. Thus did God blesse her that had glorified him in establishing his Truth, notwithstanding the pouertie of the State at her entrance, deepely indetted by her predecessours; and the saint friendship or professed enmitie of Rome and all her disciples. Thus shall it bee done to the Woman God will honour, and more then thus: for what was all the time of her reigne but vicissitudes of Treasons, Warres, and manifold externall and internall broyles? and yet in an admirable working of Diuine Grace, when had England so long and flourishing peace at home, or glory and renowme abroad? as if hee which 50 brought light out of darknesse, would permit all such contrary workings to bee the object of his goodnesse, the fewell and materialls of her greatnesse.

Arthur Poole, the fourth yeere of her reigne abused the greatnesse of his bloud with other Arthur Poole of the house of George Duke of Clarence. Ann. 1569. Pius his impi­ous Bull. conspirators, to the Guis [...]n purposes, but taken and sentenced receiued not bloudie reward from her mild and mercifull hand.

Pope Pius the fift denounceth her excommunicate, discharging her Subiects from loyaltie and alleageance and arming them against her: Ridolfi a Florentine playes the Merchant of Popish wares, the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland take armes, the Duke of Norfolke is entan­gled, the French and Spaniard are perswaded by the Pope, who promised also if need were, to in­gage to this purpose all the goods of the Sea Apostolike, Chalices, Crosses, and holy Vestments: 60 Uitellius is commanded to inuade England with an Army from the Low-countries: but God protected ELIZABETH, and her Enemies abroad were disappointed, the Traitors at home falling into their owne pit.

About the same time Edmund and Peter, brethten to the Earle of O [...]ond were busie in Ire­land, Irish action. [Page 1893] to inflame which rebellion Mendoza came out of Spaine, but before it brake forth into any great combustion it was extinct. Don Iohn base son of Charles Emperour. 1576.

Don Iohn of Austria enters next vpon the Stage (for I omit Barues and Muthers, Sir Henry Percie, the B. of Ross his attempts, and other Acts and Arts sauouring more of the Foxe then the Lion) and pretended a peace, whiles hee intended the deliuerance of the Scottish Queene, and marrying her, to make himselfe King of England and Scotland, by helpe of fugitiues and fa­uour of the Pope and Guisians: and in the midst of his warlike preparations suddenly dieth. When Pius his impious curses had thus proued blessings, hee deceaseth, and Gregory his successour in the A. 1572. Greg. 13. con­firmeth the sentence a­gainst Q. Elis-Stuklys trea on Papacie, and malice to Queene ELIZABETH, the great Founder of Seminaties, gaping for no lesse then a Kingdome to his base sonne Iames Boncompagn [...], treateth with the Spaniard, who had swallowed England also in his conceit. Thomas Stukley an English fugitiue promiseth Ire­land 10 to the Popes bastard, who in recompence giues him the titles of Marquesse of Lagen, Earle of Wexford and Caterlough, Vicount of Morough, and Baron of Ross (all places of note in Ireland) and made him Generall of eight hundred Italian Souldiers, the King of Spaine paying their wages. But Sebastian King of Portugall, which should haue conducted the Spanish forces against England, being intangled with an African Expedition, procured S [...]cley to goe thither with him, where A. 1578. both lost their liues. And the Spaniard was now diuerted from English designes to those neerer of Portugall, there imploying the forces intended against vs.

Doctor Nicolas Sanders playeth the next part, who hauing written in defence of the Popes 1579. 1580. Sanders Au­thor of the booke De visi [...]. Monarch, & of the forged tale De schismate Anglicano in which he abu­seth the queens Mother with grosse lies, ne­uer before een or dreams of by the sharpest and spitefulles [...] eyes which Malice could entertain, euen then when she was most ma­licious & most serpent sighted visible Monarchy Ecclesiasticall, and belched out the fowlest slanders of Queen ELIZABETHS parentage that Hell could deuise, would make his writings visible by his deeds; and with Iames 20 Fitz Moric [...] an Irish Traitor, hauing obtained to be the Popes Nuntio, with a banner consecrated at Rome, and some forces out of Spaine, entreth Ireland, there fortifieth and winneth Desmond to his partie. San Ioseph [...] followeth with seuen hundred Italians and Spaniards, with Armour for fiue thousand. Their Fort is taken, Fitz▪ moric [...] first, and after the Earle with many others slaine, Sanders runnes mad, and wandering vp and downe in the Woods and Mountaines dieth misera­bly; the Country is pacified and ELIZABETH preuaileth. The Seminaries (Schooles of Trea­son) were now erected at R [...] and Rhem [...], to become worse then that Troian Ho [...]se, Cells of desperate E [...]issaries, inc [...]ndaries of their owne Countrey: Campion and others suffer, seditious Bookes 15 [...]3. are written against the Queene, whereby S [...]r [...]ill was instigated to kill her. 30

Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour was commanded to depart out of England, hauing practi­sed with Throckmorton 1584. Mendoza. Throckmorton. Creighton; pa­pers. Asso [...]iation. P [...]ries treason Allens booke. and others about an inuasion of the Land, and to remoue the Queene. A­bout the same time in manner miraculously, traiterous projects came to light by certaine papers of one Creigh [...] a Scottish Iesuite, who being taken by Dutch Pirates tare them and threw them into the Sea; which would not bee acc [...]ssary to Iesuiticall plots, but by the helpe of the winde brought them backe to the Ship; which being deliuered to Sir William Wade were ioyned again, and reuealed new plots of the Pope, the Spaniard, and Guisians to inuade England: Whereupon an Association was made by many thorow the Kingdome, binding themselues by their hands and seales to prosecute all such to death as should attempt any thing against the life of the Queene. Cardinall A [...] for the English Catholikes Ecclesiasticall, Inglefield for the Larkes, the Bishop of 40 Rosse for the Queene of Scots, were said to haue agreed to depriue the Queene, and to disinherite King IAMES as a fauo [...]er of Heresie, &c.

A. 1585. Doctor Parry (whom Queene ELIZABETH had before pardoned his life) being heartned by Ragazonius the Popes Nuntio in France, and absolued in the Popes name by the Car­dinall Comensis, vndertooke to kill the Queene, being thereunto incouraged by Allens booke, teaching that excommunicated Princes may bee dispoyled of liues and Scepters. His partner re­ueales him, and his mischiefe lighted on himselfe. Henry Earle of Northumberland (brother of Earle of Nor­thumberland. Thomas before executed at Yorke) slew himselfe in the Tower, and the Lord Chancellour three dayes after in the Starre Chamber declared that he had beene committed for traiterous deuises a­gainst the Queene and State; the particulars whereof were then opened by the Atturney Popham, 50 seeking to set free the Queene of Scots, to destroy the Queene and the Religion, to haue dealt with Charles Paget (termed Mope) about these things, with the inuasion of England, &c. The Burkes rebellion in Ireland fell out that yeere, and many broyles, which cost three thousand Burks & Ilandeys [...]i s in Ireland. their liues at one time, the title Mac-William in Connagh extinguished, and the insolence of the Ilanders betwixt Scotland and England repressed. The Spaniard arrested the English Ships in his Ports, whence the Expeditions of the Earle of Cumberland, and Sir Francis Drake before men­tioned tooke their beginning, and the Warres betwixt the two Kingdomes.

A. 1586. that prodigions plot of Sauage, Balard, Babington, and the rest of that bloudy crue Babington, &c. conspiring to kill the Queene, was detected and the plotters were executed. In 87. the French Embassadour, a Guisian, conferred with Stafford to kill the Queene, making great promises to that 60 purpose. And he and Moody were further treated with on that point by Trappius his Secretary, French Embas­sad [...]urs plot with Moody. which by Stafford was reuealed and preuented. But whiles all pretended the freeing of the Queen of Scots, by this meanes they shortned her dayes and freed her of her life.

The story is knowne, and I shall not need to insist vpon these later things, nor on Tyrones Tra­gicall [Page 1894] rebellion, the death of so many thousands English, Irish, Spanish; no [...] Lopez his plot to poison the Queene, &c. I but propound these things to excite English thankfulnesse to God, and hatred Lopez. to that Whoore, drunken with bloud, which hath thus enchanted the Kings of the earth; yea like the Legion Deuill hath broken all chaines of allegeance, and hath initiated in hellish mysteries Luke 8. 29. naturall sworne subiects to inuasion and mutuall massacres; yea to account it tolerable, lawfull, commendable, meritorious, and in ordine ad deum, necessary (ô times! ô monsters!) to kill and murther; and hath made it a compendious way to win the Kingdome of Heauen by killing the Kings of the Earth. And if the bloud of so many Saints from Abel to Zacharias were threatned to fall on Ierusalem, sometimes the holy Citie; what may be said of Rome? whose Temporall Mo­narchy first founded in the bloud of Rhemus brother of Romulus, proceeded in exiling their owne 10 Kings, and in exterminating worlds of men out of the world (Caesar alone is said in fiftie bat­tells Rome, Citie of murthers & haters of kings to haue slaine Plin. l. 7. c. 25. 1192000. men, besides what was slaine in his Ciuill Warres) in a world of time together: exceeded in the sanctitie of the bloud of so many thousand Saints and Martyrs in ten dismall persecutions, and yet fell short of the pretended Catholike Rome, that mysticall Woman drunken with bloud.

I dare boldly auer, and by History make it good, (yea See to. 1. l. 8. [...]. 1. [...]. 3. 4. & 6. l. 2. c. 1 to. 2. l. 8. c. 4. &c. in great part to a iudicious obseruer the Present Rome greater man­staier & Saint­slaier then the Ethnike. former parts of this Worke haue shewed) that since the Papall challenge of Monarchy ouer Mo­narkes by Gregory the seuenth, the Deuills thousand yeeres of imprisonment being expired, An­tichristian Rome hath by Sword, Fire, Warres, Ciuill and Forraine, and other inhumane, immane, diuellish furies procured the shedding of more humane bloud, then euer Heathen Rome in farre 20 longer time had shed to erect their Heathenish Empire, from the dayes of Romulus which foun­ded the Citie, to Augustus which grounded and stablished the Empire, and Tiberius vnder whom Christ was crucified: Yea if you adde the persecutions of the succeeding Emperors till Iulian the Apostata; yet haue the later Antichristian exceeded in numbers, as much as the executions of Warres are vsually beyond all comparison of the Iudiciall and Legall. I adde, that as the Ethnike Romans spilt none (except in persecutions) but Ethnike bloud: so the pretended Christan Ro­mists (except in the Indies and the Holy Land Wars) shed none in this account but Christian. This may seem a prodigal speech & prodigious paradox, to those which know not the millions which perished in the Holy Land Wars, set & kept on foot about 200. yeers together by Papall ambiti­on; so many hundreths of thousands which perished in the same times, by open warres made by 30 the Popes Crusados against the Albigenses, Waldenses, and what other names it pleased them to giue to better men then themselues, in almost eightie yeeres continued warres: So many Ciuill Warres in Germany, the subiects and competitors armed by Crusados against the Emperours till that Eagle was plucked; where one Henry whom Hildebrand first deposed, fought sixtie battells: In England, France, Italy, and other parts, in the daies of King Iohn, Fredericke the second, Co [...]rad [...], Memfred, Phillip, and others: and after that, the long Bohemian broiles drenched in bloud after Husses fire: and lately so innumerable millions (pauperis est numerare) in America and the Ilands which these bookes plainly euince to haue beene written in bloud by Roman authoritie and pre­tence; Priests, agents in euery trea­son. not to make mention of the Philippinas, the East Indies, the Wars in Sicile and Naples; and the Greeke Empire first weakned, and after by Roman ambition lost: how many hundreth thou­sands 40 hath France lost of Christians within these last hundreth yeeres? how many more haue ta­ken The Pope Ma­ster Workman. their fatall farewells in the Belgian quarrell? How doe those Low-countries and Germany still flow in bloud? That I speake not of our England and Ireland? But I hate the thoughts of those things, and therefore come to the 88. businesse, that also set on worke from Rome, the widest and Allen or Alan was by Spanish procurement made Cardi­nall for this purpose; and to this purpose had written a violent booke which heart­ned Parry to vndertake to kil the Queen. He and Bristow & Martin were Authors of the Rhemish Tran­slation and Notes of the N. T. openest passage from hell for his ingresse and egresse, that was a Murtherer from the beginning, and in the last ages turning himselfe into an Angell of light, hath there established his principall Vicar vnder pretended titles and seemings of Christ and Christianitie. Yea this is also remarkable that in the treasons against Queene Elizabeth, and in those against our present Souereigne King Iames (whom God long preserue) by Watson, Clerke, Cobham, &c. at first, and in the Master and Monster-peece (which was now ready to breake forth with violence and virulence from Hell, 50 and to blow vp all other Treasons) that of the Gun-powder Traitors; still the busiest part of the Tragedie is committed to some Romish Priest or Iesuite, who should fit and frame the resolute dissolutenesse of wild spirits to the execution of it or themselues. The Master Workman (I say not Beelzebub) is the Pope, as appeareth in those before mentioned, and in this of 88. whose Bull declaratory against that Worthy of women followeth, as the contents thereof are deliuered by Meteranus, to whose labours in this Story wee are principally indetted. It was to be published in the Popes name by Cardinall Allen after the Nauie had arriued in England, to command the English to yeeld their obedience to the Duke of Parma. From the Pope therefore wee will begin our 88 Story, touching the preparation and successe of that Armada sirnamed inuincible. 60

CHAP. XI.

Octagesimus Octauus mirabilis Annus.

The Popes Bull, the King of Spaines preparations, the Duke of Medinas Expe­dition, the Duke of Parmas Forces, for the inuasion of England: diuers Sea-fights twixt the English and Spanish Fleets, the Sea flight of the Spanish, and miserable disasters in their returne. Their lies. The Queens Religious Triumph.

SIxtus Quintus, by diuine prouidence, vniuersall Pastor of the Flock of Christ, to whom by continued and lawfull succession, the administration and charge of the Catholike Church Papall preten­ded causes of depriuing the Queene. Fugitiues im­potent Zeale. Spanish argu­ments to re­quite good with euill. 10 pertaineth; taking into consideration the miseries and calamities whereinto the famous Kingdomes of England and Ireland had falne, which in times past were commended so much for Vertues, Religion, and Christian Pietie and Obedience, and now by the im­pious and vniust Empire of Elizabeth pretended Queene, and a few adhering to her, not onely to haue come to a dissolute estate and dangerous to it selfe, but also as infected and venemous mem­bers are wont to cause infection and disease to the whole body of Christians: and wanting there the due re­medies which elswhere by help of Christian Princes he vseth, to preuent abuses & to maintaine Ecclesiasti­call discipline: For asmuch as Henry the Eight, late King of England, a Rebell and forsaker of the Sea Apostolike, separated himselfe and his from the communion of Christians by force, and Elizabeth the pre­sent Vsurper perseuereth therein, not without great commotion and danger of the Neighbour Regions, 20 shewing her selfe obstinate and impenitent, so that there is no hope that those Kingdomes may at any time be reformed and reduced to the exercise of Christian Religion, true peace and quietnesse, except shee be de­priued of the administration of the Kingdome.

Therefore our most holy Father desiring (as his Office requireth) to prouide for this euill, with pre­sent and strong remedies inspired to him from God, to the health of the vniuersall Church, incited as well by his owne, as his predecessors affection and zeale, alway borne toward England; and moued by the con­tinuall sollicitation, vehement and importunate exhortation of very many, and those principall men of the said Nation; hee hath vsed great diligence with diuers Princes, and especially with the Mightie and Ca­tholike King of Spaine, imploring his aide hereunto, by the reuerence which hee beareth the Roman Sea, by the old friendship and consanguinitie which his Family hath had with the Kings of England, by his singular 30 charitie and beneuolence formerly shewed to the Catholikes of that Countrey; for obtaining by that meanes his desire of peace and quietnesse in his Neighbour Prouinces, for his studie and readinesse towards the propagation of Catholike Religion, and lastly for the furtherance of the common good of Europe; hath besought him to confer all the Forces which God almightie hath giuen him hereunto, that that Wo­man may bee deiected from her degree, and that the euill men and hurtfull to mankind, which adhere to her may be punished, and that Kingdome may bee reduced to certaine reformation and quietnesse, from which great good and many commodities to the Common-wealth might be to be expected. Wherefore that bee might make knowns to all the world the Iustice of this Cause, and the Subiects also of that Kingdome might fully he satisfied, likewise that hee might denounce the iust iudgement of God against her; It hath seemed meet to his Holinesse, with the Declaratory Sentence made against this Woman, to shew the cause 40 also why he had so proceeded against her.

First, because shee is an Heretike Act. 24. 14. By the way which they cal heresie, so wor­ship wee the God of our fa­thers, belee­uing all things written in the Law, &c. and Schismatike They make the schisme or rent, which vniustly ex­communicate & cut off from the body of Christ, as Io. 9, Sinite illos, coe­ci sunt, &c. and therefore excommunicated of two Popes, his predecessors, contumacious, disobedient to God and the supreme Hinc ille lacrymae. Sea: Also shee tooke to her selfe with presumptious vsurpation supreme Authoritie and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer the Soules Withlie and all: shee reice­ted the title of supreme head, to auoid from appearance of this euill, and declared her selfe to chal­lenge onely, power ouer all her subiects, to command thé to do their du­ties & execute their offices, excluding for­rain iurisdicti­on: as Dauid, Sal [...]mon, Con­stantine, & her predecessors had done, ex­ercising pow­er ouer Priests, not in the Priesthood. of Men, against Nature, Reason, against all Lawes Diuine and Humane; and that as well by vertue of the sentences giuen by Clement the Seuenth, and Paul the Third, as of the publike declaration of King Henry her Father. Thirdly, because shee vsurped the Kingdome against all right, not onely in regard of the impediments aforesaid, but also against the old Contracts in times past made betwixt the Sea Apo­stolike and the Kingdome of England in the time of Henry the Second, when the said Kingdome recon­ciled if selfe to the Roman Sea, for the murther of Saint Thomas of Canturbury. At which time it 50 was agreed O impudency? What King of England euer sought the Popes confirmation King [...] by Papall Arts made himselfe triburary but without and against his subiects con [...]ent; as Ma. Paris & R [...]endouer then liuing testifie at larg [...] at writing being burnt and disclai­med the subiects also rebelling against the Author thereof., that none should bee taken for lawfull King of England without consent of the Great Bi­shop; which conuention or contract was after renewed by King Iohn, and confirmed by Oath Which thing was most profitable, and so established by the request of the Nobilitie and People.

For many and grieuous iniuries Quia totum tel [...]m non recep [...]et: Shee wronged them much in sou [...]ng 60 her throat from their blades., extorsions, and other wrongs perpetrated by her and by others, through her permission, against the distressed innocent Subiects of both Kingdomes.

For seditions and rebellions betwixt the Inhabitants of neighbour Prouinces, raised against their lawful Magistrate and Vnnaturall Prince, which not content with inheritance, would haue made conquest of the Pro­uinces, so to swallow all their priuiledges, and subiect them to forraine inquisition and rule: so buying with 100. millions of treasure and the liues of 400000. Christians, the losse of those which would haue bought and sought to be his subiects, if hee would haue kept the oathes which the Pope dispensed with, twice made to them; and ruled as his predecessors had done. naturall Prince, by which shee seduced innumerable Soules and many potent Regions.

[Page 1896] For entertainment The Pope confesseth hee gaue enter­tainment to the Queenes Fug tiues, and for their sakes thus roared. The Spaniard entertained her Fugitiues, and she might not admit those whom he would not suf­fer to obey him as his Ance­stors had done giuen to Fugitiue Heretikes, and Rebells, wicked and publike malefactors, and vndertaking their protection, to the great losse and detriment of Christian Regions.

Also for sending to and procuring the Turke, that our mightie A mighty & cruell forgery of his Holiness and cruell Enemy, to inuade Chri­stendome and disturbe Who is here the inuader & disturber of peace? And whereto tends all this but to disanull peace? the setled Peace.

For the horrible and Quis tulerit Gracchos dei se­ditione queren­tes? long persecution of the Saints of God, for holy Boner, &c. was ill handled because they were not so handled as they had handled Cran­mer, Ridley, &c. B B. ill handled, spoyled, im­prisoned, and diuers torments and miserable tortures and slaughters done to the members of the holy and Catholike Church.

For the inhumane and vniust imprisonment and crueltie, lately exercised against the most gracions Princesse, Mary Queene of Scotland, which had fled into England, hauing first See M. Cam­dens History, [...] A. 1568. & seq. where those occurrents are otherwise re­lated. receiued promise of securitie, pretection, and aide.

For abolishing the true Catholike Religion Ap. 2. 2. Thou hast tried them that say they are Apo­stles and are not and hast found them liers., the profanation of holy Sacraments, also of Monaste­ries How much more did He­zekiab & [...]osias in demolishing the meanes of superstition, how holy soe­uer at their first institutiō? So the brasen Serpent, a Di­uine type of Christ crucified was demolished, &c., Temples, Persons consecrated to the memory of Saints, and all other things which make or may help to eternall life.

And concerning Secular affaires Uis dicam quid sis? magnus es ardelio. Pitie she promoted not Cardinal Allen or Father Parsons, the one to Lambeth, the other to Tib. I should say the Broad Seale. and the State politike, for that the ancient Nobilitie being reiec­ted and excluded, shee hath promoted obscure and vnworthy men to Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall dignities; and by this meanes hath made a sale of Lawes and Rights; and lastly for the absolute tyranny What a faire deliuerance from this tyranny should we haue had by the Spanish Whips and Kniues? which shee vsurpeth and continually exerciseth, to the great contempt of God, oppression of the miserable We had indeed bin miserable, had we falne into the hands of such Phy­sicians. People, the losse of Soules, and destruction of Countries.

Wherefore seeing those offences are of that nature and moment, that some make her vncapable of the kingdome, others make her vnworthy of life, his Holinesse by the power of Almightie God, and of Apo­stolicall 20 authoritie committed to him, doth renew the sentence of his predecessors, Pius the Fifth, and Grego­ry The holinesse of three Popes curse her, and the holy and blessed Trinitie blesse her. the Thirteenth, whereby the said Elizabeth is excommunicated and depriued of her Kingdome. And now by these present Letters, the same Elizabeth againe excommunicateth and depriueth of all Royall Dignitie, Titles, Rights and pretences to the said Kingdomes of England and Ireland; declaring her ille­gitimate, and a true Usurper of the Kingdomes; and absoluing the Subiects of that Land, and all o­thers from all dutie Dutie and faith acknowledged and yet denied! Is not this babbling? of Dominion, Fidelitie and Obedience, and from the Oath But God will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vaine. giuen to her or to any of her substitutes.

Further, expresly commanding vnder paine of the anger Yet this is the first comman­dement of promise; so contrary are Gods blessing and the Popes cursing. Eph. 6. 2. of God Almightie, that none of whatsoeuer condition or degree, after hee shall haue notice hereof; doe presume to yeeld her any obedience, fauour, or ayde whatsoeuer: but that all may imploy all their power and indenour, that due punishment may be taken 30 of her; that shee at length, which hath separated her selfe by many wayes from God and his Church, see­ing her selfe for saken and destitute of all worldly refuge, may be brought to acknowledge her fault, and to subiect her selfe to the iudgement of the most High, with all submission.

And therefore commands all and euery the Inhabitants of the said Kingdomes, and all others, that with all their power they execute the premisses, withdrawing all helpe publike and priuate from the said per­son and her adherents: and that as soone as they shall be hereof certisied, they ioyne themselues to the Ca­tholike Armie, led by the Illustrious and victorious Prince Alexander Farnesius, Duke of Parma, and Deputie of the Catholike King; with all the forces they can gather, that they may assist the said depriua­tion and punishment of the parties afore said, and the restitution of the holy Catholike Religion, decla­ring that all which shall show themselues disobedient A false Prophet! for neither did England e­uer prosper more, or feare the Pope or Spaniard lesse, or so much loue or honour Her or any of her progenitors, as Her Maiesty after this: such a blessed haruest God raised out of this Cursers cursed seed. to this Mandate, shall not escape deserued punishments.

Be it knowne further to all men, that it is not the purpose of his Holinesse, the Catholike King, or the said Dukes Highnesse, in this Expedition, to oppresse the said Kingdomes, or thereof to make conquest, or to alter the Lawes, Priuiledges or Customes thereof, or to depriue any man there, of his libertie or life (except the rebellious and contumacious) or to bring any change The Duke of Medina Generall of this Fleet was of an­other 60 mind, who being told of Catholikes in England which would take his part, &c. answered, That he must make way howsoeuer for his Master. And were not Count Egmond and Count Horne and others, Papists, which D'Alua executed? There were 700. Eng­lish Fugitiues in Parmas Army for this inuasion, Qui omnium despicatissime habiti, the baggage of the Armies estimate: nor was re­spectgiuen to Stanly and Westmerland, Traitors of note, Sed pro impietate in Patriam omni ad [...]tu prohibiti & tanquam pessima auspicia merito non si [...]e detestatione reiecti, saith Camden. They were excluded all Councells of Warre; for men vse to loue the Treason and hate the Traytor., besides that which shall be iudged fit by common voyces of his Holinesse, the Catholike Maiesty and the States of that Kingdome, to the resto­ring and continuing of the Catholike Religion, and the punishment of that Usurper and her adherents: Certifying and securing all, that all controuersies which may happen by the depriuation of that Woman (whether they shall arise about priuate mens affaires, or about the Royall Succession, or betwixt the Clergy and Laity, or whatsoeuer other discords) they shall be all compounded and decided according to the Lawes, 50 Iustice, and Christian equitie, without any iniury or damage. Neither shall it onely bee prouided conue­niently that the Catholikes which haue suffered so many euills be not spoyled, but fauour is also granted to all others, which being penitent shall submit themselues vnto the Chiefe Commander of the Army. And [Page 1897] whereas by due information made, wee are giuen to vnderstand that there are many innocents, which through ignorance of Christian Faith hauing falne, haue hitherto erred onely of ignorance, being neuer­thelesse reckoned amongst Heretikes: wee purpose not at all to punish such persons, but to in [...]ure pati­ently, till by conference of learned men, and good sound counsells, they may be better instructed touching the truth; and not shew themselues obstinate, but desirous to preuent the effusion of Christian bloud, and destruction of Countries which may be expected by the resistance of some wicked principall aduersaries.

Therefore by these Presents wee declare, that it is not onely lawfull for all, as well publike as priuate Matth. 26. 54. [...]udas [...]scario [...] went to the chiefe Priests: here the chiefe Priest preuents the Traitor & cou [...]a [...]ts for more then 30. pieces, before he be sollicited with what will you giue me [...] e [...]ewish Priest [...] were dul, com­pared to these Romish. persons, besides those which haue vndertaken this Expedition, to lay band on the said Vsurper, and other her adherents, to take them and deliuer them to the Catholike side; but also this deed shall bee esteemed of vs for a faithfull and singular seruice. and shall be recompenced with very great rewards, according to the qualitie of the persons taken or betrayed. All others also which heretofore haue giuen ayde, or shall 10 hereafter assist to the punishment of the euill, and the restitution of Catholike Religion in those King­domes, shall receiue their reward and recompence, increased by vs in Dignities and Honours, as their good and faithfull seruice to the Common-wealth shall desire. Wherein as much as may be, care shall be had that reckoning and respect be holden of the antient and honourable Houses and Stockes of the said Kingdomes. Lastly, free accesse and safe conduct by these Presents is granted to all men, which will ioyne themselues to the Catholike Armie, and will bring thereto prouision, furniture of warre, and other necessaries, full and liberall satisfaction is promised for all things, which for the seruice and commoditie of the said Armie shall be supplied by them. And all are admonished and plainly commanded, that they doe their vtmost in­deuour and diligence, that by their meanes cause may bee remoued of vsing force in punishing those which shall neglect this Precept. 20

Further more the H [...]ly Fa! th [...]! Holy Father, in his fatherly loue and singular affection to this Expedition, out of the Spirituall Treasure Pro thesauro carbones. The Pope grants that li­berally which is al [...]ly. of the holy Church (which is committed to his custody and dispensation) doth libe­rally grant plenary Indulgences and remission of Sins, to all those which shall bring any aid or fauour to the depriuation and punishing of the said persons, and the reformation of both Kingdomes: to wit, after due pe­nance, Contrition and Confession had according to the Lawes of God and Men, and the receiued custome amongst Christians.

NOw that all might bee carried more closely, and that this Expedition might seeme made a­gainst the Low-countries, rather then the English, a solemne meeting was appointed first neer Ostend, after at Bronckburg in Flanders for a treaty of peace with the Queene of England. Henry 30 Earle of Derby, the Lord Cobham, Sir Iames Croft, D. Dale, D. Rogers were sent. Richardot plainly said that he knew not what might be put in practise in the meane time against England. But the Prince and he being demanded if their were any enterprise of inuading England, they vtterly de­nied any thoughts therof. Count Aremberg, Campignie, Richardot, Maes & Garnier were the Prin­ces Delegates, and professed that they had sufficient Commission for treaty of peace. First a truce was propounded by the English and by them [...]e [...]ed. Then the English required that the ancient leagues betwixt the Kings of England and the House of Burgundy might be renewed and confir­med, that the Low-countrimen might iniov their priuiledges and libertie of conscience, that Spa­niards and forraine forces might be remoued, that neither they nor their neighbours should haue cause to feare; and then the Queene would redeliuer her foure Cautionary Townes. They whiled 40 them with such answere as suted to their purposes, and long adoe was made in weauing and vn­weauing Penelopes web, till the Spanish Armada was vpon the Coast, and the very Ordnance pro­claimed in their eares a surcease from further illusions. Then did Parma dismisse them, pulled off his Visor, vncasing the Fox, and truly appearing in the Lions skin. But let vs now come to take view of this Fleet, and the preparations made for it.

The King of Spaine hauing with small fruit, aboue twenty yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlands, after deliberation with his Counsellours thereabout, thought it most conuenient to assault them once again by Sea, which had bin attempted sundry times heretofore, but not with forces sufficient. Vnto the which expedition it stood him now in hand to ioine great puissance, as hauing the English people his professed enemies; whose Iland is so situate, that it may either great­ly 50 helpe or hinder all such as faile into those parts. For which cause he thought good first of all to inuade England, being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo, and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen, and by many English fugitiues, that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult, then the conquest of Holland and Zealand. Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion, that it would be farre more behoouefull for their King to conquer England and the Low countries all at once, then to bee constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleets, from the English Drake, and from such like valiant enemies.

And for the same purpose the King Catholike, had giuen commandement long before in Italy & Spaine, that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of Ships; and had besides 60 made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in foun­ding of brasen Ord [...]ance, in storing vp of corn and victuals, in training of men to vse warlike wea­pons, in leuying and mustering of Souldiers: insomuch that about the beginning of the yeer 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie, & brought it into Lisbon Hauen, as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean Sea.

[Page 1898] A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards, the translated copy whereof, in perp [...]tuam r [...]i memoriam, to incite English thankfulnesse, I haue here inserted, but abridged.

Squadron of the Galeons of Portugall.

THe Galeon S. Martin, Captain Generall of the Armie,, of 1000. tuns, carrieth 177. Mariners, 3 [...]0. Souldiers, chosen men, 50. Peeces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Cord, and all that which is needfull.

The Galeon S. Iohn, Admirall Generall, of 1050. tuns, carrieth 170. Mariners, 231. Souldiers, 50. Peeces of Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Cords, and that which is necessary. 10

The Galeon of S. Marke is of 792. tuns, and carrieth 292. Souldiers, 117. Mariners, and Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Philip, of 800. tuns, hath 415. Souldiers, 117. Mariners, 40. Peeces of Artillery, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that is needfull.

The Galeon S. Lewes 830. tuns, hath 376. men of Warre, and 116. Mariners, 40. Peeces of Ord­nance, and Bullets, Match, Powder, and other things as much as is needfull.

The Galeon of S. Mathew 750. tuns, 177. men of Warre, 50. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, and Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and all other things as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Iames 520. tunnes, 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is needfull. 20

The Galeon of Florence, of 961. tuns, 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 52. Peeces of Ordnance, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Christopher, 352. tuns, 300. men of Warre, 90. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Lead, Powder, Match, and all that which they need.

The Galeon S. Bernard, 352. tuns, hath 280. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 30. Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need.

The Zabra Augusta, of 166. tuns, carrieth 55. Souldiers, 55. Mariners, 13. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need.

The Zabra Iulia, of 166. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, with Ordnance, Bullets, Powder, and other necessaries.

There is in this Squadron, 1 [...]. Vessells, 10. of them Galeons, and two Zabres, which are of 7737. tuns. & 30 there are imbarked in them 3330. Souldiers footmen, & 1230 mariners, which are in sum 4624. men, & they carry 350. great Peeces, and all that which is necessary to the rest, as bullets, powder, match, lead, &c.

THe Ship S. Angell, the Captaine is of 768. tuns, and hath 323. men of War, 114. Mariners, 30. The Armie of Biscay, of which is Captain Ge­nerall Ian Mar­tines of Ricalda. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is needfull. The Gangrin, Admirall of 1160. tuns, carrieth 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 36. great Peeces of Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match Lead, and all that which is needfull. The Vessell of S. Iames, 660. tuns, hath 250. Souldiers, 102. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary prouisions. The Conception of Zub [...]lzu, 468. tuns, hath 100. men of War, and 70. Mariners, 20. great Canons, and 40 Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things. The Conception de I [...]a [...]es del Cauo, 418. tuns, hath 164. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need. The Magdalene of Iohn Frauncis of Ayala, 330. tuns, car­rieth 200. Souldiers, 70. Mariners, 22. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and that which is necessary to the rest. The S [...]p S. Iohn, 350. tuns, hath 130. men of Warre, and 80. Mari­ners, and 24. great Peeces, B [...]llets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need for the rest. The Mary of 165. tuns, carrieth 180. Souldiers, and 100. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, Bullets, Pow­der, Lead, Match, and other necessary things. The Manuela of 520. tuns, hath 130. Souldiers, 54. Mariners, 16. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match and the rest of their fraught. The Ship of S. Mary of Monte-maior, of 707. tuns, 220. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, 50 Powder, Lead, and Match, and other prouisions. The Pinnace, called the Marie of Aguiare, of 70. tuns, hath 30. men of War, 23. Mariners, 10. Peeces, of Canon, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and other necessary things. The Pinnace, called Isabella, of tuns, hath 30. Souldiers, 23. Mariners, 12, Canons, Bullets, and other necessary things. The Pinnace of Michel Sus [...], of 96. tuns, 30. Soul­diers, 24. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things. The Pinnace of S. Steuen, of 78. tuns, hath 30. men of Warre, 26. Mariners, 12. Peeces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things of prouision.

There is in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten of them great, and foure Pinnaces, which are of 6567. tuns of burden, in which Ships bee imbarked 2037. Souldiers, 868. Mariners, which make in all 2802. and The Armie of the Gallyes of Castille, of the which is Generall, Ia­ques Flores de Valdes. 260. great Peeces of Canon, 119000. Bullets, 467. Quintals of Powder, 140. of Lead, 89. of Match. 60

THe Galeon S. Christopher, Captaine of 70. tuns, hath 205. men of Wa [...]re, and 120. Mariners, and 40. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is necessary to the rest. The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist, of 750. tuns hath 250. Souldiers, 140. M [...]ne [...]s, [...]0. great Peeces, & [Page 1899] bullets, Powder, lead, Match, & other necessary things. The Galeon S. Peter, of 530. tuns, 130. men of Warre, 140. Mariners, and 40. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest need­full. The Galeon S. Iohn, of 530. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 120. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. Iames the great, of 530. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 132. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. Philip, and S. Iames, of 530. tuns, 159. Souldiers, and 116. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Pow­der, Match, Lead, and all that is necessary. The Galeon of the Ascension, of 530. tuns, 220. Souldi­ers, 114. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all other necessary things. The Galeon of our Lady del Barri [...], of 130. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 108. Mariners, and 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, and all other necessary furnitures. The Galeon of S. Medel and Celedon, of 530. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 110. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, 10 and all the rest. Galeon S. Anne of the Port, of 250. tuns, 100. men of Warre, and 80. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of Vigonia, 750. tuns, 190. men of Warre, and 130. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Vessell of the Trinite [...], of 780. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 12 [...]. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Katherine, of 86 [...]. tuns, 200. men of Warr, 160. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Iohn Baptist, of 652. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Pinnace of our Lord Rosary, 30. Souldiers, 25. Mariners, 24. great Pee­ces, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and the rest of their prouision. 20

There are in this Squadron, fourteene Galeons and Ships, and two Pinnaces, which beare 8714. tuns. In these Vessells there are imbarked 2458. Souldiers, 1719. Mariners, which are in all, 4177. and 348. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need.

THe Captaine Ship of 1550. tuns, carrieth 304. men of War, 118. Mariners, 50. Canons, Pow­der, The Armie of the Ships of Andelo [...]zie, of the which is Cap. Don Pe­dro de Valdes. This Pedro de Valdes was ta­ken, and priso­ner in England. Bullets, and the rest of their prouision. The Ship S. Francis, the Admirall of 915. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. Canons, Powder, Bullets, and the rest of their prouision. The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist, of 810. tuns 250. Souldiers, and 40. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and the rest. The Ship S. Iohn Gargaran, of 569. tuns, 170. men of War, 60. Mariners, 20. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and the rest. The Conception of 862. tuns, 200. men of War, 65. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Hulke Duque­sa, 30 S. Anne of 900. tuns, 250. men of War, and 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Trinitie, 650. tuns, 200. men of Warre, 80. Mariners, 20. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and the rest. The Ship S. Mary de Iuncar, of 730. tuns, 240. men of War, 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Pinnace of the Holy Ghost, 40. men of War, 33. Mariners, 10. Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match and Cord, and all that which they need.

There are in this Squadron 11. Ships, 10. great, and a Pin [...]ace, of the burden of 8762. tuns, in which are imbarked 2400. Souldiers, 800. Mariners, and 260. great Peeces.

THe Ship of S. Anne, the Captaine, of [...]200. tuns of burden, hath 300. men of Warre, 60. Ma­riners, The Armie of Ships come from the Pro­uince of Gi­pouzce, of which is Ge­nerall Michell de Oquendo. 40 50. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of the Rose, Admirall of 945. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 64. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Ship S. Sauior, of 958. tuns, 330. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and the rest: The Ship of S. Steuen, of 936. tuns, 200. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Marthe of 548. tuns, 180. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, bullets, powder, and the rest. The ship. S. Barbe of 525. tuns, 160. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 15. Canons, bullets, powder, lead, match, and all the rest. The ship of S. Bonauenture, of 369. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 15. great Peeces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The Mary of 291. tuns, 120. Souldiers, 40. Ma­riners, 15. great Peeces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The S. Croix 680. tuns, 150. Souldiers 40. 50 Mariners, 20. great Peeces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and the rest. The Hulke Doucella, 500. tuns, 160. men of War, 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, powder, bullets, match, lead and all the rest. The Patax of the Annunciation of 60. tuns, 30. men of War, 16. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and all the rest. The Patax S. Bernabe, is the same burden as the aforenamed. The Patax of our Lady of Guadaloupe is of the same burden also. The Pinnace of Magdelene, is also the same burden.

There are in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten great Ships, two Pataches, and two Pinnaces, of 6991. tuns of burden. In which Uessels, there are imbarked 2092. men of Warre, and 670. Mariners, all com­meth 2708. The Armie of the East, of the which is chief Martin de V [...] ­tend [...]na.

THe Regasona, the Captaine, which is of 1294. tuns, hath 350. Souldiers, 90. Mariners, 35. great Peeces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest: The Lama, the Admirall, of 728. tuns, 210. Souldiers, 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest. [Page 1900] The [...] S. Mary crowned of 820. tuns, 340. men of Warre, 90. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, pow­der, bullets, match, lead, and the rest. The S. Iohn of Cicile, of 880. tuns, 290. men of Warre, 70. Mariners. 30. Canons, and all the rest. The Trinitie Valencera, of a 1000. tuns, 240. Souldiers: 90. Mariners, 41. great Peeces, and all the rest of their furnitures. The Annuntiation of 730. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 90. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and all the rest. The S. Nicholas Proda [...]eli of 834. tunnes 280. Sou [...]ers, 84. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Iuli [...]e of 780. [...]uns, 330. Soul­diers, 80. Mariners, 36. great Peeces, and the rest. The Mary Pison of 666. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 80. Mariners, 22. great Peeces, and the rest of their need. The Trinitie Escala of 900. tunnes, 302. Souldiers, 25. great Peeces, and all the rest of their furniture.

In which Squadron there [...]e ten Ships which are of 7705. tuns of burthen, and there are imbarked 10 in them 2880. Souldiers, 807. Mariners, 310. great Peeces, with the rest of that they haue.

THe great Grison, the Captaine, of 650. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, and The Armie of Hulkes in the which is Cap. Iohn Lopez of Medina. 60 the rest. The S. Sauior the Admirall of 650. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision. The Sea Dog, of 200. tuns, 80. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 10. great Peeces, and the rest. The White Faulcon the great of 500. tuns, 160. men of Warre, 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Blacke Castle of 750. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Barke of Amb [...]g, of 600. tuns, 250. men of War. 50. Mariners, 25. Canons, and the rest. The House of peace the great, of the same burthen. The S. Peter the great of the same burthen also. The Sampson, and Peter the small, doe beare the same. The Barke of Au­z [...]que, 20 of 450. tuns, 210. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 26. great Peeces, and the rest of their prouision. The Falcon, the meane White, of 300. tuns, 80. men of War, 30. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and all the rest. The S. Andrew of 400. tuns, 160. Souldiers. 40. Mariners, 15. great Peeces, and the rest of their prouision. The Little house of peace, of 350. tuns, 160. Souldiers, 40. Mariners, 15. great Pee­ces, and the rest of their prouision. The Flying Rauen of 400. tuns, 210. Souldiers 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and the rest of their furniture.

THe White Doue. of 250. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and the rest. The Pata [...]es and Zab [...]es, where in Don Antony of Mendoza. com­mande [...]. Aduenture, S. Barbe fraughted of the same. The S. Iames 600. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 40. Mari­ners, 19. great Peeces, and all the rest. S. Gabriel of the Port, of 280. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 25. Mari­ners, 30 9. great Peeces, and the rest of their furniture. The Esay is fraughted of the same.

There are in this Squadron 23. Hulkes, which are of 10271. tuns, in the which are imbarked 3221. men of Warre, 708. Mariners, 410. great peeces, and their necessary prouision.

The Captaine of our Lord of Pilier of Zaragosse of 300. tunnes, 120. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and their furniture. The English Charity, of 180. tuns, 80. Souldiers, 36. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and the rest. The Scottish S. Andrew of 150. tuns, 51. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and their furniture. The Patache of the Crucifix, 150. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Peeces, and their furniture. Our Lord of the Hauen fraught alike. The Conception of Carassa, and our Lord of Begoua, and the Conception de Capitillo, and S. Hioros. being of the burthen of 60. or 70. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Peeces, a Peece, and their furniture. Our Lady of grace, 40 the Conception of Frauncys Lastero, our Lady of Guadalupe, S. Frauncys, the Holy Spirit, our Lady of Frenesda, all fraughted alike. The Zabra of the Trinitie, the Zabra of our Lady Castre, S. Andrew, the Conception of Zomartiba, S. Clere, S. Iohn of Carassa, and the Assumption, all fraughted alike.

There are in this Squadron 22. Pataches and Zabres, which are of the burthen of 113. tuns, in the which there are imbarked 479. Souldiers, 574. Mariners, and ther [...] is 193. great Peeces, and all their furniture.

THe Galeace the Captaine called S. Lawrence, hath 270. Souldiers, 130. Mariners, 300. Slaues, 50. Peeces of Canon, and their furniture. The Galeace Patrone, 180. Souldiers, 112. Mariners, The foure Ga­leaces of Na­ples, which are giuē in charge to Dom Vgo de Moncada. 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces, and their furniture. The Galeace G [...]rone, 170. Souldiers, 120. Mari­ners, 50 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces. The Galeace Neapolitaine 124. Souldiers, 115. Mariners, 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces, and the rest of their necessary fraught.

There are in these foure Galeaces 873. Souldiers, 468. Mariners, 200. great Peeces, 1200. Slaues, and the rest of their furniture.

The Gally Captaine, 110. Souldiers, 106. Mariners, 306. Slaues, and fiftie great Peeces, and other necessaries. The Gally Princesse, the Gally Diana, the Gally Vaca [...]a, are the like.

In the aboue named Galeaces, there are 1200. Slaues, and in the foure gallies, 888. which is in all 2088. Moreouer, they carry powder for their need, if it be offered to doe battery, 600. Quintals.

So that there are in the said Army 130. Ships of 57868. tuns, 19295. Souldiers and 8450. Mariners, 2088. Slaues, and 2630. great Peeces of Brasse of all sorts, among which there are Coleurines, and de 60 my Coleurines, and Canons to the Stone, and other necessaries for their fraught.

In the Booke follow the names of the Aduenturers, also of such as in the Army were entertai­ned for pay; such also as were imbarked for the seruice of the Canon, for the Hospitall, the R [...]gi­ments, and Companies in pay, the Officers, &c. which for breuitie I [...]it.

[Page 1901] The Galeons were sixtie foure in number, being of an huge bignesse, and verie stately built, be­ing A description of the Galeons of marueilous force also, and so high, that they resembled great Castles, most fit [...] defend themselues and to withstand any assault, but in giuing any other Ships the encounter farre inferi­our vnto the English and Dutch Ships, which can with great dexteritie weild & turne themselues at all ass [...]. The vpper worke of the said Galeons was of thicknesse and strength sufficient to beare off Musket-shot. The lower worke and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong, be­ing framed for plankes and ribs foure or fiue foot in thicknesse, insomuch that no bullets could pierce them, but such as were discharged hard at hand: which afterward proued true, for a great number of bullets were found to sticke fast within the massie substance of those thicke plankes. Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their Ships, to strengthen them 10 against the battery of shot.

The Galliasses were of such bignesse, that they contained within them Chambers, Chappels, A description of the Galli­asses. Turrets, Pulpits, and other commodities of great houses. The Galliasses were rowed with great Oares, there being in each of them 300. slaues for the same purpose; and were able to [...]ot great seruice with the force of their Ordnance. All these together with the residue [...] were furnished and beautified with Trumpets, Streamers, Banners, warlike Ensignes, and other such like ornaments. The great O [...]d nance, bullets, Gunpowder, and other fur­niture.

Their Pieces of Brasen Ordnance were 1600. and of [...] 1000. The Bullets there to belonging were 120. thousand. Item of Gunpowder 5600. quintals Of Match 1200. quintals. Of Muskets and Kal [...]uers 7000. Of Halberts and Partisans 10000. Moreouer, they had great store of Canons, 20 double Canons, Culuerings and field-pieces for land seruice.

Likewise they were prouided of all instruments necessary on Land to conueigh and transport The i [...]prouisi­on of victuals & other things necessary. their furniture from place to place; as namely of Carbs, Wheeles, Wagons, &c. Also they had Spades, Mattocks and Baskets to set pioners on worke. They had in like sort great store of Mules and Horses, and whatsoeuer else was requisite for a Land-armie. They were so well stored of Biscuit, that for the space of halfe a yeere, they might allow each person in the whole Fleete halfe a quintall euery moneth: whereof the whole [...] amounteth vnto an hundreth thou­sand quintals.

Likewise of Wine they had 147. thousand Pipes, sufficient also for halfe a yeeres expedition. Of Bacon 6500. quintals. Of Cheese three thousand quintals. Besides Fish, Rice, Beanes, Pease, 30 Oyle, Vinegar, &c.

Moreouer, they had 12000. Pipes of fresh water, and all other necessarie prouision; as namely Candies, Lanternes, Lampes, Sa [...]les, Hempe, Oxe-hides and Lead to stop holes that should be made with the batterie of Gun [...]hot. To be short, they brought all things expedient either for a Fleete by Sea, or for an A [...]ie by land.

This Name (as Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed) was esteemed by the King himselfe to 32000. person [...] in the Nauie. A Spanish terza consisteth of 3200. souldiers. containe 32000. persons, and to cost him euery day 30. thousand Ducates.

There were in the said Nauie fiue Terzaes of Spaniards (which Terzaes the Frenchmen call Re­giments) vnder the command of fiue Gouernours, tearmed by the Spaniards Masters of the field, and amongst the rest there were many old and expert Souldiers chosen out of the Garrisons of 40 Sicilie, Naples, and Terçera. Their Captaines or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli, Don Francisco de Toledo, Don Alonzo de Lucon, Don Nicolas de Isla, Don Augustin de Mexia: who had each of them two and thirty Companies vnder their conduct. Besides the which Companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals, euery one of which had their peculiar Gouernours, Captaines, Officers, Colours and weapons.

It was not lawfull for any man, vnder grieuous penaltie, to carry any woman or harlots in the Baggage of the Amada. Fleete: for which cause the women hired certaine Ships, wherein they sailed after the Nauie: some of the which being driuen by tempest arriued vpon the coast of France.

The Generall of this mightie Nauie, was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina, Sido­nia, Lord of S. Lucar, and Knight of the golden Fleece: by reason that the Marquesse of Santa 50 Cruz appointed for the same dignity, deceased before the time.

Iohn Martines de Ricalde was Admirall of the Fleete.

Francis Bouadilla was chiefe Marshall: who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude. Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar generall of the Inquisition, being accompanied with more [...]hen a hundreth Monkes, to wit, Iesu­ites, Capuchines, and Friers Mendicant. Besides whom also there were Phisitians, Chirurgians, A­pothecaries, and whatsoeuer else pertained vnto the Hospitall.

Ouer and besides the forenamed Gouernours and Officers, being men of chiefe note, there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen, which went voluntarily of their owne costs and charges, to the end they might see fashions, learne experience, and attaine vnto glory. Amongst whom 60 was the Prince of Ascoli, Alonzo de Leiua, the Marquesse de Pennafiel, the Marquesse de Ganes, the Marquesse de Barlango, Count de Paredes, Count de Yeluas, and diuers other Marqueses and Earles of the honorable families of Mendoza, of Toledo, of Pachicco, of Cordono, of Guzman, of Manriques, and a great number of others.

[Page 1902] I haue by me the Dukes Orders for the whole Nauie, during this Voyage, made aboord the Gallion Saint Martin, May 28. the beginning whereof I haue added, the whole would be too long.

Don ALONSO PERES DE GVSMAN, the good Duke of Medina, Sidonia, Countie of Nebla, Marquesse of Casheshe in Africa, Lord of the Citie Saint Lucar, Captaine Generall of the Occian Sea, of the Coast of Andaluzia, and of this Armie of his Maiestie, and Knight of the honorable Order of 10 the golden Fleece.

I Doe ordaine and command, that the generall Masters of the field, all Captaines of the Sea, Pi­lats, Masters, Souldiers, Mariners, and Officers, and whatsoeuer other people for the Land or Sea seruice commeth in this Armie, all the time that it indureth, shall be thus gouerned, as here­after followeth, viz.

First, and before all things, it is to be vnderstood by all the aboue named from the highest to the lowest: that the principall foundation and cause that hath moued the King his Maiestie to The cause of the Iourney. make and continue this iournie, hath beene, and is, to serue God, and to returne vnto his Church a great many of contrite soules that are oppressed by the Heretikes, enemies of our holy Catho­like 20 faith, which haue them subiects to their sects and vnhappinesse: and for that euery one, may put his eyes vpon this marke, as we are bound, I doe command and much desire euery one, to giue charge vnto the inferiors and those vnder their charge to imbarke themselues, being shriuen, and hauing receiued the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sinnes; by the which Their Shrift. contrition and zeale to doe God such great seruice, he will carry and guide vs to his great glory; which is, that which particularly and principally is pretended.

In like manner, I doe charge and command you, to haue particular care, that no Soldier, Mar­riner, or other, that serueth in this Armie, doe blaspheme, or rage against God, or our Lady, or a­ny For auoiding blasphemy and raging oathes, and others. of the Saints, vpon paine that he shall therefore sharply be corrected, and very well chaste­ned, as it shall seeme best vnto vs: and for other oathes of lesse qualitie, the Gouernours in the 30 same Ships they goe in, shall procure to remedy all: they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine, or otherwise as they shall thinke good. And for that the most occasions come by play, you shall publikly prohibit it, especially the games that are forbidden: and that none doe play in the night by no meanes. Debarring play.

Articles follow to suppresse quarrels, to auoid disgracing any man, and all occasions of scandall, for­bidding carriage of common women; with other orders for watchwords, attendance on the Admirall, for fire and wilde-fire, and lights, armours, sh [...], powder, match, and other necessary instructions, too long to be here particularised: that in the height of humaine policie, and religious hypocrisie, the hand of God in Englands preseruation may be made euident.

While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Nauie, the Duke of Parma, at the direction 40 of King Philip, made great preparation in the low Countries, to giue aide and assistance vnto the The preparati­on of the Duke of Parma to aide the Spa­niards. Spaniards, building Ships for the same purpose, and sending for Pilots and Ship▪ wrights out of Italy. In Flanders he caused certaine deepe channels to be made, and among the rest, the channell of Yper, commonly called Yper-lee, employing some thousands of workemen about that seruice: to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled aboue a hundreth small Ships, called Hoyes, being well stored with vi­ctuals, which Hoyes he was determined to haue brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys, or else to haue conueied them by the said Yper-lee, being now of greater depth, into any port of Flan­ders whatsoeuer.

In the Riuer of Waten, he caused 70. Ships with flat bottomes to be built, euery one of which 50 should serue to carry 30. horses, hauing each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on boord, or to goe forth on land. Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiu­port, but not so great. And at Dunkerk he procured 28. Ships of warre, such as were there to be had, and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg, Breme, Emd [...]n, and at o­ther places. He put in the ballast of the said Ships, great store of beames of thicke plankes, being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath, but on each side full of claspes and hookes, to ioyne them together.

He had likewise at Graueling prouided 20. thousand of caske, which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords, and reduced into the forme of a Bridge. To be short, whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of Bridges, and for the barring & stop­ping 60 vp of Hauens mouthes with stakes, posts, and other meanes, he commanded to be made rea­dy. Moreouer, not far from Neinport hauen, he had caused a great pile of wooden fagots to be laid, and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a Mount. The most part of his Ships con­tained two Ouens a peece to bake Bread in, with a great number of saddles, bridles, and such other [Page 1903] like apparell for Horses. They had Horses likewise, which after their landing should serue to con­uey and draw engines, field-pieces, and other warlike prouisions.

Neeere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie, ouer the which hee had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master. This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians, of ten bands of Wallons, eight of Scots; and eight of Burgundians, all which together amount vnto 56. bands eue­ry band containing a hundreth persons. Neere vnto Dixmud there were mustered eightie bands of Dutchmen, sixtie of Spaniards, six of high Germans, and seuen bands of English fugitiues, vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanlie, an English Knight. In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse: and at Waten 900. horses, with the troupe of the Marquesse del G [...]sto Captaine generall of the horsemen. 10

Vnto this famous expedition and presupposed victory, many potentates, Princes, and honora­ble personages hied themselues: out of Spaine the Prince of Melito, called the Duke of Pastrana, and taken to be the Son of one Ruygomes de Silua, but in very deede accompted among the num­ber of King Philips base sons. Also the Marquesse of Bargraue, one of the sons of Arch-duke Fer­dinand and Philippa Welsera. Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua, being for chiual [...]y a man of great renowne, and heretofore Vice-roy in Spaine. Item Iohn Medices, base son vnto the Duke of Florence. And Amadas of Sauoy, the Duke of Sauoy his base son, with many others of inferi­our degrees.

At length when as the French King about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine Her Maiesties warlike prepa­ration by Sea. tearmes that she should stand vpon her guard, because he was now certainly enformed, that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her Realme, that he feared much, least all her land 20 and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it, &c. then began the Queenes Maiestie more care­fully to gather her forces together, and to furnish her own ships of warre, and the principall ships of her subiects, with souldiers, weapons, and other necessary prouision. The greatest and strongest ships of the whole Nauie she sent vnto Plimmouth, vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, &c. Vnder whom the renowned Knight Sir Fran­cis Drake was appointed Vice-admirall. The number of these ships was about an hundreth. The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number, and vnder the conduct of the Lord Henry Seimer were com­manded to lie betweene Douer and Caleis.

On land likewise throughout the whole realme, souldiers were mustered and trained in all pla­ces, Her Maiesties Land-forces. 30 and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines. And where as it was com­monly giuen out, that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the Duke of Parma, ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames, there was at Tilburie in Essex, ouer-against Grauesend, a mighty army encamped: and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected, according to the pre­scription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier. Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a Bridge, though it were very late first. Vnto the said Armie came in proper person the Queenes most roiall Maiestie, representing Tomyris that Scithian warlike Princesse, or rather di­uine Pallas her selfe. Also there were other such armies leuied in England.

The principal Recusants (least they should stir vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion) Catholike Roman. were sent to remaine at certain conuenient places, as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich. And 40 some of them were sent vnto other places, to wit, vnto sundry Bishops and Noblemen, where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth, and of her sacred Maiestie, who of her most gracious clemency gaue expresse commandement, that they should be intreated with all humani [...]ie and friendship.

The Prouinces of Holland, Zeland, &c. giuing credit vnto their intelligence out of Spaine, made The prepa [...] on of the vni­ted Prouinces. preparation to defend themselues: but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge, they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous Seas all along their coasts. Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the Duke of Parma, his small and flat-bottomed ships. Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of nintie and aboue, in a readinesse for all ass [...]y [...]s: the greater part whereof were of a small burthen, as being more meete to saile vpon their Riuers and 50 shallow Seas: and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders, beginning at the mouth of Scheld, or from the towne of Lillo, and holding on to Greueling, and almost vnto Caleis, and for­tified all their Sea-townes with strong garrisons.

Against the Spanish fleets arriuall, they had prouided fiue and twenty or thirty good ships, committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck, whom they commanded to ioine him­selfe vnto the Lord Henry Seymer, lying betweene Douer and Cales. And when as the foresaid ships (whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke) were driuen by tempest into Ze­land, Iustin of Nassau the Admirall of Zeland supplied that squadron with fiue and thirty ships, being of no great burthen, but excellently furnished with Guns, Mariners and Souldiers in great abundance, & especially with 1200 braue Musquetiers, hauing beene accustomed vnto Sea-fights, 60 and being chosen out of all their company for the same purpose: and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in the Station, that the Duke of Parma could not issue forth with his Nauie into Sea out of any part of Flanders.

In the meane while the Shanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of [Page 1904] May, An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, directing their course for the Bay of Corunna, alias the Groine in Gallicia, where they tooke in souldiers, and warlike The Spanish [...] et [...]let saile vpon the 19 of May. O multum dile­ct: Deo. tib. mi­litat aether co [...] ­iurati v [...]n [...]unt ad classica ven­ti &c. Gains valour. prouision, this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England. As they were sailing along, there arose such a mighty tempest, that the whole Fleet was dispersed, so that when the Duke was re­turned vnto his company, he could not escry aboue eighty ships in all, whereunto the residue by little and little ioyned themselues, except eight which had their Masts blowne ouer-boord. One of the foure Gallies of Portingall escaped very hardly, retiring her selfe into the hauen. The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France, by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin, an English Captine (whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise) vtterly disa­bled and vanquished: one of the three being first ouercome, which conquered the two other, with 10 the slaughter of their Gouernour and souldiers, and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana, with sundry others: and so those slaues arriued in France with the three Gallies, set themselues at libertie.

The Nauie hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine, and receiuing daily commandement from They set saile from the Groine vpon the 11. of Iuly. The Spaniards come within ke [...]ing of England. Cap. Fleming. the King to hasten their iournie, horsed vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly, and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth, they came then vnto the mouth of the narrow Seas or English channell. From whence (striking their sailes in the meane season) they dispatched certain of their small ships vnto the Duke of Parma. At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an Eng­lish Pinnace, Captaine whereof was Master Thomas Fleming, after they had beene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials, which hauing ranged along the coast of 20 Spaine, were lately returned home into Plimmoth for a new supply of victuals and other necessa­ries, who considering the foresaid tempest, were of opinion that the Nauie being of late disper­sed and tossed vp and downe the maine Ocean, was by no meanes able to performe their inten­ded Voyage. Moreouer, the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, had receiued Letters from the Court, signifying vnto him, that her Maiesty was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come forth; nor was to be any longer expected for, and therefore, that vp­on her Maiesties commandement hee must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest Ships vn­to Chattam.

The Lord high Admirall of England being thus on the sudden, namely vpon the 19. of Iuly a­bout foure of the clocke in the afternoone, enformed by the Pinnace of Captaine Fleming afore­said, The L. Admi­rals short war­ning vpon the 19. of Iuly. 30 of the Spaniards approach, with all speede and diligence possible hee warped his Ships, and caused his Mariners and Souldiers (the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesaid) to come on boord, and that with great trouble and difficultie, insomuch that the Lord Admirall him­selfe was faine to lie without in the road with six Ships onely all that night, after the which ma­ny others came forth of the hauen. The very next day, being the 20. of Iuly about high noone, The 20. of Iuly. was the Spanish Fleet escried by the English, which with a South-west winde came sailing along, and passed by Plimmouth; in which regard (according to the iudgement of many skilfull Nauiga­tors) Gods great mercy to Eng­land, For had not Flemming brought word, the Queenes Nauie had ea­sily beene op­pressed: nor could it so soon be ready, had the Spaniards then taken their opportu­nitie. they greatly ouershot themselues, whereas it had beene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there, considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided, greatly relied vpon their owne forces, and knew not the estate of the Spanish Nauie. Moreouer, this was the 40 most conuenient Port of all others, where they might with greater security haue beene aduerti­sed of the English forces, and how the commons of the land stood affected, and might haue stir­red vp some mutinie, so that hit her they should haue bent all their puissance, and from hence the Duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his Ships. But this they were prohibited to doe by the King and his Counsell, and were expresly commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said Duke of Parma, and so to bring their purpose to effect. Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course, for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat, and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prou [...]ce or Port for the defence thereof, and transporting the Armie of the Duke vnder the protection of their huge Nauie, they might inuade England. It is reported that the chiefe 50 commanders in the Nauy, and those which were more skilfull in nauigation, to wit, Iohn Mar­tines de Ricalde, Diego Flores de Ualdez, and diuers others, found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions, because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant, that is to say, the opportunitie of the winde, weather, time, tide, and ebbe, wherein they might faile from Flanders to England, Often­times also the darknesse and light, the situation of places, the depths and shoalds were to be considered: all which especially depended vpon the conueniency of the windes, and were by so much the more dangerous. But it seemed that they were enioyned by their Commission to ancre neere vnto, or about Caleis, whither the Duke of Parma with his ships and all his warlike pro­uision was to resort, and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their con­flict, 60 to passe by, and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes. The Spanish Captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the Riuer of Thames, & thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London, supposing that they might easily win that rich and flourishing Citie, being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the wars, who durst [Page 1905] not withstand their first encounter, hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie, and Popish Catholikes, or some fauourers of the Scottish Queene (not long before beheaded) who might be instruments of sedition.

Thus often aduertising the Duke of Parma of their approach, the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouth, which the English pursuing and getting the winde of them, gaue them the chase and the encounter, and so both Fleetes frankly exchanged their Bullets.

The day following, which was the 21. of Iuly, the English Ships approached within Musket The 21. of Iuly shot of the Spanish: at what time the Lord Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordnance vpon the Spanish Vice-admirall. The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimble­nesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enemy on all sides, gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe Moone, and slackned their sailes, least they should outgoe any of their 10 company. And while they were proceeding on in this manner, one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot, that the whole Nauie was faine to come vp rounder together for the safegard thereof: whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill (where­in Don Pedro de Valdez, Vasques de Silua, Alonzo de Sayas, and other Noble men were embarqued) falling foule of another ship, had her fore-mast broken, and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete, neither would the said Fleete stay to succour it, but l [...]ft the distres­sed Galeon behinde. The Lord Admirall of England, when hee saw this Ship of Ualdez, and thought she had beene voide of Marriners and Souldiers, taking with him as many ships as he Galeon for­saken. could, passed by it, that hee might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleete that night. For Sir Francis Drake (who was not withstanding appointed to beare out his Lanterne that night) was 20 giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete: but finding them to be Easterlings, hee dismissed them. The Lord Admirall all that night fol­lowing the Spanish Lanterne instead of the English, found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enemies Fleete, but when he perceiued it, he clenly conueied himselfe out of that great danger.

The day following, which was the 22. of Iuly, Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his ship, where­unto The 22. of Iuly he sent for his Pinnace, and being aduertised that Ualdez himselfe was there, and 450. per­sons with him, he sent him word that hee should yeelde himselfe. Valdez for his honours fake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake: who answered Valdez, that he was 30 not now at leisure to make any long parle, but if he would yeelde himselfe, he should finde him friendly and tractable: howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight, he should proue Drake to be no dastard. Vpon which answer, Ualdez and his Company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake, being moued with the renoune and celebritie of his name, with one consent yeelded themselues, and found him very fauourable vnto them. Then Ualdez Don Pedro de Valdez with his ships and company takē. with forty or fiftie Noblemen and Gentlemen pertaining vnto him, came on boord Sir Francis Drakes ship. The residue of his company were carried vnto Plimmouth, where they were detai­ned a yeere and an halfe for their ransome.

Valdez comming vnto Drake, and humbly kissing his hand, protesting vnto him, that he and his had resolued to die in battell, had they not by good fortune fallen into his power, whom they 40 knew to be right curteous and gentle, and whom they had heard by generall report to be most fa­uourable Virtus in hoste laudanda. vnto his vanquished foe: insomuch, that he said it was to be doubted whether his ene­my had more cause to admire and loue him for his great, valiant, and prosperous exploits, or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdome, which euer attended vpon him in the wars, and by the which he had attained vnto so great honor. With that Drake embraced him, and gaue him very honorable entertainment, feeding him at his owne table, and lodging him in his Cabbin. Here Valdez began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleete, and how foure mighty Gallies were separated by tempest from them: and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen, not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships, which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces, perswading themselues that by meanes of their huge Fleete, they were become Lords and commanders of the maine Ocean. For which cause they marueiled much how the Englishmen in their small Ships durst approach with­in 50 musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wodden Castles, gathering the wind of them, with many other such like attempts. Immediately after, Valdez and his Company (being a man of principall authority in the Spanish Fleet, and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez, which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland) were sent captiues into England. There were in the said ship 55. thousand Duckets in ready monie of the Spanish Kings gold, which the soul­diers merrily shared among themselues. 55000. duckets

The same day was set on sire one of their greatest ships, being Admirall of the squadron of Gui­pusco, and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Vice-admirall of the whole Fleete, which con­tained 60 great store of Gunpowder, and other warlike prouision. The vpper part onely of this ship A great Bis­caine ship ta­ken by the English. was burnt, and all the persons therein contained (except a very few) were consumed with fire. And thereupon it was taken by the English, and brought into England, with a number of miserable burnt and scorched Spaniards. Howbeit the Gunpowder (to the great admiration of all men) re­mained whole and vnconsumed.

[Page 1906] In the meane season the Lord Admirall of England in his ship, called the Arke-royall, all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere, that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the ene­mies Fleete, and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleete could ouertake him. At the same time Hugo de Moncada, Gouernour of the foure Galliasses, made humble suite vnto the Duke of Medina that hee might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England: which liberty the Duke thought not good to permit vnto him, because he was loath to exceede the limits of his Commission and charge.

Vpon tuesday, which was the 23. of Iuly, the Nauy being come ouer against Portland, the wind began to turne Northerly, insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the The 23. of Iuly English. But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler ships, recouered againe the vantage of the 10 winde from the Spaniards, whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more incensed to fight then be­fore. Slow motions of the great Spanish ships. But when the English fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small: the Spaniards vniting them­selues, gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell, so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others, but onely to defend themselues, & to make haste vnto the place prescribed vnto them, which was neere vnto Dunkerk, that they might ioyne forces with the Duke of Parma, who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small ships vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones, and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition.

This was the most furious and bloudy skirmish of all, in which the Lord Admirall of England Admirals hot fight. Captaine Fen­ners valour. 20 continued fighting amidst his enemies Fleete, and seeing one of his Captaines a farre off, he spake vnto him in these words: Oh George, what doest thou? Wilt thou now furstrate my hope and opi­nion conceiued of thee? Wilt thou forsake mee now? With which words hee being enflamed, ap­proached forthwith, encountered the enemy, and did the part of a most valiant Captaine. His name was George Fenner, a man that had beene conuersant in many Sea-fights. In this con­flict there was a certaine great Uenetian ship with other small ships surprized and taken by A great Vene­tian ship and other [...]m [...]ll ships taken by the English. the English.

The English Nauy in the meane while increased, whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men: for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field, where immortall fame and glory was to be attained, and faithfull seruice to be performed vnto 30 their Prince and Countrey. In which number there were many great and honorable personages, as namely, the Earle of Oxford, of Northumberland, of Cumberland, &c. with many Knights and Gentlemen: to wit, Sir Thomas Cecill, Sir Robert Cecill, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Horatio Palauicini, Sir Henry Brooke, Sir Robert Carew, Sir Charles Blunt; Master Ambrose Willoughbie, Master Henry Nowell, Master Thomas Gerard, Master Henry Dudley, Master Edward Darcie, Master Arthur Gorge, Master Thomas Woodhouse, M. William Haruie, &c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English ships amounted vnto an hundreth: which when they were come before Douer, were increased to an hundred and thirty, being not withstanding of no pro­portionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards, except two or three and twnety of the Queenes greater ships, which onely, by reason of their presence, bred an opinion in the Spaniards 12000. English Mariners and Souldiers. 40 minds concerning the power of the English Fleet: the Marriners and Souldiers whereof were e­steemed to be twelue thousand.

The foure and twentie of Iuly, when as the Sea was calme, and no winde stirring, the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English ships, which being rowed with The 24. of Iuly Oares, had great vantage of the English ships, which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yeelde, but discharged their chaine-shot to cut a sunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses, with many other such Stratagems. They were now constrained to send their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder, whereof they were in great scarcitie, by reason they had so frankly spent the greater part in the former conflicts. The same day, a Counsell being assem­bled, Want of Pow­der. it was decreed that the English Fleete should be deuided into foure squadrons: the principall 50 whereof was committed vnto the Lord Admirall: the second to Sir Francis Drake: the third to Captaine Hawkins: the fourth to Captaine Frobisher.

The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order, sailing three and foure and sometimes more ships in a ranke, and following close vp one after another, and the stronger Spanish order. and greater ships protecting the lesser.

The fiue and twenty of Iuly, when the Spaniards were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight, the The 25. of Iuly Lord admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships (namely the Lion, Captaine whereof was the Lord Thomas Howard: The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the command of Sir Robert Southwell, son in law vnto the Lord Admirall: the Beare vnder the Lord Sheffield, Nephew vnto the Lord Admirall: the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker: and the Galeon Leicester vnder the fore­named 60 Captain George Fenner) with great valour and dreadfull thunder of shot, encountered the Spanish Admirall, being in the very midst of all his Fleete. Which when the Spaniards percei­ued, being assisted with his strongest ships, he came forth and entered a terrible combat with the Terrible fight. English; for they bestowed each on other the broad sides, and mutually discharged all their [Page 1907] Ordnance, being within one hundred or an hundred and twenty yards one of another. At length the Spaniards hoised vp their failes, and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundell. In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict. Whereupon the Lord Admirall comming to succour him, found that hee had valiantly and discreetly behaued himselfe, and that he had wisely and in good time giuen ouer the fight, be­cause that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage. For which cause the day follow­ing, being the sixe and twenty of Ioly, the Lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of The 26. of Iuly Knighthood, together with the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Master Iohn Hawkins, and others.

The same day the Lord Admirall receiued intelligence from New-hauen in France, by certaine Guisians fear [...]d Ta [...]. conq [...]st. of his Pinnaces, that all things were quit in France, and that there was no preparation of sen­ding 10 aide vnto the Spaniards, which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction, and from the Leaguers: but there was a false rumour spread all about, that the Spaniards had conquered England.

The seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the Spaniards about the sun-setting were come ouer-against The 27 of Iuly. The Spaniards ancre before Caleis. Douer, and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis, intending to hold on for Dunkerk, expecting there to ioyne with the Duke of Parma his forces, without which they were able to doe little or nothing. Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them, ancred iust by them within culuering-shot. And here the Lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the Lord Admirall with his fleet of 30. ships which rode before the mouth of Thames.

As the Spanish Nauie therefore lay at ancre, the Duke of Medina sent certaine Messengers vnto 20 the Duke of Parma, with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land: and amongst the rest the Prince of Ascoli, being accounted the Kings base son, and a very proper and towardly yong Gentleman, to his great good went on shoare, who was by so much the more fortunate, in that he had not opportunity to returne on boord the Prince of As­coli his good fortune. same ship, out of which he was departed, because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast, withall the persons contained therein. The Duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England, made all the haste hee could to be present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge: vainely perswading himselfe that now by the meanes of Cardinall Allen, hee should be crowned King of England, and for that cause he had resigned the Gouernment of the Low-Countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder. 30 And hauing made his vowes vnto Saint Mary of Hall in He [...]ault (whom he went to visite for hisblinde deuotions sake) he returned toward Bruges the eight and twenty of Iuly. The next The 28. of Iuly day trauelling to Dunkerk, hee heard the thundring Ordnance of either Fleete: and the same euening being come to Dixmud, hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spa­nish The 29. of Iuly Fleete.

Vpon tuesday, which was the 13. of Iuly, about high noone, he came to Dunkerk, when as all The 30. of Iuly the Spanish Fleete was now passed by: neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come forth to assist the said Spanish Fleet for feare of fiue and thirty warlike ships of Holland and Ze­land, which there kept watch and ward vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau. The 40 foresaid fiue and thirty ships were furnished with most cunning Mariners and old expert Souldi­ers, States Fleete. amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketeers, whom the States had chosen out of all their Garrisons, and whom they knew to haue beene heretofore experienced in Sea-fights. This Nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any ship to come out of the Hauen, nor to per­mit any Zabraes, Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete (which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers) to enter thereinto, for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow Sea in that place. Howbeit the Prince of Parma his forces being as yet vnready, En [...]lish Hispa­niol [...]zed traitors were not come on boord his ships, onely the English Fugitiues, being seuen hundred in number, vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanley, came in fit time to haue beene embarked, because they hoped to giue the first assault against England. The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart, because they saw but a few Marriners, who were by constraint drawne into this ex­pedition, 50 and also because they had very bare prouision of Bread, Drinke, and other necessary vi­ctuals. Moreouer, the ships of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight, threatning shot and Powder, and many inconueniences vnto them: for feare of which ships, the Mari­ners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night, least that the Duke of Parma his Souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord, and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete, which all of them iudged to be impossible, by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen.

But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and pre­sumptuous The Spaniards vaine opinion concerning their own fleet expectation, that all the ships of England and of the Low-Countries would at the first 60 sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight, yeelding them Sea­roome, and endeuouring onely to defend themselues, their hauens, and Sea-coasts from inuasion. Wherefore their intent and purpose was, that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed ships, should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish Fleete, conuey ouer all his [Page 1908] troupes, armour, and warlike prouision, and with their forces so vnited, should inuade England; or while the English Fleete were busied in fight against the Spanish, should enter vpon any part of the coast, which he thought to be most conuenient. Which inuasion (as the Captiues after­ward confessed) the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the Riuer of Thames; vp­on the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his princi­pall Souldiers, he supposed that he might easily haue won the Citie of London; both because his small ships should haue followed and assisted his Land-forces, and also for that the Citie it selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome, by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discon­tinuance from the warres.

When as therefore the Spanish Fleete rode at anker before Caleis, to the end they might con­sult 10 with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the Kings commandement, and the present estate of their affaires, and had now (as we will afterward declare) purposed vp­on the second of August, being Friday, with one power and consent to haue put their intended businesse in practise; the Lord Admirall of England being admonished by her Maiesties Letter [...] from the Court, thought it most expedient either to driue the Spanish Fleet from that place, or at Sea-stratagem leastwise to giue them the encounter: and for that cause (according to her Maiesties prescription) he tooke forthwith eight of his worst and basest ships which came next to hand, and disburthe­ning them of all things which seemed to be of any value, filled them with Gunpowder, Pitch, Brimstone, and with other combustible and fiery matter; and charging all their Ordnance with powder, bullets and stones, and sent the said ships vpon the 28. of Iuly, being Sunday, about two 20 of the clocke after midnight, with the winde and tide against the Spanish Fleete: which when The 28. of Iuly they had proceeded a good space, being forsaken of the Pilots, and set on fire, were directly carri­ed vpon the King of Spaines Nauie: which fire in the dead of night put the Spaniards into such a perplexitie and horror (for they feared lest they were like vnto those terrible ships, which Frede­rie senebelli three yeeres before, at the siege of Antwerpe, had furnished with Gunpowder, stones, and dreadfull engines, for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his Bridge, built vpon the Riuer of Scheld) that cutting their cables whereon their ankers were fasted, and hoising vp their sailes they betooke themselues very confusedly vnto the maine Sea.

And this sudden confusion, the principall and greatest of the foure Galliasses falling fowle of another ship lost her rudder: for which cause when she could not be guided any longer, she was by The Galliasse of Hugo de Mon cada cast vpon the shoalds be­fore Caleis. the force of the tide cast into a certaine should vpon the shoare of Caleis, where she was immedi­ately 30 assaulted by diuers English Pinnaces, Hoyes, and Drumblers. And as they lay battering of her with their Ordnance, and durst not boord her, the Lord Admirall sent thither his long Boate with an hundreth choise Souldiers vnder the command of Captaine Amias Preston. Vpon whose approach their fellowes being more emboldened, did offer to boord the Galliasse; against whom M. Amias Pre­ston [...]antly boordeth the Galliasse. the Gouernor thereof and Captaine of all the foure Galliasses, Hugo de Moncada, stoutly opposed himself, fighting by so much the more valiantly, in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma. In the meane season, Moncada, after hee had endured the conflict a good while, Moncada slain. being hit on the head with a Bullet, fell downe starke dead, and a great number of Spaniards also were slaine in his company. The greater part of the residue leaping ouer-boord into the Sea, to 40 saue them [...]elues by swimming, were most of them drowned. Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques, a principall officer in the Spanish fleete (called by them their Veador Generall) together with a few Spaniards besides: which Anthonio was the first man that carried certaine newes of the successe of their fleete into Spaine. This huge & monstrous Galliasse, where­in were contained three hundred slaues to lug at the Oares, and foure hundred souldiers, was in the space of three houres rifled in the same place; and there was found amongst diuers other commo­dities 50000. duckets 50000. Duckets of the Spanish Kings treasure. At length when the slaues were released out of their fetters, the English men would haue set the said ship on fire, which Monsieur Gourdon, the Gouernour of Caleis, for feare of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Towne and Hauen, would not permit them to doe, but draue them from thence with his 50 great Ordnance.

Vpon the 29. of Iuly in the morning, the Spanish Fleete after the foresaid tumult, hauing ar­ranged themselues againe into order, were, within sight of Greueling, most brauely and furiously The great fight before Greue­ling the 29. of Iuly. encountered by the English, where they once againe got the winde of the Spaniards: who suffe­red themselues to be depriued of the commodity of the place in Caleis rode, and of the aduantage of the winde neere vnto Dunkerk, rather then they would change their array, or separate their forces now conioyned and vnited together, standing onely vpon their defence. And albeit there were many excellent and warlike sh [...]ps in the English fleet, yet scarse were there 22. or 23. among them all which matched 90. of the Spanish ships in bignesse, or could conueniently assault them. Wherefore the English ships vsing their prerogatiue of nimble stirrage, whereby they could 60 turne and wield themselues with the winde which way they listed, came oftentimes very neere­vpon the Spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they were but a Pikes length at Englishs ships aduantage. sunder: and so continually giuing them one broad side after another, they dispatched all their shot both great and small vpon them, spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent [Page 1909] kinde of conflict, vntill such time as powder and bullets failed them. In regard of which want they thought it conuenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer, because they had many great vantages of the English, namely for the extraordinary bignesse of their ships, and also for that they were so neerely conioyned, and kept together in so good array, that they could by no meanes be fought withall one to one. The English thought therefore, that they had right well acquitted themselues, in chasing the Spaniards first from Caleis, and then from Dunkerk, and by that means to haue hindered them from ioyning with the Duke of Parma his forces, and getting the winde of them, to haue driuen them from their owne coasts.

The Spaniards that day sustained great losse and damage, hauing many of their ships shot tho­row and thorow, and they discharged likewise great store of Ordnance against the English; who indeede sustained some hinderance, but not comparable to the Spaniards losse; for they lost not a­ny 10 one ship or person of account. For very diligent inquisition being made, the Englishmen all that time wherein the Spanish Nauie sailed vpon their Seas, are not found to haue wanted aboue one Gods proui­dent mercies to the English. hundreth of their people: albeit Sir F. Drakes ship was pierced with shot aboue forty times, and his very cabben was twise shot thorow, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a certaine Gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from vnder him with the force of a Bullet. Likewise, as the Earle of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner vpon a time, the Bullet of a Demi-culuering brake thorow the middest of their Cabbin, touched their feete, and strooke downe two of the standers by, with many such accidents befalling the English ships, which it were tedious to rehearse. Whereupon it is most apparant, that God miraculously pre­serued the English Nation. For the Lord Admirall wrote vnto her Maiesty, that in all humaine 20 reason, and according to the iudgement of all men (euery circumstance being duely considered) the Englishmen were not of any such force, whereby they might, without a miracle, dare once to approach within the sight of the Spanish Fleete: insomuch, that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God, who had confounded the enemy, and had brought his coun­sels to none effect.

The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot, that that very night and the Three Spanish ships sunke in the fight. day following, two or three of them sunke right downe: and among the rest a certain great ship of Biscay, which Captaine Crosse assaulted, which perished euen in the time of the conflic, so that very few therein escaped drowning; who reported that the Gouernors of the same ship slew one 30 another vpon the occasion following: one of them which would haue yeelded the ship was sud­denly slaine; the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer, and in the meane while the ship sunke.

The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tuns a peece; Two Galeons taken and car­ried into Zeland to wit, Saint Philip and Saint Matthew, were forsaken of the Spanish Fleete, for they were so torne with shot, that the water entered into them on all sides. In the Galeon of Saint Philip was Fran­cis de Toledo, brother vnto the Count de Argas, being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands; be­sides other Gentlemen; who seeing their mast broken with shot, they shaped their course, aswell as they could, for the coast of Flanders: whither when they could not attaine, the principall men in the ship committed thems [...]lues to their skiffe, arriued at the next towne, which was Ost­end; 40 and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the resi [...]ue of their company, was taken by the Vlishingers. In the other Galeon, called the Saint Matthew, was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another Camp-master and Colonell of two and thirty bands, being brother vnto the Marquesse of Tamnares, with many other Gentlemen and Captaines. Their ship was not very great, but excee­ding strong, for of a great number of Bullets which had batterd her, there were scarce twenty where with she was pierced or hurt: her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a Musket shot: this ship was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling: insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped: whereupon the Duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the Gouernour thereof, that he might saue himselfe and the principall persons that were in his ship: which he, vpon a hault courage, refused to doe: wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe: which the night following hee could not performe, by reason of the a­bundance 50 of water which entered his ship on all sides; for the auoiding whereof, and to saue his ship from sinking he caused fifty men continually to labour at the Pump, though it were to small purpose. And seeing himselfe thus forsaken and separated from his Admirall, he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders; where being espied by foure or fiue men of war, which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast: he was admonished to yeelde himselfe vnto them; which he refused to doe, was strongly assaulted by them altogether, & his ship being pier­ced with many bullets, was brought into far worse case then before, & forty of his souldiers were slain. By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeelde himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess and other Captaine, which brought him and his ship into Zeland; and that other ship also last be­fore 60 mentioned: which both of them, immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen, sunke right downe. For the memory of this exploit, the foresaid Captain Bander­duess caused a Banner of one of these ships to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland, which is of so great a length, that being fasted to the very roofe, it reached downe to the ground. [Page 1910] About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders, a­bout Blankenberg, was cast away vpon the sands, the people therein being saued. Thus Almighty A small ship cast awa [...] a­b [...]ut Blanken­berg. God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be preiented, not onely to the view of the English, but also of the Zelanders; that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small abili­ty they had beene to resist such impregnable forces, had not God endued them with courage, pro­uidence, and fortitude, yea, and fought for them in many places with his owne arme.

The 29. of Iuly the Spanish fleete being encountered by the English (as is aforesaid) and lying The dishono­rable fl [...]gh of the Spanish na­uy▪ & the pru­dent [...]dui [...]e of the L. Admiral. close together vnder their fighting sailes, with a South-west winde sailed past Dunkerk, the Eng­lish ships still following the chase. Of whom the day following, when the Spaniards had got Sea roome, they cut their maine sailes, whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer 10 to fight, but to flie. For which cause the Lord Admirall of England dispatched the Lord Henry Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders, where, with the helpe of the Dutch ships, he might stop the Prince of Parma his passage, if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army. And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vnti [...]l the se­cond of August, because he thought they had set saile for Scotland. And albeit he followed them Our want of Powder & Bul­lets p [...]cl [...]ime th [...] u [...] of Gods present power & mer­ciful both deli­uerance and victory. very neere, yet did he not assault them any more, for want of Powder and Bullets. But vpon the fourth of August, the winde arising, when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes, betaking themselues wholly to flight, & leauing Scotland on the left hand, trended toward Norway (where­by th [...]y s [...]fficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight, attempting for that purpose, with their battered and crazed ships, the most dangerous nauigation of the Nor­thren 20 Seas) the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57. degrees, and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues, and be­cause they wanted things necessary, and especially Powder and Shot, returned backe for England; leauing behinde them certaine Pinasses onely, which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards a­loofe, Th [...] En [...]lish re­turn home [...] the pursuit of the Spaniards the 4. of Aug. and to abserue their course. And so it came to passe, that the fourth of August, with great danger and industry, the English arriued at Harwich; for they had beene toss [...]d vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together, which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet, being (as I said before) so maimed and battered. The English now going on shoare, prouided themselues forth with of Victuals, Gunpowder, and other things expedient, that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleete, if it chanced any more to 30 re [...]urne. Bu [...]eing afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course, they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren Seas, and not there to hunt after them.

The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people, and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons, and likewise hauing lost ten or twelue of their principall ships, they consulted among themselues, what they were best to doe, being now escaped out of the hands of the English, because their victuals failed them in like sort, & they began also to want ca­bles, cordage, anker [...], masts, sailes, and other nauall furniture, and vtterly despaired of the Duke of The Spaniards consult to saile round about Scotland & Ire­land, and so to returne home. Parma his assistance (who verily hoping & vndoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish fleet, was continually occupied about his great preparation, commanding abundance of ankers to be 40 made, and other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided) they thought it good at length, so soone as the winde should serue them, to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland, and so to re­turne for Spaine.

For they well vnderstood, that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland, that they should not haue any succour or assistance there. Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants. Wherefore, hauing taken certaine Scottish and other fisherboats, they brought the men on boord their owne ships, to the end they might be their guides and Pilots. Fearing also least their Horses cast ouer-boord. fresh water should faile them, they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord: and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland, but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles, they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61. degrees of latitude, being distant from any 50 land at the least 40. leagues. Here the Duke of Medina, Generall of the Fleet, commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay: and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries, holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean, returned safely home. The residue of his ships being about forty in number, and committed vnto his Vice-admirall, fell neerer with the coast of Ireland, intending their course for Cape Clare, because they hoped there to get fresh water, and to refresh themselues on land. But after they were driuen with many contrary windes, at length, vpon the second of September, they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west vpon diuers parts of Ireland, where many The ship wrack of the Spaniards vpon the Irish coast. of their ships perished. And amongst others, the ship of Michael de Oquendo, which was one of the great Galliasses: and two great ships of Venice also, namely, la Ratta and Belanzara, with other 36 60 or 31. ships more, which perished in sundry tempests, together with most of the persons contai­ned in them.

Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channell of England, whereof some were taken by the English vpon their coast, and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France.

[Page 1911] Moreouer, there arriued at Newhauen in Norm andy, being by tempest inforced so to doe, one of the foure great Galliasses, whereby they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed Of 134. ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53. the Fleet at their setting forth. Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway, one of them being of a great burthen; howbeit all the persons in the said great ship were saued: inso­much that of 134 ships, which set saile out of Portugall, there returned home 53. onely, small and great: namely of the foure Galliasses but one, and but one of the foure Gallies. Of the 91. great Galleons and Hulkes there were missing 58. and 33. returned: of the Pataches and Zabraes 17. were missing, and 18. returned home. In briefe, there were missing 81. ships, in which number were Galliasses, Gallies, Galeons, and other vessels both great and small. And amongst the 53. ships remaining, those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English chan­nell. Two Galeons of those which were returned, were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the 10 hauen; and such like mishaps did many other vndergoe. Of 30000. persons which went in this expedition, there perished (according to the number and proportion of the ships) the greater and better part; and many of them which came home, by reason of the toiles & inconueniences which they sustained in this voiage, died not long after their arriuall. The Duke of Medina immediately D. of Medina. vpon his returne was deposed from his authority, commanded to his priuate house, and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court; where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious ene­mies and backbiters. Many honorable personages and men of great renown deceased soone after their returne; as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde, with diuers others. A great part also of the Spa­nish Ricaldes death. Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight, diseases, or drow­ning, 20 before their arriuall; and among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman, being Earle of Cantebroi, and son vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother.

Vpon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell, brother vnto the Marquesse de Tamnares, and kinsman vnto the Earle of Bencu [...]ntum & Calua, and Colonell ouer 32. bands with many o­ther in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland.

Into England (as we said before) Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of singular experience, and great­ly honoured in his country, was led captiue, being accompanied with Don Uasques de Silua, Don Alonzo de Sayas, and others.

Likewise vpon the Scottish Westerne Isles of Lewis, and Ila, and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land, there were cast away certaine Spanish Ships, out of which were saued diuers Cap­taines 30 and Gentlemen, and almost foure hundred souldiers, who for the most part, after their shipwracke, were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland, and being miserably needy and na­ked, were there cloathed at the liberalitie of the King and the Merchants, and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine; but the Scottish Fleete wherein they passed touching at Yar­mouth Spaniards pit­tied. on the coast of Norfolke, were there staied for a time vntill the Counsels pleasure was knowne; who in regard of their manifold miseries, though they were enemies, winked at their passage.

Vpon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned; and diuers slain by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland, Don Alon­zo de Lucon, Colonel of two and thirty bands, commonly called a Terza of Naples; together with 40 Rodorigo de Lasso, and two others of the family of Cordoua, who were committed vnto the custo­dy of Sir Horatio Palauicini, that Monsieur de Teligny the son of Monsieur de la None (who being taken in fight neere Antwerpe, was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney) might be ransomed Spaines general losse. for them by way of exchange. To conclude, there was no famous nor worthy family in all Spain, which in this expedition lost not a son, a brother, or a kinsman.

For the perpetuall memory of this matter, the Zelanders caused new coine of Siluer and Brasse New coines stamped for the memory of the Spaniards ouer­throw. to be stamped: which on the one side contained the armes of Zeland, with this inscription; GLORY TO GOD ONELY: and on the other side, the pictures of certaine great ships, with these words; THE SPANISH FLEET: and in the circumference about the ships, IT CAME, WENT, AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say, the Spanish fleet came, went and was vanquished this yeere; for which, glory be giuen to God onely. Likewise they coi­ned 50 another kinde of mony; vpon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing, and a ship sinking: on the other side, foure men making prayers and giuing thankes vnto God vpon their knees; with this sentence: Man purposeth, God disposeth. 1588. Also, for the lasting memory of the same matter, they haue stamped in Holland diuers such coines, according to the custome of the ancient Romans. Also other coines were stamped with a Fleet flying with full saile, and in­scribed; Venit, Vidit, Fugit; It came, saw, fled: others with the fired ships, and the fleet in con­fusion, the word DVX FOEMINAFACTI.

While this wonderfull and puissant Nauie was sailing along the English coasts, and all men did now plainly see and heare that which before they would not be perswaded of, all people The people of England and of the vnited pro­uinces, pray, fast, and giue thankes vnto God. 60 thorow out England prostrated themselues with humble prayers and supplications vnto God: but especially the outlandish Churches (who had greatest cause to feare, and against whom by name, the Spaniards had threatned most grieuous torments) enioyned to their people continuall fastings and supplications, that they might turne away Gods wrath and fury now imminent [Page 1912] vpon them for their sins: knowing right well, that prayer was the onely refuge against all ene­mies, calamities, and necessities, and that it was the onely solace and reliefe for mankinde, being visited with affliction and misery. Likewise such solemne daies of supplication were obserued throughout the vnited Prouinces.

Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed, there was in England, by the commande­ment of her Maiesty, and in the vnited Prouinces, by the direction of the States, a solemne festi­uall day publikely appointed, wherein all persons were enioyned to resort vnto the Church, and there to render thankes and praises vnto God: and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto. The foresaid solemnity was obserued vpon the 19. of Nouember: which day was wholly spent in Preaching, praying, giuing thankes, with the accustomed solemnities of 10 Bonfires, Singing, Ringing, and other wonted expressions of publike ioy.

Likewise, the Queenes Maiesty her selfe, imitating the ancient Romans, rode into London in triumph, in regard of her owne and her subiects glorious deliuerance. For being attended vpon very solemnly by all the principall estates and officers of her Realme, she was carried thorow her said Citie of London in a triumphant chariot, and in robes of triumph, from her Palace vnto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul, out of the which the ensignes and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displaied. And all the Citizens of London in their Liueries stood on either side the street, by their seuerall Companies, with their Ensignes and Banners: and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blew cloath, which, together with the foresaid Banners, yeelded a ve­ry stately and gallant prospect. Her Maiesty being entered into the Church, together with her 20 Clergy and Nobles gaue thankes vnto God, and caused a publike Sermon to be preached before her at Pauls Crosse; wherein none other argument was handled, but that praise, honour, and glo­ry might be rendered vnto God, and that Gods name might be extolled by thanksgiuing. And with her own Princely voyce she most Christianly exhorted the people to doe the same: where­upon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life, to the confusi­on of her foes. The Lord Admirall had a pension assigned for his good seruice.

This publike ioy was increased by Sir Robert Sidney (now Earle of Leicester) who returning out of Scotland, related to her Maiestie the King of Scots faithfull friendship, and loue to her, and to the Religion. He had beene employed to the said King, whiles the Spanish Fleet houered on the coast, to gratulate with him in the Queenes name, for his alacrity in the common cause, and to 30 obtaine his promise of aide, if the Spaniards landed in Scotland; and to put him in minde how ambitiously the Spaniard sought to swallow in all Britaine, vrging the Pope to Excommunicate him, so to strip him of Scotland, and quit his succession in England; to admonish him of the threats of Mendoza and the Popes Nuntio; that therefore he should be very wary of the Papists in Scot­land. He answered conceitedly, amongst other speeches, that he hoped for no other benefit from the Spaniard, then that which Polyphemus had promised Vlysses, namely, that when the rest were deuou­red, The Kings wise speech. he should be swallowed last.

Thus the magnificent, huge, and mighty fleet of the Spaniards (which themselues tearmed in all places inuincible) such as sailed not vpon the Ocean Sea many hundreth yeeres before, in the yeere 1588. vanished into smoake; to the great confusion and discouragement of the authours 40 thereof. In regard of which her Maiesties happy successe all her neighbours and friends congra­tulated with her, and many Verses were penned to the honour of her Maiesty by learned men, Epinitian or triumph all verses. whereof we will here annexe those of Master Beza.

STrauer at innumer is Hispanus nauibus aequor,
Ad serenissimam Elizabetham Anglia Reginam Theodor. Beza.
Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis.
Tanta huius, rogitas, quae motus causa? superbos
Impulit Ambitio, vexit Auaritia.
Quàm bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus?
Et tumidos tumidae, vos superastis aquae!
Quàm bene totius raptores orbis auaros,
Hausit inexhausti iusta vorago maris!
At tu, cui venti, cui totum militat aequor,
Regina, ô mundi totius vna, decus,
Sic regnare Deo perge, ambitione remota,
Prodiga sic opibus perge inuare pios,
Vt te Angli, longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris,
Quàm dilecta bonis, tam metuenda malis.
The same in English.
THe Spanish Fleet did flote in narrow Seas,
And bēd her ships against the English shore,
With so great rage as nothing could appease,
And with such strength as neuer seene before:
And all to ioyne the Kingdome of that land
Vnto the Kingdomes that he had in hand.
Now if you aske what set this King on fire.
To practise warre when he of peace did treat.
It was his Pride, and neuer quencht desire,
To spoile that Ilāds wealth, by peace made great: 50
His Pride which far aboue the heauens did swel
And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell.
But well haue winds his proud blasts ouerblown
And swelling waues alaid his swelling heart,
Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs vnknown,
Deuoured the deuourer to his smart:
And made his ships a pray vnto the sand,
That meant to pray vpon anothers land.
And now, O Queene, aboue all others blest,
For whom both winds & waues are prest to fight 60
So rule your owne, so succour friends opprest,
(As farre from pride, as ready to doe right)
That England you, you England long enioy,
No lesse your friends delight, then foes annoy.

[Page 1913] I haue thought good to adde here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends, touching the successe of their Armada, as they were printed in Spaine, and after published and scor [...]ed in England.

The true Relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie against their Enemies, by the Letters of the Post-master of Logrono of the fourth of Septem­ber, and by Letters from Roan of the one and thirtieth of August, and by Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there: wherein he declareth the imprison­ment of Francis Drake, and other great Nobles of England, and how the Queene 10 is in the Field with an Armie, and of a certaine Mutinie which was amongst the Queenes Armie, with the successe of the said Catholike Armie since they entred in the Groyne, till they came on the Coast of England, with two Ballets Like lips like lettuce. A blind Bal­ladmaker fit Homer for A­chillian con­quests. com­pounded by Christouer Brauo, a blind man of Cordowa, Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer.

THe newes of England is confirmed here, by a Letter of the Gouernour of Roan. Hee writeth hee By a Letter of Diego Peres, chiefe Post­master of Lo­grono dated the second of Sep­tember, 1588. hath in his power the chiefe Pilot of Captaine Drake, and that he knoweth that all the English Ar­mie remained ouerthrowne, hauing sunke two and twentie Ships, and taken fortie, and imprisoned Francis Drake, hauing giuen them chase almost as high as Abspurge, and slaine many by the sword, and likewise 20 saith that there was fo [...]d in Captaine Drakes Ship, a Peece of Ordnance of fiue and twentie foot long, which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose, with one onely Shot to sinke our Spanish Admirall, and it pleased God, although shee was somewhat battered, yet was shee repaired againe, and ouerthrew the English Armie.

THe English haue lost aboue fortie Ships in one encounter where they could not flye, which was in Copie of a letter that Iohn Gamarra wrote from Rean the 31. of August of the same yeere Luxaten a Hauen in Scotland, to the which place, since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis, the English Armie followed, and supposing they went to take that Hauen, they got before ours to defend the entrance: wee seeing them so neere the English Fleet, and that they could not retire, as they alwaies did when they pleased to the English Hauen, they set vpon them so valiantly that they sunke 30 twentie of their Ships, and they tooke twentie [...] whole and sound, and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great losse of men, and their Ships very much battered, and with this (they say) the Spanish Armie tooke the Hauen where they are very well lodged, as euery one affirmeth, and so the newes is here: I pray God giue them good successe: Wee vnderstand by the Post come from Calleis, that in England it is forbidden vpon paine of death and losse of goods, that no bodie doe write newes from thence to any place: which confirmeth the newes aboue.

I Doe not write newes of the Spanish Armie, because they are diuers, and would gladly write the very Copie of a Letter that Pèdro de Alu [...] did write from Roan the first of September of the same yeere. truth. Now by the newes which runneth from diuers places, as Calleis, Deepe, and Holland, and 40 presumptions from England and other places, it is holden for certaine that they fought with the English, and broken their heads, hauing sunke many of their Ships and taken others, and the rest which they say were twentie seuen Ships, returned very much battered to the Riuer of London, which are all those that could escape: There goeth with this Post another Post of Iorge Seguin of Calleis, which saith that cer­taine Masters and Mariners of Zeland, did affirme to the Gouernours of Calleis, Mounsier de Gorden, that our Fleet is in a Hauen or Riuer in Scotland, called Trifla, where they say there may ride two thou­sand Ships: this is that which commonly is currant here.

BY newes from London the thirtie six of August, it is knowne for most certaine from persons of cre­dite, Aduise from London, which the Embassa­dor of our So­uereigne Lord the King resi­dent in Parris had from thence. that the Queens Admiral Generall was arriued in the Riuer of London, with twentie fiue ships 50 onely without his Admirall Ship, which was taken by our Admirall Saint Iohn, and it is well knowne in England, that to hide the losse of their Admirall Ship, they say bee put himselfe in a smaller Ship the bet­ter to follow our Armie: and it is knowne for certaintie that he saued himselfe in a Boat when he lost his Ship. That Drake for certaintie is taken or slaine. The same is confirmed by the way of Holland, by a Pinnace of theirs. And from Austerland, that the Queene commanded vpon paine of death, that no body should speake of her Fleet, and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England, and that the Queene had in the field thirtie thousand raw Souldiers, betwixt Douer and Margate, and that the Ca­tholikes vnderstanding that all their Fleet was dispersed, moued a certaine Mutinie, which forced the By a Letter of the chiefe Post master of Bur­deux, written to the French Embassadour, the 2. of Sept. 1588. Queene to goe her selfe into the Field, and for certaine it is knowne that there is not brought into Eng­land, neither Ship nor Boat of ours, more then the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez, and that our Fleet was 60 gone into Scotland, and arriued in a Hauen called Trapena Euxaten.

AFter that I had written this, here is arriued a Scottishman, which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arriued in Scotland, and that Scottishmen haue taken Armes against the English.

[Page 1914] THat vpon the thirtieth of Iuly, without seeing any sayle of the Enemies in the Sea, hee came to the Channell, sixe leagues from Plimouth: where vnderstanding the Enemies were, hee ga­thered Relation of that which ha [...]h passed till this day, the fifth of Sept. 1588. till three of the clock in the a [...]ternoon, knowne by the relations and aduice come to his Maiestie from the hap­py Fleet, wher­of is Generall the Duke of Medina, in the conquest of England. together and set in order all the Fleet: and sayling the first of August, there was discoue­red some Sayles of the Enemies, the which the second day were numbred to bee three score Sayle, of which the Duke tooke the wind, and passed without any fight, although he presented the same to them, how­beit they began to shoot at the Rearward: but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin, set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies, the which being succoured by twentie others, fled away: of this fight and first encounter, there was sunke three Galeasses, and foure mightie Galeons of the Queenes: there was burnt of our [...] by negligence of a Gunner, the Admirall of Oquendo, and the Enemies tooke the chiefe Ship of Don Pedro de Valdez, which being entangled with others vnder his charge: was left without 10 Tackle, and so neere the Enemies, that shee could not be succoured by others.

With this, our Fleet seeing that the Enemy in euery point did flye from giuing battell, they sailed with some calme weather, and the Enemies after them, shooting alwayes at the Rearward, vntill the seuenth, that our Fleet ancored in the Road of S. Iohn, betwixt Calleis and Bollin, nine leagues from Dunkerk, and the Enemies did the like, the neerest they could to England.

The night being approached, the Enemies got vp their Ankers to get wind, and not to suffer our Ships to goe out of the Road to Sea, because they had trimmed eight Ships of fire, which with the current of the water, should haue put themselues amongst our Ships to haue burnt them. But my Lord the Duke, fore­seeing the danger preuented them, with commandement that the Ships that were neerest should cut their Cables, and take vp the others with a readinesse vncredible: and with this the Enemies pretence was hin­dered, 20 and so got the Sea most brauely and with good fortune, that if hee had not done it our Army should haue beene in an euill case, for in the very place where we left, there was shot off by them out of those fiery Ships, such Fires and other Engines, that were sufficient to burne the Sea, much more Ships which are made of Wood and Pitch.

In this departure, the Captaine of the Galeasses had a great mischance: for getting vp her Anker, a Cable fell foule of her Helme, that shee could not follow the rest, which caused one of her sides to lie so high that her Ordnance could not play, and so twentie fiue Pinnaces came and battared her, and with all this, if the Mariners, Souldiers and Rowers that were in her, had not cast themselues into the Sea, it is holden for certaine, that Don Hugo de Moncada had defended her, as he did vntill she came into Calleis, where at the entrance thereof, he was killed of two Caliuer shot, the people on shoare defended the Galeasse, and all 30 that was in her, and deliuered the same to our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Ministers.

At this time the Duke had a very franke wind, and the like had the Queenes Fleet: and so they both passed by the sight of Dunkerke, insomuch as they on Land knew the Gallion S. Martin, and others that went fighting with the English Army, and in this order they went till the twelfth.

Afterwards they write, that their came into Calleis a Ship, which saith, that the twelfth day they did see the two Fleets together in fight: another which came afterwards, said he had seene some Ships spoyled and torne, and from them they threw out their baggage which they saued in Boats, which argueth they were Ships of the Enemies, for that our men had no place to saue themselues, nor there were none of them arriued into Flanders, which was their place of returne.

OUt of England was aduise giuen, that on the thirteenth arriued fifteene of the Queenes Ships, and 40 they said that the Galleon S. Martin, wherin my Lord the Duke is (whom God preserue) had encoun­tred with Drake, and had grappled his Ship, and captiued his Person, and other Noble Englishmen, and taken other fifteene Ships, beside others that were distressed, and the Duke with his Fleet followed his way i [...] Scotland, because the wind was not come about.

With these newes his Maiesty resteth very much contented, and caused them to be sent to the Empresse, by the hands of Francisco Ydiaquez, his Secretary of Estate.

Imprinted in Seuill, in the House of Cosmo de Lara, Printer of Bookes, by licence of the Counte of Orgaz, Assistant in Seuill.

CHAP. XII. 50

A Discourse of the Portugall Voyage, A. 1589. Sir IOHN NORRIS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE Generalls, written (as is thought) by Colonell ANTONIE WINGFIELD, imployed in the same Voyage, formerly published by his friend to whom it was writ­ten; and here abbreuiated.

HAuing determinately purposed to put on this habite of a Souldier, I grew doubt­full whether to employ my time in the warres of the Low-countries, which are in 60 auxiliarie manner maintained by her Maiestie, or to follow the fortune of this voyage, which was an aduenture of her and many honourable personages, in re­uenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our Countrey by the [Page 1915] Castilian King: in arguing whereof, I finde that by how much the Challenger is repu­ted before the Defendant, by so much is the iourney to bee preferred before those defensiue Warres. For had the Duke of Parma his turne beene to defend, as it was his good fortune to in­uade: from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honour which these late warres haue laid vpon him, or what could haue beene said more of him, then of a Respondent (though neuer so valiant) in a priuate Duell? Euen that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vn­to. For the gaine of one Towne, or any small defeat giueth more renowme to the Assailant, then the defence of a Countrey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters, can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former Histories may assure vs, which haue still layed the fame of all warres vpon the Inuader. And doe not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders, either not 10 hauing where withall to manage any warre, or not putting on Armes, but to defend themselues when the enemy shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture, we haue won a Town by Escalade, battered and assaulted another, ouerthrowne a mightie Princes power in the A briefe re­hearsall of the English exploits in this voyage, Field, landed our Army in three seuerall places of his Kingdome, marched seuen dayes in the heart of his Country, lyen three nights in the Suburbs of his principall Citie, beaten his forces into the Gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particu­larly appeare. But our Army, which hath not cost her Maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeeres expences in the Low-countries, hath already spoyled a great part of the prouision hee had made at the Groine of all sorts, for a new voyage into England; burnt three of his Ships, whereof 20 one was the second in the last yeeres expedition, called S. Iuan de Colorado; taken from him aboue 150. Peeces of good artillery; cut off more then 60. Hulkes, and 20. French Ships well manned fit and ready to serue him for men of warre against vs, laden for his store with Corne, Victualls, Masts, Cables and other merchandizes; slaine and taken the principall men of Warre hee had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commander in Lisbon; wherefore I directly con­clude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the warre in the Low-countries. I doubt not but this voyage hath sufficient­ly made knowne what they are euen vpon their owne dunghill; which, had it bin set out in such sort as it was agreed vpon by their first demand, it might haue made our Nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of eight of the twelue Peeces of Artillery, which 30 were promised vnto the Aduenture, lost her Maiesty the poss [...]ssion of the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shall appeare, whose defensible rampiers were greater then our battery (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left vnattempted? It was also resolued to haue sent 600. English Horses of the Low-countries, whereof wee had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the Army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall, who fore-ran vs six dayes together: Did we not want seuen of the thirteen old Companies, which we should haue had from thence; foure of the ten Dutch Companies; and six of their men of Warre for the Sea, from the Hollanders: which I may iustly say wee wanted, in that we might haue had so many good Souldiers, so many 40 good ships, and so many able bodies more then wee had? Did there not vpon the first thinking of the iourney, diuers gallant Courtiers put in their names for Aduenturers to the sum of 10000. li. who seeing it went forward in good earnest, aduised themselues better, and laid the want of so much money vpon the iourney? Was there not moreouer a round summe of the aduenture spent in le [...]ying, furnishing, and maintaining three moneths one thousand fiue hundred men for the seruice of Berghen, with which Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed, a seruice of no small moment?

What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should haue beene the first of February, did lay vpon vs, too many can witnesse: and what extremitie the want of that months victualls which wee did eat, during the moneth wee lay at Plimouth for wind, might haue driuen vs vnto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men doe liue by, had not God giuen vs in the 50 end a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath been often seene, where our owne force and fortune reuictualled vs largely: of which crosse winds, that held vs two dayes af­ter our going out, the Generalls being weary, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in Harbour to lose any part of the better, when it should come by hauing their men on shoare: in which two dayes twentie fiue of our Com­panies shipped in part of the Fleet were scattered from vs, either not being able or willing to double Ushant.

These burdens layed vpon our Generalls before their going out, they haue patiently endured, Generall No [...] ­r [...] and Gene­rall Drake. and I thinke they haue thereby much enlarged their honour: for nauing done thus much with the 60 want of our Artillery, 600. Horse, 3000. Foot, 20000. li. of their aduenture, and one moneths victu­alls Gen [...]rall Nor­ris his Martiall edu [...]ation and employments. of their proportion, what may be coniectured they would haue done with their full comple­ment? For our instruction against them, who had almost seduced you from the [...]ue opinon you hold of such men, you shall vnderstand that Generall Norris from his booke was trained vp [Page 1916] in the warres of the Admirall of France, and in very young yeeres had charge of men vnder the Earle of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations hee then discharged, I leaue to the report of them who obserued those seruices. Vpon the breach betwixt Don Iohn and the States, he was made Colonell Generall of all the English Forces there present, or to come, which he con­tinued two yeeres: he was then made Marshall of the Field vnder Conte Hobenlo: and after that, Generall of the Army in Frisland: at his comming home in the time of Monsieurs gouernment in Flanders, he was made Lord President of Munster in Ireland, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one yeere hee was sent for, and sent Generall of the English Forces, which her Maiestie lent then to the Low-countries, which he held till the Earle of Leicesters going ouer. And he was made Marshall of the Field in England, the enemy being vpon our Coast, and when it was expec­ted 10 the Crowne of England should haue beene tried by battell. All which places of Command, which neuer Englishman successiuely attained vnto in forraine warres, and the high places her Maiestie hath thought him worthy of, may suffice to perswade you that hee was not altogether vnlikely to discharge that he vndertooke.

What fame Generall Drake hath gotten by his iourney about the world, by his aduentures to the West Indies, and the scourges hee hath laid vpon the Spanish Nation, I leaue to the Sou­therne parts to speake of. But to answere the reports, which haue beene giuen out in reproach of the Actors and Action by such as were in the same: let no man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casuall accidents of Warre had any purpose of returning, did first aduise of some occasion that should moue them thereunto: and hauing found any whatsoeuer did thinke it 20 sufficiently iust, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming home.

Of these there were some, who hauing noted the late Flemish wars, did find that many young men haue gone ouer and safely returned Souldiers within few moneths, in hauing learned some words of Art vsed in the wars, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst vs: which being expired they began to quarrell at the great mortalitie that was amongst vs. The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men were suffered to bee drunke with the plentie of Wines. The scarsitie of Surgions. The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke: and the penury of victualls in the Campe: It hath beene proued by strickt, examinations of our Musters, that we were neuer in our fulnesse before our going from Plimouth 11000. Souldiers, nor aboue 2500. 30 Mariners. It is also euident that there returned aboue 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the se­uerall paiments made to them since our comming home. And I haue truely shewed you that of these numbers very neere three thousand forsooke the Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed in­to France, and the rest returned home. So as wee neuer being 13000. in all, and hauing brought home aboue six thousand with vs, you may see how the world hath beene seduced, in beleeuing that we haue lost 16000. men by sicknesse.

If at home in the eyes of your Iustices, Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for euery pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: doe they thinke that those base dis­ordered persons whom themselues sent vnto vs, as liuing at home without rule, who hearing of Wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach to [...]n England, and hauing it 40 there without money euen in their houses where they lie and hold their guard, can be kept from being drunke; and once drunke, held in any order or tune, except we had for euery drunkard an Officer to attend him? But who bee they that haue run into these disorders? Euen our newest men, our youngest men, and our idlest men, and for the most part our slouenly prest men, whom the Iustices (who haue alwayes thought vnworthily of any warre) haue sent out as the scum and dregs of the Countrey. And those were they, who distempering themselues with their hot Wines, haue brought in that sicknesse, which hath infected honester men then themselues. But I hope, as in other places the recouery of the disease, doth acquaint their bodies with the ayre of the Countrey where they be, so the remainder of these which haue either recouered, or past with­out sicknesse will proue most fit for Martiall seruices. 50

If we haue wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid vpon the Captaines (who are to pro­uide for their seuerall Companies) then vpon the Generalls, whose care hath been more generall. And how may it be thought that euery Captaine, vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture, could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war, which was alwayes wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince. But admit euery Captain had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing neuerthelesse: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) bee vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot: because England hath not knowne warres but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope will warne those that hereafter goe to the warres, to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill. 60

From whence the want of carriages did proceed, you may coniecture in that wee marched through a Country neither plentifull of such prouisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for. And that the Generall commanded all the Mules and Asses, that were laden wi [...] any bag­gage [Page 1917] to be vnburdened and taken to that vse: and the Earle of Essex and he for mony hired men Earle of Essex his worthy Acts. to carry men vpon Pik [...]. And the Earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as it doth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very much in this) threw downe his owne stuffe, I meane apparell and necessities which hee had there from his owne carriages, and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them.

And the great complaint that these men make for want of victualls, may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of warre; for if to feed vpon good Beeues, Muttons, and Goates, be to want, they haue endured great scarcitie at Land, whereunto they neuer wanted two dayes together wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat with the [...] meat (in some quantitie) ex­cept it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to [...] out of their places for food: of whom we haue too many. 10

After six dayes sayling from the Coast of England, and the fifth after we had the wind good, be­ing Our men land within a mile of the G [...]ine the 20. of April. the twentieth of Aprill in the euening, we landed in a bay more th [...] an English mile from the Groine, in our long Boats and Pinnaces without any impeachment [...] from whence we presently marched toward the Towne, within one halfe mile wee were encountred by the enemy, who be­ing charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our Armie lay in the Villages, Ho [...]ses, and Mils next adioyning, and very neere round about the Towne, into the which the Galeon na­med S. Iohn (which was the second of the last yeeres. [...] against England) one Hu [...]ke, two smaller Ships, and two Gallies which were found in the Road, did beat vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the same defended on the L [...]nd side (for it 20 standeth vpon the necke of an Iland) with a wall vpon a dry Ditch: whereupon hee resolued to try in two pl [...]ces what might be done against it by Esc [...]lade, and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some Artillerie to be vpon the Ships and Gallies, that they might not annoy vs: which being but in execution, vpon the planting of the first Peece the Gallies abandoned the Road, and betooke them to Feroll, not farre from therice: and the Armada being beaten with the Artillery and Musketers that were placed vpon the next shoare, left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies, and other prouisions readie for the surprise of the ba [...]e Towne, which was effected in this sort.

There were appointed to bee landed 1200. men, vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fenner the Vice-Admirall, on that side next [...]onting vs by water in long Boates and 30 Pinnaces, wherein were placed many Peeces of Artillery to beat vpon the Towne in their ap­proach: at the corner of the wall, which defended the other water side, were appointed Captain Richard Wing field, Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine Sampson, Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake, to enter at low water with fiue hundred men if they found it passa­ble, but if not, to betake them to the Es [...]alade, for they had also Ladders with them [...]t the other corner of the wall, which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Co­lonell Umpton, and Colonell Bret, with three hundred men to enter by Escalade. All the Compa­nies which should enter by Boat being imbarked before the low water, and hauing giuen the alarme, Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the Escalade, for they had in 40 commandement to charge all at one instant. The Boats landed without any great difficultie: yet had they some men hurt in landing. Colonell Bret, and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter, not finding any defence made against them: for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water, at his first entry, with some of his owne companie whom hee trusted well, betooke himselfe to that part of the wall, which hee cleered before that they offe­red to enter, and so scoured the wall, till he came on the backe of them, who maintained the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson; who were twice beaten from their Ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backes, were driuen to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended then the other, is (as Don Iuan de Luna, who commanded the same affirmeth.) that the enemie that 50 day had resolued in counsell how to make their defences, if they were approached: and therein concluded, that, if wee attempted it by water, it was not able to bee held, and therefore vpon the discouery of our Boates, they of the high Towne should make a signall by fire from thence, that all the low Towne might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sud­den terror we brought vpon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted the fire, which made them guard that place till we were entred on euery side.

Then the Towne being entred in three seuerall places with an huge cry, the Inhabitants be­tooke them to the high Towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for that ours being stran­gers there, knew not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in f [...]rie, fled to the Rocks in the Iland, others hid themselues in Chambers and Sellers, which were euery 60 day found in great numbers.

Amongst those Don Iuun de Luna, a man of very good commandement, hauing hidden himselfe in a house, did the next morning yeeld himselfe. There was also taken that night a Commissarie of victuals, called Iuan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entrie fiue hun­dred [Page 1918] Souldiers, being in seuen Companies, which returned very weake (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the iourney of England. The rest falling into the hands of the common Souldiers, bad their throats cut, to the number of fiue hundred as I coniecture, first and last, after wee had entred the Towne; and in the entry thereof there was found euerie Seller full of Wine, Intemperate drinking cause of sicknesse. whereon our men by inordinate drinking, both grew themselues for the present senslesse of the danger of the shot of the Town, which hurt many of them being drunk, and tooke the first ground of their sicknesse; for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie. There was also abundant store of Victualls, Salt, and all kind of prouision for shipping and the warre: which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victualls taken there, to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of pro­uision N [...] voyage to England inten­ded. for a new Voyage into England: whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs, and preiudiced the King of Spaine. 10

The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their Ships. And hauing ouercharched the Artillery of the Gallion, left her on fire, which burnt in terrible sort two daies together, the fire and ouercharging of the Peeces being so great, as of fiftie that were in her, there Gallion burnt. were not aboue sixteene taken out whole; the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into diuers Ships. The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Towne entred by vs, which ioyned verie neere to the wall of the Town, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketiers.

The next day in the afternoone there came downe some two thousand men, gathered together out of the Countrey, euen to the gates of the Towne, as resolutely (led by what spirit I know 20 not) as though they would haue entred the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approach, and with greater speed then ours were able to fol­low: notwithstanding wee followed after them more then a mile. The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the Countrey with three or foure hundred men, who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheepe for our reliefe.

The third day in the night, the Generall had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded vpon their wall, opening towardes vs, which would haue giuen great aduantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs, burnt it in the beginning of the euening; which 30 put him to a new councell: for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Towne; which, had it Dangerous fire not bin by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto, and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger, as next vnto them, had burnt all the prouisions we found there, to our wonderfull hinderance.

The fourth day, were planted vnder the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons, and two Coluerings against the Towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow which our bat­tery lay; the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall down, so as all the Ordnance lay o­pen to the Enemy, by reason wherof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieu­tenant also of the Ordnance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: 40 whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vn­to him, neuer left that place, till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leauing a guard vpon the same for that day; and in the night fol­lowing made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall, that when the assault should be giuen to the Towne, he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the o­ther side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signall that would haue beene giuen) at­tempted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the Generall hauing planted his Ordnance ready to batter, caused the Towne to be summoned; in which sum­mons they of the Towne shot at our Drum: immediately after that there was one hanged ouer 50 the wall, and a parle desired; wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand, that the man hanged was hee that shot at the Drum before: wherein they all intreated to haue faire wars, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna, and some o­ther prisoners, and somewhat of the rendring of the Towne, but not much, for they listned not greatly thereunto.

Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the Towne (which is almost all seated vpon a Rocke) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workemen in hand withall; who Vndermining. after three daies labour (and the seuenth after we were entred the base Towne) had bedded their Powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable, and Companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that 60 which was expected should be blowne vp by the Mine: namely, to that of the Canon, Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who led the Generalls Foot-company, with whom also Captaine Yorke went, whose principall commandement was ouer the Horse-men. And to that of the Mine, Captaine Iohn Sampson, and Captaine Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the [Page 1919] Master of the Ordnance, with certaine selected out of diuers Regiments. All these Companies being in Armes, and the assault intended to be giuen in all places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the Mine; by reason the Powder brake out backwardes in a place where the Caue was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captain Prouisions brought in. Hinder was sent with some chosen out of euery Company into the Country for prouisions, wher­of he brought in good store, and returned without losse.

The next day Cap. Anthony Sampson was sent out with some fiue hundred to fetch in pouisions for the Army, who was encountred by them of the Country, but he put them to flight, and retur­ned with good spoile. The same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the Com­panies aforesaid being in readinesse for both places (Generall Drake on the other side, with two or 10 three hundred men in Pinnacet, making proffer to attempt a strong Fort vpon an Iland before the Towne, where he left more then thirtie men) fire was giuen to the traine of the Mine, which blew vp halfe the Tower vnder which the Powder was planted. The assailants hauing in charge vpon the effecting of the Mine presently to giue the assault, performed it accordingly; but too soone: for hauing entred the top of the breach, the other halfe of the Tower, which with the first Tower falleth. force of the Powder was onely shaken and made loose, tell vpon our men: vnder which were bu­ried about twentie or thirtie, then being vnder that part of the Tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsooke their Com­manders, and left them among the ruines of the Mine. The two Easignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued [...]: the Gene­rails 20 by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant, and Captaine Wingfields by himselfe. Amongst them that the wall fell vpon, was Cap. Syden [...]am pittifully lost; who hauing three or foure great stones vp­on his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himselfe could stirre, nor any reasonable company recouer him. Not withstanding the next day being found to be aliue, there was ten or twelue lost in attempting to relieue him.

The breach made by the Canon, was wonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge [...] thereof, who brought their men to the push of the Pike at the top of the breach. And being readie to enter, the loose earth (which was indeede but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwardes from vnder their feet. Whereby did appeare halfe the wall vnbattered. For l [...]t no man thinke that Culuerin or Demy-canon can suf­ficiently 30 batter a defensible rampire: and of those Peeces which we had; the better of the Demy­canons at the second shot brake in her carriages, so as the battery was of lesse force, being but of three Peeces.

In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captaine Dolphin, who serued very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of the best iudge­ment, was the fall of the Mine; which had doubtlesse succeeded, the rather, because the approch was vnlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other; which made the Generall grow to a new resolution: for finding that two daies battery 40 had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withall: he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I thinke he first put in proofe, to try if by that terror hee could get the vpper Towne, hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the Towne, had not the defendants bin in as great peril of their liues by the displeasure of their King in giuing it vp, as by the Bullet or Sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our Armie, they burnt a Cloi­ster within the Town, and many other houses adioyning to the Castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs, had not God (who would not haue vs suddenly made proud) laied that misfortune vpon vs.

The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de An­drada Conde de An­drada his Ar­mie. had assembled an Armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, sixe miles from thence in 50 the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an Armie: in that there was a greater leauy ready to come thither vnder the Conde de Altomira, either in purpose to relieue the Groine, or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the Marquesse of Seralba, written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissary taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey, (for during this time, there were many incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoiled and brought in victualls plentifully) the Generall, I say, hearing of this Armie, had in purpose the next day following to visite them, against whom hee carried but nine Regi­ments: in the Vantguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Co­lonell 60 Sidney: in the Battaile, that of the Generall of Colonell Lane, and Colonell Medkerk: and in the R [...]aseward, Sir Henry Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets Regiments; lea­uing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Arti [...] ­lery. About ten of the clocke the next day, being the sixt of May, halfe a mile from the Campe, [Page 1920] wee discouering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the Vantguard in chiefe, appoin­ted his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who diuided them into three troupes; the one he appointed to Captain Middleton to be conducted in away on the left hand: another to Captain Er [...]ngton to take the way on the right hand, and the bodie of them (which were Mosquetiers) Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield, so as he giuing the first charge vpon the enemy, was in the in­stant seconded by Captaine Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they hauing very good places of defence, and crosse Walles which they might haue held long) till they betooke them to their Bridge, which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea, builded of Stone vpon Ar­ches. 10 On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Ca [...]pe of the enemy very strongly en­trenched, who with out shot beaten to the further end of the Bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the Pakes, without stay passed to the Bridge, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder, Captaine Fulford, and diuers others, who found the way cleere ouer the same, but through an incredible volley of shot, for that the shot of their Army flanked vpon both sides of the Bridge, the further end whereof w [...] barrica [...]ed with Barrells: but they who should haue guarded the same, seeing the proud approach wee made, forsooke the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entred, and charging the first defendant with his Pike, with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting, fell, and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honoura­bly rescued by the Generall his brother, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, and some other 20 Gentlemen: Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off, b [...] fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captaine Fulford was shot in the left arme at the same encounter: yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall, who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encou­ragement to the attempt (which was of wonderfull difficultie) as their brauest men that defen­ded that place being ouer throwne, their whole Army fell presently into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry waies, which they betooke themselues vnto. There was taken the Standard with the Kings Armes, and borne before the Generall. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our Vantguard) might kill in pursuit of foure sundry par­ties, The notable ouerthrow gi­uen to the Spa­niards at Puen­te de Burgos. so many you may imagine fell before vs that day. And to make the number more great, our men hauing giuen ouer the execution, and returning to their stands, found many hidden in the 30 Vineyards and Hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonell M [...]kerk was sent with his Re­giment three miles further to a Cloister, which hee burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hun­dred more, and put them to the sword. There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captain Cooper, and one priuate Souldier; Captaine Barton was also hurt vpon the Bridge in the eye. But had you seene the strong barricades they had made on either side of the Bridge, and how strong­ly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an Armie so strongly lodged. After the fury of the execution, the Generall sent the Vantguard one way, and the battell another, to burne and spoile; so as you might haue seene the Countrey more then three miles compasse on fire. There was found very good store of Munition and victualls in the Campe, some plate and rich apparell, which the better sort left be­hind, 40 they were so hotly pursued. Our Sailers also landed in an Iland next adioyning to our ships, where they burnt and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned to the Groine, bringing small com­fort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at vs as we marched out; but not once in our comming backe againe.

The next day was spent in shipping our Artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groine, which had it beene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery, or had there beene no other purpose of our iourney but that, I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place.

The two last nights, there were that vndertooke to fire the higher Towne in one place, where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, 50 made so good defence against vs, as they preuented the same. In our departure there was fire put into euerie house of the low Towne, insomuch as I may iustly say, there was not one house left standing in the base Towne, or the Cloister.

The next day, being the eight of May, wee embarked our Armie without losse of a man, which (had wee not beaten the enemie at Puente de Burgos) had beene impossible to haue done.

After we had put from thence, we had the wind so contrarie, as we could not vnder nine daies recouer the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex, and with him Earle of Essex comes to them. M. Walter Douer [...]u [...], his brother (a Gentleman of wonderfull great hope) Sir Roger Williams, Colonell Generall of the Footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath alwaies beene most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the Fleet. The Earle put off in the same wind from 60 Falmouth, that wee left Plimouth in, where he lay, because he would auoid the importunitie of Messengers that were daily sent for his returne, and some other causes more secret to himselfe, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had b [...]n as far as Cad [...] in Andal [...]zia, and lay vp and downe about the South Cape, where hee tooke some Ships laden [Page 1921] with Corne, and brought them vnto the Fleet. Also in his returne from thence to meet with our Fleet, he fell with the Ilands of Bayon; and on that side of the Riuer which Cannas standeth vp­on, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shoare, with some men out of the Ship he was in, whom the enemy that held guard vpon that Coast, would not abide, but fled vp into the Countrey.

The sixteenth day we landed at Peniche in Portugal, vnder the shot of the Castle, and aboue the They land at Peniche. waste in the water, more then a mile from the town, wherin many were in peril of drowning, by reason the wind was great, and the Sea went high, which ouerthrew one Boat, wherein fiue and twentie of Captaine Dolphins men perished. The enemy being fiue Companies of Spaniards, vn­der the commandement of Conde de Fuentas, sallied out of the town against vs, and in our landing 10 made their approach close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex, with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, hauing landed sufficient number to make two troupes, left one to hold the way by the water side, and led the other ouer the Sand-hills; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the Land; not, as we coniectured, to encounter vs, but indeed to make their speedie passage away: notwithstanding they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iacks [...], they stood the same euen to the push of the Pike: in which charge and at the p [...]sh, Captaine Robert Pi [...] was slaine. The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them, all our Companies were drawne to the Town; which being vnfortified in any place, wee found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the Castle to bee summoned that night; which being abandoned by him that 20 commanded it, a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assu­red that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliuer the same; which he honestly per­formed. There was taken out of the Castle some hundred Shot and Pikes, which D [...]n Emanuel Peniche taken. furnished his Portugalls withall, and twentie Barrells of Powder: so as possessing both the Town and the Castle, we rested there one day; wherin some Friars and other poore men came vnto their new King, promising in the name of their Countrey next adioyning, that within two dayes hee should haue a good supply of Horse and Foot for his assistance. That day wee remained there, the Generals company of horses were vnshipped.

The Generalls there fully resolued, that the Armie should march ouer Land to Lisb [...], vnder They march towards Li [...] the conduct of Generall Norris; and that Generall Drake should meet him in the Riuer thereof 30 with the Fleet; that there should bee one Company of Foot left in guard of the Castle, and six in the Ships: also that the sicke and hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures.

In this march Captaine Crispe the Prouest Marshall caused one who (contrary to the Pro­clamation published at our arriuall in Portugall) had broken vp an house for pillage, to bee han­ged, Good disci­pline. with the cause of his death vpon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example prouidently giuen in the beginning of our march, caused the commandement to be more respectiuely regarded all the iourney after, by them whom feare of punishment doth on­ly hold within compasse. The Campe lodged that night at Lori [...]: the next day we had intelli­gence all the way, that the enemy had made head of Horse and Foot against vs at T [...]rres Uedras, which wee thought they would haue held: but comming thither the second day of our march, 40 not two houres before our Vantgard came in, they left the Towne and Castle to the possession of Don Antonio.

There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, vpon a commandement Want of [...] giuen from the Generall, that no man should spoile the Country, or take any thing from any Por­tugall: which was more respectiuely obserued, then I thinke would haue bin in our owne Coun­trey, amongst our owne friends and kindred: but the Countrey (contrary to promise) wholly neg­lected the prouision of victuals for vs, wherby we were driuen for that time into a great scarsity. Which moued the Colonell Generall to call all the Colonells together, and with them to aduise of some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to aduertise the King what neces­sitie we were in, before we should of our selues alter the first institution of abstinence. The Colo­nell 50 generall, hauing acquainted the Generall herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the King; who after some expostulations vsed, tooke the more carefull order for our men, and after that our Armie was more plentifully relieued.

The third day we lodged our Armie in three sundry Villages, the one Battalion lying in Exa­rama de los Caualleres, another in Exar [...] de Obispo, and the third in S [...] Sa [...]astian. Captain Y [...]rke who commanded the Generalls Horse Company, in this march made triall of the valour of the Horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight Horses thorow fortie of them, and himselfe thorow more then two hundred, with some fortie Horses: who would a­bide him no longer then they could make way from him.

The next day we marched to Loves, and had diuers Intelligences that the enemy would tarry 60 vs there: for the Cardinall had made publike promise to them of Lis [...]on, that he would fight with vs in that place, which he might haue done aduantageously; for we had a Bridge to passe ouer in the same place: but before our comming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared vnto vs that hee had in purpose to incampe: here; for wee found the ground staked out where their trenches [Page 1924] should haue bin made: and their Horsemen with some few Shot shewed themselues vpon an Hill at our comming into that Village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose Regiment had the point of the Vantgard) thought to draw vnto some fight, and therefore marched without sound of Drum, and somewhat faster then ordinary, thereby to get neere them before he were discouered, for hee was shadowed from them by an Hill that was betweene him and them: but before he could draw his Companies any thing neete, they retired.

Generall Drakes Regiment that night, for the commoditie of good lodging, drew themselues into a Village, more then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy: who not daring to doe any thing against vs in foure dayes before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell downe vpon that Regiment, crying, Uiua el Rey Don Antonio, which was a generall salutation 10 thorow all the Countrey as they came: whom our young Souldiers (though it were vpon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but hauing got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarme being taken inwards, the Officers of the two next Companies, whose Captaines (Captain Sydnam and Captain Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought downe their Colours and Pikes vpon them in so resolute manner, as they presently draue them to retire with losse: they killed of ours at the first entrance fourteene, and hurt six or seuen.

The next day we lodged at Al [...]elana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our Souldi­ers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poysoned, and thereon presently Some died with drinking water. dyed. Some doe thinke it came rather by eating of Hony, which they found in the houses plenti­fully. 20 But whether it were by Water or by Hony, the poore men were poisoned. That night the Earle of Essex and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleuen of the clocke with 1000. men to lie Earle of Essex his attempt. in ambuscade neere the Town, and hauing laied the same very neere, sent some to giue the alarme vnto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so that the Earl [...] returned as soone as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to haue giuen an honourable charge on them.

The 25. of May in the euening we came to the Suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance where­of They come to the suburbs of Lisbon. Sir Roger Williams calling Captaine Anthomy Wingfield with him, tooke thirtie Shot or there­abouts, and first scowred all the Streets till they came very neere the Towne; where they found none but old folkes and beggars, crying, V [...] el Rey D [...] Antonio, and the houses shut vp: for they 30 had carried much of their wealth into the Towne, and had fired some houses by the waterside, full of Corne and other prouisions of victualls, least wee should be benefited thereby, but yet left behind them great riches in many houses. The foure Regiments that had the vantguard that day, which were Colonell Deu [...]reux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Dr [...]kes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to hold guard in the neerest Streets of the Suburbs: the Battel and the Arrereward stood in Armes all the night in Field neere to Alcantara. Before morning Captaine Wingfield, by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his Regiment in three places very neere the Towne wall, and so held the same till the other Regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the Towne burnt all their houses that stood vpon their wall either within or without, least we posses­sing Houses burnt by the Portu­gall [...]. 40 them, might thereby greatly haue annoyed the Towne.

The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without perill) to take a Church cal­led S. Antonio, which ioyned to the wall of the Towne, and would haue been a very euill neighbor to the Towne: but the enemy hauing more easie entry into it then wee, gained it before vs. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the Battell and Arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Uista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their Shot vpon the wall, who from the same scowred the great Streets very dangerously.

By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous of rest; whereof the enemy being aduertised, about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the Town, and made their approach in three seuerall Streets vpon vs, but chiefly in 50 Colonell Brets quarter: who (as most of the Armie was) being at rest, with as much speed as he Colonell Bret fl [...]ine. could, drew his men into Armes, and made head against them so thorowly, as himselfe was slain in the place, Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh, of which hurt hee died within foure dayes after, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine Caue hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his Regiment. This resistance made as well here, as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell M [...]dkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foule retreat; insomuch, as the Earle of Es­sex Their retrait, and chase by E. Essex. had the chase of them enen to the gates of the high Town, wherin they left behind them ma­ny of their best Commanders: their troupe of Horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captain Yorke, withdrew themselues againe. Many of them also left the streets, and betooke them to houses which they found open: for the Sergeant Maior Captain Wilson [...]lew in one house with 60 his owne hands three or foure, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their losse I can assure you did triple ours, as well in qualitie as in quantitie.

During our march to this place, Generall Drake with the whole Fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the Town without any resistance: many of the Inhabitants at their discouery of our Gen. Drakes comming. [Page 1923] Nauie, fled with their baggage into the Mountaines, and left the Towne for any man that would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent vnto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to of­fer Cascai [...] forsa­ken. them all peaceable kindnesse, so farre forth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the Armie he had brought; which offer they ioyfully imbraced, and presently sent two chiefe men of their Town, to signifie their loyaltie to Don Antonio, & their honest affections to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his Companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without perill of the shot of the Castle, which being guarded with sixtie fiue Spaniards, held still against him.

As our Fleet were casting anker when they came first into that Road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by striking her sailes, as though she would also haue ancred: but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would haue passed 10 vp the Riuer, but the Generall presently discerning her purpose, sent out a Pinnace or two after her, wh [...]ch forced her in such sort, as she ran her selfe vpon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of Sugar) was made nothing worth, by the Salt water. In his going thither also, he tooke Ships of the Port of Portugall, which were sent from thence, with Ships taken. fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant Maior of the same place, laden with men and victualls to Lisbon: the rest that escaped put into Set [...]el.

The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to aduise with them, whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the forces of the Portugall Horse and Foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some conuenient number to Cascais 20 to fetch our Artillery and Munition which was all at our ships, sauing that which for the necessi­ty of the seruice was brought along with vs: whereunto, some carried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that the most part of the Town stood for vs, held it best to make our abode there, Consultation. and to send some three thousand of our Artillery: promising to themselues, that the Enemy be­ing well beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose vnbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The Generall, not willing to leaue any occasion of blot to be laid vpon him for his speedie going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hope of Don Antonio; told them, that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their iburney, but an aduenture there­in 30 (which if it succeeded prosperously might make them sufficiently rich, and wonderfull honou­rable) and that they had done so much alreadie in triall thereof, as what end soeuer happened could nothing impaire their credits: yet in regard of the Kings last promise, that hee should haue that night three thousand armed men of his owne Country, he would not for that night dislodge. The King of Portugall (whether carried away with imagination, by the aduertisements he recei­ued from the Portugalls, or willing by any promise to bring such an Armie into his Countrey, thereby to put his fortune once more in triall) assured the Generall, that vpon his first landing there would be a reuolt of his subiects.

After two nights staying at Lisbon, the King, as you haue heard promised a supply of three thousand Foot, and some Horse: but all his appointments being expired, euen to the last of a night, Don Antonies promises frustrate. 40 all his Horse could not make a Cornet of fortie, nor his Foot furnish two Ensignes fully, although they carried three or foure colours: and these were altogether such as thought to inrich them­selues by the ruine of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoile, then any of our owne.

The Generall, as you see, hauing done more then before his comming out of England was re­quired by the King, and giuen credite to his many promises, euen to the breach of the last, he de­sisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine daies longer: in which time hee might haue engaged himselfe further, then with any honor he could come out off againe, by attempting a Town for­tified, wherein were more men armed against vs, then we had to oppugne them withall, our Artil­lery and Munition being fifteene miles from vs, and our men then declining; for there was the 50 first shew of any great sicknesse amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his Prelacie did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes, whereof after two or three daies hee saw no sem­blance: or hee like a silly louer, who promiseth himselfe fauour by importuning a coy mistresse, thought by our long being before his Towne, that in the end taking pittie on him they would let him in. What end the Friers had by following him with such deuotion I know not, but sure I am, the Laitie did respite their homage till they might see which way the victorie might sway; fearing to shew themselues apparantly vnto him, least the Spaniard should after our departure (if we preuailed not) call them to account: yet sent they vnderhand messages to him of obedience, thereby to saue their owne, if he became King; but indeed very well contented to see the Spani­ards and vs crie by blowes who should carry away the Crowne. For they be of so base a mould, 60 as they can very well subiect themselues to any gouernment, where they may liue free from blowes, and haue libertie to become rich, being loth to indure hazzard either of life or goods. For durst they haue put on any minds thorowly to reuolt, they had three wonderfull great occasions offered them during our being there, &c.

[Page 1924] The [...] morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, the Generall gaue order for our marching away; himselfe, the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand They m [...]h frpm Lisban. that was made in the high street, till the whole Armie was drawne into the Field, and so marched out of the Towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Anthony Winfield in the Arrereward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would haue illued out vpon our rising; but they were otherwise aduised. When we were come into the Field, euerie Battalion fell into that order which by course appertained vnto them, and so mar­c [...]ed that night vnto Cascais. Had wee marched thorow his Countrey as enemies, our Souldiers had beene well supplied in all their wants: but had wee made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, The riches that they might haue gotten at Lisbon. wee had beene the richest Armie that euer went out of England: for besides the particular 10 wealth of euery house, there were many Ware-houses by the water side full of all sorts of rich Merchandizes.

In our march that day the Gallies which had some what, but not much annoyed vs at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the Riuer) attended vs till we were past S. Iulians, bestowing many shot amongst vs, but did no harme as all [...]ng that they strooke off a Gentlemans leg, and killed the Sergeant Maiors M [...]ile vnder him. The Horsemen also followed vs afarre off, and cut off as many sicke men as were not able to hold in march, nor we had carriage for.

After we had beene two [...]es at Cascais, wee had intelligence by a Friar, that the enemy was marching strongly towards vs, and then came as farre as S. Iulian; which newes was so welcome to the Earle of Essex and the Generall [...], as they offered euery one of them to giue the Messenger 20 an hundred Crownes if they found them in the place; for the Generall desiring mothing more then to fight with them in field roome, dispatched that night a Messenger with a Trumpet, by whom [...] a Cart [...] to the Generall of their Armie, wherein he gaue them the lie, in that it Desire of the English to fight was by [...] reported that [...] dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and feare of them (which in­deed [...] most false) for that it was fiue of the clocke in the morning before wee fell into Armes, and then [...] in such [...]ore, as they had no courage to follow out vpon vs. Also he challenged him therein to meet him the next morning with his whole Armie, if hee durst attend his comming, and there to try out the iustnesse of their quarrell by ba [...]ll; by whom also the Earle of Essex (who preferring the [...] of the cause, which was his Countries, before his owne safetie) sent a particulas Cattell, offering himselfe against any of theire, if they had any of his qualitie; or if they 30 would [...] admit of that, six, eight, or ten or as many as they would appoint, should meet so ma­ny of theirs in the heart of our battell to [...] their fortunes with them; and that they should haue assurance of their returne and honourable intreatie.

The Generall accordingly made all his Armie readie, by three of the clocke in the morning, and marched euen to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden feare that we had been come vpon them, as the Ge­nerall Feare of the enemies. was the next day certainely informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answere to either of his Letters, but threatning to bee hanged, for daring to being such a message. Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written vpon the backside of their Pasport, that if they did offer any violence vnto the Messengers, he would hand the best prisoners 40 he had of theirs: which made them to aduise better of the matter, and to returne them home; but without answerd.

A [...] Armie came to Cascais, and the Castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that vpon fiue or six shot of the Canon he would deliuer the same, but not without sight thereof. The Generall thinking that his distresse within had been such for want of men or victuals, as he could Castle of Cas­cais yeelded. not hold it many dayes, because hee saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yeeld to that necessitie, then to bring the Canon, and therefore onely set a guard vpon the same, least any supply of those things which hee wanted should bee brought vnto them. But hee still standing vpon these conditions, the Generall about two dayes before hee determined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure Peeces of battery against it [...] vpon the first [...]ire whereof he sur­rendered, 50 and compounded to goe away with his baggage and Armes: hee had one Canon, two Culuerings, one Basiliske, and three or foure other F [...] Peeces, threescore and fiue Souldiers, ve­ry good store of Munition, and victualls enough in the Castle; insomuch as hee might haue held the same longer then the Generall had in purpose to tarry there. One company of Footmen was put into the guard thereof, till the Artillery was taken out, and our Armie imbarked; which without hauing that sort, we could not without great perill haue done. When we were readie to set saile (one halfe of the Fort being by order from the Generall [...]lowne vp by mine) the com­pany was drawne away.

During the time we lay in the Road, our Fleet began the second of Iune, and so continued six dayes after to fetch in some Hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lubeck 60 and Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the Kings prouision, and going for Sixtie Hulkes brought. Lisb [...]: their principall lading was Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe: amongst which were some of great burthen wonderfull well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought they were brought for the Kings prouision, to reinforce [Page 1925] his decaied Nauie: whereof there was the greater likelihood, in that the owner of the greatest of them which carried two misnes, was knowne to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather Cardinall Al­bert after mar­ried to the In­fanta and Ru­ler of the Spa­nish Port of the Low Countries. then he would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe vnto his small Boate, wherein he recouered Saint Sebastians: into the which our men, that before were in flie-boates, were shipped, and the Flie-boates sent home with an offer of Corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to loose their Corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall also sent his Horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England.

The third of Iune, Colonell Deuereux, and Colonell Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who in the whole iourney had shewed themselues very forward to all seruices, and in their departure very vnwilling to leaue vs: that day we embarked all our Army, but lay in the 10 road vntill the eight thereof.

The sixt-day, the Earle of Essex, vpon receit of Letters from her Maiesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to goe, but found the Generals very vnwilling he should do so, in that he bare the next place vnto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the Army. And the same day there came vnto vs two small [...]arkes, that brought tidings of some other ships come out of England with victuals, which were passed vpwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set saile for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to goe with the Iles of Azores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them comming backe againe towards vs, whose prouision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolued to continue 20 our course for the Ilands.

About this time w [...] the Marchant Royall, with three or foure other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the companies that were le [...] chere; but Captain Barton hauing receiued Letters from the General [...] that were [...] ouerland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the ene­mies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gaue him; for he was no sooner gone, then the enemy possessed the Towne and Castle, and shot at out ships as they came into the road.

At this time also was the Ambassadoor from the Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Ben­casamp, Morocco Em­bassadour. returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, who sent from Don Autoni [...], and Captaine O [...]y from the Generals to the Emperour. 30

The next morning the nine Gall [...] which were sent not fiue daies before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the Ruer or Lisb [...] which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before, though we lay hard by them at Sa [...]nt Iulians, durst neuer make any attempt against vs) vpon our departure from thence [...] returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calme, in the dawning thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet, in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling Barke of Plimmouth, of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company, with his Lientenant, the Master, and some of the Marriners, abandoned the ship, and betooke them to the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captaine were, was ouer [...] with the Gallies, and they drowned. There were also two Hulkes stragled far from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to vs, nor we to 40 them, though all the great ships towed with their Boats to haue relieued them, but could not be recouered, in one of which was Captaine Mi [...]shaw with his company; who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whither it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not well discerne, but might easily iudge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustain much losse, who setting also vpon one other Hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sicke, wereby the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And seeing also one other Hulke a league off, a sterne of vs, they made towards her: but finding that she made ready to fight with them; they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other fights, they were loath to proceede any further. 50

From [...] day till the nineteenth of Iune, our direction from the Generall was, that if the winde were Northerly, we should plie for the Azores; but if Southerly, for the Iles of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde preuai­ling Bayon. carried vs to Bayon: among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde; who had a purpose (if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500, men out of them all to haue landed, and at­tempted the taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with generall Drake, who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands, cast off againe to Sea for the Azores: but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney, and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the euening, where hee passed vp the Riuer more then a mile aboue Uigo. 60

The next morning wee landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole aboue two thousand men (for in the seuenteene dayes we continued on boord wee had cast [Page 1926] many of our men ouer-boord) with which number the Colonell generall marched to the Towne of Uigo, neere the which when hee approached, he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a Vigo taken. troupe of shot to enter one side of the same, who found vpon euery stre [...]tes end a strong bar­ricade, but altogether abandoned; for hauing entred the Towne, he found but one man there­in, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side the Towne en­tred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield, whose approach on that side (I thinke) made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence: there were also certaine ships sent with the Vice-admirall to lye close before the Towne, to beate vpon the same with their artillery.

In the afternoone were sent three hundred vnder the conduct of Captaine Petui [...] and Captain 10 Henry Poure, to burne another Village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and as much of the Countrie as the day would giue them leaue to doe; which was a very pleasant rich Valley: but they burnt it all, houses and corne, as did others on the other side of the Town, both that and the Borsis burned. next day, so as the Countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length. There was found great store of Wine in the Town, but not any thing else: for the other daies warning of the ships that came first in, gaue them a respit to carry all away.

The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall (who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships, commanded that night on shoare) caused all our Companies to be drawne out of the Towne, and sent in two troupes to put fire in euery house of the same: which done, we imbarked againe. This day there were certaine Mariners which Vig [...] burned. 20 (without any direction) put themselues on shoare, on the contrary side of the Riuer from vs for pillage.

The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our Army was drawne into by sicknes, determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Az [...]res, with Generall Drake, to see if he could meete with the Indian Fleet, and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest: And for the shirting of men and victuals accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe, and to remaine there that day. But Generall Drake, accor­ding to their appointment, being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands, but put straight to Sea: whom all the Fleet followed sauing three and thirty, which being in the Riuer further then he, and at the entrance of the same, finding the winde and tide too hard against them, were inforced 30 to cast ancre there for that night; amongst whom, by good fortune, was the Foresight, and in her Sir Edward Norris. And the night following, Generall Norris being driuen from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme (for all that day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were out) came againe into the Ilands, but not without great perill, he being forced to turst to a Spanish Fisher-man (who was taken two dayes before at Sea) to bring him in.

The next morning he called a counsell of as many as he found there, holding the purpose hee had concluded with Sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England tarrying there all that day to water and helpe such with victuall, as were left in wonderfull di­stresse by hauing the victuals that came last, carried away the day before to Sea.

The next day he set saile, and the tenth day after, which was the second of Iuly came into Their returne to Plimmouth. 40 Plimmouth, where he found Sir Francis Drake and all the Queenes ships, with many of the others but not all: for the Fleete was dispersed into other harbours, some led by a desire of returning from whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulkes, sought other Ports from their Generals eye, where they might make their priuate commoditie of them, as they haue done to their great aduantage: Presently vpon their arriuall there, the Generals dissolued all the ar­mie sauing eight companies which are yet held together, giuing euery Souldier fiue shillings in money, and the armes he bare to make money of, which was more then could by any meanes be due vnto them: for they were not in seruice three moneths, in which time they had their vi­ctuals, which no man will value at lesse then halfe their pay, for such is the allowance in her Ma­iesties ships to her Mariners, so as there remained but ten shillings a moneth to be paid, for which 50 there was not any priuate man but had apparell and furniture to his owne vse, so as euery com­mon Souldier discharged, receiued more in money, victuals, apparell, and furniture, then his pay did amount vnto.

CHAP. XIII.

A briefe and true report of the Honorable Voyage vnto Cadiz, 1596. of the ouerthrow of the Kings Fleete, and of the winning of the Citie, with other accidents, gathered out of METERANVS, Master HACKLVYT M. Hackluit had published the large re­port of this Voyage writ­ten byone em­ploied therin: out of which I haue taken that which ser­ued our pur­pose. and others.

AFter that Callis had beene taken by Cardinall Albert, Archduke of Austria, which afterwards by Papall dispensation married the Lady Isabella EugeniaClara Infan­ta, who yet gouerneth the Belgians which acknowledge the Spaniard, Queene 10 Elizabeth thought it fitter to inuade the Spaniard at home, then to expect his forces here. The said Cardinall (and Archduke of Austria) had planted his vnex­pected siedge before Callis, and begun his vnwelcome battery on Wednesday the 17. of April 1596. and the Towne desired truce for foure and twenty houres, which was reiected, whereupon they yeelded themselues presently vpon condition of life and goods saued, and sixe dayes cruce to be giuen them, with liberty either to stay in the Citie, or to goe to the Castle; and if the King of Nauarre (Henry the fourth, the French King) did not in that space relieue them, they were to yeelde the Castle. Most of them betooke themselues to the Castle, and left their empty houses to the Conquerours. 20

The night before the truce expired, they began to shoot at the Spaniards, who had now made so fatall preparations, that the next day, Aprill 24. before noone they had beaten downe the wals and entered, the Gouernour of the Towne and diuers others being slaine. Queene Elizabeth meane while had prepared aide, and the Souldiers and Ships at Leigh in Essex, were detained by the windes, which then were Easterly, and instead of carrying the English thither, brought hi­ther the terrible thunders of the Spanish Ordnance; insomuch, that I haue heard that they shooke the looser glasse out of the windowes in Douer and filled the shoares of Essex & Kent with the hi­deous reports of Calis her vnauoidable ruine. And thus in so short time the Cardinall won that an­cient Port, by Strabo called Itium, by Piolor [...]ey Gessoriacum (as Meteranus collecteth) which had cost the English eleuen moneths siedge, before they, vnder Edward the third, tooke it, An. 1346. They held it 202. yeers; at which time Francis Duke of G [...]se, in the vnhappy daies of Queen Mary, and 30 by reason of her vnluckie ioyning with the Spaniards in their warres against the French, recoue­red it in a few dayes vnlooked for battery to the French, and therewith tooke Q. Mary said before her death, that if they opened her, they should finde Callis in her heart. not that Towne alone, but the ioy of life also from that vnfortunate Queene; both which seeming disasters were the price of Englands faire purchases, both gaine and liberty in the dispersing of that Spa­nish cloud which from the time of the match had houered ouer vs, and of the concomitant Antichristian Papall Mists, which was a smoake from the bottomlesse pit to them which recei­ued it, and a fire to them which refused it of what degree soeuer: and in that as throwes of a grieuous trauell they brought forth a Virgin, both Truth to the Church, and Queene to the State; the one a fruitfull Mother to the soules, the other to the wealth, honour, domesticke peace, for­raine 40 victories, and Nauall glorie of the English Nation. This renowned Queene, eight and thir­ty yeeres after, vnable to alter that decree of the windes which now seemed themselues, and for­ced Calis, to become Spanish; would try their windy fidelity in another expedition, and prepared a strong Fleet to inuade the Spanish coast: The charge whereof she committed to the Lord Robert Earle of Essex, and the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England, who came vnto Plymmouth (about the beginning of May 1596.) being there accompanied with diuers other no­ble Peeres, as the Earle of Sussex, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Herbert, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh: the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere: the Lord Burk, Don Christopher yong Prince of Portugall, yong Count Lodouick of Nassaw, and the Admirall of the Hollanders, Sir Iohn Vander­foord: besides many other most worthy Knights and Gentlemen of great worth attending vpon this most honorable Action: It pleased them, there to make their aboade for the time of that 50 moneth, aswell for the new furnishing and reuictualing of her Maiesties Royall Nauie: as also for the expecting of some other ships, which were to come from diuers places of the Realme, and were as yet wanting.

Before their departure from Plymmouth, it pleased their Lordships to publish in Print, and make knowne to all the world, especially to such as it concerned, and that both in the Latine, French, Dutch, English, and Spanish tongue, what were the true, iust, and vrgent causes, that at this time prouoked her Maiestie to vndertake the preparing and setting forth of this so great a Nauie, namely the King of Spaines preparations against her, who had before whiles hee treated of peace, Anno 1588. prepared to inuade her coast, and now also to that purpose daily 60 encreased his Nauie. If therefore any should furnish the Spaniard with munition and prouisions, they should expect what force could doe: for all others of whatsoeuer Nation they aduised them to forsake the Spanish and Portugall Ports, or to ioyne with the English for their owne security, they hauing no quarrell in this designe but against the Spaniard.

[Page 1928] Thus then, all things being in a very good order and well appointed, the most holy name of our Omnipotent God being most religiously and deuoutly called vpon', and his blessed and sa­cred Communion being diuers times most reuerently and publikely celebrated: being furnished with one hundred and fiftie good saile of ships, or thereabout: In the name of the most high and euerliuing God: the first day of Iune they embarked themselues, weighed Ancre, and hoysed vp faile, and put to Sea onward their iourney from the Sownds of Plymmouth, to shew her Maie­sties religious intendments in this exploit. I haue thought good to adde here a Prayer made by her selfe (as was reported) and vsed, as it was fitted, for that designe.

MOst Omnipotent maker and guide of all our worlds masse, that e [...]ely searchest and fadomest the 10 bottome of all our hearts conceits, and in them seest the true originals of all our actions intended: thou that by thy foresight doest truely discerne, how no malice of reuenge, nor quittance of iniurie, nor desire of bloudshed, nor greedinesse of lucre hath bred the resolution of our n [...]w set out Army, but a heedefull care, and wary watch, that no neglect of fees, nor ouer-suretie of harme might breede ei­ther danger to vs, or glory to them: these being the grounds wherewith thou doest enspire the minde, we humbly beseech thee with bended knees, prosper the worke, and with best forewindes guide the iourney, speede the victory, and make the returne the aduancement of thy glory, the triumph of their f [...]e, and surety to the Realme, with the least losse of the English bloud. To these deuout petitions Lord giue thou thy blessed grant.

The ninth of the same moneth comming something neere to the North Cape, in a manner in 20 the same altitude, or not much differing, which was about 43. degrees, and something more, yet bearing so, as it was impossible to be descried from the land. There it pleased the Lords to call a select Councell, which was alwaies done by hanging out of a Flagge of the Armes of England, and shooting off a great warning peece. Of this select or priuie Counsell, were no moe then these: The two Lords Generall, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Anthony Ashley, Clarke of the said Counsell. And when it pleased the Lords Generall to call a common Counsell (as of tentimes they did vpon weighty matters best knowne to their ho­nours) then they would cause another kinde of Flag to be hanged out, which was the red Crosse of S. George, and was very easie to be discerned from the other that appertained onely to the se­lect 30 Counsell, and so often as this Flag of S. George was hanged out, then came all the Masters and Captaines of all the ships, whose opinions were to be demanded, in such matters as apper­tained vnto the said select Counsell: It was presently concluded, that our course in sailing should forthwith be altered, and that we should beare more into the West, for some purposes to them best knowne.

At that instant many Letters of instructions were addressed and sent to euery particular Ma­ster and Captaine of the Ships: What the contents of those Letters of instructions were, it was not as yet knowne vnto any, neither was it held meete to be enquired or knowne of any of vs. But vnder the titles and superscriptions of euery mans particuler Letter these words were en­dorsed. 40 Open not these Letters on paine of your liues, vnlesse wee chance to be scattered by tempest, and in that case open them, and execute the contents thereof: but if by mishap you fall into your enemies hand, then in any case cast them into the Sea, sealed as they are. It should seeme that these Letters did containe in them the principall place and meaning of this enten­ded action, which was hitherto by their deepe foresights kept so secret, as no man to my know­ledge ei [...]her did or could so much as suspect it, more then themselues, who had the onely ma­naging thereof.

All this while, our ships, God be thanked, kept in a most excellent good order, being deui­ded into fiue squadrons: that is to say, The Earle of Essex, the Lord Admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Admirall of the Hollanders. All which 50 squadrons, albeit they did euery day separate themselues of purpose, by the distance of certaine leagues, as well to looke out for such ships as were happily vnder saile, as also for the better pro­curing of Sea-roome: yet alwayes commonly either that day, or the next day, toward euening, they came all together, with friendly salutations and gratulations one to another; which they tearme by the name of Hayling: a ceremonie done solemnly, and in very good order, with sound of Trumpets and noise of cheerefull voyces: and in such sort performed as was no small encouragement one to the other, beside a true report of all such accidents as had happened in their squadrons.

Hitherto, as I said, our iourney was most prosperous, and all our ships in very good plight, more then that the Mary Rose, by some mischance, either sprang or spent her foreyard, and two dayes 60 after Sir Robert Crosse had in a manner the like mischance.

Now being thus betweene the North Cape, and Cape S. Vincent, and yet keeping such a course a loofe, that by no meanes, those from the shoare might be able to descrie vs: The tenth of Iune, French and Flemming takē and dismissed. a French Barke, and a Flemming comming from the coast of Barbarie were brought in by some of [Page 1929] our company: but they were both of them very honorably and well vsed by the Lords Generall, and so after a few dayes tarrying, were peaceably sent away, after that they had conferred with them about such matters, as was thought good in their honorable wisedomes. The twelfth of the Hamburgers taken. same moneth, Sir Richard Leuison Knight, assisted with Sir Christopher Blunt, fought with three Hamburgers, and in that fight slew two of them, and hurt eleuen, and in the end brought them all three in.

The next day after, Sir Richard Weston meeting with a Flemming, who refused to vaile his fore­top, with the like good courage and resolution, attempted to bring him in. The fight continu­ed very hot betweene them, for a good space: in the end, the Swan, wherein the said Sir Richard was, had her forebeake strooken off: and hauing spent before in fight the one side of her tire of Ordnance, while she prepared to cast about, and to bestow on him the other side, in the meane 10 time the Elemming taking his opportunitie, did get almost halfe a league from him: and so for that time made his escape. And yet the next day after, the said Flemming being in a manner got to the very mouth of the Riuer vp to Lisbone, was taken, and brought in by Master Dorrell, being Captaine of the Iohn and Francis of London.

The 13. 14. and 15. dayes, certaine little stragling Carauels were taken by certaine of the Fleete, and in one of them a yong beggerly Fryer vtterly vnlearned, with a great packet of Let­ters Letters taken for Lisbon.

The 18. day early in the morning we tooke an Irishman, and he came directly from Cadiz, ha­uing Irishmans intel­ligence. beene there but the day before at twelue of the clocke at high noone. This man being exa­mined, 20 told truely that there was now great store of shipping at Cadiz, and with them eigh­teene or nineteene Galhes in a readinesse, and that among those ships there were diuers of the Kings best: and namely, that the Philip of Spaine was amongst them, but what their intent was, hee could not tell. This man was commanded also to giue his attendance. The 20. of Iune, being Sunday; wee came before Cadiz, very early in the morning, and in all this time as yet, the whole Nauie had not lost either by sicknesse or by any other manner of waies six men to my knowledge. They arriue at Cadiz. Some which professe mar­tiall knowledg blame the not landing th [...] first day, and s [...]y the weather serued; but the scruple o [...] sun­day and other pretences lost a million of wealth. Doues lighting

Thus then I say, being all in good plight and strong, the 20. of Iune we came to Cadiz, and there very early in the morning presented our selues before the Towne, riding about a league or some­thing lesse, from it. The Sea at that instant went marueilous high, and the winde was exceeding 30 large. Notwithstanding, a Counsell being called, our Lords Generall forthwith attempted with all expedition to land some certaine Companies of their men at the West side of the Towne, by certaine long Boats, light horsemen, Pinnaces, & Barges made for the purpose, but could not com­passe it, and in the attempting thereof, they chanced to sinke one of the [...] Barges, with some foure­score good souldiers well appointed in her, and yet by good hap and great care, the men were all saued excepting eight. And therefore they were constrained to put off their landing till another more conuenient time.

That morning very timely, there lighted a very faire Doue vpon the maine yard of the Lord Admirals ship, and there she sat very quietly for the space of three or foure houres. And as at our very first comming to Cadiz this chanced, so likewise on the very last day of our departing from 40 the said Towne, another Doue presented her selfe in the selfe same order into the same ship, and presently grew wonderfull tame and familiar to vs all, and did so still keepe vs company, euen till our arriuall here in England.

We no sooner presented our selues, but presently a goodly sort of tall Spanish Ships came out of the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, the Gallies accompanying them in such good order, and so pla­ced as all of them might well succour each other, and therewithall kept themselues very close to their Towne, the Castle, and the Forts, for their better guard and defence, abiding there still, and expecting our further determination. All that day passed, being very rough and boisterous, and lit­tle or nothing could be done, more then that about the euening there passed some friendly and kinde salutations sent one from the other in warlike manner, by discharging certaine great Peeces. 50

On monday morning being the 21. day, the winde and weather being become moderate and fauourable, betweene fiue and six of the clocke in the morning, our ships in the name of the Al­mighty God, and in defence of the honour of England, without any further delay, with all speed, courage and alacritie, did set vpon the Spanish ships, being then vnder saile, and making out of The Spanish Fleete. the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, vp toward Puente de Suaç [...] on Granada side, being in number 59. tall ships, with 19. or 20. Gallies attending vpon them, forced in such good order, and reasonable di­stance as they might still annoy vs, and alwaies relieue themselues Interchangeably, [...] hauing like­wise the Castle, Forts, and Towne, continually to assist them and theirs, and alwayes ready to play vpon vs and ours.

In most mens opinions it seemed that the enemy had a wonderfull aduantage of vs, all circum­stances 60 being well weighed, but especially the straightnesse of the place, and the naturall forme and situation of the Bay itselfe, being rightly considered. For albeit the very Bay it selfe is very large and exceeding beautifull, so that from C [...]diz to Port S. Mary, is some six or seuen English [Page 1930] miles ouer or there abou [...]s, yet be there many rockes, shelues, sands, and shallowes in it, so that the very channell and place for sea roome, is not aboue two or three miles, yea, and in some pla­ces not so much, for the ships of any great burthen to make way in, but that they must either be set on g [...]ound, or else constrained to run foule one on another. All this notwithstanding, with great and inuincible courage, the Lords generall presently set vpon them, and sorting out some such conuenient ships, as to their honorable wisedomes seemed fittest for that times seruice, they were driuen to take some other course then before had beene by them entended. Wherefore vp­on a graue consultation had by a select counse [...]l, they concluded that the Vice-admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, in the Non Pareille for that time, and the Reare Admirall Sir Walter Raleigh in the Warspight, associated with Sir Francis Uere the Lord Marshall in the Rainbow, Sir George Ca­ry 10 Master of the Ordnance, in the Mary Rose, Sir Robert Southwell in the Lyon; hauing with them some of the Ships of London, and some of the Dutch squadron of reasonable burthen, should lead the dance, and giue the onset, and that the two most noble Lords generall with some others of their companies, should in their conuenient time and order, second the maine battell. The fight being begun and growne very hot, the Lord generall the Earle of Essex, being on Port Saint Ma­ry side, vpon a sudden and vnlooked for of others, thrust himselfe among the formost into the The fight be­twixt the two Fleetes. maine battell. The other most honorable Lord generall vnderstanding the most noble Earle to be in fight among them, and perceiuing by the Master of his ship, the A [...]ke royall, that for lacke of water, it was not possible, that he might put any neerer, without further delay, called presently for his Pinnace, and in the same Pinnace put himselfe, and his honorable son Lord William How­ard, 20 aboord the Honor de la mer, & there remained in the fight till the battell was ended. The fight was very terrible on all sides, and so continued doubtfull till about one or two of the clocke in the afternoone: about which time the Philip, whom in very truth, they had all most fancie vnto, be­gan to yeelde, and giue ouer, her men that remained aliue shifting for themselues as they were a­ble, a [...]d swimming and running ashoare with all the haste that they could possibly, and there­withall, at the very same instant themselues fired their ship, and so left her, and presently there­upon a great Argosie, with another mighty great ship, fired themselues in the like manner. Im­mediatly Spanish losse. hereupon, the residue of the ships ran themselues on ground as far from vs as they could, thereby purchased their owne safetie, or rather breathing space for the time. Of them all, two faire ships onely were boorded and taken by our men with most part of their furniture in them, 30 the one called S. Matthew, a ship by estimation of some twelue hundred tun, and the other S. An­drew, Two Apostles forced to preach English. being a ship of not much lesser burthen. The Gallies, seeing this sodaine great victorious o­uerthrow, made all the haste they could toward t [...]e Bridge called Puente de Snaço, and there shrowded themselues in such sort as our ships could not by any meanes [...] possible come nigh them for lacke of water.

The Spanish ships in all were fifty nine, and as I said, all tall ships, and very richly furnished and well appointed, whereof some of them were bound for the Indies, and other fraighted and fur­nished for Lasbon, as themselues affirme: and had we not come that very time that we did, wee had certainly mist of them all.

Of what great wealth and riches these ships were, that I leaue to other mens iudgement and 40 report, but sure I am, that themselues offered two millions and a halfe of ducats for the redemp­tion of the goods and riches that were in them: which offer of theirs, albeit it was accepted of the Lords generall, and should haue beene receiued, yet we were defeated of it, as hereafter shall be more at large declared.

In all this cruell terrible fight, there were not either slaine or hurt by any manner of meanes many aboue the number of 100. of our men; notwithstanding diuers of our ships were many times shot thorow and thorow: yea and some of them no lesse then two and twenty times, as I was en­formed by credible report of the Captaines and Masters themselues. I know not of any o­ther hurt done, sauing onely that Sir Robert Southwell, who alwayes shewed himselfe a most va­liant resolute knight in all this action, making a little too much haste with his Pinnace to boord 50 the Philip, had there his said Pinnace burnt with the Philip at the same instant, and yet by good care and diligence his men were saued. One other mischance hapned thus: One of the Flemmings Flie-boats, who had in all the conflict before, carried her selfe very well and valiantly, about ten of the clocke while the fight continued sharpest, chanced by great negligence and misfortune, to be Flemmish mis­chance. fired and blown vp by his owne powder, who could not haue any fewer in him, then one hundred fighting men by all supposall, and so in the very twinkling of an eye, both ship and men were all cast away, excepting seuen or eight, which by very good fortune, and great care and diligence of some of the other ships were saued.

Immediately vpon this notable victory, without any further stay in all the world, the Lord ge­nerall the Earle of Essex put to shore, & landed about 3000 shot and pike men: of the which num­ber the one halfe was presently dispatched to the bridge Puente de Suaço, vnder the conduct of 60 Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Thomas Gerard: with the other halfe, being a­bout fifteene hundred, the most noble Earle of Essex himselfe, being accompanied with diuers o­ther The English land. honorable Lords, namely the Earle of Sussex, the Lord Harbert, the Lord Burk, Count Lod [...] ­uick [Page 1931] of Nassaw, the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Uere, with all expedition possible marched on foote toward the towne of Cadiz, which was about three English miles march. That time of the day was very hot and faint, and the way was all of dry deepe sliding sand in a manner, and beside that, Bad way. very vneuen, and by that meanes so tiresome and painfull as might be. The enemie hauing rea­sonable companie both of horse and footemen, stood in a readinesse some good distance without the towne to welcome vs, and to encounter the Lord Generall. But the most famous Earle with his valiant Troopes, rather running indeede in good order, then marching, hastened on them with such vnspeakeable courage and celeritie, as within one houres space and lesse, the horsemen were all discomfited and put to flight, their leader being strooken downe at the very first encounter; whereat the footemen being wonderfully dismaied and astonished at the vnexpected manner of the Englishmens kinde of such fierce and resolute fight, retyred themselues with all the speede 10 possible that they could, to recouer themselues into the Towne againe. Which being done by them, with farre swifter legges then manly courage, our men were enforced to scale the wals: which thing in very deede, although it was not without great danger and difficultie to be perfor­med: yet such was the inuincible resolution, and the wonderfull dexteritie of the English, that in one halfe houre or thereabout, the enemy was repulsed, and the towne wall possessed, by the no­ble The English enter the town Earle himselfe, being in all this action, either the very first man, or else in a manner ioined with the first.

The Town wals being then possessed, and the English Ensigne being there displaied vpon them, with all speede possible they proceeded on to march through the Towne, making still their way 20 with sword and shot so well as they could, being still fought withall at euerie turne. The noble Earle was seconded by the noble Lord Admirall in person, who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard, the most worthy Gentleman his Sonne (after Lord Howard) Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Richard Leuison, and with diuers other Gentlemen, his Lordships followers of good account: his Colours being aduanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman, Sir Edward Hobby Knight. And thus he likewise marching with all possible speede on foote, notwithstanding his L [...]many yeeres I haue bin told by some of great worth then in this action, that they heard the Lord Admirall affirme that he was 68. yeers old, or between that and 70. who yet liueth 1624. crowned with siluer haires and gol­den raies of glorious acts. The Castle deliuered., the intolerable heate for the time, and the ouertiring tedious deepe sands, with other many impediments: Yet in good time, ioyned himselfe with the Earle and his companies, and gaue them the strongest, and best assistance that he could.

Thus then the two Lords Generall with their companies being ioined together, and procee­ding 30 so farre as the market place, there they were hotly encountered, where and at what time, that worthy famous Knight Sir Iohn Winkfield, being [...]ore wounded before on the thigh, at the very entring of the Towne, and yet for all that no whit respecting himselfe, being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company, was with the shot of a Musket in the head most vnfortunately slaine.

And thus before eight of the clocke that night were these two most noble Lords General, Ma­sters of the market place, the forts, and the whole Towne and all, onely the Castle as yet holding out, and from time to time as they could, stil annoying them with seuen battering peeces. By this time night began to grow on, and a kinde of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Ca­stle: to whom the Lords Generall had signified, that vnlesse before the next day in the morning 40 they would absolutely render themselues, they should looke for no mercie, but should euery one be put to the sword: vpon which message they tooke deliberation that night: but in the morning before breake of day they hanged out their flag of truce, and so without any further composition did yeelde themselues absolutely to their mercie, and deliuered vp the Castle.

And yet notwithstanding all this, in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking, there were diuers great and sodaine alarms giuen: which did breede some great outrages and disorder in the Towne. At euery which alaram, the two Lords Generall shewed themselues marueilous ready and forward.

These things being done, and this surrender being made, present Proclamation was publish­ed, that the fury now being past, all men should surcease from all manner of bloud and cruell dea­ling, 50 and that there should no kinde of violence or hard vsage be offered to any, either man, wo­man, or childe, vpon paine of death: permitting the spoyle of so much of the Towne as was by them thought meete, to the common souldiers for some certaine daies. This honorable and mer­cifull Edict I am sure was streightly and religiously obserued of the English: but how well it was kept by the Dutch, I will neither affirme, nor yet denie. For I perceiue betweene them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning, and therefore as soone as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight, immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar, and also some of some other places did not onely arrest all such Dutch ships, as dealt with them friendly by the way of trafficke and merchandise, and so confiscated their goods, but also imprisoned the Mer­chants and owners of the same, and as the report goeth, did intreat many of them with extreame 60 cruelty thereupon.

In the meane while, the very next day, being the two and twentie day of Iune, all the Spanish Spaniards E [...] their ships. ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz, where the great ouerthrow had beene but the day before, were by the Spaniards themselues there set on fire, and so from that time [Page 1932] forward they neuer left burning of them, till euery one of them, goods and all, as far as we know were burnt and consumed. This their doing was much maruelled at of vs. Not long after the same time (three dayes as I remember) the gallies that were run on ground, did quit themselues also out of that place, and by the Bridge of the Iland called Puente de Suaço, made their way round about the same Iland, and so by putting themselues to the maine Sea, escaped to a towne called Rotta, not farre off, but something vp towards the towne of Saint Lucars, and there purchased their safety by that meanes. Thus was this notable victory, as well by Sea as by Land, both begun and in effect performed, within the compasse, in a manner, of foureteene houres: a thing in truth so strange and admirable, as in my iudgement will rather be wondred at then beleeued of posteri­tie. And if euer any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesars Ueni, Vidi, Vici, certain­ly 10 in my poore opinion it was this.

The Towne of it selfe was a very beautifull towne, and a large, as being the chiefe See of the Bishop there, and hauing a good Cathedrall Church in it, with a right goodly Abbey, a Nunnery, and an exceeding fine Colledge of the Iesuites, and was by naturall situation, as also by very good Cadiz described fortification, very strong, and tenable enough in all mens opinions of the better iudgement. Their building was all of a kinde of hard stone, euen from the very foundation to the top, and euery house was in a manner a kinde of a Fort or Castle, altogether flat-roofed in the top, after the Tur­kish manner, so that many men together, and that at ease, might walke thereon: hauing vpon the house top, great heapes of weighty stones piled vp in such good order, as they were ready to be throwne downe by euery woman most easily vpon such as passed by, and the streetes for the most 20 part so exceeding narrow (I think to auoide the intollerable great heat of the Sun) as but two men or three at the most together, can in any reasonable sort march thorow them, no streete being broader commonly then I suppose Watling streete in London to be. The towne is altogether with­out glasse, excepting the Churches, yet with faire comely windowes, and with faire grates of I­ron to them, and haue very large folding leaues of wainscot, or the like. It hath very few Chim­nies in it, or almost none at all: it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account, seruing for some necessary vses, either to wash in, or the like, or else, now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meate, hauing, as it should seeme vnto me, alwayes a greater care and respect how to keepe themselues from all kinde of great heate, the how to prouide for any store of great roste. It had in it, by report of them that should know best 30 it, some foure thousand and moe, of very good able fighting men, and sixe hundred horsemen at the least. No question but that they were well furnished of all things appertaining thereunto espe­cially so many good ships lying there, and being so well stored with all manner of munition, shot, and powder, as they were.

Of what wealth this towne should be, I am not able to resolue the asker; but as it should ap­peare by the great pillage by the common Souldiers, and some Marriners too, and by the goodly My Sexton T. Rowly, yet liu­ing, hath often told me that he had the rif­ling of a Iew­ellers or Gold­smiths house, and in his re­turne gaue and sold for to [...]es many Stones (which by his description seemed Ru­bies) of great bignes where­of he had his hatfull, which proued not worth an angel to his ignorant simplicity, ne­uer ordained to be rich. furnitures, that were de [...]aced by the baser people, and thereby vtterly lost and spoiled, as not worth the carrying away; and by the ouer great plenty of Wine, Oyle, Almonds, Oliues, Rai­sins, Spices, and other such Grocery wares, that by the intemperate disorder of some of the rasher sort were knockt out, and lay trampled vnder feet, in euery common high way, it should appeare 40 that it was of some very mighty great wealth to the first owners, though perchance not of any such great commodity to the last subduers, for that I iudge that the better part was most riotously, and intemperately spent and consumed.

The Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday following, the Lords Generall spent in counsell a­bout the disposing of all matters, as well touching the towne and prisoners, as also concerning all other matters, thought meete of them in their honourable wisdomes, and in all that meane while did shew such honourable bounty and mercy, as is not able to be expressed. For not onely the liues of euery one were spared, but also there was an especiall care had, that all the Religious, as well men as women, should be well and fauourably intreated, whom freely without any manner of ransome or other molesiation, they caused to be safely transported ouer to Port Saint Mary, a 50 Towne in a manner as faire as Cadiz: but at that time, as the case did stand, certainely knowne to be of no wealth in the world, and it was some sixe or seuen miles distant ouer against Cadiz, in a manner as Paules is against Southwarke, on the other side of the Bay, in a part of Andaluzia, subiect to the territorie of the Duke de Medina Sidonia. Moreouer, at the same instant they did appoint that worthy Knight Sir Amias Preston, and some others in some conuenient Barkes, to transport ouer to the said Towne safely and in good order, a hundred or moe of the better sort of ancient gentlewomen, and merchants wiues, who were suffered to put vpon themselues, some of them two, yea, some three suites Apparell, with some conuenient quantitie of many Iewels, Chaines, and other ornaments belonging to their estate and degree.

Vpon Saturday, being the six and twentieth, Sir Iohn Winkfield knight was buried, in honoura­ble 60 and warlike manner, so farre forth as the circumstances of that time and place could permit. Sir Iohn Wink­field buried. At whose funerals the Nauie discharged a great part of their Ordnance, in such order, as was thought meete and conuenient by the Lords Generals command. The seuen and twenty day be­ing Sunday, in the Abbey the diuine Seruice was had, and a learned Sermon was made there by [Page 1933] one Master Hopkins, the right honourable Earle of Essex his Preacher, a man of good learning and sweete vtterance, and euen there the same day, something before the Sermon was made, these worthy Gentlemen following were Knighted by the Lord Generall. And here I am to signifie by the way, that two of these were Knighted three or foure daies before, and some three or foure moe were Knighted after that time, vpon certaine occasions: but yet I hold it best (and I trust with­out offence) to recite their names in this place altogether.

  • SIr Samuel Bagnal.
  • Sir Arthur Sauage.
  • The Earle of Sussex.
  • The Lord Harbert. 10
  • The Lord Burke.
  • Count Lodowick.
  • Sir William Howard.
  • Sir George D'Eureux.
  • Sir Henry Neuel.
  • Sir Edmund Rich.
  • Sir Richard Leuen.
  • Sir Peter Egomort.
  • Sir Anthonie Ashley.
  • Sir Henry Leonard. 20
  • Sir Richard Leuison.
  • Sir Horatio Vere.
  • Sir Arthur Throckmorton.
  • Sir Miles Corbet.
  • Sir Edward Conway.
  • Sir Oliuer Lambert.
  • Sir Anthony Cooke.
  • Sir Iohn Townesend.
  • Sir Christopher Heydon.
  • Sir Francis Popham.
  • Sir Philip Woodhouse.
  • Sir Alexander Clifford.
  • Sir Maurice Barkley.
  • Sir Charles Blunt.
  • Sir George Gifford.
  • Sir Robert Crosse.
  • Sir Iames Escudamor.
  • Sir Urias Leigh.
  • Sir Iohn Leigh, alias Lee.
  • Sir Richard Weston.
  • Sir Richard Wa [...]man.
  • Sir Iames Wootton.
  • Sir Richard Ruddal.
  • Sir Robert Mansfield.
  • Sir William Mounson.
  • Sir Iohn Bowles.
  • Sir Edward Bowes.
  • Sir Humfrey Druel.
  • Sir Amias Preston.
  • Sir Robert Remington.
  • Sir Iohn Buck.
    Iune 21. 22.
  • Sir Iohn Morgan.
    27.
  • Sir Iohn Aldridg.
  • Sir Iohn Asshindon.
  • Sir Mathew Browne.
  • Sir Iohn Acton.
  • Sir Thomas Gates.
  • Sir Gilly Mericke.
  • Sir Thomas Smith.
  • Sir William Pooley.
  • Sir Thomas Palmer.
  • Sir Iohn Stafford.
  • Sir Robert Louel.
  • Sir Iohn Gylbert.
  • Sir William Haruie.
  • Sir Iohn Gray.
  • Don Christ. Prince of Portu­gall.
  • Sir Iohn Vanderfoord, Admirall of the Hollanders.
  • Sir Robert Dudley. 8. August.

Being in Cadiz, attending vpon my most honorable good Lord, I talked with certaine of the 30 Religious men, such as I found learned, whereof indeede there were some, though not very many; I talked also with the Bishop of Cusco there, a graue aged comely man, and being of late chosen to that Bishopricke, he was as then to haue gone to the Indies, had not we then taken him prisoner, and so staied his iourney for that time.

It pleased the Lords generall to deale exceeding fauourably with this said Bishop of Cusco: for it was their good pleasure to giue him his free passage without any ransome, and therewithall to let him to vnderstand, that they came not to deale with Church-men, or vnarmed men, or with men of peace, weaklings and children, neither was it any part of their meaning to make such a voyage for gold, siluer, or any other their wealth and riches, &c. But that their onely comming was 40 to meet with their dishonorable practises, and manifold iniuries, and to deale with men of war and valour, for the defence of the true honour of England; and to let them to vnderstand, that whenso­euer they attempted any base-conceited and dishonorable practise to their soueraigne Queen, their Mistresse, that it should be reuenged to the vttermost, &c.

In this meane space, while the Lords generall continued at Cadiz, there came to them certaine poore wretched Turks, to the number of eight and thirty, that had bin a long time gally-slaues, and either at the very time of the fight by Sea, or else immediately thereupon, taking the opportuni­ty, did then make their escape, and did swim to land; yeelding themselues to the mercy of their most honorable Lordships. It pleased them with all speede to apparell them, and to furnish them with mony, and all other necessaries, and to bestow on them a Barke, and a Pilot, to see them free­ly and safely conueied into Barbary. 50

The eight and twenty day being Monday, the Lord Admirall came aboord the Arke againe, minding there to remaine for a space, as indeede he did, and vpon the aduice of his Phisician, to deale something in phisicke, for that his Lordship found his body something out of frame. At that time it pleased his Lordship to write certaine letters to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, for the de­liuerance of English Captiues, who were remaining in the Gallies. For by this time, it was repor­ted, that the said Duke was come downe in person with some power, and that he was either at Port Saint Mary, or else at Rotta, or thereabout. His Lordship did indi [...]e the Letters himselfe, but his pleasure was, they should be turned into Latine by another: and so to be sent (as indeede they were) in the Latine tongue vnto the Duke. 60

The next day after, being the fourth of Iuly, the Lords generall caused the towne of Cadiz to Cadiz [...]. be set on fire, and rased and defaced so much as they could; the faire Cathedrall Church, and the Religious houses onely being spared, and left vnblemished. And with the Towne all such pro­uision, for shipping, and other things, as were seruiceable for the Realmes vse, and yet were not [Page 1934] eitherso conuenient for vs to be carried away, as else such as we stood no whit at all in neede of, were likewise at the same instant consumed with fire. And presently thereupon, their Lordships, with as conuenient speede as they could, and the whole army in such order and leisure, as they thought best, came aboord.

The next day being the fist of Iuly, the Lords generall with all the army being vnder saile, and [...] of the L Admirall his letters. now making for England, and but as yet passing the very mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, a Galley ful of English prisoners, with a flag of truce, met vs from Rotta, sent by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and sent as it should seeme, one day later then his promise: but yet their flag being either not big enough, or not well placed in the Galley, or not well discerned of our men, or by what other mischance I know not; but thus it was: by one of our smallest ships that sailed formost, as soone 10 as the said Galley came within Gunshot, there was a great Peece discharged vpon her, and at that instant there was one man slaine outright, and two other grieuously hurt. The errour being espied and perceiued, our ship gaue ouer immediately from any further shooting. As soone as the Galley came neere vs, my Lord Admirall caused a gracious salutation to be sounded with his trumpets, and willed the Captaines forthwith to come aboord his ship: which they did, and then he feasted them with a Banket, as the time and place might serue. And then by them vnder­standing of that vnfortunate mischance that had hapned by the shot of the said ship, he was very sorry for the same, and yet such was the mercifull prouidence of almighty God, that euen in this mischance also, he did hold his holy hand ouer the English; and all the harme that was done did light only vpon the poore Turke, and the Spaniard himselfe. When this Lord had well banqueted 20 them, he presently called for his Barge, and did accompany the said Galley to the Lord Generall the Earle of Essex, who then did ride with his ship a good distance off: and there they being in like manner most honorably receiued, and intertained, the Spanish Gentlemen deliuered vp their prisoners the English captiues, of whom some had bin there six yeeres, some eight or ten; yea, and some two and twenty yeeres, and vpward, and some of them but lately taken in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the Indies. The number of the prisoners deliuered were but nine and thir­ty, and no moe, and were brought in, and deliuered by Don Antonio de Corolla and his brother, and by Don Pedro de Cord [...], and certaine others.

If any man presume here so farre, as to inquire how it chanced, that the Lord Generall rested so long at Cadiz, and went no further; and why Port Saint Mary, being so faire a Towne, and 30 so neere to them, was for borne? and why Sh [...]r [...]s alias Xeres? And why Rotta, and the like? And why this or that was done? And why that, [...]or this left vndone? I will not answere him with our common English prouerbe, as I might, which is: That one foole may aske moe questions in one houre, then ten discreete men can well answere in fiue dayes. But that graue ancient wri­ter, Cornelius Tacitus, hath a wise, briefe, pithy, saying, and it is this; Nemo tentauit in­quirere in columnas Herculis, sancti [...]s (que) ac reuerentius habitum est de fact is Deorum [...]redere, quàm scire.

Also vpon my knowledge, the chiefest cause why Port Saint Mary, and the rest, were left vntouched, was this: For that it was most certainely known, that they were Townes not worth the saluting of such a royall company, in which there was no manner of wealth in the world left, 40 more then bare houses of stone, and standing wals, and might well haue serued rather as a stale, perchance, to haue entrapped, then as a meanes to haue enriched.

And thus much for our iourney to Cadiz: for the accidents that hapned by the way, for the winning, spoiling, and burning of the said Towne, for the ouerthrow of the Spanish Fleete there, and for all other by-matters that hapned, as appendances to the same, both in the time of our a­bode there, as also at the very last houre of our comming from thence. As for our returne home, and our entrance into a part of Portugall by the way, with the taking, spoiling, and burning of the Faraon burnt. Towne of Faraon there, and marching into the Spanish confines thereabouts, &c. I minde to leaue it to some other, whose chance was to be present at the action, as my selfe was not, and shall be of more sufficient ability to performe it. 50

Meteranus writeth, that the taking of Cadiz had so terrified the neighbour townes, that the Inhabitants fled out of them; and Saint Lucar had beene also very easily taken, if a few ships had assaulted it; and that eighteene Spanish ships comming from the Indies ignorant of what had hap­ned, were English at vnawares, being very wealthy. 60

CHAP. XIIII.

The Voyage to the Iles of Azores, vnder the conduct of the Right Honorable ROBERT Earle of Essex, 1597.

§. I.

The Relation thereof by the said Earle, and other Commissioners.

I The Generall, hauing by her Maiesties gracious fauour the charge of her Fleete 10 and Armie, set out of Plimmouth in Iune 1597. did both promise my selfe and giue hope to her Maiestie, that I should be able to defeate the King of Spaines Fleete, commanded by the Adelantado, if I met them at Sea, or destroy it in the harbour of Feroll, if I found them there; as also to master and take all Fleetes of treasure, or of the East or West Indian Fleete, that I should finde vpon the Sea in their way to Spaine: and lastly, that I should take in the Iland of Terçea; which I held an action of equall im­portance to the other.

With this confidence I went out, and to these ends: but none of these three being performed, it may be doubted, whether we haue not through weakenesse or negligence failed of successe. For 20 which we make answere, that if our whole carriage be examined, from the first houre to the last, it shall appeare that we haue striuen to attaine to euery one of these with as much obstinate con­stancie, as any men in the world could doe, and that onely the powerfull hand of God, did binde our hands, and frustrate all our endeuours.

The first for the enterprise of Ferel, we went out of Plimmouth the third of Iune, and stiered directly for that port, and when most extreame stormes and contrary windes met with vs, we Crossed with windes and stormes. beate it vp till all our Fleete was scattered, and many of our ships in desperate case. And because I the Generall thought my too soone giuing ouer would not onely depriue the Fleete of our prin­cipall ship, but absolutly defeate the iourney; I forced my company first to abide the continuall increasing of a most dangerous leake, which I made light of, because I saw that with labour of 30 men I could free the ship as fast as the leake did grow. Secondly, I made them endure the crak­ing of both my maine and fore mast, the one in two places, the other in three; so as we still look­ed Danger of the Admirallship. when they should be carried by the boord; which was not enough to make me beare vp, be­cause I knew whensoeuer I should loose them both, I could with iurie masts, by Gods fauour, car­ry the ship home. And I continued so long, that my ships Okam came all out, her seames opened, her deckes and vpper workes gaue way, her very timbers and maine beames with her labouring did teare like lathes; so as we looked hourely when the Orlope would fall, and the Ordnance sinke downe to the keele: then did those few, whom before I had wonne to stand with mee, all protest against me, that if I did not within a minute of an houre beare vp the helme, I did wilfully 40 cast away the ship and whole company.

Then onely I suffred my selfe to be ouercome: and when I came to Plimmouth, halfe her Maie­sties They put in to Plimmouth. ships, and more then halfe the principall officers by sea and by land were put in before mee for the extremitie their ships were in. And when we were all of vs gathered together againe at Plimmouth, and had repaired all the ships but mine owne, which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded, then were we kept in by continuall storme and contrary windes, till our victu­als (which were at first but for three moneths) were in a manner all spent, and the sicknesse in the Sicknesse. Flie boates, that carried the land armie, growne so great, that I had order from her Maiestie to discharge the land forces, all but the thousand old Souldiers, which were drawne out of the Low Order to dis­charge land forces. Countries. By which meanes, though we were disabled to land at Ferol, to beate the land Armie there, and take in the forces, which was the certaiue way to command the Adelantados Fleete; 50 yet I the Generall offered her Maiestie to send in certaine ships of fire, and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew, and some great flye-boates, and Merchants ships, with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principall shipping, and leaue all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreate. By this meanes I should ha­zard to loose but two great Cartes, which before I had won, and for the aduenturing of those de­feate the enemies whole Nauie. Which counsell being allowed, though with restraint of mine owne going in with those two ships, and an absolute barre to hazard any other, we went out the second time to put this proiect in execution.

But againe ere we could recouer the Spanish coast, the Saint Matthew, by loosing her foremast, Their [...] [...]o [...]th the se­cond [...] was put backe into England, and the Saint Andrew had lost company, till at one instant within 60 sight of the shoare of the Groine, Sir Walter Raleigh the Vice-admirall brake his maine yard, which forced him to beare along to the Westward before the winde; and I in this second ship had such a desperate leake sprang, as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our [Page 1936] owne liues, it grew still vpon vs: and when we sought by ramming downe peeces of Beefe, and Leake reme­dies. bolding linnen cloath wrong together, to stop the comming in of the water, it came in notwith­standing so strongly, as it bare downe all, and beate away euery man that stood to stop it: Then was I faine to lye by the lee, and make my company worke vpon it all night, my master Carpen­ter, the onely skilfull man I had, dying at that very instant.

And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it, the winde being easterly the Fleete was so farre shot a head, as I could not recouer the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre, Cape Finisterre where holding a Counsell, and missing Sir Walter Raleigh (who being off at Sea, had no plying sailes to get vp) missing him, I say, with thirty sailes that in the night followed his light, and hearing that the Saint Matthew, which was our principall ship for the execution of our intended 10 enterprise, was returned, and being barred to hazard any other in her place, it was by the whole Enterprise of Feroll uer­throwne. Counsell of warre concluded, that the enterprise of Ferol was ouerthrowne, both because, though the winde had serued, we wanted the ships appointed for that seruice, and if wee had had the ships, we wanted winde to get into the harbour of Ferol; for the winde blew strongly at East, which would haue bin fully in our teeth as we had plied in. And now wee onely could thinke of the intercepting of the Indian Fleete, and defeating of the Adelantado: if he had put to Sea. For to take in Terçera, our land army being discharged, we had no meanes: whereupon wee bare for the height of the Rocke; hoping there (because it was our second Rende-uous after Ferel) to meete with Sir Walter Raleigh. Into which height when I came, a message was deliuered mee from Sir The Rocke. Walter Raleigh, by one Captaine Skobbels, that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his 20 Fleete to Terçera, to waft home the West Indian Fleete of treasure, and that hee would attend mine answere off of the Burlingas; which message of Sir Walters was grounded vpon the report of the Captaine of a ship of Hampton, which did confidently deliuer it.

I the Generall there calling a Counsell, tooke a resolution, both because wee hoped to meete the Adelantado there, and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure vs that it was the likeliest course to meete with the Indian Fleete, to goe for the Ilands of the Azores. And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges, and toward the South Cape (which was our third Rende-uous, by our first appointment) to cause Sir Walter Raleigh and all others of our Fleete to follow. And South Cape. being with the Iland of Terçera, I looked into the roade of Brasil, and saw there was no Fleete; whereupon we bare alongst betwixt Saint George and Graciosa for the Island of Flores, at which Tercera. 30 we might both water and take in victuals, which in Merchants ships her Maiestie had sent after Victuals sent after them. vs: and where, if the Indian Fleete did come this yeere, they were likest to fall. But when we had spent at Flores some ten dayes, in which time Sir Walter Raleigh and his company came vnto vs, by a small Pinnace come from the Indies, I the Generall was told, that it was doubtfull whether the False aduise of a smal Pinnace comming from the Indies. Indian Fleete came from thence or not, and if they did, they would change their vsuall course, and come in some height more to the Southward, till they were past these Ilands, where vsually they are attended.

Which newes made vs resolue in Counsell to goe for Fayal, and so for Saint Michael, and to haue some nimble ships to lye off and on at Sea, both to the Southward and to the Northward. In our passage by saile, Graçiosa, and Pico, we tooke such commodities and refreshings as those I­lands 40 afforded: and in passing from them toward Saint Michael, wee were told that a great ship was discouered off of Graciosa: whereupon I the Generall gaue order to diuide and to direct the Fleete into three places: the one to stirre away East North-east, and to goe along the Northside of Terçera: the other East South-east, and to goe by the Southside of the said Iland, and both to meete in the roade of Brasil: so as if the Carackes, or West Indian Fleete should striue to recouer Terçera, they should be cut off: And the third part of the Fleete should ply to the Westward, which way it was said that the great ship stood, and so to cut it off, if it sought for the roade of Fayal: which if she were kept from, Terçera was her onely place she could put into: and one of these three wayes she must needes stand; for the winde being at North North-west, shee could not goe but one of these three courses. 50

Bvt as I had giuen this direction, there came to me a small Barke of Lime, whose Captaine did confidently assure me, that he was the man that did follow the chase, and fetched it vp, fin­ding it but a small ship of our owne Fleete: which made vs resolue to continue our former in­tended course for Saint Michael. But in this meane time, I the Generall hailing the Captaine of a Pinnace, and willing him to call to the ships of my squadron to follow my light, and those of the Viceadmirals squadron to follow his light to the Westward (which direction I did present­ly Note, Mistak­ing. after counter-mand) hee misheard, and willed some ships that were next, to stand about to the Westward: which direction, together with his not hearing of me that, which was spoken to countermand it, made foure of her Maiesties ships, the Garland, the Marie-rose, the Dread-naught, and the Rainebow, to stand off to the West all that night: of which, Sir William Mounson in the 60 Rainebowe fell in the night with the West Indian Fleete; and it being calme, went off in his Boate to make and haile them: which hee did, and made himselfe knowne vnto them: and straight rowing to his ship, hee shot off his Ordnance all night, and carried a light in his maine top: whereupon the other three of her Maiesties ships stood off with him, but could not fetch [Page 1937] vp the Spaniards till they were gotten into Tercera Road; before which, after they had striued in The Indian Fleet rec [...]uer the Rode of Tercera. vaine to get into them, they plied till my comming, which was three dayes after: for I was hard aboord the Westermost part of Saint Michaell before I heard these newes.

And then standing about, I the Generall being on head of the Fleet, met in my way with a great Ship of the Gouernour of Hanana, and a Frigate of the Spanish King, manned with the said Kings Souldiers, and another Frigate of a particular man: which three I fetched out, tooke, and Three Spanish Ships taken. manned for the safe bringing home of the Ship and goods, and fell the next night being Saturday, the of with Tercera; where finding the wind strong at Northwest, we plyed with as much saile as euer we could bear to get vp to the road of Brasil all that night. Al Sunday, and Sunday night, and till Munday morning wee could not weather the point of Brasil: which 10 when wee had done, while I the Generall gathered such of the Fleet as were neere, I sent in a Pinnace of my Lord of Cumberland, and foure or fiue of very sufficient Captaines and Masters, to see whether it were possible for vs to get vp where the Ships rode: and they brought me backe word, it was impossible. With which I being not satisfied plied in with mine owne Ship, keeping aboord with mee two or three of the principall Officers, that wee might iudge by the eye, and dispute vpon the place; and when wee were in, wee saw the bottome of the Bay (into which they were towed and warped) lay right in the eye of the wind: so as to lead it in with a sayle it was impossible, and to turne it vp would aske an whole day, if wee had scope, but both wee must vpon either boord come within a quoytes cast off their Forts, and yer our Ships would wend in so narrow a place, wee should haue beene on shoare. Which manifest discouerie, 20 and not the idle Shot of all the Forts and Ships, though they were verie liberall, made mee stand off againe.

And as it was impossible to doe any thing for the present, so when I the Generall called all the Captaines of her Maiesties Ships together, and enquired the estate of their charge, I found that some by the naughtinesse of their Caske and leakage of Beere, had not aboue two dayes, and some not one dayes drinke aboord; and that which most of vs all had did so stinke, as our men dyed Want of pro­uisions. and fell sicke continually, and all men-protested, that if wee stayed to attend change of windes, and did not instantly seeke a watering place, both men and Ships were absolutely lost. Besides we saw the Galions had beene vnladen, by their shewing their white bellies so much aboue wa­ter, and that the Merchants Ships lay all dry on shoare; so as we had abidden the extreamest ha­zard 30 of her Maiesties troupes and Ships, for the burning of a few dry vnladen Vessells.

Thus were we driuen to beare the second time with Saint Michael (our chiefe end being to water, but withall to sacke the Iland if we could land neere the principall Towne) where wee came to an anchor before Punta Delgada the chiefe Towne; and forthwith went in a little nim­ble Punta delgada in S. Michael. Boat to discouer the landing places, which we found to be exceeding dangerous. For as about all those Ilands of the Acores a Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea, so the wind then being West Southerly blew trade, and made both a great Sea gate or wash vpon the shoare, and a dangerous rode. So as besides the apparant likelihood, that our men had been all lost by the ouerturning of our Boats vpon our heads: the losse of our Boates, which could not haue beene in that place auoided, had kept vs from watering, and so had beene the manifest destruction of the 40 whole Fleet. Whereupon, I the Generall, leauing commandement of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh (because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with mee) accompanied with his Lords Ship, and all the other principall Officers and persons of qualitie in the Army, I put my selfe in the smal Ships, and towed the boats at our Sterns to seeke another smal Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward, called Punta de Galera or Galy Point, where there was a Land Punta de la Galera. Fange, and consequently a smoother landing.

But we putting off in this manner at eleuen of the clocke at night, I the Generall in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh, called the Guiana, wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompa­ny me, & the Aduenturers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay; but so dangerously as wee were put from our 50 anchor, and had like to haue beene cast away: all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very They land nee▪ Villa Franca. farre. The next morning at the breake of the day, being driuen as low as Uilla Franca, and there finding a good landing place, wee set our troups on shoare; where wee found (besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troupes) a better watering place, and a safer rode then any other that was about that Iland. Which, together with the impossibilitie of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply backe againe fiue leagues against the wind, and to meet vs that should haue marched by land, and they seeing of many of the Queens principal ships driuen from their anchors about, and come to Villa Franca: These accidents, I say, made vs to resolue to draw all the Fleet to one place, and there to water with all possible diligence.

And wee being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride, the wind growing more October the fifteenth. 60 Southerly, as on Sunday the fifteenth of October, wee re-imbarked all our men; the Masters of the Ships hauing before protested, that if they were put from their anchors, as hourely they looked to bee, that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be seuered for this whole Win­ter: So as to haue hazarded her Maiesties honour, and so many gallant men, for that which was [Page 1938] neuer any of our ends, had beene as vnwise as it was vnsafe; and if the counsell of retyring were good, the manner of it was without taxation: for wee imbarked first of all our idle persons, se­condly Their returne. our aduenterours, and the old Companies one after another; and when wee had but three hundred and fiftie men on shore, the enemy marching in sight of our Guards, we went out to meet him, and stood two houres readie to fight with the whole Forces of the Iland, till at last they re­tired out of sight. Thus left wee that Iland, the principall Commanders by Land and Sea stay­ing to bring off the last man. In this meane time, while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca, and the Fleet at Punta Delgada, there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man. The Carack presently ran her selfe on the Rocks; and after her men had saued themselues, the last set A Carack ran her selfe on the Rocks. A Ship of Bra­sil taken. her on fire with all the goods in her, to auoid her being taken. Which Sir Walter Raleigh and 10 those with him could not possibly auoid. The Brasil man was taken, and the Ship being found leakie, the goods were taken out and put into English Ships.

And now wee haue giuen account of all our whole carriage vntill we bare for England. If our comming home scattering be obiected, wee must plead the violence of stormes, against which no fore directions, nor present industry can preuaile. Wee must conclude with this, That as wee would haue acknowledged that wee had done but our duties, if we had defeated the Adelantado, interpreted the Feet of Treasure, and conquered the Ilands of the Açores: So wee hauing failed of nothing that God gaue vs meanes to doe; wee hoped her Maiestie will thinke our painfull dayes, carefull nights, euill diet, and many hazards deserue not now to be measured by the euent. the like honourable and iust construction wee promise our selues at the hands of all my Lords. As 20 for others, that haue set warme at home and descant vpon vs, wee know they lacked strength to performe more, and beleeue they lacke courage to aduenture so much,

Signed
  • ESSEX.
  • Thomas Howard.
  • Ch: Mountioy.
    Charles.
  • Walter Raleigh.
  • Fran: Vere.
  • Antony Sherley.
  • Christ: Blunt.

§. II. 30

A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage, written by Sir ARTHVR GORGES Knight, collected in the Queenes Ship called the Wast Spite, wherein he was then Captaine; with Marine and Martiall Discourses added ac­cording to the Occurrences.

THese Iles of the Asores Of these Ilands see be­fore Linschotens obseruations: to which I haue added this Authors description, as containing somwhat ther­in omitted. This booke was written A. 1607. and dedicated to that great hope of Great Bri­taine, Prince Henry, the E­pistle to him and the Pre­face I haue o­mitted in re­gard of our long volume. I haue not ad­ded a word of mine, but the Title and Marginall Notes; nor defalked any of the Authors (after my wont in others, not to make their writings mine, but [...]hine, 60 the tediousnesse in so often repetitions by often relators, and the superfluities being such as would deterre the Reader:) The Dis­courses I haue vsually put in another letter, to distinguish them from the History; the one the Eyes obseruations, the other the Minds and both worthy both thine eyes and minds best obseruation. Hee added also Notes touching the Na [...]e Royall, which are worthy the noting, but perhaps not to be permitted to euery vulgar and notelesse eye. Sometim [...] veritas [...]; Paines may cause paines, and busie labour may reap the reward of a busie body. I am loth to buy repentance, are situate in the Atlantike or Westerne Ocean, and doe stand betweene 37. and 40. degrees, and distant from England 400. leagues. They are in num­ber nine, namely Saint Maries, Saint Michaels, The Tercera, Gratiosa, S. Georges, Pykes Fayall, Flores, and Guerno.

This name of Asores was giuen vnto these Ilands by the Portugues, of a kind of Hawkes called, 40 by them Asores (which wee name Goshawkes, and the Latines Accipitres) whereof there did breed great store in those Iles: But Ortellius sets downe this name to bee so giuen of the French word Essorer, which signifieth, to dry or wither, but yeeldeth no reason withall for that Etimo­logy. The Netherlanders doe call them the Flemish Ilands, challenging that they were first disco­uered by the Merchans of Bridges, who found them meerely vn-inhabited, abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees, whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them. And after­terwards in processe of time they yeelded themselues Subiects to the Portugues, who since did in­habite and gouerne there, so as now with them they are fallen vnder the power of the Spanish vsurpation. 50

Amongst these Ilands the Tercera is the chiefe, but is so called by the Spaniards, because it heth the third Iland distant from the Coast of Spaine. It is plentifull of Fruit and Corne, and hath some Vines growing in it. The Inhabitants doe make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth, which growes there in great plentie: The chiefe Towne in that Iland is called Angra, and hath thereunto a very strong Fortresse, called Brazill, and vnder it a Roade for shipping to ride, but an Hauen or safe Port for all weathers, there is not one amongst these nine Ilands.

The Pike is so called of a sharpe Mountaine, rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or seuen miles in circuit at the foot; fashioned it is vpward like an Hiue, and the top ther­of most commonly to be discerned within and aboue the clouds. This Mountaine hath in it (by [Page 1939] report) many great hollow Caues and deepe Vaults, and it is credibly reported, that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparkes of fire, as doth the Mountaine Aetna. Also at the bottome of this Mountain, towards the East, there is a great Spring of Fresh-water, which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence, and of the number and bignesse of the stones that are throwne out by the force and source of this Spring, and what huge workes they make of the multitudes of them, they confidently doe tell strange wonders, which I will neither affirme nor deny, but leaue indifferent to credit as men list.

Fayall is so called of Faya, which in the Portugues signifieth a Beech Tree, wherewith that Iland Fayall. is said to abound. But yet I saw there more store of Iuniper and Cedar, then of any other Wood or Timber. For Aire and Soyle, it is as pleasant and fruitfull, as any of the other Ilands, and in it are some fiue Townes with many pretie Villages: and in this Iland there are yet remaining cer­taine 10 families of the Flemish race. Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulnesse of the Soyle Gratiosa. and pleasant temper of the Ayre. Flores, of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it. Cueruo, of Flores. Cueruo. the multitude of Rauens and Crowes breeding therein. And that Iland doth also breed Horses. Saint Maries, Saint Georges, and Saint Michaels, were so called of those Saints names, vpon whose S. Maries, &c. dayes they were first discouered; for such is the custome of many Nauigators, and especially of the Spaniards and Portugues, so to call those Landes that they first make by the Saints day and name wherein they are discouered. And these three Ilands for temper and fruitfulnesse are sute­able with the others: But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all, Tercera the strongest, and Saint Maries the neerest to the Coast of Spaine. 20

But now as wee come neerer to our intended purpose, for the better vnderstanding thereof, I thinke it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speake of the chiefe Commanders, as well by Sea as by Land, and also of the number of our Ships and Souldiers, together with the proiect and designe of that iourney then vndertaken for the seruice of her late Maiestie, and the Honour of our Nation.

It is therefore to be vnderstood, that Robert Deuereux, late Earle of Essex, Master of the Horse Commanders names and chiefe officers. and Ordnance, and Knight of the Garter: First commanded in chiefe, as well Admirall of the Nauie by Sea, as Generall of the Armie by Land. His Vice-Admirall was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order, and second Sonne to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolke, a No­bleman much honoured and beloued, and of great experience in Sea seruice. His Reare-Admirall 30 was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight, Captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and Lieftenant of Cornwall. For the Land seruice, his Leiftenant Generall was Sir Charles Blunt, Lord Mountioy, Knight of the Garter, Gouernour of Portsmouth, and a man in high fauour with her late Maiestie. His Marshall of the Field was Sir Frauncis Vere Knight, a great Souldier, and Coronell Generall of the English Forces in the Low-Countries. The Master of the Ordnance, Sir George Carew Knight, Leiftenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdome of England. His Sergeant Maior, Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight, Gouernour of the Forts of Plimouth. The Coronell Gene­rall of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight: The Treasurer of the Armie Sir Hugh Biston Knight, one of her Maiesties Receiuers Generall in the Principalities of Walles, with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea, now too long to rehearse. 40 And yet of all the Noblemen I will as neere as I can record their names particularly; but craue pardon if I faile in the precedencie of their places.

The Earles of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton, the Lord Howard, the Lord Audley, the Lord Noblemen imployed in this seruice. Gray, the Lord Mountioy, the Lord Rich, and the Lord Cromwell. But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could neuer come to the knowledge of, much lesse can I mar­shall them orderly in this discourse. And therefore I will passe to the number of the Ships in gene­rall, and therein name some particulars of the chiefe and principall Vessells of the Royall Nauie, with their Captaines.

The whole Nauie (which was diuided into three Squadrons, viz. The Admirall his Squadron; The Nauie consisting of three Squa­drons and 120. saile The Queenes ships and their Captaines. The Vice-Admirall his Squadron, and the Reare-Admirall his Squadron) consisted of 120. 50 sayle, or thereabout; whereof sixtie were good men of Warre and gallant Ships, the rest Victu­allers, and Ships of Transportation. Of her Maiesties owne Ships the number was eighteene or nineteene, and these were their names. The Merhoneur Admirall, whereof Sir Robert Mans­field was Captaine: The Due Repulse Vice-Admirall, whereof Master Middleton was Captaine: The Wast Spite Reare-Admirall, whereof my selfe was Captaine: The Garland the Earle of Sou­thampton commanded: The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped, had for Captaine Sir Amias Preston: The Saint Mathew to Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance: The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Marshall, whose Captaine was M. Iohn Winter: The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captaine of: The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captaine of: The Bo­nouenture Sir William Haruey was Captaine of: The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauis [...]r was Captain of: 60 The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captaine of: The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of: The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply. The Hope, whereof was Captain The Foresight, whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captaine: The Saint Andrew, whereof Master Mar­cellus Throckmorton was Captain: The Tramontana, whereof young Master Fenner was Captain: [Page 1940] The Moone, whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captaine. Besides that there were some other of her Maiesties small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet.

The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London, and other Port-Townes The rest of the Fleet. of the Kingdome, with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Aduenturers in this Voyage. There were also added to this Nauie tenne sayle of good men of Warre, sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Maiesties Fleet in this seruice, vnder the conduct of one Mounsier de Duneincorde, well manned and furnished. Ten Hollanders

The Land Army (besides Saylers that might be afforded and spared vpon occasion of landing) Land-Army. consisted of six thousand able men well appointed, with ten Peeces of Artillery for the Field and Battery, with all necessary Vtensils fit for them. The proportion of victuals was for four months 10 at large allowance, & double apparell both for Souldier's and Mariners. In this Armie there went Knights, Captaines, and Gentlemen, voluntaries fiue hundred at the least; as gallant parsonages, Fiue hundred Voluntaries gallantly fur­nished. The designe. and as brauely furnished, as euer the eye of men did behold. The list of whose names I did seri­ously inquire after, thereby to doe them right, but could by no meanes compasse it.

The end and purpose of this great Preparation was, to the taking in of most of those Ilands, and especi­ally of the winning of the Tercera it selfe, the which was resolued to haue beene attempted by vs, with the other Ilands and Holds of importance, and in some of them to haue placed strong Garrisons, if it had plea­sed God to haue prospered the iourney with happy successe: But in the very beginning with long contrary winds, and extremitie of foule weather, the maine plot and ground of this enterprise was hindred and maimed, as hereafter more at large shallbe related in his due place. But this intended iourney for the sur­prising 20 and holding of the Tercera alone, if it had taken effect (without any further respect to the other Intent for Tercera. Ilands, then onely to haue sacked them and rased those Fortresses they haue) had beene a seruice of great consequence for vs, and as preiudiciall to the King of Spaine, as any action that was euer vndertaken a­gainst him, since the reuolt of the Low-Countries; The which, to set downe in particular, would require more ample discourse, then either my leasure, or my memory can suddenly afford. But what great vse and benefit both the Portugues did, and the Spaniards doe make of these Ilands is in daily experience. And as for that bare Allegation, how difficult and inconuenient it would bee for vs to hold a peece so farre off: men of Warre in their true iudgements would easily answere. For as well it might be demanded, how the Forts are held in the East Indies by the poore Portugues against mightie Nations, and yet so farre remote from Christendome: And how Rhodes and Cyprus were heretofore long kept in despite of the Turke 30 in his very bosome. And how the Spaniards of late haue kept certaine places in Britaine, and Amyens, and Callice in Picardie, [...]ang [...] the force of France, and neuer quitted them but by composition: And God knowes how long Don Iohn D'Lag [...] would haue kept Kinsale and Beare Castle, if these had bin places halfe s [...] terrible, as those of the Tercera; or but the fouth part so remote from vs, as the Tercera is from Spaine. Undoubtedly their industry and patience is far beyond ours, both in getting and holding matters of more difficultie. But vaine it is to set a price of the Beares skin before hee be slaine; although I am verily perswaded, that the contrary winds onely lost vs both that, and all the King of Spaine his trea­sure that came that yeere to the Tercera. For the iourney was carried with as great secrecie, expedition, and Royall preparation, as euer was any these many yeeres, [...]d they on the contrary as slenderly prouided, and little doubting any such attempt. When all things were thus ordered, and wee furnished of 40 our necessaries after some few daies abode in Sandwich for the meeting, mustering, and imbarking of our Land Army, about the fiue and twentieth of Iune, in the yeere 1597. we set saile from the Downes, and within threedayes with skant winds recouered Portland Rhode, where we ancored and staied some six or seuen dayes, taking in men and victualls at Waymouth, and thence we made Portland. for Plimouth, where wee were to take in our freshwater, much of our prouisions, and most Plimouth. of our Mariners; besides that this place was appointed the very randeuous for the knit­ting vp and dispatch of this Voyage: whether in a day and a nights sayle wee came, but with ve­ry extreme foule weather. Insomuch that euen in the entrance of the very Harbour, many of our Ships falling foule one of another were sorely distressed. The Lord Mountioy his Ship the Defi­ance, had her Beake head stricken cleane off; and the Saint Mathew (being a Spanish Ship of great 50 charge, very leeward and drawing much water) had like in the tempest to haue runne her selfe vpon the Rocks, had not her Captaine Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance, beene very re­solute and carefull in that extremitie, when a great part of his Souldiers and Saylers would haue abandoned her, and betaken themselues to their Ship-boats, to shun the iminent perill that threatned them: which he staied to the preseruation of the Ship and the company. Moreouer a Flee-boat of our Traine, who had in her fortie Last of Powder was likewise bulged, and all the store had beene vtterly lost, had not the Master of the Ordnance with like care and diligence be­stirred himselfe to saue all that hee might, who with the aid of many Ship-boats, as the Flee-boat was sinking, saued the greatest part of her lading. Yet notwithstanding seuenteen Lasts of Pow­der was vtterly spoiled with the Salt-water, as I heard the Master of the Ordnance him­selfe 60 affirme.

Thus with great difficultie wee arriued at Plimouth, where within six or seuen daies our whole Army and Nauie met, and withall the shipping of the Low-Countries came to vs. And soone after hauing watered and taken in all our prouisions and Marinrs, and mustered our men, we imbarked [Page 1941] our Army, and set sayle about the ninth of Iuly, and for two dayes space were accompanied with a faire leading North-easterly wind. In which time we receiued a ship-board all our directions Set saile. throughout the Nauie, with such orders and instructions as are vsually set downe by an Admi­rall, and a Counsell of Warre, together with the places of meeting from time to time vpon any Instructions for the voyage and instructi­ons touching instructions. occasions of separations by stormes, by fight, by giuing chase, or any other accidents. This order of deliuering directions when a Fleet is a Sea-boord, and not before, is an vse grounded vpon many good reasons: as to auoid the reuealing of secret plots, and the preuention of sudden execution. As also to shun the discouraging of diuers that doe often expose themselues and their aduentures to Sea actions, either for loue to the Commanders, or out of hope of Purchase, or, for many other respects, which perhaps they would not doe if they knew indeed either the danger, or the true ends of some preparations. And this se­cret manner of proceeding hath bin often vsed by Philip the late king of Spain, in diuers great expeditions, 10 who hath beene s [...] precise and seuere therein, as that oftentimes the Admiralls of his Fleet themselues haue not knowne their instructions, nor beene suffered to open them, vntill they haue beene thirtie or fortie leagues on their way. Wee now being in this faire course, some sixtie leagues onwards our iourney with our whole Fleet together, there suddenly arose a fierce and tempestuous storme full in our Storme. teeths, continuing for foure dayes with so great violence, as that now euery one was inforced ra­ther to looke to his owne safetie, and with a low saile to serue the Seas, then to beat it vp against the stormy winds to keepe together, or to follow the directions for the places of meeting. And here some began to taste the inconuenience and perill of high Cargued Ships drawing little wa­ter, Perill of high cargued & of weake ships. and ouercharged with mightie Ordnance in a furious high wrought Sea: And now also o­thers found and felt the mischiefe of weake built Vessells, and of rotten Tackle. For this extrea­mitie 20 of weather was so great, as that wee were all one after another forced backe againe, some into Plimouth, and diuers into other Harbours on that Coast, so extreamely shaken and beaten, as that the Admirall was in danger to haue foundred in the Sea, hauing many leaks broken out vpon him, and his mid-ship beame shiuered in sunder. And yet (as wee vnderstood after) some three or foure of the formost of our Fleet (whereof the Earle of Southampton in the Garland was said Returne to Plimouth. to be one) did recouer [...]ight of the North-Cape, but yet forced to returne againe to Plimouth. And many of our Gentlemen and Knights, with this boysterous and bitter entertainment on the Seas, returned extreame weake and lay dangerously sicke long after: Insomuch that some of them dyed thereof at Plimouth, and were there honourably buried by the Generall. Some also were so Great sicknesse much weakened and distempered, as that they were not able to recouer strength to put to the 30 Seas againe, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges our Sergeant Maior, in whose place our Generall did appoint Sir A. Sherly placed in roome of Sir F. Gorges. Sir Anthony Sherly; and Sir Carew Reignalls Captaine of the Foresight, so seuerely weakned with Seas sicknesse, as that his charge was deliuered ouer to Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, a very forward and gallant young Gentleman, who (not long after) was slaine in the Warres of Ireland, with Sir Con­niers Clifford Gouernour of Connaugh. And amongst others in the beginning of this bitter storme, Sir Alexander Ratcliffe. The Treasure [...] his ominous departure. our Treasurer Sir Hugh Biston was also so extreamely afflicted with Sea sicknesse, and in so great hazard of life, as that out of the Wastspite (wherein he was shipped) he was imbarked into a Car­uell of our traine to returne for England, seeing his weake body vnable to vndergoe the resoluti­on of his mind. And I thinke this losing of our Treasurer in the beginning, was an ominous pre­sage of the losse of the infinite Treasures, which afterward so vnluckily past by and escaped vs. 40

Wee being thus with contrary winds, and extreamitie of weather beaten backe into seuerall Hauens, and yet at last meeting at Plimouth (except some few Ships of transportation, that were driuen vpon the Coasts of France, Wales, and Ireland, with some of our Bands of Souldiers) we fell to repairing of our Ships, and to amend those inperfections which the Seas and stormes had dis­couered. But withall were inforced to abate a great part of the first proportion of our Armie, as well through the defects of the Admirall his Ships, and others, as also for the waste and expence which wee had made of our drinke and victuals by the leaking of the Caske, and by the abun­dance of Salt-water, which was taken in during the storme, to the wetting and spoyling of many of our prouisions. Besides that, much of our beare aboard those Victuallers that followed our Fleet with diuers other prouisions, was very vile and vnsauoury of it selfe, by the great abuse of 50 the Victuallers and London Brewers, as well for the carelesse brewing, as for the vnseasonable Brewers [...] stinking Caske which they deliuer, a fault much vsed among them, and too much tolerated, con­sidering the infinite ra [...]e and gaines they make of selling Thames water, beyond all good order and proportion. But as God would, at that instant when wee had discharged our Ships of that vnseruiceable poisonous drinke, there came very happily into Plimouth for a supply, a tall prize A Prize. laden with Spanish Canary Wines, which was distributed amongst the Fleet to make Beuerage. And in this sort vsing all industry and diligence for the setting af [...]ote of our storme-beaten Nauie, wee so fitted our selues againe within eight or ten dayes, as that wee were readie for a new for­tune. But yet this violent and dangerous tempest had so cooled and battered the courages of a great many of our voung Gentlemen (who seeing that the boysterous winds and mercilesse 60 Seas, had neither affinitie with London delicacie, nor Court brauery) as that discharging their high Stormy Winds and [...] as arg [...]e not with deli­cacy & brauery Plumes, and imbroydered Cassockes, they secretly retired themselues home, forgetting either to bid their friends farewell, or to take leaue of their Generall. And here by the way, a little to digresse, [Page 1942] I thinke it not amisse iustly to reprehend and taxe our Nation, for their vnproper and vaine manner of going to the Warres, and especially those that had neuer seene seruice. For bee hee poore or rich when hee Aduice for Gallants. first prepares to goe to serue, hee will take more care, and be at more cost to prouide himselfe of a roysting Feather, and a [...]lynckant Coat, then to bee furnished either of fit Armes, or of necessary clothing to keepe out wet and cold: whereby they come both to the Sea and Field seruice, rather like Maskers then Souldi­ers, as men apter to bring spoyles for the Enemy, then to conquer or win honour from him. And yet at the last, the wanting of their needfull habiliments in times of extreamitie, doth make them truly to finde their owne errour and superfluous vanitie in those idle and fruitlesse toyes: whereof I could wish a reformation, as well for the bettering of our seruice, as also for abating such needlesse expences. Such were the garish troupes and gilded Armies of Darius, abounding in pompe and delicacy: whose millions of effeminate 10 Persians were euer dispersed and defeated by handfulls of the poore and hardie Macedonians. So were the steele edged Souldiers of that renowned Hanniball, metamorphosed into Cowardise and Sloth, after they had once relished the pride and delicacies of Capua, for their conquests euer after declined. So was also that famous M. Anthonius ouerthrowne and vanquished, when he left the strict martiall discipline of his owne victorious Countrey, and fashioned his Forces according to the brauery and luxury of Egypt, to obserue the humour of Cleopatra, who had vtterly corrupted and weakned the courage both of him and his legions, with vanities, excesse, and idlenesse. And such in our dayes were the glorious glistring French troupes led by the Duke of Ioyeuse, being for the most part compounded of the gallant Courtiers and dan­cing Minions of Henry the Third French King of that name, but beaten and ouerthrowne at the Battell of Couttras, by the valiant King of Nauarr, and an handfull of his poore Hugonotes (as they then ter­med 20 them.) Farre otherwise was the wont and manner of those worthy Romans, that by their wisdome and valour made themselues famous, and Lords ouer the World, whose glorious examples wee doe more willingly read then follow. They going a warfare departed Rome in obedience and strictnesse of Martiall discipline, in s [...]bri [...]tie of diet and attire, fitted with Armes, like men that knew that Iron and Steele were mastring mettalls ouer Gold and Siluer, and hauing atchieued and performed their enterprises, returned then home in triumph, in glory, and in pride, shining in the spoyles and riches of their vanquished Enemies, and adorned with as much sumptuousnesse as they could get, brauing therein their conquered Foes, and set­ting to the shew of the world the fruits of their Ualour and Trauailes. Whereas wee for the most part con­trariwise going out brauely, and returning home againe beggarly, leaue no other testimony nor records of our Enterprises and Victories, either to the liuing or to posteritie, then the Merchants bookes wherin we are 30 deep plunged, euen to the morgage or sale of our Inheritance, to conuert the true honor of Souldery into effe­minate Note. pompe and delicacy. But now to the matter: We hauing in this Fort repaired and supplied the defects of our weather beaten Nauie, onely attended the fauour of the winds; wherein it seemed the heauens were vtter enemies to our designes. For during the space of an whole moneth toge­ther (after wee were againe readie) the weather stood flat opposite to our course, insomuch that Still crossed. wee were not able to worke our selues out of the Harbour. And in this consumption of Time we lost the best season of the yeere for our purpose, and also greatly decayed our victualls and prouisi­ons; besides the number of our Souldiers and Mariners that daily diminished. And about this time the Lord Rich finding himselfe (as many others did) altogether vnable to indure the incon­ueniences of the Seas in a long and toilesome voyage, tooke his leaue of our Generall, and gaue o­uer Lord Rich de­parteth. 40 the iourney. In this extreamitie of contrary windes and crosse fortunes (against which the policie and power of man could not preuaile) our Generall, with the aduice of his counsell resol­ued vpon some other course, and to fashion his enterprises according to opportunitie, and the pro­portion of the meanes that remained. And thereupon cashing the greatest part of his Land Ar­mie, hee onely retained one thousand of the best Souldiers (as was thought) most of them being Companies brought out of the Low-Countries: And also at that time hee discharged diuers of the Land Army cashed. smaller Ships, and many of the Victuallers, taking out of them such prouisions and store as remai­ned to supply that which was spent, and to lengthen out the time for those lesser numbers that were to be imployed. And whilest these things were thus altering and ordering, and committed to the care and charge of discreet Officers: Our Admirall himselfe, with his Reare-Admirall re­solued 50 to ride post to the Court, to receiue further directions or approbation in that he intended for her Maiestie, and the Lords of the Councell. Leauing the charge both of the Nauie and Soul­diers in his absence, with the Lord Thomas Howard his Vice-Admirall, and the Lord Mountioy his Leiftenant Generall by Land whom hee authorised, together with the Counsell of Warre, to marshall those affaires as occasion required. Here by it may be easily coniectured what it is for men Sea-actions require a Prin­ces purse. to vndertake Sea-actions, that haue not great meanes to follow the same, with prouisions and allowance of superfluitie to meet with lets and misaduentures, and not to depend on the bare ordinary prouisions of a set proportion. For by this great crosse of ours, wee may well take knowledge how vncertaine and difficult it is to set out and prepare a Sea Army, except it bee on the purse and defraies of a Prince, able and willing to supply the expences and hinderances of such wast and accidents, as doe many times happen 60 by want of windes when all things else are in readinesse, wherein oftentimes the ouerslipping, and not taking of six houres aduantage of winde when it hath serued, hath ouerthrowne a Uoyage. And it hath to my knowledge so fallen out, that some Ships that haue taken a present gale of a day, by the be­nefit Small time great losse. thereof haue performed their Uoyage, and returning againe into the Harbour, finding others of [Page 1943] their consorts bound for the same place, and ready at the same time, still sticking fast at ancor; by leesing the same opportunitie.

In this absence of our Generall at the Court, there fell out such extreame stormy weather, as that it greatly troubled and puzled our Ships, both in Plimouth Road, and in the Cat Water, in­somuch that many of their ancors came home, and a Ship of the Reare-Admiralls, of three hundred Tunnes, called the Roe-buck, draue a ground and bulged her selfe, and so became Harmes by stormes. vnseruiceable for that iourney, although much paines and care was taken of all hands, and spe­cially by our Vice-Admirall himselfe in his owne person, to haue preserued her. During all this time of our abode in Plimouth, (which was some six or seuen weekes) we neither found ey­ther want or dearth of any manner of victualls, either in the Towne, where our Mariners were Good order for prouisions at Plimouth. daily resident, or in the Countrey, where the Land Army was quartered; nor yet that extreame 10 manner of inhaunsing the prices of all things vsed in London, and in other places of the Realme, vpon the extraordinary assembling of any such great troupes. And withall it is strange to see, how happily that poore corner of England, doth often receiue and sustaine so many Armies and Fleets, as doe there many times meet, without any of those inconueniences or alterations, that vpon the like occasion are found, in many other more rich and fruitfull parts of the Kingdome.

Our Generall (as is aforesaid) hauing spent now sixe or seuen dayes in that iourney to the Court, returned with a resolution to continue the voyage to the Seas, and there (as intelligence fell out) to follow the best courses in spending the rest of the Summer, and the remainder of his victualls; all sorts being very sorry, that so great preparations should haue vtterly q [...]ailed 20 without effecting, or attempting something of worth. Wee therefore now proposed to our selues, that by tarrying out till the last of October, (for the which time we were victualled after the Land Army was discharged) wee might range the Coast of Spaine, and so doe seruice in some of the Kings shipping, or else lying in the height betweene the Rocke and the South Cape, wee might intercept some Indian Fleet or Carrackes, either outwards or homeward s bound, or at the least wee might meete and fight with the Adelantado, who was then saide to bee preparing of a Fleet, and ready to put to the Seas. Besides there was a brute giuen out, tha [...] our Generall meant to attempt the Groyne or Ferrall, and there to distresse some of the Kings shipping that lay in the Harbour. But whatsoeuer pretences and speeches were giuen out for that matter; both our Generall, and the wisest of his Counsell of Warre, did well enough know [...], 30 that the Groyne or Ferrall were then no morsells fit for our mouthes, our Forces being so abated, and those places so well warned and prouided for, by our long delayes and impediments, besides there was no likelihood; that wee would euer ingage so many of her Maiesties best Ships, within the circuit and mercy of those Harbours, vpon so great disaduantage and hazard, as they must haue ad­ [...]entured in doing any good on any of them, as they were then furnished. But wee daily see that it is Preten [...]e [...]. the manuer and fashion of great Estates and Commaunders in the [...]ars, to giue out and pretend many things, that indeed they intend not, as well to make their names the more famous and terrible, as also many times to amaze the world with false Alarums, thereby either to hold their true purposes the more secret, or at least to giue them the better speed and passage, by diuerting the Enemyes. 40 A custome neither new nor vsuall: and therefore not repeated as any extraordinary obseruation. I [...] this sort all things being ordered and repaired, and our Generall returned with full Commis­sion and resolution to proceed: his Lordship in stead of the Merehoneur (which was so weakened and disabled, as that shee could not goe forth againe this iourney) shipped himselfe in the Dewrepulse, which was Vice-Admirall, and our Vice-Admirall tooke vnto himselfe the Lyon, in liew of the other. And on Wednesday, being the seuenteenth of August, 1597. a little be­fore sunne setting, wee wayed our Ancors, and set sayle, but with much labour got out of Pli­mouth Road, being forced to vse our Two-boates, to set vs cleere of the Harbour, the winde being somewhat slacke and scant. Notwithstanding, afterwards a sea-boord, wee finding the weather more fa [...]ourable, held our course for the North cape, and the three and twentieth of August, wee fell athwart the Bay of Alchasher, and at last bare full in with it. The which Bay of Alch­sher. course, the Master of our Ship (called Broadebant) much disliked, thinking it very inconuenient 50 and perillous for so great a Fleet, so wilfully to be imbayed vpon an Enemies Coast, but yet fol­lowed the Generalls course.

The foure and twentieth of the same moneth, being Bartholmew day, wee met a soule storme in that Bay, most extreamly violent for the time, but lasted not aboue fiue or sixe houres. In which storme the S. Matthew, whereof Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance, was Captaine S. Matth [...]w distressed. two houres before day falling into an head Sea, hauing her Spright-sayle out, brake ouer-boord her Bolt-spright, and Fore-mast close to the Partners, which for the Ships safetie was cut from her side: In the Fore-top foure Mariners were drowned, keeping their watch there, and the fall 60 of the Masts broke two Ancors, and carried the third into the Sea, vpon which disaster (ac­cording to the manner of the Sea) some Ordnance was discharged, and many Lanternes hanged vpon the shrowdes, to giue notice of her distresse in the night. But after day light, the Gar­land (whereof the Earle of Southampton was Captaine) drew neere to her succour, who beholding [Page 1944] with griefe, the miserable estate that this Ship was in, and likely to bee worse, for that her Mayne Mast, with the Ships rowling had loosened it selfe in the Partners, and in danger to breake in the step (which if it had done, it would presently haue sunke her.) The Earle, though hee was not able to take all the men out of her, into his owne Ship, being in number about seuen hundred persons, yet hee was desirous and carefull to preserue as many as hee might. And to that end sent his Pinnace to Sir George Carew, praying him, and as many as hee would Sir George Ca­rews resolution select of his Company to come vnto him: which noble offer of his Lordship, the Master of the Ordnance (as hee had reason) thanfully receiued: but hauing a more tender care of the losse of his Honour, then of the hazard of his life, would not forsake the Ship, but made election rather, to run the fortune of the rest of his company, then to prouide for the 10 particular safetie of himselfe, and some other Captaines, and Gentleman of good qualitie, whereof hee had store. This answere, being returned, the Earle was yet vnsatisfied, and being desirous to saue as many as his Ship could well receiue, and especially those of the better sort, sent his Pinnace to the Saint Matthew againe, perswading them not wilful­ly to lose themselues. But the Captaine perseuered in his former resolution; and when some gallant men of his company would gladly haue taken the Earles offer, and haue left their consorts to their fortune, Sir George Carew would in no wise suffer a man to de­part, because it should bee no discomfort to the rest, but openly protested, that both hee, they, and the Ship, would altogether runne on fortune. Whereupon the Earle, seeing that his staying longer with the Saint Matthew, could in no sort giue her men reliefe, and fearing by stay­ing 20 too long, to be farre ingaged in the Bay of Alchasher, and to loose his Admirall, followed the Fleet.

These braue resolutions haue beene also vsed heretofore oftentimes, by such as haue comman­ded in the Royall Ships, and sometimes by the Admiralls themselues. And it is well knowne to many Sea-men liuing at this day, that Edward, Earle of Lincolne, High Admirall of England, a valiant man, and worthy Gentleman, in the time of Queene Elizabeth, being in seruice on the Ed. E. of Lin­colne High Admirall. Narrow Seas, with her Royall Nauie, chanced in a tempest to fall with his Ship athwart a sand, whereby shee was in great danger to bee bulged and lost; whereupon the Captaine and Master of the Ship, perswaded him in that extreamitie and danger, to take the benefit of his Pinnace, and saue him­selfe aboord the next of the Fleet. But the Earle, according to his honourable mind, openly vowed 30 and protested, that no danger should cause him to leaue his company in distresse, that for his loue had followed him to the Seas: Besides, said hee, I honour the Queene my Mistresse so much, to bring her word that I haue saued my selfe, and lost her Ship: and therefore let vs do our best to saue altogether; for at this banquet wee will all drinke of one cup. Where [...]n, as hee gaue himselfe great glory and reputation. so it see­med, Audaces fortu­ [...] [...]at. that fortune fauoured his vertue and courage; for in the end, with diligence and labour be­yond all hope, the Ship came safe off. These extreamities and hazards on the Sea, bring to my minde an accident worthy the relating, and a piece of seruice not vnprofitable for Sea-men in like cases to bee ob­serued; and this it is. In the Queenes raigne, about the time that the Pope and the King of Spaine, sent forces into Ireland to ayd the Earle of Desmond, who then rebelled in Munster, there was sent to the Seas a Fleet of her Maiesties Ships, whereof Sir Iohn Parrot was Admirall; in the Sir Iohn Parrot. Sir W. Gorges. 40 Reuenge, and Sir William Gorges, my Father, in the Dread-naught Vice-Admirall; who when they had performed their seruice on the Coast of Ireland, and other places, in their returne home­wards, the Vice-Admirall chanced to take an English Priate, whose name was Deriuall, a very vali­ant and skilfull Mariner. This Deriuall, the Admirall tooke aboord his owne Ship, and kept him D [...]riuall a Pirat, be [...]ter Mari­ner then man. prisoner in the Bilbowes. But so it fortuned, that a great storme arising in the Narrow Seas, the Fleet was scattered, and Sir Iohn Parrats Shippe ranne vpon a Sand, where, a good time shee did dangerously beate, hauing strucken all his Sayles, and with euery Billow was like to bee bulged. And in this desperate extremitie they saw no other way left, but how they might with Boates, and Rafts saue the men, and forsake the Shippe; some being of one opinion, and some of another, as hope or despaire led them. This Deriuall being then prisoner in the Bilbowes, sent word to [...]he Ad­mirall, 50 that hee knew well the lying of that Land, and would direct them a way how to saue the Ship and all the company, if hee would promise him on his Faith, and Honour, to get his Par­don when hee came home in recompence thereof. The Admirall willingly accepted the proffer, and in­gaged his Faith for the performance of his demand, and taking him out of the Bilbowes, bad him be stir himselfe. Whereunto Deriuall answered, In hope you will saue my life, according to your Word and Faith giuen, I will (by Gods helpe) saue all yours: but if I thought otherwise, I had rather here drowne with so good company, then hee hanged at home alone. The Admirall bidde him not doubt it, but follow his businesse. Whereupon Deriual presently commanded the Master and Mariners, to hoyse vp all their Sayles they could make, to the very Bats end, which was cleane contrary to that they had done before (for fearing the mighty winds, they had strooke all their sayles, and so l [...]y thumping on 60 the Sands) but now the strong gale hauing filled all their sayles, still as the billow rose, it draue the Ship forwards, and so in foure or fi [...]e shoues, being driuen with the violence of the windes and the waues, [...] [...]s. us. with his st [...]rra [...]es he cut cleane through and athwart the Sand, and floated into the Sea. This was a d [...]sperate remede for ad [...]sperate danger; for if hee had not vsed the benefit of her sayles, and carried [Page 1945] her athwart (the Ship being a strong built vessell) shee would still haue layen tumbling on the Sand, and at last broken her selfe. Notwithstanding this good seruice done by Deriuall, when hee came home, his reward was an halter, his offence being remembred, and his desert forgotten: and yet the Admirall did Deriuall han­ged against promise. his best to saue him according to his promise. But surely (in my poore opinion) in such cases a State should doe well, for examples sake, and for incouragement of others, to take notice of such extraordinary serui­ces, and to remember that vertue deserues no lesse to bee cherished, then vice to be chastised, and that to Aduice. whom a State committeth the trust or confidence of a Generalls or Admiralls place, it should also allow him the honor, to make good his word for any thing, that concernes the aduancement of the seruice, where­with hoe is put in trust.

But I will returne againe to Sir George Carew, whom we left tottering in his wrackt Ship, and in a great storme, for I haue occasion here to stand somewhat vpon the Relation of his 10 hard aduentures after his disaster, because I haue heard it by many that were with him in the Ship, often, and at large discoursed of; and himselfe being a princicall Officer in the Action, shipt in a vessell of great charge, it cannot bee reputed as a digression, or impertinent from the matter, for small is the reward of those that so resolutely engage, and expose their liues for the seruice of their Prince and Countrey, if they should not bee allowed the comfort of honourable Story of the S. M [...]tthew. memory. After the departure of the Earle of Southampton from the S. Mathew, as aforesaid, ma­ny Counsells in this distressed Ship were held for the cutting of her Mayne Mast ouer-board, which with rowling was growne at last to be so loose, as that it was continually feared that it would breake in the Stop, and when the Carpenters were ready to begin that worke, the storme ceased, and the Seas began to calme, wherein finding comfort, they made of a spare top Mast 20 a Iury Fore-mast, and the Pinnace sayle serued for a Fore-sayle. In this pittifull estate the Ship still running before the winde, which shee could not otherwise doe by reason of her small Fore-sayle, within foure dayes after by the goodnesse of God, came safely to an anchor at the Ile of Saint Martreines in France, where Sir George Carew made all the meanes hee might to get a new Mast, whereby hee might follow the Fleet. But vpon S. Matthew brought home all that Coast hee could not prouide himselfe of any to fit so great a Gallyon. And therefore of necessitie hauing setled his Mayne-mast, he returned for England, and within few dayes arri­ued in the Hauen of Portsmouth.

Hee thus hauing brought the Saint Mathew (beyond all hope) safe within a good Harbour, not any thing disamayd with past perills, presently dispatched Captain Francis Slingsby in post C. [...]r. Slingsby. 30 to the Court, to aduertise the Lords of her Maiesties Councell, of the misfortunes which had be­falne him, and there withall humbly desired that he might be permitted to take her Maiesties ship Sir George Ca­rews aduen­tures i [...] the A [...]enture. called the Aduenture, which was then in that Harbour, and in her to follow the Fleet, which be­ing granted he shipped himselfe in her, and according to the instructions (which were deliuered to euery Captaine of the Fleet) hee sought for the Admirall at the Groyne, which was the first Randeuous set downe in the instructions aforesaid, from thence hee made to the Rocke, and not finding the Fleet at either of these places, he sailed to the Cape Saint Vincent, where it was resolued by the Lord Admirall and Councell of the Warre to stand off and on, and to attend the com­ming home of the West Indies Fleet. There hee had intelligence by a small man of Warre of Plimouth, that the Generall with the whole Fleet was at the Ilands of the Asores, whereunto he 40 directeth his course. And when hee was (as hee esteemed) within one hundred leagues of the Tercera, he had intelligence by another small man of Warre, in the which a man of Sir Wil­liam Brookes was Captaine, that followed the Fleet for purchase, that the Lord Generall in his op [...]nion was at that time vpon the Coast of England, for hee had left the Ilands fourteene daies before the Aduenture, and he did meet; vpon which intelligence he changed his course for Eng­land. And not sarre from Vshent in the night, hee fell into the middest of a great Spanish Fleet, Spanish Flee [...]. which had bin with the Adelantado vpon the Coast of England, & then homeward bound; but the night being stormy, he escaped that perill, and yet not without great danger. For one of the Spanish Gallions which was supposed to bee the Admirall (for shee carried a mightie Lanthorne in her Poope) passed so neere to the Aduenture, that their Mayne-yards in the end were 50 foule one of the other, so as they hardly auoyded their stemming of their Ships, which in all likeli­hood must haue sunke one, or both. With this storme the Aduenture was forced into Ireland, into Corke Hauen in Munster, where hee repaired his Ship of certaine leakes shee had, and also Corke H [...]uen. mended her Mayne Mast, which was strangely shiuered with a whirlewind. And then putting to Sea againe for England, a little before day, in a storme the Ship was driuen vpon the lee shoare Danger by storme. within Beachy in Sussex; and not being able to double that head-land, in the endeauouring wher­of all the Sayles, being by violence of weather rent from the yards, to auoid running vpon the Rockes, they came to an anchor, euery Billow ouerwashing the Ships head, that neither by pum­ping, nor lading out of the water, they were able to free her: and the men in her so tired with labour, as no hope of safetie was left. The last remedy was to cut all the Masts and Tackle ouer­boo [...]d, 60 which lightened the Ship, and by that meanes shee was preserued. After thirtie houres of this extreame perill, the storme ceased, and so by Gods fauour with a Iury Mast, which was made of the Boat Mast, and the Boat Sayle, hauing no Mast nor anchor left but one, he arri­ued [Page 1946] vpon Allhollenday in the Downes, beyond all expectation of the Masters and Mariners, who made no other reckoning then to be lost.

And these were the accidents that separated Sir George Carew from the Fleet, in the huge stormes on Bartholmew day, in the Bay of Alchasher, as aforesaid. In which storme the Saint An­drew S. Andrew. at that time spent her mayne top Mast, and lost vs for three or foure dayes, but all the rest of the Fleet, (except our Ships, which carried the Low-Country Souldiers) kept together in the Bay. And so many as came to vs after at the Rocke, were beaten also from the Admiral in that Bay, and so were many other Ships, which found vs after at the Rocke, to the number of thirty and odde Course of the Fleet. sayle. Whereupon a rumour was afterward raised, that the Reare-Admirall was gone away with thirty sayle from the Fleet, to the ouerthrow of the intended seruice. Our Admirall still bare in 10 with the Land, & the most part of the Fleet followed the same course. The next day we made the high Land of Portugall, and within some three houres after, Cape Prior, where our Admirall with diuers other of the Fleet, did beare in so close aboord the shore, as that all the Country ouer began to kindle fires. The which manner of discouering our selues (as I do remember) was much noted by diuers good Souldiers, as well by Sea, as Land: for indeed it was reputed no great policie, nor discretion in vs, to run in so close aboard the shoare, if we had any secret or sudden exploit to performe on that Coast, as it was pretended. For that Brauado of ours, did but giue them more warning to prouide for themselues, and to pre­uent Brauados often vnseasonable. vs. And I haue obserued that those brauing humours, haue of late yeeres been the hindrance, and losse of many good fortunes, as well in Sir Francis Drake his two last Voyages to the Indies, and Sir Iohn Norris in his to Lisbon, by staying at the Groyne, as also in others, &c. 20

Towards the euening, we put roome againe from the Coast, and beat vp and downe in the Bay to free vs from thence, expecting a wind where with to double the North Cape, which, within two or three dayes wee had, and so passed along within ten leagues of the Coast by Ferrall, the Groyne, and Cape Bealim, and so weathered the North Cape. And as the Fleet together was passing along towards the South, almost as farre as the Iles of Bayon, our Ship (the Wastspite) be­ing then a middest them all, on the seuen and twentieth of August, broke her mayne Yard in sun­der in the very middest by the Parrell. Whereupon we presently discharged a Peece of Ordnance, Wastspite di­stressed. and made our misfortune knowne to our Admirall, who himselfe spake with vs, and also at that time had a great leake broken out vpon his owne Ship. And there by his order and permission we were willed to repaire our mayne Yard the best wee could, and vntill it were finished in 30 that birth to goe on with our Fore-sayle towardes the Rocke before the winde, whiles hee with the Fleet would in towardes the Coast, and so, wee there to ply vp and downe about the height of the Rocke, vntill his Lordship came vnto vs, or during the dayes limited in the generall instructions, and thence to passe onwards to the South Cape, and there to remaine according to the said directions. And yet wee did not for two dayes after de­part, though to our great disease; for wee wallowed in the trough of the Sea, and row­led so extreamely, as that wee had like to haue lost our mayne Mast also. After this order gi­uen, wee presently tooke aduice the best wee could, and set our hands together for the repay­ring and finishing of our mayne Yard, being broken in the Parrell, a very euill place to a­mend: wherein that night wee could doe little good, more then to free the Sayles and Tackle 40 from it. Notwithstanding the very next morning the Admirall sent a commandement to vs, that wee should presently attend him with all speed, for that hee meant to put in with the Land: The which wee were altogether vnable to performe, our mayne Yard being in sunder, and impossible it was so suddenly in one night to repayre it, and without it, wee were not able to worke vpon a wind, (as all Mariners know) hauing but our Fore-sayle and Mizen, and the winde almost of the Land, so as it had beene but an idle labour, for the more we striued, the faster wee fell off. Besides, if wee could haue layd the Land with that sayle, it had beene a madnesse to put our selues vpon the Enemies Coast in that estate, for if the wind had then changed to the West, we wanting all our mayne Sayles, must haue yeelded or perished So as in regard of this necessitie, we did for two daies, as aforesaid ply vp and down, 50 vntill wee had repaired our Yard, and fitted our sayles vnto it, being now fiue foot shorter then it was before.

Whilest wee were thus distressed on our Enemies Coast, Sir William Brooke, Captaine of the Dread-nought came vnto vs and tarried with vs, out of his owne charitie and friendly disposition, S. W. Brooke. for there were no directions (that wee heard of) giuen to any to accompany vs in that distresse. Onely the Vice-Admirall (of his owne noble care) very kindly and honourably hayled vs, and Vice-Admirals care. offered what comfort and helpe hee could giue vs; some others afterwards did the like. But we hauing yeelded due thankes to the Vice-Admirall for such his noble care and curtesie desired no more company, but wished all others of our Squadron to repaire vnto the Admirall, contenting our selues with Sir William Brooke in the Dread-naught, and two or three other small men of our 60 owne Squadron, which of their owne accord followed vs. Neither did we in all this time intreat the company of any one Ship more to stay with vs, albeit the contrary was very falsly suggested and reported in a strange manner of phrase, which was, that the Reare-Admirall vpon the breaking of his Mayne-yard, willed all his Squadron and those that loued him to keepe him Rumors. [Page 1947] company, and not to follow the Admirall. But as this was a monstrous vntruth, raised out of ma­lice to the Reare-Admirall, thereby to inuegle the Admirall against him; so the authors were af­ter wards ashamed of their impudent slander, when the truth was made manifest at our meeting againe with the Admirall and the Fleet at the Ilands of Asores.

As soone as wee had mended our Maine-yard, wee bare in with the Coast, making all the in­quiry that we could for our Admirall and the Fleet, but could not haue any intelligence of them. Whereupon casting many coniectures, wee sent a small Man into the Iles of Bayon, but could learne no newes of him there. Then wee thought verily that hee would hold on his course for the South-Cape, according to the generall instructions, we well knowing that hee could not then put in for Ferrall or the Groine (as was afterward colourably suggested) the wind being flat against him, and our whole Fleet hauing ouer-shot it neere twentie leagues before that our Yard 10 was broken; and therefore it was rather a pretence to seeme desirous to vndertake it, then that there was any possibilitie to performe it. For besides that wee had ouershot it, and the wind con­trary, so as we could not recouer it again, both those Ships were wanting which were chiefly de­signed to bee aduentured in that seruice, namely the Saint Andrew and the Saint Mathew, two S. Mathew and S. Andrew ta­ken at Cadiz. huge Gallions of the King of Spaines, that were but the yeere before taken at the sacke of Cales, and onely saued of fortie or fiftie saile that were then beaten and burnt to ashes. Vpon these rea­sons wee shaped our course for the Rocke, plying vp and downe in that height for a few dayes. In which time wee gaue chase to diuers Spanish ships which wee beate into Cast-keyes, and caused some of them to runne on ground, wee being so neere Cast-keyes as that we could number diuers tall ships that road there vnder the Fort. Here wee hourely expected our Admirall, being the 20 very appointed place for a Randeuous to all the Fleet, and would gladly haue met with him, be­ing of our selues but a weake force to lye on that Coast, if the Spanish Armado had beene abroad; as wee were to suspect it was, or in a readinesse at the least. And therefore it was fouly falsi­fied or mistaken of those that gaue it out, and carryed the newes into England, that wee had of purpose left and lost our Admirall to range the Coast alone at our pleasures. For being no stron­ger then wee were, and lying as wee did in the height that was appointed by the generall in­structions to the whole Fleet, it was not to be imagined in any sense or reason, that wee desired to leaue or lose the Fleet vpon the breaking of our Maine-yard so neere the Coast of Spaine, and the Adelantadoes Forces then bruted to bee abroad. But indeed our Reare-Admirall commanded all our Squadron to follow the Generall, because he pretended to aduenture vpon the Groine. Yet 30 we hoped, and so hee promised, that either hee would come off to vs againe where wee lay, or find vs without faile at the Rocke, but did neither: for there were three places of our Randeuous appointed, if any separation happened. The first at the North Cape, and failing there, then at the Rocke, and failing there, then at the South Cape. Now when all such ships as were sundred by tempest in the Bay of Alcasher, failed of their Admiral at the North Cape, they then sought him at the Rock, where they found the Reare-admiral, who held them altogether, and brought them to the Generall at the Ilands; else had they all returned home, after they had missed of some Admi­rall to command them at the third and last place of meeting: for none of our Fleet went so farre to the Southward. 40

Whilest wee thus stayed about the Rocke, the Caruells of Lisbone, and of the parts thereabouts, would daily come swarming about vs like Butter-flyes, so neere, as that we might cast a stone in­to some of them, and yet could wee neuer catch any one of them, so yare and nimble they are. But if wee would haue bestowed any musket or great shot on such bables, wee might peraduenture haue killed some of their men, or sunke some of them, which wee forbare in hope to draw them to vs oftner, and then if any calme had happened, we might haue taken them with our Boats, and by them gotten some Intelligence. At the same time also there came to the Rocke neere thirtie saile of ships of our owne Victuallers and Transporters, amongst whom was Captain Sidney, Cap­taine White, Captain Berry, and others, some of whom wee tooke into vs out of their owne weake ships; who hauing lost the Generall in the Bay of Alcasher, in the storme aforesaid, sought him first at the North Cape; and missing him there, came to the Rocke, according to the generall in­structions, 50 and they by chance finding the Reare-Admirall at the Rocke, were held together till wee either found or heard from the Generall. After we had thus plied vp and downe about the height of the Rocke, and yet determined at last to haue passed on for the South Cape, there came athwart vs a small Barke of England, with whom wee communed, inquiring what newes in the South parts where they had beene. They told vs, that they had lately met a Man of Warre bound for England, that had taken an Indian man, naming the Captaine, who (as they said) informed False intelli­gence by an Englishman. them for certaine that the Atlantado was gone for the Ilands, to weft home the Indian Fleet. This report seemed to carry with it good likelihood of truth, for we heard before that the Atlantado was preparing to the Seas, and also were certain, that both the King of Spaine his Treasure, and other Indi­an 60 Fleets were to come home that yeere. Besides, we did not suspect that one of our owne Countrey would be so lewd, or durst presume to informe her Maiesties Nauie, with a meere salfe coyned suggestion, as indeed this was found to be afterward. For such a dishonest treacherous part may sometimes turne to a great inconuenience, in diuerting a whole Fleet by a false intelligence, and is a point better fitting a [Page 1948] Traitor then a true man, and well deserueth seuere and publike punishment for an example to all other. For although sea-faring men will now and then (as doe Poets and Painters) take liberty to fab [...]; yet it is no goodiesting nor dalying with Princes affaires in that sort, and therefore if I could call to mind the Captaine or Masters name, surely I would doe them the curtesie now to remember them.

Hereupon our Reare-Admirall thinking it very requisite, and his dutie to informe our Admi­rall of this aduertisement as soone as might bee, ernestly required the same Man to ply vp to­wards the North-Cape, all alongst the Coast as well as he could, (because it lay in his way home­wards bound) to find out our Fleet, & to informe our Admiral of this Intelligence. But he answe­red in the hearing of all the company, that the Captaine that had taken this Indian, Prize, had al­ready sent the Admirall a Letter to the same effect. Yet the Reare-Admirall for the more suretie 10 (doubting that a Letter might miscarry, or that no such Letter might bee sent, being but an ex­cuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet, being a matter of great impor­tance) commanded one of his small Men (that at that time followed vs) to deliuer the same ad­uertisement to our Admirall, as hee had receiued it by word of mouth; and to vse all diligence to seeke him, and the Fleet, and to deliuer the report truly in manner as it was related, and withall to signifie vnto his Lordship, that wee there attended him in that height according to the directi­ons, and so would obserue all places and times appointed, and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to heare of vs, vpon any occasion to wait on him. This message, and Messenger could sufficiently witnesse, that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet, or to sequester our selues, being at the place set downe in the generall instructions. This small Man that had this 20 message in charge to deliuer to his Lordship, the next day (by good hap) found out the Fleet, and vpon deliuery of this newes, within two dayes after, our Reare-Admirall receiued two se­uerall Letters from the Admirall. Letters to one effect from the Admirall one after another. First somewhat taxing him for not writing, then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Ilands, whether he said he would (by Gods helpe) hasten to find the Adelantado, not doubting but to giue his Mistresse a better account of that seruice, then the Adelantado should yeeld his Master: so, or much to that effect the Letters went, for I my selfe read them (with the Reare-Admi­rall his permission) and therefore can truly report their contents.

Vpon this suddaine and strict message, we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape, to hast to the Ilands, and therfore we presently gaue notice to Sir William Brooke 30 and the rest of our consorts, of our Admirall his Letters, and what way he meant to take, and so instantly without any further delay, we shaped our course for the Ilands. But in this passage of They sha [...]e their course for the Ilands. ours towards the Ilands, as wee had a franke wind, so met wee with other lets. For our Maine­yard began againe to cracke, insomuch that wee were inforced to strengthen it with more fishing. And as commonly misfortunes neuer come alone, so in the necke of this trouble, our Mayn-mast began to shrinke also, springing great flawes in diuers places, in so much that at last we greatly doubted with euery high blast or wind, that it would haue beene blowne ouer-boord. This sudden disaster much troubled vs, and the more, to thinke what vnequall constructions would bee made thereof. Wee acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischiefe, and desired New distresses. Sir William Brooke in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company, seeing that our ship 40 was so defectiue that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast seruiceable, but would vse all our best means to come speedily after, desiring him, and all the rest to hast to our Admiral, and to signifie our misfortunes, and withal to make the more speed, for that if the Adelantado were at the Ilands, our Admirals Forces would be wel helped by their companies, & so for a few hours, we and our consorts parted, only we retained two little small Men with vs for our better comfort. Yet notwithstanding this order and direction giuen, so great were our desires to go on, & our labor such, as that the same night wee had new fished our crased Maine-mast with a spare Maine top Mast that lay by vs, and then so plied our sayles as that the next day towards the euening, wee ouertooke Sir William Brooke againe, and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Ilands as was directed. And on the eight of September, in the yeere 1597. being Thursday, wee made the Ile Sep. 8. They make Tercera. 50 called the Tercera, and weathered it to the North-west; where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint Michaels, and had layen trading about those Ilands some six weekes toge­ther, but could not tell vs any newes of our Admirall and the Fleet, albeit they were passed by but two dayes before. Which shewes how easie a matter it is for shipping to passe by amongst those Ilands vnseene, and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Ilands, as would shelter themselues from Note for the Ilands. men of Warre, and couet not to bee met withall, seeing that so great a Fleet could passe by vnseene or vn­heard of, by one that came iust from the Ilands, at the same time that our Generall came thither. And therefore it is a necessary obseruation for all such men of Warre, as would meet or intercept any shipping, that doth touch at those Ilands, or do come from thence, to keep in the maine sea, and so to attend their com­ming forth, and not to puzzle themselues with running in amongst those Ilands to seeke for purchase, ex­cept 60 they haue others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receite, if they chance to slip by which is easi­ly done. This Merchant informed vs of certaine West Indian men, and two Carracks, that a month before had touched there, bound for Spaine. And by this Merchant wee wrote into Eng­land how affaires went, In passing thus onwards we discouered Saint Georges Ilands, and there we [Page 1949] dispatched two of our small men, with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleete, and to enforme our Admirail, that we were going for Flores, and Cueruos, in hope to meete him there, withall willing those small men to come thither vnto vs. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtfull, and laid great wagers, that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands, for that this Merchant could make no report thereof.

Whilest we were before Saint Georges, we were very much becalmed for a day or two, and the weather extreamely hot, insomuch as the winde could not beare the sailes from the mastes, but were faine to hull in the Sea, to our great discontentment, that before had vsed such great diligence and haste to meete with our Admirall, and the rest of the Fleete. Notwithstanding the winde began againe to be fauourable, and so setting forwards, the next of the Ilands that we 10 made, were Gratiosa, Pyke, and Fayall. And as we ranged by Gratiosa, on the tenth of September, a­bout twelue a clocke at night, we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moone light, in the bignesse and Rainbowe by Moonlight dif­fering in color from those or the Sunne. forme of all other Rainbowes, but [...]n colour much differing, for it was more whitish, but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire. This made vs expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather, but in­deede it fell out afterward to be very calme and hot. This Rainbow by the Moone light I doe the rather take occasion to no [...]e; for that I remember that Plinie in his naturall History of the world, speaking of Meteors, denieth any Rainbow to be seene, but opposite to the Sunne, and neuer in the night season: and yet (saith be) Aristotle reporteth for a raritie, that in his time there was a Rainbow seene by night, but withall affirmeth, that it could not be but at the full of the Moone. But in these parts they are very or­dinary, as well when the Moone is not at the full, as otherwise, which maketh me to thinke, that these I­land 20 were neuer knowne to the Greekes, nor to the Romans, nor that those former ages did truely con­ceiue or know many things, that in these latter ti [...]s haue bin discouered. For although Salomon saith that nothing is now under the Sunne (which no doubt is most true for all things haue had their being since the first Creation) yet all things haue not bin knowne in all places, and to all men alike. But as the long liues of men in the first ages (no doubt made their knowledge the greater by the benefit of long obseruati­on: so againe, we in these latter dayes, by the tradition of their knowledge, left vnto vs, and also by the dis­couery of those things, which time bath reuealed, haue found out many secrets to them vnknowne. But to returne.

The same night by the light of the Moone (which was then almost fallen with the Horison) we might espie certaine sailes passing towards the Eastwards of Gratiosa; whereupon we gaue 30 order that a couple of our small men should follow, and giue them chase, as we in the Wastspight likewise did, and hung out two lights to cause Sir William Brooke in the Dread-naught, and the rest of our consorts, to hold the same course with vs, but wee were followed by none of them, which when we perceiued, and the Moone-light being now by the earth so shaddowed from vs, as that we could hold no longer sight of these sailes (which had thrust themselues in amongst the Islands) we cast about, and held on our former course. But by this chasing, for this little time (e­uen as we suspected) we lost the Dread-naught, and most of our consorts, and neuer saw them af­ter, vntill we met them with our Admirall, and the rest of our Fleete at Flores; whither with scant windes we came, on the foureteenth of September, and then discouered all our Fleete. But They come to the Fleet. at the first making of them, we stood some what doubtfull, whether it was our owne, or the Spa­nish 40 Armado, they being as farre from vs, as we were able token out of our maine top, and there­fore we did still striue to keepe into the weather, in approaching neere vnto them, vntill at last, we perfectly made them to be English bottomes. As soone as we were come within two leagues of them, the Seas being very calme, our Reare-admirall, my selfe, and some other Gentlemen of our ship, went aboord our Generall in a Barge, and dined with him, who seemed to be the ioy­fullest Entertainment by the General man liuing for our arriuall, protesting, that he neuer beleeued that we would leaue him, al­though diuers perswaded him the contrary; and acknowledged that hee was sorry for a Letter which he had written by Master Robert Knolles into England against vs, promising presently to make a dispatch of purpose, contrary to the former: hauing also found soone after by examina­tion, that not any one of these thirtie and odde sailes of victuallers, and transporters, which came 50 now with vs, were drawne from him by the Reare-admirall, but that they all came to the Rocke to seeke the Generall, and there by chance found vs, who drew them to the Islands, much a­gainst their desires, being most of them in great distresse. Afterwards wee enquired aboord our Generall, what had passed with them since we deparred, vpon the breaking of our maine yard, before the Isles of Bayon; and we learned that in all this time, they had done nothing but ranged the Seas, to seeke the Adelantado, and were come to the Islands but three daies before vs, where the Gouernours of the Islands of Flores and Cueruos, came to our Generall.

The Inhabitants of which two Islands seemed to be but a wretched needie kinde of people, and Inhabitants of Flores [...] Cueruos yet as crafty, as base, and bare. These very submisly humbled themselues vnto our Generall, bringing with them Fruites, Hens, and other fresh victuall, imploring fauour, and mercie at his 60 hands, and that he would vouchsafe to giue them his safeguard vnder his hand, to protect them from the spoile, and inuasion of our men: alledging for themselues that they were an harm [...] lesse poore people, that gaue offence to none, but dwelt in Islands that yeelded comfort and reliefe of­tentimes, to all Sea-faring men in their long Voyages, betweene the Indies and Christendome, [Page 1950] and were anciently subiects to the Portugals, friends to our Nation, and nothing guiltie of the Hostilitie betweene vs, and the Spaniards, who (as they said) did vsurpe, and tyrannize both o­uer the Portugals and them. Our Generall heard, and entertained them, with great curtesie, and told them that he came not to afflict poore men, but was sent by the Queene his Mistris, to Earle of Essex his answer and behauiour to the Ilanders. chastise the intollerable pride and insolencie of the Spanish, whose Indian Gold and riches, were imploied onely to the oppression, and disturbance of diuers Christian States and Princes; and these Islands being the chiefe places of retrait and refreshing for his Fleetes, that passed betweene Eu­rope and the Indies, were great meanes, and helpes, to further their boundlesse ambition, and ty­rannie, with other discourse to that effect. And so inquiring of them very precisely, the times, and seasons that the Indian Fleetes, both inward, and outward bound, held in passing by those 10 Islands; in conclusion gaue them diuers gifts, and his Protection in wrighting vnder his hand and seale from the violence of our Forces, which was very respectiuely obserued, euen to the value of an Hen, which no man durst take without paying for. Such was the moderation and bountie of this noble Gentleman our Generall, indued with many good gifts, though at the last he failed in the vse of them.

After we had bin aboord our Generall, and dined with him, he acquainted our reare Admirall with the many coniectures, and surmises of our absence, and withall named vnto him some of those men that had taxed him secretly with strange reports, and yet pretended to loue him, which he protested (as aforesaid) he neuer beleeued, but thereby the better obserued some mens scandalous, and cankered dispositions. In this sort did our Generall receiue and welcome our reare 20 Admirall, with the greatest kindenesse, and inward familiaritie that might be, and all the Gen­tlemen of his Companie with honorable curtesie, to the great dislike and hart-burning of some that much enuied that liking, which of his owne disposition, our Generall did beare vnto him: Earle of Essex his respect to Sir W. Raleigh. For albeit the Earle had many doubts and iealousies buzd into his eares against the other, yet I haue often obserued, that both in his greatest actions of seruice, and in his times of chiefest recre­ations, he would euer accept of his counsell and company, before many others that thought them­selues more in his fauour. And as touching the Aduertisement that was sent into England, from the Isles of Bayon, by Master Robert Knolles, in a Pinnace called the Guiana, concerning vs, that were forsaken, and left alone vpon the breaking of our Maine yard: whereupon was pretended that many great exploits should haue bin performed vpon the coast of Spaine, if wee had not fal­len 30 from them (as was vntruely suggested and reported) his Lordship promised the reare Admi­rall then, to send another aduertisement, how we were all metagaine, and had bin formerly se­uered by misfortunes onely, and not by any wilfull default in the reare Admirall, as was doubt­ed. And that Aduertisement sent formerly by Master Knolles, we well knew proceeded not out of any particular malice of the Generall to vs, but onely to take that as a fit excuse to free him­selfe from the enterprises of Ferall, or the Groine, which he had promised her Maiestie to vnder­take, but saw it impossible to performe, by reason of the former crosses, and our long stay in Plim­month; and therefore was glad to take the opportunity of any colour to satisfie her Maiestie, and to discharge himselfe of that burthen, which we did all perceiue, and therefore did striue the lesse the publish our Apologies, or to contest with a man of his place and credit, which (though in a 40 right) had bin but bootelesse, and meere folly; and therefore we left him to his best excuse, and our apparant innocencie. And for the more plaine manifesting of the Message, I haue thought it not a­misse, here to insert the true copie of the Instructions verbatim, that our Generall sent by Master Robert Knolles into England, vpon these accidents before the Isles of Bayon.

That we weighing Ancor and setting saile from the sound of Plimmouth, the seuenteenth of this moneth of August, hauing sometimes calmes, but for the most part, Westerly and Northeasterly windes, we fellon thursday, the fiue and twenty of this moneth with the Land, which is to the Eastward of the Cape Ortingall, which land we made in the morning about ten of the clocke, and stood in with the shoare, till three in the afternoone. Then finding the winde scant to ply to the Southward, I stood all night into the Sea, and the next morning in againe to the Land. By which boords, by reason of the head-sea, and the 50 bare winde, we got nothing. On Friday night I stood off againe to the Sea, and about midnight the winde comming all Northerly, we got a good slant, to lye all along the coast: on Saturday in the morning, I dis­couered the Saint Andrew, whom we had lost sight of two or three dayes before. I bare with her, and had no sooner got her vp, but Sir Walter Rawleigh shot off a peece, and gaue vs warning of his being in di­stresse. I presently bare with him, and found that he had broken his maine yard. Whereupon I willed him to keepe along the coast that birth that he was, till he got in the height of the North Cape, and my selfe hauing a desperate leake broke out as euer ship swam withall, which I was fame to lye by the lee, and seele, to stop it, which how it held vs, you can report: and (God be thanked) that night we ouercame it, and stopped it. The next morning we all came to Cape Finister, sauing the Saint Matthew, who vpon break­ing of her fore maste went home: and the Wastspight with whom the Dreadnaught went without stop to 60 the South Cape. This is all that is hapned to me. If her Maiestie aske you, why there was no attempt vpon the Fleete at Teral, you may say, I neither had the Saint Matthew, which was the principall ship for that execution, nor the Saint Andrew, till mine owne ship was almost sunke, and I not able to make saile, till Sir Walter Rawleigh with his owne ship the Dreadnaught, and very neere twenty saile were [Page 1951] gone. Wee are now gone to lye for the Indian Fleete, for by Spaniards wee haue taken, wee finde the Adelantado is not put to Sea this yeere. Of our successe, her Maiestie shall from time to time be aduer­tised: you shall acquaint Master Secretarie with this instruction; and both to him, and all our friends you must excuse our haste.

We being thus met all at Flores, desired our Generall to giue vs, and our consorts leaue, to wa­ter there before we departed thence, as his Lordship and the rest had done before, which he yeel­ded vnto, and very nobly lent vs his owne long Boate, for our better speede, willing vs there to water, whilest he with the rest of the Fleete, did ply vp and downe to looke out for the Adelan­tado, or any Indian Fleete, that being the very fit place, and season for them. Hereupon whilest our men and Mariners were prouiding to water, our Reare-admirall, with Sir William Brooke, my selfe, and diuers other Gentlemen went ashoare, to stretch our legs in the Isle of Flores, and to re­fresh 10 our selues with such victuals as we could there get for our monie. And at our first landing there, we met with the Lord Gray, Sir Gylly Merricke, and other Gentlemen, and wee altoge­ther walked a mile or two into the Countrie, and there dined in a little Village, where the bare­legged Gouernour caused such things to be brought vnto vs, for our monie, as the Island afforded In other sort we tooke nothing, which was very faire wars.

This Island seemes to be somewhat mountainous, yet hauing very good store of Fruits, Wheat, and other Corne. Their Corne they doe all keepe in large hollow vaults within the earth, hau­ing no other way nor entrance into them, but by a round hole in the top of the vault, onely so big as a man may creepe into it, and when it is closed vp with a planke, and ouerstrewed with earth is very hard to be found out by strangers, for the which purpose they are so made, and much like 20 the Caues in Gascoyne, and Languedocke, and such as are mentioned by Caesar to be vsed in Af­fricke. This Island lies more subiect to the inuasion of Sea-faring men, then any of the rest; for there all traders of the Indies doe vsually water, and refresh themselues. But here I must not for­get A Counsell for taking in the Ilands. to relate, that before we had our leaue to water, or were departed from the Generall, a Coun­sell was called, and holden, for the taking in of some of the Islands, and an orderly course set downe for the same; which was in this sort concluded on: The Admirall, and Reare-admirall to vndertake Fayall; the Lord Thomas Howard Vice-admirall, and the Marshall Uere, to vndertake Gratiosa; The Lord Mountioye, Lieutenant Generall, and Sir Christopher Blunt Coronell Gene­rall of the Foote to Saint Michaels: and the Netherland Squadron, was quartered to Pyke, where 30 the greatest store of Wines doe grow, and therefore would not be taken in ill part of them, as we presumed. The reason why we resolued to master and waste all these Islands was, because [...] was determined by the Generall to attempt the Tercera it selfe: which enterprise was put off, because the Reare-admirall, and with him twenty or thirty saile were wanting. But being now (contrary to all expectation, and to many mens hopes) arriued, this resolution receiued a second life; but it was first thought necessary to take from them, and to helpe our selues, with all the vi­ctuals and other commodities that those Islands could affoord: For the performance of which with the more speede, we diuided our selues into foure Companies, as before written: But sure­ly the fortune of those poore wretches was lamentable, that fell into the Flemmings hands; for I thinke no people on the earth, can vse lesse mercy, or greater insolencies then they doe, in all the places that they Holanders and Spaniards enmi­tie implacable, 40 maister, which are subiect to the Spanish Gouernment: and yet I must say truely for them, that the Spa­niards againe haue vsed such tyrannie, and outrage in their iurisdictions ouer that industrious people, as hath well merited their irreconcileable malice, and withall hath cost the Spanish King many millions of Ducates, besides the life of many a proud Castilian, since the Execution of the Counts Egmount and Horne. And it is very admirable to see what heart and courage those Netherlanders are now growne vnto, and how powerfully three or foure little Prouinees, doe resist the forces of that mightie King, that keepes Millaine, Naples, and Sicill in great bondage, in despight of all the Italians, who doe thinke themselues for valour, and for policie the Minions of the Earth, and yet bow their neckes to the Spa­nish yoake.

After this consultation for taking in of the Islands, as aforesaid, and leaue giuen vnto vs, and 50 our consorts to water with all the speede we could, at Flores, we hauing prepared our Caske, and all things in a readinesse to bring our fresh water aboord, about midnight, being the sixteenth of September, there came vnto vs from our Generall, Captaine Arthur Champernowne, with this message; That my Lord Generall was borne vp for Fyall, and ment presently to take it in, and therefore willed vs with all speede to follow him instantly, and though wee could not ouertake him, yet at least to finde him there so soone as we could, and the same word was likewise deli­uered to Sir William Brooke, and the rest, that lay there to water. And further, our Generall sent vs word, that we should supply all our wants of water, and fresh victuals at Fayall. And this night as we rode at ancor [...]fore Flores, we saw another Rainebow, by the Moone light, as before, and af­ter Rainbow be the Moone. the samo manner, which (contrary to Plinies report of Aristotels opinion) was seene, though not at a 60 full Moone, for the other was so seene some seuen dayes before, in the which space, there could not be two full Moones. Vpon this Message brought by Captaine Champernowne we forbare watering, and ha­sted all we could, to weigh our anchors, and to follow our Generall. And therefore gaue a warning peece or two, to our Consorts before wee departed, and afterwards pack'd on all [Page 1952] the sailes we could make to follow our Generall, whom we could not ouertake, nor finde.

The next morning we made Fayall, and entred the roade, and there missed of him also, con­trary to our hopes, and to our great discontent. Whereat we could not but greatly maruell, be­cause Fayall. when he sent for vs, he was six leagues neerer it, then we were, and besides, set saile to­wards it sixe or eight houres before vs. Being arriued in the roade, wee beheld before our eyes a very fine Towne, pleasantly seated alongst the shoare side: from whence presently vpon the sight of our entrance into the roade, they began to packe away with bag, and baggage all they could, with carriages of Horses and Carts, Women, Children, Friers, and Nunnes, and so continued in transporting all vp into the Countrey for two dayes together. There was besides a strong Fort at one end of the Town, and another on the top of a very high Mountain, neere adioyning, by nature 10 very vnaccessible, and steepe, and artificially fenced with Flanckers, Rampiers, and Ditch, and in it six Peeces of great Artillerie, mounted vpon carriages, and two hundred Spaniards in garrison, beside others of the Island. These made certaine shot at our Ships as they anchored in the roade, but did not much harme, and set vp a great red Auncient for vs to gaze at: Besides, there were presently sent six Companies with their Colours, to intrench themselues vpon the shoare side, to impeach our landing: Hereupon our Reare Admirall in his Barge, accompanied with my selfe onely and Captaine Morgan, rowed close aboord the high Fort, and all alongst the shoare side, to wards the Towne, to see what fit place there was to make a discent against our Generals com­ming. From whence we were saluted with diuers musket shot, that missed vs but narrowly by good fortune, for we vndiscreetly had with vs neitheir Targets, nor Armors, but wished for them 20 when it was to late. And therefore as well by that experience, as also by others in the same iourney, that I saw at our landing vpon a fortified trench, I saw it to be but an idle and vnseruiceable brauery, for Vnarmed rash­nesse. men that are to doe seruice, to expose their vnarmed bodies and limbs, to the mercy of a Musket, or the push of a Pike: whereby they can neither with that abilitie, nor resolution, prosecute that they haue in hand, nor yet so well preserue themselues as they ought to doe, for the bettering of their attempts. Besides, out of a Christian regard, they should not desperately cast away themselues, or carelesly spill their owne bloud, and the liues of many others, by such brauing, and foolish examples. This night as we roade in the Harbour, there swomme aboord vs from the Towne two Portugals that discouered vnto vs many things, greatly encouraging vs to this exploit. And of this we may bouldly take knowledge, that the Portugals, and Inhabitants of those Islands, doe infinitely hate, and malice the Spaniards, and their Gouernment, and Spaniards ha­ted by the Por­tugals. 30 would (no doubt) free themselues thereof gladly, if they were sure to fall vnder any other Gouernment that were able to protect them from the Spaniards. And therefore if any powerfull Monarch, or State did at­tempt it, they should not be troubled as with a Conquest, for all the Inhabitants would soone be perswaded to reuolt, and take part with the inuaders, for the aduancing of that businesse.

While we thus expected our Generall in vaine (to our no little maruell) that thought he had bin there before vs, according to Captaine Champernownes report (the winde being as good then for him as for vs) our Reare Admirall called a counsell of many Captaines, and Officers (that were come thither by order) to consult of the taking of the Towne, if our Generall came not, thinking it a great shame and pittie to let slip so faire a pray, so neere at hand, without attemp­ting it in time, before they had carried all away. Besides a great scorne and disgrace wee should 40 doe our selues, to enterprise nothing vpon them that had begun the warres, shooting first at vs as we roade at ancor, and then after their bringing downe to the water side so many Auncients, did proudly as it were inuite vs to assaile them, if we durst, hauing withall, hung out a red Flagge of defiance, from the top of the high Fort. The hope of the wealth of this good Towne, and the ransoming of Houses and Prisoners, together with those brauadoes which they shewed, did so set on fire all our Mariners and Souldiers, as that they began to mutine, and raile on the Reare Ad­mirall, and at all the Commanders there, taxing them for these delaies, as not daring to attempt the taking thereof: Besides, they were the more eagerly set vpon the spoile, and gaining of this Towne, and Fort, for that they saw no great likelihood of benefit by this Voyage, but what was gotten ashoare in the Islands. In conclusion, albeit we heard no newes of our Generall in two 50 dayes more expectation, yet at the counsell of Captaines which our Reare Admirall had assem­bled, some of them varied much from the common desire, and would by no meanes assent to the landing, without my Lord Generall his knowledge. And of this opinion was Sir Guilly Mericke, Sir Nicholas Parker, and some other Captaines: Our Reare Admirall, with Sir William Brooke, my selfe, Sir William Haruey, and other Gentlemen, and Commanders of our Reare Admirall his Squadron (called to this consulation) were of a contrary opinion, iudging that my Lord Gene­rall would repute vs but Idlers, and Cowards, to lye so long, before so good a Towne, with so many Ships and men, and to doe nothing in his absence, seeing them hourely before our eyes, so fast to carry, and packe away their goods and wealth. And this was also [...]e common opinion and b [...]te, as well of the multitude, as of the Low Countrie Captaines. But yet the violent and earnest 60 perswasions of Sir Guillie Merricke, did so preuaile with vs, vrging our obedience and duetie to our Generall, as that we staied from the Enterprise at that time, and expected our Generals com­ming one day longer, especially for that they perswaded vs, if his Lordship came not the next day, then themselues would also land with vs.

[Page 1953] Which when we had also expected in vain, and the winde changing somewhat vnfit for that Roade, our Reare Admirall, and diuers of his Squadron, and many other of the Ships following him, weied, and coasted about the point, to the North-west side of the Island, some foure miles further from the Towne then we were before, and there let fall our ancors, being then a better Roade then the first, as the winde was changed. But Sir Guillie Merricke with some fiue or sixe Ships of his consorts, staied still in the first Roade, and would not budge. When we had in this sort changed our Roade, and being now the fourth day of our arriuall before Fayall (which was not aboue a daies sailing from the place, from whence our Generall sent for vs, wee might see before vs, a very fine and pleasant Countrie, full of little Villages, and fruitfull fields: and therefore we much desired to refresh our selues aland there with victuals, and water, as our Generall had pro­mised we should doe, when we came to Fayall, and as diuers others had done before vs at Flores, 10 and as we had then, but that we were called away to Fayall by Captaine Champernownes sodaine message from the Generall, as was aforesaid. And in truth we were in great want of fresh water, which we had not renued, since our setting out from Plimouth. All these occasions considered, and we being now retired from the Towne and Forts, we all resolued that wee might without offence, with a few of our owne men, goe ashoare, and refresh our selues, and seeke for water: whereupon we manned a Barge, a long Boate, and a Pinnace with threescore Muskets, and for­ty Pikes, rather to guard our selues in our landing, and watering with discretion, then expecting any encounter or resistance, from the Towne or Forts, on the other side of the Island. But our men were no sooner placed in our Boates, and all things ordered, and we ready to put off from the Ships side, but we might discouer sixe Auncients of foote, and some dosen Horsemen comming on 20 a speedy march from the Towne and Forts, directly towards the place where wee were to make our discent; for from one side of the high Fort on the Mountaine, they might also ouerlooke vs, where our ships roade, and discouer all our preparation.

When we had a while aduised of this new Brauado, that they went about, and saw them still to come on faster, with so many strong companies of men (or at the least the bodies of men fur­nished with womens hearts) and had made such haste, as that they possessed themselues of the Trenches and Flankers, where we were to land, and there had placed their Companies, and Col­lors, attending our approach, as they made shew, by wauing their Swords, and displaying their Auncients in great brauery (for doubtlesse they thought we feard to land in their faces, because 30 we lay so long before the Town, and neuer attempted any thing, and were so shrunke aside off; af­ter they had prouoked vs so with great shot, and many other affronts) we seeing that p [...]portion of an hundred men (prouided onely to guard our watering) to be too few to assault, and win a lan­ding vpon so many, in a place of so great disaduantage, and yet disdaining to goe backe, or make any shew of feare; our Reare Admirall in his Barge rowed to Sir William Brookes Ship, and to Sir William Harueyes, and desired them, and some other Sea Captaines, to accompany him in lan­ding, with such men as conueniently they could furnish: For (said he) seeing these Spaniards and Portugals are so gallant to seeke and follow vs, and to keepe vs from watering, wee will try our fortunes with them, and either win our landing, or gaine a beating.

Sir William Brooke, Sir William Haruey, and some others, very willingly assented, and presently 40 there were made ready with shot, and Pike one hundred and sixtie men more in Boates. And af­ter this our Reare Admirall rowing by Captaine Bret, Sidney, White, Berry, and other Captaines of the Low Countrie Souldiers, that were there abrood in other Ships, they all cried out to take them and their companies with them, assuring him, that if he aduentured to land with Mariners, and with his owne attendants, without some Companies of Land Souldiers, hee would receiue a dis­grace. He answered, that he durst not take any of my Lord Generall his company of the Low Countries, no knowing in what seruice he ment to vse them; but he was resolued with the Gen­tlemen, and company of his owne Squadron, first to make a discent, and then to call them, and send Boates for them, if he proceeded any further, and that neither my Lord Generall, nor any of his traine, should haue cause to be ashamed of vs, for vndertaking that in the face of our Ene­mies, 50 which we durst not follow, and performe. And therefore told those Captaines, that hee would first attempt to win a landing, and then after if they could but second him ashoare with two hundred men more, hee would vndertake to lodge them that night in the Towne, and the next night after in the Forts. These Captaines were all glad of the newes, and promised to come after vs, if we would send our Boates for them; for most of their Ships had lost their Boates with foule weather.

This order and direction being giuen, we hasted as fast as our Oares could ply without the company of any Low Countrie Souldiers (being as I said two hundred and sixty strong, and the e­nemy more then the double as many) to the landing place which was first guarded with a migh­ty Hard place to land in. ledge of Rockes, some forty paces long into the Sea, and afterwards trenched, and flanked 60 with earth and stone, and onely a narrow lane betweene two wals left for our Entrance. But withall, we caused some of our Pinnaces that carried Ordnance, to lye as close to the shoare as they could, to flanke and beate vpon them in their trenches a little before, and iust as wee made Helpe by Pin­naces. our approach; which we found to good purpose, and as well performed, especially by one Cap­taine [Page 1954] Banker, in a fine Flee Boate of the Flemmish Squadron. But if there had bin but one hun­dred Low Countrie Spaniards at that defence, it had cost many of our liues, & yet perhaps haue mis­sed our purpose too: For a small company with any resolution, might haue made good that place, against a farre greater force then ours were at that time. But as we made onwards with our Boats, the shot plaied so thicke vpon vs, as that in truth the Mariners would scarce come forwards, ha­uing Basenesse of some. the lesser liking to the businesse, the neerer they came to it. And in like sort did I see some there stagger, and stand blanke, that before made great shewes, and would gladly be taken for va­liant Leaders: and some of these, our Reare Admirall did not spare to call vpon openly, and re­buke aloud with disgracefull words, seeing their basenesse.

And withall finding a generall amazement amongst the Mariners, and as it were a stay amongst 10 all the Boates, well p [...]ceiuing that this manner of houering, was both more disgracefull, and al­so more vnsafe, lying so open to the enemies shot (which through feare and amazement the Ma­riners, and Rowers, neither obserued nor vnderstood) with a loud voice commanded his Water­men Sir W. R. his re­solution. They land. to rowe in full vpon the Rockes, and bad as many as were not afraid, to follow him: Here­upon some Boates ran in with vs, and out of them there landed Master Garret a Pentioner, now Earle of Kildare, a Noble and valiant Gentleman; Sir William Brooke, Sir William Haruey, Sir Iohn Scot, Master Duke Brooke, Captaine Henry Thinne, Captaine White, Master Thomas Rugeway, Ma­ster Walter Chute, Captaine Arthur Radford, Master Henry Allen. Captaine William Morgan, Master Charles Mackart, and diuers other Gentlemen, whose names I would not omit, if I could call them all to minde, And so clambring ouer the rockes, and wading through the water, 20 we passed pell mell, with Swords, Shot, and Pikes vpon the narrow Entrance. Whereupon those that were at the defence, after some little resistance, began to shrinke, and then seeing vs to come Flight of the enemy. faster on vpon them, suddenly retiring, cast away their weapons, turned their backes, and fled, and the like did the rest in the higher Trenches, and quickly recouered the hils, and the woods, being a people very swift, and nimble of foote; for we could take none of them, but such as after yeelded vnto vs. And as for their Auncients, we could not recouer one, for the Horsemen that More actiue feete [...]hen hands. they had, carried them cleane away. And in this sort we gained both our landing, and our Ene­mies Trenches. In which attempt some few men were drowned, and slaine, diuers hurt, and two long Boates bulged, and lost. And after that we saw all things cleare, we assembled our Troopes together, and refreshed ourselues, with such comfort, as we had there, which done, we sent backe 30 our Boates for those Low Countrie Captaines afterward; who vpon their arriuall congratulated our good successe, in taking so strong a peece of ground, fortified, and guarded with so many men. When these Captaines were come vnto vs, we then tooke our selues to be a prettie Armie, being then in strength to the number of foure hundred and sixtie well armed, and appointed: where­of there were of Captaines and Gentlemen of good sort thirty, or forty which gaue great life to the businesse.

And hauing done so much already, we then thought it the best way to goe through with the matter, and to prepare the Towne in a readinesse for our Generall, and to make our selues Bur­gesses thereof in the meane season, and therefore our Reare Admirall appointed Captaine Bret to vse the Office of Sergeant Maior, and gaue direction to the other Captaines to aduance their 40 Colours, and to call their Companies together, in a readinesse, and so putting our Troopes in order, we marched directly toward the Towne, where by the way, diuers of these same very Spaniards, and Portugals, that a little before so braued vs, came and rendred themselues in great humility, with white Napkins on the end of stickes, all whom, wee receiued, and well intreated, vsing Spaniards and Portugals yeeld themselues. some for Guides, and some for our Carriages, and others to fetch vs in fresh Victuals, and Fruites. And it is worth the noting, to see the farre differing humors, vpon the change of Fortunes, in these Spaniards, and Portugals. For where they conquer or command, no people are so proud, and in­solent, and when they are once mastered, and subdued, no Nation of the world so base, or fuller of seruile Spaniards and Portugall schol lers of Fortun extreame in extremes. crouching, and obseruance, as though on a sodaine Nature had framed them in a new mould, so soone in an instant will they fall from soueraigntie to slauery. And surely (at home) they are in generall but a 50 baggage people, tamorous, and very vnwarlike. As we haue well experienced by seuerall inuasions, where­of one Army was conducted by Sir Iohn Norris, and Sir Francis Drake to Lisbona, and the other by the Earle of Essex, and the Lord Admirall Howard to Cadis, without any resistance, encounter in the field, or show of assayling our forces by battaile, all the while we stated there. But afterwards with a little hardening, and hartening in the Warres, wee see them proue very braue, and valiant And are not other Nations so? Vsus promp­tos facit. Souldiers.

This Towne was some foure miles from this landing place, and all the Country in which wee marched very champion, with pretty little rising hils, and all the fields ouer full of Mellons, Po­tatoes, and other Fruites. Betweene vs, and the Towne, was this high Fort, whereof I spake be­fore, and that other Fort at the end of the Towne: By these two we were resolued to passe, the 60 better thereby to discouer and obserue their strength, and situation: although there was ano­ther way that led to the Towne, some two miles further about, which we tooke not. But our resolution was the next morning to goe in hand with these Forts, which now we could not per­forme, the day being too far spent, and our men already ouerwearied with the last worke, toge­ther [Page 1955] with a long march, and extreame hot weather, besides want of victuals. And therefore for that night we ment onely, either by faire or foule meanes to possesse our selues of the Towne, and there to lodge, and so to content our selues, as hauing performed already, a sufficient daies worke. But in our march, as we approached neere the high Fort (by which of necessitie we were now to passe) they did very fiercely beate on vs both with great and small shot, hurting diuers, and kil­ling some of our people. Amongst others I saw a very strange accident happen to Captaine Wil­liam Morgan, by whom my selfe at that time stood, when from the Fort he receiued vpon a round buckle or his girdle, iust in the forepart, a Musket shot, that brused all his belly blacke, in a round Strange acci­dent of a shot. spot, and battered the Bullet flat at his feete, but did him no other hurt. Hee was in his doublet and hose without any Armour, or Target, for the which a little before I found fault with him, and his answere to me was, that his flesh was of the Musket proofe, as indeede it after proued, 10 with the helpe of a buckle of a Spanish girdle, and good fortune besides, which in the common opi­nion fauoureth the valiant.

In this approaching towards the Fort, our Reare Admiral accompanied with diuers other Gen­tlemen of the best sort, to the number of forty, in the head of all the Troopes, with his leading staffe, and no other Armour then his Collar (a brauery in a chiefe Commander not to be commen­ded) Reare Admiral taxed. led on the Company with soft march, full in the face of the Fort, descending downe a little hill, whileft with their great Ordnance, and Musketteir, we were very shrewdly pelted. But he, with this little Vauntguard was no sooner past, and entred vnder the couert of their trenches, and barricadoes, that were at the foote of this steepe hill, but the maine body of our little Armie, Disorder. that a while marched in good order, began presently to breake their rankes, and from marching 20 fell to flat running in stragling manner, so soone as euer they began to finde themselues within the mercy of the Musket shot, and so continued in this disorderly, and timorous course, vntill they were vpon our heeles, vnder the wals, and trenches, almost as soone as we, that were in manner of a Vauntguard come some twelue score before them in a fleady slow march. Our Reare Admirall, and we all cried out on them for this shamefull disorder, and taxed Captaine Bret, and Captaine Berry, with other of the Captaines for it, and of them demanded, if these were the men, that should haue done vs such stead in our landing, to saue vs from dishonour, or if this be the manner of their old Low Country Troopes, to shew such base cowardise, at the first sight of the Enemie, and for Musket shot so farre off from a Fort. The fault was not surely in these Captaines, for they were well knowne, and shewed themselues to be honest and resolute men, and did their best to stay this disorder. But their answere was this, that these com­panies, 30 that did so beastlike bebaue themselues, were in deede men taken out of Flushing, and Brill, the Cautionary Towns, and raw Souldiers, that euer liued in a safe Garrison, & seldome or neuer had seene ene­mie, or incountered with shot in the field. And therefore for these kinde of Low Countrie Souldiers, they said, we should neuer finde them, but as hase and backward fellowes, as the other Regiments that had fol­lowed the Campes were ready and valiant. And as it seemed to vs then, and as since I haue heard diuers Difference twixt Campe and Garrison Souldiers. confirme, their answere was true, and grounded vpon reason and Experience. And therefore it is not a­misse to take good notice of such as onely serue to take pay, to walke rounds, and guard ports in Garrison Townes, for in the fiold they will most commonly be missing, or at least (if present) doe little hurt for con­science sake.

We being thus come vnto the foote of the high Fort, and vnder couert of the Trenches, and 40 wals, which they had abandoned, retiring themselues into their fortifications, and strengths on the top of the Hill; our Reare Admirall commanded Captaine Bret to appoint a Sergeant or two, with some few shot, to goe proue and discouer the way towards the Towne, and take safe in hand with them one of our Portugall guides, for the more assurance, and for the better instructions for conducting the Troopes, because he was informed by the Guides, that the way in diuers places lay very open, and dangerous to the shot of the high Fort, as well as to the Fort at the Townes end. And the worse, by reason of low wals made of loose stones, on either side of the wayes, which the great Artillery, and Musketeir would beate vpon, and scatter amongst vs, and so in­deede after wards in the march we found it true. Captaine Bret answered, that although it had pleased our Reare Admirall to appoint him to another Office, yet, if he would expresly command 50 him, he would also suruey this passage himselfe. But it was not thought fit at that time to want the Sergeant Maior amongst such raw, and disorderly troopes; and therefore he was againe wil­led to appoint a Lieutenant, and a Sergeant or two, to goe about that businesse, in manner as was aforesaid. But vpon this order so giuen, Captaine Bret made report, that hee found the Sergeants and Lieutenants very vnwilling to vndertake this discouery, making the passage very difficult, by reason that they saw them from the hill top, to beate so dangerously with their great Artillery vpon vs, and the loose wals, & also to ply vs so fast with their Masketeir, the which they might better doe on that way. And therefore the Troopes were very desirous, to haue passed by with some speede, and not in any orderly march, and strength, which indeede had bin a very foule, and also an hazardous course. For as we were credibly informed, the Island was able to make a thou­sand 60 men furnished with weapons, and wee were perswaded (or at least to suspect) that they would gather the body of their most strength, for the defense of their best Towne, towards the which we were now marching.

[Page 1956] Our Reare Admirall seeing all men to make such scrupulositie of this businesse, when Captaine Bret had related vnto him the backwardnesse of these Low Countrie Garrison Souldiers, thereunto answered, that he would not offer that to any, which he would himselfe refuse to vndertake, if neede required; although it were not the dutie and office of the chiefe Commander, to vndergoe so ordinary a seruice, but a thing duely appertaining to the inferior Officers, & Souldiers: Notwith­standing (said he) though I could inforce others to doe it, they shall well perceiue, that I my selfe Reare Admi­rals valour. will doe that which they dare not performe: whereof I am ashamed in their behalfe, and how our Generall, and we all are abused, in the opinion of these Low Countrie Souldiers. And therefore cal­led for his Curates and Caske, and said, that he would both goe view the way for them, which they had made so nice of, and also the passages, and ascents vnto the hill top, and as well as hee 10 could take view of the strength, and fortifications thereof, for our better directions against the next morning that we should attempt it. Captaine Berrie thereupon very willingly offered him­selfe to hoe, and did earnestly desire me to diuert our Reare Admirall from vndertaking it, And I thereupon did openly dissawde him that commanded in chiefe, from putting his owne person to those inferiour Offices of hazard, fitter for a Lieutenant or a Sergeant, then himselfe to performe, knowing, that all the direction, as well of those troopes, as also of a whole Squadron of the Nauie, did at that time onely rest vpon him, in the absence of the Admirall, & Vice Admirall. Notwith­standing he was obstinate therein, as well in scorne to them that had refused, as also indeede out of a desire, to be the better informed of the strength, and fortification of the high Fort. Wherein when I saw him resolued, I told him that I would out of the loue of a kinsman, in particular, 20 and also out of an honest regard, take such part as he did, from whom I had receiued many kinde fauours, and accompany him, but not out of any great desire I had to goe about a peece of worke, that consisted of much danger, and little honour in the performance. Hee thanked mee for mine offer, but yet wished me not to goe, if it were against my minde; notwithstanding I accompa­nied him, and so did some eight or ten more of our seruants and followers. But I say truely, and so afterwards it was much spoken of, that there was not any one more of quality, that did accompa­ny him in that businesse.

In this sort, and in this number did he himselfe goe to discouer the passage, and also was care­full and diligent to obserue and search out the strengths and ascents to the hill. In which doing, Dangerous discouery. we were shrewdly troubled with the great Artillery, which did beat vpon the old wals, alongst 30 the which we were to passe, and therewithall much indangered and harmed vs. For besides some that were hurt, two of our traine had their heads stricken cleane from their shoulders; my selfe was then shot through the left leg with a Musket bullet, but missed the boanes being but a flesh­wound, but the bullet did burne both my silke stocking and buskin, as if it had bin singed with an hot Iron. I was then hard by the Reare Admirall, who also was shot through the breeches & doub­let sleeues in two or three places. And still they plied vs so fast with small shot, as that (I well re­member) he wished me to put of a large red scarfe, which I then wore, being (as hee said) a very faire marke for them. But I was not willing to do the Spaniards so much honor at that time, albeit I could haue wished it had not bin on me, & therfore told the Reare Admirall again, that his white scarfe was as eminent as my red, and therefore I now would follow his example. But yet in my poore Scarfe-braue­ry perillous. 40 opinion I see no great honor, nor discretion in those nice ceremonies, but when men go to seruice, they may with reputation, either put on, or put off all habiliments, for their most aduantage and securitie, and especi­ally in going to discouer, which best may be performed, when themselues are least discouered. And this puts me in minde of a report which I heard many yeeres since of Monsieur La: Noe, that famous French Cap­tain, and one Bussey de Amboys, a gallant French Gentleman. These two being with Monsieur the French Discouery best lest discoueted Kings brother, some 24. yeer: since, at the siege of Bines in the Low Countries, were to informe themselues of a flanker, or some Rauelin that was to be beaten with Artillery. La Noue was the Marshall of Monsi­eurs Campe, and Bussye his great fauourite, & Lieutenant Generall (as I take it) Bussey would needes be­fore Monsieur in a brauery, inuite La Noue to vndertake with him the discouery of that place, which La Noue out of his better iudgment, and experience in the Warres, thought not so fit a peece of seruice for 50 their places, but rather to be preferred to some priuate Captaines of valour, and iudgement, that would very couertly goe about it. But such was Busseyes forward beate, and iollitie to the businesse, as that La Noue, who was inferiour to none in true valour, disdained to refuse that, which the other still vrged, and made so light of. And being stirred by Busseyes daring branery, he fell to the businesse, and led Bussey such a dance in his hose and doubled vnarmed to the discouery, and so slily curried him on still with a sober discourse, further and further inso the very mouth of the Cannon and Musket shot, with a soft steady pace, as that Bussey began to finde and dislike their entertamment, see­ing the imminent danger that they still ranne into. And thereupon suddenly asked La Noue, what he meant so farre openly to ingage himselfe, and on so slow a pace: whereto La Noue answered, that hee did so, to make Bussey know, that La Noue had a heart as well to execute, as a tongue to giue coun­sell 60 when neede required. But at last, they both falling into the true reckoning of their follies; the one, for vrging a valiaut old Souldier, and the other for assenting to the vaine glorious humour of youthly inconsiderate courage, came off very quietly both together, hauing had their fils of discouering. And yet these Simullates (as the Latines name them) haue euer in all ages raigned. Caesar in his Commentaries [Page 1957] makes an especiall obseruation of two of his Captaines for the like: The one was called Titus Pul­fio, and the other Lucius Varenus, and it happened in his Warres of France, in the wintering Campe of Q [...]intus Cicero, one of his Lieutenants being furiously assaulted by the Gauls, but most resolutely defended. The manner hee describeth excellently, and large, in his Commentaries, to which I referre you.

And now to our purpose, by this time, we had reasonably to our satisfaction, made a sufficient discouery, both of the way for our Troopes to passe, and also of the ascents to the high Forton the Mountaine. And then there came vnto vs Captaine Berry, and one Master Henry Allen, and others; who finding me hurt, very kindely bemoned my harme, and I in requitall of their curtesie, as much lamented the want of all their good companies at that banquet; vpon the comming of these vnto vs, we sent backe two of our men to Captain Bret (Sergeant Maior for that time) to be 10 his Guides, and to will him presently to march on with his Troopes towards the Towne after vs, and that we would stay for them, because we then looked to be fought withall, or at the least, to haue some little sally, or bickering out of the Fort at the Towns end, which we must needes passe by, before we could come to the Town. This was a very fine fortification all of stone worke, with curtaine, flankers, and ditch, very artificially cast: but presently vpon our approach they abando­ned Fortification forsaken. Towne aban [...] doned. it, and in our passing by we entred into it, and found that they had newly forsaken the place. The like did they afterwards from the Towne, and were all fled vp into the Countrie, and into the Mountaines, sauing those two hundred that were garrisoned in the high Fort. The Towne was emptied, and left very bare of all things, but of such wares as could not suddenly be remou­ed: 20 which was Wine, Salt, and Corne, whereof they left a little store for our refreshing. The rest of our Troopes by this time were now come on very neere to the Towne, but there were some fiue and twentie of them shot, and some seuen or eight slaine in the passage.

And in this manner we did afterwards enter the Town very peaceably; which was a pleasant They enter the Towne. Towne descri­bed. place, built all of Stone, and couered with Tile; and full of fine Gardens, Orchards, and Wels of delicate waters, with faire Streets, and one very faire Church, and also a Nunnery, and a Fryerie. It is in bignesse about the proportion of Plymouth, or Yarmouth, but seated much like Douer Town. This Island is of late yeeres become very watchfull, and the people more growne to the vse of fit armes, and haue for their defence erected this new fortification, on the high hill, with a Garrison of two hundred Spaniards in it. For not long before, it had bin very gallantly surprised, and (as I 30 thinke) sacked, and ransomed, by the right Honorable George Clifforld Earle of Comberland (a no­ble Earle of Cum­berland. See sup. l. 6. c. 1. Gentleman) that had often exposed both his purse, and his person, to his great honour and ex­perience in those Seafaring Aduentures. And presently vpon our entrance we made Barricadoes, placed good Guards in diuers parts, and a strong Corps de Guard in the Market place. For the town being vnwalled, we were to suspect, that if we lay there open, and carelesly refreshing our selues, and our souldiers scattered abroad in seeking for victuals, we might easily be surprised without good order, and directions giuen, before we fell to our repast, or rest. But this order being first per­formed, Their order for safety and booty. then were others at better liberty to search safely for bootie. Therefore Proclamation was made, that vpon paine of death none should straggle twenty score without the Towne, and that not without the knowledge and leaue of an Officer, and then to goe vpon their guard with 40 fit weapon, and company. Hauing now refreshed and reposed our selues all night without any trouble, more then two false alarmes, that were giuen vpon the sight of diuers of the inhabitants that approached towards the Towne, to view the manner of our dealings with their buildings (which proued nothing, but mistrust of the worst) for which, all things were well prouided to The Generals comming. withstand the enemy) the next morning being the 22. of September, euen with the day breake, we might see our Generall with his Fleete at hand, bearing in with all sailes towards the Roade of Fayall, who all this while had bin beating vp and down the Seas, looking about for the Adelan­tado, and other Aduentures. Vpon his arriuall, our intent for attempting the high Fort was frustra­ted, and all our proceedings in Fayall were by Sir Guillie Merricke at large related, vnto our Gene­rall, Sir Guilly Me­ricks vnch [...]i­table officious­nesie. and so aggrauated, and wrested into an euill sense, by him, Sit Christopher Blunt, Sir Anthony Sherly, and others, by putting my Lord in the head, that these parts were plaied by the Reare Ad­mirall 50 onely to steale honor, & reputation from him, and to set his owne forwardnesse to the view of the world; which intimation of theirs, was an exception that they know our Generall was ve­ry apt of his owne disposition to take hold of, being a man that did affect nothing in the world so Earle of Effe [...] his ambition of honour. much as Fame, and to be reputed matchlesse for magnanimitie, and vndertaking, and could hardly indure any that should obscure his glory in that kinde, though otherwise he fauoured them neuer so much. And that this is true, those that vnderstand his humour best, cannot iustly deny. The which (I protest) I doe not speake, either out of any neglect of one that is dead, or to picke a thanke of any that lines, but simply out of a resolution to write an vnpartiall truth, or else to be silent. For those spirits that base flattery, or seruile feare doth transport in fashioning their Histories, are of all others to be reputed 60 the vnworthiest, and most pernicious in a well-pollicied Common wealth. For wee see that those Heathens, which haue written the stories of Cyrus Pyrrhus, Alexander, Haniball, Scipio, Caesar, and of all other those great Kings, & renouned Heroes, do as well taxe them for their vices, as glorifie them for their ver­tues: For, who liues without fault? And so sincerly & boldly do they follow the truth in their writings, as that [Page 1958] they are therby freed from malice, or reuenge, because they are free from all partiaelitie; or if any spleen arise, yet it is secret; for the prosecution of such sinceritie, is reputed meere impie [...]e in all sorts, and flat Tyrannie in Princes. And to conclude, this impotent humor of induring riuality, and other mens praises, is very in­cident to men in high places, especially if they be of great courage, or tickled with Ambition.

It was be [...]des alleadged, that the presumption and scorne, to land such Forces without his Lordships leaue, was not to be passed ouer without seuere punishment, and a Marshall Court fit to be called, to censure the offence and breach of order, and discipline, with many other as bitter arguments, and deuises, as their wits could compasse, to aggrauate the Generals wrath against all that were in this Action, and especially the Reare Admirall. Against whom, they spared not so farre to inueigh, as that they gaue it out, that he was well worthy to loose his head for his labour. 10 And so had they inueighed the Generall against vs all, as that all the forenoone was spent in re­prehending and displacing all the Land Captaines, and Officers that accompanied the Reate Ad­mirall in that Action, who being sent for to answere before the Generall aboord his ship, was before the Messenger came for him, gone in his Barge to see the Generall, and to guide him to the Land, not so much as suspecting that any thing had bin ill taken for that matter, but rather Sir Walter Ra­l [...]igh commeth aboord the Generall. looking for great thankes at the Generall his hands. But so soone as he entred the Generals ship, he found all mens countenances estranged, as he passed through them. And when he was entred into the Generals cabbin, after a faint welcome, the Generall began to challenge him of breach of order and Articles: To whom the Reare Admirall answered, that he knew not of any such breach: my Lord replied, that there was an article that none should land any of the Troopes Accusation. 20 without the Generals presence, or his order. The Reare Admirall desired the Generall to giue him leaue to defend himselfe by those Lawes, which himselfe as well as others had deuised, and his Lordship with the Counsell of warre had authorised, and that then his Lordship should finde, that His answere. he had not committed any Errour at all. For (saith he) there is an Article, that no Captaine of any ship, nor Captaine of any Company, if he be seuered from the Fleete, shall land any where without directi­on, from the Generall, or some other principall Commander, vpon paine of death, &c. But I take my selfe (said he) to be a principall Commander, vnder your Lordship, and therefore not subiect to that Article, nor vnder the power of the law Marshall because a successiue commander of the whole Fleete in her Ma­iesties Letters Patents, your Lordship, and my Lord Thomas Howard failing. And besides your Lord­ship agreed that I should land at this Island, with your Lordship, whom I haue attendea these foure dayes, 30 and finding that your Lordship came not, being in your way thitherwards halfe a dozen leagues before, I waied anchor, I could not but thinke, that you thought me strong inough to take this Island, and that your Lordship was gone, with some of the rest to some of the other Islands. And stated so long from landing, at Sir Guillie Merrickes intreatie, as I heard mine owne company, euen at my backe, murmur, and say, that I durst not aduenture it. And to tell your Lordship a plaine truth, my intent at first was onely to water, vntill I saw them follow me in that brauing manner, which with our reputations wee could not then shun, and giue ouer, being already in our Boates for that purpose. For if I had intended the taking of the Towne, I would neuer haue retired so farre off from our first Roade, that lay right before it.

This dispute held some halfe houre, and then the Generall went ashoare, and rested himselfe in the Reare Admirals lodging, being well enough satisfied at that time. In so much as the Reare 40 Admirall desired my Lord to [...]up there, and that if his Lordship ment to call the matter further in question, he would claime no priuiledge nor fauour thereby, but answer it in the morning. To which Sir Christopher Blunt (taking my Lords answere from him) said, that he thought my Lord would not sup at all. But the Reare Admirall finding Sir Christopher Blunts disposition, told him, that when he [...]uited him he might disable his owne appetite, but if my Lord pleased to stay, he would be very glad of his presence. In this meane while my Lord Thomas Howard very nobly, Lord T. Howard (now Earle of Suffolke) his Christian and friendly medi­ation. and kindely taking care, that no wrong, nor disgrace might be offered to the Reare Admirall by any deuise, or practise of his Enemies, dealt with the Generall to finde how hee stood resolued, and the next morning assured the Reare Admiral, that my Lord sought nothing but a due acknow­ledgement of an offence, alleadging that the rest would thinke him a very weake and came Com­mander, 50 if he should receiue no manner of satisfaction. The Reare Admirall hoping that hee had done nothing vniustifiable, and well assured, that he was successiuely in the Commission, for the whole commandement of the Fleete (and therefore not subiect to any corporall danger) as also because he assured himselfe of the Vice Admirall his honorable loue, and sincere dealing, came a­gaine in the morning to visite the Generall. Otherwise (remembring the little trust that men ought to repose in reconciled enemies, and the strong malice borne him by others in greatest fa­uour with my Lord) had ment to haue put himselfe into his owne Squadron, and so to haue de­fended himselfe, or left my Lord. But my Lord Thomas Howard, perswading him to goe, and sa­tisfie the Generall (vpon whose word onely he made that aduenture, after he had giuen him his honour, with great kindnesse, and resolution, that he would make himselfe a party, if any wrong 60 or violence were offered, contrary to the Generals promise vnto him; he did as the Vice Admirall The Generall pacifed. aduised him. And so all things after a little dispute came to a quiet end and conclusion.

And within a day or two after, the Generall accompanied with the Vice Admirall, and other Lords, and Commanders dined aboord our ship, where he was exceedingly intertained, and con­tented. [Page 1959] Onely this I omitted that when the Generall committed Captaine Bret, Berry, and Syd­ney, The Reare Admirall desired that those Gentlemen might receiue no hard measure in his cause, for whatsoeuer his Lordship doth conceiue to haue bin misdone, hee must take it wholly on him­selfe to answere, being at that time the Chiefe and Commander. This I haue set downe in man­ner as I heard it, then from men of good sort, not being present thereat my selfe, nor at that time able to waite on the Generall, by reason of the shot through my legge, which I had receiued but the day before, in this thanklesse seruice.

Thus was the whole day spent in reprehending and disciplining vs for our paines. And yet notwithstanding, these aggrauators, and chiefe Instigators of our Generall, vouchsafed to take the benefit of our reproued Trauailes, in lodging, and refreshing themselues in this good Towne, both this night, and three or foure dayes after. But in the same day that our Generall ariued, about 10 one of the clocke after midnight, all the Portugal [...], and Spaniards in the high Fort, with their High Fort a­bandoned. bagge and baggage, abandoned the place, leauing behinde them six peeces of great Artillery mounted. For when they saw the whole Fleete together, and so many gallant Troopes land with our Generall, their hearts fainted, and so they fled into the Countrie, and woddy Mountaines adioining. Then in the morning when it was too late (although as yet wee knew not so much) direction was giuen to certaine troopes, and companies, to guard all the foot of the high Fort, to stop, and stay them from stealing from thence, that were already gone, for it was giuen out, that if they did not presently surrender it, the place should be assailed.

But when newes was brought that they had abandoned the Fort, and carried all away, then was there much descanting of the foule ouersight, so to suffer the Birds to escape out of the 20 Cage, that might haue bin so surely kept, if we had not bestowed more labour in disciplining and correcting our owne pretended faults for landing, then discretion or diligence in prosecuting Enuie spieth more in pre­tended, then in professed ene­mies, and is al­way worst to it selfe, though bad to all. the Enemy, whom we had at an aduantage. For presently vpon their arriuall, they did nothing but examine and discipline our offence. Whereas if they had gone in hand with the Fort, and cast a carefull eye thereunto, we had not lost the ransoming of so many Spanish prisoners, nor the benefit of the spoyle which they had carried out of the Towne, for safty to that place. And at this grosse errour there was much muttering. But now diuers of the land officers (to colour and excuse their owne default) laid this blame also on vs, alleadging that we should haue left a good guard vpon the Fort, if we had done like men of warre, vpon our first landing, and then all had 30 bin sure. And although this excuse passed at first for some paiment, for the common and more ig­norant sort, yet all men of iudgement could easily perceiue, how impossible a matter it was for vs out of foure hundred and sixtie to spare so many, as should sufficiently guard two hundred souldi­ers, from sallying out of such a Fort, and yet proceede with the recouering of the other Fort, and Towne that was before vs. For the defence of both which, the Island was able and had in rea­dinesse (as our spies and guides assured vs) aboue one thousand able men well furnished, vpon whom we were to haue a vigilant eye, and to keepe a conuenient strength after we had once pos­sessed the Towne. But after the Generall was come, this might easily haue bin performed, or if he had not come, they had not fled so suddainly, and the same morning, wee our selues had at­tempted the Fort, and made no doubt to carry it. But then with the presence of our Generall, 40 vpon his arriuall, all our determinations, and authorities were conciuded.

Afterwards when our men entred this Fort, which the Spaniards had abandoned, there they found diuers peeces of Artillery, and an English Gentleman whose name was Hart, and a Flem­ming with both their throates cut. Then were there certaine companies sent abroad the Coun­try, Hart and ano­ther left with throates cut. to trace those Spaniards and Portugals, and to make waste of all that lay in their way. But of the Garrison they could neuer recouer one man. Now after three or foure dayes the anger and dislikes of our Generall towards vs, were well pacified, and vpon further consideration and con­ference with the Reare Admirall of his doings, hee grew againe into very kinde tearmes with him, and at his suite released and restored all the disgraced Captaines that landed, and were in this seruice, and so hauing taken all the benefit, and refreshing of this Towne, and Island that we could come by, our time being so short, on the foureteenth of September we were all commanded 50 to goe aboord. And so for a farewell, and for the funerals of our lost men, and those two that were so dispitefully murthered in the high Fort, the Towne was brauely set on fire, and all the Towne fired. Ordnance of the Towne, and Forts brought away with vs. And I am perswaded that if the warres had not bin by chance so began before by vs, vpon that Island by their owne seeking, and foolish brauery, and afterwards aggrauated by their cruelty in murthering so despitefully two of our company in the high Fort, Fayall had escaped as scotfree as did Cuor [...]o, Flores, Gratiosa, Saint Reward of cru­elty is cruelty. Michaels, or any of the other. For surely they were all at our mercy, the Fort of Tercera onely excepted. But in all these Actions I obserued, and well saw, that our Generall in his true dispo­sition, affected rather to be renowned for bounty, clemency, and valour, then for the glory of a 60 dreadfull Conquerour. All this while the Flemmings were playing their parts in the Isle of Pike, which was about a league from Fayall; where I leaue them ransacking the Wines, and burning all that was within their power.

The six and twentieth of September we made towards Gratiosa, where wee cast ancor, and [Page 1960] presently whilest we roade before it, there came aboord our Generall, the chiefe men of the I­sland submitting themselues, and crauing mercy of our Generall, alleadging (as they of Flores Gra [...]iosa sub­mitteth i [...] selfe. had done) that the inhabitants thereof were Portugals, and friends, and naturall Enemies to the Spaniards, though they wanted meanes and force to show it, being held vnder them by strong hand, To this Island our Generall shewed his accustomed mercy, and required of them some pro­uisions of Wine, Fruites, and fresh victuals for the relieuing of the Fleete; but of any other com­position we heard not, although it was supposed they did, or might haue yeelded a better ran­some: but this was very willingly sent by the inhabitants vnto vs. Here some of the Comman­dets went aboord the Generall, and besought him to goe a land, and somewhat better to suruey this Island, and for one day to let his Fleete ancor in that Roade, which his Lordship shewed 10 great willingnesse vnto. But the Master of the Generals Ship, whose name was Groue (a dull and vnluckie fellow) was vtterly against that counsell, and alleadged that the yeere was farre spent, and the place of anchoring there not good for the ground tackle, protesting that it would be dan­gerous for the whole Fleete, and put it in hazard, and therefore very earnestly perswaded and vrged the leauing of that Roade; which aduise of his, our Generall then followed, to our great l [...]sse, and hinderance, as afterwards it fell out. But Gr [...]ue the Master must pardon mee to say in m [...]ne opinion, that it was an vndiscreete aduise, so to diuert our Fleete in such haste from that Groue taxed. Island, considering the long aboade he made afterwards before Saint Michaels, and at Villa Fran­ca, to lesse purpose in as ill Roades as this, and later in the yeere. Hereupon wee wayed, leauing Gratiosa vpon Saint Michaels Eue, and made for Saint Michaels Island, and on Saint Michaels 20 day, early in the morning, we made that land, and bare in with the shoare. And as wee came ve­ry Saint Michael. neere vnto it, two of the Sterne-most Ships of our Fleete, shot off twice or thrice, and bare vp with all sailes they could packe on, towards the Admirals ship.

These brought newes of the Indian Fleete then by them discouered, comming directly from the Roade of Gratiosa, that the Generall had so vnwillingly left but the Euening before, by the Newes of the In [...]ian Fleet. vnluckie aduice of Groue the Master of his ship. Vpon the Intelligence giuen by these two ships, our Admirall shot off a peece, and presently cast about, and there withall, wee in the other ships perceiued casting vp of Hats, and great shootes aboord the Admirall, for ioy of this newes. And the like afterwards was done in the Vice-Admirals ship, and so passed throughout all the Fleete. Within some few houres after, we incountered, and tooke three Spanish ships, comming from the Three Spanish ships taken. 30 Hauana, the greatest of them being about foure hundred tunnes, and esteemed to be a very rich ship, as well for the lading, as for the passengers that were in her. To this Spaniard, our ship cal­led the Wastspight being neerest, gaue Chase, and caused her to stricke, and yeelde: but yet my Lord Generall hasting after, would suffer none but his owne Boate to goe aboord her, being full of good prisoners, and pillage besides her lading, which was Cochynella, and other such rich Wares. This ship, and the other two that were in her company, being very good prises also, made to the Generall a relation of forty sailes of Indian men, whereof some eight were fraughted with the Kings Treasure, that did dissenbarge with them from the Hauana, bound for Spaine. And as we after heard, the Garland, the Rainebow, the Dreadnaught, the Marigold, and others, fell a­mongst sixteene saile of the richest of this Indian Fleete, whereof they foundred one, and whilest 40 they were busie in seeking to take the spoile of her (as it was credibly reported) all the rest did escape, and recouer Tercera. But of this I speake as the generall voice went, and not vpon other assurance, for they were then separated from vs, and the rest of the Fleete; And therefore I must adde this conclusion, to desire that I may of the vnderstanding sort be pardoned, if in these relations I can­not truely, nor at large write the accidents, and courses of all their ships in particular, being no eye witnesse thereof, nor possibly could so be. For to doe that in a land army, or in a battaile is very hard, and much more in a Sea Uoyage consisting of so many ships sometimes separated.

Vpon intelligence of this escaping, and passing by so vnluckily of these Indian Ships, we were all much perplexed. For by that chance, and by our vnfortunate hast from Gratiosa, but the very night before, wee saw that Euen, the wrath of destiny denied to make vs so happy, as to bee ma­sters 50 of so great a fortune, as then had fallen into our laps, if wee had not still followed all those counsells that fell out to the worst. Notwithstanding, with all the speed wee could make, we in­stantly Indian Fleete pursued to T [...] ­cera. followed after them to Tercera, where they were entred some sixe houres before vs, and had moored their Ships fast vnder the Towne and Fort, being one of the strongest pieres of all Europe. There wee might aloofe behold them safe within the Road; which was a great Inlet in­uironed with a high Land, in manner of Peninsula; so as the Shippes lay vnder the command of The Peere de­scribed. two strong Fortifications, a place neither fit nor possible for our Ships to follow them, except we had meant, that they should haue there stuck fast for comming out againe. Now was there a ge­nerall counsell called aboord the Admirall, what course to take heerein, and many great aduen­tures A Counsell. proposed and offered to bee attempted, by some Coronels and Captaines, with Boates and 60 Pinnaces for the landing of men, to force those places, but all in vaine, and altogether vnseasona­ble. For whereas they, with one thousand fiue hundred men, offered to take both the Iland and Forts, some others of the chiefest Sea-Commanders (in their iudgements, well knowing the great difficultie to Land men, and Munitions on so disaduantagious a place, and in so euill a season of the [Page 1961] yeere; besides the great strength of the Fortifications, so well furnished at that time by this new arriuall) were vtterly against it, as a matter friuolous, and of more apparant danger to our selues, then to the Enemy, and for it yeelded sundry reasons. All which these Coronels seemed to ac­count light or, and would needs in great brauery, still vrge the vndertaking of it, if they might haue but the proportion of one thousand fiue hundred men, before spoken of; which the General himselfe seemed greatly to allow, and insist vpon, and therefore of necessitie to be yeelded vnto by the inferiour Commanders.

But our Vice-Admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, finding indeed the marke whereat some of our great Captaines shot, to wit, that it would haue serued their turnes to haue vaunted, that if the Vice-Admirall, and Reare-Admirall had beene willing to this enterprise, and not crossed it by counter counsells, the Spanish Fleet and Treasure (by mastering the Ilands of Tercera) might haue 10 been recouered, his Lordship resolued either to tie them to their pretended resolutions, or to make them see, that they could not serue themselues of him, by any such finenesse & pretence. And ther­fore told the general plainly, that if indeed he would so willingly haue it attempted, himselfe, and the Reare-Admirall for their parts would be forward and readie to aduenture as farre as any o­thers. And moreouer, the better to inable the action, said, that they would vndertake to find him three thousand strong and able men, to spare out of the Fleet, and yet leaue the Nauie sufficiently manned. And therefore (said they) if your Lordship see no other reasons to let or hinder this offered attempt, there shal be no want of so many men as we speake of, which is double the num­ber that was demanded. But vpon this constant offer, the matter was againe debated, and grew 20 somewhat colder, being better digested. So as in conclusion it was deemed inconuenient, and im­possible to be effected, as our Forces and helpes, and theirs at that time stood, and the time of the yeere so farre spent, and the winds and the Seas growne so tempestuous for landing in Boats. But if this offer had not bin made, then, the relinquishing of these glorious motions, and attempts, had bin laid vpon the backwardnesse and disswasions of the Sea-men, which was well enough percei­ued, and therefore accordingly answered. Digression touching rash on sets and brauad [...]s. Sir R. Greenuile his story you haue before, which perhaps may somwhat better excuse him.

These vnseasonable offers, and Brauadoes, puts me in mind of the like inconsiderate vnfortunate acti­on of Sir R. Greenfield in the Reuenge, who being Vice-Admirall to the same Lord Thomas Howard Admirall in a iourney to these Ilands in certaine of the Queenes Ships, they fortuned to meet with a great Fleet of the King of Spaines, neere to the Ile of Flores, consisting of so many huge and mighty 30 Gallions, as was no way fit for them to vndertake, being in number and force three times as strong as ours was. And therefore f [...]ter to be warily dealt withall, then rashly aduentured vpon. Wherefore the Admi­rall (out of the due consideration and iudgement of the office, and place hee held, as also for that at his re­turne home, hee was to giue a strict account of the charge committed vnto him) thought it fit to keepe still aloofe, and in the weather of this powerfull Nauie, and so to fight with them at his best aduantage, off, and on, as occasion serued, or else to free himselfe from them if need required: For his Ships being more n [...]m­ble, yare, and swift, then the Spaniards, it had bin a grosse errour to haue thrust himselfe wilfully in a­mongst them, and so to giue them the aduantage of boording, being high and mighty built Ships, through­ly manned and full of shot, and the manner of fight, by boording most aduantageous for those huge Gallions. Besides being, as they were all men of Warre, and thrice as many as the English, and no other benefit to 40 bee got by boording them, but blowes, and the hazard of battaile, which is vncertaine victory; it behoo­ued Roman exam­ples. him aduisedly to carry himselfe, and rather to follow the heedy steps of a Fabius Maximus, then the [...]eadie fury of a Terentius Varro. But his Vice-Admirall, being indeed a man very wilfull, and violent in his courses, could in no wise be perswaded to follow his Admirall, and his consorts. But thrusting him­selfe rashly in amongst the Spaniards, those mighty Vessels being a Sea-boord, and some of them getting into the weather of him, so becalmed all his sayles, as that hee could not vse the benefit of working vpon a wind to his best aduantage, nor free himselfe of them when hee would, but was clapt aboord by two or three of them; where to redeeme his errour, seeing hee had brought himselfe so vndiscreetly into a desperate worke, he very resolutely fought, and made long resistance, to the great annoyance and lesse of the Assay­lants. But in the end, being shaken and beaten to sitters with their great Ordnance, and oppressed with the 50 multitude of them, comming in fresh vpon him, was by mayne force mastered, and yet disdaining to yeeld, for that hee had receiued his deaths wound in the fight, sought by all meanes to haue blowne vp his Ship, by setting fire on his owne Powder [...]e, and therewithall to haue destroyed as many of the Spaniards as lay aboord him; but by the care of his Captaine (whose name was Laughorne) was withstood and pre­uented. Aright antient Roman resolution, but somewhat too much varying from the true Christian Re­ligion; to draw a violent and sudden death on so many soules, for the better gracing of his particular er­rour. Reuenge, the only Ship of the Nauy Roy­all, possessed by the Spani­ards and dear­ly bought. And in this sort by his owne wilfulnesse, brought he one of the Royall Nauie, into the power and possession of the Spaniards, which during all the Warres, neuer before nor after they could obtaine. And a faire grace of God it was, that his fond example had not inticed more of them, at the same time to the like folly and ruine. Now the best that hee could hope for, was after the exchanging of some great shot with 60 them to haue come of againe if hee could. A brauery to small purpose, for to subdue them, was not in the power of all the English, if they had beene as many more in all likelihood and reason. Vpon which grounds wise Commanders ought to build their resolutions, before they put themselues to the hazard of battaile. Besides, in truth it was a very insolent and disorderly part, for a Vice-Admirall, being a man of his yeeres [Page 1962] and experience, so wilfully without cause, against all discretion to vary from his Admiralls course, and from the opinion of all his Consorts, onely to bid himselfe voluntarily to so foolish and bitter a banquet, wherein hee could be but lost. And hard would it be for Generalls, and Chiefe Commanders to fulfill their Instructions, or satisfie that which is expected at their hands, if they should be drawne on, or ingage them­selues, by the vaine example of euery one that is carryed with a headdy humour, to follow his owne wilfull conceit. For so was that noble Paulus Aemilius, and the Roman Armie with him lost, at the Batta [...]le of Cannas, in being constrained to second the foolish brauery of Varro, his rash Colleague. And in the like vnaduised desperate sort, did that valiant Duke of Yorke, Richard Plantagenet, Father to Edward the Fourth, wilfully cast away himselfe, when with fiue thousand men onely, contrary to the perswasiens and Rich. D. of Yorke counsell of all his friends, out of the pride of his brauery, hee would needs sally out of his Castle of Sandall, 10 and giue battaile to the Queenes Army, that was twenty thousand strong: whereby his weake forces were quickely defeated, at Wakefield, and himselfe slaine, with his young sonne the Earle of Rutland. It is said to bee the dutie of a great Captaine, to seeke victory with as little losse to himselfe, as may bee, and more military discipline shewed in making a faire and safe retrait, then in giuing a furious and desperate charge. The experience whereof was well seene, in that gallant Souldier Sir Iohn No [...]is, who wan as much Ho­nour Sir Io. Nor [...]is. and Fame, by that braue, and well ordered retrait which hee [...] befor [...] Gaunt, as in any one piece of seruice that euer hee did. We had also fresh in our memories, a Sea experiment of the very like tragi­call successe of Sir Richard Greenfield, in the like rash attempt of Peter de Strosse, Admiral of a French [...]ter Strosse. Fleet, against a mightie Spanish Nauy, commanded by the Marquesse of Sancta Cruce, at these Ilands. Where this Strosse out of a wilfull brauery, contrary to the better aduice of all his Captaines, and Ma­sters, hauing alreadie landed many braue troupes of Frenchmen, in the Ilands, as assistant to Don An­thonio, 20 named King of Portugall, vpon the first view would needes lay the Marquesse and the Spanish Fleet aboord, being compassed of mightie huge Gallions, and the French but slender nimble Ships. By which vnequall match, and foolish daring, he was beaten downe [...]ght, all his Nauie destroyed (sauing the Count Brysack, and a few others of better iudgement, that would not follow his vaine course) and him­selfe being taken prisoner, was aliue most despitefully torne, and drawne asunder with two Ships. Thus lost Terribly exe­cuted. he himselfe, and his honour, brought many gallant Gentlemen and So [...]diers to a butcherly execution, and vtterly thrust Don Anthonio from the possession of the Iles of Asores, and confounded all those braue French troupes, which a little before he had placed in them. But in another manner, and with better suc­cesse were our affaires gouerned, in the yeere 88. when that mightie Fleet of Spaine, which they termed 30 inuincible, came to inuade vs. For then I remember, amongst other good discipline, and instructions for the Example of 88 Sea fight; it was straitly ordained, that none of our Ships should voluntarily (if they could by any meanes auoid it) lay any Spaniards aboord, but alwayes to sight with them vpon aduantage, and indeauour by all meanes to keepe into the weather of them, and so leaue or take as occasion serued, they comming to inuade, and our end only to keep them from landing. The which direction was so well ebserued, as that this inuinci­ble Inuinsible fleet inuisible. Fleet, for all their force and powerfull appearance, proued at last inuisible, left many of their Ancors and good Ships behind them, got not, nor sunke any one of ours: but being sore gauled and beaten, with this manner of fight, and greatly affrighted with fire, and such like stratagems, were at last glad to packe a­way, as fast as they could out rt the backe doore. I meane by the North Seas, round about Scotland, and Ireland: wherein they found a miserable and tedious flight, neuer hauing gotten so much as a dish of our 40 fresh water, nor euer landed one man (except prisoners) vpon our Coast. Now, if our Admirall, the Lord Charles Howard had beene a wilfull Commander, standing vpon those vaine glorious termes of boording and assaulting the enemy, and not haue proceeded by counsell and policie temperately, then had he done that which the Spaniards expected and desired, their Ships being fit for the purpose, and comming to boording and handy fight, might very well haue distressed vs, and so haue hazarded both the Nauie, and the Kingdome together. But this noble Lord, as hee was very fortunate ard iudicious in Sea seruice, so L. Admirall commended. hee truely and wisely considered, how great a weight and charge lay on his iudgement and trust, and there­fore did accordingly, with great wisdome and temper marshall his dffaires, to the ouerthrow of his Ene­mies, to the perpetuall honour of his name, and the victorious seruing of his Prince and Countrey. This therefore may may stand for a Maxime and Caueat, to all great and wise Commanders, that to whom a 50 King or State commits the trust and direction of an Army: It bridles him in the free vse of his owne cou­rage, or from expressing (vpon euery temptation) his particular valour. For that forward humour of daring, is to be vsed in younger yeeres, before they arriue to these places of dignitie or command; and then euer after, counsell should command their courage, alwayes wrapping their heads in the Furre of the Foxe, and their Armes seldome in the Lyons skin, setting aside all respects of brauing or vaine glory, as did that Fabius Cunctator, of whom Ennius in praise saith; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.

And these presidents I haue here taken occasion to record, thereby onely to shew what inconueniences and detriments doe follow such vnbridled heat, and headdy humours, and to the contrary, what benefit and aduantage is gained in the true vse of timely and temperate proceedings. For surely, if these despe­rate offers, made by the Land Souldiers, instigating our forward Generall to the taking of the Tercera, had 60 beene then put in execution, the end had beene, that many a valiant man had there left his bones, and the rest returned home with the scorne of a disgraced attempt. Besides, if the Adelantado with the Spanish Nauie had then chanced to haue come on our backes, whilest our best men were ashoare ingaged about this desperate and vnfeasable enterprise, it might haue turned to the destruction of the whole Fleet, or at the [Page 1963] least to the assured losse of as many as were landed about that businesse. But (thankes be to God) good counsell preuailed, and preuented those hazards.

After that this dispute was so calmely concluded; our Generall himselfe, and the Lord Mountioy in the Defiance, and two or three other tall Ships, bare in as close along the shoare as they could, exchanging vpon pleasure, some fifteene or twentie great shot with them, to very little purpose, and so left the Ile of Tercera, a place very stronge both by Nature and Art, and at that time well stored with Men, Munition, and Treasure; by reason of the late arriuall of those Indian Ships. From thence wee returned againe to the Ile of Saint Michaells, which before on Michaelmasse day wee made, and left then vpon this Intelligence. And now as soone as we were They arriue at S. Micha [...]ls the second time. entred into the Road, that lies before Saint Michaells Towne, wee let fall our Ancors, and there, the Generall accompanied with diuers of our chiefe Officers, comming aboord our Reare-Admi­rall, 10 hung out a Flag of Counsell, where it was consulted about landing, and the taking of this good Town, which lay [...]o gloriously before our eies, promising many rich rewards to the Victors: In the which there was a slight Fort towards the Sea side, but the Towne vnwalled. The Gene­rall appointed that all Companies should bee made ready to land forthwith. But our Reare-Ad­mirall desired his Lordship; that hee would first permit him to view the place, and to find out where the Army might best make a descent, because the Billowes about those Ilands doe some­times so roule from the Sea, as might easily ouerturne the best Boates we had, as wee found by ex­perience H [...]llow S [...]. at Fayall, where wee had two long Boats ouerturned in landing, and Master Thomas Rug­way also throwne with a Sea on the Rockes in his Boat. Our Generall at first, yeelded to the Reare-Admiralls request, for viewing a fit place. But as hee was putting off, and scarce gone from 20 the Ships side twentie paces, my Lord, standing in the Gallery with Sir Christopher Bl [...]nt, called him backe againe in great hast, and said that he would goe himselfe, and view it. Whereupon the Reare-Admirall returned againe, as my Lord commanded; and as his Lordship went out of the Ship into his Barge vnarmed altogether, but with his Coller and Sword, and without either Shot or Pike to wayte on him, the Reare-Admirall called aloud vnto him, and desired his Lordship to take his Caske, and Target proofe with him, if hee purposed to goe neere the shoare, seeing Boldnesse by some esteemed fortitude. there lay so many Muskets on the rest, there to receiue him. Whereunto my Lord answe­red, That hee would none, because hee disdained to take any aduantage of the Watermen that rowed him.

But (in my opinion) though that answere much shewed his valour, yet became it not the place that my 30 Lord held, for in truth a Generall ought not to bee so aduentur [...]us, and carelesse of himselfe vpon euery slight occasion, nor to goe [...]armed to places of im [...]t perill. Homer describes the valiant Heroes, and brauest Leaders of the Greekes to be best armed: As Achilles, an excellent Armour framed by Vulcan, at the request of Thetis his mother, and Aiax with his seuenfold shield. Insomuch as their very armes are famous euen to these dayes, the vse whereof now wee make scornefull. But they are no beaten Souldiers in the warres, that hold these opinions: for it is truly said, that a great and wise Generall should dye old. And I haue read that famous Epaminondas, was fined by his Countrymen the Thebanes, for being too forward, and seruing in a battaile ill armed, although he wa [...] the victory. But to our matter: After that these landing places were viewed a farre off, and were not well liked, nor yet so neerely ap­proached at that time, as within Culuerin Shot (for there lay all alongst the shoare aboue foure 40 hundred Shot vpon the rest, intrenched to beate on our Boats;) in conclusion, after many offers and surueies made a loofe, the conueniences of that place, for landing was excepted against. Albeit in truth it was a faire and sandy beach (as all the Fleet might well perceiue) and some foure or fiue miles from the Towne, and Fort, and much more easie then that of Fayall, where wee before wan our landing. And that this is most true, many that were present (now liuing) and saw both, can iustly affirme.

And although our Generall himselfe, was very resolute and apt to vndertake any good occasi­on of seruice, yet hee was then so led and accompanied with such politicke Land Captaines, as that of all the seruices which fell into consultations and deliberations, those most commonly, which were vnfeasable, were offered to bee vndertaken, and things more likely and reasonable 50 neglected. Whereby out affaires speed accordingly. And in this regard that this discent was not by my Lord Generall his viewers, allowed of, as fit for the Army to land at, so many Ensignes being placed and intrenched there to impeach vs, it was presently by another consultation agreed, that the Reare-Admirall should with all the strength of the Fleet, lye as neere before the Towne of Saint Michael, as conueniently they could, to hold them in expectation, whilest my Lord Generall and the rest, with two thousand men imbarked into small Barkes and Pinnaces, secretly in the night did conuey themselues about the point, to land at a Towne called Villa Villa [...]. Franca, some sixe miles further then the first determinate landing. And for that purpose, they had most of all our Boats with them, and three English men for their guides, that perfectly knew all the Ilands and the Townes, by long trade and liuing amongst them. These three guides assu­red 60 our Generall both of a quiet landing, and of a very faire and secret way, to march from thence to Saint Michaels Towne.

Our troupes being thus shipped, and our Generall also, they made hast towardes Villa Franca, [Page 1964] where they arriued safe, & were al landed by the next morning, without any manner of resistance. For most of all the Town vpon their arriuall abandoned the Town, and we that were left vnder They land at Villa Franca. the command of the Reare-Admirall, in the best Ships before the Towne of Saint Michaells, did all the night giue them perpetuall Alarums, with Shot, Drummes, and Trumpets, in such Boats as were left, sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, alongst the shoare, where the Spaniards kept their Corps de Guards, and fiers, who were often in great amazements, calling, and running to and fro, thinking verily that wee were landing in that place or about it. And thus wee did, to giue our Army the better, and more secret meanes to make their descent, and so to come vnloo­ked for on their backes, as their very way did lie, and might in truth very conueniently haue beene performed. They being thus landed, wee in the Ships did all the next day looke out apace, 10 hoping to see our troupes come marching ouer the Hills and Plaines, that were perfect in our view; for the most part of the way that they were to come, being all alongst the Sea side, was in our sight more brim from the Ships by farre, then if wee had beene ashoare. But this good Towne of Villa Franca, had so welcomed and intertained our men, (being seated in a pleasant soyle, full of fruits, wines, and fresh victualls, and the Sellars stuffed so full of Oade and Wheat) as that our Army was content there to ingarrison, without any further pursuit of Saint Michaels Hanibals Capua. Towne, and there for sixe dayes together they lay feasting, and carrying aboard of Oade, Wheat, Salt, and other merchandise, into certaine priuate mens Ships that followed the Fleet, for such purposes.

Whilest wee all in vaine still gaped for their comming, which wee the rather thought would 20 haue bin at the last, for that in all this time, they neuer so much as sent word, to make vs parta­kers of their determination to the contrary, whereby they would be sure wee should neither par­ticipate any of their Commodities, nor see the disposure of them; although [...]wee cast many con­iectures and aymed neere the marke, finding this lingring very strange. But, to doe right to eue­ry man, I assure my selfe, our Generall had no benefit of these wares and commodities, being of a disposition too noble and bountifull to valiew such trifles worth his regard. For it had beene The Earle ex­cused. easie for him to haue abounded with wealth and possessions, without following the fortune of the warres, or the hazard of the Seas, if hee had aymed at such common markes. But in this meane while, as wee in the great Ships, ancored in Saint Michaels Road, there came in about the Point that lies westwards from the Towne, a small Brasil man, and let fall his Ancor in the middest of 30 vs all. A little after him, wee might discerne aloofe off a mightie huge Carack, bearing in with A Brasil man. all sayles toward vs, whom shee tooke to bee the Spanish Armada. And the Brasil man confessed that hee thought the same also: for the King of Spaines men of Warre (when he makes Fleets) A mightie Carack. are compounded of the shipping of diuers Nations, and therefore the more hardly to bee distin­guished from ours, which was at that time compounded of English, and Holland Bottoms; be­sides one great Spanish Gallion, called the Saint Andrew, and some other lesser Spanish Vessels that wee had taken before. Now there blew a stiffe gale from the Land, ouer Saint Michaels Towne, in such sort, that shee must either put roome into the Sea, or fall vpon vs. For as the wind then stood, she could not run in with the Towne or Fort by no meanes, neither was it any part of their meaning.

As soone as wee had made her to bee a Carrack, wee tooke in all our Flags by a generall com­mandement 40 from our Reare-Admiral: and withall directions were giuen, that no man should once weigh an Ancor, or shoot off a Peece, or put off a Boat, but with leaue or order. All this while she still bare in with vs, with all sayles to the Boates end, when suddenly one of the Holland Squa­dron (contrary to al discretion & the direction before) weighed his Ancors, hoised his top sailes, & made towards this Carack, now ready to double the Poynt that entred the Road where we lay: Greedinesse loseth his morsell. and when the Hollander came neere the Carack, hee presently made two or three Shot at her. Whereupon shee discouering vs to bee Enemies, changed her course, and at the very instant (in the view of vs al that obserued it, as if shee had had the wind at her deuotion) the gale changed, & came full of the Seas: with the helpe whereof, and with the feare of falling into our hands, shee 50 tooke a resolutiou to runne her selfe a ground, hard vnder the Towne and Fort. Which done, from thence there presently came multitudes of Boats, fetching away their men and best wares, and The Carack ran her selfe on ground. She was set on fire. Examples of Cades voyage. that done, shee was instantly by them set on fire in many places at once, being full of great Ord­nance, as appeared by the report they made. Such is now the custome and obstinacie of all those Sea­faring men vnder the Spanish iurisdiction, as that by reason of the seuere order, set downe by the King to that effect, they will carelesly burne their Ships, and wares, if they can escape themselues, rather then to grow to any composition to saue halfe thereby. And the like was seene at Cades, by the Fleet that was outwards bound for the Indies: who after they had entertained a parley with vs, to compound for their Ships, and all the merchandize, at a ransome of halfe the valew: whilest they amused vs with this co­lourable pretence, thereby they gained time to steale out some of their goods, and afterwards set the Shippes on fire, where they road. But this argueth as great seueritie in the Soueraigne, as slauery in 60 the subiect.

This Carrack was a Ship of infinite wealth, that at Saint Hellens watering as shee came from the East Indies, put ouer to Brasil, and so coasted alongst the West Indies, and was fraughted with [Page 1965] the riches and wares both of the East and West. Wee hasted all wee could when wee saw her a ground, tottering and reeling, with those few Boats wee had left, to haue entred her. But before wee could make vs readie, or come neere her, being three miles off, shee was on light fire in many places, her Ordnance thundring off apace, and too hot to bee approached, much lesse to bee en­tred at that time, without ineuitable destruction. And yet such hast was made to haue preuen­ted this mischiefe, that diuers had like by ouercharging Boates and Pinnaces, to to haue foundred in the Seas, the Billowes going very high. And in that case was our Reare-Admirall a­mongst others, who for hast to this banquet tooke his Row Barge, and was so ill able in her to indure the Seas that were rough, and went high at that time, as that I by chance seeing him so ill bested, & in danger was faine to clap him aboord with a good stout shipboat that I was in, hauing made hast also to that feast as fast as I could. But in conclusion wee came all too late, for the broth 10 was growne to hot for our supping. To behold her thus flaming was a grieuous sight to vs, but a most wretched spectacle for the Portugalls, so to see their goods by their owne deedes and fury, to perish with fire and water in a goodly vessell, iudged to bee 1800. Tunnes at the least. Shee Carack of 1800. Tun [...]. was a whole night, and all the next day in burning, and in beholding her, you might haue seene the very shape, Cordage, Masts, and Furniture of a Ship so perfectly in fire, as no Painter could haue halfe so well resembled it with Art, or Colours. And when she was cleane consumed to the water, there arose still a great smoake out of the Sea for many houres after, by reason of some close Decks full of Spices and Sugar vnder water, which the fire had taken hold of.

This Tragedy ouerpast, wee then fell againe to looke out for our Army comming, but all in vaine. For if in any time, for sixe dayes together after their landing, they had come forwards from Villa 20 Franca, the Towne of Saint Michaels, and the Carack also had beene our owne, safe without question. For if our forces had in all that time inuested themselues of the Towne (which they might haue done, there being [...] her Walles nor Bulwarkes to hold them out) the Carack would [...] runne her selfe a ground, vnder the Towne as shee did [...]f shee had, then had shee fallen into the hande of our Generall, and his T [...]f shee had [...] Sea-boord, then had shee fallen into the mercy of our Fleet, which by no meanes she could haue escaped. But it was a losse them as inexcusable, as lamentable, for that no good rea­son could bee yeelded (as was thought) nor durst bee demanded, why so gallant a Company, so easily landed for so good a purpose, should so long linger in a little Towne, f [...]g themselues and the whole Army, vpon Fruits and Wine, to the neglecting of the seruice determined. But it was manifest, that besides their 30 pleasure and good cheer, the great store of Oade, Corne, and Salt, did intice some Land men of good credite, (who had Ships there of their owne) rather to take the penceable, and priuate benefit thereof, then to vn­dergoe some paine and perill, for the winning of Saint Michaels Towne, for the publike good. And this was a piece of seruice very unfortunately neglected, but vpon what good reason I could neuer learne. And I am perswaded, that if his Lordship had built lesse vpon some mens violent counsells, and vaine conceits, hee might haue done many things better, and long haue liued in great prosperitie. But all his care was to content and winne vnto him, certaine Polititians and Marshall men, whom not withstanding (according to the custome of the world) hee found many times vngratefully to deale with him, to serue their owne turnes, drawing him withall into ambitious humours, and affect at ion of popularitie, which, with our Great men rarely succeeds well. And very strange it was, to see so many great fortunes lost in this one iourney; 40 but that the very Heauens did in them (like Commets) foreshew the heauy and lamentable destiny, that traced our Generall towards his end, whose bright shining felicitie was some after eclipsed, and admirably metamorphosed into ruine and destruction. Onely this comfort remained to his friends, that hee ended his life with as great resolution, pietie, and penetencie, as was possible to bee expressed in the countenance or words of a man, vtterly diuorced from the world, and wholly deuoted to celestiall Contemplation, to the vndoubted comfort of his Soule.

We, from the ships looking thus stil in vaine, for those that neither came nor sent vnto vs, wher­by we lost all opportunitie of watering and refreshing our selues: for we in the Wastspite, and di­uers of our Conforts, had not watered since our setting out from Plimouth) began to resolue to goe to our Generall, seeing wee could neuer heare from him in all that time. And as we were entring 50 into this deliberation, wee might perceiue the Admiralls Ship by her Flag turning out from the point of Villa Franca: And two dayes before, many of our great Ships had left the Reare-Admi­rall, contrary to the Generall his order, which wee durst not breake in the Wastspite, by a late caueat, because it was flat contrarie to that which was appointed by a Councell, and the Gene­rall his command. But as soone as wee had descried the Admirall (by his Flag) putting roome; our Reare-Admirall tooke his Barge, and Captaine Morgan with him, and rowed to him: and the same night sent Captaine Morgan backe againe, with directions in the Generalls name, to command all the Fleet to weigh, and to come for Villa Franca. This was no little griefe to vs all, that had so long and diligently waited on Saint Michaels Towne, and looked to haue had a better account of that place, then so barely and abruptly to leaue it after all these offers. And (to say the truth) it was 60 either a grosse ouersight, or a wilfull fault vnexcusable to the State, that it was not in better sort manna­ged. For (no doubt) they would willingly haue ransomed their Towne, rather then haue abidden the fortune of the Warres by Sword and Fire, and wee had amongst vs, men of sufficient experience to deale in such compositions, which (for ought I know) they might doe. Thus, with griefe and discontent we [Page 1966] left Saint Michaels good Towne, the Inhabitants whereof wauing their Auncients, and shooting off their Ordnance, in great ioy triumphed to see this vnexpected modest departure of the whole Fleet, on a sudden without any further trouble: And to mee it was strange to see the Coronells and Captaines, that a little before were so forward and violent to haue landed at the Tercera, be­ing a place so difficult to attempt, and of so great strength, to bee now so slow to come forwards to Saint Michaels Towne, that had neither Ditch nor Wall about it, they being already landed for that purpose.

But now approached the time of the yeere, that brings with it violent stormes, and extreame foule weather to those Ilands. In regard whereof, as also for that opportunitie was now past of doing any more good to our selues, or damage to our Enemies; vpon the meeting of the whole 10 Fleet before Villa Franca, a generall commandement was giuen, that all sorts should with all speed repaire aboord their owne Ships, for the Wind and Seas began to rise too high to ride there any longer. And now our last worke, was to prouide for our returning againe into England: And therupon all the hast and preparation that could bee, was made with the helpe of the small Pin­naces and Boates to conuey all our troupes aboord. Wherein, the best sort of Commanders spared Preparation for returne. no paines nor trauaile, and especially our Generall himselfe, who in his owne person was twice in very great danger of tumbing into the Seas, about the imbarking of the Souldiers, in ouerchar­ging his own Boat with those vnruely people, amongst whom at such times, it is hard to keep any order or moderation. And much trouble there was (considering the rough weather, and how the Seas rowled) to get all our Land men aboord. Besides, our Ships began to find more tickle ryding 20 in that wild Road, then wee should haue done eight dayes before at Gratiosa, where wee lost the Indian Fleet by tarrying one night. But now at our departure from Villa Franca, for a farewell the Spaniards and Portugues presented vs with a braue skirmish, which being throughly answe­red, the Generall there did make certaine Knights. Our Army being thus brought aboord, and Knights, made. many sicke men amongst them, by reason of their lauish diet ashoare, where they more weakened themselues then the Enemy. This Towne also was left intire, neither fired not demolished. But vpon what considerations I know not, vnlesse out of gratitude for the hospitalitie, Oade, Corne, and Salt, which it had alreadie yeelded: or else out of a prouident regard to leaue them in case to bee able to entertaine vs another time, or rather for some pettie ransome to some particular per­sons that were more capable then our Generall, in vouchsafing to take any benefit whatso­euer. 30 For sure I am, that some reason there was, if I could light on it, wherein the Oademon­gers, and Corne Merchants might doe well to helpe mee, for they (I thinke) can ayme neerest to the marke.

The ninth of October, 1597. wee set saile from Villa Franca for England, with a faire leading Their returne. winde for three or foure dayes together, and then it grew scanter and scanter, and at last starke nought and flat in our teeths, with such great stormes, foule weather, and exceeding high grown Seas, as that many of our Fleet were much puzzeled in the nights in falling foule one of another. Insomuch that the Mary Rose, by meere carelesness: of the Master, and his Mates, had like to haue stemmed the Wastspite, if wee had not beene very carefull and diligent to auoid the sudden and emminent danger: which, yet wee escaped so narrowly, as that the Mary Rose, with her 40 Beake head, tore away all the Gallery on the Lardboord side of the Wastspite. This storme on a sudden separated all the Fleet, and wee in the Wastspite after this shocke, had sundry dangerous leakes breake out vpon vs, in such sort, as that much to doe wee had by pumping and all other meanes to keepe her aboue water, being a very new ship, but withall the weakest built Vessell that euer swam in the Seas of her burden, and carrying such great store of huge Ordnance as shee did, most of the which wee were inforced to strike downe into hold, to ease her labouring sides that hourely were like to flye asunder. Besides all this, wee were in so great want of Fresh-wa­ter and drinke, as that I offered to giue to one of the Victuallers of the Fleet, sixe Chests of Su­gar, for sixe Hogsheads of Fresh-water, and yet could not haue it at any hand: Insomuch as wee Want of water. were faine to begin to set our great Stills on worke, to prouide for the worst the best wee could. 50 For if the storme had longer held in that violence, wee might haue taken the choice, whether we Stills. would haue beene drenched in the Salt-water, or choaked aboord our Ship for want of fresh. For with the extreamitie of this Northeasterly storme, we were put back cleane from our course and coast, into no little despaire. And as wee in the Wastspite, so were all the rest of the Fleet (as I after learned) dispersed a sunder, insomuch that scarcesly two ships in all the Nauie kept com­pany together. But at last it pleased God, to send vs more faire and fit windes, wherewith wee brought our selues againe into our due course, and within three or foure dayes wee began to meet with one another, stragling and ranging in the Seas. And after that, wee in the Wastspight chan­ced also to descry our Generall, by his mayne Flag (as farre as wee could ken) wayted on onely with two little Barkes, who sixe or seuen dayes before, was attended with fourescore sayle of 60 good Ships. A true type of this worlds inconstant pompe, which the winde and Seas did faithfully teach vs not to build too much vpon. And I would our noble Generall, for his owne sake and better fortune, had made that good obseruation thereof.

When wee had thus met our Generall, land had hayled and saluted one another, with all the [Page 1967] ioy that might bee, wee conferred of our course, and began to consult thereof with the aduise of our Masters and Pylots. Wherein, ours in the Wast-spight somewhat varyed from the opinion of the Generals Nauigatours, but yet we submitted our selues, and our skill, to the wisedome and authoritie of his Ship, whose Directions wee were to follow. And withall, wee made knowne vnto his Lordship our great leakes, and scarsitie of Drinke, who told vs very Honourably, that we should want no helpe that hee could yeeld vs, and therefore he straightly charged vs to keepe his course, and to follow his Light, which wee did obserue, though our Master was very vnwil­ling thereunto, assuring himselfe, that our Generals Master was mistaken, and besides his course, by too much crediting the perswasions and Art of one Iohn Dauis a great Nauigator reputed, who at that time fayled much of his Pilotage, and coniecture for the Sleeue, to the no little ha­zard 10 of the whole Fleet, as afterwards was seene. During this forenamed Storme, sundry Birds came flying into our Ships, when wee were two hundred leagues from our owne Coast. First, there fell into vs an Owle, then a Tassell, and a Falcon, one of the which wee tooke, and brought Birds. into England, then at the last a Done lighted on our Maine-yard, which we all liked well, and tooke it as a presage of faire weather towards, and so (thankes bee to God) it succeeded present­ly after two dayes. After wee had thus met with our Generall, and being well aduanced on our way for the Sleeue, and as we coniectured not farre from the entrance of the Channell, wee be­gan of all hands to fall a sounding for ground, and the next day found it, though indeed by that sounding I saw few the wiser, or the more assured of the Coast. For it was the Banke of S [...]ey [...] but none could say so, nor then so iudge it, but onely the Master of our Ship, whose name was Broad­baut, 20 a carefull man and a right good Marriner. For in the Generals ship, they were all of a con­trary opinion, and according to their Errour shaped their course, with straight commandement giuen to vs, and to the rest that were in his traine, to follow his Light and course. The which we did very diligently, my selfe indeed being most in fault for it. For the Master was Ioath so to doe, but that I vrged our dutie to the Generals commandement, and our danger in breaking it by for­mer experience. And therefore I watched, and stood by the Helme, and Bitackle, most part of that night, to see it performed, though with much repining of the Master, and his Mates, against this dangerous Course as they tearme it.

This sounding of ours, so much in practice, and yet many times bringing no great certainty withall, makes me now call to minde, an odde conceit and speech of a Spanish Prisoner, which the Generall gaue 30 me in this Iourney, but neuer yeelded me other Ransome then some faire promises, and smooth discourses: For hee after consened or bribed his keeper (a Captaine of a Pinnace) to whom I had committed him in charge, and very cleanely conueyed himselfe away, without euer bidding me farewell. Howbeit [...]thers found better fruites of their Prisoners, which the Generall gaue vnto them.

This Spaniard of mine was a Gentleman, and a Souldier, but had of late yeeres, traded the West In­dies by way of Merchandize: With whom I one day talking and discoursing of their Voyages and Na­uigations (wherein hee was very well experienced) amongst other things hee told me, that in their Naui­gation from the Indies, they sought out Spaine in a more certaine and gallant manner, then wee did England. For (said he) wee seeke out our Coast aloft with our Eyes, by the Heauens, by the Sunne, and Starres, and with the vse of Art, and Instruments, which seldome or neuer fayles. But you (said he) 40 that seeke for England, when you are to runne into narrow Seas, are (as I heare say) inforced for your surest Directions (like men blindfold) to search vnder the water, and to scrape with Lead and Tallow to the bottome for Bankes, Sands, and Shelues, as if you would rake Hell for instructions; to finde out the Channell, which you call the Sleeue, and yet for all your soundings, are oftentimes mistaken. I answered him againe, indeed it was true, that our Humilitie taught vs, to goe by the ground: Whereas their Pride led them to gaze aboue the Clouds, and by that meanes so dazeled their Eyes, as that they did often stumble vpon such men of Warre, that now vsed as well to sound Spanish Pockets, as the English Sleeue. Whereat my Spaniard smiling, and shaking his Head, said, hee could not well denie it, hauing so lately made too true experience thereof, For indeed hee was throughly rifled and ransackt of good short Wares, before that euer hee came to my hands. These words of his I remembred, and found true vpon our soun­dings, 50 and the vncertaine coniectures thereof, with varieties of opinions.

For after wee had all found ground, all that Night wee held on so precisely in following our Generals light, as that very earely in the Morning, with the first peepe of day, wee in the Wast-spight looking about, found our selues on the North-side of Sylley. Which when with cold comfort wee had perfectly made, and perceiued with all our narrow escapes in that darke Night, hard alongst the Rockes called the Bishop, and his Clarkes: wee began of all hands to looke out for our comforts. And then wee discryed our Generall and diuers with him, aduanced some three leagues before vs, bearing in with all Sayles towards the Coast of Wales.

The morning was very close and foggie, and the Generall steering North-east, in stead of 60 East and by North, ranne right with the Sands of the Welch Coast, on which in that darke weather hee had stricken; and perished, if hee had held on, but a few houres longer. But on the contrary, although wee resclued not to lose the sight of his Lanthorne, yet wee kept our selues as farre to the East as wee could, and yet wee were scarce able to double Silley, but fell close aboord it, and a little to the North of it, at the breake of day. All which when I perceiued [Page 1968] ( [...] later Watch being mine, and the Reare Admiral, being gone to rest) I did instantly com­ [...] the Master Gunner to shoot off a great Piece to cause them to looke about, but both our [...], and the Master Gunner were so mad at me for forcing them to follow this course, as that [...] hardly haue suffered a warning Piece to bee shot, but said, they deserued to taste the [...] their owne wilfulnesse, hauing brought themselues and all the Fleet, cleane out of the [...]to this danger. And out of very rage and discontent, these men had quite forgotten all [...] Charitie, and would by no meanes haue bestowed a shot vpon them, to alter them from that vnsafe course, but that I vrged their Dutie, and inforced them to shoot, and shoot a­gaine three or foure times, one after another, much against their wills.

Whereupon we might within a little time, plainly perceiue our Admirall with all his Traine, 10 to tacke about, finding their owne Errours, as afterwards they confessed. And therefore present­ly they beat it vp, to double the Cape of Silley, thereby to enter the Sleeue, which with much a­doe they performed. But we in the Wast-spight, being now by this time shot in alongst the North side of Cornewall, almost as farre as Saint Iues, our ship being extreame weake and leakie, and our Drinke and Water come to the last cast, at very bare allowance, wee durst not againe put to the Seas in these wants, and in a Vessell so ill able to beat it vp against the winde, to double againe the Point of Silley, whereby to recouer the Sleeue. And therefore stood alongst the Coast, and that night anchored before Saint Iues, where wee found sundry Spanish Carauels, and Flee-boates of the Spanish Fleet, which was set out vnder the Adelantado, to haue incountred vs at our returne [...] [...] dispersed. from the Ilands, but were all dispersed and tossed with the same Storme, that before had scattered 20 vs, which fell out very happily. For if wee had met, wee must haue tryed the Battell, chiefely by Boording, or else trusted to our Sayles, for that our best and greatest Ordnance (for the ease of our Ships in these stormes) were stricken downe vnder hold. So that wee should haue found great disaduantage, to haue incountred with a Nauie, comming strong and fresh from the Maine, and wee tired, and scattered a sunder, with a long and painfull Voyage. Herein was Gods fauour and mercy mightily shewed towards all sides: For by this Storme, which so furiously for the time afflicted vs, were wee, and that Spanish Fleet vnder the Adelantado seuered, and kept from incountring, which had cost much blood, and mischiese: and to say a truth, in all likelihood, the worst might haue fallen to our shares.

For when wee had left the Ilands and were once crosse sayled for England, I obserued, that be­fore 30 the Storme, diuers of our best Ships, made all the haste they could homewards, neuer fol­lowing nor attending the Admirals course, nor light. Which is an Errour too much vsed amongst vs, and very disorderly and dangerous; as would haue beene well found, if the Adelantado had Disorderly haste home­wards. then met with any of those straglers, or with the Admirall himselfe homewards bound, so sten­derly accompanied.

Which manner of disorder and scattering, in the Conduct of a Royall Nauie, especially in so long a Voyage, is very fit to bee straightly reformed.

These Spanish Flee-boates and Carauels, had made many landings by stealth, on that side of Cornewall, and put the Countrey in great frights, and amazements: especially, vpon the report of a great Fleet, that was comming after them for England. Whereupon our Reere Admirall from 40 before the Saint Iues, left the Seas, and went a Land, to take some order for the Countrey of Cornewall, whereof hee was then her Maiesties Lieutenant, seeing it then in much amazement and feare, and so meant to goe ouer land to Plimouth, there to meet with our Generall.

From the Road of Saint Iues, the next morning, wee in the Wast-spight set sayle for Kingroad, and met with such foule weather, as that ouer against the flat Holmes, shee brake againe her Maine yard, which was before broken, and new fished in the beginning of this Voyage. But at last, with much adoe wee brought her about, to Kingroad, and within a few dayes after moo­red her safe in Hungread; where I tooke speedie order for the paying, and discharging of her men, at the Spaniards cost, and also for the repayring of her decayes.

By this time wee also had newes, that our Admirall and the rest of our Fleet, were safely met, 50 and arriued at Plimouth. And at the same instant also wee had intelligence, by a small man of Brasill, but newly come from Corke in Ireland, that Sir Iohn Norris President of Munster, and Death of Sir Ioh [...] Norris and Lord Bargh. the Lord Burgh Deputie of Ireland, were both lately deceased.

Of which two men, her Maiestie and the Realme had no small losse, being both Martiall men of as great worth, and seruice, as England bred in many yeeres before. And although it be no part of this matter to speake of them, yet their Deathes, being diuulged to vs at the same time, cannot be thought vnfit, or vnworthy (by the way) heere to be remembred and lamented.

After I had thus taken order with the Officers of the Ship at Bristoll, I receiued Letters from the Lord Treasurer, and the Lord Admirall, for the accomplishing of that, which I had already (out of due consideration) gone in hand withall: I meane the discharging and paying of the 60 Marriners and Souldiers, being to the number of foure hundred men, which would haue growne to a great, and needlesse expense, to haue kept them in pay and victuals vntill such time as I could haue sent vnto the Court, to receiue directions backe againe for the same. And therefore did first take vp monies vpon credit, and then by the Drum make knowne in Bristow, that there [Page 1969] were Sugars, Brasil wood, and Fernanbuck aboord o r Ships, which I would presently make sale of, to those that would giue most for it, and not merchand it vnder hand, nor in secret, to the preiudice and deceiuing of her Maiestie. And therefore with the knowledge and aduice of the Master, the Purser, and Boatswaine of the Ship, and the Customer, and Searcher of B [...]stow, I lan­ded those Wares in safe Cellers, and sold them to the best Chapmen in publique, testified vnder the hands of these Officers of the Citie, and of the Ship, for my discharge in that beha [...]e, and made thereof fiue hundred pounds. The which summe I deliuered to one Askew then Purser of the Wast-spight, to the end that hee by his Booke might pay the Marriners; and the Souldiers by the Powle, as a care of mine for those poore-men vnder my Charge, which was duely performed.

The which I haue beene the more precise to remember and notifie, for that I tooke no small paines and care, in getting those Sugars, and Brasill wood aboard vs, out of a torne Brasill [...], that was 10 ready to founder in the Sea [...] before Saint Michaels, and abandoned to any that would aduenture to goe ab [...]ord her, to fetch away the lading. Which businesse (in that vacant time that the Ar [...]e lay at Villa Franca, and we before S. Michaels Towne) [...] put my selfe, and my Marriners vnto. And I had not so much paines and trauell in the getting, as trouble and vexation afterwards to preserue it, whilest it was aboord, when we came to Kingroad, from the purloyning and stealing of the Marriners, and Officers of the Ship. And to say no more but a truth, I dare thus much anouch, and iustifie, that if there had beene in some other of her Maiesties ships the like regard for these goods that were gotten, and of the Prizes ta­ken in this Iourney, and as faithfully answered as were these, that then for all the crosses and errours, that had happened, it had fully returned to her Maiestie, the double value of all the Charges, she had beene at for this Voyage. But it was strange to see what carelesse courses were held in all such actions, as were set 20 out by the State, and what poore returnes were made againe into the Exchequer. And therefore more Note touching priuate gaines and publike losse in many Expeditions. strange, that the Prince could subsist so often to set out, such chargeable Voyages, without any manner of getting, more then to particuler persons. For so fell it out before in the Indian Voyage, when Sancto Do­mingo, and Cartagena were taken, and sack [...] by Sir Francis Drake, and when Cades in Spaine was surprised, and sackt by the English Armie, where was infinite wealth. But that of Lisbona in Portu­gall, vndertaken by Sir Iohn Norris, where the Suburbes did so abound with Merchandize and Spice­rie, being wholly at the mercy and disposition of our Armie, was to be excused; for that our Shops kept not promise with him, in comming vp the Riuer, that should haue both assisted the land Armie with Muni­tion and Victuals, and also carried away those Spiceries and rich Merchandize: wherein the Sea-men 30 were greatly wanting, and taxed by the generall voyce. But in this Voyage, wee all saw and knew, that there were besides Brasill men, three good Prizes taken that came from the Hauana, laden with Cochy­nella, and other rich Merchandize, besides the Siluer, Gold, Pearle, Ciuet, Muske, Amber-greece, which was amongst the Passengers. And those three Prizes (whereof one was about 400. Tunnes, by the report of those Merchants that came in them) were said, and valued to bee richly worth aboue foure hundred thousand Duckets. At the taking of them I stood in our Gallerie in the Wast-spight, with the Reere Admirall, and wee halled and called vnto some, to inquire of their lading and Merchandize, and from what places they came, whereby wee learned, that they were come from the Hauana, very rich, and at the least to the value aboue said. Whereupon our Reere Aamirall said vnto me in priuate, that, although wee should be little the better for these rich Prizes, yet he was heartily glad for our Generals sake: because 40 they would in good sort giue contentment to her Maiestie, so that there should bee no repining against the poore Lord, for the expense of the Voyage. And for my better satisfaction in the value of them, I had cau­sed mine owne Prisoner to giue me notice of the Ships, wherein hee had Aduentures, and according to the Rates thereof set downe vpon his owne knowledge: those three Ships could not be so little worth, as they all had formerly affirmed. Now if wee doe but looke into the husbandrie and prouidence of former Ages, and of the mightiest Empire, and best gouerned State that euer was, wee shall plainely see, that they euer [...]coke a more strict and iust account of the benefit of their gettings and Victories. And that it was an espe­ciall Roman policie. regard of the Roman Consuls, and Generals, at their returne from a prosperous Warre, to render a plentifull gaine into the publique Treasurie, which made their State still able to subsist in their great acti­ons. And many times their greatest and worthiest Captaines were deepely called in question, for imbese­ling any part of such gettings, as amongst others, was that famous Scipio, surnamed Africanus, prose­cuted 50 in that kinde by the Petil [...]j, notwithstanding his many great seruices to the Common-wealth. But what became of all these our gettings God knowes. Onely I heare, that there was a Composition made af­terwards with her Maiestie for the Cochynella, and other Merchandize, not to a third part of that it was worth. For neither that, nor yet any of the other riches, could truely come to light or publique knowledge, because they were neuer faithfully certified vnder the hands and testimonies of sufficient Officers, when they were first taken: nor any of that which was preserued fold when wee came home, but onely to the Buyers aduantage. And yet in Conclusion, they that had so played the wise Stewards, in so prouiding for themselues, and their followers, had all the grace and gaine, from those that had more carefully and iustly intended the publique Seruice. But this generall neglect of truth and merit throughout the world, is 60 the cause, that so few doe apply to follow those sincere and vnprofitable courses: especially, seeing how many doe daily, by fraud and slatterie, finde shorter and smoother wayes to Honours, wealth, and prefer­ment: Euen beyond all measure and expectation.

The Conclusion of the Worke, with some later Aduertisements tou­ching His Maiesties Care for VIRGINIA.

VVE haue now compassed the World in the Courses of so many Planets, euery of which had a peculiar wandering, and yet none erring from the publike benefit of the Vniuerse. And as in Geometricall compasses one foote is 10 fixed in the Centre, whiles the other mooueth in the Circumference, so is it with Purchas and his Pilgrimes, in this Geographicall compassing: they haue their owne motions, but ordered in this Circumference, from, for, and by him which abi­deth at home in his Centre, and neuer trauelled two hundred miles from Thaxted in Essex (lately adorned and augmented with Franchises by his Maiestie) where hee was borne. All their lines tend to this Centre, and this Centre to the Basis and Ground thereof, that is to his Countrey, to the honour and benefit wherof, he and all his are due. All Nations dance in this Round to doe the English service, and English Trauellers here enioy the Mayne, others the By, to attend, and with their Trauels to perfect the English, at lest the knowledge of the World to the 20 English.

The Map of England.
ANGLIA

[Page] Yea, in this English Centre also I haue chosen the Centre of that Cen­tre, the Renowmed Name of Queene ELIZABETH, to which, because Mortalitie hath depriued vs of Her Person, wee haue added that of King IAMES, the All that is left vs of Queene ELIZABETH, and more then that All in further perfection of Sexe and Arts. With those auspicious Names, as the faire Starres in the Constellations of both Poles, our Pilgrimes bega [...]ne their Progresse; by the Light of those two Eyes of Great Brittaine, they haue ta­ken view of the World, and therefore heere wee end in our Pilgrimage with those two auspicious Names. 10

His Maiestie first (for Brute is vncertaine) hath combined a Trinitie of King­domes into an Vnitie, Fecit eos in gentem vnam, & made the Ocean the Wall to his Inheritance, hath rooted out the wonted barbarisme of Borderers, of Scottish Fewds, of English Duells, of Irish Bogges; hath confirmed and settled those cru­der and more indigested beginnings of our prosperitie; hath enioyed soueraigne­tie longer then euer did any of Britaines Soueraignes (and still ô still may we long long enioy him) hath giuen so manifold securitie against the extreamest and most fatall rigor, both in number, weight and worth of Royall pledges.

The Map of Great Brittaine and Ireland. 20
ANGLIA SCO­TIA et HIBERNIA

He is beyond comparison compared with others, a meere transcendent; beyond 60 all his Predecessors, Princes of this Realme; beyond the neighbouring Princes of his own times, beyond the conceits of subiects dazled with such brightnes: Beyond our victorious Debora not in sex alone, but as Peace is more excellent then War, and [Page 1972] Salomon then Dauid, in this also that He is, and we enioy his present Sunshine; in regard of posteritie not onely sowing thereto the fruit of his bodie, but of his learned mind, like a Salomon indeed by voluminous Writings, and not (which is more vsesuall to Princes, with apophthegme-flashes, recorded by others like Saul sometime among the Prophets; a Miracle and Oracle both, this in polemicall, politicall, problematicall, apocalypticall, positiue Theology, and Bookes of deuo­tion 1. Sam. 10. also; that, in that his Royall body hath had the honour not to be polluted with women; aboue men, aboue Salomon. And as wee haue trauelled abroad that 10 wee may bring forraine rarities home, wee find no greater raritie abroad or at home then his Maiestie, the Father of the Clergie, the raiser of so many Families to honour, and of honours to Families; whose bountie and clemencie none deny, (let others beware least they perhaps haue euill eyes, because his is good) so honou­red of his Subiects with awfull loue, with louing awe, that himselfe hath professed no King herein his superiour: and we can, and all History will professe with vs, that England neuer enioyed better daies then vnder her deceased Mother, and the present Pater Patriae, who hath secured Britaine in peace and prosperitie, whiles all Christian Kingdomes haue beene shaken with warres: and that which alone hath 20 escaped the Lions, hath beene bitten by the Adder, the Spanish Dominions being coasted, braued, spoiled of thousands of their people, besides wealth and security, by the basest of enemies, the Algier Pirates. Thus at home doth Great Britain enioy this Gem of Goodnes, the best part of the Ring of the worlds Greatnes: & abroad, we see that as Gods Steward to others also, His Maiestie hath ballanced the neerer World by his prudence, by iustice of commerce visited the remoter, by truest for­titude without wrong to any man conquered the furthest North, and by iustest temperance disposed the ouerflowing numbers of his Subiects, not in Intrusions and Inuasions of weaker Neighbours, but in the spacious American Regions, 30 (some thinly, others not all inhabited) to breed New Britaines in another World. We haue giuen Voyages thorow this Booke, and being now returned home and fixed on so illustrious a Name, I meane to trauell no more, here I hang vp my Pil­grims weeds; here I fixe my Tabernacle, it is good to bee here: wee haue brought all the World to England, England it selfe to the greatest of her Soueraignes, King IAMES.

But yet the mention of his Maiesties Plantations, makes me gratefully to men­tion his gracious care of the same, euen since the former Virginian Relations were printed. I then left Virginia with some griefe and sorrow, because of her 40 distracted Children and Fathers, the diuisions and mutuall distasts of the Compa­ny here and Planters there, sighing to God for them, who hath put in his Ma­iesties heart to compassionate these his Subiects, and hauing appointed the Gouern­ment to be according to a Commission in that Case directed, hath to further Vir­ginias gaine beene content to suffer the losse of many thousands yeerly in his Roy­all Customes arising out of Tobacco (so I haue heard deliuered in open Court) that so only that of the New Plantations may bee vendible till the Colonie may re­couer greater strength.

His Maiestie is also pleased to send a Running Armie of Souldiers to scoure the 50 Countrey of the vnneighbourly malicious Naturalls; and to secure the planters from their priuie ambushments. For openly they dare not attempt, but lurking in secret places attend aduantages. I feare not but so bright a Sunshine will quickly produce blessed effects.

Of their vndertakers for three yeeres Tobacco, I lust not to speake, because I wish, and euen from that vndertaking, shortly expect better commodities from thence then Tobacco. I cannot but magnifie His Maiesties care, and manifest that also of the Honorable Lords of the Councel, who after diligent search of Virginian 60 Affaires the last yeere 1623. appointed Captaine Iohn Haruey, Master Iohn Porey, Master Abraham Persey, Master Samuel Matihews to search further into the disea­ses and possible remedies of that plantation. In Februarie and March last a gene­rall [Page 1973] Assembly was summoned, and questions propounded to Sir Francis Wiat Go­uernour and the said Assembly: First, what places in the Countrey were best and most proper to be fortified or maintayned both against Indians or other Enemies. Secondly, concerning the present state of the Colonie in reference to the Sauages. Thirdly, touching the hopes really to be conceiued of the Plantation, and fourth­ly touching the Meanes thereunto, &c. Their answere I know not whether I may publish in other things; In this one I presume, for better confirmation of what hath beene said before to incite and confirme Mens affections to Virginia; namely their answere to the third, subscribed (as the rest) by about thirty chiefe mens 10 hands. We hold it to be one of the goodliest parts of the Earth, abounding with Nauigable riuers full of varietie of Fish and Fowle; falling from high and sleepe Mountaines, which by generall relation of the Indians are rich with Mines of Gold, Siluer, and Copper: another Sea lying within sixe dayes iourney beyond them, into which other Riuers descend. The soile fruitfull and apt to produce the best sorts of commodities, replenished with many Trees for seuerall vses, Gums, Dyes, Earths and Simples of admirable vertues; Vines and Mulberry Trees growing wild in great quantities; the Woods full of Deare, Turkies, and other Beasts and Birds. Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dales reports to the Company, concerning 20 those praises were in no part hyperbolicall, nor any Countrey more worthy of a Princes care and supportance. Other reports concerning the healthfulnesse of the aire (especially where the ground is cleered of woods) and other needfull prouisi­ons of the plantation in numbers of Men and Armes (which some had hyperboli­cally disgraced) and in all other necessaries, seeing the late massacre hath not permit­ted it better, I am glad & reioyce that it is no worse, and hope and pray for the for­tunate increase thereof daily. I reioyce also to heare (by one lately returned thence, Master Morell a Minister and man of credit) that the affaires of New England are There is re­port also of an English Colo­ny left by C. North in Guia­na still conti­nuing. Ruth. 4. 11. thriuing and hopefull, which two Colonies of Virginia and New England (with all 30 their Neighbours) God make as Rachel and Leah, which two did build the house of Israel, that they may multiply into thousands, and there inlarge the Israel of God, and the Churches Catholike confines, doing worthily in America, and being fa­mous in Great Britaine. These, with the rest of his Maiesties Dominions, and his neerest and deerest possession, Prince Charles his Highnesse, the Count Palatine, the Lady Elizabeth (more shining, more pure in her fiery trialls, and like the pressed palme, and her Royall Godmother, spreading her boughes the more by greater weight) with the sweet and princely Fruits of her wombe, still multiplied (like the Israelites vnder the Crosse) God preserue 40 and prosper vnto the Maiesty of our Dread Soueraigne, the mighty Defender of the True Faith, KING IAMES;

Amen O AMEN. 50
The end of the tenth Booke. 60
FINIS.

AN ALPHABETICALL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL things contained in the fiue Bookes of the fourth Part of Purchas his Pilgrimes.

A
  • AAys a Prouince in Florida, 1553
  • Abay [...]a formozo, a Harbour in Brasile, where is found great store of Amber greice, Coral, Bra­sil-wood, Fish, &c. 1240
  • Abausango Retambuero a great mountaine in Brasile, 1240
  • Abausanga, the name of a valiant Caniball, 1228
  • Abermot, a great Lord of Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Aborollas, dangerous Sands & clifts in the West-Indies betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo, 1222
  • Abraham Cock an Englishman ma­ried in America, 1141
  • Abrioio great Shoalds in the Lati­tude of 21 and 22 Degrees from Hispaniola westward, 1834
  • Acara a towne in Peru, 1446
  • Acacoustomed a Riuer in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Acapulea, the situation and descrip­tion thereof, 1418. 1446. 1562
  • Acarewanas, Indian Kings & Lords so called, 1247
  • Acari, a Towne, where is made the best and greatest store of wine in all Peru, 1446
  • Accomack, a Riuer in Virginia, 1694
  • Acela, a Towne in Florida, 1531
  • Achese, a Towne in Florida, 1536
  • Achneres, a certaine people so called: their natures, habitations, fashions, and commodities, 1357
  • Acle, a Gulph so called, 1244
  • Acoma, a Towne of 6000 Indians, the passage to which is by stayres [...]wen out of a rocke, 1561, 1562
  • Acuco, a Prouince in America, 1560
  • Acus, a Prouince in America, 1560
  • Acuti, a beast of Brasile, like a Coney, 1301
  • Adams Tree in Brasile, 1310
  • L. Admirall of England his deserued commendations, 1962
  • Adultely, how punished by the In­dians, 1159. by the Aethiopians, 1234. by the Guianians, 1272
  • Aquacay, a Prouince in Florida, 1553
  • Aquatorke, a place situate in the Coast of China, on the North, 1433
  • Age reuerenced among the Sauages, 1333
  • Ague, a speciall medicine for the same, 1311
  • Aio, an Iland in Orenoco, 1248
  • Aire causing swelling in the legges, 1222
  • Alaqua, a riuer in Brasile, the depth thereof, and how passed, 1239
  • Alimama, a Town in Florida, 1545
  • Allcatrace a rauenous Sea-fowle de­scribed, 1376
  • Alegranca, one of the most northerly Ilands of the Canaries, 1155. the inhabitants and commodities ther­of, 1267
  • St. Alexio an Iland described. 1238
  • Alexandro Vrsino his relations of Terra Firma, and Peru, 1418, &c.
  • Alexander. viz. Sir William Alex­ander Knight, his patent for the Plantation of Noua Scotia, 1871
  • Alfonso Gabrero his comming to the riuer of Plate, 1350
  • Algernoone-Fort in Virginia kept by Captaine Dauies, 1748
  • All Nesico, a tree in Brasil very precious and rich, good against bruises, 1239
  • Allen the Cardinall promiseth the Crowne of England to the Duke of Parma, 1907
  • Alo, a kinde of drinke vsed by the Spaniards in the West Indies, like Braggat, made of hot spices, 1174
  • Altamaca-towne, 1536
  • Aluarez Nunnez, made Generall of the Spaniards in Brasile, his me­morable expl [...]ts, &c. 1356, & sequ. His ship-wracke, land-tra­uell, and famine, ibid. His dis­respect among his souldiers, 1357. sedition among his men, 1359. His dissembled sicknesse and treche­rous cruelty toward the Indians, 1360. Hee is captiuated and sent into Spaine, and the dissention en­suing, ibid. Vide Nunnez.
  • Amaie, a towne in Florida, 1553
  • Amam Buquano, two Ilands in Brasile, 1241
  • Amapajo Riuer, 1248
  • Amana Riuer, 1247
  • Amariocapana vallies, and the in­habitants thereof, 1248
  • Amazons country, 1559, 1218. The names of all the Riuers and Nations betweene it and the Bra­bisses, 1286. The description of their nature, country, customes, and commodities at large, 1287
  • Amazon women, their fashions, and countrie, 1358. Vide Women.
  • Amber, how called by the Indians, 1241
  • Ambergreece where found, 1224, 1237, 1240, 1313, 1377, 1796
  • Ambition among Sauages, 1212
  • Ambroa, a beast in Aethiopia, 1233
  • Ambush of the Caribes, 1256
  • Amecaxo, Indians of Bras [...]le, 1310
  • Amiebas-towne in the riuer Mar­win, 1283
  • America, 1223. How diuided be­tweene the Sp [...]ds and Portin­gals, [Page] 1435. The strife about it, 1437
  • Americaes strange beasts, plants, &c 1325, 1326. & sequ. Strange Birds, 1329, 1330. Bees and Butterflies, ibid. The enuy of the Americans, 1330. Ameri­caes medicinable plants, and ve­nemous, 1330. With leaues of in­credible bignesse, 1332. The cause of their warres, 1333. Their irre­conciliation with their aduersaries ibid. Their assemblies, weapons, skill, archery, stratagems, their clamorous fiercenesse, captines, 1335, 1336. vid. Indians and Brasilians.
  • Anato, a berry or cod wherewith the Indians paint, 1251
  • Anapermia a riuer, how situate, 1247
  • Anaquia, sauages so called, 1299
  • Ancica, a place in Affrica, 1234 The inhabitants thereof, the stub­bornest vnder the Sunne; most blacke of any, their religion, con­cubines, countrie, and commodi­ties; they are right vnder the line, 1237
  • Anebas, a place in the Indies, 1248. certaine Moores so called, 1250
  • Angola, a place in Aethiopia, 1212 The inhabitants, markets, lawes, King, pompe, & rites of obeysance, controuersies, &c. 1233. Their Religion, ibid. Description of the Country, their slauery to the Por­tingals, their coloured cloathes, greatest disgrace, their feeding & lodging, 1233, 1234. their man­ner of taking Elephants, their cole­blacke colour, stature, punishment of adultery, circumcision, how ea­sily their country may bee taken from the Portingals, 1234. yeer­ly shipped from it 28000 slaues, 1243
  • Anhelim, Sauages in the Maine of Brasile, 1299
  • Anchors that are vnserniceable, how mended without iron, 1390
  • Angra, the chiefe towne of Tercera, one of the Azores, the description and fortification thereof, 1668, 1143
  • Anima, a bird in Brasile, that hath on his beake a medicinable horne, 1306
  • Anneda, a tree very soueraigne a­gainst the scuruy, 1625
  • Annes Hill the situation of it, 1242
  • S. Annes Iland, 1379
  • Anoixi, a Towne in Florida, the in­habitants whereof were taken by the Spaniards, 1550
  • Ant-Beare, a beast with a nose of a yard long, deceiuing Ants with putting forth his tongue, 1214. It is also called Tamandros, 1216, 1301
  • Ante, a place in Florida, the commo­dities thereof, 1503, 1504
  • Anteperistase, and the effects there­of, 1627
  • S. Anthonie, a garison towne of the Spaniards in Florida, 1182
  • Sr. Antony Ralife forced to returne for England, 1941
  • St Antonio, a Riuer, 1223. the de­scription, commodities, &c. 1239
  • Antis, a Prouince neere Peru, whose inhabitants worshipped Tygres and great Snakes of 25 and 30 foot long, and harmlesse, 1457
  • Apalachen a place supposed very well stored with gold, in Florida, 1501 The chiefe towne thereof descri­bed, their manner of building, and fortification, their commodities of beasts, fowles, and plants: a geo­graphical description of their coun­trie, their assault of the Spaniards, &c. 1502, 1503
  • Apamatica, a country in Uirginia, 1688
  • Apamatucke-riuer, 1692
  • Apanawaspek, a great riuer in Ma­wooshen, lying West and by South of Ramassoc, 1874
  • Apanmenseck, a great riuer in Mawooshen, ibid.
  • Apes with beards and mustachoes, 1243
  • Apetupa, certaine Indians so called, 1299
  • Apigapigtanga, certaine sauages so called in Brasile, 1298
  • Aponig, a great riuer not far from Aponik, 1874
  • Aponik, a great riuer in Mawoo­shen, ibid.
  • Appisham, a towne on the riuer A­ponik, ibid.
  • Apples of America, 1332 Apples at Angola and Auanas, pleasant and wholesome but eating iron like A­qua-fortis, 1243. Apples in Guiana causing sleepe to death, 1276
  • Aquirini Indians, 1299
  • Aquiguira-Brasilians, 1299
  • Aquixo, a great Lord in Florida, 1546
  • Aracawa Riuer, 1251. The commo­dities and inhabitants thereabout, 1251, 1263
  • Aracuaiati, certaine Indian sauages, 1299
  • Araomi, an Iland in Orenoco, 1248
  • Ararape, certaine Brasilian inhabi­tants, 1298
  • Arawagatos, certaine Indians neere Orenoco, 1248
  • Arbadaos-Indians, their hungry life, 1517
  • Archers, very expert and strong, 1503. Archers that kill birds flying, fishes swimming, beasts run­ning, 1771
  • Archers-hope, a point of land in Virginia so called, 1688. Ar­chers relation of a Fleet sent to Virginia, 1733, 1734
  • Arecias, certaine clifts in Brasile so called, 1238
  • Capt. Argals voyage and successe, 1758, & seq. His relation of his acts in Virginia, anno 1613. his getting store of corne for the plan­tation, 1764, 1765. His taking prisoner Powhatons daughter, and freeing Englishmen, 1765. his returne, ibid. His valour in displating the Frēch, 1768, 1808
  • Armada furnished against the Eng­lish in the West Indies, their fight, 1398, & seq. An armada prepa­red against the Lord Howard, Admirall of her Maiesties fleet at the Azores, 1144
  • Arrow running in at the mouth of a man, and comming out at his poale, yet the man saued, 1206. Arrowes fiue or sixe in one body escaping, ibid. One and twenty ar­rowes in one man that liued after 4 houres, 1219. A hundred ar­rowes in two men before they fell, 1256. Arrowes of Indians that runne through a Target Pistoll. proofe, 1688
  • Arrowhotacks, certaine Indians of Virginia, hauing but 30 fighting men, 1692
  • Sr. Arthur Gorge, his relation of a voyage to the Iles of Azores, 1938
  • Articles offered to Port Ricco-men by the Earle of Cumberland, 1163. And receiued. 1164
  • Articles propounded by Mr. More to the Company planted in the Bermudas to hee subscribed to generally, 1795
  • Arraroopana, an entrance into the riuer Orenoco, 1248
  • Armes vsed by the Indians, 1261
  • Aruba Iland described, 1146, 1246
  • Aruburguary, a town of the Epeu­remii in the Indies, 1285
  • Arwarcas, certaine Indians so called that dwell in the Wyapoco, 1253
  • [Page] Assapana, the first Iland in Oreno­que, 1 [...]48
  • Assaccona, a Prouince in Guiana, 1285
  • Assawais, certaine Indian [...] inhabi­ting the Plaines of Samia, 1 [...]48
  • Ashamabaga, a riuer in Mawoo­shen westward from Sagodok, 1875
  • Asshaw a town on the riuer Aponeg in Mawooshen, 1874
  • Aspiner a Gouernor in Nausset vn­der the great Massasoye, his good entertainment of our English for­ces, 1853
  • Assumption, a place erected by the Spaniards in the West Indies. 1352
  • Asticon, a great Lord in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Atabalipa Prince of Peru craftily taken by the Spaniards, and after­wards perfidiously slaine, 1445, 1452, 1490, 1491
  • Atacames Bay, the situation there­of, 1401
  • Atacama, a towne in Peru, 1443
  • Athul, a pleasant Country neere the Riuer Orenoco, 1248
  • Atuhualpa, or Atabalipa, Emperer of Peru, his warres with his bro­ther, his victory. crueltie, &c. 1483, 1484, 1485
  • Ataios-Indians, 1516
  • Atri [...]co, a place fiue leagues from Mexico, 1414
  • Attoca-Riuer, 1248
  • Atturari, certaine inhabitauts of the West Indies, 1299
  • Anasalii, spirits possessing and vex­ing the inhabitants of West India, 1213
  • Auauares, certaine Indians so called, 1514
  • Aubri a French Priest, lost in New France, and after many dayes found againe, being almost star­ued, all his food being a fruit worse then wild cherries. 1623
  • Audacity of the English Admirall in the voyage to the Azores, 1943
  • Augurari Brasilians, 1299
  • Autiamque a Prouince in Florida described, with the commodi [...]i [...]s thereof, 1550, 1551
  • Axa a place in America, 1561
  • Aximocuntla, a place in New Spaine, 1558
  • Azores Ilands, their number and no­mination in particular, why called Azores, and why the Flemmish Ilands, 1667, 1668. Azores Iles situated in the Atlanticke and Westerne Oceans, betweene 37 and 40 Degrees, 1938. the inhabitant Port [...] hate the Sp [...]ds, and would bee freed from them, if they might fall with a Gouernour that could protect them from the Sp [...]. 1952
  • Aztatlan a Prouince neere New-Spaine. 1559
  • Ayard, Indian wood so called. 1251
  • Ayer, a disease in Tereeta. 1671
  • Aygas Indians, then nature and commodities described, 1351
  • Ay [...]y a Towne in Florida, called by the Spaniards The towne of reliefe: the commodities and de­scription thereof. 1537
B
  • BAgres, a very strange Fish in RioGrand in Florida. 1548
  • Bahia a Towne in the West-Indies neere the Line. 1189
  • Baldiuia, his death by a cup of mol­ten Gold which the India [...] forced him to drinke, saying, Now glut thy selfe with gold. 1443
  • Baldiuia, a places name neere the South-sea. 1391. Baldiuia Port 1442. 1443
  • Balparizo, a place in America. 1399
  • Balsamum, of three sorts in T [...]ppan Basse neere Brasile, white, red & blacke, all very odori [...]erous. 1189
  • Bancke in the New-found Land knowne by Mariners to bee neere by the testimony of Birds, 1628. The description of it, and the fish­ing there, ibid.
  • Banner of a Spanish ship, hung vp in one of the Churches of Leyden, in token of triumph, 1909
  • Baptisme of Spaniards leaueth no character in the Indians, 1323
  • Baptisme forbidden by the Deuill to the Sauages, 1564
  • Baratta, a delicate perfume, and ad­mirable in curing greene wounds, 1276
  • Barbudos Iland, the description and commodities thereof, 1255, 1256
  • Ba [...]ede, an Indian towne, 1364
  • Bareras Mermethues hils in Parey­na, 1237
  • Capt. Barker of Bristowes nauiga­tions, 1180
  • Capt. Barker slaine in Brasile, 1195
  • Barkley, viz. Sir Iohn Barkley his noble resolution, ambition and courage, 1151
  • Baroti, an India towne, 1364
  • Barrennesse of women how dispel­led by the Indians, 1303
  • Bartennis Indian inhabitants, 1349
  • Bartholomew de las Casas his dis­couerie of Spanish cruelties in the Indies, 1569, & sequ, his dispu­tations with Doctor Sepulueda concerning the same point, 1631.
  • Saint Bartholmew Valley in New Biscany, 1562
  • Bascherepos Indians, 1357
  • Basenesse of the Spaniards in refu­sing the Earle of Essex his chal­lenge, 1924
  • Basse, great plenty summer and win­ter taken at Mattachiest, 1859
  • Bastimento Ilands, 1244
  • A Bath temperately hot in Domi­nica, 1158 A Bath caring di­uers diseases, 1281, 1282. Bathes boyling meat, 1685
  • Batiscan-Riuer in Canada, 1611
  • Battell of Sauages, 1218, 1224, 1272, 1272, 1273, 1348. Bat­tell of Sauages with Span [...]ards, 1360, 1361
  • Batts very great and noxious, 1284
  • Baximete a place fertile with fine gold, 1413
  • Bay of Cods in Canada, 1616
  • Bay of heate, ibid.
  • Bay [...], a towne in Brasile, 1142, 1438
  • Bayama, a Gulfe in the West Indies, 1241
  • Bayamond, a riuer in Port-Ricco, 1169
  • Bayas de Sant Antonio, sands on the coasts of Brasile, 1238
  • Bayshas de Ambrobrio, certaine clifts so called, 1223
  • Beares tame taught by Sauages in stead of Ladders, to cary the clim­bers vp on trees, 1644
  • Beares that swim 14 Leagues from the Continent to feed on Birds, 1605
  • Beasts with armed scales repelling Iron in America, 1326
  • A Beast called Hay that liueth vpon haire, 1328
  • A Beast with a monstrous snout, ibid.
  • Beasts hideously howling, 1381
  • Beasts that carie their young ones in a bag vnder their belly, 1502. A beasts hide of strange forms and fashion, 1560
  • Beds of what kind vsed among the Sauages, 1188
  • Beefe how kept in the Ilands of Mo­na and Sauona, &c. 1146
  • Beeues infinitely plentifull, 1171, 1421
  • Bees without stings, 1364
  • Belle a voire, a riuer of Florida, discouered by the French, 1603
  • [Page] Belligods, 1202
  • Bengula in Affrica, 1234
  • Saint Bent, an Iland in Brasile, 1240
  • Bermuda plantation distrest by Rats in infinite number, 1796. Their deuouring their fruits, ibid. The weaknesse and mortality succee­ding, ibid. & 1797. The predi­ction thereof portended by Rauens, 1797. Bermudas Plantation vnder the gouernment of Master Moore, ibid. Vnder Captaine Tucker, ibid. Its growth in be­nefit and commodities, 1798. Its gouernment by Captaine Kendall and Captaine Butler, ibid. Its Forts built by Master Moore, 1802. Its gouernment by a Tri­umuirate, ibid. A Church built, with supplies of all necessaries, ib. Bermudas plantation-affaires vn­der diuers Gouernours, and the fortification therof at large, 1804 1805, 1811. Be [...]mudas impreg­nability, 1823. Englands naturall and nationall right to plant in Bermudas, 1811
  • Bermuda Ilands infamous for storms and thunder, their situation, 1169. Called the Deuils Ilands, 1737. Opinions of their number, magni­tude, circuit, and latitude, sea­sons and climate, 1738 Pearle­fishing there, ibid. The danger of ariuall thither by ships; their soile, want of venemous beasts, fruits, Cedars, 1739. Palmes there, and their commodities; trees, Silke­wormes, ibid. The reason why they were not formerly inhabited, ibid. Their want of fresh water, fish great store, m [...]king of salt there. 1740 The wholesomnesse of the fish, and its cau [...]e; store of Whales. Fowles, ibid. Wild Hogs and Tortoises, 1741. Bermudas liked by Sir Thomas Gates, and other Mariners, and preferred be­fore Virginia, 1745. The religi­ons orders in Bermudas vnder the said Gouernour. 1746. Ber­mudas possession taken, their so­lemnities, Preaching, Admini­stration of the Sacraments, mari­age rites, &c. 1746. Bermudas, crosse erected by Sir Thomas [...] in memoriall of his deliue­rie, the inscription, 1747. Ber­mudas plantation by the English, 1793, 1794. Articles proposed to the plantationers, 1795. Bermu­das store of Ambergreece, 1796. Bermudas geographically descri­bed, 1798. The soile, ibid. With other commodities at large, 1799, 1800. & seq. Another des [...]ipti­on of its [...]auer all excellencies. 1806
  • Bermuda City in Virginia, 1767, 1768
  • Berrias making drinke, of a restri­ctiue operation. 1739
  • Berria, a Riuer, 1206
  • Beuer-skins very plentifull in Ca­nada and New England, 1842
  • Beuers burnt by Sauages, 1644
  • Biarataca, a beast in Brasile that killeth with his stincking smell men and dogs, 1303
  • Biesaie a nation neere the Riuer Pa­rana in the West Indies, 1364
  • Bigrorgia, Indians of Brasile, 1300
  • Bird-land, one of the Virgin Ilands in the West Indies, 1159
  • Birds incredibly plentifull there, 1159, 1160
  • Birds strange in Brasile, 1305, 1306 Birds that haue two generations, that dance, that sound like bels, that haue three skins, that haue hornes, ibid. Birds that bring ti­dings of ships ariuall, whose fat is good for loosenesse; birds that die and liue againe: their seuerall names, 1316, 1317. Birds in A­merica very delicate and glitter­ing, their natures, names, and di­uersities, 1329. A bird of a most monstrous bill, 1330. A bird no bigger then a Drone Bee, that makes most harmonious melody, 1330. Birds beleeued by the Barbarians to bee sent from their friends with newes, 1330. Birds like Snipes that discouer dange­rous sheales, 1374. Birds taken with hooke and liue, 1383. Their d [...]scription, ibid. Birds worship­ped as gods. 1560
  • Birds strangely taken in the Bermu­das, by men yelling, and howling, 1741
  • Biscaines, a sauage people inhabi­ting neere Grand Bay, on the north of New-found Land, 1882
  • Biscouers vse to fight well, 1150
  • Bishop of Cusco taken prisoner by the English at Cadiz; he is set at liberty without ransome, 1933
  • Bishop and his Clerkes, certaine Rockes on the north side of Silley so called, 1967
  • Blanches Bay, 1386
  • Blancke, a place whither the French Biscaines, and Portugals yeerely repaire for Fish, neere the South Cape of New-found Land, 1886
  • Blacke-Pinace sunke, 1167
  • Blacke-Rocke, a place yeerely fished by three or foure hundred sayle of Spaniards, 1837
  • Blanco Iland, 1 [...]66
  • Blas [...], a Frier of the Order of Fran­ciseus of Siuill, being in great extremity through the slauish bon­dage of the Spaniards, was relee­ued by the Sauages of the Ile of Dominica, 1833
  • A Blazing-star in the yeare 1590. Ouer Tercera, 1678. Another ouer England Anno 1606, page 1685
  • Bloody fi [...]x rife, and the causes thereof, 1149
  • Blew-be [...]ds wel sold for two or three hundred bushels of corne, 1710
  • Bores in Brasile that haue their nauels on their backes, by the sent of which the Dogs hunt and de­siroy them, 1301
  • Boates of strange forme and fashion, 1504. B [...]ates onely of [...]ollowed trees by the Indians of New France. 1633
  • A Boat that sailed from the Bermu­das to Ireland 1803. And there hangd vp for a monument. ibid.
  • Bo [...]eyua; Snakes among the Sa­uages, 1210
  • Bogs and watry places engendring euill diseases, 1623, 1624
  • Boicupecanga, a kind of Snake that hath venemous prickles on his backe, 1303
  • Bolus, a Riuer in Virginia, the com­modities, and inhabitants, 1693
  • Bonas Ayres, a place in the riuer of Plate, 1218
  • Bonito or Spanish Mackarell, 1376
  • Boarding how to bee avoided in a Sea-fight, 1405
  • Borsis a towne taken by Captaine Petuin in the Portugall voyage, 1926
  • Boybona an Indian name of a moun­taine in Brasile, in English the Rotten Whale, 1240
  • Boycininga and Boiciningpeba, certain snakes in Brasile that haue bels in their tailes, and are very poysonous, 1304
  • Boyes of the Indians not suffered to take Tobacco, their reuerence to their elders, their habit, &c. 1869
  • Boytiapua, a Frog-eating Snake or Serpent, wherewith if a barren womans hips be strooke, the Indi­ans say she presently conceiues with child, 1303
  • Boynara, a place in the Indies, 1246
  • [Page] Boisterous Seas, not agreeable to London delicacie. 1941
  • Brabisse Riuer, and the particular names of the Riuers betweene it and the Amazons, and Nations, 1286
  • Bracheo, neere the Paretaes in the West Indies. 1246
  • Branco de Malambo, 1434
  • Brasile, the Rivers, Capes, and Ports thereof described: their danger or safety for Navigators, 1237, 1238. & seq. Brasile when first found and discovered, and by whom, 1437. The con­troversie concerning it, betweene the Spaniards and Portugals, 1437
  • Brasile, the difficulty of sayling thi­ther some times of the yeare, 1156, 1157
  • A Brasilian brought to K. Henry the eighth in his wilde accoustre­ments, 1179
  • Brasile is sixe hundred leagues from the Streights of M [...]gellane. 1193
  • Brasilian coasts full of Shoales, 1195
  • Brasilian Sauages, 1225, 1226. seq. strange and monstrous Beasts in Brasile, their names, 1242, 1243. Brasilians their nature, sub [...]cti­on, man-eating, shooting, nakednes, flat-heads, 1243. plenty of mynes, 1243. Brasil, and Brasilians, described, 1289, & seq their opi­nion of an Iland of God. of their soule and paradise, ibid. Their mariages-rites, drinkings, diet, ruling children, liberalitie, drunkennesse, rudenesse, manner of eating, 1290. Their lodging, na­kednesse, modestie, haire, houses, child-birth, ceremonies, loue of children, and education, 1291. Their entertaining strangers with weeping welcome, their hospitali­tie, their drinking smoake of Peti­gina, their traffiquing ornaments, the vsage of their wiues, iealousie, musicke, 1292. Singing, instru­ments, loue of poetry, their buri­als, and excessiue lamentation, tooles, weapons, archerie, their arts, quick-sightednesse, trauels, swimming, fishing, swords, 1293, 1294. Their manner of eating mans flesh, and divers their cere­monies at large, 1295, 1296, 1297. Their creating Gentlemen, the badges thereof, and their three titles, Abaetes, Murubixab [...], Moçacara, 1297. Their langua­ges and nations, ibid. The climate, seasons, nature of the soyle, 1300▪ Varietie of strange wilde beasts, 1301, 1302, & 1303. Diversity of fearfull Serpents, and the ve­nome of [...]hat climate, 1303, 1304. The varietie of P [...]ats, and strangenesse of other Bird, 1305, 1306. Diversities and wonders of their trees and fruits for Physick, and [...] h [...]se: the severall names of their trees and plants, 1307, 1308, 1309. Rare and admira­ble plants, their severall names and wonders at large, 1310, 1311, 1312. Their multitude and singularitie of fishes, and their names at large, 1314, 1315 & seq. Their Fish that liveth al­together in Salt-water, and their names, 1316, 1317. The delicate fresh-water of Brasile, and Rivers, ibid. Thei [...] strange, vast, and fearfull sea-serpents, and their severall names, 1317, 1318, What Portugall commodi­ties in Brasile, 1319. Brasile hath few Lice and Fleas, but in­finite store of venemous gnats, ibid. Articles for the good of Bra­sile to the Spanish King, 1320, & seq. The want of iustice, and the irregularitie: of those parts, 1321. Their dis-respect of the Ie­suits in the matters of counsaile, ibid. How cruelly the Brasilians are dealt with by the Portugals, 1321. & seq. Their want of in­struction, and inhumane slauerie, 1324. Brasils beasts, plants, and other living things described, 1325, 1326. & seq. Brasile wood, ibid. Difference of plants, beasts, and commodities from ours, and their severall description, 1325. & seq. Their astonishment at the hearing of God: Their in­constancie, naturall parts, &c. 1340. Their mariages, and poly­gamie, the manners of women with child, &c. 1341. The de­struction of families, and bounds of their possessions, 1342. Their houshold stuffe. 1343. Their en­tertainment. 1344, 1345. Their Physicke and demeanour towards the sicke, their buriall attended with diuellish rites. 1346. Brasils description and chiefe Havens. 1382. A Brasile Ship taken by Sir Water Raleigh, 1938. Bra­sile commodities sent for Spaine, not onely gold, but much other treasures, as Ginger, Sugar, Hides, Tobacco, &c. 1817
  • Brauadoes are sometimes the hin­derers of successe in great proiects, 194 [...]
  • Braverie of the English turneth to beggerie. 1942
  • Bridegroomes th [...] giue the fi [...]st hans [...]ll of their spous [...] to their hin­dred and friends. 1481
  • Brigalian Iland the situation thereof 1240
  • Buena Ventura, a River in the West Indies, the description thereof, 1413, 1414
  • Bueno [...] Aeres, a t [...]ne in the Ri­ver of Plate, 1 [...]41
  • Buccaw ganecants, a towne vnder the dominion of Bashabez Saga­mo of Mawooshen. 1873
  • Building without tooles or engines, miraculous by the Indians of Peru, 1477, 1478
  • Burdones, a place so called, 126 [...]
  • Burkes rebellion in Ireland, 1893
  • The Burlings, an Iland so called: [...] soyle, commodi [...], and i [...]a­bitants described, 1155
  • Butter how made by the Indians. 1539
C.
  • CAbot, viz. Sir Sebastian Ca­bot his American travels, 1177, 1178, & seq. he discovered so much of the continent of the New World, that it deserved to bee called Cabo [...]iana. rather then America, 1177, 1112
  • Cabusto, a towne in Florida, 1544
  • Caa [...]t [...], certaine Brasilians so called. 1298
  • C [...]era River, 1248
  • Cadiz taken by the English, the Ca­stle surrendred, &c 1931. Cadi [...] described, 1932. It is set [...]fir [...] and rased to the ground. 1933
  • Caiama Iland, the description therof, 1248
  • Caiocame, a towne in Mawoc­shen, 1874
  • Caioses, Cannibals so called, living in Brasile, 1241
  • Caiuari, certaine Savages of Bra­sile living in Caues, 1 [...]99
  • Cale, a towne of Florida, 1532
  • Caleformia, a sea so called, 1560 or an Iland, or many Ilands, as others say, 1562
  • Calenture, 1181, 1182
  • Caliane, a River in Guiana, very aboundant with gold and silver, [...]60
  • Caliquen towne, 1533
  • Callipuny, a mountaine in Guyana. 1 [...]71
  • [Page] Callis taken by the Spaniards, 1927
  • Calmes, the strange effects thereof in the Sea, and in mens bodies, 1373
  • Camalaha, a Fayre in the Indies neere Orenoco, where women are sold. 1248
  • Cama [...]uiars, certaine Savages that haue paps reaching vnder their waste. 1299
  • Camana, a road in Brasile, 1142 as also a towne in Peru, 1446
  • Campseau, a Port in New-France, described, 1639
  • Camarijiuua, a River, how situate, 1223. Its danger or ease for Na­vigation, and the commodities thereof, 1238
  • Camo a Hill on the coasts of Brasile, 1240
  • Camoni, Indians, 1514
  • Campeche the chiefe towne of Ia­catan, 1186
  • Canacum the Governour of Mano­met, his friendly entertainment to the English, 1858
  • Canada River, 1606. The adioyning Countrey, the Inhabitants, descrip­tion, feasts, fights, lodging, houses, Canons, with other customes, 1606, 1607. They endure great famine, lye, and are false-hearted, their beliefe, and ridiculous re­lation of God, ibid. & 1609. vide Indians of Canada.
  • Canasagua, a towne in Florida, 1539
  • Canauerall, where, 1247
  • Canarie Ilands, their number, and description, 1369, 1370
  • Canariagranda, 1185, 1369, et seq.
  • Candish his Voyage, 1971. & seq. he takes the towne Santos, and Saint Vincent, 1191. Loseth Cap­taine Dauies, ibid. His ariuall at Port-desire, and the Magellane Streights, ibid. His mutinous company, 1192. and distresse in the streights, 1193. Returne for Brasil, 1194. His company slaine, 1195. His valour and proiects, ibid. Losse of men by Indians and Portingals, 1197. Losse of the Roe-bucke, 1200. Seuerity, ibid. His weaknesse, and vnwil­lingnesse of his company, for going to the Streights, 1200. His voyage further discouered by Anthony [...]niuer, 1201, 1202. & seq. The supposed ouerthrow of his voyage, 1203
  • Canduacu, Brasilian beast [...] that dart their bristles through a mans skin, 1302
  • Canari, a Province of More­quito, 1248
  • Cannete, i [...] towne in Peru, 1446
  • Canri, a toune in the Riuer Mar­win in America, 1283
  • Canibals with faces like dogs at Ports-desire, 1191. Other strange and valorous Caunibals. 1208
  • Canibals profer fa [...] to Can­dish in Santos, 1203. Canni­bals naked and fearfull, 1204. cald Pories, 1208. Their strange entertainment of strangers, 1208.
  • Canibals called Tamoyes, 1228, 1240. vid. Savages.
  • Cano, a famous Nauigator, 1191
  • Canoas or boats of threescore foot long with 80 men in them, 1380
  • Cape Blanco, 1379
  • Cape Saint Francisco, 1400
  • Cape Saint Antonio, 1147
  • Capawucke a place in the Ind [...]s, stored with gold, 1841
  • Cape bona Esper [...]nza, the danger of the passage there, 1151, 1152
  • Cape Rico, 1170
  • Cape Verdi, 1181
  • Cape de la vela, 118 [...], 1244
  • Cape Frio, or cold Cape, its situa­tion, 1202. Its Navigation, 1240
  • Cape Saint Augustine, 1238
  • Cape Caldera, 1 [...]46
  • Cape de verde, its vnhealthinesse, 1370. Its Ilands, 1371
  • Capignramirinij a place in Brasile 1238. Cape Agreda, cape fro­ward, 1386
  • Cape chiqui-towne, 1535. Cape Francois, 1603
  • Cape Saint Maries, Cape de Rare, Cape Saint Lawrence, 1606
  • Caperrocca, a Sauage towne, 1285
  • Capitua a flat land in Brasile, 1238 Cape-cod, 1647. Cape Charls, 1691. Cape Henry in Virginia, 1687. Cape Laware in Virginia, 1762. Its adioyning Shoales, ibid.
  • Captaines for narres, how chosen a­mong the Indians, 1262
  • Captaines errours checked, 1397. patience commendable in a Cap­taine, 1153
  • Captaine Listers dingerous attempt in my Lord of Cumberlands voyage, 1143. Hee is drowned and his Ship in his returne, ibid.
  • Captaine Bayly slaine, 1144
  • Captaine Munson taken captiue, 1144
  • Captaine Nortons Uoyage, ibid.
  • Captaine Caues surprizall of in Ar gosie of Lisbone. ibid.
  • Captaine Nortons assailing a For­tingall, ibid. Capt. Caue, Admi­rall in the eighth Uoyage of the Lord of Cumberland, slaine, 1147
  • Captaine Antonie killed, ibid.
  • Captaine Dounton wounded, 1148
  • Capurisell a River, 1250
  • Capucaras, water-Serpents in the Indies, 1211
  • Capari, a River neere Orenoque, 1247
  • Carrabouca, a place in India, 1249
  • Carcocies, Indians so called, 1365
  • Carder, viz. Peter Carder a Cor­nish man, his hard fortune and escapes, 1187. The losse of his company. 1188. His living two moneths vpon a fruit like Oran­ges, and his drinking of his owne Urine, ibid. His conversing with Indians, [...]bid. Teacheth them to marre. 1189. His departure from them, ibid. His imprisonment, de­liverance, 1189, 1190. His im­ployment, 1190. His escape from the Portingals, and ariuall to England after nine yeares voyage, 1190
  • Carigue, a Beast in Brasile that that carteth her yong ones in a bag about with her, 1301
  • Cari-River, 1248
  • A Carrak runneth a shore to avoid the English, 1938
  • Caripo a towne in Guiana, 1268
  • Caroli, a pleasant River neere Ore­noco, 1248
  • Carraemba, Sauages so called, 1299
  • Carapana, a place in the Province of Emeria, 1247
  • Carraibas, certain Ingglers in Bra­sile. 1290
  • Carracus a place in the Indies, 1242, 1248
  • Caredenas, a Province in America, 1560
  • Carripapoory Ilands neere Guiana. 1268
  • Carendies a fierce Nation of the Indies, neere the River, of Plate [...] their nature, warlikenesse, and description, 1348
  • A Carrack runneth her selfe on ground for feare of the English, 1964
  • Carracks taken and burnt by Eng­lish Captaines, 1145, 1147, 1148
  • Carracks not so great as wealthy, 1150
  • Carracks vsed to returne from the [Page] Indies, at the Acores by Sep­tember, 1169
  • A Carrack with foure millions and a halfe of treasure burnt in Port-Ricco, 1171
  • Great Carrack fired, 1182. Another taken, 1183
  • Carchconos Indians, 1364
  • Carcariso, Indians so called, 1353
  • Caribes neere Orenoco, 1249 great enemies to the Indians, 1261
  • Carios Sauages, their nature, com­modities, customes, towne, fortifi­cation, &c. described, 1351
  • Captaine Carre slaine in the Por­tugall Voyage, 1924
  • Caruolos Sauages, their nature, and description, 1232
  • Carruco, certaine Sauages in Flo­rida, 1510
  • Capt. Carsey slaine in the Portugal Voyage, 1924
  • Cartagena assaulted and taken, 1182, Its description and force, 1419, 1434. Tis massacred by Spaniards, 1584
  • A Caruell stolne by English cap­tiues, 1151
  • Cascais, a towne of Portugall forsa­ken at the approach of the Eng­lish, 1923
  • Casiste, a great Floridan towne, 1541
  • Casuero Riuer, 1248
  • Casqui a great Gouernour in Ame­rica, his large dominions, and townes, 1547, 1548
  • Cassaui bread, 1146. The maner of making it, the goodnesse and de­scription of it, 1173, 1251
  • Cassia Fistula in Brasile, 1308
  • Castro, a place on the coast of Chili, 1442
  • Castro his discoverie, 1447
  • Casuays, a River in the Indies, 1223
  • Cassipa River, 1248
  • Cassipogotos Indians, neere Ore­noco 1248
  • Castle of Cascais yeelded to the English, 1924
  • Castle of Saint Philip, neere Porto Bello, 1244
  • Catalte, a Province in Florida, 1553
  • Catagua Indians, 1300
  • Saint Catalina Iland, 1438
  • Caturi River, 1248
  • Catamaya, a towne in Florida, 1550
  • Cattle infinite store in Port-Ricco, 1171
  • Cat of the Mountaine, called by the Indians, Marcayahite, store in Brasile, 1229
  • Cauoques, a language of some In­dians in Florida, 1519
  • Cawas a Mountaine in Port Ricco, 1170
  • Caxamalca, a large Indian Citie, described, with its chiefe orna­ments, 1489
  • Cayas, a towne of Florida, 1549
  • Caycooscoocooro, a towne in the River Marwin, inhabited by the Arwaccas Savages, 1283
  • Cazique, a Title of dignitie among the Savages, as much as to say, a Lord. 1502
  • Cedars, in New-France, 1622. In the Bermudas, 1739. Cedars in Alexandria, reported by the Iewes to be them of Libanus, that beare old and new fruit all the yeare, ibid. Cedars ill for shipping. 1747
  • Ceuola, a Province, 1560. In it are seuen Cities neere together, their manner of making houses, for sum­mer and winter, their commodities of Turqueses and Emeraulds, their beasts, and climate, ibid.
  • Chachapuya, a Province in Ameri­ca of valiant men, and faire wo­men, that worship Snakes, 1478
  • Chagre, a Riuer in the Indies, 1180
  • Chagnate a towne in Florida, 1553
  • Captaine Chalons his voyage to the Northerne parts, his vnfortu­nate hap to the losse of the whole aduenture, 1827
  • Mr Henry Chaltons voyage to the North of Virginia, his cōmisera­tion towards a distressed Frier, his taking captiue by the Spaniards, his goods divided into the Spanish Ships, 1834
  • Chalaque Province, 1539
  • Champlains voyage into Canada in the yeare 1603, 1605 His ariuall at Canada: 1606. His discouering of divers Ilands there, ibid. His returne, 1619
  • Chauca, a valiant Indian Nation, descending as they suppose from a a Lyon, which they worship for a god, 1457, 1641
  • Charges of certaine voyages to Virginia, little gaine for losse of life, 1842
  • Charitie, a great Ship landing at Plimouth in New England, 1856. Charitie of the Indians to­ward th [...]se which are impoverished by sicknesse, 1869. Charitie and courtesie among savages, 1345
  • Chawonock in Virginia, its diffe­rent languages mentioned, 1694
  • Chereno, a great Commander in Port Ricco, 1169
  • Chebegnados, a towne in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Cherente, a River in Florida, 1603
  • Chiaza, a Province in Florida, 1538
  • Chickhahamania, a River in Vir­ginia, 1692. The inhabitants go­verned by Priests, 1692
  • Chicaca, a towne in Florida, 1544
  • Chichilcale, a Province in Ame­rica, 1560
  • M. Chidleys voyage for the Ma­gellane Streights, 1187
  • Children throwne to dogs, 1582
  • Child-birth, how and with what ease among the Indians, 1263, 1868
  • Chile, a rich Country in the Indies, 1232. Its description and discoue­rie by some Spaniards, 1442. The taking thereof by the Spaniards, and the towne first inhabited by them, 1442
  • China hath two wayes to it through the Streights of Magellane, and Caput bonae spei, 1193
  • Chirihuana brutish Indians so cal­led, 1475
  • Chiriguana, a Province subiect to Peru, 1419
  • A Chirurgion curing with words, 1205
  • Chisaptack a brooke in Virginia, 1692
  • Chischa, a Floridan Province, 1540
  • Choamo, a countrey in Port Ricco 1169
  • Chesepian-Bay, 1658
  • Chesupioc-Bay, 1686
  • Chily, a Province subiect to Peru, its seuerall townes, 1419
  • Chilca, a place in America. 1398
  • Chinca, a place in the South Sea, 1416
  • Chinchilla, a beast of wondrous esti­mation by reason of a rich Furr, 1395
  • Cholupaha, a towne of Florida, 1333
  • Chouakoet-Bay in New France, 1626
  • Choosa, a valley in the South sea, 1416
  • Christs name blasphemed by the per­fidie of Spanish-Christians, 1450
  • Christians crueltie to each other ex­ceeding savages, 1623
  • Christians deservedly controuled by the Indians, 1449. How thought [Page] of by them, an Indian definition of a Christian. 1450. Christi­ans eate one another, 1508
  • Chrystall. 1230
  • Chrystall Rocke in Virginia. 1772
  • Chrystall Mountaine. 1231
  • Cholula, a part of New Spaine rui­nated, in respect of the inhabitants, by Spaniards. 1577, 1578
  • Chullula, a place in the South Sea. 1418
  • Chule, an Iland poorely inhabited by the Sp [...] in the South See, [...] rich with [...]ld. 1392
  • Churches prof [...] punished. 1163
  • Ci [...], [...] towne. 1561
  • Cibola, a Province in America, discouered by the Spaniards. 1560
  • Cicu, Indians of Brasile. 1299
  • Cicuic, a towne in America. 1561
  • Cilicedemo, a mountaine in Guy­ana. 1272
  • Cinque Llagas, a great Carrack fired. 1148
  • Circumcision among Aethiopians. 1234
  • Ciuet Cats. 1372
  • Ciuill dissentions. 1452, 1453
  • Si [...] Nicholas Cliffords death by a shot, as hee was at supper. 1184
  • A Climate vnsufferably hot, and within sixe miles againe intolera­bly cold. 1420
  • Coaio's, or Coucho's, Indians. 1516
  • Cobe, a place neere Hauana in the West Indies. 1246
  • Cobrus, vide Serpent.
  • Coca, a Floridan Countrey, the townes and commodities therein. 1540
  • Coche, an Ile neere Margarita. 1186
  • A Cocke treading a sow, another crowing clearely within twelue houres it was hatched. 1805
  • Cocos trees, and their fruit descri­bed. 1371, 1372, 1173
  • Corwina a towne, 1279
  • Coiula, a Province in New-Spain. 1558
  • Cold very extreame freezing men to death. 1204, & 1205. vid. winter.
  • Collick how cured. 1308
  • Colliman a precious gu [...]e in Gui­ana, for sundry diseases. 1276
  • Colonies in Virginia the first. 1645, 1683, 1684
  • Colonies plantation, requireth first afaire land, and a safe harbour. 1664. Colonies in Virginia on what conditions granted, as it appeareth by the Patent, 1683, 1684
  • Colonel Bret, slain in the Portugal Voyage. 1924
  • Comana a townes name. 1266. Its description and climate. ibid.
  • Coman Ibes, Inhabitants in the Indies. 1248
  • Commanders, how farre to trust Officers. 1402
  • Comorratty, a towne in the River Ma [...]win in America. 1283
  • Compasse vsed in travelling sandie Countries. 1242
  • Compostella Citie. 1528
  • Conduit-head. 1384
  • Conde de Andrada his Armie. 1920
  • Conception, a town in Chili. 1443
  • Concoere, a towne in America in­habited by Sauages. 1283
  • Congo, a Region in Affrica, the King thereof: his great strength, his Christian Religion, guard, pompe, riding on Elephants, rites of State. 1234
  • Conibas lake. 1566. Neere it a stately Citie of Indians, their ornament and great fortification. 1566
  • Connies of two sorts in Florida, the manner how they are taken by the Indians there. 1551
  • Conauacus, chiefe Prince of the great people of Nanohigganset, his challenge to the English men, he is terrified by a present of pow­der and shot. 1854
  • Coniuration vsed of the Indians, being in distresse for want of raine. 1867
  • Conversion of sinners, a worke me­ritorious, witnesse a Spanish Cap­taine, 1558
  • Content, a small Ship of Sir George Carews, fought with three great Spanish Ships of six hundred tuns a piece, 1186
  • Cooligoa, a Province in Florida, 1549
  • Cocunibo, an excellent and safe harbor in the West Indies, 1394. The markes whereby to finde it. ibid.
  • Cordoua-towne. 1446
  • Cooropan, a place ten dayes iour­ney from the head of the River Marrawin, 1285. Directions for the iourney betwixt Marrawin, and Cooropan, ibid. Directions to Cooropan from the head of the River Sehnama. 1286
  • Cooshebery, a Prouince in Guiana: the description, pleasantnesse, healthinesse, and commodities thereof, 7171
  • Corburrimore, a towne of the E­puremei in the Indies. 1285
  • Cape Corientes, 1147
  • Corne how kept in Tercera, 1669
  • Corn-hil, a place in New-England, where the Savages were went to hide their corne, 1845. Corne much encreaseth in New-Eng­land, 1871
  • Coro, a towne in America, 1258 The fruitfulnesse & commodities thereof. 1258
  • Corrall, 1516
  • Combination of the English forces is New-England, 1843
  • Complaint of a Sauage woman for her sonnes losse, stolne away by Hunt an Englishman, 1853
  • Copiapo a towne of Chili, in the Indies, 144 [...]
  • Coquinibo, an American towne, 144 [...]
  • Coresao Iland, how situate, 1146
  • Coro, a towne and Castle, burnt by Captain. Preston, and Captain [...] Summers, 1186
  • Cororoespe, or the River of Toads in America, 1223
  • Cortez a Spaniard, contesteth with Don Antonio de Mendoza, for discoveries of land, sendeth forth Francis Vllua with a Fleet of three Ships for that purpose. 1560
  • Corupeo, a spirit vsing to possesse and vexe the Americans, 1213
  • Casnero River, 1248
  • Costa Ricca, a West Indian towne, copious with gold, 1419, 1446
  • Covetousnesse the cause of the dis­peopling the Indies by the Spa­niards, 1569
  • Couetousnesse is an Idoll, vnto which the Spaniards haue sacri­ficed millions of Indians, 1602, 1603,
  • Couetousnesse reproved by a Sa­vage, 1331
  • A provinciall Councell held at Lyma. 1421
  • Counsaile vsed among the Indians, 1270
  • Countries vnhealthy. 1360
  • Countries very healthy, 1274
  • Countries vnknowne, and descripti­on of them, 1383, 1334
  • Cowab, a Mountaine, 1271
  • Cowardlinesse of the Indians, 1154
  • Cowardlinesse of the Master of the Ree-Bucke in Brasile, 1197
  • Cozco, the Imperiall City of Peru, the opinion the Inhabitants have [Page] of it, the admir able Temple of the Sunne in it, rich hangings, ima­ges, profuse ornaments, Chap­pels, roofes, plates, gardens, heapes, all Church-instruments in gold, their priests, and charinesse of their Temple, 1464, 1465. Their divers Monasteries, their riches, manner in mariages, care of Infants, 1457. Their super sti­tion, feasts, braverie, fasts, solemn feasts for the Sunne, 1472. Their adoration, & sacrifices solemnized at the rising thereof, holy fire, festi­vall eating, drunkennesse, 1473 Their sooth-saying, ibid. Manner of creating Knights, and Ceremo­nies, 1474. Cozco, also descri­bed, with its situation, fortificati­on and splendour, 1496, 1497
  • Crabs on the land in great abun­dance, 1172, 1330: Ten or twelue sorts of Crabs, 1315
  • Crocodiles by the Indians called Aligartos, 1228. Their descripti­on, and maner of fishing for them, and bait. ib. His Cods are muske, ib. Crocodiles in America harm­lesse, and kept tame, 1326. Cro­codiles in great Scoules, 1400.
  • Saint Croix point, and the countrey described, 1611, & 1622
  • Crooroorere, a Suppay towne in the Indies, 1285
  • Crosses erected by the Spaniards in New-Spaine intoken of possession, 1557
  • The Crozier, a Starre neere the Pole antartick, 1157
  • Crokemago, a Province in Ma­wooshen, neere the River Sha­wakotoc. 1875
  • Cruelty is companion of cowardize, 1395. And feare, ibid. Requited in the Spanish Gouernour by the Indians, 1449. Cruelty cru­elly rewarded, 1959
  • Cuba, an Iland described, 1147. Its want of fortification, the chiefe Port Lahauana, wherein is a ca­stle of Spaniards, 1415. The length and breadth thereof, and the Christian townes thereof na­med, 1529. The King, commonal­tie, men, women, and sucking children, how many murdered by Spaniards, 1572
  • Cueremagbas, Indians so called, their nature, strength, courtesic, and commodities, 1351
  • Cueruo, one of the Azories Iles, ta­king its name from the multitude of Crows breeding in that place, 1939
  • Cuigbe Indians, 1299
  • Cuigtaio, Brasilians so called, 1299
  • Cuimechi, warlike Indians that wander in droues in the mountains to seeke food, 1561
  • Cuinao Province, 1557
  • Cuinquiro, a place in New Spaine, 1557
  • Cuiseo Province taken by the Spa­niards, 1558
  • Culiazzon, a Nation in the Indies, 1527
  • Cultalculebes, Indians of Florida, 1519
  • Cumberlands first Voyage discove­red, 1141. The time when they set forth, his ships and company, ib. His arivall at Brasile, 1142. Hee taketh foure Ships from the Portingall, ibid. The hinderance of his Voyage for the South sea, his disastrous losse of a Hulke, men, and goods, his returne to Eng­land, ibid. His second voyage, his acts at Sluce, the 88 service, his company returne, 1142 His third voyage, ibid. His ariuall at Saint Michael, and attempt there, dan­ger by a Fish, ibid. Taketh a prize from the Spaniards, the euasion of some of his men with a small Boat, 1143. His surpriz all of Fiall, a town in Tercera, ibid. His losse of men, and danger of his person, ibid. His great want of drinke, his clemencie, and equity. ibid. The number of his prizes taken in the voyage, his returne, 1144. His fourth voyage, purchase, losse, returne for England. ibid. His fifth voy­age, hindrances, defeating, reti­ring to London, and committing the charge to Captaine Norton, ibid. His gaines by the Portingal Carrack taken in that voyage, 1145, 1146. His sixth voyage, purchases, sicknesse, returne, ibid. The seuenth voyage, ibid. The eighth voyage, and the surprizo of a Carrack, 1147. The ninth voyages successe, 1148. The tenth voyage, ibid. Eleventh voyage, 1149. Twelfth voyage its prepa­ration, company, and ships, ibid. His meanes to get intelligence, ill successe of his plot, 1150. Ariues at the Canaries, 1151. His care and government of his company, 1151. His discreetnesse, and gui­dance by reason, 1152. His pro­iects, ibid. His ariuall at Domi­nica, and entertainment, ibid. His comming to Port-Ricco, 1153, 1160. To the Canaries, 1155. His perill at the assault of Port-Ricco, 1161. Besicging Fort-Mora, his iustice, severitie, and taking the fortresse, 1162, 1163. Offers the ransoming of Port-Ricco, departeth hence, 1168, 1169. Meetes with his Fleet by Flores, 1176. His returne and danger on the coast of Norman­die, 1176, His vnfortunate mis­sing the Spanish ships at the Azo­res, where hee lost forty millions, 1673. And others of fiue millions, ibid.
  • Cumana, a towne, 1186, 1248
  • Cumpehe, Brasilian Sauages so cal­led, 1299
  • Cunames, Indians in New Mexi­co, their townes, and faculties of painting described, 1561
  • Cunarreo sands, 1500
  • Curenda, a populous Indian nation in the River Parana described, their apparell, ornament, and com­modities, 1350
  • Cutes wrought by prayers, 1515
  • Curewapori Ilands, 1279
  • Curiadan, a place in Trinidad, the inhabitants called Saluages, 1247
  • Curiapan, a place neere Orenoque, 1247
  • A Current in the Sea, vnder thirty two degrees, 1174
  • Currents that set East or West may breed mistake in Navigators, ibid. Other vncertaine currents, 1400, 1373
  • A Current setting to the North­ward in forty degrees, 1759
  • Curucucu, Snakes in Brasile of 15 spans long very venemous, 1304
  • Curupija, Indians of Brasile, 1299
  • Cusco, a place in the South Sea, 1416. A Citie as bigge as Rome, it hath in it a thousand Spaniards, 1420
  • Customes of fishing, of wonderfull gaine to the townes of Lubecke, Hamborough, and Embden, 1837
  • Customes paiá yearely to the Prince of the Indians, 1869
  • Cutifa-chiqui, a Province in Flo­rida, 1537
  • Caynaccaro a Province, 1558
D.
  • DAinty, a Ship of Sir Richard Hawkins, fortunate in voyage for her Maiestie, vnfortunate for the owners, 1367
  • Dale, viz, Sir Tho: Dales ariuali [Page] at Virginia, 1733. His relation of the passages there, and how the affaires stood, An. 1614. p. 1768, & seq. His commendation. 1770
  • Damarius Coue, a place neere Munhiggen, forty leagues from Plimouth in New-England, North-east-ward, 1856
  • Dancing, distinguishing nations in the Indies, 1480
  • Dancing of the Virginians, 1687, 1573, 1574
  • Dariene, a Sound in the Indies, 1180
  • Sir Ber. Drake, his ariue at the New-found-land. 1883
  • Captaine Darmers fishing voyage, his coasting the shore till hee came to Virginia, his men fall sicke, his returne to the New-found-land, his discouerie of many fruit­full Coasts, and pleasant Rivers from Hudsons River to Cape Iames. 1830 The prosperous suc­cesse hee had in p [...]curing a truce betweene vs and the Savages: is treacherously betrayed, wounded, and flyeth to Virginia for succour, and there dyeth, 1831
  • Capt. Davies voyage to the South Sea, 1191. & seq. His losse of Cap. Candish successe, ibid. & seq. Accused for treacherie, 1193 Candishes opinion of him, 1194
  • Daycao, a riuer in Florida, 1554
  • Dayes of publike Thanks giving in­stituted in New-England, 1867
  • Dayes length in New-England, 1871
  • Dead, not lamented by some Indi­ans, 1523
  • Deaws very vnhealthy to English­men, and Indians, 1250
  • Deere worshipped by some Indi­ans, 1479. Deere of severall sorts bringing forth two, three or foure at once, 1831. Decre good store in New-England, and the manner of taking them, 1845. Deeres-flesh dried in the winde, food of the Indians, 1881
  • Dermers resolution by letter, of some passages in Virginia, 1778 1779
  • Description of the King of Spaines invincible Armada, 1897
  • De Todos los Santos, a towne in the West Indies neere the line, 1189
  • D [...]vill consulted withall by [...]he Indi­ans of Wy [...]poco: they call him Peyar, 1263. As also Watup [...], who beat [...] them sometimes blacke and blew, 1274. The Brasilians cal him Curupira, Taguain, Pig­tangu [...], Machchera, & Anhan­ga, they feare him much, and think their soules after death are tured into Devils, 1290
  • The Devils, illuding, wounding, and tormenting the Savages of Flori­da, 1516, 1517. The Devill wor­shipped by New-Spaniards, that is, in Noua Hispania: their de­lusion by him, 1558. Temples built for him, and an oratory made, and meat given him by them of new Mexico, 1561
  • The Divell forbids Baptisme to the Indians, 1564
  • The deuils policy in keeping the In­dians poore, 1868. His try all of those which are dedicated to him. ibid. His being worshipped by the Virginians, his images, feare, and name of Oke, 1701
  • Dyals, how admired by the Virgi­nian Savages, 1708
  • D [...]amonds in Brasile, 1230, In Ca­nada, 1612. in New France, 1611
  • Difference betweene Campe and garison Souldiers, 1944
  • Diego Flores de Valdes, a Spaniard sent with a Fleet to Brasile, and the successe, 1440, 1441
  • Diego de Almagro, the first Spa­nish discouerer of Chili, 1475. The next Pedro de Maldiuia, 1476
  • Discoveries of divers Ilands, and Lakes in Canada, 1614. & seq.
  • A Discoverie of the English full of danger. Discoveries proue best, when least discouered, 1955
  • First discoveries of America the new World by English, and Spa­nish, 1812
  • Diseases very strange, 1191, 1214, 1258
  • Disorder, the fore-runner of ill successe in Cand [...]shes Fleet, 1202
  • Disorder more weakencth the Eng­lish, then the enemy, 1966
  • Disp [...]ations touching Spanish cru­eltie in the Indies, 1601, 1602, 1603
  • Dissequebe an Indian River, 1269
  • Dogs worshipped, 1471. Ravenous dogs, 1172. Terrible to the Indians, 1327, 1328
  • Great dogs that fight with Buls and carie fifty pound on their backe in hunting, 1561
  • Dogs that devoure men, first taught by Spaniards, 1582
  • Dogs that cannot barke, 1696
  • Dolphin described, his loue to man­kinde, 1375
  • Saint Domingo, 1146. The de­scription, riches, and fortification thereof, 1418
  • Dominica, 1152. The inhabitants described, with their brutishnesse, 1685. The inhabitants hate the Spaniards, loue the English, their presents, tradings, and commodi­ties, ibid. Want of cloathes, orna­ments, Canons. Merchandise, and red painting, 1158. More copious description of the soyle, woods, mountaines, towne, wo [...], mode­stie, King, familiaritie of their maids, chastitie, desire of cloathes, 1158, 1159. Their common fare, state, meat, haire, desire to learne English, 1159. Distinction of maids and wiues, 1159
  • Dominica assaulted, and taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1182. Inha­bited by Spaniards, the sand of the Rivers mixed with gold, great plenty of Roots, and Sugar Canes, 1833
  • Don Alfonso Perez de Guzman, Commander of the Spanish Fleet in 88. 1901
  • Don Antonio de Mendoza, his strife with Cortez, for most dis­coveries, and sending forth divers by sea and land for that purpose, 1560
  • Don Diego de P [...]mentell, taken prisoner in Zeland, 1911
  • Don Iohn of Austria defeated of his intended treachery, to get to him­selfe Mary Queene of Scots his wife, 1893
  • Dos Patos, a River in America, 1218
  • Don Pedro and his company taken prisoners by Sir Francis D [...]ake, 1905
  • Douer-cliff-sound, on the North of Virginia, 1648
  • A Doue lighted on the Mastes of English Ships, 1967
  • Dragnanes, a certaine kind of Indi­ans in Florida, 1510
  • Drake, viz. Sir Francis Drakes first discovery of the Southermost land, 1391. His treacherous vsage by the Indians, 1392. His expediti­on with a great Fleet, 1434. His riches gotten by his voyages, 1439
  • Sir Fra [...]. Drakes original parentage, education, progresse, first voyage, surprising of the towne of Nombre de Dios, 1179. His burning 200000 Duckets in Merchan­dize, and protestation for the South sea, 1180. His circumnauigation, the opinion of his riches, ibid. [Page] Which were sequestred to the Queen, his voyage to Domingo, company and ships, ariues at Saint Iago, and takes it, 1181. His comming to Dominica, and Saint Christopher, 1181. Takes Saint Domingo, 1182. And Cartage­na, ib. Fireth two Spanish fortres­ses, ibid. His returne, benefit, losse of men, ibid. His voyage at Calz, his Fleet, and Prizes, ibid. Takes a Carrack, 1183. His going for the Azores, ibid. His last voyage, His fellow Commissioner, his ta­king Rio de la Hacha, Ranche­ria, Tapia, S. Martha, and Nom­bre de Dios, his death, successor, and Fleets arivall at Plimouth, 1183. His disagreeing with Sir Iohn Hawkins, 1184. His com­parison with him, 1185. 1186. His buriall, 1245. His clemency to conquered foe. 1905
  • Iohn Drake liued 15 moneths with the savages, 1186. His mishaps, 1440, 1441. His fame gotten by his iourney to the West Indies, and about the World. 1916
  • Drano, a River neere Orenoco. Its vnhealthy passage, 1250
  • Dreames sceming ominous, 1191
  • Drinke to some poison, to other bodies beneficiall, although the very same, 1173. Great drinking­match by the Indians, 1285. Drink made of roots great want of drink, 1364. Its quality and varietie a­mong the Indians, 1381. Drin­king esteemed by those of Peru the greatest courtesie that can be offe­red by King, or Subiect, 1473. Strange drinking, 1519. Drinke made of Berries at the Bermudas, 1739. Drinke made of Plummes in Virginia, 1784. Scarcitie of drinke, 1143
  • Drowth extraordinarie in New-England. 1866
  • Drugs in Guiana, 1276
  • Drunkennesse, a vice of Savages, 1189, 1473. Drunkennesse like to ouerthrow an English Armie, 1916
  • Ducks, the curiousnesse of making their nests in the Magellane Streights, 1385
  • Dudley, viz. Sir Robert Dudley his voyage, and successe to Trini­dada, and the coast of Paria, &c. 1186
  • Duke of Medina his kindnesse to the English, 1834. His yearely tri­bute of the Fishers of Tunny-Mul­lit, and Purgos, 1837. His pre­paration, for the Spanish Fleet in Anno 1588, 1895
  • Duke of Parma his forces in 88, 1902. His apparell for horses, 1903. His vaine hope of the Crowne of England, 1907
  • Duke of Medina is prohibited the Court, because hee returned with­out the English Crowne, 1910
  • Duke of Parma's force against Eng­land, 1895
  • Capt. Du Pont his voyages into the New-found-lands, 1643
  • A Dutchmans courtesie to the Eng­lish, 1261. Dutchmens treachery to the Englishmens inhabiting Virginia, 1841
  • Dutchmens fals-heartednesse, 1721 And abuse of Capt. Smith, by ioyning to Powhatan, 1723. Their treacherie frustrateth his attempt for the surprizall of Pow­hatans house, 1725. Their plot to kill Capt. Smith, and fruitlesse issue, 1726. Their continued base treacherie, and deserved pension; one comming to a miserable and among the English; the others ha­ving their braines beaten out by Savages, 1729
E.
  • EArle of Essex, his worthy acts, 1917. His valorous chalenge in Portugall Voyage, 1924. His voyage to the Iles. of Azores, 1935. His trouble, travell, and arivall: Hee taketh three Spanish Ships, 1937
  • Earth medicinable: earth like gu [...]me in Virginia, 1765. Earth red like terra sigillata, 1765
  • Earth-quakes, 1476
  • Earth-quakes frequent in Tercera, 1670. A terrible Earth-quake in S, Michaels Ile, and the dread­full effects thereof, 1678, 1679
  • Ease and efferainate life, enemies to great practices, 1436
  • East-India warres, disburden the Spaniard of West India gold and silver, 1815
  • Ecatepeck, supposed the highest mountaine in the world, from the top whereof are discerned the north and South seas, 1177
  • Eclipses, what conceited to be by some Americans, 1462
  • Echro, an Iland neere Port-Ricco, 1267
  • Eggs very hard; and sounding like Bels, 1306
  • Ekinnick, a kinde of worme that poysoneth the water, 1286
  • Elephants, how taken by the Aethi­opians, 1234
  • El estado de Arauco, the description thereof, the fiercenesse of the inha­bitants, and their opinion of the Spaniards, 1442
  • El Ca [...]o, the Port of Lima, 1446
  • Capt. Ellis his relation of Sir Rich­ard Hawkins his voyage, 1416
  • Q. Elizabeths providence in re­pairing her Army Royall, 1903
  • Q. Elizabeth denounced excom­municate by Pope [...], her sub­iects are discharged from loyalty and allegeance, 1892. Her enemies abroad are disappointed, traitors at home taken in their owne p [...]t, [...]bid. Her triumph after the delive­rance in 88. 1912
  • Q. Elizabeths Encomium. 1823
  • Q. Elizabeths martial affairs, 1181
  • Elizabeth-Bay, 1386
  • Elizabeths Ile in Virginia, 1648 Its description, being thought fit and commodious for plantation, 1649. At large, 1651. vide Ile of Elizabeth.
  • Elizabeth her manifold dangers, and gracious deliverances, 1890
  • Elizabeth Iles, inhabitants, descri­bed: their ornaments, nature, pro­portion, wittinesse, courtesie, yet theeverie, 1651. The description of the climate, ibid.
  • Embalming by the Indians, how well performed, 1459
  • Embassage from the English to the Massasoyt, chiefe Commander of the Savages in Pacanokick, 1851
  • Embroderie exercised among the Savages, 1560
  • Emeralds of inestimable worth, 1420 1446. An Emerald as big as an Estriches Egge, and therefore was adored by the Indians, 1481. Emerald store, 1560
  • Emeria the easter most part of Do­rado, 1247
  • Enemies to bee kept in awe, as the Spaniards by the Earle of Cum­berland at Port-Ricco, who though he meant not to spoile their towne, yet told them not so much, 1186
  • Enemies taken among the Savages are commonly killed and eaten, 1217, 1218
  • Engines in warre by the Indians performed, 1361
  • Englishmens discoveries of Ame­rica, 1813
  • An English Pilots treacherie, and adherence to the Spaniards, 1773
  • [Page] Englands gaine by Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Salmonds, and Pilchards, 1837
  • Englishmen rather desirous to bee renowned for mercy and clemen­cie, then for dreadfull conquest, 1959
  • English miracles by Captain Smith in Virginia, such as the Spaniard vsed in the Indies, 1727
  • English-Bay in the Magellane streights, the description of the in­habitants, 1388
  • English Captiues delivered by the Duke of Medina, 1934
  • English Nauy returneth from Azo­res Iles, 1968
  • English forces mustered, 1903
  • English gallants reprehended for their vnprouidence in going to warre, 1942
  • English inhabiting the River Wia­poco. 1270
  • Englishmen chusing rather to trust God and the Sea, then the deuill, and the Spaniards, 1186
  • Englishmen striking terrour in the Charibes, 1273. Take possession of the Mountaine Gomerigo, 1278
  • English mens nature. 1440
  • Englishmen slaine in Virginia by the treacherie of the Indians, and the cause why, 1841
  • Englishmens encounters in New-England, 1841
  • Englishmen cheat the Indian of their victuals, and turne savage, 1865
  • Englishmens throats cut by the Por­tingals, 1959
  • English fugitiues appointed to giue the first onset against their owne Nation, 1908
  • Englishmen sinke the Spanish ships, or take them, 1673, 1674
  • English Fleet set forth, and successe, 1676
  • English returne from the pursuit of the Spaniards, 1910
  • English ships by their nimblenesse farre exceeding the Spanish Gal­liasses, 1905
  • English victory, ioyned with cour­tesie, 1677
  • English famine and mortalitie in Virginia, 1690
  • English souldiers dye with drinking of water, 1927
  • E [...]sh desire a battell with the Portingals, 1924
  • English forbidden to furnish the Spa­niard with munition, 1927
  • Enmity imparted by sending a rattle, Snakes-skinne full of arrowe [...], 1854
  • Entertainment, how strange among the Savages of Pores, 1208, 1292. Among Brasilians,
  • Enuy espyeth more inpretended, then in professed enemies, 1959
  • Eparigotos, enemies to the Epuremi in India, 1248
  • Epeoya, a great Iland in Brasile, 1241. Called by the Indians Sa­peawera, ibid.
  • Epuremi, Indians neere the River Orenoco, 1248
  • Equibone, a towne at the foot of Marwin in America, inhabited by the Arwaccas, and Parawago­tos Savages, 1283
  • Eregooda, a place neere Orenoco, 1248
  • Escudo, an Iland, 1185
  • Estanca, that is, a farme place, where slaues keepe cattle, and make Cassani bread among the Indians, 1146
  • Estechemins, Savages in Canada, enemies to the Irocois. 1607
  • Estriches tame, 1230
  • Eteowbo, a mountaine in America, 1214
  • Etepararange, a mountaine aboun­ding with gold, 1229
  • Etaoca, a place in America, 1219
  • Etapuca, a great mountaine in A­merica, 1214
  • Etamatiqua, a Cape in Brasile, its fitnesse for Navigation, 1238. And description, ibid.
  • Etapusick, a place in the Indies, with singular mynes of gold, 1222
  • Etechemins, Savages of New-France, that are theeues and trea­cherous, 1626
  • Etoica, a River in Brasile, its dan­gerous Navigation, 1240
  • Euill-peace, a towne so named by the Spaniards in Florida, and the reason thereof, 1533
  • Europa, a River that commeth into Orenoco, 1248
  • Example prevaileth more then pre­cept. 1743
F.
  • FAls of water very violent and strange, 1610
  • False-heartednesse how auoided in the treacherous Indians by Spa­nish policie. 1552
  • False-heartednesse of the Savages, called Massacheusets, 1859 Of the Indians towards Master Westons men, 1865
  • Famine very vrgent in the In­dies, 1214. Miserable in the same countrey, 1258
  • Famine among the French-men, 1325. Among the Dutch and Spaniards, at the River of Plate, the vnnaturall, effects thereof, 1348. Famine among Spaniards, 1401, 1477, 1508. Among the Indians, and some few hun­gry Spaniards, 1517, 1518. In­credible famine, 1526. Famine and mortalitie of the English in Virginia, 1690. Famine in great extremitie, enforcing man-slaughter, and man­eating, 1732
  • Famishing strangely escaped, by An­drew Hillyard, all his fellowes perishing, 1802, 1803
  • Faraon, a towne burnt vp by the English, in their returne from Cadiz, 1934
  • Fast, publikely instituted, and obser­ved, by the English in New Eng­land, being in distresse for want of raine, 1867
  • Fasts instituted in England, and Zeland, for Gods gracious deli­verance in 88. 1911
  • Father Martin Perez, of the socie­tie of Iesus, his relation of his travels, and description of Gi­noloa, 1562, 1563, & seq. His baptizing many Indians, and instructing them in a knowne tongue, &c. 1564. What kinde of Christianitie hee taught them, 1564, 1565
  • Fayael, one of the Ilands of the Azo­res, the description and taking thereof by the Earle of Cumber­land, 1672. Their feare of the English Nauy, 1676
  • The Feags a strange sicknesse in the Bermudas, much annoying the English, 1797
  • Feare, the cause of Tyrannie, 1437
  • Feare, causing death in the Indians, 1522
  • Feasts of Savages, 1607
  • Feathers vsed for cloathes, 1212
  • Feuers, how eased by plants, 1311 How gotten in hot Countries and auoided, 1370, 1371
  • Febacco Iland, 1266
  • Ferdinando Gorge, his employ­ment in the plantation of New-Scotland, 1842
  • Captaine Fenton his expedition and ouerthrow, 1141, 1142
  • [Page] Fernambue, aport in America, 1190, 1202, 1438
  • Fernandes Gires his discouery of a Land in the south Sea, with the rare commodities thereof, 1422
  • Fetherstons Bay in Virginia, why so called, 1716
  • Figs of Brasile, 1332
  • Fight betweene the English and and Spaniards in Saint Iohn Port-Ricco, 1161. Betweene English and Indians with Por­tingals, 1197. Fighting against a natiue countrie rewarded, 1404 Fighting betweene two Indian na­tions in Peru very extreame and bloody, 1458. Betweene the Eng­lish and Spaniards in the narrow Seas, 1906. A fight betweene the English and Spaniards before Greeueling, 1908. A fight by sea betweene the English and Spanish before Cadiz, 1930
  • Fire burning in the woods for the space of three dayes, 1890. Great danger by fire, 1145, 1918
  • A Fish endangering a boat and men, 1142. Fishes flying, 1157, 1314 Their danger of deuouring in Sea or Ayre, 1376
  • Fishing of New England very com­modious to the plantation of Vir­ginia, 1842
  • Fishing how commodious, and espe­cially to the Hollanders, 1821
  • Fishing with swords, 1714
  • Fishing with golden hookes, 1216
  • Fishing with wood, 1251
  • Fish great store in Guiana, 1275. A fish with foure eyes, two aboue wa­ter, and two vnder: a fish also with warme blood like flesh. ibid.
  • Fish made drunke with wood, 1276
  • Fish like beefe in taste and proportion, 1283. It is called the Ox-fish, the description thereof at large, 1313 1314. It hath eyes which it may close and shut at will, armes, and hands, in his head it hath 2 stones of approued soueraignnesse for the stone in the body. ibid.
  • A Fish that snorteth, and thereby is apprehended, ibid. A fish that hath two broad stones in his mouth ibid. fish good against the poison of a Snake, and very wholesome, 1313. Fish that maketh the hol­ders hands benummed, or sha­king as one that hath the palsie: Fish that maketh all that touch it to sticke fast vnto it: Fishes like men and women; their fearfulness to the Indians, their manner of killing men: Fish that dyes the water, and euadeth the Fisher: Fish that proues a remedy for the Spleene: a Fish that easts his mouth, shell and feet, 1314, 1315 & seq. A Fish with fingers, and vttering a squeaking sound, 1331 Fish so plentifull that it may bee kild in the water with clubs, 1549 Fishes that haue voices like Owles, 1639. Good fishing, 1640
  • Fits-Morrice slaine in Ireland, 1893
  • Flatterers, base kind of people, 1957
  • A Flemmish Ship burnt at the fight before Cadiz, 1930
  • Flores, a place in the Azores, 1144 The description thereof, 1175, 1672
  • Florida possessed by the Spaniards, 1501. The inhabitants many of them tall of stature, and expert ar­chers, 1503. The townes and in­habitants thereof variously descri­bed, 1503, 1504. & seq. Flori­da hath gold and pretious stones on the sea coast, 1554. The di­stance of sundry places one from the other, necessary for trauellers, 1556. Losse of inhabitants in Flo­rida by Spanish cruelty, 1589. The great age of some men there, 1604. They liue in the woods 3 months in the yeare, vpon hunting, 1604. English men the first dis­couerers of Florida, 1813
  • Flutes made of Reedes, 1687
  • Fluxes stayed by fruits, as Guianas Papaias, and wild Grapes, 1172. by a berry, 1276, 1308. by a plant 1311
  • Fooles-coat, a liuery of the Spanish Inquisition, 1179
  • Forests trauelled by compasse, 1636
  • Fort Mora summond, befieged, and taken by the Lord of Cumberland, 1163, 1164. The strength and danger of passage for ships by it, 1164
  • Fort St. Iohn of the Spaniards in Florida, 1182
  • Fortileza, a towne in Port-Ricco, 1164
  • Fountaines of pitchy substance very hot, that serue to calke ships with­all, 1481
  • A Fountaine that turneth wood in­to stone, 1670
  • Fox-Iland, on the north of Virginia, 1654
  • Francis Bouadilla chiefe Marshall of the Fleet in 88 sent for England, 1901
  • Francisco de Zeres his relation of the conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castile, 1491. & sequ.
  • Francisco Pizarro a Spaniard, his discouery of Peru, and successe, 1444, 1451, 1452, 1489, 1490, 1491, 1492, 1493, 1494.
  • St. Francis a riuer in America, [...]23 A towne there with Ch [...]ery, Bishop, Deane, and Uniuersity of Spaniards, 1421
  • Franciscan Fryers of great esteeme in the West Indies, 1242
  • French-Bay in New France, 1621
  • French-Pox cured with Sassafras, 1655
  • French nauigations to the north A­merica, 1603. Their discouery of Cape Francois, the Riuer Moy, taking possession there, and disco­uering eight riuers more, their dissention and ouerthrow, ibid. French famine on the Seat their miserable distressed scarcity in Florida, mutiny and ease by Sir Iohn Hawkins, 1604. F [...]nch­men remoue their plantation from St. Croix to Port Royall, 1626. Frenchmen settle themselues within the limits of the English in the Newfound-Land, though to their small aduantage, 1828. Frenchmēs courtesie to the Eng­lish nation, 1834. Frenchmens couetousnesse, and their infamy in that regard, 1638. Frenchmens mutiny against their Captaine, discouered and reuenged, 1624. Frenchmen baptize Indians, 1644. French yearely repaire to the New-found Land for Traine­oyle, 1884. French Kings wrongs to England. 1892. French Am­bassador plotteth with Moody a­bout the death of Queene Eliza­beth, 1893. Frenchmen dis­planted from Uirginia by Captain Argall, 1808, 1809. French­men seise on part of the King of Spaines Armada, 1910
  • Fresh-water-springs in the New­found Land, 1886
  • Fryer Marco de Niza accompanied with diuers other, their voyage in­to New Mexico, and the adioy­ning coasts and lands, 1560, 1561 & seq. Fryers that shewed more charity to the Indians then some mariners of our English nation, 1828
  • Captaine Frobisher his [...] and prosperous conflict with the Spanish Armada in 88, and re­warded [Page] with the order of Knight­hood, 1907
  • Fruits poisonous 1213. Good fruits how discerned from the bad in the Indies, 1379. Fruits gathered 3 times in the yeare, 1527
  • Fuego, one of the Ilands of Gape Verde, the fruit [...] therein, fiery [...]ll, and naturall fortification, 1371
  • Funerals among the Indians of Wia­poco, 1264
  • Furres very good bought for kniues, 1 [...]2
  • Furres rich and sweetest of any thing 1505
  • Fyall or Fayall, a towne in the Azo­res, the fertilitie, bignesse, dwel­lings, and taking thereof by the Lord of Cumberland, 1143
G.
  • GAboretho, an Indian towne, 1364
  • Gachepe, a high land neere the en­trance into the riuer Canada, 1606. The description and big­nesse thereof, 1616
  • Galliaces in number 4 in the fleet in 88, vnder the command of Dom Vgo de Moncada, 1900. They are described, 1901
  • Gallies, and their power in fighting, 1183. Gallies of Anda-luzia seise on a Barke of Plimouth, 1925
  • Gallions comming to the West In­dies were cast away on the Ile Guaddop [...], 1833. Galleons of the Fleet in 88 described, 1901. A Gallion burnt in the Portin­gall voyage, 1918
  • Games vsed among the Massasoyts, 1852
  • Garcillasco de la Voga, his relation of the ancient Kings, and Lawes of Peru before the Spanish con­quest, 1454, & seq.
  • Gardens of Gold, 1465, 1466
  • Garone a riuer in Florida, 1603
  • Gates, viz. Sir Thomas Gates his ariuall in Virginia, 1732
  • Gates his Bay in the Bermudas, 1739. Sir Thomas Gates wrack and redemption on the Iland Ber­mudas, largely related, 1734, & seq. His endurance of a grieuous storme, 1734, 1735, 1736. Ari­uall at the Iland, 1737. His care for the Virginian Colonie, sending Rauens there, and care and toyle to furnish Pinaces for a voyage, 1742, 1743. His punishment and pardon of mutinies, and conspira­cie against him, 1743. His crosses by a second mutiny, 1744. By a third, ibid. His punishing of a factious fellow, 1745. His Letters to Sir George Summers, con­taining his desire of furthering a Plantation, and reclaiming the factions, 1745, 1746. His religi­ous orders in Bermudas, 1746, and possessing it for the King of Englands, with good rites and ce­remonies, ibid, & 1747. His set­ting sayle for Virginia, and ari­uall there, 1748. His miserable welcome, ibid. His assuming the Presid [...]cy there, 1749. His speech to the distressed Compa­ny, with its acceptation, 1749. his proposing orders to the Colony, 1749. His aliotting times of la­bour, 1750. Purpose to leaue the Country, 1751. Resigning the Presidency, 1754 vnto the Lord De la Ware, ibid. His returne for England. 1756. His testimo­nie vnder oath of the state of Vir­ginia, 1757, 1758
  • Gawa [...]ba, the north west point of Port-Ricco, somewhat dange­rous for nauigation, 1170
  • A Generall should bee couragious in fight, and courteous in victorie, 1411
  • The Generals authority among the Spaniards, 1413
  • Geneuera Riuer, 1416
  • Gentlemen, in what manner made knowne and styled among the Bra­silians, 1297
  • Sir George Carow his valour in the voyage to the Az [...]res Iles, 1840
  • Master George P [...]rcies relation of the south colony of Virginia, 1685 et se qu. He is Deputy Gouernor in the absence of the Lord De la Ware, 1763
  • Master George Thorpe too cour­teous to the Sauage-Uirginians, cruelly repaid, 1789
  • Saint George, one of the Ilands of the Azores, the situation and de­scription thereof, 1672
  • S. George, one of the Bermudas or Sommer Ilands, 1794
  • George Fenner, his valorous en­counter with the Spanish Armada 1906
  • Georges Fort, a plantation neere the riuer Sagado [...] in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Giboya, a great land Snake without poyson, in Brasile, 1303
  • Gilbert, viz. Sir Humfrey Gilbert his ariue at the New-found land, 1882. Lost one of his Ships at the Iles of Canady, and returning for England was ouerwhelmed in the Sea, ibid.
  • Captaine Bartholmew Gilbert his voyage to Uirginia, with the oc­currents therein, 1656, 1657, et seq. He is slaine and foure men more by the Indians, 1658
  • Gilbert-point, on the coast of the New-found Lands, 1648
  • Ginge a towne of Sauages in the In­dies, 1364
  • Ginoloa, an Indian Prouince, the de­scription and situation thereof, 1563. The fruitfulnesse thereof, commodities, inhabitants, and their workmanship and apparell, their long haire, tall stature, great valour, and weapons, 1563, 1564 readinesse in them to heare the Gospell, their Baptisme, and Ca­ [...]sme, subiection to the Deuill, and familiarity with him, their houses, ingenuity, and adoration of Castles, with Mats, and couerings of Reeds, 1564. Their formes of ma [...]iages, and Polygamy, educa­tion of children, fashions in making Knights, adopting sonnes, manner of burialls, ibid. et 1565
  • Ginger plentifull in Port-Ricco, 1171
  • Ginger how it groweth, 1178
  • Gironde, a riuer of Florida, disco­uered by the French, 1603
  • Glasses sold deare, 1232
  • Guamanga, a City in the south sea, 60 leagues from Lima, 1416
  • Gnats, 1359
  • Goauar Riuer, 1248
  • God acknowledged by the Aethio­pians, and called Cari-pongoa, 1233. by the Brasilians Tupan, 1290
  • Godwin-sands, 1149
  • Gomeribo, a mountaine in Guiana very fruitfull possessed by the Eng­lish, 1278. deliuery thereof to an Indian as tenant to the King of England, 1279
  • Gomora, one of the Canary Ilands, 1833
  • Iohn Goodmans voyage and di­stresse in New England, 1848
  • Gold (which is strange) very much dispraised, 1814, 1815. Gold in Port-Ricco, 1165, 1170. In Topimo, 1560
  • Gold-getters shall haue many corri­uals, ibid.
  • Gold ready tried of great valew in the Riuers of Port-Ricco, 1170
  • Gold in no valew, 1189
  • [Page] Gold among the Topinaques, 1229 among the Pories, store, 1229. Gold, 1230, 1231 1232, 1358. In Affrica, 1237. The manner of purifying it in the Indies, 1242. and plenty there, ibid. Gold in Guiana how, and how pure, 1249 1261. Gold in shew, 1255. in the Riuer Aracow, 1263. Gold how greedily desired, 1277. Gold store in the mountaine Oraddo, and plaine of Mumpara, 1284. Gold gathered two wayes, 1395. Plenty of gold, ibid. Gold pro­cureth trechery, 1415. Gold great store, 1419. Gold shipped from Cartagena for the Spaniard euery yeare, how much, 1420
  • Gold is not alwaies the greatest ele­uation of the Country where it is, 1814, 1815
  • A Gold-desirer how serued by the Indians, 1391. The desire of gold mak [...]th Christians infamous a­mong Pagans, 1449. Gold cal­led by them the Christians god, 1450. Gold not valued, 1526
  • Golden Country, 1231
  • A golden chain of incredible weight and bignesse, 1480. Infinite store of gold in Per [...], 1490. 1491, 1494. A gold-w [...]dge, the grea­test that euer was naturally found, lost in the Sea, 1571
  • Gosnols voyage to Uirginia, their resolution to plant, and breaking off againe, 1647, et seq.
  • Gosnols hope, 1648
  • Gotierez his conuerting the Indians after the Spanish fashion, 1449
  • Gouernment necessary by Land or Sea, 1156
  • Gouernours-Iland, a little Iland neere Port Ricco, abounding with store of Pigeons, 1172
  • Cap. Gourgues, a Frenchmans naui­gation into Florida, his reuenge on the Spaniards, for the wrongs his Countrimen sustained by them, 1604, 1605
  • Grampus, a Bay in New England so called by reason of the multitude of Grampuses sound in that place, all kind of hearber, roots, and trees, and a very fertile soile, 1846, 1847
  • Granada, a new Kingdome of the Spaniards in America, the plenty of gold, chiefe City, and seuerall Prouinces therof, 1419. Extream desolation and losse of inhabitants by the sauage tor [...]ures and cruel­ties of the Spaniards, 1591, 1592 1593, 1594, 1595
  • Granata Iles, 1186
  • Grande, a riuer in Florida, 1603
  • Grand Bay, a Harbour on the north of the New-found Land, 1882
  • Grapes good against the flux, 1172, Grapes in New France, 1622
  • Grasse wanting in a blacke champion country of the Indies, 1214
  • Gratiosa, one of the Iles of the Azo­res, 1671. It submitteth it selfe to the English Admirall, 1960
  • Gregory 13. his rage against Q. Elizabeth, 1893
  • Greedinesse a dangerous enemy, 1152, 1393. Greedinesse loseth his prey, 1964. Greedinesse of Mariners a maine preiudice to the Virginian Colony, 1751
  • Sir Richard Greenuile Generall of Virginia, his voyage and acts, 1645, his desperatenesse against the Spanish Armadoes, 1961
  • Sir R [...]chard Greenuiles fight with the too vnequall Spanish Fleet his stout resistance, and great preiu­dice the Spaniards sustained by him, his taking and death, with his Encomium, 1678
  • Guamimbique strange small birds in Brasile, of admired colour, hat­ched as some thinke of bubbles of water, 1305
  • Guacapo, drinke made of the coor­sest Sugar called Molasses, and hot spices, in the Indies, 1174
  • Guacoya, a towne in Florida neere the riuer Rio grand, the inhabi­tants and commodities thereof, 1552
  • Guadalcanal, one of the Iles of Salo­mon, 1447
  • Guadalupa-Ile, wherein is a Bathe so hot, that meat may bee seethed in it, 1685
  • Guiahate, a towne in Florida, well peopled, and plentifull with Maiz 1550
  • Guaiacatu, Sauages of Brasile, 1299
  • Guaiacones-Indians, 1519
  • Gualua a strange Spring in Terce [...]a, 1670
  • Guaniguanico, 1501
  • Guarionix, a Realme in Hispanio­la, the King pittifully abi [...]ed by Spaniards, 1751
  • Guanos, a fruit in S. Lucia which eaten ripe sets a man a scouring, but greene, stayes from scouring 1265
  • Guatatlan, a prouince in New Spain 1559
  • Guayanaguacu, caue-inhabiting Sa­uages, 1299
  • Guayo, Brasilias: Indians, 1299
  • Gu [...]yayaquill a riuer with [...] Ilands in the [...]o [...]th, [...] 1446
  • Guasco, a Prouince in Florida, 1554
  • Guatimala, a Prouince in Ameri­ca dispeopled by Spanish cruelty, 1579 1580
  • Guaracayo, inhabitants of part of Brasile, 1298
  • Guaitaca-Indians, 1300
  • Guatalca, a principall Port Towne, 1446
  • Guadianilla, a riuer in Port-Ricco, 1170
  • Guaire, Brasile Indians, 1300
  • Guirapanga, a bird that makes a sound as hard as a Bell, 1306
  • Gulgaifi, Indians neere the riuer of Plate, their description, 1350
  • Gumms of rare operation for sund [...]y diseases in Guyana. 1276
  • A Gunners carelesnesse, 1402
  • Gunpowder sowne by Sauages, 1709
  • Guacouelica, a place rich with siluer Mynes, 1421
  • Gusts on the West Indian shoares, 1157
  • Iohn Guy his Letter from the New found Land, 18 [...]6
  • Guyan [...]o, a great mountaine in Po [...]t Ricco, 1169
  • Guyauas, a little excellent fruit as big as a Peach, with little seeds in them like Goosberies, 1172 It is good against the flux, 1172
  • Guyana, a riuer in America, not that of Sir Walte Raleighs, the store of Cattell, Sugar-mills com­modities, and inhabitants thereof. 1238
  • Guyrig Brasilians, 1300
  • Guansa Tomasongano, a riuer in Affrica, 1220
  • Guyana, 1247, & seq. The riuers and countries adioyning, 1249. The bounds and limits, 1270. Ri­uers and Prouinces. 1271, 1272. the gouernment thereof, iustice, iealousie, mariages, ibid. Their diuers languages, ancient inhabi­tants Caribes, 1272. Artillerie, order in the warres, 1272, 1273. Policy, seasons, accompts of time by the Moone, religion, rites at bu­rying Captaines, 1273, 1274. Their drunkennesse, opinion of the dead, Priests, and conference with the Deuill, 1274. The quality of the Climat, 1274. their prouision, bread, drinke honey, possibility of vines, beasts, fish, fowle, fruits, 1274, 1275. Its commodities of [Page] Merchandise, as Sugar-canes, cotton-wooll, wood for dyers of cloth, 1275. Sweet gums very pre­cious in Physicke and Chirurgery, drugs, medicinall plants, strange wood, Tobacco, 1276, 1277. the things these Indians most desire to trade for, ibid. 1277. hopes of gold, ibid.
  • Guyaxule-Prouince, 1539
  • Guyraupiaguara, a great land-snake that goeth as fast on tops of trees as a man on the ground, 1303
  • Guyranhe eng era, an excellent spea­king Bird in Brasile, 1305
  • A Giants Anatomy sent from Chi­na to the King of Spaine, of won­drous greatnesse, 1178
  • Gyants at Port-Desire, their length, bignesse, slinging-stones, 1232 Gyants at Brasile, 1243. of twelue foot height, ibid. Gyants in Pe­ru, of whom one eates as much as fifty men, 1481
H.
  • HAbetebin, a Plaine in the West Indies betweene Mar­win and Coorepan, 1285
  • Harbours in Virginia verie safe and admirable, 1664 Harbour of Pentecost, its de­scription, and commendation, pre­ferred before the riuer Orenoco, and others, 1664. Its seuerall be­neficiall matters of worth largely, 1665, 1666 Harbour of Frenchmen, called by the Indians Aiurema Piasaue in Brasile, its passage for nauigators, 1239
  • Capt. Mich. Harcourt, his taking possession of Arrawary, 1278
  • Capt. Harcourts voyage 1267, & seq. His company, and departing from Dartmouth, 1267. His ari­uall at the Canaries, and from thence to Wiapoco, and Guiana, 1267, 1268. commeth to Cari­po, conuerseth with the Indians, 1268, 1269. agreeth and resideth with them, 1270. taketh possession of the mountaine Gomerigo, 1278 The losse of his voyage, 1279. lea­ueth Guiana, 1281. Returneth home, his small losses of men by the voyage, ibid. & 1282
  • Harris, one that blew off his nose in frosty weather, at the Straits of Magellane, 1204
  • Hadarinner, a town of Suppay-Saua­ges in the Indies, 1286
  • Haile as big as Oranges, 1561
  • Haire as big as a mans finger, 1560
  • Halo, the circle seen about the Moon very strange and large in the Bar­mudas Ilands, 1738
  • Hamaca-beds, 1256
  • Hamburgers ships surprised by the English, 1929
  • Han, a Language of the Indians in Florida, 1519
  • Hanamob, a towne of the Arwac-Sauages in the Indies, 1286
  • Haps hill in Uirginia, 3649
  • Hapaluia, a great Floridan towne, and its commodities, 1534
  • Harbouring in enemies ports is ve­rie dangerous, 1378
  • Hardoo an Arwacca towne in the West Indies, 1285
  • Hatuncolla, Pancarcolla, Indians that haue diuers fables of their O­riginall; they worship a Ramme, and sacrifice vnto him, 1461
  • Hawkins Mayden-land, 1384
  • Sir Iohn Hawkins his courtesie to the French, 1604. Sr. Ioh. Haw­kins voyage, 1177. His courtesie to the Spaniards repayd with tre­chery, ibid. & seq. his misfortune, 1179. Death, 1183. A compa­ring of him with Sr. Fran. Drake 1185, 1186
  • Master Will. Hawkins men perfi­diously slaine at Playa, 1181
  • Sir Richard Hawkins his voyage, 1367, & seq. His comming to the Canaries, Ilands of Cape Verde, the West Indies, and accidents there & by the way, ibid. at large: the ouerthrow of his voyage, 1383 His comming to the Straits of Magellane, 1384. the danger of his ship vpon a rocke there, 1388. their strange deliuerance againe from shipwracke, 1389. His com­ming into the Straits of Magel­lane, 1391. His taking fiue ships, 1393. His fighting with the Spa­nish Armada, his dangerous wounds, 1403, 1404, 1405, 1406 The successe and accidents of this fight at large, ibid. & 1407, 1408. His surrendring the Ship, 1410. His courteous vsage by the Spanish General, 1413. et seq. Imprisonment, &c. 1415. his re­spect with the Spaniards, 1417
  • Hauana, where situate, 124 [...], 1501
  • Hay, a beast in Brasile feeding on ayre and leaues of trees, 1243
  • Head-ache cured by a leafe, 1276
  • Herbes very medicinable in Brasile, their names and qualities, 1310, et seq. Herbes good against the poyson of Snakes, against the stone, but hurtfull to feuers; others good for feuers, with leaues of a fad­dome long, for vlcers and the Poxe, for the stone, and liuer, ibid. Good herbes against the ague, for a purge, for the bloody­fluxe, for poyson, for feuers, for the wormes, for a womanish fluxe, for wounds, for old sores, for the cough and rheumes, for the scabs, for abortion, 1311. An herbe that openeth or shutteth with the Sunne, that is sensible, that hath no smell, 1312 Herbe that seemeth to haue the sense of feeling, 1174
  • Heardsmen of Port-Ricco, their thankefulnesse to Master Cha­lons for giuing them a poore Frier 1833
  • Heauen refused by some Indians, and why, 1574
  • Heauen angry with the English po­lices, 1942
  • St. Helena a Spanish garison towns in Florida, 1182, 1200
  • Henrico, a towne in Virginia, the description and situation thereof, 1767
  • Henry Earle of Northumberland murthereth himselfe, being com­mitted for treason, 1893
  • Highney, a realme in Hispanicla, the Queen and inhabitants burnt, hanged, torne in pieces, or other­wise tortured by the Spaniards, 1572
  • Andrew Hilliard his strange and miraculous preseruation from famishing, 1802. His sustenance for eleuen dayes on his flesh, and a spoonfull or two of water, with a littleblood, ibid. et 1803
  • Hills-hap, a place so named in the North part of Virginia, 1646
  • Three Hils, markes of Nauigators on the coast of Brasile, called by the Indians, Aquare, Wason, Remitum, 1238
  • Hills worshipped by some Indians, 1459
  • A strange Hill in Saint Michael an Iland of the Azores, wanting fire, and the Ayre cold, yet hauing hot fountaines neere it, 1243. A smoakie fiery Hill in Fuego, 1371
  • Hirara, a beast in Brafile like a Ci­uet-Cat, that eateth nothing but honey, 1302
  • Hispania Noua described, the inha­bitants, riches, and commodities thereof, 1432, 1433. Discoue­ries [Page] of divers Provinces there­about, with their names, 1556, 1557. & seq. The time when first it was begunne to be inhabi­ted by the Spaniards, 1577. The fertilitie thereof, ibid. The cruelty committed by them on the poore Indians, 1577
  • Hispaniola described, 1146. In­habited onely by Spaniards with­out one naturall, 1419. The number of inhabitants consu­med by the drowning, roasting, paunching, strangling, and o­ther vnknowne butchering of the Spaniards, 1570. & seq. Hispaniola hath twenty fiue thousand Rivers plenteous with gold, the Realmes thereof, 1571, 1572. The innocen­cie of the Inhabitants, and vn­deserved Spanish tortures, 1572
  • Hobbamoqui, a Power worshipped of the Indians of New-Eng­land, the same which wee call Divell, 1867. His illusion, wherewith hee deceiveth that blind and superstitious people, 1867, 1868. His appearing to the Indians in sundry shapes, but vsually in the forme of a Snake, ibid.
  • Captaine Hobson his voyage being directed by two Indians, the treacherie of his Indians, and his returne with the losse of the whole adventure, 1828, 1829
  • Hollanders trade in Hudsons Ri­ver, 1830. Their yearely reve­nues by the commodities of fishing, the number of their fishing boats, their industrie in providing Ships, 1837
  • Hollanders and Spaniards enmi­tie each to the other is implacable, 1951
  • Honduras a Bay, 1147
  • Honestie of certaine Indians, in restoring such things as they found in the woods, 1850
  • Honey, aboundance thereof in cer­taine Trees, 1363
  • Honour preferred before life, 1944
  • Stephen Hopkins a factious fellow condemned, yet pardoned for mu­tiny in Bermudas, 1744
  • Horrura, a mountaine, 1285
  • Horses cast ouer-boord, 1910
  • Horses all trotters, 1171
  • Horses shooed with gold, 1490
  • Horses eaten, 1504
  • Io. Hortops relation of adven­tures, 1178
  • Hospitalitie of the Indians to tra­vellers, 1869
  • Hospitalitie among Savages, 1188, 1209
  • Hot-countries agree not with idelers, 1370
  • Houses of two Bow-shot in length, 1188. Houses on tops of trees, 1285. Houses without roofes, in Regions without Raine, 1420. Houses of great men, how di­stinguished from those of inferiour ranke, among the Florida-Ame­ricans, 1536
  • Houses of the Savages in New-England, the manner of their building, and description of their houshold stuffe, 1846
  • Lord Howard, Admirall of her Maiesties Fleet to surprise the Indian Fleet, 1144. His va­lorous conflicts with the Spanish Armada, 1905
  • Huamachucu, Indians neere Peru, that worship party-coloured stones and sacrifice mans flesh, con­quered, and reformed by the Em­perour of Peru, 1471
  • Hunapampa, Indians that goe na­ked, worshipping birds, beasts, or plants, 1478
  • Huana Cupac, sometimes an Em­perour in Peru, his worth, va­lour, conquest, enlargement of his Dominions, his subdued na­tions, clemencie, courtesie to wo­men, 1480, 1481. Further con­quests, and acts, his d [...]screet coniecture of a power supremer then the Sunne, 1481. His feare, will, and prophesie of the Spanish invasion, his death, 1482, 1483
  • Hubates, a well-peopled Province, 1562
  • Hugo de Moncada, slaine by the English in the narrow seas, 1908
  • An Hulke with nine tunne of gold, 1223. Threescore Hulkes laden with provision for Spaine, taken by the English, 1924
  • Humanitie among Savages of Flo­rida, to the distressed Spaniards, 1507
  • Hungry fare of the Savages inha­biting New-England, 1852
  • Hunt, a worthlesse fellow of the English Nation, his cruelty and treacherous vsage of the Sava­ges, to the great disadvantage of many of our countrey-men, 1828
  • Hunting, how handsomely perfor­med by the Indians in Florida, 1521
  • Hunting the wylde Boare, how at­chieued by the English at the Ber­mudas, 174 [...]
  • Huntly wasteth the enimies in the Portugall voyage, 1918
I.
  • SAint Iago, a towne taken by Sir Francis Drake, and other Eng­lish, 1181. The fruits fortification, commodities, and inhabitants thereof, 1371, 1529
  • Iaguacini beasts that are killed by their sleepinesse, 1303
  • Iacos Indians, their desire of Reli­gion, 1251
  • Iamaica, the situation and descripti­on thereof, 1147, 1185, 1419. possessed by the Spaniards; out of which were slaughtered by them sixe hundred thousand guiltlesse soules without faith or Sacra­ments, 1573
  • S. Iames Ilands, 1379. The commo­dities thereof, ibid.
  • Iames town in Virginia, how situate, 1692. The first founding thereof, 1707. The burning and repairing thereof, 1710, 1711. The aban­doning, and re-assuming thereof by the English, 1732. The descripti­on, situation, fortification, temple, building, and vnhealthinesse thereof, 1752, 1753
  • Iangathus, things made of Canes, and tyed together with [...]ths [...], in stead of boats, 1213
  • Iaquerequere, a towne neere Saint Sebastian, 1211, 1212. The In­habitants thereof, 1300
  • Iaquereasick, an American River, 1223. In what manner nauigable, 1239
  • Iaquetyua, a Tree growing in the mountaines in America, 1214
  • Iaques Carters nauigations to New­found-land, & Bird-Iland, 1605
  • Iarraraca, venemous Serpents in Bra­sile, whereof there bee foure kinds there mentioned, 1303, 1304
  • Iararaques, Serpents that vse the water amongst the Indians, 1211
  • Iawayri, a River in America issuing from Potosin a mountain in Peru, 1214
  • Iawayrippo, a towne in the West-Indies, 1208, 1212
  • Iberacua, a Snake whose vehement poison maketh the hurt persons blood distil through all the passages of his body, 1304
  • [Page] Ibiboca, a Snake very faire to looke on, and of most vehement poyson, but very plentifull in Brasile, 1304
  • Ice-mountaines of eight leagues, 1606. Ices of the Newfound-Land, how caused, 1627
  • Idolatry how caused among the In­dians, 1558
  • Idols sold to the Indians by Spani­ards, 1583
  • Iealousie of Sauages, 1662, 1272
  • Ienero, a riuer neere the Line in the West Indies, 1190. the descrip­tion thereof, 1240. three hundred houses on it, its description, 1438
  • Ieperos, Indians so called, 1361
  • Ieronimo-riuer, 1386
  • Ierome Benzoes relation of the new World, 1448, & seq.
  • Iesuits Colledge at Santos, 1203. Iesuits friends to Sauages, 1243 Iesuits bring vp the children of the Brasilians, 1292. are of great esteeme among them, 1298. Iesuits acts in the Indies, 1564, 1565. Iesuits exploits and tra­uels, either for deuotion or ambi­tion, 1807. their pride, ibid.
  • Igwabes Indians of Florida, 1511
  • Ilha grande, a place neere Brasile, 1202
  • Ilands on the North of Virginia, their description and commodities for fish and salt, 1654
  • Iles of Salomon, their discouery and description, 1447
  • Ile Malhado in Florida, 1508. the inhabitants, description, and com­modities: extreame mourning for children, and the neglect of age, their burials, and mariage-rites, their Phisitians, their houses, beds, sports, manner of curing the sicke, 1508, 1509
  • Iles of Saint Peter, neere Canada 1606
  • Iles of Saint Paul, neere Canada 1606
  • Iland of Pearles in the South Sea, 1180
  • Ile Francisco, 1180, 1411
  • Faire Iland, 1384
  • Iland of Cockles. 1439
  • Iland of Birds in [...]umerable, 1605
  • Ile of the Hare in the Riuer Sage­uay, 1610
  • Ile of Filbeards, ibid.
  • Ile of Orleans in Canada, encom­passed with dangerous flats and sands, its description, 1611
  • Thirty Ilands full of Walnuts neere Canada, 1612
  • Ile of Saint Eloy, the fertility of the soyle adioyning, fitnesse to bee planted, 1611, 1612
  • Iles neere the Sault, or fall of Cana­da, description, various fertility of beasts, trees, and fruits, 1613.
  • Ile Percee in Canada, 1616
  • Ile de Bonadventure, ib.
  • Ile of St. Croix in New France, its description and fertility in diuers kinds, 1622. its three discommo­dities that hinder good wintering in it, 1623. an Iland of Vines thereabout, 1633. Iles very com­modious and harborous, 1884
  • Iland voyage vnder the Earle of Es­sex, 1935, & seq.
  • Illas de Lobos, desart Ilands in the Indies abounding with Seales, 1400
  • Illas de los Galapagos, desart I­lands and fruitlesse, 1400
  • Ile of Elizabeth, the Trees, Fowles, Beasts, Fruits, Fishes, Snakes, Colours, Metals, and Stones, thereof described, 1651, 1652, & 1653
  • Image of our Lady at Mexico, 1178
  • Images of gold among the Indians, 1285
  • Imperiall, a City of Spaniards, the inhabitants samisht, 1477
  • Inca Roca, a Peruan Emperour, his acts and conquests, repairing Schooles for proficiency in Arts, his death and successor, 1457
  • Incas, the name of the Emperours of Peru before the Spanish inua­sion, 1458. their Sacrifices to the Sunne, their ceremonies, conceit of sicknesses, idolatry, Priests, Mo­nasteries, diuision of Empires, tythings, tything-men, officers, education of children, 1460 their Iudges, and manner of deci­ding of controuersies, Counsellors of Warre, Priuie Councellors, and pretended conuersion of their neighbours, 1461. their Astrolo­gie, opinion of Eclipses, Thunder, and Rainbow, their Dreames, Geometry, Chorography, Arith­meticke, Musicke, Poetry, Com­medies, Handicraftsmen, 1462, 1463. The Incas, their Mona­steries, and pretious golden orna­ments, their life, chastity, and em­ployment, 1466. their manner of sharing of tillage, care of widowes and souldiers, tributes, freedomes, want of Beggars, Innes, hospitals, treasuries, courses after victories, 1469, 1470. stupendious riches and pomp of their Princely houses, and admired superfluity of gold on their ornaments, officers, hun­ting, and Postes, 1470, 1471. triumphes and ceremonies, 1471. the Incas marrie their owne Si­sters, 1479. their abuse, banish­ment, trecherous conquest, and finall extirpation by the Spaniards 1487, 1488
  • Indians killing themselues because they would not serue the Spani­ards, 1415. A stratagem of theirs against the Spaniards, 1442, 1443. Indians how dealt with by the Spaniards, 1448. their abusing all Christians for their sake, 1449. their magnanimity, and feare of horses, 1449. their discreet reproofe of vnchristian Christians, 1450. and opinion of them, their name for them, the promulgation of their liberty, 1453, 1454. Indians worship­ping high mountaines 1459. In­dians that worship the sea, because it yeelds them fish, and the Whale because of his greatnesse, 1471. Indian policy and ouerthrow of the Spaniards, 1476. Indian victories, 1477. their valour and dexterity in armes, ibid. Indians names beyond More­shego, 1280. Indian nati­ons and languages almost innume­rable in Florida, 1521. Indi­an superstition, 1522. Indians countries dispeopled by the Spa­niards, the feare they beare toward them, they are sooner reclaimed by loue then cruelty, 1525. Indians lazy life, 1154. Indian Sodomy, 1519 West Indians described, 1158. Caniball-Indians afraid to eate a man, lest he should haue the Pox, 1177 Indians at least thirtie thousand slaine and captiued by the Portingals at one time, 1219 An Indians courage and Chri­stian desire at his death, 1219. Indian, a Fish in the Sea, and Fox in the wood, 1243 Indians artillery, 1261 Indians manner of punishing murther and adulterie, their ie­lousie of their wiues, 1272 Policie in their warres, 1273 Indians auoyding the sight of Christians, and other Indians, 1271 [Page] Indians with rough skinnes like buffe, 1280. Names of In­dian Riuers, 1281. et 1282. names of Nations, 1280 et 1282. Indians how bruitishly and tre­cherously dealt withall by the Ca­niball-Portingals, chusing rather to flye to the mercy of their flesh­deuouring enemies, then these Christian-Antichristian Sauages 1322. Their fruitlesse baptisme by the Portingals, 1323. the Indians religion of Brasile, or rather irre­ligion, the feare they haue of the Deuill, 1336, 1337. their solemn assembly, singing, 1337, & sequ. dancing, ibid. Ceremonies, super­stition, idolatrie, ibid. Indian va­lour, 1395. Indians worse then slaues to the Spaniards, 1398. In­dians gouernment, disposition, and state in generall, 1421. Indi­ans valour, 1557. and simplicity in matters of knowledge and reli­gion, ibid. Indians in New Eng­land very tractible, their manner of hunting the beast called Mosse, 1832. Indians of Dominica taught to driue their Canoas with sayles, 1833. Indians sore terri­fied at the sight of some English­men, 1843. Indians drinking onely at the Spring head, 1852. their feare of the English, vpon report that they kept the plague buried in a store-house, permitting it to infect as it pleased them, 1855 they buy mens liues for Beuers skins, ibid. Indians of Matta­chiest, their kinde vsage of the English, 1858. Indians of Mano­met much giuen to gaming, will play for the skin on their wiues backes, 1859. their ioyfull recei­uing some religious precepts, 1862 Indians in Port-Royall, their courtesie in getting prouision for the French Plantation, 1632. In­dians oration and eloquence, cour­tefie, noblenesse, liberality vpon what termes, 1633. Indians of the Northerne America, their playing & musicke their customes in curing wounds, their simplicity and ignorance, yet subtilty, thee­uishnesse, and traiterousnesse, 1634. they must not bee depen­ded on, but swayed with seuerity. ibid. an Indian womans present ibid. the Indians disapproofe of garments, ibid. Indians of diuers languages, not vnderstanding one another in New France, 1635. Indians how they may best be ter­rified, 1635. you must not express any security, but alwayes seeme to be warie, resolute, and prepared for them, 1635. Indians of New France their warfare, 1638. In­dian Southsaying, and supposed trechery, 1639. Indians loue to their children, ibid. they are pre­ferred before Christians, ibid. In­dians weepe at the departure of the French from their coasts, 1640. Indians christned in New France by the Frenchmen, 1644. Indian battaile, victory, and the consequents thereof, ibid. Indians of Virginia, their strange apparell, and other description, 1647 Their great delight in musicke, dances, weapons, ornaments, boats, gar­dens, &c. 1655. trechery, and discouery, 1656. Indians dispo­sition and trechery, ceremonies, idolatrie, women, and their na­ture, their ornaments, 1662, 1663. & seq. Indian Virginian words of language vsed amongst them, 1667. Indians in Virginia creeping vpon all foure, with their bowes in their mouthes, desperate and hara [...], 1686. their women and maids habit, and other cu­stomes, 1689. An Indian 160 years old, with a long white beard very lusty, which is euen a wonder amongst them, 1689. Indians subtilty and rebellion to the Spa­niards in Florida, their slaughter by them, after slauerie, 1533, 1534. their murder by the Spa­nish seruilitie, 1535. an Indian Lady that swaid a Nation of them in Florida, the commodities of her country, and the courtesie shee shewed the Spaniards, 1537, 1538. an Indian burned, ibid. another christned by the Spani­ards, 1538. Indian stratagem against the Spaniards, 1544. their sudden slaughter, and endangered vtmost ouerthrow of them, 1545. Indians paint themselues with terrible colour, to strike terror in their aduersaries, 1546. their trecherie, ibid. Indian eloquence, 1550. an Indians valiant and wittie answer to an imperious Spa­niard, 1552. Indians ridiculous custome at the death of their Ca­tique, 1553. Indians how they are wont to expresse obedience to some of their superiors in Florida 1553. An Indian throwne to the dogs by a Spaniard, 1554. In­dians conspiracy against the Spa­niards in Florida discouered, the actors cruelly dealt withall, hauing their right hands cut off, 1555. An Indian burnt for heresie, and conspiracy, by a Spanish Iudge in New Spaine 1557. Indian ido­latry and worship of the Deuill, 1558. they must bee brought to Christianity by feare, as saith a Spanish Preacher, 1559. Indian hypocrisie, 1558. linea vltima. Indians so couragious and vali­ant, that armed most with poore clubs, they contest brauely with strongly armed Spaniards on horse backe, 1558. Indians worship­ping plants, and birds, and singing songs vnto them: and that sacri­fice one man yearely to a painted Serpent, which the sacrificed man taketh patiently, 1560. Indian embroidery, 1560. Indian want of Masse and instructing Mini­sters, 1563. Indians capable of religion, and their baptisme and instruction, 1564 Indian secrets smothered by Spaniards lest they should come to light with their dis­aduantage, 1567. Indies disco­uered by the Spaniards, Anno 1492. the first Land inhabited the Ile of H [...]spaniola, 1569. The nature of the Indians in generall thereabout their simplicity, pati­ence, meckenesse, innocency, inge­nuitie, and tender breeding, 1569. Three Millions of Indians perish by the Spaniards in Hispaniola, fiue hundred thousand in the Lu­cayos, in all thereabout twelue or fifteene Millions, 1569, 1570 Indians to the number of a Mil­lion slaine and consumed by them in Iohn and lamaica Ilands, 1573. Indians suppose Gold to be the Spaniards God, 1573. Indi­ans refuse heauen, fearing to meet the Spaniards there, 1574. Indi­ans how many in the Ile Cuba deuoured by Spaniards, 1574. Indians destroyed by Spaniards in Terra Firma, and their mul­titude, 1575, 1526. Indians in Nicaragua consumed by the Spa­niards fiue hundred thousand, 1577. Indians in New Spaine, and its seuerall Prouinces, deuou­red by the Spaniards to two or three Millions, 1577, 1578. Indians in Guatymala, dispatcht by Spaniards innumerablie, 1579 1580, and Spanish Man-eaters, that is, Spaniards allowing shara­bles of Mans-flesh for food, 1580. [Page] Indians tortured and slaine abun­dantly by Spaniards in Panuco, Mechuacham, and Xalisco, 1580, 1581. Indians to the num­ber of eight hundred sold for one horse by a Spaniard, 1580. Indi­ans sold for infamous Merchan­dize, 1581, 1582. Indians how many were slaine in Yucatan, 1581, 1582, 1583. What store in Saint Martha by Spaniards, 1583, 1584. In Carthagena, 1584. On the coast of Pearles, Paria, and the Ile of Trinity, 1586. In Yuia pari, and Venesue­la, Indians slaine in number foure or fiue thousand thousand, 1587. In Florida, the Riuer La Plata, in divers Provinces of Peru, 1589, 1590, 1591. Indians in new Cra­nada, dispatched by sundry cruel­ties of the Spaniards, 1592, 1593, 1594, 1595. In divers other places, by divers diuellish strata­gems, 1596, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1600, 1601, 1602. Indians worship a Pillar of stone in Flo­rida, 1603. Indian subiection to the Englishmen in Virginia, 1841 Indians of New-England, their care in preserving the carkeises of their dead friends in sepulchres, full stuffed with sweet powders, 1846. Their encounter with the English, the manner of inciting their men to Battell, 1847. Their habite and manner of welcoming forrenners, 1849. Indians glory, in the weaknesse of the English forces, 1856. An Indian plot­ting treacherie is taken prisoner, 1864. Indians terrified in con­science, for sake their houses, and fly into the deserts and thickets, 1866. Indians opinion concer­ning the Creation, that all men descend from the loynes of one man, and one woman, which were first created, the cause of their disper­sions, being as yet vnknowne, 1867. Indians of New-Eng­land witty and laborious in diuers arts, 1870. Indians described both in habit, and nature, their manner of salutation, 1881. Indians of Canada, 1609. Their speaking with the Divell, their painting themselves, apparell, deuice to goe on snow, mariages, licentiousnesse of yong Wenches, and burials, with their beliefe of the soule, 1609, 1610
  • Industrie of the English, in the dis­couerie and plantation of New-England, 1848
  • Infants slaine by the Savages to doe sacrifice to their god Habbamok, 1868
  • Inquisition in New-Spaine, the punishment of two Italians there, 1177. Inquisitions barbarous cru­eltie, 1178
  • Insolencie of the Indians of Massa­chaoset, 1864
  • Interpreters so necessarie to a land­trauell in a strange countrie, that without them it cannot bee effected, 1554
  • Ioancho de Luyando, a Mynt­master in Port-Ricco, hisriches, and plenty of gold, 1170
  • Iohn Ortis a Spaniard, his taking by the Indians in Pamphilo de Naruaez, his voyage, his sundry misfortunes, and escapes, with a happy meeting his countri-men, 1531. His large travailes with Captaine Soto, his death, and the discontent thence issuing to the Captaine, 1551
  • Saint Iohns River in New-France, its beauty, store of fish, vines, with other commodities, 1622
  • Saint Iohn de Port-Ricco, a Citie in the West Indies, taken by the English, its description, aire, dewes, greatnesse, Church, want of Glasse-windowes, doores, stan­ding of their Quire in the lowest part of the Church, 1144. Forti­fication, 1165. Healthinesse, ibid. Its situation, 1169 And fortifica­tion, 1418
  • Saint Iohns head, the easterly part of Port-Ricco, 1169
  • Captaine Iohn Smith his discoverie of Russels Iles, Point-Ployer, and Limbo Iles in Virginia, 1712. His entertainment by the Savages, with courtesic, and trca­cherie, his mens desire of returne, 1713. His many Savage bicke­rings, endanger by a stinging Fish, and safe returne, 1714. His setting forth againe, and encounter with the Savages, 1714, 1715. The loue hee received from Mosco that Savage, ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks, 1716. His great tempests, yet safe returne, 1716. His assuming the presiden­cie of Virginia, 1716. His oppo­sition by the Councell, iourney to Powhatan onely with foure, 1717. His strange entertainment, ibid. His provision for Nansa­mund, proiect for Powhatan, and setting forth, 1720. His discourse, and passages with Powhatan, 1721, 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals, ibid. His abuse by some treache­rous Dutchmen, 1723. His great danger with fifteene men, by a multitude of Indians, ibid. His valiant evasion, and forcing them to composition, captinating their King in the midst of them, ibid. & 1724. His poysoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape, 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen, his escape, encounter, and captivating the King of Pas­pahigh, and other bickerings, 1726. His progresse in the planta­tion, hinderance, and desire of re­mouall thereof, 1727, 1728. His hatred by vpstart plantationers, escaping their plots, and revenge on them, 1729. His suppressing mutinies, appeasing, concluding peace, endanger by powder, 1730, 1731. His endanger of murther, grieuous torture, returne for Eng­land, and the cause, with the conse­quents. 1731, 1732. His accu­sers, and accusation, 1731. His innocencie, 1732
  • Master Iones his endeuours, furthe­ring the plantation of New-Eng­land, 1867
  • Ippoa, a place neere the great Iland in America, 1212
  • Irasing, a place seven leagues from Mexico, 1414
  • Irocois, Savages in Canada, 1607 Their River, and manner of for­tification with stakes, 1612. Their further description, provision, and townes, and warres, with their vanquishment, and affrighting with a musket-shot, 1643
  • Iron extolled aboue gold, 1814
  • Isla del Gallo, an Iland, 1444
  • Itshuera, a towne of the Caribes, one dayes iourney from the head of the River Marwin, 1285
  • Saint Iuan de Lua, achiefe part in Noua Hispania, 1432
  • Iuan de Ofnate, his discoverie of the North from old Mexico, his armie and preparation, 1563. His losse and revenge of his Nephew, his building a towne, and possessi­on for Spaine, 1566
  • Iuan Fernandes Ilands, their situa­tion and plenty, 1393
  • Iucatan, how so called, 1455. The inhabitants tortured, and consu­med, by the Spaniards, 1581, 1582, 1583
  • Iumanos Indians, 1561
  • [Page] Saint Iuo de Vllua, a Port towne, 1418
  • Iuana the second Iland in Orenoque 1248
  • Ixtatlan, a place in New-Spaine, 1558
  • Iyanough, a Governour among the Savages of Pechanochick, 1853
  • Saint Izabella, one of the Iles of Sa­lomon, 1447
K.
  • KAiwaire, a towne inhabited by the Careebees, in the River Marwin in America, 1283
  • Kebec, a place in New-France, wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Cham­plaine, 1642. The naturall fruit and commodities thereof, ibid.
  • Kecoughtan, a towne of Savages in Virginia, 1687. The inhabitants, maner of entertainment, dancing, Orations, 1687
  • Kenebek, a towne vnder the Do­minion of Apomhamen in Ma­wooshen, 1874
  • Ketangheanycke, a town vnder the Sagamos Octoworth, 1875
  • Capt. Keymish his voyage to Gui­ana, 1269
  • Kiarno, a towne of the Sauages, 1286
  • Kietitan, a god of the Savages, 1862
  • Kine very strange in Brasile, living in water, without hornes or vd­ders, 1243. Kine strange neere Quiuira, with bunched backs, 1561
  • A Kings distinction from others among the Amazons, is by a crowne of feathers, a woodden sword, or a chaine of Lyons teeth, 1288
  • Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans, before the Spanish conquest, 1464
  • Kings dying among the Floridan In­dians, and Tartarians, two yong men are slaine, to wait vpon them in the next world, 1553
  • King Iames his name nothing re­spected among the Spaniards, 1834. His faithfulnesse to the Queene of England, his wise answere to her Embassadour, 1912. His gracious letters to the Earle of Southhampton, touching the Silke-wormes, and Silke-grasse in Virginia, 1787
  • I0. King Englishman, one that li­ved fifteene yeares at Santos, 1203
  • Kimbeki, a River in New-France, 1625
  • Knaw-saw an Iland, how situate, 1184
  • Knights, how chosen and created among the ancient Emperours of Peru, and who thought worthy of Knighthood, 1474
  • Kniuets adventures, accidents, 1192 He finds a chest of Rials, 1203. Loseth his toes by frost; 1204. Narrow scaping death, 1205, 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster, 1207. Eateth Whale, 1207. His escaping (all his fel­lowes slaine) 1207. His comming to the River Ianero, and escaping from drowning by a woman, his life there, 1208. His slaverie in a Sugar-mill, nakednesse, shame, and flight to the wildernesse, his life there, 1208. His perill by a Sa­vage, 1208. By a Sharke-fish, 1209. His disastrous flight and wracke, 1209. In danger of star­ving, ibid. His imprisonment, condemnation, pardon, 1210. His wounding the Factor, flight, iour­ney, and fortune, 1210. His fear­full travels through the wilder­nesse, and manifold dangers there, 1210, 1211. His returne to his old master after many perils, 1212. Kils a great dangerous Snake, 1215. Is stocked, and brought to execution, saved, 1216 Passeth in a weake vessell through a River that ran vnder-ground, 1217. His escape, all his fellowes devoured, ibid. His nakednesse, 1218. Returne againe to his Por­tingall Master, his danger, ibid. & 1219. His adventure vnder-water, 1220. His escape and voy­age to Angola in Africa, his sen­ding backe againe, ibid. His plot and dangerous discoverie, 1221. Saveth his master from drow­ning, ibid. Is imprisoned, 1222. Escapeth drowning, 1223. Ari­veth at Lisbon, his sicknesse there, 1224. One and twenty times let blood, 1225. His reco­verie, imployment, and imprison­ment, ibid.
  • Kniues and Hatchets deare sold amongst the Indians, 1229, 1208
  • A Knife bought eight women, 1249
  • Kuskara waock, a river in Virginia, the inhabitants thereof, 1694
L.
  • LAbour well imployed hath its reward one time or other, 1832
  • La Buena Ventura, an vnhealthy place in Peru, 1446
  • La Canela, a Country in Peru, 1415
  • Lacana, a miserable towne in Flo­rida, 1553
  • Laguada, a towns in Port-Ricco, 1170
  • Lake of a hundred leagues in length, 1644
  • A Lake wondrous great, 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues, 1614. Many others, ib. & 1615. One of three hundred leagues, 1616.
  • La Loma de Camana, a very fertile soyle in America, the description thereof, 1420
  • La Mocha an Iland in America, 1443
  • Lampere, a fortified Citie of the Carios in the Indies, taken by the Spaniards, 1352
  • Lancerota, the town and Castle taken by the Earle of Cumberland, 1151, 1155. It is one of the grea­test Ilands of the Canaries, 1155 The chiefe towne in it described, 1156. The inhabitants, armes, situation, commodities, latitude, their severall haruests, Church, Religion, ibid.
  • Language of Savages, 1237. A thousand languages of Savages, 1524. Language words of Virginian Savages, 1667. Lan­guage very copious and difficult, 1870
  • La Pacheta, a small Iland, 1414
  • Laquedambaras, Nut-trees among the Indians, 1502
  • La para Iua, a place in the Indies taken by French from the Spanish, and repossessed by them, 1438
  • Las Cabecas, Iles so called, 1244
  • Las Ilhas, an American towne, 1438
  • Layfield, viz. Doctor Layfield his relation of Port-Ricco voyage, 1155. & seq. His imployment vnder the Lord of Cumberland, 1169
  • Leafe in Guiana called Kellette cu­ring poisoned wounds, and the heada [...]h, 1276. Apparell made of leaues, 1213
  • League betweene the Mussasois and the English, 1850
  • Leakes, how stop'd vnder-water [Page] without aboard, 1394
  • Leagh, viz. Sir Oliph Leagh, the traiterous massacring of three score and seven of his men, in an Iland of the West-Indies, 1255, 1256. & seq.
  • Captaine Leighs voyage to Ore­noque, 1156. To Guiana, and plant [...]ion there, 1250 His com­ming to Wyapogo, and Araca­wa, 1251, 1252. his death, & the danger of his men, 1621, 1622
  • Leopards called by the Indians Ia­warile, 1229
  • Le Equille, a River in New-France, 1621
  • Lepos Tomienos a kinde of Ca­nibals, 1216
  • Lerius his relation of Brasile, 1325. & seq. 1836
  • Letters sent from the Colony in New-England, Anno 1622. 1840. From New-found-land, 1889
  • Lice, 1205
  • Leyhannos, a Savage people of the West-Indies, 1364
  • Lignum Vitae, 1657
  • Lightening kils two men, 1672 Lightening in a great tempest saues Mariners from shipwracke. 1716
  • Light at sea seene on the Shrouds in a hell darke night, conceits and names thereof, 1737
  • Lima Indians of Peru, 1365. Their City, bignesse, and inhabitants, 1416, 1421
  • Limbo-Iles in Virginia, 1712
  • Lime made of Oysters, 1315
  • Limo River, 1248
  • Line, how and when most safely to be passed, 1377
  • Listers dangerous attempt, 1143
  • Liver, by what meanes corroborated and preserved, 1310
  • Lizards eaten in America, 1326 A monstrous Lizard, 1327
  • Master Locks death neere the Line, the onely friend of Captaine Can­dish in his last voyage, 1201
  • Lomioo, a town in the Indies, inha­bited by Arwacca Savages, 1285
  • Londoners voyage to New-Eng­land, Anno 1616. p. 1838. To the Canaries from London, An. 1616. p. 1839. From London to New-England againe, An. 1620 ouerthrowne by the rage of divers tempests, to the losse of goods and men, 1840
  • Long-Ile in New-France, 1622
  • Long-reach a place in the Straits of Magellane, 1389
  • Lopez de Agira, a mutinous Soul­dier among the Spaniards, his ex­treame cruelty, and event, 1436, 1437. His plot to poison Queene Elizabeth, 1894
  • Lopez Vaz, a Portingall, his voy­age and Historie touching places and discoveries in America, 1432 &t seq.
  • Loquilla, A hill famous for Mynes in Port-Ricco, 1171
  • Lopos Savages in Brasile, called by the Portingals Bilreros: their houses, wyldnesse, harmlesnesse, shamelesnesse, beastlinesse, wo­men, complexion, 1230. Store of gold, ibid.
  • Lord de la Ware his happy ariuall at the distressed Colony in Virgi­nia, 1732. His presidency there, 1754. his first Acts, and the constitution of Officers, his coun­cell, ibid. His sending Sir George Summers to the Bermudas for provision, ibid. His wrongs by Powhatan, and revenge, with a message to him, 1755. Its successe and his punishing an Indian, 1756 His relation to the Lords and the Councell of Virginia, touching his returne thence, 1762. & seq. His sundry sicknesses, ibid. & 1763 His death in a voyage to Virginia, 1774
  • Lord of Southampton Treasurer of Virginia, 1783. His provision and supply of it, ibid. His letters to the Colony touching silk-plants. 1787, 1788
  • Lotterie set vp in London, for the Colony in Virginia. 1773
  • Lots cast for euery mans severall logding in New-England, 1848
  • Low-Countries supposed to have Ships great and small of all sorts, 20000 1821
  • Saint Lucia, 1146. The description and commodities thereof, 1265
  • Lukes-Bay, a pleasant harbour in New-Scotland, 1873
  • Lutherans thought a title of igno­minie to the Spaniards, though they confessed God tooke part with them, 1680
  • Luysa, a towne neere Port-R [...]cco, 1170
  • Luys de Moscoso made Gouernour of Cuba, and Adelantado of Flo­rida after Sotoes death, 1552. His and his companies resolution to travell by Land West ward in that countrey, his ariuall at seue­rall Indian townes, and entertain­ment, 1553. His being in danger of losing himselfe, and his company in the desert-countreys, ibid. His vncomfortable travels in the de­serts, & endurāce of scarcity there, his returning the same way hee came, 1554. And taking passage downe a River to the sea, the whole remainder of his company, their dangerous storme, and perill by the Indians in the River, 1555. His ariuall at Panuco, 1556
  • Lying, how punished by some In­dians, 1451
  • Lyma, a place in the West-Indies, 1242, 1393. The description of the Bay that leadeth to it, 1394
  • Lyons in the West Indies, 1211. They call them Iawarosou, 1229. are worshipped in Peru, 1457
M.
  • MAcanao, the westermost point of Margarita, 1266
  • Mace, his voyage to Virginia, in a barke sent by Sir Walter Ra­leigh, 1653
  • Machaseis, a river in the West In­dies, 1265
  • Maccah, a small River neere Ore­noco, and Guyana, 1246
  • Macucagua, a Bird resembling the Feasant, and hath three skins one ouer another, 1306
  • Macurio, a River, 1247
  • Macuerendas, a Nation in the River Parana in the Indies, populous and fierce, their description, 1350
  • Macuta Indians in Brasile, 1299
  • Madalena, a River in Florida, 1504
  • Madera Ilands, their description, di­uision, and commodities, 1369 Madera Ile discouered by Master Challons, in his voyage to the North of Virginia, 1833
  • Madiopuera, a venemous plumme, 1230
  • Magalines, a Portingall Naviga­tor, 1191
  • M [...]guana, a Province in Hispa­niola, 1572
  • Magdalene River, 1434
  • Magellane Straits described, 1384. vide streights. Magellane streights extreame winter, 1193
  • Magu [...]y, a tree yeelding Wine, Vine­ger, Honey, beds, threads, needles, tables, and hafts of kniues, besides many medicinable vses, 1421
  • Maiz of two sorts, the one like Rice, the other like Ginny Wheat, 1173 1851. Maketh strong drinke, 1258
  • Malabrigo Port, 1399
  • [Page] Manco King of Peru, his distresse by the faithlesse Spaniards, and the issue, 1486, 1487
  • Mammeis, an excellent kind of fruit, 1172
  • Manarippano, an Iland in the midst of the River Orenoco, 1249
  • Manilla Iland. 1446
  • Mandioco, the ordinary food of the inhabitants of Brasile, which ser­veth for bread: the strange effects thereof, 1214, 1309, 1310. Wine made of the root Mandioco, which preserveth the Liver, 1310
  • Man-eaters, vid. Canibals.
  • Mans inconstancie, 1190, 1191
  • Mapies, certaine Indians so called, their description, countrey, and commodities, they are a very war­like Nation, and treacherous, 1362, 1363. Their ouerthrow by the Spaniards, ibid.
  • Marble Rocke of halfe a mile in length, 1761
  • Marchin-Bay, how situate, and why so called, 1626
  • Marcomwin, a village in the River Marwin, 1283
  • Saint Maries Iland, the situation and description thereof, 1393, 1143, 1671
  • Mariages how vndertaken and so­lemnized by the Inhabitants of Peru, 1457. Mariage forbidden to him that hath not taken his ene­mie, 1290
  • Mariquites, certaine Canibals so cal­led, their stature, women, dwel­lings, religion, language, cloathing, &c. 1226, 1227
  • Maroer, a Brasilian Riuer, 1242
  • Mariners, their duty and disposition, 1368, 1403
  • Martha, a Province in America very rich in gold and other com­modities, 1583. It is now changed from a peopled Countrey to a de­sert, by Spanish crueltie, 1583, 1584
  • Martha's Uineyard, a dis-inhabited Ile. 1648
  • Saint Martha, a towne taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1183
  • Marwin River, and the Regions therevnto adioyning, 1283
  • Massasoys, a company of Savages in New-England, 1849
  • Massasoyt, his acknowledgement of King Iames to be the Gouernour of his Countrey, and himselfe his man: his kinde entertainment of English, and prohibiting the French, 1852, 1862
  • Massangono, a Portingall Fort in Affrica, the description thereof, 1220, 1234. Gold therein taken by the Portingals, 1237
  • Mastiues much regarded in Vir­ginis, 1655
  • Matauzas, the situation and descrip­tion thereof, 1246, 1247
  • Matini [...], a haven in America, 1146, 1157
  • Saint Matthews Bay. 1401
  • Matta diabolo, a Fort in Port-Ricco, 1162
  • Mattaick, a Rocke which with the brightnesse thereof dazeleth the eyes, 1285
  • Mattouri an Ilandin Guiana, 1272
  • Mauriapigtanga, Inhabitants of Brasile, 1298
  • Mawooshen, a Countrey discovered by the English, Anno 1622. 1873
  • Maids how distinguished from ma­ried women in Virginia, 1689. Their habite and behauiour when they are to be taken to mariage, 1869, 1159
  • Henry Mays his voyage and ship­wracke on the Bermudas, or Summer-Ilands, 1795. The losse and saving of some men. ibid.
  • Meat made of Snakes, 1210. Meat how kept from corrupting among the Savages, 1326. Meat not ea­ten by the Indians, vnlesse sancti­fied by the Spaniards, 1522
  • Meecombe, a towne on the River Apanawapesk. 1874
  • Mechuacan, a place in New-Spaine, 1557, 1580
  • Mechuacan, a place neere the South Sea, 1559
  • Mecola, the situation thereof, 1246
  • Mendozaes Indian voyage and suc­cesse, 1347, 1348. & seq. Hee builds the citie Buenos Ayres, the miserable famine there, and warres with the Indians, the death of his souldiers: his retur­ning and death by the way, 1348, 1349, 1350
  • Men of three hundred yeares age in Florida, 1604
  • Mendoza his intended treason against Queene Elizabeth, 1892. Hee being Embassador from Spaine is commanded to depart the English coast, 1893
  • Menehighon Iland, how situate, 1829
  • Mepenes, a Nation in the River Parana in the Indies, their de­scription, strength, and multitude, 1351
  • Mermaids seene in Brasile, 1240 on the coast of New-found-land, 1887
  • Mermen, or men of the Sea that kill men with embracing, and then seeme to sigh, 1315. Some are as little as children, and doe no hurt, 1318
  • Mesquiquez an Indian fruit, 1519, 1520
  • Mestizo, one that is halfe a Sauage, and halfe a Portingall, 1207
  • Metall like Lead found in Canada, on the South, 1618
  • Meuis Ile the situation, excellent bathes, and commodities thereof, 1685
  • Mexico Navigations, 1177. The bignesse of the Citie, the nature and docibilitie of the naturals, the company of Spaniards there, 1421 The populousnesse thereof, 1432. Mexico and all the adioyning Provinces vnpeopled by Spanish crueltie, 1578. Two millions of Indians slaine by them there, ibid.
  • Saint Michael a place in the Azores, 1142. A strange Hill, and wels there, 1142. Its description, 1671
  • Saint Michael, a River in Ameri­ca, neere the River of Toads, 1223. It is dangerous for Navi­gation, 1239
  • Saint Michaels Strait in Florida, 1505
  • Saint Michaels towne triumpheth at the departure of the English, 1966
  • Mico, a river in Florida, which at the mouth is called Rio Grand, 1552
  • Middletons voyage, 1246. & 1247
  • Miles Standish his travell in New-found-land, 1848
  • Military orders established in New-England, 1849. Military disci­pline as well shewed in making a faire and safe retreit, as in giving a fierce and furious onset, 1962
  • Will. Millington drawne into the Sea by a Fish, and never seene more, 1802
  • Mines of gold in Port-Ricco, 1165. Where the richest Mines, 1177. At Etapusick very rich Mines of gold and silver, 1222, 1229. Mines in plenty, 1230. Like­wise, 1231, 1248. Mines of A­palatci in Florida, 1604. Mines of Copper, of a metall like silver in Canada, 1617. Other Mines there, & where to be found, 1618, 1619. Mine of Steele, 1639
  • [Page] Minoya, a place in Florida, 1554
  • Miracles wrought by the Spaniards (as themselues report) in the West Indies. 1516
  • Mirth, a preservatiue against the scuruy, 1625
  • Mists, store and thicke, neere the Banke very cold, and the cause thereof, 1628. It is then faire at land, though at sea foggie, 1629
  • Mocha, an Iland in the South sea, 1391. The description and com­modities thereof, 1392
  • Mochocho, an Indian Gouernour in Florida, 1531, 1532
  • Mogador, a place on the coast of Barbary, 1250
  • Mehotse, a populous Indian Pro­vince, 1562
  • Melopaques, certaine Savages of Brasile, 1229. They haue store of gold, but esteeme it not, except to fish withall, ibid.
  • A Monasterie in Saint Iohn de Port Ricco, 1165. Monasteries in Peru and Cozco, 1456, 1457
  • Moneta Ile, its difficult landing, and vnspeakable abundance of Fowle, 1686
  • Monkeys rosted and eaten, 1213 Monkeys in Brasile called Wa­riua by the Inhabitants as bigge as a Spanyell, with long broad beards, 1226, 1302. Their King, his fashion, and other seats of actiuitie, ibid. Some that are men­deuourers, ibid. Their care in providing the safety of their yong, 1328
  • Monserotta Iland, 1281
  • Monseur de Montz voyages rela­ted, 1620. & seq. His societie broken, and is enuied at, 1638
  • Monte Christo, a weake towne of the Spaniards in the Indies, 1418
  • Monte de Plata, 1432
  • Mooremoreno Iland, 1397. Its in­habitants, description, their loue to the English, and hate of Spani­ards, 1398
  • Master Moores Plantation and go­vernment in the Bermudas I­lands, 1802. His building Forts, ibid. dispelling Spanish ships, and other acts, ibid. His death, and disposition, ibid.
  • Moratiggon, an Ile about a dayes sayle from New-England, 1849
  • Morecapana Road, the situation thereof, 1246
  • Moreeshego, a place in the River Marwin, 1283
  • Morrequito, a certain country neere Orenoco, 1248
  • Morou, a towne of Canibals, 1227
  • Morrowina, a Guyanian Province, 1271
  • Captaine Morgan slaine in Brasile, 1197
  • Morouishaua the Kings name among some Savages of Brasile, 1229
  • Mosco a Savage, famous for his loue to the English, 1715
  • Mosse, a certaine beast as bigge as an Oxe, headed like a Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mewes euery yeare: his haire is long like an Elke, hee hath a great bunch vnder his throat, his legges long, his skin maketh very good Buffe, his flesh is excellent food, very vsefull to the Savages in New-England, 1832
  • Motto of the King of Spaine in Saint Domingo, 1182
  • Mottayas certaine Canibals in Bra­sile their loue to the English, fee­ding on Frogges, Snakes, Mon­keys, and Dogs, their man eating, haire, beasts, and commodities, 1229, 1230
  • Mourning expressed by cutting of the haire among Indians, 1291 Mourning of the Indians for those that die, 1869
  • Mount-mansell, an Iland on the coast of New-England, aboun­ding with the Beast called M [...]ss [...], 1832
  • Mount Howard, 1260, 1254
  • Mount Huntly, 1261
  • Mount Aldworth in Virginia, 1655
  • Mountainiers, Savages so called in Canada, that make warres with the Irocos, 1607
  • Mountaines stored with gold, 1284. A mighty mountaine snowy on the top, and torrid at the foot, 1156. A mountaine exceeding steepe, 1214. A glittering moun­taine, 1216. A mountaine of Crab-Lice, 1228. Mountaine of metals, 1232. Mountains aboun­ding with silver and gold, 1248. Mountaines covered with Snow, that for their height may bee seene thirty leagues into the Sea, 1434
  • Moyemon, a large towne in the Ri­ver Marwin, 1283
  • Muccambro, an Iland and Moun­taine in Guiana, 1272
  • Mumpara a plaine, abounding with graines of gold, 1284
  • Murther, how punished in Guiana, 1272. In Brasile, 1342
  • Murther punished by the Indians, with present death, 1870
  • Muskitoes, their venemous stinging, 1556
  • Muso, a towne in new Granada; the exceeding benefit thereof, to the King of Spaine, 1420
  • Muske of a Crocodiles Cod, 1228
  • Muske-Snake, a sweet smelling Serpent of Brasile, 130 [...]
  • Mutinie like to receiue its deserved reward, 1201
  • Mutinie, the ouerthrow of a voyage, 1260
  • Mutiny among the Spaniards, 1436 Among the French in Florida, 1603. Among the English in Virginia, 1729, 1730. In the Bermudas, 1743
  • Mutinga aboundeth with Myues, 1203
  • Mutton-Port, 1620
N.
  • NAguatex, a towne in Florida, 1553
  • Namaschet, a towne vnder Massa­soyt, 1851. The Namaschets courteous entertainment of the English, ibid.
  • Names encreased, according to the number of persons, slaughtered among the Indians, 1226
  • Names altered amongst the Indians according to their acts and dispo­sition, 1869. Names of certaine Englishmen assistants in the Plan­tation of the New-found-land, 1888
  • Names of the English Knights figh­ting at the siege of Cadiz, 1933. Names of the Captaines and chiefe officers in the Voyage to Azores, 1939
  • Nansamund, a River in Virginia, 1692
  • Nanohiggansets threaten the Eng­lish, 1853. Their great superstiti­on in doing sacrifice to their god Habbamoqui, 1868
  • Naruaez, his voyage, ariuall at Do­minica, Saint Iago. The Trini­tie, his shipwracke there, his com­ming to the land of Marles, 1500, 1501, 1499. His taking possession of a towne in Florida for the King of Spaine, 1501. His ariuall at Apalachen, and entertainment there, his surprisall by other Indi­ans, his comming to Ante, 1502, 1503. His distressed successe, 1504. And losse of men by the [Page] Indians, ibid. His misery by thirst, 1505. His companies extreame weaknesse, 1509. With insufferable famine and mortali­tie, 1508
  • Napetuca, a towne in Florida, 1533
  • Naragooc, a towne in Mawooshen, 1875
  • Nations that are barbarous, licenced by the Popes Bull to be subdued by violence, 1602
  • Nauarre ouerthroweth the forces of the French King at the battell of Courtras, 1942
  • Nauy of Queene Elizabeth sent to the Azores, 1939
  • Navigation the advancement of Na­tions, 1820
  • Nauigators instr [...]tions, 1368, 1373
  • Nausets, a company of the Savages in New-England a hundred strong, 1849
  • Nebamocago, a towne bordering on the River Aponeg, in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Negligence like to endanger the losse of a great prize, 1145 The Portingals for the West-Negro's rebelling against the Spa­niards, 1434
  • Neguiwo, an Ile neere the River Sagodohoc in Mawooshen, 1874
  • Nepios certaine inhabitants of Tri­nidad 1247
  • Niewoc an Ile in Mawooshen, 1874
  • Neredoshan, a towne on the River Aponeg, 1874
  • Nets made to carie travelling stran­gers from towne to towne in Bra­sile, 1242
  • New-France, a great part of it thought to be sandie ground as far as Virginia, 1634, 1635. New-Frances commodities presented the King of France, 1641. The inhabitants when first christened, 1644
  • New-France inhabited by the Frenchmen, because they hope to get a passage thence to China, 1642, 1644. The manner of tra­ding in New-France, 1626
  • New-Frances diseases how they may be escaped, 1624, 1625. New France, the bounds thereof, 1603. The probabilities of gold Mines there, 1621. Diamonds & Turkie stones there, 1621. Grapes, Fish, and Cedars, 1622
  • New-Mexico the towns thereof, and building the inhabitants, and their worshipping the Deuill, 1561
  • Capt: Newports voyage to Virginia, and returne for England, 1186, 1705, 1706. His supposed preiu­dice to the English plantation there, 1717. His opposing Capt. Smith, ibid. His proceeding to discouer Monacan in Virginia, and suc­cesse, 1778
  • New-England & the New-found-land discouered and implanted by the English, 1827. The climat very temperate, agreeable to the bodies of the English, making them liue longer then in other countreys, the soyle fertile, variety of nourishing hearbs, and roots, the coast full of commodious harbours and havens, many Iles fit for plantation, wood of all sorts in abundance, 1831. The people haue our English Nation in good estimation, and are tractable in trading, the Sea is stored with all kind of Fish, diuersity of wild foule, Doues in great aboundance in time of Strawberries, abundance of rich Furs, 1831, 1832. Great shews of Amber-greece and Pearle, store of Whales in the Sea thereabout, ibid.
  • New-England described, 1870. English corne and cattle prosper there, 1878
  • New-found-land described, the fer­tility of the soyle, the temperature of the aire, conueniencie of the Baies, the inhabitants, their nature and customes, 1885. Herbs and flowers pleasant and medicinable, great in­crease of corne, store of Deere and other beasts: great store of land and water-foule, 1885. Store of trees fit to build with, 1886. Great proba­bilitie of Mynes, and fish in great abundance, ibid.
  • New-Plimmouth abounding with divers commodities of great worth, and very necessary for mans suste­nance: Timber of all sorts, di­uers Mines of vnknowne worth, store of fish, Beauers, and others, 1840
  • Nicaragua Province, 1446, 1576
  • Saint Nicholas Bay, 1146
  • Nicholas Sanders his slanders a­gainst Q. Elizabeth; Hee obtai­neth to be the Popes Nuncio; en­tereth Ireland, winneth Desmon: runneth mad, and dyeth miserably, 1893
  • Nicorago, a River, 1185
  • Nilco, a Province or territory in Flo­rida, one of the richest in all that country, the townes, inhabitants, and commodities thereof, 155 [...]
  • Noblemen imployed in the voyage to the Azores, 1939
  • Noble Personages voluntaries in 88. vnder the King of Spaines banner, 1901
  • Nondacao, a province in Florida wel inhabited, the commodities thereof, 1553
  • Norrack, a Province neere the River Arwi in Guiana, 1271
  • Gen. Norris his materiall education, Generall of all the English Forces [...] Martiall in the field vnder Conte Hohenlo, Martiall of the field in England; Generall of the Army in Frisland, Lord President of Mun­ster in Ireland, 1916. Winneth great honour & fame by his wel or­dered retrait in the service before Gaunt, 1962. His death, 1968
  • Mr Norwoods relation of the Ber­mudas, and the English plantation there, 1797. & seq.
  • Noert, a famous Navigator among the Dutch, 1191
  • Norumbega River, and the fabulous narrations thereof, 1625
  • Nose lost in cold weather, 1 [...]05
  • Noua Galitia, 1526
  • Noua Scotia, a prosperous plantation, by the dexterity of Sir Samuel Ar­gall, 1828. Noua Scotia, a planta­tion in America, 1871. Abundance of Strawberries and all kind of wild foule, and very pleasant countrey, 1873
  • Nunnez his relation of the Fleet which Pamphilo Naruaez was go­uernour of in India, 1499. & seq. His shipwracke, 1500. His disastrous fortune by famine, sicknesse, labour, and nakednesse, a­m [...]ng the Indians, 1509, 1510. His comming after divers perils to the Indians-Auauarez, 1514. His mishaps there, and dangerous esca­ping of burning, 1515. His curing the sicke by prayer and raising one from the dead, 1516. His comming to the Harbudaos, and the hungry shifts hee made there, 1517, 1518. His re­pute among the Savages, their feare and admiration of him, 1521, 1522, 1323. His travell to the South Sea, and occurrents, 1524, &c. His meeting with his coun­try-men, 1526. His ariuall at Compostella and Mexico, 1528
  • Nunno de Guzmans his expediti­ons, 1556. & seq. His taking posses­sion for the King of Spaine in the [Page] River of Purification, his erecting crosses, killing, and converting Indians, burning hereticks, 1556, 1557. Travels and discoveries of divers Provinces, bickerings with Indians comming neere the South Sea, and purpose touching the A­mazons, 1558, 1559
  • Nutmeg-trees, 1309
  • Nuts in the ground, 1650
O.
  • OAres of what fashion among the West-Indians, 1158. Oares of the Indians of the New­found-land, 1880
  • Oaths and Blasphemie against God, and our Lady, forbidden in the Spanish Armado, 1902. O [...]ths how punished among the English in Virginia, 1719
  • Ocagna a place in America where is abundance of gold, 1419
  • Ocawita, a pretty bigge Iland in Orenoque, 1248
  • Ochete towne, 1534
  • Ochus, a Floridan Province, 15 [...]5
  • Ocoa, a towne in Hipaniola, 1186, 1418
  • Ocute a towne in Florida, 1556
  • Oecope, a high mountaine, 1 [...]48
  • Offrings amongst the Indians to the Diuell by the intercession of their Priest Powah, 1868
  • Olmoleigh River, 1254
  • Olynda a towne in Brasile, 1238
  • Olypho a mount in the Indies. 1253
  • Omitlan, a Province of the greater Spaine in America: the descripti­on of the countrey, soyle, and noi­some serpents, the discoverie and taking possession thereof by the Spaniards, 1559
  • Opechankanow, a great King a­mongst the Indians taken by an Englishman in the midst of his ar­mie, 1841. And in his own house, 1723, 172 [...]. His plots and perfi­die against Captaine Smith han­somely repelled, ibid.
  • Op [...]ortunities neglected, 1196
  • Oraddo, a mo [...]ntaine plentifull for gold, 1284
  • Oranges their soveraigne vertue, 1378. Good against the scuruie, 1763
  • Order observed in the Spanish Fleet, 1 [...]05
  • Ordnances best for Ships: whether long or short pieces, 1403
  • Oren [...]que a Riuer in Americ [...] de­scribed, 1156, 1247, 1248, 1249, & seq.
  • Organs, a place in the West-Indies abounding with gold mines, 1222, 1242
  • Orillano a Spanish Captaine, his dis­coveries, 1415
  • O [...]ange, a strange kinde of disease, 1671
  • Ostriches as tall as a man, 1189
  • Ouercharging pieces of Ordnance, and other pieces how preiudiciall, 1397, 1398
  • Ouigondi a towne of Savages in the Northerne America, 1638
  • Oxenhams voyage to the West-Indies, his attempts and travels to the South Sea, his priz [...]s and misfortune,, 1180, 1414
  • Oxen woolled like sheere in Florida, 1550 Oxen Bunch-back'd and very strang [...] descri [...]ed, which are meat drinke [...], houses, fire, vessels, [...] m [...]sters whole substance 1561 Ox [...] [...] by their name in in T [...] like men 1 [...]69, 1670
  • Oxefi [...], 1313 1314
  • Oyste [...] g [...]t and hav [...]n [...] Pearl [...]s in th [...]m 131 [...]. Oyste [...]s the [...] su­stenance of om [...] I [...] [...] for a quarter of a ye [...]r [...] together, 1 [...]09
P.
  • PA [...] [...] E [...] of [...] his Acts, Temple [...], 1471 1472
  • Pacaba Province, 1549
  • Pafallaya Province 1644
  • Pa [...]embos, or Piembos, an Indian Savage Nation, 1 [...]53
  • Palisema Province, 1 [...]49
  • Palma one of the Canary Ilands, 1833
  • Palmeto tree, and the fruit thereof described, 1173, 1375
  • Palmes excellent to cure the Haeme­roides, 1332
  • Pamau [...]ke River, 1692
  • Panaçe yuawe apacone, a gre [...]t Mountaine so called, 1 [...]13
  • Panama the situation, descri [...]tio [...], [...]nd riches thereof, 1180, 1418, 1444
  • Pan [...]co a Province dispeopled by the Spaniards, 1580
  • Panaguiri Indians [...]f B [...]a [...]lle, 1 [...]00
  • Panobscot, a towne vpon the River Ramassoc, 1874
  • Paoo River, 1248
  • Paps which certaine people haue rea [...]hi [...] vnder their wast, and neere to th [...]ir knees, 1299
  • Papayes a kin [...]e of fruit like an Apple of a waterish taste, good against the Fluxe, 1172
  • Papemena River, 1248
  • Parabol River, 1351
  • Paracuona River, 1213
  • Paratee Port, 1212
  • Paraeyua River, 1209, 1211, 1213 1237, 1242.
  • Paramaree, a towne in the River Marwin, 1283
  • Paranapiacano, a Mountaine full of Snakes and wilde beasts, 1210, 1212
  • Parker, viz. Capt. William Parker his voyage and taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, 1243 1244, 1245
  • Parrats & Parochettoes wonderfull plentifull, 1172, 1264, 1304, 1305, 1372. A strange relation of a Parrat in America, 1329
  • Par [...]y his treason against Queene Elizabeth in what manner reuea­led, 1893
  • Partridges as bigge as Geese, 1329
  • Pasini a towne in the River Mar­win, 1283
  • Passaos Cape, 1400
  • Patogones, people of great stature like Giants, 138 [...]
  • Pato [...]a Prouince described, 1536
  • Patawomeck, a River sixe or seven miles in breadth, and nauigable an hundred and forty miles, 1693
  • Patent of the French King to Mon­seur de Monts, for the inhabiting of the Countreys of La Cadia Ca­nada, and other places in New-France, 1619, 1620. New Pa­tents thought on concerning the plātation of New-England, 1830 A patent for the plātation of New­found-land. An. 1610, 1876 Pa­tents granted by his Maiesty of England for Virginia's planta­tion, 1683, 1684, 1787, 1777
  • Pat xet a border of New-England in [...]abited by the English, 1849
  • Painting much vsed by the Indians, 1229, 1358
  • Payen River, 1285
  • Payta Iland how situate, 1400, 446
  • Peace: Musicall signes thereof a­mongst the Indians, 1533
  • Pearles plentifull, 1419, 1560, 1661, 1843. Pearle-fishing per­formed with incredible torture of the Indians, 1586. Pearles of wonderfull bignesse, 1411. The best Pearles where found, and how knowne, ibid. Pearles found in Muscles and Oysters, 1205, 1235, 1315, 1316
  • Pease which are venemous, 1206
  • Pedro Sermiento a towne in the Straits of Magellane, 1416
  • Pedro Ordonnes de Ceuallos, a [Page] Spanish Priest his observations concerning the West-Indies, 1420, 1421. & seq.
  • Peionas a Savage Nation, 1363
  • Pemaquid River, 1874
  • Pemptegoet, 1625
  • Penguin Iland, the situation and de­scription thereof, 1187, 1191, 1384, 1385
  • Penguins described, and how taken, 1385
  • Pentecost Harbour, 1660
  • People of the Kine, certaine Indi­ans so called, their admirable pro­portion, agilitie, beauty, behauiour, &c. 1523
  • People of Harts, other Indians so called, 1524, 1525
  • Pepper hotter and stronger then the blacke Pepper vsed with vs, 1173
  • Peritoqua, a River that goeth to Saint Vincent Iland in Brasile, 1241
  • Pert, viz. Sir Thomas Pert his A­merican travels, 1177. & seq.
  • Peru language and letters, 1454 The originall, lines, conquests, lawes and Idolatries of the ancient Kings of Peru. 1454, 1455. & seq. The first voyage to Peru, 1455. Names and traditions of Peru, ibid. The wrongs which the inhabitants of Peru haue sustained by Spanish cruelty, 1590. Spanish forces, forts, and townes in Peru, 1418, 1419. The discouery, com­modities, and Provinces of Pe­ru, 1419, 1443, 1444, 1445. Neuer any raine in some parts of Peru, and the cause thereof, 1444 The admired plenty of gold in Peru, 1490. Peruan expeditions by the Spaniards, and their successe in such enterprises, 1450, 1451. The Peruans their opinion of God, and reverence in the very naming of him, 1450
  • Petiuares or Petiwares, certaine Sa­vages in the Indies, their nature, stature, region, religion, superstiti­on, diet, rites of childbirth, &c. 1225, 1226. Their man-eating, butchering Captiues, and the man­ner thereof, 1226. Their language, and how to trade safely with them, 1237
  • Petutan River, 1525
  • Philippina Ilands discouered, 1446
  • Phili [...] and Iacob towne, 1563
  • Physicke hath the same operation in England, and vnder the L [...]ne, 1157. Indian Physitians their esteeme, and manner of curing, 1509
  • Piache towne and River, 1542
  • Pianita towne, 1211
  • Pico, one of the Ilands of the Azores, the description and commodities thereof, 1672, 1638. The high hill of Pico, which is more then fifteene miles in length, out of the top whereof issue often flames of fire like Aetna, and is thought to bee higher then the Pike of the Cana­ries, 1672
  • Pigs without tayles, 1189
  • Pigmies of Brasile dwelling in Caues, 1231, 1300
  • Pigru, certaine Indians of Brasile, 1299
  • Pillars of stone, which are worshipped by certaine Indians, 1603
  • Pines, an excellent and delicious fruit, 1172
  • Pinos, an Iland on the South side of Cuba, 1836, 1185
  • Pipicorwarra Mountaine, 1285
  • Pirats English and Spanish, 1412. Misprision of that terme Pirats, and what a Pirat is, ibid.
  • Pitch plentifull, and how made, 1556, 1281
  • Plantines, a fruit growing on a shrub betwixt an hearb and a tree, in tast like an Apple-Iohn, 1173, 1371
  • Plants adored by Indians, 1479, 1560. Plants that haue the sense of feeling, 1280. Venemous plants 1525
  • Plantations in New-England, 1832. In New-Plimouth, 1842. The necessaries required for plan­tation, 1621, 1631
  • Plate River, 1141, 12 [...]2
  • Plumbe-drinke, 1784
  • Plumbs that are venemous, 1230
  • Pocahontas, daughter to King Powhatan, her being baptized and maried to an English-man, 1841, 1760. Her vertuous life and death, 1774
  • Poeticall Savages, 1292
  • Polizado, a Port in New-England, 1844
  • Pome-citrons so great as that two or three of them will load a horse, 1173
  • Pomegranats medicinable, 1794
  • Popaian Province, 1446
  • Popes authoritie derided by the King of Peru, 1445, 1452
  • Porco, a place plentifull for Gold, 1419
  • Pories certaine Sauages so called, 1213. Their stature, diet, com­plexion, habitation, lodging, &c. 1229
  • Portingals their cruelty to the Sava­ges, 1297, 1321. & seq. Divers of them massacred by Savages, 1189, 1117. Portingall Ships surpriz [...]d by Sir Bernard D [...]ake, and brought into England laden with Fish, 1883. The Portingals exquisitenesse in steering, 1379
  • Port-Ricco the situation and de­scription thereof, 1153, 1169. & seq. 1415. It is the key of the West-Indies, 1166. The fortifi­cation thereof, 1161. Fight be­twixt the inhabitants thereof, and the English, 1162
  • Port St Iulian, 1187, 1194, 1383
  • Port-Famine lying at the mouth of the Straits of Magellane, 1204, 1233. The inhabitants, their com­modities, coldnesse of the climate, &c. 1232, 1233
  • Porto Bello, the situation and de­scription thereof, 1601, 1245. The surprizing thereof by Captaine Parker, 1245
  • Porta la Spaniola, 1247
  • Port de la Heue, 1640
  • Po [...]t Saualet, 1640
  • Port-desire, 1193, 1194, 1232, 1391
  • Port-Royal, 1621, 1631, 163 [...]. The French plantation remoued from Saint Croix thither, 1626
  • Porto Sequero, 1438. Porto o [...] Plata, 1418. Port Fortune, 1635 Porto Reale, 1418. Port Calua, 1224. Port Negro, 1873. Port Valparizo, 1393. Porto Docal­no, 12 [...]8. Port du Rossignoll, 1630. Port du Mouton, 1630. Port-Folly, 1873
  • Possession Bay, 1261
  • Possowne, a strange beast which re­assumes her yong ones into her bel­ly at pleasure, 1772
  • Potos [...]i a mountaine in Peru, the in­habitants thereof, rich mines, multitude of Spanish treasure, and Spaniards there, 1214, 1420, 1421, 1365
  • Potossi a place rich in Mines, yeel­ding great store of treasure to the King of Spaine, 1419
  • Powah an Indian Priest, 1868. The Powahs inuocation of the Di­uell, and offering sacrifices to him, ibid.
  • Powels voyage from the Summer-Ilands to the Indies, 1804
  • Powder and shot, how abominable to some Savages, 1854. Straw-pow­der eaten by some Indians, and needy Spaniards, 1524
  • Powhatan River, 1689
  • Powhatan the Virginian Empero [...] [Page] his subtiltie, flatterie, practices, &c. 1721, 1722. Hee becomes subiect to the English governour, 1841. His person, attendance, guard, treasure, wines, authority, lawes, 1703, 1704. His policy and Coronation, 1778. His di­uers treacherous practices against the English, 1711, 1722, 1724, 1725, 1756. His enuy to the English plantation, 1750. His death, 1775
  • Poxe how cured, 1308, 1310
  • Point of St Matthew 1606. Point of all the Divels, ibid. Point Ployer, 1712. Point-Care, 1648. Point-Comfort, 1687
  • Poison on trees, 1525. Poison cured by a certaine leafe, 1276. by a plant, 1310, 1311
  • Prayer made by Q. Elizabeth, af­ter her deliuery from the Spanish inuasion, 1928
  • Pretious-stones variety and abun­dance, 1224, 1231
  • Priests and Iesuits alwayes chiefe actors in projecting and effecting treasons, 1894. Virginian Priests, 1358, 1701, 1274. their autho­rity and manner of life, 1771
  • President of Siuill his cruelty to the English Captiues, 1835
  • Priguica, a beast like a shag-haird dog, in face like a woman, the la­ziest of all beasts, 1303
  • Pringe his voyage set forth by the Merchants of Bristoll to Uirginia 1654, & sequ. his discouery of Fox-Island, Whitson-Bay, and Mount Aldworth, 1654, 1655. his danger by Sauages and safe re­turne, 1656
  • Prodigies portending desolation of the ancient inhabitāts of Peru, 1482
  • Prophecy amongst the Indians con­cerning the destruction of their country, 1482
  • Prosperity, the effects thereof, 1192
  • Prouidence of the English in New England, in hoarding vp corne vnder ground, 1844
  • Prouisions soundnesse or defect pro­ueth the furtherance or ouerthrow of a voyage, 1396. the mischiefe of corrupt or scanty prouisions, 1396, 1397
  • Pueblo de los Angelos, 1418
  • Puerto Vici [...], 1400
  • Puerto Seguro, 1190
  • Puerto Santo, 1186
  • Puerto Vieio, 1446, 1481
  • Puma Iland, the place where the Spaniards build their principall shipping in the Indies, 1400. Neere it is the River Lima, which is medicinable, ibid. The inhabi­tants grosse Idolaters, worshiping Lyons, Tygers, and other beasts, 1480
  • Punta de Olynda, 1238. Punta de laraya, 1242. Punta de Santa Elena, 1400. Punta de Augussa, ibid.
  • Purging plants in the Bermudas, 1801. A purge for the Ague, 1311, 1379
  • Purification of Mary, a River so cal­led in New-Spaine, 1556
  • Putapayma, an Iland farre vp within the River of Orenoco, 1248
Q.
  • QVebec strait, 1611. Along the coa [...] of Quebec are Dia­monds in the Rocks of Slate, ibid.
  • Quereiu [...], a Bird of admirable beau­ty, and great esteeme amongst the Indians, 1305, 1306
  • Querna Vaca, a towne in the Mar­quesado of Hernan Cortes, thir­teene leagues from Mexico, 1418
  • Quibiquesson, a famous Riuer in Mawooshen, 1873
  • Quigaute a great Province, and a very plentifull Countrey, 1548
  • Quillacu, the most miserable of all Nations, neither having good land, nor Aire, nor water, whence growes a Proverbe applyed to co­uetous Misers; Hee is a ve [...]y Quillacu, 1479
  • Quillacena, or Iron-nose Pro­vince, a vile brutish lousie people without Religion, eating any Car­rion, 1479
  • Quintera Bay, a place of good an­choring, but an open Bay, 1394
  • Quipana, a towne fiue dayes iourney from Tulla, 1550
  • Quires Province, 1561
  • Quiriciguig, and Quirigma, cer­taine Indians of Brasile so called, 1300
  • Quito the first Citie of the King­dome of Peru, 1419, 1420, 1479
  • Quiuira Province, the situation and description thereof, 1561
  • Quiyoughcohanocke, two Rivers so called; and how situate, 1692
  • Quizquiz Province, 1546
R.
  • RAines very vnwholsome, hap­pening in the way betwixt the Canaries, and West-Indies, 1157. Continuall raines at some times of the yeare vpon the coast of Guiana, 1270. Countreys where it never raineth, 1420. Prodigious raines of sand and ashes, 1476. Exceeding cold raines, 1554
  • A Rainbow appearing by Moone­light, and differing in colour from those of the Sunne, 1949, 1951. The forme of a Rainbow vnder a Caue, 1631
  • Ramassoc, a great River in Mawoo­shen, 1874
  • Rancheria, an excellent place for Pearle-fishing, 1146. It is assaulted and taken by the English, ibid.
  • Rapahanna, a towne in Virginia, 1687, 1688
  • Rapahanock River, 1694
  • Rashnesse in great enterprizes greatly blamed, 1961
  • Ratliffe, alias Sicklemore, slaine by Powhatan, 1732
  • Rats of twelue kinds, 1303. R [...]ts that sleepe all day, and wake all night, 1316. Danger by Rats, and the preventing thereof in ships, 1391. Rats innumerable in the Bermudas, 1796, 1797. A strange Rat-plague, 1727
  • Henry Ravens, his voyage from Bermuda to Virginia, 1742
  • Ravens in Bermudas, which see­med to portend a sequell of morta­litie. 1797
  • Raleighs, viz. Sir Walter Ra­leighs his acts and esteeme at Orenoco, 1269. His fur­nishing Ships for the first Dis­coverie of Virginia, 1645. For a second, third, fourth, fift and sixt voyage, 1645, 1646. He is accu­sed of breach of Articles, in the voyage to the Iles of Azores, he answereth for himselfe, 1958. His men left in Virginia, and what became of them, 1728
  • Recibo, a towne in Port-Ricco, 1170
  • Red-Reed, a plant in the Bermu­das causing a forcible vomit, and effectually purging the stomacke, 1801
  • Registers observed by the Indians, and their manner of registring, 1870
  • Richard Duke of Yorke, father to Plantagenet, his wilfull casting away himselfe, 1962
  • Richard Sanders and his compani­ons, their comming from the Ber­mudas to Ireland in a small [Page] boat without any instrument, in a direct line, 1803
  • Rinde of a tree which is more strong then any spice, in Virginia, 1653
  • Rio del Oro River, the breadth and depth thereof, 1141
  • Rio de la Hacha, a place taken by the English, 1183. The riches and strength thereof, 1419
  • Rio grand, an American River, the situation, description, and com­modities thereof, 1224, 1237, 1552
  • Rivers of gold, 1216. A Riuer run­ning vnder-ground, 1217. Names of Riuers in America, 1282, 1286. A medicinable Riuer, 1400. Riuers that encrease very much, and ouerflow the bankes in dry weather, without the flowing of the Sea, 1553. River of Toads, 1223. 1240. River of Stones, 1223, 1238. River of Palmes, 1505. River of Kine, 1562. River of Saint Crosses, 1562. River Saint Margaret in Canada, 1617. River Canada, 1631. River de Carinas, from the end of which if there were a channell made of foure leagues in length, there would bee a passage to the South Sea through it, with­out passing the perilous straits of Magellane, 1433 Lord of Robewall Lieutenant to the French King, in the Coun­treys of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, 1605
  • Rocke of Christall, which if a man looke on in a Sunne-shine day, will dazell his eyes, 1285
  • Roecrafts Voyage to the New-found-land, his surprizing of a French-Barke, the conspiracie of his owne Mariners against him. the discouerie of the conspiracie, &c. 1829. his voyage to Virgi­nia, kind vsage by Sir Samuel Argoll, the distresse hee suffered in a tempest, his death in a priuate quarrell, 1830
  • Romanes custome in managing of Martiall affaires, 1942
  • Rome, a Citie of murtherers and ha­ters of Kings, 1894. New Rome much more drunken with the blood of Christians, then heathenish Rome with the blood of Ethnicks, 1894. Romane policie, 1669
  • Rosier, his relation of a voyage to Virginia, 1651, & seq.
  • Ruminnaui, an Indian Captaine, his cruell tyranny in Peru, 1486
  • Russels Iles in Virginia, 1712
  • Russia, a little village in the Riuer Marwin, 1283
S.
  • SAbbath, 1163, 1657
  • Sabuco, a Riuer and Towne in Port-Ricco, 1170
  • Sacatekas, the richest Mynes in the Indies, 1177
  • Sachim of Mattachuest acknow­ledgeth the power of the English God, 1866
  • Sacrifices, and Sacrificers, 1472, 1531, 1557 Sacrifices to the Deuill, 1531, 1868 Sacrifices to the water, 1702
  • Sacriledge punished, 1163
  • Sagenay-riuer, and the adioyning Countries described, 1606, 1610
  • Sayles of cotton cloth, 1394
  • Sagadohoc, a riuer in Mawooshen, 1874
  • Sagamos, the name of a Captaine a­mong the Northerne Americans, 1633
  • Saint Lucia, one of the Ant-Iles in the latitude of 14 degrees, and 20 minutes, 1833
  • Salma riuer, 1248
  • Salomons Ilands, their situation, discouery, and losse, 1399
  • Salt how made and purified by the Indians, 1550
  • Saltcountrie, 1365. Salt made in New-found Land, 1889
  • Salt-water dangerous to drinke, 1143
  • Salt-water made drinkeable, 1378
  • Samuel Champlain a Frenchman, his taking vpon him the plantation of Kebec in New France, 1642. a conspiracy against him, ibid. his aduice for a further discouery, 1642, 1643. his fight with the Sauages, and returne for France, 1643. another voyage, ibid. & 1644
  • Samia-plains, neere the riuer Ore­noque, 1248. Indians inhabiting those Plaines, 1248
  • Samambaia, a Tree in America, 1213
  • Sambo Bay, 1245
  • Sanctifying meat vsed by the Por­tingals in the Indies, 1522
  • Sands rained downe in Peru, 1476, Sands dangerous for nauigation in Brasil, called by the Portingals Bayhas de Sant Antonio, 1238
  • Sandy places trauelled by Compasse, 1242
  • Sandy Cape, 1620
  • Santa Port, 1399
  • Santa Maria, one of the Azores I­lands, 1834
  • Santa Cruce, a Carracke surprised by Captaine Norton and St. Iohn Burroughs, 1144, 1145. is burne by the Portingals, ibid.
  • Santa Fe del Nueuo regno di Gra­nada, the chiefe Citie in new Gra­nada, 1419
  • Santas, a towne, 1438
  • Sapparow, the high countrie of Guiana, 1280
  • Saquarema, a nauigable riuer in Brasile, its description and com­modities, 1240
  • Sassafrage, 1649. its medicinable vertue, 1655
  • Sasquesahunock, certaine Indian Gyants, their description, 1693
  • Sauseges made of the heart and guts of Cods and Lord spiced, 1628
  • Sauage-rocke, 1647
  • Sauage and his crue plotted the death of Q. Elizabeth, 1893
  • Sauages haue their goods interred with them, and why, 1605 Sauages fight with the English, 1187. Sauages of Tuppan Bass 1188. Sauage towne described, ibid. their manners, warres, and vsage of their captiues, 1188, 1218. drunkennesse, 1189. their religion, commodities, they esteem not gold, ibid. their hospitall fi­delity to Anthony Kniuet Eng­lishman, 1209. their infidelity, 1211. their ambition, 1212. Sa­uages called Carijos, and their bat­tells, 1218. Sauages called Peti­uares, 1225. Mariquites, 1226. Topinambazes, 1227. Tomomi­nos, Waytaquazes, ibid. Way­mores, ibid. Abasanguaretam, 1228. Wayanasses, ibid. Topina­ques, ibid. called Pories, Mo­lopaques, Motayas, 1229 Lopos, Wayanawazons, 1230. Sauages their religious desires, 1251. Sa­uages that make flat their chil­drens faces, that liue in hollow trees, quartering their faces into foure colours yellow, azure, parti­coloured, and blacke, 1481. Sa­uages very courteous, and wee­ping at the distresse of Christians, 1507. Sauages that kill their children left they should marrie with their aduersaries, that eate any kind of Serpents, that are great theeues, lyars, & drunkards, their tormenting Flies, 1512, 1513. their drinking onely raine­water, [Page] 1514. Other Sauages strange customes, fights, feare of horses, quicke-sensed, 1518, 1519 Sauage strange fashions in Flori­da, 1520, 1521. Forty English slaine by the Sauages of St. Lucia, Anno 1605. 1833
  • Saugaleon Cape, 1398
  • Saualet a Frenchman, making two and forty voyages to New-found-Land, 1605
  • Sauona Iland, 1141
  • Sausa, a Prouince in the Indies, whose inhabitants worship the pi­cture of Dog, 1471
  • Scorpions not deadly, 1304
  • Scourge of Malice, a fortunate ship, 1148
  • Schnirdels trauells to Peru, and ac­cidents there, 1347, & 1362
  • Schenetveba, a large towne in the Indies, 1364
  • Scouring or flux, how it may be pro­uoked or stayed, 1265
  • Scooadodepon, a towne of the Ca­ribes in the Indies, 1286
  • Scriueners voyage to Werawoca­moco, 1719. his death by drow­ning in the passage from Iames Towne in Virginia, to the Ile of Hogs, 1724
  • Scuruie, reigning in New France, 1642. and vnder the Aequino­ctiall, 1202. its cause, effects, signes, and remedie, 1373, 1374. great raigning of it among Mari­ners, 1374. the things that are discommodious or beneficiall to the patient, 1623, 1763
  • Scuruy-grasse, 1191. its medici­nable operations, 1624
  • Sea blacke in colour beyond the line, 1157. a Sea-monster like a man, of complexion like a tawny In­dian, 1187. another strange Sea-monster, 1207
  • Sea-water warme, the ayre being cold, 1627. Sea made fresh by a violent intermixture of riuers in Florida, 1555. Sea-scum like pitch, and vsed like pitch, called Coper in Florida, 1556. Sea dis­commodious for meats in sickness, 1624. Sea danger, 1223
  • Sea-fire, a meteor seene commonly in temposts, the diuers opinions and names thereof, 1737
  • The Sea worshipped by some Indians, 1471
  • Sea-faring mens errors, 1368
  • Sea-fights, 1183, 1186, 1402, & seq. the requisitenesse of armour in Sea-fights, 1408. a Sea-fight betweene the Spanish and English, at vnequall hand, the successe largely related, 1780, 1781, 1784
  • Sea-hawking, 1376
  • Sea-voyages require a Princes purse, 1942
  • Sea-stratagem of the English, hauing good effect, 1908
  • Sea-snakes, 1315
  • Seale-land, 1440
  • Seales great store, 1187. their na­ture and description, 1386
  • Seasons falling vnequally vnder the same parallel, 1637
  • Sea-men, their seuerall offices, 1403
  • Seminaries erected at Rome and Rhemes, 1893
  • Security is dangerous, 1635
  • St. Sebastian Iland, 1200
  • Seed-time in New England, 1866
  • Segouni, abeast in Brasile, 1243
  • Selinama riuer, 1284. directions to trauell there, 1286
  • Seralta, an ancient Commander in Port R [...]cco, 1166
  • Serpents called Iebua, 1226. a ser­pent called Cobrus in Brasile, as big as a man, twenty foot long, his strange feeding, rotting, and revi­ving, 1243. A Serpent called Cururijuba, thirty foot long, its de­scription, 1317, 1318. Serpents that are armed with plates not pierceable by an arrow, ibid. Ser­pents called Guararici, which be­ing heard sing by the indians, cau­seth them to dye, so strong is their imagination, 1318. a huge Ser­pent, 1350. two great Serpents, 1603
  • Shadden a towne of the Arwaccas in the West Indies, 1285
  • Shambles of mans flesh among the Spaniards in the Indies, 1280
  • Sharke, a fish so called, described, 1376
  • Sheathing of Ships requisite, 1387
  • Shawakotoc a riuer in Mawooshen, 1875
  • Sheepe why s [...] in Port-Ricco, 1172. Sheep vsed for cariages as horses, in the Indies, called Ami­das, 1362. Sheepe as big as horses, with huge hornes, and small tayles, neere Mexico, 1560, one horne waigheth 50 pound, 1561
  • Shels of Pearle curiously wrought by nature, 1381
  • Sherleys voyage, 1168
  • Showers of gold, 1395
  • Shooting at Sea how aduisedly to be vndertaken, 1369
  • Sicknesse, its cause and remedy, 1251. Sicknesses vnknowne in New France, 1623, Sicknesse in Guiana 1261. Sicknesse pre­uented by good dyet, 1624. sick­nesse destroying the whole Coun­try in Patax [...]t in New England, 1849
  • Sickene Mountaine, 1286
  • Sierra Leona, a country so called, 1141
  • Shipwracks, 1355, 1356, 1440, 1560, 1673, 1674, 1676, 1677
  • Ships, how most conueniently built for warres or Merchandise, 1405 1406. ships vnprofitably built of Cedar in the Bermudas, 1747. ships taken by Sr. Francis Drake at the Cascois in the Portingall voyage, 1923. ships of great worth taken by the English at the fight before Cadiz, 1930. in ships whe­ther race-building be commodious for men of warre, 1409
  • Silk-wormes in Florida, 1603. in the Bermudas, 1739
  • Silk-grasse in Virginia, 1758
  • Silley, an Ile on the west of England 1247
  • Siluer in Florida presented to the French by the Inhabitants, 1603
  • Smiarra, a towne neere the Fort of Marwin, inhabited by the Ar­wacca Sauages, 1283
  • Sir Samuel Argal by vertue of com­mission with much valour and dis­cretion dispossessed the French of their vsurped possession in the New found Land, 1828. his departure from the coasts of Virginia, 1830. His inuention of trade with the Uirginia Sauages, 1763
  • Skin as ruffe as Buffe, on men, 1280
  • Skuls of dead men layd in the win­dowes of houses among some Indi­ans perchance to put them in mind of mortality, 1560
  • Slate good store in Canada, affor­ding Diamonds, 1610, 1611
  • Sleeping-hearbe, 1312
  • Smiths Iles before Uirginia, 1691
  • Capt. Smith of Plimouth his disaste­rous voyage, with sudden returne by the vnmercifulnesse of a raging tempest, his second aduentures to the Westerne Ilands, hee is chased by the French Pyrates, is taken prisoner, and the voyage ouer­throwne, 1829. Captaine Smiths suspition by the Councell of Virgi­nia, his behauiour and clearing there from, 1706. his care for the Plantation and furtherance there­of, his discouerie of the riuer, [Page] 1707. he fights and kils sauages, is taken by them, brought to the Emperour, threatned death, and saued by the Kings daughter, re­turneth to the Plantation, 1708, 1709. his second arriuall at Pow­hatans court, 1710. his better de­sire then power, to benefit the plan­tation, 1711. his striking terror in the Sauages, ibid. his departure for a discouerie, 1712
  • Iohn Smith his voyage to New-England finished in the space of 6 moneths, with gaine of fifteene hundred pounds, 1838
  • Snakes-hearb excellent good against the poyson of Snakes, 1311
  • Snakes eaten, 1210. snakes verie venemous, 1212. A dangerous snake kild, 1215. its quality. ib. name Sorocueu, 1230, its descri­ption, 1231. Snakes without poy­son, 1303. their plenty and diuer­sitie in Brasile, 1303, 1304. with their names, ibid. & 1317, 1318 Snakes of thirty foot long called Amara, worshipped 1457, 1478. Snakes worshipped in Topira, 1560. Snakes worne about the neckes of the Virginians, 1698
  • Snowes exceeding great in Florida 1551. Snowes made vse of in stead of drinke, 1561. Snowes as good as a furd-gowne for fruits, 1636
  • Soacatino, a towne in Florida, very poore and destitute of prouision, 1554
  • Socke riuer, 11 [...]6
  • Sodomites burnt by the Indians, 1558
  • Somme-riuer in Florida discouered by the French, 1603
  • Sommerset-Iland in the Bermudas, 1796
  • Sir George Sommers ariuall at the Bermudas, and death, 1733. his care for the suruay of those Ilands, 1738. his departure from Uirgi­nia to the Bermudas, 1754
  • Sommer Ilands commodities at large, 1794, 1795. Vide Ber­mudas.
  • Somma, a place in America, 1222
  • Soto a Spaniard, his parentage time of his flourishing, nature, and dig­nity, 1528, 1529. his voyage to Florida at large related, and dis­couery, 1530 the company of his ships, and number of his S [...]iers, his ariuall at Florida and at the towne V [...] and meeting with Indianized Christians there, 1530, 1531. his comming to Pa­racossi, Acela, Tocaste, Cale, townes in Florida, his newes of Gold, and Maiz, 1532. his ap­proach at other seuerall townes in America-Florida, and seuerity to the Indians, 1533, 1534. his many bickerings with the Indians, his resolution for the Prouince of Ochus, 1535. hee pretends him­selfe to be the sonne of the Sunne, 1536. his ingratitude to an In­dian Princess that had vsed him & his company kindly, 1538, 1539. burieth a letter neere a Pine-tree, to giue direction to his lost fol­lowers, 1537. carieth the Ca­ciques with them, till hee was out of their countries, 1541. the course of his trauels, 1542. his skirmish and losse by the Indians, 1543. his other Indian occurrents, 1546, 1547, 1548, 1549, et seq. his ariuall at seuerall Floridan towns, or cottages, his weaknesse and losse of his company. 1550. his hinde­rance by the losse of Iohn O [...]tiz, his dangerous passages ouer riuers and snowes, his courteous enter­tainment by the Inhabitants of Nilco, 1551. his distresse, griefe, sicknesse, death, praise, titles, and substituting Luis de Moscoso in his roome, 1552
  • Soory-soory, a towne inhabited by Sauages neere Marwin in Ame­rica, 1283
  • Soule, the Brasilians opinion there­of, 1290. the opinion of the In­dians of Canada, 1610
  • South-sea passage hoped through Uirginia, 1822
  • South Sea discouered more largely then heretofore, 1566
  • Souricoua, a riuer in Canada pas­sable with Canoas, 1616, 1617
  • Soynoone, a towne of the Indians neere Marwin riuer, 1285
  • Spaine is said to yeeld the King (the King himselfe, Dukes Marqui­ses, and F [...]rle with their retinue excepted, [...] from 18 [...]re old to 50, but 1125390 men, pag 1817
  • Spaniards how esteemed of by the Floridans, 1524
  • Spanish pretended cures of the sicke in the Indies, 1515. Spanish pos­session of Peru, and its wealth, 1495, 1496. they eate one ano­ther, 1512. Spaniards vnspeak­able treasure in Peru, 1487 Spa­niards preaching to the Indians, 1485. Spaniards Ecclesiasticall reuennues in the Indies, want of Bishops, holding Councels, the Kings reuennues yearely out of the Indies. twelue, Millions and whence it issueth, 1422. Spanish destruction of some Indians from off their country altogether, 1415 Spanish Fleet for the Indies, and shipwracke, 1440. Spaniards tre­cherously circumuent the inhabi­tants and King of Peru, 1445. Spanish cruelty to their prostrate slaues, 1448. Spaniards came to the Indies for conuerting, but not of Indians, but gold to their owne vses, 1449. Spanish ciuill disa­greements in Peru, 1453. vsage of the inhabitants, 1453, 1454. Spaniards called by the Indians Vitacochie, that is Sea-froth, supposing such could not bee borne of a woman, 1454. Spaniards losse of foure ships, 1142. Spanish Galleons taken, 1144. Spaniards assault and repulse. 1149. Spa­niards yeela to the English, 1164. their enuy or desperatenesse, 1166 Spaniards best ruled with seue­rity, 1168, their vngratefull tre­chery, 1177. their perfidious in­sulting cruelty, 1178, and abuse of the English in Mexico, ibid. et 1179. Spanish distresse in Chili, 1476, 1477. Spaniards very rich in the Indies, 1242. Spanish attempts defeated 1475. they are called in Triaidada, Conquera­bians, 1247. Spaniards dare not but by stealth trafficke with the English; the best things for traf­ficke with them, 1266. they are molested by the Caribes, 1281. their taking Lampere, an Indian fortified towne, 1352. Spaniards like to be deuoured by the Indians, 1354. their fight and ouercom­ming them, 1355, 1356. they striue to discouer the Amazons, 1359. Spanish cruelty and tre­chery towards the harmlesse Indi­ans 1354, 1360, 1361. they de­stroy the Indians called Mapais, 1362, 1363. Spoyles of Spani­ards in Peru, 1478. Spanish ciuill disagreements in the Indies, 1364. Spanish periurie, 1378. a trecherous and vngratefull Spa­niard issue, 1394. Spanish light with the English vnequally, 1404 Spanish discipline in fights by sea, their seuerall offices and autho­ritie, their prying and imitating English orders, 1404. their care­fulnesse in being armed, 1408. wherein they onely ouercome the [Page] English, ibid. a noble Spaniard, 1410. Spaniards carelesnesse for good Surgeons in fights, 1412. Spanish intelligence by trecherous Englishmen, 1415. Spanish for­ces how strong or weake in seuerall places of Peru and thereabout, their treasure, when, where, and whence conueyed into Spaine, 1419, 1420. the Spaniards liues and gouernment in the Indies, 1421. their courtesie, and conuer­sion of them as they call it, 1448. their hatred of gold, 1449, 1454. Spaniards why called Viracoche 1458. Spaniards ransacking of our English ships, putting the men to most cruell bondage, 1834. the Spaniards cruelty to the dead car­kasse of an Englishman, holding him to hee a Lutheran, 1835. They deny to doe iustice, are very willing the English should serue their state, ibid. They betray and take prisoner the men of Captaine Legat, 1836. Spanish pride and its issue in an Indian Gouernour, 1677. Spanish ships of great worth sunke neere Tercera, com­ming from the Indies, 1673. ano­ther ship of good strength sunke by an Englishman of a great deale smaller force, ibid. Spanish ships taken by the English, ibid. Spa­nish ships, riches, and shipwracke of some, 1673. Spanish Fleet cast away, great and rich, 1674. O­thers taken, ibid. Spanish cowar­dise, and insulting cruelty, 1675. Spaniards smart for the crueltie and dissention with the English, 1676. Spaniards queld by the English, 1677. Spanish ship­wracke a iust plague vpon them, 1679, 1680. Spanish infidelity worse then Pagan, 1527. Spanish manner of preaching to the Indians with the issue thereof, 1528. Spa­niards eate dogs in Florida, and there dye like dogs for want of vi­ctuals, 1536. Spaniards thinke it a worke meritorious to conuert the Indians, that is, with the sword, 1558. Spaniards contest each with other for superiority in disco­uering forraine Countries, 1560. Spaniards first discouery of the Indies and possession thereof, their cruelty and couetousnesse related by a Fryer, the Millions of Indi­ans slaine by them, for their gold, 1569, 1570. Spanish cowardise and cruelty in broyling, burning, drowning, and twenty wayes else murdering them of Hispaniola, 1570. & seq. Spanish torturing vndeserued by the harmlesse In­dians, hauing not committed any thing against them punishable by the law of man, 1572. Spanish slaughter of a million in St. Ihon and Iamaica, 1573. Spanish in­uention to dispeople those Nations, ibid. The Spaniards god, 1574 Spaniards kill many in Cuba, men, women, and children, 1573, 1574. Spaniards dispeopling Terra Firma, 1576. They mur­ther in the Prouince of Nicara­gua 500000 men, 1576, 1577. Spaniards kill two or three milli­ons in Noua Hispanis, and its se­uerall Prouinces, 1577, 1578. an infinite number in Guatimula, 1576. Spanish Anthropophagi, 1580. Spanish torturing and de­stroying the Indians in Panucha, Machuachan, and Xalisco, 1580 1581, of Yucatan, 1581, 1582, 1583. Spaniards sell the In­dians Idols, 1583. deuoure the Indians of S. Martha, ibid. & 1584. as also of Cartagena, 1584 of the Coast of Pearles, the Coast of Paria, and the Ile of Trinitie, 1585, 1586, 1587. Indians how vsed at Sea by Spaniards, and at landing, 1586. at the fish­ing for Pearles, 1587, Spanish gluttony, 1588. Cruelty in Yuia­pari and Venesula, to the ruine of foure or fiue millions of Indians, 1587, 1588. in Florida, Riuer de la Plata, and the kingdomes of Peru, 1589, 1590, 1591. Spa­nish conuersion of the Indians how weakely followed, 1594. their di­uers feats of cruelty and inhuma­nity to the poore Christians of New Granado, and the seuerall prouin­ces thereof, 1591, 1592, 1593, 1594, 1595. Spanish gold thir­stinesse, and thence issuing blood­thirstinesse of the Indians, 1596, 1597. Spanish reformation of cruelties and wrongs in the Indies ought to bee performed, and vpon what reasons, 1598, 1599, 1600, 1601, 1692. a repetition of sun­dry butcheries, ibid. Spanish rea­sons mouing them to a possession of the Indies, 1603. Spanish cruel­tie hath kild and destroyed in all the Indies 20 millions, ibid. Spa­niards massacre the French in Florida, and plant themselues, 1604. are massacred again by the French is they deserued, 1605 Spanish irregularitie in the Indies derided by a French Catholike, 1621. Spaniards arrest English Ships, 1893. Spanish preparation against England, Anno 1588. p. 1895. Spanish policy, 1897. The Spanish A [...]ada setteth faile, is discomfited by a tempest; is at last descried by an English Pirat. 1903 Spaniards vaine opinion concer­ning the English Fleet, 1907 Spaniards fire their owne ships, 1931. Span: Armada's cut their Cables, 1908. They fly for to saue their liues, 1910. They suffer mi­serable shipwracke on the Irish Sea. They seize on some Scottish Fisher-boats, ib. Spanish plagues and miseries by the English, 1680 There flight for feare of the Eng­lish, 1932. Spanish Fly-boats mo­lest the English, about the coasts of Cornwall, 1698. Spanish Car­uels dispersed, 1698. Spanish ships at Sea, for the discoverie of the state of Virginia's Colony, 1773. Spaniards hated by the Portin­gals, 1952. Spaniards variety of dispositions in various fortunes. 1954. Their nature in generall. ibid.
  • Sparries relations of the Ile of Tri­nidad, Guiana, and the River Orenoco, 1247, 1248, & seq.
  • Spices excellent good, hot, and com­fortable in the Magellane straits, 1390
  • Spiders with silken webs, and little eggs like Quick-siluer in the Ber­mudas, 1899. Not found to bee venemous, ibid.
  • Spignard wherof is a precious oynt­ment made, 1264
  • Spilpergen a famous Navigator a­mong the Dutck, 1191
  • Spirito Santo a Port in the West-Indies neerè the Liue, 1190, 1196. Its description, and fortifi­cation, 1197
  • Spleene, how cased, 1315
  • Squanto a Savage of the company of the Massasoyts, very helpfull and commodious to the English, 1851
  • Squasachin wife to the great gouer­nour of the Savages, 1861
  • Squirrels flying in Virginia, 1695
  • Capt. Standish his training vp his men in New-England to military affaires, 1854. His iourney to the Masacheuasets, 1863. Hee en­countreth with a Savage, and put­teth him to flight. 1865 [Page] teth him to flight, 1865
  • Stars obserued by the Indians, 1870
  • Stately Statues in the Indies, 1463
  • Steering a ship requireth exquisite care. 1378, 1379
  • Stills set on worke for want of water 1967
  • Stingeray Ile so named of a stinging Raye, 1714
  • Stomaccace a strange disease, its cause, and cure by scurvie-grasse, 1624
  • The Stone how and with what cur'd 1310. An approued medicine for it. 1312
  • Stones like Chrystall, 1216
  • Rich Stones, 1276
  • Stones transparent, 1284
  • No Stones in some part of Florida, 1504
  • Stones medicinable, 1509
  • Stones how necessary in new France 1624. The benefit of them inge­nerall, ibid.
  • Straits of Magellane, how dange­rous a passage 1439
  • Strawberies of rare bignesse in Vir­ginia, 1686
  • A Stratagem of the Indians. 1442 1443, Peter Strosse in his despe­rate brauery taken by the Spani­ards, to the losse of his nauy. 1962
  • Tho. Stuk [...]ley, an English fugi­tine his faire promise to the Popes bastard, 1893
  • Stuesia an Indian riuer, 1362
  • Sturgeon store in Virginia, 1758
  • Suboris certaine Indians so called, 1364
  • Earle of Suffolkes setting forth a Fleet, 1186
  • Sugar-Canes, 1171
  • Sulphry smels issuing from raine, 1157
  • Cap. Summers voyage, 1186
  • Sun and Moone worshipped, 1233, 1464. 1465.
  • Suppayas certaine Indians inhabi­ting Wiapoco riuer, their de­scription, 1263. Their naked­nesse, painting, child-birth, Fune­ralls, &c. ibid.
  • Supply to the Plantation in Virgi­nia by the English 1841. Supply to the plantation of New-England 1867
  • Superstition among Savages, 1226
  • Surarer a towne of Savages called Araccaws in America, 1283
  • Sarcucuses a Savage nation their commodities 1356
  • Susolas-Indians, 1516
  • Swearing forbidden amongst the In­habitants of Peru, 1451
  • Swearers punished in the King of Spaines Armada, 1902
  • Swearing and blaspheming, its ill euent, 1805
  • Sweating vsed by the Indians, to expell diseases, 1624
  • Swine with holes in their backs. 1326
  • Sword-fish, 1266
  • Symamios, Savages in the West-Indies so called, 1364
  • Symarons fugitiue Negroes in the West-Indies, 1414. Their habitation called St. Iago de los Negros, ibid.
T.
  • TAbaga Iland, 1415
  • Tac [...]ia Savages, 1299
  • Tagrona one of the richest valleyes in the Indies, 1434
  • Tali a Floridan Towne, 1540
  • Tamgara a dancing bird, troubled with some disease like the falling sicknesse, 1305
  • Tamos a populous Prouince, 1562
  • Tamkings a peece of wood of great moment for shooting in peeces of Ordnance, 1413
  • Taminna a mountaine in America, signifying the mountaine of gold, 1217
  • Tapatu a Floridan riuer, 1552
  • Tapecuia Savages, 1299
  • Tapetijwason, a strange beast in in Port-famine in the streights of Magellane, 1233. Portu­gals call them Gombe, 1233
  • Tapati, a Brasilian beast that bar­keth like a dog, 1393
  • Tapia taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1183
  • Tapuyas certaine Savages so called 1213. Many Nations vnder that name, 1298 & seq. Their speech cannot bee vnderstood, 1299. The seuerall nations, ibid.
  • Tapyrousoa, au Indian beast whose skin makes Targets, 1325
  • Taragauig Brasilians that fight wth enuenomed arrowes, 1299
  • Tar or Taroo a place neer Orenoco 1249
  • Targets of Cow hides 1560
  • Targets made of Buff-skins eaten, 1214. Targets beneficiall a­gainst Savage arrowes, 1716
  • Tarcaluca-Prouince, 1541
  • Taru a beast of Brasil that hath scales like plates on her back which no arrow may enter, 1302
  • Tatalacoya a towne of the Indians, in Florida surprized by Spa­niards, 1549
  • Tatarcax a rich King in America, 1561
  • Tauparamunni a towne inhabited by Caribes in the riuer Marwin, 1283
  • Taymayas the name of some Indi­an Savages, 1211, 1213. Ta­moyes description, their infinite store of gold and precius stones, their nature and civilitie, 1231
  • Tecoantepeck the first Towne in New Spaine, 1177
  • Teeth shedding by drinking a kind of water neere the River Rhine, 1622
  • Teixo a wood as hard as stone, 1670
  • Temples couered with straw in To­pira, 1560. Temples to the Sun, Moone and Stars, richly a­dorned in the ancient City Cozco of Peru, which women might not enter, 1465
  • A horrible Tempest, 1175. Ex­treame Tempests, 1193, 1194, 1223, 1500. Frequent Tem­pests, 1502, A dreadfull Tem­pest neere Tercera, throwing fishes on the ground, ouer excee­ding high cliffes, its pittifull ef­fects, 1679, 1680. An extreame Tempest brauely related, 1735, 1736, 1737
  • Tenaserea a Mountatine in the East-Indies, where Diamonds are found, 1271
  • Teneriffa an Iland in the Canaries, its exceeding high mountaines, great riches, store of Sacke, 1156 1369, 1370
  • Tepique a Prouince neere New-Spaine, taken possession of by Spaniards, 1559
  • Tercera one of the Azores Ilands, 1143. The description thereof, its forts & fortification, mountain and sudden discouerie of ships, its chiefe Towne, wines; prouision, fruits, 1668. The chiefe traf­ficke, woad, 1669. Its birds sea­sons, Stones, ibid. Corne, Uines, Oxen called by names like men, ibid. Subiect to earth-quakes, strange fountaine and wood, In­habitants are all Portingalls or Spaniards, 1670, its strange di­seases, strong windes, and other villages, 1671. Whence so called, and the store of Oade growing there, 1938
  • Terra-Australis incognita, its de­scription at large, 1423, & seq. [Page] its bignesse, situation, diuersity of inhabitants their manner and dis­position described, 1423. its com­modities of fruits, beasts, fishes, filuer, pearle, probability of gold, spices, &c. 1424 Riuers, and o­ther commoditie, at large, its pos­session for the King of Spain, 1425 1426
  • Terra Firma, 1146. it hath on the coast 70 Ilands, 1434 the publi­cation of God there after the Spa­niards manner, eight hundred thousand inhabitants made away by Spanish cruelty, the women there were murdered, which the Indians thought great cowardise, 1575, 1576
  • Tetitlan, a Prouin [...]e in New Spain, 1559
  • Teulnicham-Prouince, 1559
  • Tharletons perfidie, 1382, 1383
  • Testogos, a place so called, 1242
  • Tetattecoumoynetto, a towne of the Charibes, neere the riuer Marwin in America, 1285
  • Thefts basenesse, 1153
  • Theft seuerely punished by the Indi­ans, 1870
  • Theft punished in the English army, 1921
  • Thimogoa, Inhahitants of Florida, 1604
  • Thirst in great extremity, 1505. Thirst breeding faintnesse and death, 1686
  • Thirty sayle of Ships sent to fit ther the plantation in New England, 1832
  • Thought slayeth a man, 1878
  • St Thomas fabled by the Indians to preach to their ancestors, his Chap­pell, and miracle, 1219
  • Three Spanish ships taken by the English Admirall, 1960
  • Three Armadaes of the King of Spaine cast away on the shoald cal­led Osca copos, or Catch-chops 1836
  • Three Spanish ships surprised by the English, 1908
  • Thunders strange effects, 1405
  • Thunders horrid and predigious in the Bermudas, 1738
  • Thunderbolts frequent in the In­dies, they often cleane great trees, 150 [...]
  • Tiembos, fierce and populous Indi­ans neere the riuer of Plate, their nature, fashion, description, 1349
  • Tiguez, a Prouince in America, 1561
  • Tillage, more necessary then mynes for a new Plantation, 1631
  • Timimino, Indians consumed by the Portingals in Brasile, 1298
  • Tipi, Indians in Brasile, that fight with venomed arrowes, 1299
  • Titicaca, an Iland in Peru, of infi­nite riches, their precious Temple, worship, and conceit of the Sunne, 1465
  • Tiuitinas, Inhabitants neere Oreno­co, two sorts of them, 1247 1285
  • Toads and Frogs eaten, 1214, 1229 1230, 1327
  • The Toad fish, 1315
  • Toalli, a Floridan towne, and its description, its inhabitants and their disposition, 1536
  • Tobaccoes first bringers in vse, 1182. Tobacco, 1228, 1230, 1264, 1271. Tobacco saue mens liues 1258. Tobacco store. 1276 1277. its effects in Physicke, and abuse, its name of the Holy herbe, and the manner how the Indians drinke it, 1311. how they blow it in canes one on another, to encrease valour, 1238. a strange kind of tobacco, 1392. Tobacco not profitable in New England, the cause why 1871. Tobacco pipe of a Lobsters claw, 1662. Tobac­co of Virginia how disparaged by Tobacco-mongers. 1775, Tobac­co worth to Spaine 100000 pound yearly, 1821
  • Tobosos Indians, 1561
  • Tobyas Bay in the Straits of Ma­gellane, 1205, 1388
  • Tockwhogh riuer in Virginia, 1694
  • Tocaste towne in America, 1531
  • Tocoman, a place in the Indies in­habited by Pigmies, 1231. tis esteemed to be the vtt [...]rmost part of Brasile where it ioynes to Peru, ibid. & 1242
  • Tocoya, a towne in the Indies, 1258
  • Tocu [...], a place of America, fertile with gold, 1419
  • Tolisbay straits, 1233
  • Tohanna, Indians so called, 1363
  • Tonola, a prouince in New Spaine, 1558
  • Tomomimos, Sauages so called, 1217. they liue at Moregoge, their townes, and warres with the Portingals, 1227
  • Tooth ache cured, 1308
  • To [...]ira, an Indian prouince aboun­ding with gold and emeraulds, ar­mour made of siluer, the inhabi­tants worship birds and hearbes, they sacrifice to a serpent, 1560
  • Tortoyse, its description in Bermu­das, it liues 24 houres after its head is off, 1800, a Tortoyse with 700 egges in his belly, taken and eaten, 1255. they lay two or three hundred egges at once, 1314 Tortoyse nor fish nor flesh, 1741
  • Topinan bazes, Sauages like the Petiuares, their caruing, haire, singing, 1227. Vide Petiuares.
  • Toupin Indians neere the riuer Ie­nero, 1347
  • Trauelling very easie and strange for a small vallew in the Indies, 1242. Trauell-direction in the Indies, 1285. more directions for trauell, 1286. Trauelling in hot water, 1359
  • A Tree that yeeldeth the inhabitants most of the water they haue, 1370 Trees, their nature and abun­dance in Dominica, 1158. T [...]es strange and vnknowne in Port-Ricco, 1165. Trees that beare buds, greene fruit, and ripe fruit, with seeds all together, 1173. Trees hauing the sense of feeling, 1280. Trees good against bruise [...], and distilling Balsome, 1239 trees of exceeding hard wood, ex­ceeding great, 1256. Trees that haue alwayes greene leaues, that beare fruit twice in a yeare called Mangaba trees, flowing with milk that might serue for hara Waxe, called Marve [...]ge. Trees that cause (th [...]ir fruit being eaten) teeth to fall, Trees whose fruit makes haire fall, their strange na­ture and severall names in Bra­sile, 1307, 1308, 1309. Trees that serue to cure greene wounds, having good Balme, 1308. For the Colicke, for the bloody Fluxe, for cold diseases, for the Poxe, for the Toothake, ibid. Trees fruit that killeth any fish in the water, that change leaues euery moneth, that make Inke, that hath in it a riuer of water, such strangenesse of trees, se [...] 1309. and their names ibid. Trees in Salt-water, 1316. vide Plant.
  • [...]ase Treacherie in an Irishman, 1200. man Englishman, 1 [...]20. Whose miserable end, 1221. In a Savage, 1251. In the Indians, 1256, 1258. To themselues, 1361. Treach [...]r [...]e the losse of a voyage, 1 [...]83. Treac [...]erie in the Indians, 1392. vide P [...]fidie,
  • Triana, a towne taken and fired by Capt. Parker, 1244
  • Trinity Ile pestered with Spanish cruelty, and robbea of inhabitants, 1584, 1585
  • [Page] Trinity harbour Ahanan in the New-found Land, 1882
  • Tripassey, a harbour commodious and temperate in the latitude of 46 degrees, 1885
  • Trinidada, 1186. the Indians there haue 4 names, their commanders now called Captaines, inhabited by the Spaniards, 1247
  • Trinity, a hauen in Cuba, 1500
  • Trugillo, the vtmost towne of the Prouince Valenzuola in Ameri­ca, 1419
  • Truxillo, a place in America, 1399
  • Triumphall Uerses of the English deliuerie in 88, 1912
  • Cap: Tuberone, 11 [...]6
  • Tuberones, the name of Dog-fish by the Portingals, 1209
  • Tucana, a bird like a Pye, with a bill a span long, very big, 1306
  • Tucanucu Sauage Brasilians, 1299
  • Tuccaman, a towne in the river of Plate, 230 miles from the en­trance, its fruitfulnesse, its want of gold, 1141
  • Tuckers-terror, a shoale on the coast of Uirginia, 1648
  • Capt. Tucker, gouernour of the plan­tation in the Bermudas, his acts there, 1803
  • Tulahe, a fruitfull country neere Guiana, 1248
  • Tulla, a place in Florida, 1550
  • Tullumuchase, a great Towne in Florida, 1541
  • Tu'u, a place inhabited by the Spa­niards neere Cartagena, its force, 1419
  • Tumbez, a plaine country in Peru, 1444. its inhabitants are vitious and luxurious, people that idolize Tygers and Lyons, 1480
  • Tune, a fruit in Florida, on which onely the inhabitants liue three moneths in a yeare, 1511
  • Tunsteroito, a towne of Sauages in the West Indies, 1285
  • Tunza, a place in America, 1419
  • Tupiguae, Brasilians deuoured by the slauery of the Portingals, 1298
  • Tupinaba, Indians so called, 1298
  • Tupinaquin, Indians inhabiting Brasile, 1298
  • Tuppac Inca Yupanqui, Emperor sometime of Peru, his valiant acts and attempts, conquests and enlar­ging his Empire, ciuilizing many sauage nations, his progeny, death, and successor, 1478, 1479
  • Tuppan Bass, Sauages so called neere Brasile, 1188. their mirth, habit, life, and lodging, ibid.
  • Tupac Amaru, heire to the Empire of Peru falsly accused, and cruelly executed by the Spanish Uiceroy, 1488. his well deserued issue, ibid.
  • Tupan-boyera, a place inhabited by Canibals in Brasile, 1227. the Portingals call it Organes, ibid.
  • Tupijo, Brasilian Sa [...]ages, 1299
  • Tuquema, a Prouince subiect to Peru, its seuerall townes of gouern­ment, 1419
  • Turkes taken by the Spaniards, and made Gally-slaues, rescued by the English, and set at liberty, 1933
  • Turky-stenes in New France, 1621 1622
  • Turneps a remedy against the scur­ [...]ie, 1880
  • Master Turners relation of Brasile, &c, 1243
  • Turners relation, voyage, successe, at large, 1265, 1266
  • Turtles innumerable, 1306
  • Tutelpinco, a forsaken towne in Florida, left by the inhabitants, and destitute of prouision, 1551
  • Tygers worshipped, 1457
V.
  • VAcupa, a Prouince in Ame­rica, 1560
  • Vahuar huacac, an Emperour in Peru, his acts and conquest, hee wept blood at his natiuity, 1457 1458
  • Valenzuola, a golden place in A­merica, 1419
  • Valpariso, a pla [...]e in the south Sea, 1416
  • Valuation of the voyages of fishing Boats, to the coast of New found Land, 1886
  • Varaua, a fish in Brasile as big as an Oxe, 1239
  • Vaytacasses, a kinde of Sauages, 1219
  • Vbra Riuer, 1248
  • Vcita, a towne in Florida, its descrip­tion, and commodities, 1530
  • Vela Pampilona, an American place, 1419
  • A Venetian ship taken by the Eng­lish, 1906
  • Venter-hauen, a place in the west parts of Ireland, 1144
  • Veragua, a towne in the West Indies plenteous of gold, 1419. it neuer raines there, an vnhealthy country 1433
  • V [...]u Cruz, a new towne, 1418
  • Verginia, its hopefull commodities, the inhabitants idolatry and wor­ship of the Sunne, their othes and fidelity thereupon, 1690. [...]their customes, 1690. plantation there, and mortality, accompanied with famine, 1689. 1690. Virginias bounds, temperature, winds, en­trance, mountaines, soile, 1691. vallies, and 5 faire delicate naui­gable Riuers neere the English Plantation, 1692. its seuerall and different languages there­about, 1694. Vide Virginia.
  • Via tuna, Indians in Brasile de [...] ­red by the Portingals, 1298
  • Victuals verie scarce in Plimouth in New England, 1856. Victu­als of the Spanish Fleet sent for England, Anno 1588. 1901
  • Vigo, a towne taken by the English in the Portingall voyage, 1926
  • Villa de Praya, a towne in Tercera, one of the Ilands of Azores, 1668
  • Villa Franca, a towne of St Michels one of the Azores Iles, 1963. the situation, fertility of the soyle, and fruits of the Land, 1964
  • Vines store in Canada Ilands, 1612 vines naturally growing in New England, 1844
  • St Vincent a port in the West In­dies, 1190. called by the In [...]ians Warapuimama, its description, 1242, 1438
  • Virachocha, an Emperour of Peru, his first conquest, 1458, his seue­rall acts, and death, with his suc­cessor, 1459
  • The V [...]gines Ilands not inhabited, and description, 1159
  • Virginia Companies aduentures in fi [...]ing ships, one of them being ta­ken by the Turkes, 1836. V [...]rgi­nia despised of the very abiects, 1841. fruitfulnesse of the Land, store of fish and Fowle, ibid. Vir­ginia why so called, the praise thereof, the first voyages and dis­coueries there, with their colonies, 1645, 1646. Virginias healthi­nesse, ibid. a Virginian yellow haird, and faire, 1689. Virginias naturall commodities, trees, among which, cypresse, vines, wines, fruits, gums sassafras, nourishable roots, raw, they are poyson, roasted, not so; but otherwise vsed for bread, me­dicinable plants, beasts in variety, 1694. 1695. birds, fishes, and mi­nerals, 1696. fruits that are plan­tedin Virginia, the seasons there, their vse of corne, of flesh, the ayres mildnesse, and commodities for trafficke with France, Swethland, Spain, & Holland, 1696, 1697. [Page] the commodities that may redound thence to the industrious, ibid. Virginians number, nations, lan­guages, their description, consti­tution, Barbers, apparell, women, shamefastnesse, attire, ornaments, 1697, 1698. their building, lod­ging, bedding, gardens, exercise for men or women, child-birth, naming children, easie deliuery, their manner of striking fire, of making bowes and arrowes, 1698 their swords and targets, boats, fishing, spinning, fish-hookes, hun­ting, either in companyes or alone, consultations before battell, 1699. Virginians neere the English Plantation, their enemies, their manner of embattelling, strata­gems, ambus [...]adoes, painting to make themselues looke terrible, singing and yelling in their com­bate, musicke, and entertainment of great men, 1700. their trade, Physicke, Chirurgery, charming, 1701. their Religion, and adora­tion of any thing that can hurt them without their preuention, worshipping the Deuil called Oke, buriall of their Kings, their ordi­nary burialls, and mourning for the dead, their Temples, their supposed sanctitie, Priests, and their habite, times for solemnities, ibid. their coniuration, altars, sa­crifices to the water, their solemne customes for the making South­sayers, their opinion of their Kings and Priests soules, and the com­mon peoples after death, their opi­nion of the Christians God, 1702. manner of gouernment which is monarchicall, their Kings pompe described, 1703, 1704. Virgi­nian punishment of offenders, 1703. Virginia by whom dis­commended, the miserie it sustai­ned by effeminate idlers, 1704. Virginian dissentions in the Eng­lish plantationers, 1706. The Planters nominated, and their first imployment, ibid. their mise­rie, famine, and sicknesse, with mor­tality, caused by the Presidents a­uarice, 1706, 1707. with vnex­pected remedy, ibid, seconded by the care of Captaine Smith, ibid. Virginian plots for the leauing the Plantation, 1707, 1709. Vir­ginian plantation and trading en­damaged by the ambition of the Company, 1710. by desire of gaine in some priuate persons, 1711. Virginias golden hopes frustrate, ibid. Virginia its want of a good President, 1712. Virginias plan­tation supposed ouerthrow, 1717. Virgina-Tauerne, the abuse of trading among Saylors there, 1719. Virginian first mariage of the English, 1720. Virginian Plantations supply, 1708, 1716, 1719. Gold as easie to bee gotten as corne there, from the needy Sa­uages, 1725. Virginian planters losse of armes by the trecherie of Dutchmen, 1725. Virginias buildings repaired, but by want of prouision not prosecuted, the cause of such want, 1727. and the mi­serie sustained by lazinesse, ibid. Virginias vnprofitable planters checked by the Presidents speech, 1728. Virginias healthinesse, and the care taken for sicke men there by the English, 1728. the Planta­tions third supply, 1729. the change of gouernment and Cap­taines, the preiudice of the plan­tation, and mutiny seconding the supply 1729. Virginia Plantati­on at the Falls, and Nan [...]amund, 1729. Virginia planters breake peace with the Sauages, 1730. Virg [...] [...] of Presi­dents, losing Captaine Smith, the miserie, famine, and di [...]comfort it sustained by his absence, 1732. its supply by the ariuall of the Lord La Ware, Sir Thomas Dale, 1732, 1733. Virginias innouation in gouernment, whether mutinous or no, 1734. Vi [...]ginias dispraise by idle fellowes, 1743. the Presidency of Virginia assu­med by St Thomas Gates, 1749 the miserie of it at that time, ibid. the causes thereof, ibid. & 1750. Virginias hopes and aduancement 1750. other causes of its distresse, and the distresse it selfe, 1751. more at large, 1756, 1757. its commodities, 1757. Virginians triumphs after victory, feasting, sim [...]licity, feare, horrible and pro­digious rites of southsaying, their iudgement of powder, and other customes, 1708, 1709. Virgini­ans are al of all occupations, 1709 a Virginian exchanged for a Christian, 1710. Virginia Sa­uages strange mortality, 1712. Virginians courtesie to the Eng­lish, 1713. and trecherous proiects ibid. exceeding feare of Muskets, ibid. how Virginian Sauages may be dealt withall, 1714. Vir­ginia Sauages fight disguised like bushes, 1716. Virginians made proud, not awed by courtesie and benignity, 1717. Virginians in want and pouerty, 1725. a Virgi­nian Sauages his Oration to Cap­taine Smith, 1727. a Virginian smothered at Iames towne, and recouered, lunaticke, and restored, 1726, 1727. Virgina Sauages offer to fight vnder English ban­ners, 1729. Virginian Sauages brought perforce to peace with the English, 1769, 1770. Virginia Sauages religion and disposition, 1771. their countries described, seasons, climate, beasts, birds, fishes and other rarities, 1771, 1772, 1773. Virginian account of yeares, 1774. Virginians kill some English, ibid. their treche­rous and bloody nature, 1788, 1789. Virginians worship the Deuill, but loue him not, 1790. their fearing the shadow of a Piece or Musket, with their sowing gunpowder, ibid. Virginians pos­sesse some Pieces, with munition after the massacre, destroyed cat­tell, ibid. Virginian plantations Presidency assumed by the Lord De la Ware, its first successe, 1754. 1755, 1756. in what case it was left by the said Lord, and the cause why he left it, 1763. its commodities, ibid. & 1764. Vir­ginias plantations benefit of corne by Captaine Argall, 1765. its ra­rities, ibid. Virginian affaires variety, by the approach of diuers Captaines there, 1766, 1767, 1768. its commodities, vnworthy English inhabitants, ibid. chiefe places the Bermuda City and Henrico, ibid. its Forts, 1768. Virginias eleuation aboue many countries, 1770. Virginian af­faires, Anno 1617, 1618, page 1774. Anno 1619, page 1775. the profits that may bee deriued thence, ibid. Anno 1619 et 1620 page 1775, 1775. the supplies from England in that time, ibid. with Ships, men, and their employ­ments there, on what commodities for trading, 1776; 1777. Virgi­nian benefactors, 1777. Virgi­nian affaires in the yeare 1621, page 1783. with the supply of men, goods, and Ships then sent, with other accidents, ibid. [...] 1784. and supplies, with rela­tion of matters of trading there, 1784. Virginia's praises farther related, 1717, wth the hopes to paxss [Page] thense to China. 1786. Virgi­nia's state before the massacre, 1788. The massacre it selfe, the plot and execution, 1788, 1789, 1790. 1347. The Englishmen basely murdered in it, ibid. A Virginian conuerted, discovers the plots, 1790. Virginiaes plan­tations necessaries, without which it may not so wel be effected, 1791 Virginiaes massacre supposed ca [...]se, seconded by a sicknesse, 1792. Its authors end, ibid. The supply thereof by King Iames, 1793. Virginia commended and discommended, according to mens diuers humours, discovered in Letters, 1806, 1807. Virginia planted by French men, 1807. They afterwards displanted by Sir Samuel Argall, 1808. Virgi­nia's possession and plantation, by the English, soundly and largely proved to be lawfull, by a natu­rall, and nationall right, 1809, 1810, 1811. Virginia's first dis­couerie, and discouerers, 1812. Virginia rightly possessed by the English, by acknowledgement of the Prince there, 1813. By buy­ing, selling, cession, forfeiture, ib. Virginiaes plantation advanceth Gods glory, 1817, 1818. Virgi­nia's want of good exeused, 1814, 1815. Virginia-plantations losse by the massacre, 1816. The num­ber there since, ibid. Virginia's plantation to the prosecuted, and for what reasons, 1826. & seq. As first Religion, honour of the Nation, &c. 1816 Virginia deserues plantation for the profit, 1817. For disburde­ning multitudes, 1818. For a temperate climate, ibid. For large­nesse, ibid. Commodious Rivers whose sliding embracements of the earth are fiuently described, ibid. Si [...]kes, Wines, Mines, drugs, &c. ibid. Materials for shipping, 1820. Fish [...]ng, 1821. Tobacco trading, ibid. Hopes of passage to the South Sea, 1822. For other reasons & advantages, 1824. For being a refreshment to ships tired with long voyages. ibid. & 1825
  • Virguano, a towne inhabited by Sa­vages in America neere Mar­win, 1285
  • A Vision, 14 [...]8
  • Visitation of the sicke among the Indians, the horrible hideous noise vsed by those miserable com­forters, 1860
  • Vitachaco, a town in Florida, 1534
  • Vlissingers take one of the Portingal Gallions, 1909
  • Vllibaholi a walled towne of the In­dians in Florida, and the fashion of those walls, 1541
  • Vndermining of townes, 1919
  • Vnicornes horne saveth many from poison, 1213
  • Vno a River, 1223
  • Vomiting to death, 1214. Vomi­ting procured by what Plants in Bermuda Ilands, 1801
  • Vna, a mountaine in the West-In­dies, 1285
  • A Vnicorne with a strange horne, 1560. With haire as bigge as a finger. ibid.
  • Vnthankfulnesse in Spaniards to­wards their Indian Benefactors, 1526
  • Voyages are commonly ouerthrowne by the Captaines giving way, or too much yeelding lenity, 1389. Voyages by the Lord of Cum­berland, 1141. 1142 & seq. Voyages by Sir Sebastian Ca­bot, Sir Thomas Pert, 1177. By Sir Iohn Hawkins, Sir Fran. Drake, ibid. & seq. Voyages by Capt. Michelson, Capt. New­port, Earle of Suffolke, Sir Ro­bert Dudley, ibid. Voyages by Captaine Preston, Capt. Sum­mers. Sir Anthony Sherley, Capt. Parker, Sir Walter Ra­leigh, Mr Will. Hawkins, ibid. Capt. Parker, 1243, 1244, & seq. M [...]ddleton, 1246, 1247. Voyages by Reniger, Borey, Pudsey, Steuen, Hare, Fenton, Ward, and Iohn Drake, 1186. Voyages by Captaine Candish, and Capt. Dauies, 1191, 1192, &c. By Sir Richard Hawkins, 1367. &c. By Pamphilo Nar­uaez Spaniard, 1500, 1501, & seq. By Francisco Pizarro, 1489, & seq. Voyages by Nun­no de Guzman Spaniard, 1556. & seq. Soto his Voyages and discoveries of Florida, 1530. at large in seq. Voyages by the the French, and discoueries of Florida, and Canada, 1603. & seq. Voyages by Monseur de Montz, 1620. & seq. Voyages from England, the ships being fur­nished with two hundred pounds in Cash, 1838. From Plim­mouth to Bilboa with dry fish, 1839. A voyage of seven sayle from the West-country, 1839. Voyages to Virginia furnished by Sir Walter Raleigh, 16 [...]5, 1646. Voyage of Captaine Gos­nol to Virginia, Anno 1602. pag. 1647. & seq. Voyage by Mr Pringe to Virginia, 1654. & seq. By Captaine Gilbert to the same, 1656. & seq. By Capt. Weymouth to Virginia, 1659. & seq Avoyage to the I [...]e of Azo­res by the Right Honorable Rob. Earle of Essex, 1935. Voyages by Sir Thomas Gates, 1734▪ & seq. By Captaine Argall, 1758. Voyages to Sommer-Iland by the English, 1793. & seq. An admirable voyage from the Ber­mudas to Ireland in a small boat, 1803
  • Vparason, a River nauigable in Brasile, 1 [...]40
  • Vpanason, a River in the Ind [...]s, very commodious for watering, 1223
  • Vpsegon, a towne in Mawooshen, vnder the Lord Bashabes, 1874
  • Vrarino towne, a towne of A [...]wac­cas, and [...]a [...]awogoto, Savages in America, 1283
  • Vra [...]itan an Iland in Brasile, called by the Portingals Alqua [...], 1241. Its description for Navi­gators, ibid.
  • Vrapo, and Arieppo, two Indian woods, 1251
  • Vrine drunke for want of water, 1188
  • Vrokere, Indians so called, 1286
  • Vrquam River, 1364
  • Vtinama, a Floridan towne: 1533
  • A Vulcan, a most dreadfull thing casting forth fire, & stones as great as a house causing vnwholsomnesse of thence-issuing waters, 15 [...]9
  • Vupanqui his raigne ouer the inha­bitants of Peru, his acts and con­quests his making a bridge of Ozi­ers beautifying the Sunnes temple, extent of his dominions, transplan­tation of countries, 1463, 1464
  • Vzela, a towne in Florida in Ame­rica, 1534
W.
  • VVAboc [...]yaway an Ar­wacca towne in Ameri­ca, 1286
  • Wacarimock mountaines neere the riuer O. enoco, 1248
  • Walnuts, thirty Ilands of th [...]m, 1612
  • Wancoobanoua, a valley aboun­ding with gold-grains was [...]ed from the mountaines, 1284
  • Wages detaining, how turbulent [...] a [Page] yoyage, 1 [...]96
  • Want of water in New-England, causing some of our men to famish, 1844
  • Waratiua, a riuer in Brasile, its de­scription for Navigation, 1440
  • Want of bread in the English Army, 1921
  • Io. Want, a schismaticall and sediti­ous fellow in the Bermudas, 1743
  • Wareteena, a place in America, 1212
  • Warooca, a towne of the Arwacca [...] Savages in the Indies, 1285
  • Warraskoyat, Indian-Virginians, 1692
  • Warres between the Portingals, and the Indians; its effects, 1321 Warres made for the water, 1364 Warres betweene the Indians and Spaniards in Chili, 1443
  • Warriers that haue killed men among the Savages of Tuppan, haue as many holes board through their visage in token of honour, 1189
  • Warlike Fleets set forth by the Eng­lish Deborah, the Q. Elizabeth, 1891
  • Water that is salt dangerously drunk, 1143. Strange kinde of watering, 1146. Water-drinking endange­reth many, 1178. Want of fresh­water, 1188. Water too much drunke kils Will. Pitcher, ibid. Salt-water cureth sores, 1207 Water vnwholsome and deadly, 1248 Water burning and tasting like brimstone, 1 [...]75. Water ve­nemous, 1379. Water very hot in a lake of Florida, 1549. Bad waters breeding sundry diseases, 1623. Waters that being drunke, caused teeth to fall in two houres space, 1624. Watry ground the supposed cause of vnhealthinesse in Port-royall among the French, 1632. Water sacrificed to by the Virginians in time of tempest, 1702. Water want in Virginie, 1712. Water wanting in the Eng­lish armie, 1966
  • Watry iourneys, 1359
  • Wayanasses, Savages so called in the West-Indies, 1211. Their com­plexion, cowardlinesse, painting, lodging, Tobacco, chiefe towne, 1228
  • Waanawazons, Canibals in Ameri­ca, 1213. Their simplicity, stature, feeding, lazinesse, women, 12 [...]0
  • Waymores Savages in Brasile, their stature, valour, rudenesse, swift­nesse, man-eating, 1227.
  • Way [...]quazons, called by the Indi­dians Iocoex, are Brasilian Sa­vages, their habitation, stature, women-warriours, lodging, iarres, man-eating, 1228
  • Weaknesse of the English in New-England, causing the Indians to insult, 1848
  • Wealth bred ambition among Cap­taines, 1145
  • Weannocks, Indians in Virginia, their number of fighting men, 1692
  • Weea [...]opona, a towne of the Arwac­cas in America, 1285
  • Weeping in salutation, an expression of obedience in some Indians of Florida, 1553
  • Three Wels, one very hot, another scalding hot, a third temperate, neere a cold Hill, 1243
  • Werowances, the title of a King in Virginia, 1692
  • Werawocomoco River in Virgi­nia, 1692
  • West-winds constan [...]ly, 1658
  • Master Wests plantation at the Fals in Virginia, 1730
  • West-country voyage in twelue ships with a good returne, 1840
  • Westons men abuse the Savages of Massacheusets, which caused much vnkindnesse to the English, 1857. Their misery among the Savages, 1863
  • Capt. Weymoths voyage to Virgi­nia, 1659. & seq His danger by sandy, and rocky Shoales, escape and ariuall at Pentecost. harbour, 1659, 1660
  • A Whale very great, eaten by An­thony Kniuet, 1207.
  • Whales haue open heads, whereat they breathe, their battaile with the Sword-fish, 1313, 1376, 1377, 1685
  • A Whale worshipped 1471
  • Whale-fishing in the Bermudas, and its benefit, 1797
  • Whitson-Bay in Virginia, 1654
  • Capt. Rich. Whitbornes Voyages to the New-found-land, 1882. His voyage to Lisbone, is taken by a French Pirate. 1883
  • Whelps drest and eaten, 1202
  • Whittingtons communication with the Indians, 1881
  • Wia a River in Guiar [...]a, 1261
  • Wiapogo River, 1250. Its commo­dities, 1261, 1263, 1264. at large. threescore leagues broad, supposed the bigg [...]st in the world, 1267, 1268. Its situation and strength, 1270. English plant there, ibid.
  • Wiaumli, a River to the North of Orenoco, 1249
  • Wiawia, a towne in the West-In­dies, 1280. Or Wia Wiam, 1283. Tis inhabited by the Yaios and other Savages, 1283
  • Wighcocamoco river in Virginia, 1694
  • Wighsacan, a medicinable plant in Virginia, 1695
  • Wikeries are Indians that inhabite the Plaines of Samia, 1248
  • Mr Will. Strachy his relation of Sir Tho: Gates voyage, and of the Colony of Virginia, 1734: & seq.
  • William Morgan his happy & most strange deliverance, 1943
  • Wild-geese in great Shoales, 1845
  • Willowes 1316
  • Mr Wilsons relations at large, 1661, 1262. & seq.
  • Wine ouerthroweth more then the enemy, 1349. The Wine of the Nauy in 88. 1991 Wine causeth ambition & dissen­tion, 1151
  • Extreame winds, 1175. In the straits of Magellane, 1194. An exceeding winde by Sea and Land, 1500. Winds that pi [...] iron and stone, 1671
  • Winter not durable by Christians,
  • Witawamack, an insulting slaue a­mong the Savages, opprobrious to the English, 1859
  • Wines connted a dignitie among the Savages, the hauing of many of them only permitted to the King, and those that haue proved them­selues braue fellows, 1188, 1217. Wiues and children sold for Hat­chets and Kniues, 1208. Wiues put away for adultery, 1870
  • Sir Io. Winkfield dyeth at the fight in Cadiz, in warlike manner bu­ried, 1932
  • Wolues in New-England pursuing our English Dogs, 1849. Wolues in the New-found-land faning and playing with English masty dogs, 1885
  • Womens strange entertaining stran­ers among Savages, 1717. Wo­men dancing starke naked, 1618. Indian womens modestie, yet fa­miliaritie, 1158, 1159. Women got by valour among the Savages, 1209. Women Archers, 1226. 1228. Women with vgly bodies and good faces, 1228. Eight wo­men bought for a red-hasted knife, 1249. A woman roasied, 1272. Women starke naked, 1268 Women goe before men in Bra­sile, 1292. Their agreement there [Page] among themselues, their chastitie if maried, but [...]oosenesse vnmaried, 1341. A womans price amongst the Carios of the West Indies, 1357. Women toile among some Indians. 1382. Women that re­venge the wrong of their husbands, not solitarily by themselues called Amazons, 1437. Women (n [...] not Kings daughters) might not enter the Temple of the Sunne a­mong the ancient inhabitants of Peru, 1465. Womens vsage and habite among some Indians of Flo­rida, 1524. Women amongst the Indians put to vile slavery, 1869. Women not suffered to enter any of the Ships of the King of Spaines Armada, 1901
  • Wonders of the new World, 1477.
  • Wood-bind, a plant running on trees like a Vine, that causeth a vehement and harmlesse purging, 1801
  • Wood that maketh fish drunk [...], 1 [...]72 Wood of all colours, 1670 Wood as hard as iron, ibid.
  • Words of the Savages language in Virginia, 1667
  • Wormes how killed in the bodie, 1311
  • Wormes breeding great-torment, 1251. Very pernicious in Brasile, but killed by Garlicke, 1382. Wormes poysoning water, 1286. Wormes deuouring the flesh, 1365. Wormes very preiudiciall to ships without sheathing, vnder the Aequinoctiall, 1387
  • Wounds, how cured, 1310, 1311
  • Wyanesses, a towne in the West-Indies, 1208
  • Wyapocoories, inhabitants in a Province of Guiana, [...]1
  • Wywaypanami Indians with [...]ul­ders higher then their heads, [...]85
X
  • XAlisco, a Province neere the South Sea, 1559. The great losse of inhabitants in it by the Spanish inhumane cruelty, 1581. Eight hundred townes burned in those Realmes by Spaniards, ibid.
  • Xalpa Province discouered by the Spaniards, 1559
  • Xaltenango Province, 1559
  • Xaqua, a harbour in the Iland of Cuba, 1500
  • Xaragua, a dominion in the Ile His­paniola, its King and Lords trai­terously burnt by the Spaniards, th [...] Queene hanged, the youths thrust through, or having their legs cut off, they that fled condem­ [...]ed to perpetuall slauerie, 1572
  • Xualla, a Province in Florida, 1539
Y.
  • YAes, Indians neere the River Wyapoco, their nature and de­scription, 1263
  • Yaguiana, a towne in Hispaniola, 1186
  • Capt. Yerdly Deputy Governour in Virginia, 1773. His acts and ex­ploits there, ibid. & 1774
  • Yerua viua, an hearbe that is senss­ble, and shrinkes at any mans touch, not resprouting till his de­parture, 1174
  • Youghtanund, inhabitants of Vir­ginia, 16 [...]2
  • Youwalprenay, a towne of the Ca­ribes, 1285
  • Ytara an America Floridan town, 1533
  • Ytaua, a towne in Florida, 1541
  • Yupaha, an Indian country in Flo­rida, ruled by a woman, her great town, commodities, and abundance of gold, 1535
  • Yupanqui an Emperour of Peru, before the Spanish conquest, his difficult attempts, 1474. He sub­dued the Chunchus, and so ex­tended his Empire, ibid. & 1475. His assault of the Chirihuana. a Savage Nation, and successe, his proceeding to conquer Chili, 1475 his miraculous Fort and buil­dings, other acts and death, 1477, 1478
  • Yuia Pari, a River in America, th [...] inhabitants thereabout tortured by the Spaniards, 1587
Z.
  • ZAcheo, a place so called, 1186 Zapatula, a place of New-Spaine, 1558
  • Zemie, an Indian Nation neere the Riuer of Plate, 1363
  • Zemais Saluaisco, Indians so called in the River Pa [...]ana, their de­scription, 1350, 1351
  • Zumpanga, a towne of Indians, 1418
FINIS.

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