A DISCOVRSE, SHEWING THE GREAT HAPPINESSE, that hath, and may still accrue to his Majesties Kingdomes of ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, BY RE-VNITING them into one Great Britain.

In two parts: BY JOHN BRISTOL.

LONDON, Printed by R. H. for CHARLES DUNCOMB, dwelling in Little-Britain. 1641.

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE the ESTATES now assembled in both hou­ses of the high Court of Parliament.

THE sacred Mottoes up­on the Coins of our late Sove­raigne [Page] and Solomon King James, Faciam eos in gentem unam and, Quae Deus co [...] junxit, nemo separet [...] might have deterre [...] some turbulent spi [...]rits of England and Scotland, from vio [...]lating their peace cutting off the brid [...] from Twede, and hindering that in [...]tercourse [Page] of amity, which to Heavens and Britaines glory, we no lesse happily than long enjoyed: but Tongues and Pens▪ (I wish I could not say Swords) have beene too busi­ly imployed to untie that Gordian-knot, which a good God, and a pious King [Page] had made so firme: Some in these Earth-quakes of State have labour­ed to underprop the houses of both Realmes, others to pull them downe, saying, as of Jerusa­lem Downe with it, downe with it, even to the ground: Nay, I feare, the same [Page] hand that hath held a Spade, pretending to build a Wall, hath held a Sword to kill a Subiect. Wee need not send to Ireland for poy­son to kill two king­domes, we have too much within our selves. Poetry and Oratory (such is the corruption of [Page] wit) can make Can­dida de nigris, & de candentibus atra; like Dogs, they can ei­ther bite the sore, or licke it; or like Knives, that can both spread a plai­ster for a wound, and make a wound for a plaister: The Poet Juvenal speak­ing of Alexander the [Page] great comming to see Diogenes; (Sen­sit Alexander testa cum vidit in illa Ma­gnum habitatorem, &c.) takes away the title of Magnus from the King, and gives it to the Cy­nicke: and have not we those that strive to make great Bri­taine Little, putting [Page] Alexander from his Bucephalus, and set­ting beggars on horse-backe? I feare we have. There are too many Empi­ricks among us, whose delight is ra­ther to kill than cure; but You who are the Colledge of Physitians for the preservation of the [Page] body Politicke, will make no Anatomies but of condemned persons by Law ex­ecuted, and by in­quiry into the bad, labour for the safety of the good: Let it not be said that this day a Tribe is want­ing in our Israel. What though, as judicious Weemes [Page] saith, the Scots and English be as Sama­ritans and Jewes We have no Reho­boam, why should we have a Jeroboam ▪ We have no rigor▪ why should we have a revolt? There may bee a good Sa­maritan which may take charge of the wounded man, when [Page] a Priest and Levite may passe by on the other side. Let not the Union of Bri­taine be cut off, if it may bee preserved: binde up the bones that are broken, and make them whole; so shall God binde up your souls in the Rowle of the li­ving.

[Page]I doubt not but much good may bee gotten by a serious perusall of this ensu­ing Tractate: Sure I am it will not be wholly uselesse to candid, pious, & un­prejudiced mindes, who shall finde it as fit as necessary for these times. I say no more, but with heart [Page] and hands lift up to heaven, pray, that as you are Treasu­rers of the Weale-publique, God will be pleased to crowne your publique en­deavours, to the everlasting peace and welfare of this Church and Com­mon-wealth, that his sacred Majesty and [Page] Royall Off-spring may ever bee glori­ous, and that all his Kingdoms and Pro­vinces may flourish, to the terror of Foes, and the end­lesse comfort of all true loving Sub­jects.


IT was no blessing, but a curse, when [...]he ten Tribes revol­ [...]ed from Rehoboam[Page] Division is good i [...] Musicke, ill in Kingdomes; and if confusion of Tongues ruin [...] a Babel, confusion [...] Hearts will ruine Bethel. Scotland ma [...] say to England, [...] Lot to Abraham We are brothers; ye [...] when love cannot continue, except their bodies discontinue, the [Page] [...]e of necessity must [...]e to Sodome, a [...] and destinated for [...]ire and Brimstone. [...]ingle Kingdomes, [...]ke fooles bolts, are one shot away; but [...]njoyned, as in a [...]eafe, not easily bro­ [...]en. It was the hap­ [...]inesse of our late So­ [...]eraigne King James [...] blessed memory, to [Page] a bridge ove [...] the Tweed, not [...] Wood or Stone, b [...] of English and Sco [...]tish hearts, cemente [...] with strong affection It was indeed a ha [...]pinesse, to make tw [...] spots of Earth, tw [...] little Kingdomes, o [...] Great Britain: th [...] in building, a seco [...] story makes a Hov [...] [Page] [...] House, though there [...]e neither painted, [...]or carved Image in [...]t, no fretted roofe, no [...]old nor ivory. Ca­ [...]or and Pollux [...]rung from one Egge, [...]nd their signe is one Gemini: Thus is [...]e Ʋnity of Brethren [...]xalted even to a [...]onstellation. That [...]hich some years since [Page] was a motion, bre [...] some few moneth since a commotion namely, a necessity [...] separation between England and Sco [...]land: which diff [...]rence might bette [...] have beene decid [...] with an Olive bran [...] than a Sword, as [...] hope time ere long wi [...] make manifest. Wh [...] [Page] happinesse hath the Ʋnion of two Houses brought forth in this [...]ne Kingdome? and [...]f there bee such hap­ [...]inesse in the Ʋnion of Houses, what will there be in the Ʋnion of Kingdomes? a thing which might bee [...]s easily continued as compassed, if some turbulent spirits did [Page] not disturbe the peac [...] of Sion.

This ensuing Trea­tise I could not b [...] publish, as knowing▪ to be so soveraigne▪ Medicine for the Maladies of these Times. Wherein▪ (Gentle Reader) [...] thou finde as much benefit, as I delight [...] Thanke God, and the [Page] Author; I have my reward.


SVNDRY OBIECTIONS against this ensuing Treatise.

THE Objections pretended against this Treatise, are divided into foure se­verall natures or kindes:

[Page]The first objection i [...] matter of generality [...] common reason.

The second is, matter of Estate domestique an [...] inward, or matter [...] Law.

The third is, matter [...] Estate forreine, or ma [...]ter of intercourse, [...] commerce.

The fourth is, matter [...] Honor or reputation.

The matter of genera [...]lity, or common reason as concerning all in gene­rall, [Page] is also divided into two parts:

First, that there is, nor can be pretended no cause [...]f the change.

Secondly, that there is [...]o president of like change, neither ancient, nor mo­derne, forreigne, or do­mestique.

The first Objection therefore is: that in con­stituting or ordaining of any innovation or change, here ought to bee consi­dered [Page] either a generall ne­cessity, or evident utility but that we finde no grief in our present estate, an [...] foresee no advancemen [...] to a better condition by this change; and desire that it may be shewed unto [...] us.

The second Objection that we finde no presiden [...] at home nor abroad, o [...] uniting or contracting of the names of two several Kingdomes or States int [...] [Page] one name, where the Vni­on hath growne by marri­age or blood. And that those examples which may be alleadged, as far as wee can finde, or understand, are but in the ease of Con­quest.

Matter of Estate do­mestique, or inward, or matter of the Law, is di­vided into these three maine heads following.

The first, that the alte­ration of the name of the [Page] King doth inevitably and infallibly draw on an ere­ction of a new Kingdom [...] or estate, and a dissolution and extinguishment of the old; and that no explana­tion, limitation, or reser­vation can cleare or avoid that inconvenience, but i [...] will he full of repugnancy and ambiguity, and subject to much variety and dan­ger of construction.

The second is, an enu­meration or recitall of the speciall or severall confusi­ons, [Page] incongruities and mischiefes, which will ne­cessarily and incidently follow in the time present.

As in the summoning of Parliaments, and the reci­tals of Acts of Parliament.

In the Seals of the king­dome.

Jn the great Officers of the kingdome.

In the Lawes, customs, liberties and priviledges of the kingdome.

In the residence and holding of such Courts as [Page] follow the Kings person which by this generality o [...] name may be held in cou [...]land.

In the severall and re­ciproque oathes, the on [...] of his Majestie at his Co­ronation, which is neve [...] iterated; the other in the oathes of allegiance, ho­mage, and obedience, made and renewed from time to time by the Subjects.

All which Acts, instru­ments? and formes of po­licy and government, with [Page] multitude of other forms of Records, Writs, plead­ [...]gs and instruments of a [...]eaner nature, run now [...]n the name of England, [...]d upon the change would [...] drawne into incertain­ [...] and question.

The third is, a possibi­ [...]ty of alienation of the [...]rowne of England to the [...]ne of Scotland, in case [...] Majesties line should determine: (which God of [...]s goodnesse defend) for [Page] if it be a new erected king­dome, it must goe in t [...] nature of a purchase, [...] the next heire of his Ma­jesties fathers side.

The matter of St [...]forreine, or matter of [...] [...]tercourse and commer [...] consisteth of these th [...] points following.

The first is, the League Treaties, forreine Fre­domes of trade and tr [...] ­fique, forreine contra [...] may be drawne in ques [...] on, and made subject [Page] quarrell and cavillation.

The second is, that the Kings precedency before other Christian Kings, which is guided by antiqui­ [...] of Kingdomes, and not [...]y greatnesse, may be en­ [...]angered, and his place turned last, because it is [...]h newest.

The third is, that the [...]lory and good acceptation of the English name and [...]ation, will be in forreine [...]arts obscured.

[Page]The matter of honou [...] and reputation stande [...] chiefly upon these fou [...]maine heads, or points fol­lowing.

The first is, that [...] worldly thing is more de [...] to men then their name [...] as we see in private fam [...]lies, that men disinheri [...] their daughters to con [...]nue their names; muc [...] more in States, and whe [...] the name hath been fa­mous and honourable.

The second is, that the [Page] contracted name of Bri­ [...]aine, will bring in oblivi­on the names of England and Scotland.

The third is, that where­as now England in the stile [...] placed before Scotland; [...]n the name of Britaine that degree of priority or [...]recedence will be lost.

The fourth is, that the change of name seem harsh at the first, in the popular opinion, and something un­ [...]leasing to the Countrey.

THese precedent ob­jections, and many other pretended against the happy uniting of these two famous king­ [...]omes of England and [...]cotland, the Reader shall finde sufficiently answered in the ensu­ing Treatise, by the Author, to his full satis­faction and content.

THE [...]E-MARRIAGE Of two famous King­domes, ENGLAND and SCOTLAND: [...]duced into one Great Brittaine, [...]y the providence of one God, the [...]iety of two Kings, the unity of [...]oth Nations. By way of answer [...] former Objections.

IT was long be­fore the Objecti­ons against the [...]ntended happy union of both the Realmes [Page 2] came to my hands: b [...] having read them, [...] could not hold m [...] hand from writing [...] remove & cleare them esteeming them only [...] great shew of big lo [...] laid in the way, b [...]tween the two emine [...] markes shot at by t [...] soveraign Vnitor, name­ly, honour and happi­nesse: the one insepara­bly inherent in his m [...] royall person: the othe [...] assuredly intended [...] Subjects benefit: whi [...] [Page 3] [...]hings in apparant uti­ [...], or urgent necessity [...]e Objectors desire to [...]e shewed them: for whose satisfaction, I have briefly examined, and answered every ob­ [...]ction.

The Objectors finde [...]o president at home [...]or abroad, of uniting [...] contracting of the names of two severall Kingdomes or States [...]nto one name, where the Vnion hath growne [...]y marriage or blood: [Page 4] and say, that the exam­ples which may bee al­leged, are but in case [...] Conquest. But I remem­ber, that Charles [...] France the eighth, [...] Comineus mentioneth taking to wife the hei [...] of little Brittaine, anne­xed it to the Crowne [...] France, ruled it [...] lawes, customes, a [...] priviledges of Fran [...] and gave the Noble thereof place in Parlia­ment in France: [...] union is a strong keep [Page 5] of Imperiall Soveraign­ty, and is the very si­ [...]ewes of Weale pub­ [...]que. But as Tacitus [...]ith, By divers lawes, [...]er diverse Nations [...]bject to one King, [...]uicquid est authoritatis [...]ebis destruitur contra­ [...]ctionibus.

Charles the fifth uni­ [...]d in the common [...]ame of Spaine divers [...]ther his kingdomes, [...]hereof two of them, [...]amely, Aragon and [...]astile, descended to [Page 6] him in right of blood▪ For he well knew, that the most eminēt in dig­nity is most honored [...] Vnity: and that this truly called Prudence even the electing, or re­jecting, the continuing or changing of forme [...] and uniting kingdome according to time, pla [...] or persons: which gre [...] vertue is not alwai [...] contained in certai [...] and the same bound but altereth it selfe [...] occasion serveth, in re­spect [Page 7] of forenamed cir­cumstance.

But the Objectors acknowledge uniting of Kingdomes in case of Conquest. I marvell they doe it not much more by right of blood: for in that Vnion of constraint, there is ever doubt, and dread for continuance thereof, as is well said: Malus cu­ [...]tos diuturnitatis metus: but in this by right of [...]lood, God giveth bles­ [...]ing to natures work.

[Page 8]First, in the great majesty of the high at supreame Governou [...] where one mighty Mo­narch is of more com­mand and power, th [...] a King of divers disti [...]guished Kingdomes.

Secondly, in [...] more facility of the go­vernment, where peo­ple under like law are more easily rule than under divers law▪

And thirdly, in t [...] more security of the g [...]verned, who being [Page 9] with like equity of [...]wes, will one love and strengthen the o­ther: but being divided, [...]oe oftentimes under­ [...]ine, and practise sub­ [...]ersion one of the o­ [...]her. Vires imperii in [...]onsensu sunt obedienti­ [...]m: tolle unitatem, & [...]mnis imperii contextus in [...]ultas partes dissidet. Which consideration made King Henry the [...]ighth rightfully assu­ming the title of King of Ireland, by voluntary [Page 10] Vote in Parliament o [...] the Lords and Com [...]mons of that King [...]dome, (albeit the King of England were be [...]fore that time, but cal [...]led Lords of Ireland [...] yet now changing hi [...] Stile, to endeavour b [...] just lawes to cause th [...] Irish change as wel [...] their apparell, as lan [...]guage, and divers thei [...] old formes and forme [...] lawes, and to reduc [...] them into forme o [...] English fashion, eve [...] [Page 11] [...]gainst their former cu­ [...]tomes and conditions. [...]t is then a matter not only of utility and ne­ [...]essity, but also of rea­ [...]on and justice, that a King in right of blood [...]olding two King­ [...]omes or States, doe [...]nite & contract them [...]nto one name and na­ [...]ure, specially King­domes of one conti­nent, and which in an­cient times were but one, till ambition and contention divided [Page 12] them. And this ma [...] stand for answer to th [...] Objectors first main head of matter, of Esta [...] inward.

Now where it is fa [...] ther alleaged, that th [...] alteration of the nam [...] of the King, doth in [...] vitably and infallibl [...] draw on an erection o [...] a new Kingdome, and dissolution and extinguishment of the olde herein verily I think th [...] matter is much mistaken; for the change o [...] [Page 13] [...]me, is not so rightly [...] be tearmed alteration [...] new erection, as re­ [...]tution and reparation [...]oth of name and ho­ [...]or: for divers his [...]ajesties most noble [...]ogenitors, have here­ [...]fore been entituled (as [...]hronicles tell us) [...]ings of all Britaine: as [...]enry the second, King [...] all Britaine, Duke of [...]ascoine, Guien, and [...]ormandy, whose son [...]hn had also in his [...]oine stamped, as is to [Page 14] be shewed, Johan [...] Rex Britonum. And be­fore the conquest of t [...] Saxons, it is certai [...] that the whole Ile w [...] called by the name [...] Britain. But Saxons e [...]tring at disadvantage [...] that mighty Natio [...] consumed by death a [...] famine, conquering t [...] remnant of people of [...]mous Britain, enforc [...] them to distinguish a [...] divide themselves [...] flying into mountain and fortified plac [...] [Page 15] [...]d afterward King [...]bert, utterly to roote [...]t the remembrance [...] great Britaine, com­ [...]nded that the Land [...]ould be called no [...]ore by that name, [...]t England, and the [...]ople, Englishmen. [...]t Egbert is dead, his [...]wer weake, nay [...]ne at all: let none [...]erefore feare to re­ [...]re his Country to [...] olde name, and an­ [...]nt honour: for Eg­ [...]rt, I say, is dead, [Page 16] and King CHARLES [...]veth, Et vivat & vin [...] Rex Carolus.

This, I say and e [...]force againe, is a mat [...] also reasonable, ju [...]utile, and necessary, s [...]ing the Soveraign bri [...]geth in no innovatio [...] of a new name, but [...]stitution of the old, [...] dissolution, but forti [...]cation, whereto I kno [...] none will subscrib [...] which either envy t [...] Kings greatnesse, [...] kingdomes happiness [...]

[Page 17]But let none mar­ [...]ll, why it hath not [...]is long time been re­ [...]uced into his former [...]ame: for the diversity [...]f kingdomes, being made divers by war [...]nd conquest, and ha­ [...]ing heretofore divers [...]ings, could not in rea­ [...]on or justice endure it, [...]or under any colour of [...]tility, or necessity, un­ [...]ergoe, or conclude it.

But now seeing our soveraigne Lord the King, being rightfully [Page 18] descended of all the Kings & Princes, whi [...] heretofore raigned a [...] ruled in England, Sc [...]land, or Wales, as [...] only hath power to [...]store all into one [...] former title and dig [...]ty, so let none thin [...] this his Princely a [...] just pleasure, a ne [...] erection, but restitutio [...] of olde, where it is mo [...] reasonable and just, [...] extinguish the name lesser continuance, th [...] the name which h [...] [Page 19] [...]ntinued and been fa­ [...]ous by the space of [...]37. yeares before [...]hrist, and 688. after [...]s Incarnation, which [...]hole computation [...]ommeth to 1825 years. [...]nd where it is most [...]onourable by just de­ [...]ent in right of blood, [...]ot only to change, but [...] abolish the name [...]mposed by a Con­ [...]uerour to the disho­ [...]our of a Nation: [...]nd where, for [...]ught I understand, [Page 20] the matter is not so d [...]ficult, nor of that inco [...]venience and dange [...] but may with mu [...] ease and safety be do [...] with salvo jure, or oth [...] reservation and expl [...]nation, as the wise an [...] learned in the law [...] can at large devise when they list, five no [...] excogitent, sive antiq [...] restituant.

But for example, [...] bring the uniting [...] Dane-Lex, and Merci [...] Lex, by Edward th [...] [Page 21] [...]onfessor, which was [...]ot prejudiciall to any, [...]at ever I could reade, [...]ut profitable and [...]eedfull to all, in the [...]olishing of divers old [...]wes, and ordaining [...]vers new, and ma­ [...]ng Lawes to all, all [...]ne: done no doubt with due respect to [...]eale publike, with [...]eedfull limitation and [...]ue consideration of [...]en, matter, time, place, [...]nd other circumstance. Neither doth any new [Page 22] erection and exti [...]guishment of olde, [...] necessarily conclude [...] convenience full of [...]pugnancy, danger [...] construction and co [...]fusion, as is pretende [...] but may in this case ( [...] beata omnium vita mo [...]ratori est proposita) as e [...]sily bee cleared and [...]voided, as it was wh [...] the principality a [...] Country of Wales w [...] by Parliament incorp [...]rated and united un [...] the Kingdome of En [...]nd, [Page 23] and all the Inha­ [...]tants thereof made [...]uall in freedomes, [...]berties, rights, privi­ [...]dges, lawes, and in all [...]her respects to the na­ [...]rall subjects of Eng­ [...]nd, and all inheritan­ [...]s made of English te­ [...]re, to descend with­ [...]ut division, or partiti­ [...]n after the manner of [...]ngland: and the [...]awes, Statutes, and [...]rdinances of the realm [...]f England, comman­ [...]ed to bee executed [Page 24] and put in pract [...] within the country a [...] Principality of Wal [...] So as now in this ne [...] erection and dissolu [...]on of the old, [...] Welshmen with us, a [...] we with them, a [...]knowledge joyfull [...] one only Governo [...] and one only gover [...]ment, where the m [...]jesty of the Governo [...] is equally supra nos, a [...] the justice and equity [...] the government equ [...]ly pro nobis: where [...] [Page 25] [...]ertus ordo in jubendo & [...]arendo. Which certain [...]nd the same course and [...]rder of commanding [...]y the King, and by his Lawes, and of obedi­ [...]nce in subjects, is a [...]trong tye, and as it were a vitall spirit, [...]olding in one infinite [...]housands: where Re­ [...]ere, as the Philosopher speaketh? is reckoned [...]nter necessaria, and Re­gi inter utilia.

Againe, could seven kingdomes of Saxons [Page 26] bee reduced into one and in good time, all their divers Lawes [...] whereby the divers [...] subjects of those seve [...] divers kingdomes wer [...] diversly governed, be [...] brought into one form [...] of civill governmen [...] without repugnancy [...] ambiguity or dangers and shall we thinke it [...] matter of such difficul [...]ty, to unite onely two kingdomes, which do [...] not much differ in man­ners, lawes and cu­stomes; [Page 27] saving such laws & customes as were for­merly ordained on each part one against ano­ [...]her, when they were e­nemies, or scarce friends one to the other? Which [...]aws doubtlesse all will say, must bee abrogated, [...]hat in further proceed­ [...]ng to union, wise men, with grave considerati­on may conclude it, for good of both Nations, without offēce, as in for­mer times much more hath bin done with less [...] doe.

[Page 28]An Empire of many kingdomes thus redu­ced into one, is not un­like the Firmament o [...] heaven, which God hath adorned with the two great lights, the Sunne and Moone, and other Starres, even the whole army and ha [...] mony of the heavens in one Firmament. Wh [...] so throweth a ston [...] against heaven, saith the Wise man, it will fa [...] upon his owne head And if any one standing [Page 29] alone from the rest, speaketh against and oppugneth this Vnion, better it were (saving my charity) that Vnus il­le periret, quam Vnitas.

Touching the enu­meration and recitall of the speciall or severall confusions, incongrui­ties and mischiefes, which in the Objecti­ons are in the second place, of matter of Estate inward, pretend­ed, I briefly answer, that there is no feare of [Page 30] confusion in true and perfect Vnion. Which thing the mighty Alex­ander, renowned for fortitude and policy, well knew, who is much commended by Plutarke, that (where Zeno chiefe of Stoickes framed an Idea of best Common-wealth, such as was not divided by countries and contrary customes, but was as all one, of one kinde of life, and as one flocke feeding in one pasture, [Page 31] under one shepheard) Alexander I say, put that in practise which Zeno but imagined: for saith Plutarke, not as Aristo­tle Alexanders Master taught him, so did hee, living as a father to the Grecians, and cruell Commander over Bar­barians, respecting some, and neglecting others: but he recon­ciled all into one, mixing mens lives, lawes, names and marriages together, [Page 32] and perswading that none were Aliens and strangers among his subjects, but such as were evill men, ac­counting all good men, as one man.

Now I conclude this point, that there is no confusion, incongruity, or mischiefe to be fear­ed in that Vnion, where our most rightfull King sitteth, not by conquest of sword, but by right of royall blood, in the seate of his most noble [Page 33] Progenitors: and not as Alexander, who by con­quest sate in the seate of Darius among Persians: nor as Xerxes who joy­ned Asia and Europa together with a wood­den bridge over Helles­pont: but as all other most mighty Gover­nours, and the best kings have (by a golden bridge of likenesse, of love, of equity, of laws, and of common com­forts of society and joy, (all which were both [Page 34] profitable and need­full) joyned together two or more king­domes, for their owne greater honor, and sub­jects more undoubted happinesse.

Which thing likewise that noble and valiant Trojan Aeneas long si­thence put in use, who by Vnion, even of di­vers nations, Omnis eo­dem nomine, & eodem jure Latinos vocavit. And thereby as Livie report­eth of him, he made ma­ny [Page 35] and divers nations as one people, most fami­liar, and most friendly together.

Doe not divers Sun­beames come from one Sun, and all they of one nature? Are not divers lines drawne from one Center, and all they of one fashion? Are not di­vers boughes from one tree, and all of the same substance? And may not divers people under one Prince, though they are divided in persons, [Page 36] yet be united in Lawes? and though they bee sundred in Countries, yet be knit together in hearts, specially if emu­lation cause no incon­gruity, nor disorder con­fusion, nor strife mis­chiefe, only with saving each mans honor, with continuance of each good custome, and with furtherance and establishing the com­mon good of weale publique?

The king is the coun­tries [Page 37] Parent, who by Vnion, non servos, sed cives cogitat: and as Iu­piter was said to be Rex omnibus idem; so would his Majesty be idem om­nibus, one head to one body. Wherefore if hee desire to unite the two kingdomes, and to ac­count them one, and as one beloved sonne (whose life is deare, and whose happinesse joy to him) that all sub­jects as one sonne, in common apparant uti­lity, [Page 38] might participate common patrimony of just Lawes for Weale publike, let none be so hardy (with the harlot in the daies of Solomon) to say to the King our common parent; Di­vide the childe, and cut it into two parts; lest such division part that into two, which God in nature first made one: and now in his greater goodnesse hath restored, in the royall person of our gracious [Page 39] King into one: what God hath so joyned to­gether, let no man put asunder. For hereof may arise plaine incon­gruity, and fearefull in­convenience, which may farther grow into confusion and mischief.

Only I pray them, which object against the happy Vnion, to set before their eyes, and to consider with their hearts, the grie­vous contention be­tween the divers people [Page 40] of the kingdome of Is­rael and the kingdome of Iudah: for albeit the two kingdomes were united in the person of David their king, yet for want of more per­fect Vnion in lawes and love, there arose heart-burnings on both sides: for Israel complained: The men of Iuda have stolne the king from us: and they of Iuda chal­lenged, that the king was nearer in blood to them, than to Israel: [Page 41] and Israel againe reply­ed, that they had ten parts in the king, and therefore had more right to him. But what in the end grew of this contentiō & emulation? consider I pray, and pre­vent such inconveni­ence and mischiefe: there was not any one among the Tribes in the second generation that followed the house of David, but Iuda on­ly: Omen avertas Deus.

When I was but a [Page 42] yong scholer, I learned to call that aequivocati­on, which was Corpu [...] monstrosum, under one name of divers formes: as homo pictus, and homo vivus agree in the name of man, but not in the same reason, definition, and nature: so I can call the agreement of English and Scottish only in subjection to one Soveraigne, but without farther Vnion of lawes and true love, not lively and indeed, [Page 43] but painted and in shew; not substantiall, [...]ut aequivocall; not re­ [...]ll, but nominall: name­ [...]y, in the King, as in the head, which is but one: [...]ut not in themselves, [...]s in the body, which [...]ikewise is, or should be [...]ut one. This is true in­ [...]ongruity, wherof may [...]rise such farther feare­full inconvenience, as I wish may bee to them [...]hat hate the State, and [...]he experience thereof [...]nto the K. enemies.

[Page 44]Touching the parti­culars of confusion, &c▪ surmised by the Obje [...]ctors, I briefly answer first, that exception ta­ken of summoning fu­ture Parliament, is no worth answer: for th [...] stile and title of the kin [...] changed, may chang [...] also in future Writs.

Secondly, the chang [...]ing of the Seale, is only charge of a new cut.

Thirdly, the great old Officers of the king­dome, when they (ye [...] [Page 45] most worthy of office) [...]oe hereafter weare [...]ut, the kings Majesty [...]hall afterward by this Vnion, have more [...]hoice to prefer the worthiest: for his Ma­ [...]esty by this Vnion shall [...]gaine more choice for [...]ll the publike services, [...]o be performed either at home or abroad. Neither may it be rea­sonable for any man, for private or particu­lar respects to repine thereat: like to Cato his [Page 46] son, who feared lest by his fathers marriage h [...] might leese somewha [...] of his patrimony, and therefore murmured lest his father should beget more sons: bu [...] had his answer with a sound reply unanswer­able: Son▪ I desire to have more sons like thy selfe, good Citizens, and serviceable for the Common weale.

Fourthly, touching lawes, customes, li­berties, and priviledges, [Page 47] [...]t is to be wished that [...]he rigour of ours were somewhat qualified, [...]nd the liberty of theirs [...]omewhat restrained: [...]either is it a new [...]hing, in so large a [...]ingdome, that some should be more ena­bled and honoured with priviledges than others, according to the Kings good pleasure, [...]n whom dwelleth, [...]nd from whom is de­ [...]ived all true honour.

Fifthly, the feare of [Page 48] residence, or holding in Scotland such Courts as follow the Kings person, is the selfe same as if we feared, that without Vnion the king would hold per­sonall Courts in Corn­wall: or as if we doubted that such Courts, when our for­mer Kings were personally in France, were not for all that kept a [...] Westminster. The sea [...] of judgement is the sea [...] of the house of David [Page 49] thither the Tribes goe up, and there the peo­ples feet stand, even in the gates of Ierusalem; which Ierusalem is a City that is at unity in it selfe: at unity concern­ing matters of religion, at unity in matters touching publike ju­stice and government: therefore the King be­gan his Psalme 122. I was glad when they said to me: We will goe, &c.

[Page 50]Lastly, the exception taken against Vnion be­cause of the Kings oath at his Coronation, which is never iterated, is grounded on the selfe same reason: as if it were also alleadged, that because his Maje­stie sweareth to main­taine ancient and fun­damentall lawes, there­fore upon circumstance of time and occasion he might not alter any Law: but let it be re­membred, that the [Page 51] Kings oath concerneth the Lawes and not the title, and we know the Lawes may be preser­ved, though the title be altered.

And as for Subjects, I doubt not, but they may without danger, at the pleasure of the King, sweare their allegeance and doe ho­mage and obedience after restitution of ti­tle, reformation of law, and Vnion of King­domes.

[Page 52]And ancient Records doe no more leese their force by the change of England into Britaine, then by change of King IAMES into King CHARLES.

And there is no more incertainty of plead­ings, instruments, and writs, than when a plaintife deceaseth after seven yeares suite, his heire is put to begin, & commence his suite a­new, & in other name.

The heart of objecti­ons [Page 53] against Vnion be­ing halfe broken, let us enter into the third con­sideration of matter of State inward, where is objected a possibility of alienation of the Crowne of England to the Crowne of Scot­land, in case his Maje­sties Line should deter­mine. But blessed bee God, our gracious Sove­raigne King is blessed with a plentifull issue, and hath yet much far­ther hope. And I hope [Page 54] (for which I pray night and day) that his Maje­sties royall Issue shall not faile, so long as the Sun and Moone endu­reth. Neverthelesse, if some will not labour of the common bane of good wits, which is rather to dispute, than obey; and rather to reason beyond reason, than yeeld to reason, (more magis quàm judi­cio) they may herein al­so easily answer them­selves, that in uniting [Page 55] the two kingdomes, the second place in stile may be rather drawne to the next of blood in our Land, than the kingdome of England bee transferred to one farther off frō the Seem.

Which thing, neither Henry the seventh nor Henry the eighth doubt­ed, the one seeking to marry his eldest daughter Lady Mar­garet to King Iames the fourth of Scotland, hoping if his heire male [Page 56] failed, by that meanes to unite Scotland to England. And the other having his whole drift, to match his Sonne Prince Edward to Queen Mary, foreseeing in his providence the in­estimable benefit of uniting the two king­domes: for which cause many of the Nobles of Scotland, gave faith to doe their best endea­vours. But it is a strange doubt, and cast beyond the Moone, to ima­gine, [Page 57] that Vnion of the two kingdomes doth so confound the State, and change the tenure, to bring it so into case of purchase, as it will necessarily subject Eng­land to Scotland, espe­cially if his most excel­lent Majesty, of his singular tenderness and love to this his Realme of England, be pleased to effect and establish, that in case his Royall Issue (which Almighty God of his infinite [Page 58] mercy defend) should faile, that then by this happy intended Vnion, the Realme of Scotland should for ever be and continue indissolubly united, and annexed to the lawfull and rightfull inheritance, and succession of the Crowne of England, in the blood royall of the same.

Now touching mat­ter of State forreine, in answer to the first objection: I am well [Page 59] assured, that our for­reine affaires were at worst in the opinion of all, at the decease of our late Queen, and our en­tercourse utterly decaied with many Princes: so as we need a kind of present renewing, which may be cōcluded as wel under title of King of all Britain, as of England.

To the second it is easily answered, that the King loseth no pre­cedency of place, as is imagined, specially an­tiquity [Page 60] (as in the Obje­ctions is alleadged) guiding it, and not greatnesse. For the Suc­cessor to King Arthur of Britaine, will bee worthy in the opinion of the whole world, of better place, then King Egbert of England.

To the third, that if the name of England (as is imagined) be ob­scured, the name of fa­mous and great Britain will be illustrate, me­morable in times past to [Page 61] all the then knowne Nations of the earth.

Touching matter of Honour, it is certaine and evident, that the name of England, though it hath beene worthily most famous and great, yet is not equall to the title of great Britaine, when England and Scotland are reunited, either by reason of honor, or of power. All Histories remembring unto us, that the Britaines long [Page 62] time resisted the mighty force of Romaines, Lords, and Conque­rours of the world. And albeit some fathers can be content to disin­herite their own daugh­ters, to continue their names, (as is inferred in the objections) and therfore inforced, shold be much more in States, specially where the name hath beene fa­mous: yet for my part, I account such parents unkind and unnaturall, [Page 63] where self-love of their name, maketh them for­get themselves, and for­sake their owne flesh. I will not urge here the law of God, of nature, and of most nations where daughters inhe­rite, & names grow ex­tinguished. But this is a vaine respect only of name, wherof is spokē; to get a name on earth, and to think their name should never be put out: whereas so many coun­tries, so many people, [Page 64] so many persons, have either lost or left their former name, and most willingly have been called by another name, Gaudet cognomine terra: (Ʋirgil Eneid. lib. 6.) That countrey rejoyced to be called by a new name: how much more should our Land imbrace this name of Britaine; and yet not new, but indeed his old proper name renewed, and as it were redivived and restored from the [Page 65] dead. Or be it simply losse only of a bare transitory name; yet as the Prophet Esay speak­eth, Chapter 56. ver. 3. Let not the Eunuch say, Behold, I am a dry tree, my name shall perish with mee. Let us ra­ther regard that name which God promiseth to them that serve him, saying, (Esay 65. ver. 5.) Even unto them will I give in my house and within my pallaces, a place and a name better [Page 66] than of sons and of daughters: I will give them an everlasting name which shall not be put out.

The argument of Oblivion deserveth no answer, but silence and forgetfulnesse: and yet I doubt not, but fa­mous acts of Noble English men, will as well by Chronicle bee remembred to posteri­ty, as the glory of re­nowned Britaine Re­cord remaineth to this [Page 67] day, neither will either be forgotten to the worlds end.

The Stile of England now placed before Scotland, doth no way prejudice the Vnion by losse of precedency: for when all is one, there is no subsequence: onely Honor is due to him, who is to be honoured; and much honour to him, that is much to be honored: which thing in the Vnion may ea­sily bee provided for, [Page 68] and other pretended in­conveniences prevent­ed.

Lastly, the Prejudi­cating the popular opi­nion, to whom (as is objected) change of name will be harsh and unpleasing, is in mine opinion a wrong done, and imputation laid upon the people, who I know (for the most part) being a wise nati­on, and (I am sure) most loving subjects to the Kings Majesty, have [Page 69] learned obedience and duty, and will there­fore rather joy in the content of their good and gacious King, then any way murmure at his demand: know­ing, that the Empire, (as Livie speaketh) is firmissimum, when eo gaudent obedientes, who doubtlesse with one voice and heart submit themselves, and say to their Soveraigne: Esto nobis solus arbiter rerum jure, & nomine regio.

[Page 70]And as for Harsh­nesse of the strange name, use will easily make it familiar. As Horace saith:

Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cademque
Quae nunc sunt in honore vo­cabula, si volet usus.

This pretended un­pleasing harshnesse is no more, than the nice­nesse of a Virgin, who is as loth, and maketh it [Page 71] dainty to leave her fa­thers name, yet after­ward married to a hus­band, taketh greatest comfort in the name of her husband, in whom shee glorieth, and by whom shee en­joyeth all her world­ly joy. And yet need not England be so nice as if she were a virgin, who like a widdow hath so oftē changed her name: but may take pride, as widows do, to bee called by her most [Page 72] honourable and most glorious name.

Thus having briefly run over the objecti­ons, and withall carried in open view in mine answer due considera­tion both of evident utility, and urgent ne­cessity, I will be bold with additions of more reasons, yet a little far­ther to proceed in the perswasion of this de­sired happy Vnion. God, alwaies blessed and to be honoured for [Page 73] evermore, who is Tri­nity in Vnity, and Vnity in Trinity, three per­sons, and but one God, doth by influence of his holy Spirit, give divers gifts and graces to be­leevers, of what country or condtion soever they be, & governes them by holy Law, and uniteth them in the same faith, though diversly scatter­ed among all the Nati­ons of the Christian world: that hereby the gods on earth, [Page 74] whom he hath placed to rule over many and divers kingdomes upon earth, might learne by the same Lawes in things humane, and same religion in mat­ters divine, to preserve Weale publike, and Christian Society a­mong men.

But the ambition, and frowardnesse of many, desirous rather to be distracted into di­vers names and coun­tries, and to be ruled by [Page 75] divers lawes and cu­stomes, doe oft times hazard the Common good and peace of the Weale publike: where two kingdomes so di­vided under one Sove­raigne, are not unlike the rich treasures of pearle and gold, laid up in one Ship, by contra­rieties of divers windes to be driven upon rocks with extreamest dan­ger: as is said in Tully, of dividing and distin­guishing desires into se­verall [Page 76] parts and mem­bers, in such diversities and differences: Hoc est dissipare, & non di­stinguere, frangere, & non dividere.

Which thing is to be feared by not uniting, but keeping the two kingdomes still in parts, when upon every dis­content in Scotland, as at a backe doore pas­sage may be given for a forreine enemy, soone to weaken a divided power: as Cyrus the [Page 77] Persian soone emptied that great and deep ri­ver, otherwise unpassa­ble for his soldiers, by drawing it into divers channels. And why should not we feare such and greater evils, if as Virgil laid infamy up­on us, calling us, toto di­visos orbe Britannos: so we be content to adde greater infamy to our selves, and become toto in orbe divisi, divided within our selves in the sight and view of [Page 78] the whole world?

But I hope and wish for better things, that by Vnion in name of Britaines, we may leave to be any longer divi­ded into English and Scottish; as rivers of divers names meeting in the Sea, receive one and the same name: the rather, because the elements of fire and water, of earth and aire, being of repugnant qualities, yet joyned in one body, doe agree in [Page 79] one forme, as in a Me­dium uniting and mix­ing them together: much more, divers kingdomes oft times heretofore at war and discord, yet now being united into one body, of one name and na­ture, qualified by equall mixture, of Law, Man­ners, Honors, Marri­ages, and such like, may be made perfect in one forme, and have a bee­ing not as English and Scottish, but as Britains, [Page 80] knit together in that third and renowned name: that the Maxime may be verified in us: Qua in aliquo tertio con­veniunt, optime conve­niunt.

I confesse, that some lawes of ours may bee thought too streight for them, and some liber­ties of theirs unfitting us: but let all be wrest­ed alike, pulling some up, and letting some downe, and in pleasing harmony we shall find, [Page 81] as Tully saith: Commune & aequabile inter omnes jus: where will be no strife, as was betweene Esau and Jacob, under­mining and deceiving one the other of bles­sing and patrimony; but all love, and unity, and concord, and con­tent, as if all were not twins, but one man, even one heart in one body.

And now if Iphicra­tes, that valiant Leader were againe living, and [Page 82] asked, whether he were under the now imperi­all Majesty, this or that, English or Scottish, or among, or over them, an horseman, an archer, or a Leader; he might truly answer, as some­times he did in like case: No, not any of these, but I am he, who knoweth under him whom I serve, to com­mand and governe all these, as if they were but one man: Vnius Ducis imperium simul sen­tiunt [Page 83] omnes copiae. Thus in warre and tumult, much more in quiet peace, may it be said: Divers subjects ad nu­tum unius Regis, & ejus­dem legis omnes simul re­spondent.

So powerfull is the force of Vnion, that una Via being director, for law, and Cor unum per­former for obedience: the law enjoyning obe­dience, and obedience executing Law, the Prince cannot com­mand [Page 84] what the people will not obey: and the people will obey what the Prince commands, and Vnity among them will uphold all: Vnum imperii corpus unius ani­mo regendum videtur: & so likewise, Ejusdem ju­ris esse debent, qui sub eo­dem Rege victuri sunt.

But rule of two king­domes without uniting them, is to give occasi­on to either part to look backe for an olde grudge, Vbi antiqui odii [Page 85] pertinacia in publicum sti­mulat exitium: which I feare would be, as the going backe of two Rammes, more fiercely to butt at, and beate one the other: where held both together in like yoke, one cannot easily offend or force the o­ther. Sic enim immensa multitudo authoritatis qua­si spiritu regitur.

And where it is of the nature of man not to endure all servitude, nor all liberty, but to [Page 86] strive to shake off the one, and to be weary of the other; it is cer­taine, that equity and equability of like lawes to a divers people uni­ted in one, will make them (which otherwise feare servitude) to en­joy freedome: and those which seeme most free by former priviledges & immunities, to feare servitude, if they trans­gresse their bounds: for such Vnion and equity is communis custodia, & [Page 87] principatus & reipublicae. But faction and ambi­tion, are the father and mother of intestine ca­lamity, Civill war, and deadly feud.

Who so loveth this, will never like that; nei­ther is he of the body, but of the toes and feet of that image which Nebuchadnesar dreamed of, Dan. 2. whose head was of fine gold, whose breast and armes of sil­ver, whose belly and thighes of brasse, whose [Page 88] legs of Iron, and whose feet, part of Iron and part of Clay. Silver, Brasse, and Iron are me­tals easily mixed, but Iron and Clay will not by any meanes melt and joyne together. King­domes divided are pre­figured in the Iron and Clay, they are partly warlike and well go­verned, & partly weak, factious, and seditious: they agree not to the King their golden head, and though they (as the [Page 89] Text saith, verse 43.) mingle themselves with the seed of men, yet joyn not one with ano­ther, but are as Iron and Clay, which will not be mixed together. The Poets call this latter age Ferrea: let us which live in it prove them Poets, and not Pro­phets, that so being joyned to our golden head in all obedience and duty, in all love and zeale to our Coun­trie, and in Vnitie [Page 90] among our selves, God may still showre down his wonted favours upon Church and Common-wealth; and that wee may still bee thankfull, returning him the glory.


A SECOND PART to the precedent TREATISE.

THE State of Eng­land, and Scot­land may bee re­sembled to the condition of Israel, and Iu­da, not only for emulation, who have most right to the Royall person of the Kings Majesty, for their defence, and government; but also for that the two kingdomes were at first both but one. [Page 92] Besides, God, as he speak­eth by his Prophet Hosea, Chapter 11. did also at first alike leade both them, and us, With Cords of a man, even with Bands of love. And as it pleased God, for sinne of people to breake those Bands, even both the Staffe of bands, and of beauty, to dissolve the brotherhood of Israel, and Iuda, (as saith the Pro­phet, Zach. 11.) so, for the iniquity of our forefathers, God brake the Staffe of bands, signifying mutuall love, and also Staffe of beauty, signify­ing order of government, and brought in upon them, and upon their posterity, [Page 93] even to these our later daies, as Esay saith, Chap­ter 9. A staffe of division, and yoke of burden upon theirs, and our shoulders; which now for all that, out of the riches of his mercy, he hath also broken in pie­ces, making all one againe, as hee spake by his Pro­phet Ezekiel, concerning Israel, and Iuda, (Chapter 37.) saying, I will make them one people in the land, upon the mountaines of Israel, and one King shall be King to them all, and they shall be no more two peoples, neither be divided, any more hence­forth into two Kingdomes.

[Page 94]This foundation laid, as project of our whole pur­pose; The truth sheweth it self how two kingdoms, seve­red in place, not much diffe­ring in lawes, nor dissonant in language, but only disa­greeing heretofore in neigh­bourhood, may be compre­hended under notion of one name, specially seeing, when one ruleth both, and both be­come Subject to one, they are no more two, but one body, linked in like duty, and knit together in one band of obedience. To doubt this is in Strangers, igno­rance, but in Subjects, a great offence.

For who so considereth [Page 95] that many Shires, with the principality of Wales, here­tofore made one England, cannot but confesse that likewise England, and Scot­land, with all their territo­ries, Islands, Shires, and Countries make now one great Britaine, and all the people of both the mighty Nations, Britaines▪ and that the Kings Majesty hath done as princely an Act in uni­ting both the kingdomes in­to one name, as he did in uniting the Armes of both the Realmes into one Scut­chion, having a like right in both. For all great Britaine being his Majesties inheri­tance, all his Subjects with­in [Page 96] that continent are Brit­taines.

Iust, and reasonable was the demand of Annius, chiefe Governour of Latines, in uniting Romanes, and La­tines, saying, Ex utraque gen­te unum oportet esse populum, unam fieri rempub: eandem im­periisedem, idemque omnibus nomen. And albeit the La­tines were content, for sake of Weale publike, to pre­fer Romanes before them­selves, and be called by their names (as the History there farther reporteth) Quoniam ab alter utra parte concedi ne­cesse est (quod utrisque benè vertat) sit haec sanè patria po­tior, & Romani omnes voce­mur: [Page 97] neverthelesse the case not standing so with us, that Scottish should be called by our name, nor we by theirs, methinkes, a third name of great Britaine might easily, and equally please both: otherwise as King Deiotarus cut off all his children, sa­ving one, because he would leave the kingdome but to one: so should English, swallowing up name of Scot­tish, or Scottish drowning name of English, prove such a Vine, which to bring but one grape to ripenesse, is content that all branches be cut off, but one. But the question here is not, which of the branches should best [Page 98] prosper, but how all the branches may flourish, which abide in the Vine: and verily the question car­rieth in it selfe his answer. Abide in the Vine. This Vine is but one, though of many branches, and much fruit. And thankes be given to God, that his Majesty K. Iames of blessed memory, by publique Proclamation, di­vulged the inserting and fast grafting of each branch, and all fruit into his owne Roy­all person, as into a fruitfull and flourishing Vine, even into the head of the whole body, of how many soever parts consisting. Wherein his Highnesse laid the first [Page 99] stone, as he was the true and only foundation of hap­py union: and yet, as yet, like Apelles fashioning only the exquisite and most ex­cellent beauty of Venus in the head, but I hope also, and will pray for perfection in the rest: that the saying may be true. Rex velit ho­nesta, nemo non eadem volet [...] and that an universall union may be as happy in successu, as it is most just by Procla­mation in inceptu. That the head going before, the whole body may follow af­ter in imitation, to worke out perfection of the desired happy union. That it may be verified, quod diu parturivit [Page 100] tandem peperit; and what God had in his providence long purposed, is fulfilled in these our happy daies. And that by no meanes that of the Poet may be imputed to us, either by disobedience to our head, or disagreeing among our selves, Human [...] capiti varias i [...]ducere formas ▪ Grammarians doe observe, that Metallum, is so called, quasi [...], that is, post, & [...], that is, aliud, because there is scarcely found no veine of Mettall, where is not more of that sort adjoyning to it: so among English and Scot­tish, they are not to bee thought of the true metalline Mine, but as drosse, and [Page 101] canker, corrupting, and con­suming each other, which joyne not in the universall name of great Britaine, so to continue, and dwell toge­ther, to grow up and agree together: seeing nature hath made them all of one kinde, forme, complexion, habit, and language growing toge­ther.

And verily divine is the mistery of union (whether the provident wisdome of nature from God hath in­gendred it, or the skill of mans reason hath observed it) where one of, and in it selfe, doth out of it selfe poure forth innumerable formes of things; as Brit­taine [Page 102] doth even two king­domes, and the principality of Wales, with many Shires, Rivers, Islands, and people, and yet containeth them all within it selfe: one having many, many making one; where one of many is not divided against it selfe, and the many in one make no division to overthrow the whole; but all are the same; whether we respect union, or division.

And this doubtlesse is a divine power, or celestiall vertue, not only for our purpose, but compassing, and passing through the whole world, making things either simple, or conjunct, [Page 103] but one; subsisting, by, and under the divine essence, which is one; and consist­ing in all his members, and parts united, but one; where each, and every part of this universall world, respecteth the whole, otherwise innu­merable, but brought by union to a number, without number, even beginning of numbers, which is but one.

And this is most agreeing to the conceit of wisest Phi­losophers, skilfull in natures Secret: teaching, all (what­soever is) to be but one: and that in the universall na­ture of things there is an agreeing amity, and inter­mixed affinity, where all the [Page 104] parts of the whole world ac­cord, by one transfused con­tinuate spirit among them, being compact together with one and the self-same agreeing force, and forcea­ble agreement of nature, pro­ceeding from one beginning, continued by one meane, and referred to one end; every particular being knit toge­ther with the whole univer­sality and diversity of things, and wrapt up in one round orbe together, that as parts of this world, they may dwell in one Center, or Cir­cle together.

To shut up many things in few, and to shew how certainly all things are con­tained [Page 105] in one, and one doth comprehend all, verily in Schooles of Philosophers, it is an infallible Maxime, that all things are commu­nicated in one; Vnum hoc praeque omnibus unum. This one is all in all. Ruunt autem omnia, ubi unitas non firma­mentum, diffluunt, ubi non co­agulum. The demonstration in our intended purpose, is plaine. Many villages make one Shire, many Shires one Kingdome, many Kingdoms one Imperiall Monarchy: all which is Britaine, and Britaine all these; and the Kings Majesty possessing, and governing Britaine, pos­sesseth, and governeth all [Page 106] these: and the Subject, knowing Britaine, knoweth all, and every of these; for all these are one, and this one is all these. That as this excellent workmanship of Vnion sheweth it selfe in the mighty Masse, and fa­bricke of the whole world, so much more particularly, and plainly doth it appeare in a modell of the same, even in the name, and honour of great Britaine; where every Subject ought clearely to see in himselfe, that though hee be termed the little world, and compact of infinite va­riety, and multiplicity of things, yet is he not two, but one man.

[Page 107]Here let the neare neigh­bourhood, and conjunction of man, and man, in mutuall society, and participation of profits, which man hath with man (where two friends are but one, and not parting meum, and tuum) confesse; that though they are in per­son two, yet indeed doe, with idem velle, and idem nolle, enjoy the fruition of heaven, with the same aspect, and the commodities of the earth, with the same minde; where all things are common to both, and yet proper to each one.

All which things are al­leadged to shew that as every kingdome, and State of the [Page 108] world is upheld with one and the self-same power and life, wherewith the univer­sall world consisteth; So now it concerneth all, and every one Subject, both of England, and Scotland, to participate in the common obedience, transfused into all, under the government of one.

Where sacred unity is guide, and director, there, even from distinct nature, use of mutuall society, and good of weale publique, ma­ny are knit together insepa­rably; and great, and infi­nite numbers of all sorts of people, are contained in one narrow compasse of neere [Page 109] conjunction; for so the most populous and powerfull Kingdomes, though two, or moe, under one Soveraigne, seeme to bee, but as one whole body, And the whole body of Weale publique in subjection, and obedience, but as one man: Sic enim omnes aequo jure parent omni­bus imperaturo. And as in all things, so specially in this, are we bound to render all praise, and thanksgiving to that thrice sacred Vnity, from whom, as from the first author, and fountaine, is sowen abroad in the world, that fruitfull seed of constant unity; whose force draweth many of one houshold to be [Page 110] of one minde, and is ever do­ing good, in its owne nature, keeping Israel together, like a flock of sheep.

Neither is it an hard mat­ter to unite, and keep them together, who live under the same climate of heaven, and are of like language, man­ners, countenance, lawes, cu­stomes, forme of body, fa­shion of behaviour, yea, and religion: à religando· Right­ly called the chiefest band of hearty union. For though the Island Salamis be con­troverted between the Athe­nians, and Megarenses, yet must it be adjudged to the Athenians, because they li­ved after the same fashion [Page 111] and lawes; as now the skil­full in the lawes of this land easily acknowledge what congruity and affinity is be­tween most of the ancient lawes of both our King­domes, more then is to be found between those of any other two nations. And al­beit the Towne Sidas bee controverted between the Athenians, and Boetians, yet Epaminondas will adjudge it, to the Boetians and not to the Athenians, because the Athenians called an apple Malum punicum, but the Boe­tians called it Sidas. There is between English, and Scottish small, or no diffe­rence, nay now none at all, [Page 112] in union all being Britaines, not so much as between Gi­leadites and Ephraimites in pronouncing Shibboleth, for Sibboleth, but all are of one language, and even of one Canaan language, only a little River Twede is com­mon limit, or rather ima­ginary bound to both: and all from Twede Southward, is Britaine within Twede, and all from Twede North­ward, is Britaine beyond Twede, yet both on this side, and that all but one Britaine (non nos mare separat ingens, exiqua prohibemur aqua) as all France hath formerly been divided into two parts, the one beyond the Alps, [Page 113] the other within the Alps: and all India Westward within the River Gange, and Eastward beyond Gange. And all Scithia within Ima­us, and without Imaus. And though the Island hath beene long time divided into two Kingdomes, yet England it selfe hath oft times of divers been called Britaine, as by a Sirname: and if pars pro toto, might have that denomina­tion, much more ought the whole, being now made one. Therefore Linacre and Gro­cinus of the one part called themselves Britaines, and Iohannes Major of the other, affirmed that the Kings of England, and Scotland [Page 114] wanted good Councell to advise them to marry toge­ther, so to make of both one kingdome of Britaine: and that only envious men, and they who neglected the Weale publique, did hin­der this union of peace. Which thing King Henry the seventh, and King Henry the eigth, wisely foresaw, seeking by marriage to unite both kingdomes into one. Discordantis saepe patriae non aliud est remedium, quam si ab uno regeretur.

Therefore the wise men have most religiously ob­served two beginnings of things; one of evill, divisi­ble, imperfect, manifold, [Page 115] called duallity, or Binarius nu­merus. Another of good, indivisible, perfect, and in name and nature, alwaies one, called unitas. If Dual­lity, or Binarius, as cause ef­ficient beare sway, then in the aire breed intempera­ture; if in Cities, Families, or Kingdomes, wars, and discord; if in the body diseases; if in the minde of men, vice, and wickednesse. But where union possesseth chiefe place, her fruits are, to the aire wholsome tem­per; to Cities, Families, and Kingdomes, mutuall love, and joy; to the body health and strength; and to the mind, vertue, & godlines. [Page 116] For unity admitteth no dua­lity, knoweth no contrarie­ty, and by consequence no [...] infirmity. But Duallity se­duced Adam in disobedi­ence, seeking to know, as well evill, as good; who be­fore, was sole Monarch of the whole earth, and was wholly good, and perfect, both in Body, and Soule, un­till he drew with a double twisted cord of contrarie­ties unto his body, in stead of health, sicknesse, and in­firmities; and unto his soul, in stead of Righteousnesse, sin, and misery; needing now to strengthen his body, bread; and to repaire his soule, grace; even for body, [Page 117] and soule Gods mercy. For so he turned the Monarchy of perfect good, into a Mo­nomachy, or duellum of good, and evill, sinne, and righteousnesse, peace, and war, joy, and sorrow, sick­nesse, and health, yea life, and death. And now when the sole Monarch of the whole earth, left off to abide in the common obedience, and universall union of all things to his Creator (albeit all the creatures were before in voluntary subjection, uni­ted also to their sole Mo­narch Adam on earth) yet now every creature lifteth up himselfe against his sole earthly Soveraigne, and [Page 118] against his Succession for ever. The earth will not yeeld Adam bread, but by the sweat of his browes; the beasts become wilde, and cruell; yea the earth open­eth her mouth against the succession of disobedient Adam, and swalloweth up Corah, Dathan, and Abiram; the waters drowne the whole world, except eight persons; the poore flie can, and doth sometimes choake a man, having before neither pow­er, nor will to doe it; Lice can devoure and eate up He­rod; even the vilest, and weakest creatures, can, and often do destroy the greatest Tyrants of the earth.

[Page 119]And in the opinion of some, the holy Ghost seem­eth in mystery to open this matter to a man of under­standing, forbearing in the second daies worke, to say, all was good; as is plainely said of all the other five daies, and he saw all things good; not but that the worke of this day, was also good, (for all his works, are, and were exceeding good) but because of waters, which in many places of the Scrip­ture signifie troubles, yea intollerable afflictions, and because of division of wa­ters in that daies worke (God being a God, not of division, but of peace) [Page 120] therefore the holy Ghost seemeth to forbeare to say in that place, And it was good ▪ And yet would not these bee mistaken in their curiosity, as if they included the divi­sion of waters in that dayes worke, not to be good, (see­ing that waters in the clouds divided from the Seas, are upholden by Gods provi­dence, not to poure downe and overwhelme the earth) for they approve divisions of constructions to be good, as the dividing the light from darknesse, the day from night, and of whatsoever in­to parts, for ornament, and beauty of the forme divided; but utterly condemne divi­sions [Page 121] of destructions, or of distractions, which is, fran­gere non dividere, comminuere non distinguere, to part the body from the head, or the members from the body, to bring order to confusion, unity to distraction, forme to a Chaos, and e [...]s to pri­vation, such division was that, whereof Caselius an­swered the Merchant: Na­vem si dividis, nec tu, nec so­cius habebit and such divisi­on the unnaturall harlot en­tended; requiring the living childe to be cut into two parts, (1 Kings 3.) Let it be neither mine nor thine, but di­vide it.

Where two, or three are [Page 122] made one, there is the image of God, of truth, of peace, of fortitude, of praise, and of perfection: but where one is drawne, divided, and torne asunder, there break­eth forth falshood, warre, feare, dishonour, and confu­sion. They which are of God, embrace the one, and they which are of the devill, the other. For God both in the Center, and Circumfe­rence of truth, is in simpli­city, and perfection, one▪ but the devill, neither dwel­ling in this Center, nor sit­ting in this Circle, is carri­ed in duallity, nay contrari [...]ety of numbers, opposing evill against good, whose [Page 123] Center being falshood, the circumference cannot bee truth: his is a kingdome di­vided, and must fall, being not a Monarchy it cannot stand. And yet we reject not the number of two, so they continue, and persist in uni­on, as it is written; they shall be two in one flesh: but repro­bate is that duallity, that ma­keth war in peace, begetting, and ingendring division, and contrariety, controversie, and confusion: and either of ambition, senslesness, hatred, quarrell, open discord, or re­bellion, hindreth that sweet Harmony of union, most pleasing to God, & most profitable for men, of whom [Page 124] saith Tacitus, In publicum ex­itiosi, nihil spei, nisi per discor­dias habent, tamen libertas, & praeciosa nomina praetexuntur.

But doe we not see by this unfolding of things, how the perpetuall course of truth, and unity, through­out all in the world, doth even now conduct, and lead me, by the hand, to the mat­ter now in hand? And veri­ly I will follow thee (sacred union) whither soever thou leadest me, and into, what­soever Region of vertue thou intendest; I will not leave thee, being never unlike thy selfe, alwaies well accompa­nied, adorned, and beautified with diversity of things, [Page 125] and never alone, and yet still but one. It is thy doing, that Prudence, the chiefe head and governour of vertues, the rule and direction of all well doings, and prescribing to every vertuous action, the manner, order, and course, of doing well, doth so knit, and joyne together all mo­rall vertues, as that by thy secret influence they all may be found joyntly in all wise Subjects, and in every one particularly with one heart to performe that duty, which both yeeldeth right to the King, and maintain­eth peace, and love among men. Siquidem communis vi­tae societas, in unione consistit.

[Page 126]And seeing it hath pleased his Majesty King Iames, by publique Proclamation to assume the name and stile of King of Great Britaine, jure haereditario, it is meet that all loving Subjects not only ac­knowledge the clearenesse of his right, but joyfully ap­plaud, and chearfully fol­low him herein, now in our gracious K. Charles his reign; lest murmuring, they, like evill, and base minded soul­diers, follow their Empe­rour with an evill will, ac­cording to that saying, Ma­lus miles imperatorem sequitur gemens. We see some noble men, yea, and the gentlemen in our State daily to pur­chase, [Page 127] and unite Land to Land, and Lordship upon Lordship, and to seek by all meanes to shake off the Te­nure in Capite, and to hold all their Lands in some other more free Tenure. And it cannot be denyed, that to all their severall Courts, all Tenants and freeholders wil­lingly performe their seve­rall services; or else are fined by the Lord of the Mannor, or by his Steward. And may the inferiour Lord expect more homage, from a Te­nant, then a King require, both of Lords, and Te­nants, all Subjects to him, and holding all they have, from, by, and under him? [Page 128] Pacis interest omnem potesta­tem ad unum referri. But all gain-sayers and murmurers, qui contumaciam potius cum pernicie, quam [...]bsequium cum securitate malunt, are not un­like Mesech, and Kedar, spo­ken of in the Psalme, in re­spect of whom the good King complained to God, and to himselfe, saying: Woe that I dwell with Mesech and Kedar: I labour for peace, and they prepare them to battell, I study union, and they strive to make division. Non placeo concordiae author, said that good Valerius. But alas, why should Ephraim beare evill will to Iuda, or Iuda vexe Ephraim, fratres enim [Page 129] sumus: should not they ra­ther both together united now into the name of Bri­taines, as into the name of the beloved Israel of God, (Esay 11.) Flee upon the shoulders of the Philistines, and make spoile of their ene­mies, so that the Idumites, Moabites, and Ammonites, even all their enemies might be subdued unto them: Duo enim sunt, quibus omnis respub: servatur, in hostes fortitudo & domi concordia. And verily the uniting the two King­domes into the name of Bri­taine, is not unlike (Esay 21) that chariot, drawne with two horsemen, mentioned in Esay; at sight whereof, the watch­man [Page 130] cryed, Babilon is fallen, Babilon is fallen, and all the images of her Gods are smitten downe to the ground. For so (except we will smother the childe of Vnion in his first birth,) both English, and Scottish, will soone heare him sound aloude into the whole world, that all great Britaine is like Ierusalem, which is, as a City, at unity within it selfe; and Babilon, even division, disorder, dis­cord, and confusion are con­founded, and overthrowne; and what King Egbert did write in Sand, King Iames of blessed memory, and our gracious King Charles hath blotted out, and troden un­der [Page 131] foot all the disho­nour thereof, and engra­ven, as in a marble Stone, the perpetuall honour of great Britaine by Royall restitution? This verily commeth of the Lord of hosts, which worketh with wonderfull wisdome, and bringeth excellent things to passe.

Alexander asked King Po­rus his captive, how hee would be entertained; and Porus answered, like a King; Alexander demandeth a­gaine; Porus answereth againe, in Kingly manner. Alexander asketh what else, Porus answereth nothing else for in this kingly maner, [Page 132] every thing else, is contain­ed. And though (God be praised for it) the cause be not between English, and Scottish in Conquest, and captivity, as between Alex­ander, and Porus, (but two famous Kingdomes in right of blood, under one mighty Monarch) yet our great Alexander in his high wis­dome considering how these two might best be governed, hath in his owne royall heart best resolved it, namely by uniting them into one Mo­narchy, into one govern­ment, and into one name; and if any demand, how else, verily he must be answered no way else, for in this union [Page 133] whatsoever else is contained, Nam in istoc sunt omnia even, the Stoickes, (who I think neither were in jest, nor ar­rogantly conceited) contain­ed under Prudence, both ju­stice, and fortitude, and temperance, and whatsoe­ver vertue else, accounting also him who was perfectly wise, an Orator, a Poet, a Rich man, a very King, and an Emperour.

All blessings, and graces, may be thought attendants, and companions to union, who alone knoweth how to order all things in govern­ment: and is a princely commander of Subjects obe­dience, and subduer of gain­sayers, [Page 134] ordering unruly af­fections, bridling untamed lusts, restraining swelling pride, composing rebellious appetites, determining all doubts, and rights, within the compasse of her judge­ment, and yet giving to eve­ry one his due, by her dis­cretion: And therefore is like the Sun in the middest of heaven, among the Stars; and as the Stars take light of the Sun, so also blessings of Weale publique proceed from this sacred, and thrice happy union into the name of great Britaine, whose glo­rious light shineth to all, and every one hath comfort thereby. It is also not unlike [Page 135] the Soul in the Body of man; for in the whole common Weale, it is wholly, and in every part thereof, whether it be of English, or Scot­tish intire. Tota in toto, & tota in qualibet parte. As a shining light, it sheweth a way for common good, and as a reasonable soule, giveth understanding to the blind­est body, to see the full frui­tion of all worldly happi­nesse: let no man shut his eyes against the Sunne, nor refuse a living Soule for his Carcasse.

If I could express the image of this union in lively co­lors, I would surely make her a goddess, faire & beautifull, [Page 136] having a garland, and crown of all blessings upon her head, and sitting in a Chaire of State, with all good for­tunes, vertues and graces at­tending her, and as a god­desse in triumphant chariot going into the capitol, or temple of mighty Iupiter: where also the Poets have found her, but called by ano­ther name, even Pallas, who is also named Monas, that is, Vnity: because having one only parent, she resideth in Iupiters braine, even in the chiefe seat of his wisdome; where all the Muses are her companions, so cal­led Musae, quasi [...], that is altogether in one; where [Page 137] all the Graces goe hand in hand, congratulating to Vni­on their mutuall society; where all vertue, and know­ledge are neare of affinity, but Iustice, and government of consanguinity to her, her selfe still holding primacy over all; as England, and Scotland, are chearefully looking one towards the o­ther in the name of great Britaine, and as the two Cherubins did looke one to­wards, the other, in one pro­pitiatory. And thy royall state O great Britaine is as the anointed Cherub. Ezek. 28.

And as in the heart of man is placed fortitude, in his liver temperance, and in [Page 138] his minde Iustice, and yet all these, with all other vertues are annexed to Prudence, the common ligament of all; so is great Britaine, by uni­ting all his kingdomes, prin­cipalities, countries, and ho­nours the compleat propor­tioned forme of all, and all in it both universally and particularly, are fashioned and made fit on every side for happy conjunction and mutuall correspondence. For this renowned name of great Britaine standeth in stead of a Loadstone drawing all into one, chaining them together with links of love; as Lisip­pus made an image of foure mettals mixed together, [Page 139] gold, silver, brasse, and iron; expressing hereby absolute perfection of vertue, putting in gold, to signifie Prudence; silver, Iustice; brasse, For­titude; and iron, Tempe­rance: whereof they are al­together ignorant, as if they had never seene vertue, so much as painted, who, to overthrow union in the name of great Britain, bring no union of vertues, even ex­cellencies of many Coun­tries, to this so excellent worke. But skilfull Zeuxes going about to depaint an absolute worke of a perfect virgin, took not only view of one womans beauty, but had variety of many the fairest, [Page 140] to accomplish out of all these a more excellent, and consummate forme of body.

Shall we not thinke the Kingdome of France, con­taining Pickardy, Norman­dy, the Isle of France, Cham­paigne, Averne, Dalpheny, Bry, Bloys, Turin, the Dutchy of An [...]ow, Xanto [...]n, Burgundy, and uniting [...]o it little Britaine, to be more glorious in all these, being made one, then if but one on­ly of all these were that Kingdome? Doe we not see that the enlarging of the do­minions of Spaine, in uni­ting, and establishing divers kingdomes, and territories, as those of Aragons, Castile, [Page 141] and that of Portugal with others, hath so enlarged that Kingdome, as that the like hath not befallen other Christian Potentates? Hath not the King of Denmarke, beside the Cimbrian Cher­sonese (where Holsatia, Theutomartia, the Duke­dome of Sletia, Flensburgh, Friesland, and Iuthland doe lie) other spacious Islands, fifteen in number, all com­prehended under the name Denmarke, and united to that Crowne? Did not Ia­gello, taking to wife in the yeare, 1380. the Princesse Hedingee the last of the blood Royall of Polonia, after he was enstalled King there, [Page 142] unite all his owne principa­lities of Lithuania, and Sa­motgathia Provinces of Russia, to the Kingdome and Crowne of Poland? Did not Ahasuerus (Esther 1.) raigne from India to Ethiopia, over an hundred twenty and seven divers Provinces? And was not he so mighty (by reason of this variety, subjected, and united to his sole go­vernment) that he was, an hundreth and fourescore daies shewing the riches and glory of his Greatnesse, to all his Princes, and to the mighty men of Persia, and Media? But to take exam­ple of one only Rome for all. How hath it been renowned [Page 143] through the whole world, by joyning all Nations of the world into one, even to it selfe? Herehence it was cal­led Terrarum dea gentiumque Roma, communis patria, mund [...] compendium.

As Propertius.

Omnia Romanae cedant miracula terrae,
Natura hic posuit quicquid in orbe fuit.

But the Majesty of this Empire grew so great by ad­joyning other nations, and bringing them all into one:

Haec est, in gremium quae victos sola recepit,
Humanumque genus com­muni nomine fovit
[Page 144]Matris non dominae ritu, civesque [...]ocavit.
Quo [...] domini, nexuque pr [...] longinqua revinxit.

And againe,

Fecisti patri em diversis gentibus unam,
Dumque offers victis pro­prii consortia juris,
Vrbem fecisti quod prius orbis erat.

And so may we say of this renowned name of great Britaine comprehending us all of divers nations in one, under our gracious King.

Hujus pacificis debemus moribus omnes,
Quod cunctigens una sumus.

[Page 145]I could set forth, and con­firme by sundry examples, this uniting of many into one, and thereby shew, that the enlarging of dominion consisteth in uniting all to­gether into one name, and establishing divers Territo­ries under one Soveraignty, and government; and that the greater States, and Im­periall powers of larger ex­tent and far spreading domi­nation are the more durable; and that the Monarchy of great Britaine is like to bee hereafter of more durance, strength, and honor as part­ly (comming under our Kings government without conquest or constraint: [Page 146] Nam errat longe mea qui dem sententia, qui credat imperium stabilius aut firmius quod vi [...] adjungitur quam quod facili­tate & clementia) so now especially it being united in the whole, then heretofore divided in parts; his con­texture being of a greater frame than before, holding by more then one naile, an [...] upholding its owne great­nesse: even as great build [...]ings endure and subsist by their owne weight, as th [...] Poet speaketh, Pondere t [...] suo est. But I thinke it here as needfull to lay open th [...] great fault, imputed to Con [...]stantine, dividing the Em [...]pire among his Children [Page 147] whereby of one Empire, he made three, and withall a memorable diminution of of his authority, and forces: which part Brutus also play­ed, dividing this whole Em­pire of great Britain among his three Sons: of which, though two parts afterward, namely England, & Wales, were againe in good time united: yet Scotland stood till now, divided from the rest, and the rest from it, till God in speciall goodnesse restored to former name, and government, all into one againe: for which Kings Iames may challenge more glory by uniting all into one, then Brutus or Constantine [Page 148] dividing it from one; and though Constantine the great, was counted the glory of Britaine as being borne and made Emperour here: yet may that commendation better fit King Iames than Constantine: Tu nobiles feci­sti Britanias, quod illic ort [...] factusque es imperator.

The Platan tree hath ma­ny goodly Branches, and boughes, and leaves in one body: and therefore Xerxes in Herodotus, crowned him with a golden Garland▪ doubtlesse there is a deserved glorious garland due to the name of great Britaine, bringing forth many goodly boughes, and branches, like [Page 149] to the faire, and well spread Platan tree; or rather for the height of his honour, like the [...]all, and goodly Ce­dar, in whom, the dreame of Nebuchodonosor hath been ve­rified: for he saw a tree in the middest of the earth, great, and strong, whose height reached unto the hea­ven, and the sight thereof to the end of the earth: whose leaves were faire, and the fruit thereof much: Dan. 4. in which was meat for all, yea the beasts of the field had shadow under it, the fowles of the aire dwell in the boughes thereof, and all flesh fed of it. But Nebucho­donosor heard also a watch [Page 150] crying out mightily, hew downe this tree, breake off his branches, shake off his leaves, scatter his fruit, that both beasts, and fowles may be put from him: neverthe­lesse leave the stump of his rootes still in the earth. So was the ancient honour, and glory of great Britaine; great, and mighty, high to heaven, faire, and fruitfull, and of power over the whole Land from one end to the other: but the highest, who hath power over all, did (for the sin of the inhabitants) hew downe this goodly tree; yet left the stumpe of the rootes in the earth. And out of it the tree is growne [Page 151] up againe to former beauty, that we might learn to mag­nifie the K. of heaven, as did Nebuchadnesar restored to the honor of his kingdome, to his glory, and beauty againe, to his Counsellors, and Prin­ces, and to the establishment of his Throne with augment­ed glory.

And here let us now con­secrate to all eternity the ancient name of famous great Britaine, as a Panthe­on of all blessings in peace, prosperity, and honour: for as Pantheon was a Tem­ple at Rome, round, and like to the capacitie of heaven, wherein were put all the images of their gods. [Page 152] So I say, in the name and stile of great Britaine, as in a Pantheon, are placed all worldly blessings, like Stars shining from heaven, and having their influence into the whole body of common weale, even perfection of beau­ty in Sion.

Superstitious antiquity framed false Gods, one indu­ed with this vertue, and ano­ther with that: this a wise, that a warlike, and another a just God: yea, for so many vertues, they framed so ma­ny goddesses, where one Temple might not be con­secrated to two goddesses, but distinct vertues must be worshipped with distinct [Page 153] worship. So as Marcellus dedicating one and the same Temple to Honour, and Vertue, was thought to of­fend against religion. But our happy, and better in­structed age, reducing all to one, truly to worship one true, and only God; so in civill things, and govern­ment, it offereth only one above and for all, that what­soever is separate, and di­stracted from it, may bee counted, as anathema, ex­communicate, divorced, or as a barren handmaid to bee sold to the Vsurer, unprofita­ble, imperfect, or as it were, not at all.

And now, as union into [Page 154] the name of great Britaine, is like a Pantheon, and brin­geth manifold abundant blessings meeting together, and concurring in one, so let us account our selves most blessed in our Sove­raigne unitor King Iames, in whose Royall and princely Successor, our gracious K. Charles, and his noble Pro­geny, is laid up all our obe­dience, and dwelleth all our happinesse; even as that worthy Scipio, is said there­fore to be borne, that there might be one, in whom all vertue should shew it selfe effectually, and absolutely perfect: Hic est Scipio, quem dii immortales nasci voluerunt, [Page 155] ut esset in quo se virtus per om­nes numeros efficaciter osten­deret.

This is the voice of truth it selfe; England and Scot­land are so naturally united in the name of great Britain, that the one nearely allyed to the other, can no longer bee an alien, or stranger one to the other, except it may bee said, that, Quia meus est, non est meus, ipsaque damno est mi­hi proximitas. So this natu­rall conjunction should bee no union, because it is both naturall in the Soile, and re­all in the Subject. But albeit the Romanes put into the Temple called Pantheon that precious gem named Vnio, [Page 156] divided and cut in two, yet we with all our goods and geare, ought willingly be borne into the bosome of great Britaine, quae fundit in omnes imperium, not distri­buting union into parts, but knitting up all parts in­to one, as Cicero's Oratour all sciences, and Aristotles good man all vertues, as Ca­to was counted like perfect in all vertues, or as the di­vine Plato sealed up in man, the lesser world, whatsoever vertue was in the whole world, or rather as Eden the plentifull garden of God sealing up the summe of all perfection and glory, Ezek. 28. was fraight and deckt with all [Page 157] manner of precious stones, the Ruby, the Tapaze, and the Di­amond, the Chrysolice, the Onix, and the Iasper, the Sa­phir, the Emerande, and the Carbuncle, and gold. Even now may it be said of this universall name of Britaine, as it was said of Rome. Im­perii virtutumque omnium lar, and virtutum omnium latissi­mum templum.

In ancient time it was counted ominous, if a stone fell, or a dog came among brethren. And Socrates was wont to curse those, who by self-conceits, and head-strong opinion attempted to set asunder those things which nature coupled toge­ther. [Page 158] And now if any facti­ous Tribune of the people interpose himselfe to divide us, and to disturbe the peace of Israel, thinking there is good fishing in troubled wa­ters, and that the honours, and benefits they hunt after, are attained in Perturbata Republica: whereof they ut­terly despaire in a peaceable State, Quia in concordia ordi­num nullos se usquam esse vi­dent: verily such are not unlike Medea, who so dis­persed her brothers limmes, that they could not be ga­thered againe: Cujus etiam vultu laeditu pietas: as the Mariners at Sea well observe in the two Stars Castor, and [Page 159] Pollux, that if one without the other appeare, they fore­see a troubled Sea: but peaceable, and quiet with­out storme, and without danger in the sight of both together.

The principality of Wales shall witnesse this truth, which never received any thing any more benefi­ciall for the people there, then uniting that Countrey to the crown & kingdome of England. For whilest it was alone without his brother, it was subject to storme, full of contentions, war, and shed­ding of blood, but joyned with his brother, it florished with peace, and at this day is [Page 160] blessed in the uniformity of government there establish­ed. And in mine opinion, it is well observed in the Chronicle of Wales, how God was not pleased with the first change of the name of Britaine into the name of England; for presently fol­lowed the terrible and cruell invasion of the Danes, and after that the conquest of the Normans. But memorable is it, that the Britaines ruled all the whole Isle together, with the out Isles of Wight, Men, in English Anglisee, Manaw, in English Man, Orkney, and Ewyst, 1137. yeares before Christ, and after the yeare of his incar­nation [Page 161] 688. even to the death of Cadwallader, the last King of Britaines, and of the noble race of Trojans. Which when in succeeding age many mighty and fa­mous Kings of England, considered, they laboured by all meanes to recover and resume the name and stile of Kings of great Britaine, ac­ccounting it dishonorable, to leese any jot of the honour of their most princely pro­genitors. And therefore K. Knute, King of England, mighty in his dominions of Swethen, from Germany to the North poles, with Nor­way and Denmarke, having obtained prosperous success [Page 162] in warring against Scotland, is recorded after his death, the mightiest Prince in the West parts of the world, and of all the noble Isle of Britaine. And so William the Conqueror, for the good successe he likewise had in Scotland, is recorded King of all Britaine; and Henry the second, surnamed Curtmantle, is also for like successe, recorded King of all Britaine. And if they be renowned and honoured with name and stile of Bri­taine, which by rightfull de­scent or by conquest, were inheritours but to one part only, though by their for­tunes in war, they also [Page 163] claimed the other; what rightfull title must we then acknowledge, most justly now to belong to his most excellent Majesty, in the im­periall crowne of both, who by lineall descent inheriteth both.

Here I wish I had as ma­ny eyes as Argos, to looke into their devises, who seeke to divide England from Scotland, and Scotland from England, renouncing the name of great Britaine, lest joyned in one, they might as the forenamed stars, appeare together, shine together, and bring joy together. I would then not spare to lay open, (as Cneius Flavius did reveal [Page 164] to the world the tricks and misteries of Lawyers of that time, and therefore was said to put out their eyes, and to cut their purses) how also these Adamants hinder the naturall power, and vertue of the Load-stone: whom I call Adamants, aswell for repugnant qualities, as that they be truly Adamants, even Sons of Adam, practi­sing rather in disobedience, dissention, and ruine of all, to lay hands upon that is for­bidden, then to draw the Iron, nay golden chaine of linkes of love, in obedience to the King, and for com­mon peace, and preservation of men.

[Page 165]But herein such imitate the devise of Q. Fabius La­beo, seeking to have the ship of common weale divided in parts; as when by compact of league with Antiochus he ought to receive halfe part of Antiochus ships, cut them all in the middest, craftily, so to defraud Antiochus of his whole Navy: or else imitate they Cyrus, dividing great Rivers into many little Brookes, till they be not on­ly passable, but even dryed up: for so these seek to stay the maine and mighty Streame of great Britaine by dividing it, and in divi­ding, to make it of sundry kindes, unlike it selfe. Such [Page 166] dividing into parts, is dis­joyning of the parts, by dis­joyning, dismembring, and by dismembring, spoiling, making the stone Scyros, which whole and firmely compacted, doth swim and floate above the waters, to sinke, and be drowned, be­cause it is divided. But our two famous kingdomes with all their provinces, shires, and countries united into the name of great Britaine, are like the goodly and plea­sant river Danubius, which passing by many Countries keepeth his name, till it en­ter into Illiricum: where re­ceiving into it sixty other ri­vers of divers other names, leeseth not only his owne [Page 167] and all their other names of parts, but is called Ister, one for all containing all.

Here I require both of English and Scottish, is either of them now, as a people disjoynted one from the other? Or as Sand without Lime? Or scat­tered straw without bind­ing? Or as Sampsons Foxes running divers and contrary waies, with fire brands of dissention among them? Nay here in the glory of great Britaine is renowned, that King Iames, with our gracious King Charles, and his Royall issue doe gather together that, which was scattered, and unite that, [Page 168] which was divided, and re­store that which was lost, and save that which was en­dangered even by this meanes, uniting all in one name of Britaine, as it was said of Rome, uniting so ma­ny Countries into it selfe, all parts which disagreed heretofore are now well agreeing. Hereupon Rome was said to be anchora fluctu­anti mundo: and as he saith in Tacitus, regna bellaque per Gallias semper fuere donec in nostrum jus concederetis. So happily doth this universall conjunction of all under one head, take away all discord, and maintaine conjunction of love for everlasting con­tinuance. [Page 169] Only they which will be alone, and not con­tained under one name of great Britaine, are not bound up with the sheaves, nor carried home into the Barne, and therefore are like gleanings after harvest, left behinde in the field, subject to storme, they come not two and two into this Arke, and whatsoever remaineth alone, Extra arcam, perit.

Such are not unlike that Captaine, whom Xerxes re­warded with a garland, for escaping alive, when all o­ther souldiers were slaine, and yet because he came alone without the rest, he hanged him: and as the [Page 170] the Athenians in the warre with the Aeginetae, when one returned, without his fel­lowes, ranne upon him, and killed him, asking where were the rest? And what can such (I pray you) as sepa­rate themselves from the happy union of all Britaines answer for themselves, if they be called to account? Can any be English, and not Scottish, can any be Scot­tish, and not English? Let that outcry against the Ro­mans be ingeminated against such, saying: Quintilius Va­rus, restore us our Legions, where are our Souldiers, what is become of them? Where are the English, [Page 171] where are the Scottish, let all restore themselves, and each one the other to the name of Britaines. And so I say to all, and every one of both nations, Cedo alterum, (For I feare lest this name Cedo alterum, mentioned in Taci [...]us, be in scarely found among many:) but I call a­loud where art thou, Cedo al­terum, give us thy selfe, bring in thy friend, yea, yet another, and another, bee not wanting to the weale publique; una navis bo­norum omnium, all good Sub­jects are contained in one Ship of common Weal, nu­merū non habet illa suū, one is not perfit without the other: [Page 172] for Britaines Subject ought maintaine mutuall society for common good. As for others disclaiming us, and disjoyning themselves, only I wish they may all be of the same consort, and society with us, for, victrix causa dii placuit, though, victa Catoni.

And albeit many great, and mighty Potentates on earth make a great shew of Copia verborum, by copious recitall of many Provinces, and Kingdomes; as if his Majesty should entitle him­selfe by all the severall shires under his dominions, and not by one honourable Title of great Britaine com­prehending all: to shew [Page 173] how this misliked some, it is recorded when the Empe­rours Embassador comming to the French King rehear­sed the Emperours stile at large, which consisted of ma­ny dominions and names of countries; the French King willed his Herauld to re­peate and say over the name of France as many times as the other had rehearsed the severall titles of his Masters dominions: intimating that one name of France well compacted and united of many particulars into one generall name, was better then divers particular names of many countries. And when Quintius Flaminius [Page 174] heard how his army was ter­rified, at the recitall of ma­ny his enemies forces, of their diversity of names, of countries, of Armour, and of multitudes, Dahae, Medi, Cadusij, Elemei, Cataphracti, &c. Spearemen, Horsemen Footmen, Archers, &c. Oh saith he, what a doe is here, with numbers, and diversity of numbers? all these are but onely Syrians, and make a great shew, like that great Supper, which mine Hoast at Chalcis dressed for me, and for my followers, with much variety, and marvell at the diversity of the dishes, and yet all was but one flesh, though of so many divers [Page 175] dressings. The river Peneus may better serve for in­stance: it divideth it selfe, and floweth into divers Ri­vers, and every one of these Rivers in his division, hath a proper name to himself, one after this name, and another after that: but all these mee­ting in one, and becomming againe one great, and mighty River, doe now lose the particular names, which they held being divided, and are called by one generall name, as before, namely, Peneus. Non sunt multipli­canda entia sine necessita­te.

It is not reasonable that brethren from one parent, [Page 176] should be divided in one house, though they be sever­ed in distinct place: but be as fingers to one hand, knit together by common joynts for mutuall offices: even as the brethren Molionides, are poetically imagined to have but one body: or rather the three Cerions, to have many bodies, but one soule, and one minde; not unlike to that of Pithagoras, Vt unum ex pluribus fiat, many in name, but one in deed. And as when Piso was commend­ed to posterity for frugality, I doubt not, but he was wise withall; and as when Lelius was renowned for wisdome, I doubt not but he was just [Page 177] withall: and Metellus for piety, I doubt not but hee was temperate withall: and Aristides for justice, I doubt not but he was valiant with­all: yet I know that the de­nomination is ever but of one, though it containe things two, and moe: as the Temple consecrated to two brethren Castor and Pollux, was named only Ca­stors Temple: and the mu­nificency of two Consuls, Caesar, and Bibulus, was called only Caesars munificency: and even many imaginary shewes, and shadowes have seemed compleate, in deci­phering one thing only: yea the very images of excellent [Page 178] men have been patternes, and resemblances of many consummate vertues in one: as Plutarchs Alex­ander, Xenophons Cyrus, Ho­mers Vlysses, Virgils Aene­as, and Lucians Imagines, in­stead of all.

And as there is a com­mon Idea, and infolded noti­on of all things in the minde of man, so the other viewing the whole race and tract of things in the world, doth tell us, that as many peculiar ex­cellent properties, may be, and are in one man, and hee over them, as sole Monarch over all the diversities of worthiest vertues; so a King under his Imperiall power [Page 179] hath to him subjected many shires, states, cities, honors, provinces, and kingdomes, himself being sole soveraign and Lord over all. Therefore though magnanimity onely, was attributed to Cyrus, only modesty to Agesilaus, onely wisdome to Themistocles, skill to Philip, and boldnesse to Brasidas: yet Alexander, as Plutarch reporteth, was fur­nished, and full-fraight with all these. And Quintus Me­tellus is reported to attaine and possesse together, ten of the chiefest, & greatest things that ever he desir'd (as if he had at once ten Provinces under his command) and was known a mighty warrier [Page 180] a sweet Orator, a great com­mander, to prosper in his greatest affaires, to be in greatest honour, of great wisdome, a chiefe Senator, plentifull in children, rich of substance, and most re­nowned in the City. So co­piously hath one man been stored with plentifull varie­ty of manifold graces, all these at once dwelling in him, and he well ordering them; even as one free, and absolute Monarch may, and doth rule many mighty and divers Nations, knit in one by obedience, and love a­mong themselves, and by law, and justice from the King, who by his lawes [Page 181] speaketh alike to all, is heard of all, and understood of all: una, eadem (que) communi voce.

I confesse the name of great Britaine hath beene long time eclipsed, or rather like those voices, which An­tiphon said were kept close, and frozen up in the Win­ter, untill the heate of Sum­mers shining Sun resolved the frozen, and fast bound aire, that they might bee againe disclosed. Comfort­able is the warmth of this blessing, in the Sun-shining daies of our Soveraign Lords King Iames, & King Charles; wherein not only cloudes are scattered, but the renowned [Page 182] name of great Britain breaks forth as a gladsome voyce from frozened aire, & comes forth, as a Bridegroome out of his chamber, long time before lockt up like a prisoner. Doubtlesse this is our yeare of Jubile, a yeere of delivering the Captive, of making the bond free, and of joy, even in sort, and true sense to us, Annus Platonicus, wherein things are come a­bout againe to be as they were, (Iure Postliminij) to re­cover our selves, and be re­stored to name and fame of great and glorious Britaine, long divided into two king­domes, but now most hap­pily, and joyfully subje­cted, [Page 183] and reunited in all the government therof unto one onely Soveraigne, most wise and most religious gover­nour of the same.

Deus haec benigna restituit in sedem vice.

Doubtlesse this is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes, this is the day that the Lord hath made for us to rejoyce, and be glad therein. For as it is said, we owe to God our selves, for creating us when wee were not; and more than our selves; for re-creating, and re­storing us, when wee were lost: So ought all good Subjects thinke the dayes more happy, and joyfull, [Page 184] in which they are now, as it were new borne, then those, in which they were first borne, as is well said; Non minus illustres, a que jucundi sunt illi dies, quibus conserva­mur, quàm quibus nascimur. Happy art thou, ô Israel, ô peo­ple saved by the Lord, who is like unto thee? Thou wert lost, and art found, bond, and art free, eclipsed, and art glorious, dead, and art alive, thy name forgotten, and be­hold, it resoundeth even among hard rocks, and in the hollownesse of mountaines; thy beauty withered, and be­hold thy vallies stand thick, replenished, and adorned, with fairest varieties of all [Page 185] good; thy yeares forgotten, thy feathers plucked, and thy strength weakned, and behold thou waxest young, and lusty like the Eagle; yea thine honour, the honour of thine ancient name ru­ined like an old house, but behold it is now repaired, and called after his owne, and old name; even as deli­aca navis, torne, and taken in pieces, was renewed, and built againe to his most an­cient forme, and called still deliaca navis. Sic rerum sum­ma novatur.

And albeit worldly king­domes and civill States seem subject to alteration, and doe carry in their outward ap­pearance, [Page 186] faces sometime shining, and glorious as the Sun, and sometime defaced, darkned, and deformed, con­quering, and conquered, tri­umphing, and enthralled; yet the common weale it selfe like the ship before mentioned, ruinated and re­paired, is still the same; euen as the Sunne, though eclipsed, is still the same; and a river sometime shal­low, sometime deepe, still the same; and a man now sick, now in health, still the same. Respublica enim semper ut civitas, est contigua, unâ, perpetuâque serie compacta, and though admit it mutati­on, as our state did long [Page 187] time, ever since the first di­vision, till this blessed day; yet Britains common weale, was but sick for a season, till health returned into the whole body, by the glory of the head. So as now the first and ancient common weale of great Britaine is againe conformed to his prime estate, sound, the same, and like it selfe; and is likely so to continue and flourish, so long as it retaineth the com­mon band of community, and individuall knot of uni­ty. As Socrates is said, as long as he is Socrates, to bee one & the same. Whether in childhood, or manhood, in in fancy, or in age, the same So­crates. But Heraclitus denied, [Page 188] because of the odaine change of men and things, that one man could goe into the same river twice: and ill debtors borrowing mony hereto­fore, refuse payment, because they thinke themselves not the same men, and plead the day is past, and cannot be a­gaine; deluding with that saying: Ego non sum ego: ho­die & heri. But such conclu­sions or rather collusions are simple rusticall follies; as he saith, rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis, at ille labitur & labetur in omne volubilis ae­vum. For howsoever times alter, yet truth ever sheweth it selfe; as the river Lycus, running along under the [Page 189] earth for a long space, break­eth forth againe, and as is said, alio (que) renascitur orbe.

The sleepers in Sardos, when they awaked, thought they had passed no time: but we shall be more drowsie, and sottish then they, if now rowsed from our long sleep, wherein the honorable name of great Britaine was forgot­ten, we now not open our eyes to acknowledge the hap­pinesse of these our dayes: wherein our hearts may leap for joy, to see that two of our most gracious Kings, as Fathers of peace, and procre­ators, protectors, and perfi­tors of Subjects joy, sit in Royall seat of great Britaines [Page 190] most ancient, and most ab­solute Monarchy: whereby our strength, peace, wealth, and honour is the more in­creased, in that our Sove­raigne is the more univer­sally obeyed, and we are doubtlesse hereby more bles­sed, then all our fore-fathers: of whom we say, as Demara­tus the Corinthian said, that all dead Grecians are, depri­ved of great joy, in that they lived not to see Alexander in Darius Chaire. But com­fortably spake he in the Co­medy: Gaudeo, cum video hu­jus generis reliquias; and how joyfull is it for us to ac­knowledge one another Bri­taines, as it was for them [Page 191] brethren in the Come­dy which after so long time came to knowledge one of another: yea now for us to know one ano­ther to bee Britaines by all signes and tokens, Non naevo aliquo aut crepundiis, sed corpore omni. And though he may bee pittied, which sitteth alone mourning, and crying: Nec mihi eog­natus quisquam fuit isto no­me: yet may both Eng­lish, and Scottish rejoyce, because neither sister is a widow, but all their legi­timate children are now of one name, and one blood, become, and borne againe Britaines, as it were [Page 192] by a Pithagoricall Palinge­nesia, even twice Britaines, as Hippolitus was called Vir­bius, because he lived againe; and was twice the same man. Aeson miratur; & olim ante quater denos hunc se reminisci­tur annos. And surely (as Pliny saith) Sparsas & lacera [...] gentilitates colligere & conue­ctere, est, ut ita dicam, renasci jubere.

Thus we say, and thus we sing, Redeunt Saturnia regna, even the golden age of Bri­taines Monarchy is come againe: Alter Tiphis, & al­tera, quae vehat Argos, delectos Heroas: atque iterum ad Tro­jam magnus mittetur Achilles: another governour and chief [Page 193] Master, of the common weales Ship, and another Arke, or Argosie, as before, doth transport the Nobles, and Commons both of Eng­land, and Scotland, to fetch the golden fleece, which Egbert that Dragon held so long time in his jawes. Quondam etiam victus redit in praecordia virtus. Now then, Siquid patriae virtutis, if there be in us valour, of men stir­red up, with remembrance of the name, and honour of the name, and honour of our Country: Si quid anti­quorum hominum: if any drop of our Ancestors blood live in us: Si quid humanita­tis: if any touch of brotherly [Page 194] kindnesse, we cannot, but readily imbrace each other, as the ancient Romanes re­conciled after long civill war, and shedding much blood Iungebant Castra, & consalutabant Cives: yea, and triumph also as they did, saying, exurgere, & re­viviscere Romani nominis me­moria incipit, & gloria: un­lesse it may be said of us, as of that base minded Vitellius: Tanta torpedo invasit animum, ut si eum principem fuisse cae­teri non meminissent, ipse obli­visceretur: or it may bee said to us Britaines descend­ed from Brutus, as sometimes to another Brutus, in ano­ther sense, not here intend­ed: [Page 195] Dormis Brute, & non es Brutus.

Our country men, and neighbours of Wales, as Chronicles report, derive themselves from ancient true Britaines▪ and doe re­taine the British tongue, though somewhat mixed, called Camberaec, which could never be extinguished by any attempts of Romanes, Saxons, Danes, Normans: and that famous City Lon­don, is still by them cal­led Trenwith, of Brutus first named Trenovanton. And the Countrey it selfe is called Cambria, of Camber, Brutus Sonne, though we call it Wales, a [Page 196] word imposed by Saxons, naming them Walshe, which is strange; and many moun­taines, rivers and cities are among them still retaining British names: extremos pu­deat rediisse: let us be asha­med to be last, or backward, seeing another Arthur King of all great Britain raigneth; lest we still seem over-awed, and captivated to the Con­querour Egbert his will, and by his beating us, to be made as base vassals, forgetting our selves, our names, and our Country, and not daring to challenge, or acknowledge them: even as that base slave Sos [...]a was enforced to yeeld to his Master Mercu­rie, [Page 197] and say, Pugnis me fecisti tuum, & si sum ego, tamen non credo mihi, nomen simul abstu­lit cum forma.

Neither doe I esteeme the change of name, a matter of indifferency, as if it were all one, whether we were called Britaines, or continued Eng­lish, and Scots. But in my judgement it is reason to al­ter all into Britaines, be­cause it was our most anci­ent, and is the more honou­rable name, except we will weare the Badge of slavery on our sleeve, to brag to the world, that we are not asha­med to be conquered, so to shew our nakednesse, and shame, which Adam sought [Page 198] to cover, when he once saw it. Neither in mine opini­on is it reason, that the now Nobles or Gentlemen of England, should delight in name imposed by that Sax­on; seeing the whole race of Saxons is for the most part rooted out by the Danes and Normans, and none of the Saxons blood that was Noble, or almost but Gentile is left; and see­ing (as Chronicle reporteth) it was counted in the daies of the Conquerour, a re­proach to be called an Eng­lish man, or to joyne in ma­riage with any of the Eng­lish (which in my under­standing is Saxons nation.) [Page 199] Redit ad authores genus, & ge­nerosa in ortus exurgunt semi­na suos.

And verily names, and ti­tles, are matters of great con­sideration: unlesse, like Var­ro, not caring for name, we should also say, that the God whom the Iews worshipped, was but the same Iupiter, and common God of other coun­tries, though otherwise cal­led, Nihil interesse censens, quo nomine nuncupetur dum eadem res intelligatur. But in the union of the Sahins and Romanes, (as Eutropius re­porteth) this was espe­cially agreed upon, that the Sabins and Romanes should assume one an­others [Page 200] name promiscuously: so that by no meanes they should be distinguished by name. And albeit among us, custome hath begotten prescription, yet we may re­member, what is well said in the Comedy: Nunquam ita quisquam, benè subducta ratio­ne fuit, quin res, aetas, usu [...], aliquid apportet novi, ut quae prima putes, post in experiendo, repudias. As in the Romane story, (when it was objected that innovations, were dan­gerous to the state, and no­thing was to be done, where­of formerly there was no president) saith Canuleius. Quid postea? nullane res nova institui debet? & quod non­dum [Page 201] est factum (multa enim nondum sunt facta, in novo populo) ea, ne (si utilia quidem sint) fieri oportet?

Whilest we of England were put apart from Scot­land, it was reason we should have a name divided, and di­stinguished from them, and retaine that name, and con­dition, as pleased fortune to impose, as Andromache saith to her Son, Sume, quod casus dedit: but being restored in integrum, and every part knit together, it is a like reason we returne to our old name, and say, as in the Pro­phet, I will goe, and returne to my former husband, for at that time it was better for me, than [Page 202] now. (Hos. 2.) And no man when he hath tasted the new wine, but saith the old is better. So that as the Romane Em­pire first was a Monarchy, afterwards governed by two Consuls, and so a long pas­sing through divers kindes of governments, till it re­turned to his former state of Monarchy, to be as it was at first: even so the state of great Britaine, first was as a Monarchy all governed by one; since it was divided, but now it returneth to his Monarchy againe, Moribus antiquis res stat Romana vi­risque.

For men waxe weary, in time, of their present con­dition: [Page 203] and Rome mole labo­ravit sua: or rather, and more truly, God setteth bounds to all things, which they cannot passe: even the mightiest powers have their periods. And all worldly kingdomes thus changing, (after long experience) say, the first is best; and so like­wise, Vt rerum, ita verborum interit usus, quem penes est re­rum & vis & norma loquen­di. But in this case neither the thing nor the name, be­ing changed: but we lawfully recovering that which was lost, renuing the title of great Britain, enjoying our coun­try (as we did before) calling all Britaines, and holding [Page 204] all things in the same safety, and security under name of great Britaine (as before un­der names of England and Scotland) say all and each to other, Pascite, ut ante, boves, pueri submittite tauros.

It is a good and gracious deed to provide for reall agreement in all equall con­junction, and mutuall par­ticipation. But in my sim­ple opinion, it had beene Verbo tollere, & reipsa relin­quere, only in shew to take away difference, but not in deed, without uniting both kingdomes into the name and stile of great Britaine; for, as he complained, Ti­rannus occidit? Tirannis [Page 205] vivit? So if the old enmity of English, and Scottish be removed, and yet the names still remaine, I feare that the very names would ever put ill men in minde of olde grudge, and incite new vari­ance: as is said of one, that he was Romani nominis inimicus, at deadly hatred with the very name: where the name is taken for the ve­ry cause of hatred. As, Eo nomine hostis, for that cause, even for name sake he is an enemy: even as in Rome, when all things were accord­ed, and all parties pleased, only a name, which was in dislike among them, was thought hinderance to their [Page 206] mutuall concord, and con­tent, saying, Non placere no­men, id periculo sum esse, id officere, id obstare libertati: and therefore the Sanate perswaded Lucius, Tarquini­us, Collatinus, otherwise in all respects approved, and be­loved of all, even for his names sake, to forsake his office, saying, Absolve bene­ficium, amicus abi, exonera ci­vitatem vano (forsan) metu. This I speake, lest retaining former name of English, and Scottish, which hereto­fore hath been offensive to each other, we call (as be­fore is spoken) the ill dispo­sed to former opposition, as between fire, and water, even [Page 207] to Kindle such a fire in Iacob, as will devoure in Israel, and no water shall be able to quench it in Bethel. Where it may be thought more fit, to set aside all difference of former names: Vt exoneremus rem­pub. vano (forsan) metu; as it is said of one, Quod nihil est metuit, metuit, sine cor­pore nomen. And if any ac­count the feare of name nothing, (bee it also say I nothing) yet a man can­not be too carefull, or fearefull of that which is counted even nothing, see­ing it is said. Qui cavet, vix etiam cavet, dum ca­vet.

[Page 208]Let former destructions be present instructions. Of­fensive distinction of names hath bred much woe. In Italy faction of Guelphs and Gibelines arose for name sake. In England much blood for the white and red Rose. In Iustinians time fearefull division betweene the Veneti and Parsini about colours blew and greene. In which grievous contentions, arising first of small or no cause but only of difference in name and diversity of co­lours, deadly hatred is oft times kindled among former friends, as against sworne enemies. After Phalarides death, the Agrigentini made [Page 209] a decree that none should use glauca veste, because the Tirants did use glaucis subli­gaculis: for they hated whatsoever might remem­ber them of former Tiran­ny. And the Romanes pub­liquely ordained, that no Romane should be ever cal­led after the name of Man­lius; for, because his re­membrance was displeasing, they would have his name utterly perish. I wish that nomen, or mentio ipsa, the names English, and Scot­tish, borders, former feud, wars and bloodshed between the two nations, were not once mentioned within our lips, but as nomen Pelopida­rum [Page 210] utterly put out, abo­lished, and never heard of, as that which is laid up in si­lence in the Grave: even now that not the least occa­sion be left, no not in sport or inter ludicra certamina (as we have a name of play a­mongst us called prison base, one part striving for England, and another for Scotland, representing unto us the variance betwixt both nations) lest it prove, as that betwixt them two bre­thren, Demetrius, and Perse­us, King Phillips sons; who in ludicio certamine, opposite one to the other, with their companies divided on both sides, fell in earnest unto a [Page 211] maine deadly warre one a­gainst the other. I say, as neare as may be, these op­posite tearmes of Scottish and English should cease; except they remaine, as on­ly they ought remaine, Epi­thites pertaining to one name of great Britaine, and to one people Britaines, as all the Iewes of all the seve­rall Tribes, were called Iacob Gods people, and Israel his in­heritance.

And herein (seeing as Ve­getius saith) princip [...] est pro sa­lute R [...]ipub. & nova excogita­re, & antiqua restituere) both nations ought joyfully ap­plaud the late proclamation, & in all humbleness of duty, [Page 212] submit themselves to the Kings Majesties good plea­sure, seeking thereby the common good of Weale publique, and not his owne glory (as they doe, who call their lands after their owne name, to get a name upon earth: and as Valens the Em­perour desired (according to his ambitious, and vaine-glorious humour,) to call this whole Continent Va­lentia, after his owne name: for which thing also Henoch the Son of Cain, building a City, was first noted,) but as a King most gracious, not natus sibi sed patriae (as Ha­drian the Emperour profes­sed before all: Ita se rem­publicam [Page 213] gesturum, ut sciret populi rem esse non propriam) thinketh only on the ancient name, Non tam mutans, quam aptans, so to roote out re­membrance of former ha­tred, and to unite both into one. Pastor populi non suum ipsius, sed Subditorum quaerit commodum: & officio suo semper fungitur, utilitati con­sulens, & societati.

Change of names hath ever been thought meet in policy, even where men for­merly Strangers, and of di­vers kingdomes were to bee trained up together, and framed in fashion one to the other: as were given to Daniel, Hananiah, Mishaell, [Page 214] and Azariah, (Dan. 1.) new, and other names. And Da­niel was called Baltasar, and Hananiah, Shadrah, and Mi­shael Mesach, and Azariah A­bednego of purpose, by chan­ging their names, to make these forget themselves, their country, and if it were pos­sible, the God of their fa­thers. And so the Turkes have, from time to time, in their pollicy changed the old names of those places, they now possesse, which be­fore professed Christiany, and when upon any Con­quest, they take into their governement Christians, they impose on them new names, to live like them, [Page 215] and as one people among them; and shall we thinke it a wrong or inconveni­ence, that, if a Grecian Prince or other Christian King recover against the Turke, they afterward abo­lish a name imposed on them, and call any Pro­vince, People or City af­ter their olde and ancient name? Et si hoc in arido, quid in viridi? If this be done (ex facto) by the children of this world, unto an evill end: may not his Majesty in his princely wisdome (Fas estet ab hoste doceri) (ex jure) for the undoubted good of the chil­dren of light call to remem­brance, and put in execution [Page 216] the wise Councell of Maece­nas to Augustus: to take away all differences whatso­ever, even of the meanest things which might bee thought on, whether of name or apparrell, or any thing else, to the intent all things might be throughly compo­sed in one uniforme fashion, and conformity among all his Subjects, to their un­doubted good?

It hath been often obser­ved, that Parva scintilla negle­cta magnum saepe excitavit in­cendium. And sores sleight­ly cured, break forth into greater danger. And, if I might boldly write my minde without mislike, I [Page 217] would undertake sufficient­ly to prove, that if the name had not been changed into great Britaine, it might be feared we should not long (as we ought ever) continue one; and that (love being not without dissimulation) we would among our selves, as is upbraided to the incon­stancy of another Nation (now not to be here named) Ridendo fidem frangere, and so love, as that we would hate againe. For as a chiefe inha­bitant, and commander in privernum, being asked in the Senate at Rome, what peace they should expect, answered, S [...] bonam dederitis, fidam, & perpetuam: si malam, [Page 218] haud diuturnam. So here may it be said, if union in name, bring also in deed, a good composition, and faith­full conjunction bona fide, it will doubtlesse by Gods goodnesse, last ever: but otherwise I feare (which God forbid) may againe rent in sunder, and make the new breach worse than the former. And therefore wise was that saying; Ejusdem jurit esse de­bent qui sub eodem rege victu­ri sunt; and that practise of Romulus renowned, who by union of divers Nations, Eodem nomine & eodem jure Latinos vocavit. And hereof grew the Italicum bellum, be­cause the Latines united in [Page 219] other respects, were not joyned eodem jure with the Romanes. To speak plaine, we all confesse our union in our obedience to the King, as to the head: but yet with­out continuance of that uni­on also in the name of great Britaine, and of other things thereto requisite (to be far­ther by the Honourable Commissioners considered) I feare wee shall prove, as imperfect, if not de­formed a body, as Apelles (before noted) painted Venus, only perfect in the head, and left all the parts of the body unperfect. Neither can I, for my part, imagine that part of [Page 220] the body well united to his head, which doth not concur with all the body in all his parts perfect with the head. Vt nec pes nec caput uni redda­tur formae.

Herein let natures work­manship in our naturall bo­dies leade us to the imitati­on of her wisdome, in the government of bodies civill: and as she hath in naturall mixtion reduced the foure contrary Elements into a temperate and agreeing con­formity, by taking away sus­pition of emulation, making them lose their proper names, and joyntly called mistionis forma: so should we by temperate discretion [Page 221] be willingly united with our neighbour friends into one corporation: especially see­ing the reality of every thing we enjoy is to continue in all respects the same, and only a formality of appella­tion a little changed. Natu­ram ducem dum sequimur non aberrabimus, said he: and the God of nature hath spoken it, so that we must beleeve, That a kingdome divided can­not stand, howsoever it may glory in the multitude of his parts: wherein a com­mon Weale may fitly be re­sembled to musicall instru­ments; which howsoever consisting of the multitude of strings, yet the harmony [Page 222] is in the unity of proporti­on with agreeable consent of distinct sounds. Now as a little jarre in musicke, a lit­tle intention or remission of any one string discordeth all the harmony; so in this excellent musicall concord of a well ordered kingdome, never so small difference, though it be but titular be­tweene the severall parts of one common-weale, some­times breedeth hatred, of­tentimes envy, but alwaies emulation. Whereupon Philip Comines well observed, Finitimorum aemulationem na­tivam esse: that it was es­sentiall for neighbour regi­ons to emulate one the [Page 223] other: which is only reme­died by taking away the frets and by incorporation ma­king them not now our neighbours, but all one with our selves. And here­in consisteth the nature of true mixtion (whereat all Common weales should tend) when every thing re­maineth that was, yet no­thing as it was; when many contrary things yeeld up their contrariety and plura­lity unto one, consisting of all; which participating of all their reconciled natures, imposeth only a new name, to their new manner of be­ing, which is to be one in­stead of many; and that not [Page 224] by coacervation or appositi­on of things without farther mixtion, remaining still di­stinct within themselves, but by union of consociati­on, which taketh nothing away from these things that were before distinct, but their distinction. Out of which mistion will arise ex­cellent temperature, which we hope long to see in our Brittish Common-Weale, wherein no humour either of English or Scottish may be predominant, but tempe­ramentum aequabile, and that ad pondus too. Which as it is seldome found any where, so it is alwaies found where it is found with perennity. [Page 225] And concerning such misti­on was that said of Romulus and Trajanus, and now may it be said of King Iames, and King Charles; Diversas gen­tes ita commercio miscuit ut quod genitum esset usquam id apud omnes natum esse videre­tur. And of such mixtion may that of Zeno be said, al­terius chorus major, meus an­tem concinnior: Another Kings Empire may be grea­ter, consisting of diversity of Nations, but ours more compact and united in one. And this mixtion of both our nations so mixed in one, bringeth forth but one title of GREAT BRITAINE. Vnum, sed leonem, as the pro­verb saith.

[Page 226]Which I the rather urge here, against Polititians (if any such be) of this age, who seeke to nourish faction and opposition in the State, and Common-Weale, and think nothing better, Quam si in commune non consulant; who ever have a Rowland for an Oliver; where fearefull ex­perience doth often shew the fruits of that Axiom, Contraria contrariis curatur. Which manner of keeping Subjects one opposite, and offensive to the other, is a flinty, and fiery society, even Societas lapidum, fornicationi similima, quae casura, nisi in­vicem obstarent, hoc enim ipso continetur. And this pra­ctise, [Page 227] wheresoever prevaile­ing, is more then Machiveli­an, even devillish, sowing seed of dissention in parts, to destroy the whole. There­fore it being an infallible, but woefull ground of truth, Nulla salus bello; It is meete that all and every Subject of great Britaine, understand, and professe the other part of that Verse, Pacem te pos­cimus omnes. For so I thinke this Axiome in a State, is better for preser­vation of Weale publique: Similima similimus nutriun­tur.

And if I were worthy, here would I advise all the [Page 228] Magistrates of great Bri­taine, which either now do, or hereafter shall beare rule under their high Soveraigne, in any parts of his domini­ons, to remember in all their high honours, that Cleo, and Themistocles tooke contrary courses, and were both mis­liked in time of their Magi­stracy. For Cleo called all his friends, and old acquain­tance together, and renoun­ced them openly, giving them to understand, that now he was so advanced, they should expect nothing from him for former friendships sake. And Themistocles an­swered one, wishing him to be alike to all, and not par­tiall, [Page 229] that he would not sit in seate of honour, and not doe more good to former friends than to others. But truth is, in a Common-wealth, nor disdaine of former friends becommeth Cleo, nor parti­all favours Themistocles; for community regardeth nei­ther any man, neither any cause for private respects, but is as the Sun, yeelding alike common comfort to all: which thing I wish all, as one man, wisely to per­ceive, and willingly per­forme. And yet may Cyrus have in remembrance, the very meanest of them, with whom sometimes he lived. And Ahasuerus looking into [Page 230] the Chronicles may remem­ber those which have saved the King from any, who sought to lay violent hands upon him. And the Ma­cedonians may not either grudge, or disdaine that Alexander prefer the Persi­ans before them of his owne Countrey. Ecquis est qui ve­stra necessaria suffragia pro voluntariis, & serva pro libe­ris faciat?

But to returne into the Kings high way for the name of Britaine: seeing his Ma­jesty may say, Non me Troja capit, Scotland alone doth not containe my greatnesse: and therefore speaketh also to England: Salve fatis mihi [Page 231] debita tellus: England is al­so the lot of mine inheri­tance: and both England, and Scotland will I make one Empire, and renew their names into the first ti­tle of great Britaine, as it were Ilium in Italiam por­tans: (though in removing all the gods out of the Tem­ple, to give place to Iupiter, only that petty god Terminus refused, and would not move) yet let the Termini, and bounds of both our Na­tions, and all the people therein contained, willingly give place to the just plea­sure of their sole Monarch, and even in this also, ac­knowledge K. Charles their [Page 232] supreame head, and gover­nour: where obedience in each Subject, is like the re­conciled Genius, utriusque regni: which though before was as angry Iuno, much ad­verse to the Romanes, yet now like Iuno, out of her ve­ry image seemeth to speake aloud, Romam se velle ire: Anger is appeased, displea­sure forgotten, and discord come to a perpetuall end.

Nec quenquam incuso potuit quae plurima virtus
Esse, fuit: toto certatum est corpore regni:

And now the whole com­mon-weale, odiis saturata, quiescit.

[Page 233]Neither may contention, either of antiquity, or any other dignity (whereabout Albanes, and Romanes, so much contended, and would not yeeld one to the other) breake this common band of love among our selves, or loyalty to our Soveraigne, who imbraceth both Nati­ons with equall and indiffe­rent love. But we ought to consider, that both English and Scottish (quis major? aeque ambo pares) making no question of difference for common goods sake, with­out difference may chal­lenge like interest in his Majesties favour (Et vitula tu dignus & hic) to bee [Page 234] divided equally, and graci­ously among all, by Geo­metricall proportion as his Majesty shall be pleased to deeme meet. Which thing may move all to mutuall kindnesse, and reciprocate love one towards the other, with an orderly conformity of both to live together in all peace, and Christian chari­ty, affectioned to love one another, with brotherly love, and in giving honour to go one before the other; Rom. 12. as it is said of Scipio and Le­lius, actuosae vitae iter aequali gradu exequebantur: not grudgingly, nor contenti­ously, striving for preroga­tive of blessing and birth­right, [Page 235] in his Majesties fa­vour; as if it might be said to his highnesse, Hast thou but one blessing, my father? Gen. 27. for his Majesties abundance, and overflowing measure of honour, poureth forth, as out of a fountain, streames to fill up every em­pty channell, Nemo ex hoc nu­mero mihi non donatus abibit; and where every one may be contented, Cuncta aderunt; animus, si te non deficit aequus. Herein let us take example from the Romane Common Weale (and surely for our instruction may it be said, Nulla unquam respublica, nec major, nec sanctior, nec bo­nis exemplis ditior fuit) [Page 236] where Dyonisius Halicarnas­seus giveth us a strange shew of two Consuls Largius and Claelius, who both strove to give precedence one to the other, preferring each other before himselfe, and recko­ning one anothers worth be­fore his owne: and this done, two or three severall times, neither presuming to goe before the other, but still refusing, and could by no meanes either be perswaded to take the preheminence one before the other. But is any mans eye evill, because the Kings eye in speciall and gracious as­pect is good? Doubt­lesse when a King doth [Page 237] not all things ad volun­tatem, sed ad utilitatem omni­um; they which mislike, (and yet seeme of the same league, and society with others) doe notwithstan­ding like Nahaz the Ammo­nite, (1 Sam. 11.) joyne in common covenant with o­thers, but on condition one­ly, that they may thrust out the others right eyes. Hocci­ne in commune honores vocare? quaenam ista societas? quaenam consortio est?

But whosoever intendeth truely the common good, let him remember, that Solon said, The onely way to keep subjects in unity, is to main­taine an equality for all: for [Page 238] motus, as Plato saith, is in in­equalitate; but status, and quies in aequalitate: which thing is spoken, not to breed, or maintaine parity in condition of men, for that equality were true inequali­ty, nay iniquity, so to con­found the world. But these things are alleadged to shew, that our gracious Soveraign may herein (I speake under favour) be resembled to IANVS, who had two fa­ces, to looke forward, to looke backward: for so his Majesty is set in the middest, sole Soveraigne of all great Britaine, to looke on Eng­land, to looke back to Scot­land, and with princely and [Page 239] favourable aspect to counte­nance both, Tros Rutulusve fuat, nullo discrimine habebo: where both being made one common Countrey, that saying may well befit our common Emperour; Ho­stem qui feriet, mihi erit Car­thaginensis, quisquis erit. And there is that equality, before mentioned, distilling from his Grace and Majesty in ho­nouring, and defending both alike, (lusta pari premitur, veluti cum pondere libra, pro­na nec hac plus parte sedet nec surgit ab illa.) where none ought strive contentiously, lest they seeme to offer vi­olence to the Kings Grace, or to his honour, or to both: [Page 240] as the Mid-wife charged Pharez in making the breach betweene him and his bro­ther, by forcing his birth before his brothers, through strife in his mothers womb; whose name therefore, was called Pharez, which signifi­eth division.

But our brotherhood is not in strife, as that of Cain and Abel, Esau and Iacob, Is­mael and Isaac: nor as that of Geta and Antoninus, sonnes to the Emperour Severus: after whose death, their mo­ther Iulia was forced to di­vide the Empire betwixt her sonnes, severing and set­ting them asunder into sepa­rate governments, with a sea [Page 241] betwixt them, because of their hot contentions and implacable hatred. And God forbid, that we should by opposite contentions one against another, provoke the common parent of both our Nations, as those two bre­thren did their parent Iulia, to cry out against us, as she did against them: O my sons, you have found the way how to be severed and divided by sea and land, into distinct regiments, and' as you say, the water divides you one from the other: but how will you divide me your mother? How shall I bee divided between you both? Will you dissect mee into [Page 242] parts also , As them two lovers (mentioned by Plu­tarke) striving for their love, Dum uterque ad se certa­tim rapere conatur, rent her in pieces? Let our strife rather be like that of Ephe­stion and Craterus, who con­tended whether should love their King Alexander most; in so much that Alexander was enforced to decide the controversie, adjudging that Ephestion loved the King best, and Craterus Alexander best. So it pleased the King in his sentence equally to divide his love, and so did they both equally strive to love: and after this man­ner did the Iones and Chi [...] [Page 243] contend in love to Hercules: and Iuda and Israel for Da­vid. And so I doubt not but our contention is of the like love, and duty towards our Soveraigne: but as for ha­tred and malice amongst our selves, so separating us that we cannot be mixed toge­ther, Dii talia Graiis, errorem­que hostibus illum. Seeing (as he said) no greater hurt can be wished to our enemies then to be disunited among themselves, and if they will not bee at one with us, that they may be at odds betweene themselves: Ma­neat quaeso duretque gen­tibus si non amor nostri at certe odium sui. Quando [Page 244] nihil jam praestare fortu­na majus potest, quam hostium discordiam.

And now farther to en­force this union into both Nations, the rather, because we are both alike under one head and governour: hath not his Majesty two eyes, to respect both kingdomes; two eares, to heare alike the cause of both; two shoul­ders, to beare alike the bur­den, and care of both; two hands, to distribute honours alike to both; and two feet, to goe one before the other, yet both alike to support but one body? The inequa­lity only is, if we are not alike dutifull, and thankfull; [Page 245] neither doe we, as the Apo­stle exhorteth, (Rom. 12.) Carry like mindes one towards another; nor make our selves in our owne conceits, equall to them of the lower sort. And where Xenophon calleth Magistrates, and mighty men, the Kings eyes, the Kings eares, the Kings shoulders, yea also his hands, and his feete, it is not there­by meant, that they should thinke they also had two eyes to envy one the other; two eares, to listen after advan­tages, or offences one against the other; two shoulders, to shove at, and shoulder out one the other; two feet, to out-runne, and prevent [Page 246] one the other; two hands, to catch, and snatch one from the other, or to carry fire in one hand, and water in the other, or to build with the one, and to pull downe with the other, or with the one to offer a gift, and with the other a stab; Altera ma­nu panem, altera lapidem; but that their eyes, eares, shoulders, feete, and hands are, or should be mutuall helpers one to the other, for the common good, and pub­lique service of the whole State. And I perswade my selfe, that all Magistrates under his Majestie, of the one, or other Nation, united now in one common name of [Page 247] Britaines will for publique Administration of the com­mon-Weale, so see with their eyes, heare with their eares, beare up the head with their shoulders, and walke uprightly, Having pure, and cleane hands, that as the fingers in the hand are distinctly divided, and yet do clap, and clasp themselves together, for more strength; so all of command and in au­thority within great Britain, though they have distinct of­fices, yet will so concur, and agree together, that though there appeare among them, and their distinct publique services, as, in digitis, divisio, it shall not be, ab unitate prae­cisio.

[Page 248]And verily the two king­domes, are like two hands warming and enfolding each other, continuing two, yet in one body: where if the right hand challenge more necessary use and service in the body then the left, or the left hand more than the right, and one not readily yeeld to joyne with the other, as is meete, the head may in his good pleasure make choice and use of ei­ther: as in the Romane Sto­ry, when Tribunes disagreed for chiefest honour, Quintus Servilius, Consul, of much lesse dignity, and authority than a King, tooke the mat­ter into his owne hands, say­ing, [Page 249] Patria Majestas alterca­tionem istam dirimet.

Here Prudence among Subjects hath need inter­meddle with all other ver­tues, and shew the power of union in her selfe; where Justice demandeth right, fortitude tollerateth what ought be borne, temperance reformeth will, subdueth an­ger, moderateth passion, and represseth ambition; and all in unity of obedience cou­pled together, bring forth plentifull fruit, for society, honour, and joy. Which thing well pleased Marcus Furius Camillus, Dictator of Rome, seeing all the Se­nate, and Subjects of Rome, [Page 250] not only accord in the com­mon execution of each of­fice for common good of all, but willingly, and lovingly, both highest, and meanest to embrace one the other, say­ing, that the Common-Weale was flourishing, and most happy: Si tales viros in magistratu habeat tam con­cordibus junctos animis, pare­re, atque imperare juxta para­tos, laudemque conferentes po­tius in medium, quam ex com­muni ad se trahentes: where­of the Senate, Consuls, and Tribunes gave testimony, and good proofe, when they all submitted all authority to Camillus, perswaded in themselves, Nec quicquam de [Page 251] majestate sua detractum, quod majastati ejus viri concessis­sent.

In Britaines union, Eng­land may not exalt it selfe above Scotland, nor Scot­land strive against Eng­land, but both as members of one and the same body, under one and the same head, ought to have the same care one for the other, as if one member suffer, all suffer with it, and if one be honoured, all the members rejoyce with it; and as in the Church, so in the common-Weale, one is my Dove, one is my darling, shee is the only beloved of her mother, and deer to her, that bare her; [Page 252] so I know there are diversi­ties of gifts, and differences of administrations, and di­vers manners of operations in both; and God hath set the members of the whole body, every one of them, se­verall in the body, as it hath pleased him, but, omnia ab uno ad unum▪ All from one head, and to one end. Hee that is wise will consider this. Qui vero curiosiores sunt, quam capatiores, quaedam mag [...]is contentiose objectanda, quam prudenter consideranda esse arbitrantur.

And now seeing I have wa­ded so far in the union of Bri­taines; English may not mislike, that Scottish beare [Page 253] Office among, and with them, as if they were of a farre Countrey, hunting af­ter others Treasures, serving the King of Babylon, and not as the same Subjects to Hezechias; for they are of, and for England, as we; and we of, and for Scotland, as they, and both for both, be­ing made one. Nay rather we ought desire their socie­ty, and rejoyce in this com­munity, setting before our eyes for example, that saying of Austin of the communion of Saints, made fellow heires with Christ through the mercy of our good God: De­us, cum baberet unicum, noluit esse unum, sed habere fratres. [Page 254] And, (if in humane matters, humane examples more move) remembring that Scipeo was as glad of his bro­thers preferment as of his owne; and that Castor would not be a god without his brother Pollux, but would be only Semideus, that his brother might partake with him; as is well said: Habent oculi in corpore ma­gnum honorem, sed minorem haberent si soli essent.

In the time of Claudius, the Emperour, when it was consulted that the Senate should bee supplyed with more Senators, the Peeres and Nobles of France, long before enfranchised free de­nizens [Page 255] of Rome, sought also to participate in honours, magistracies, and dignities with Romanes: and the mat­ter being handled on both sides with great considera­tion, the Romanes alleadged against the French, that Italy wanted no sufficient men within it selfe, for it selfe. And that there was no reason to incorporate o­thers with them, who had beene at so deadly ha­tred, and bloody warres against them. What? no private men, not the common People, not Stran­gers, but enemies taken into the Senate? Was it not counted for a wonder that [Page 256] the Athenians did take one­ly Anacharsis into their Ci­ty? Would the Lacedemoni­ans admit the Tyrrheni to participate in their honors, though they had done them service? And had their mo­thers also Athenian women? But the good Emperour re­plying, said to the Senators, that he would assume into the Senate, of all his Sub­jects, such as he found most worthy, of what Countrey soever, alledging that his owne Ancestors were des­cended from the Sabins, and made of Nobility and Se­nate of Rome, and that the Iulij were taken from Alba, Coruncani from Camerium, [Page 257] the Porcij from Tusculum, Etruria, and Lucania, and from all parts of Italy cho­sen into the Senate. And that by this meanes Italy was extended, and greatly en­larged, so as not onely the people, but all their possessi­ons, had their dependance upon the state of Rome, and grew into one Nation and people of Rome. And that a setled state chiefly flou­rished, when the people inhabiting even beyond the River Padus were recei­ved into the community of Romane Citizens. And lastly, that nothing was more hurtfull to the Lacedemoni­ans and Athenians, then [Page 258] refusall to encrease the com­mon-weale by accesse of new and other people. What? Shall not they be ad­mitted, because they and Romanes have had dead­ly feud one against another? So the Aequi, so the Volsci. And yet are now all one and the same people of Rome. This forcible speech pier­ced their hearts, and prevai­led so, as that all submitted their judgement to the Em­perours wisedome. Which thing I thought good here to remember, not forgetting also what Anna said to Dido.

Quam tu urbem soror hanc cer­nes? quae surgere regna,
[Page 259]Connubio tali, Troum Comitan­tibus armis?
Punica se quantis attollet gloria rebus?

Which if we consider, as we should, wee cannot then but ingenuously acknow­ledge, that good and praise-worthy was the speech of Paedaretus, who uederstanding he was not chosen into the number of the Trecenti, who chiefly bare rule, said, he did glory there were so many his betters in the Com­mon-weale. And no lesse commendable was his say­ing, who wished, hee could raise frō the dead many moe, [Page 260] such excellent Citizens; as Quintus Fabius well adverti­sed Titus Octacilius, Nec tu id indignari possis aliquem in civitate Romana, meliorem ha­beri quam te. Doubtlesse the Common-Weale is more happy, and doth there more flourish, where is more choice of worthy honoura­ble men, to be imployed in publique affaires, as need and occasion require. And as arrows in the hand of the strong man, so are the suc­cession, and children of such▪ blessed is our gracious King Charles, that hath many Kingdomes, like many qui­vers full of them: but as for the arrowes, which of them [Page 261] shall be taken forth, and sent, or shot abroad, that is in the power of the Archer: Neither may one say, why hast thou taken me? nor the other, why am I left with the rest? An non in coelo ipso sua luce sol Lunam superat, non vituperat? Et stella à stella differt in gloria non dissidet in superbia?

And albeit there bee a kinde of jealousie, and natu­rall strangenesse among men, untill they better grow in knowledge one of the other, and doe eate, (as our Eng­lish Proverbe saith) a Bushel of Salt together: yet have we long since shaken off that infamy, which Horace laid [Page 262] unjustly upon us, that Bri­taines were uncurteous, and unhospitall to staangers: and have learned to grant Incorporation, and immu­nities even to strangers in deed, and to enfranchise strange Nations for trade with us, making them par­takers of our Rights: much more than should we be lesse nice of all immunity, and naturall community with us towards those, who now are one with us; that though in the Comedy, cause of strang­nesse among men be allea­ged, Quia nec ille te novit, nec tu illum: yet we should be ashamed, quasi Canes, latratu accipere, quem non agnoscimus.

[Page 263]Yea rather should we re­joyce to heare by this union, how that Lacedemonii Medi­zant, and Medi Lacedemoni­zant, both Scot and Eng­lish, so familiarly converse together, and are growne in­to one anothers natures and manners, that like Servilii fratres, they are all one. And should we wish by reason of the neighbour­hood, and neernesse of both Nations, as also for likenesse of language we should bee alone: even as the Histo­rian discourseth of the Phry­ges and Trojani, and likewise other nations, how they were taken for the same, & called by one anothers names [Page 264] promiscuously, because they were so neere one to the other; and the same also were counted but one Nati­on, and of one kinde, by rea­son they were of the same language: a most sure ar­gument (saith he) that they be but one people, who agree in one language; as it is most absurd, the inhabi­tants of the same places should differ in language, if they be of the same kinde. Why then (as he saith) Iube hanc maceriam dirui, quan­tum potest, huc transfer, unam fac domum. And according to that resolution,

—foederis aquas
Iungamus leges, sociosque
in regna vocemus.

[Page 265]Especially seeing they may challenge with us, Ci­ves esse, & licet non easdemopes habere, eandem tamen patriam incolere: quare connubium pe­timus, & soci [...]tatem, quod fini­timis, externis (que) dari solet: ni­bil novi ferimus, sed id, quod populi est, petimus: Vt quibus velit populus Romanus honores mandet. Was not Numa Pom­pilius, though no Romane, fetcht from Sabins, and made king of Rome? Was not also Lucius Tarquinius, not so much of Romane blood, made king there? And was not Survius Tullius, though borne basely, and of a bond­woman also, made king there? Et dum nullum fastiditur ge­nus, [Page 266] in quo eniterit virtus, Romanum crevit imperium▪ but no such exception of Scottish blood, his Majestie being rightly, and anciently descended of royall English blood, and his nobles hence forth in their posterity, be [...]ing with us, and wee with them, all of Brittish blood [...] an esse ulla major, aut in signi [...]or contumelia potest, quam par­tem civitatis, velut contamina­tam, indignam connubio habe [...]ri? Quid est aliud, quam exil [...]um intra eadem moenia, qua [...] relegationem pati? ne propi [...]quitatibus, ne affinitatibus im [...]misceamur, ne societur sanguis▪

What can we say more but render all possible praise [Page 267] and thankes to our good, and gracious God, who by his servants our two gracious Soveraignes, hath reduced, and restored the whole Island of great Britaine, answerable to his first begin­ning, and ancient former be­ing; like to one City, even one Ierusalem, which is a Ci­ty, at unity within it selfe. Hoc verè Regium, duos populos u­num efficere. As the king of kings hath in mercy done to Iew and Gentile, to Grecian, and Barbarian, fecit utraque unum: he brake downe the partition Wall, and hath gathered the people, & king­domes together to serve him, dissoci [...]ta locis concordi pace li­gavit. [Page 168] And why should no [...] many, and moe then tw [...] kingdomes, as well civilly a [...]bide in unity of Subjection▪ as many Christian nation [...] continue in unity of faith▪ But that the one hath the spi [...]rit of God, which is autho [...] of peace, and lover of con [...]cord, directing them: and the other the spirit of Satan▪ author of contention, and cause of confusion, perver­ting them. Which thi [...]g king David well perceived, praying God for his Sonn [...] Solomon, that he might enjoy the full possession of the whole dominion from sea to sea, promised to Israel under Moses, but not fully obtained [Page 269] till then, because of the peo­ples sins. And albeit for our manifold, and great sins, this whole Island was overlong divided into two, and forced by former division to many battels, and much shedding of blood; yet we praise God, that in these our dayes, the full possession thereof is re­stored, and given to our peaceable Solomon; so as not only all his own subjects, e­ven from Sea, to Sea, of both the kingdomes, are in him united into one; but even the potent, and powerfull neigh­bour kings seeke peace, and' make league with Israel, even the kings of Tharsis, and of the Isles, bring presents, the kings [Page 270] of Sheba, and Seba brings guifts, as in the daies of So­lomon.

This change (even the hap­piest change that ever was) from a people so divided from one, by Gods eternall decree, and speciall mercy, to be made one, biddeth us open our eyes, and calleth us a­lowd, come, and see; speque, fide que inquit, majora videbis. For our Island, formerly for sin divided (as the Echinades Insulae, were faired by Poets, once far seperate, and distra­cted, for contempt of their Gods) is now become like that Island Delos, which though it floated, and was tossed sometimes upon the [Page 271] waters, à gente in gentem, as one wave forceth another; was neverthelesse reported to be afterwards, truly firme, and stable. Doubtlesse that God which hath written in the waters, and the Sea, legi­ble for ever eye to see, and read Mare Britannicum: and who hath continually carried in directing the pens, and pensils of all Cosmogra­phers, Mapmakers, or what­soever Historiographers (whom Alphonsus Sicilia cal­leth optimos Consiliarios mor­tuos) not to alter the first, and old name, but to call it in all their writings and des­criptions, Mare Britannicum; hath graciously, and mira­culously [Page 272] effected for the land also, that out of the dead ashes of old great Britaine, should be raised even the self same Britaine, as the Phenix living, and dying, est eadem, sed non eadem, quia ipsa, nec ipsa est. O admirable Meta­morphosis, & happy changel England, and Scotland have left, though not lost, their names, both being preserved in the Bosome of great Bri­taine: Non duo sunt, nec forma duplex, but, neu [...]runque & u­trunque videtur: and of both us English and Scottish be­ing now Britaines may it be said, as of them two brethren, alteruter & uterque; alteru­ter est uterque, ut [...]rque autem [Page 273] neuter. Which I againe call that faire Phoenix, dying, and living, eadem, & non eadem, quia ipsa nec ipsa est.

In which, excellent? and vyonderfull work, the rather, and better to bring to passe the good purpose of uniting the two kingdomes and peo­ple into one, it hath seemed best to the godly wisedome of divine providence, first, and long since to knit all our hearts in one holy religion, and in the same service, and godly worship, to make us all like Citizens with the Saints, and of the houshold of God, renewed in Christ, and reconciled into one bo­dy, acknowledging but one [Page 274] God, and professing but one faith, and religion, the hope of our vocation. Whereby we learne, and cannot but confesse, (if, as Ciprian saith, consiliorum gubernaculum, lex sit divina) that that Com­mon Weale best pleaseth God, which commeth nee­rest to the Church of God, that wisest Polititiās, are best Christians, that best govern­ments have correspondence with Gods lawes; and that those kingdomes are best ru­led, and the more blessed, which are of one heart and one obedience, even as all are one in Christ, who is the head, and all under his go­vernment, are by one spirit, [Page 275] but one body.

Wherefore the good Em­perors Theodosius, and Valen­tinianus writing to Ciprian Bishop of Alexandria, were bold to commend their go­vernment, according to the platforme, before described, saying: A pietate quae in deum est, Reipublicae nostrae constitu­tio pendet, & multa utrinque est cognatio, & societas, &c. Which most excellent pat­terne, and forme of govern­ment, is after the example of Christ, uniting all into one and this the Psalmist re­sembleth to that precious oint­ment, powred on the head of Aaron, and running downe his heard, even to the skirts of his [Page 276] cloathing: for so doth sweet and precious union rest chiefly in the head, which is but one, and from thence run all along, and alike to all the parts of the people, which are but one.

But shame on Schisme, whither it be civill, or ec­clesiasticall; for it renteth the seamlesse Coat of Christ, both in the Church and in the Civill state, even in the doctrine, and ceremonies of the one against rhe truth of God; and in christian chari­ty, and common civility of the other against the peace of men. Wherefore whoso­ever opposeth himselfe a­gainst the one, or other, is [Page 277] more unreasonable, and may be thought more cruell, than the souldiers which would not divide Christs seame­lesse Coat, but cast lots, whose it should be; saying, Sortiamur cujus sit. For it cannot bee denied, but that they which divide Great Britaine, to have it divided within and against it selfe, divide that, for which they cannot say, sorti­amur; seeing cujus is known, and sit cannot be denied: but sortiamur, and cujus, and sit, should wholly, and only be left to his Majestie, and to his royall succession for ever.

[Page 278]Only let our contention be, as was that of Israel and Iudah, who should be for­wardest not only in bring­ing our King unto the seate of his kingdome, but also now to preserve the possessi­on of his kingdome, Sartum & rectum, inseparably uni­ted to the King, and joyntly united and undivided within it selfe. Vnus rex, una lex; unus pater, una communis pa­tria; unum caput unum cor­pus. Let not private respects hinder a common good: let every man be as one man, of one heart and one soule, united to his Majesties gra­cious intentions, which are for the everlasting good of [Page 279] every one. If the King had commanded thee a great thing, wouldest not thou have done it? How much more then, when he saith, bee you all of one minde to live agreeably toge­ther, in one uniforme go­vernment, for your owne undoubted good. Cedat jus proprium regi, patriaeque re­mittat.

And to conclude in nomine, & omine Concer­diae: to consummate this structure of union, and to consecrate it to all eternity, as the Ro­manes did their Temple of concord. Behold, now is the time of establishing [Page 280] the unity of both Nations together; (as he said) Si quando unquam consociandi imperii tempus optastis, en hoc tempus adest, & virtute vestra, & deûm benignitate vobis da­tum. Heretofore, as C. Ma­rius said, he could not audire ju [...] prae strepitu armorum; so by reason of civill discord betwixt both Nations, the name of unity was but as a pleasant song, touching the eare, but not entring into the heart or serious conside­ration of either part. And so for many yeares this co­gitation crept in every where. The name of Britain seemed as a brutish name, all commixtion betwixt us [Page 281] seemed confusion, any mu­tation for union sake an ut­ter subversion of all the state. But now the matter is come Extra Rubiconem: jacta est alea: the matter is proceed­ed in, Aut nunquam tentes, aut perfice. Such a matter of state is not slightly to be in­tended. And I know, that all the honourable Commis­sioners on both sides thinke every one of themselves not to be imployed in this so great businesse, only as pro Consule and in his owne per­son, but pro Consulibus, & in commune omnium; and there­fore will be assembled like wise Romanes, who after long dissention, and part takings, [Page 282] made full reconcilement and concord perpetuall for all matters in Aede Concor­diae. And I doubt not, but all Subjects will in all pla­ces, as the Graecians did after long variance embrace that joyfull [...] agreed on, for good of all, not for fashion sake, as among heathen, but for conscience sake, as a­mong such, which truly know, and feare God, who is author of Vnity, and but one God: that so there bee henceforth, a perfect, and perpetuall establishment, according to the lawes of Medes, and Persians, which may not, nor cannot be altered; remembering, inimicit [...]as [Page 283] mortales, amicitias immorta­les esse debere.

Only yet I would set be­fore all mens eyes that wor­thy speech of the renowned Tullus Hostilius King of Ro­manes, in the reconcilement of Rome, and Alba, and represented unto us in uni­ting England, and Scot­land by our two gracious Soveraignes, Quod bonum faustum, foelix (que) sit populo Ro­mano, ac mihi vobisque Alba­ni, populum omnem Albanum, Romam traducere in animo est: Civitatem dare plebi: primo­res in patres legere: unam ur­bem: unam remupb. facere: &, ut ex uno quondam in duos po­pulos diversa Albana res est, [Page 284] sic nunc in unum redeat. And now also concerning the name, I recite only a Poeti­call fable, yet moralized, no fable: That when Neptune and Pallas did strive, whe­ther of them should give name to Athens, it was agreed, that he, or she should name the City, who could bring the best gift for com­mon good. Wherefore Nep­tune did strike the Shore, and it brought forth an horse, fore-shewing that Athens should bee warlike: but Pullas gave the City an Olive, signifying peace, and that the City should flou­rish by peace: whereupon, peace being more profita­ble [Page 285] than war, Neptune was enforced to yeeld his inte­rest; and Pallas gave the name. Oh how blessed are the peace-makers? How beautifull are their feete? How glorious, and joyfull the light of their counte­nance?

—pax optima rerum,
Quas homini novisse da­tum est; pax una triumphis
Innumeris potio.

K. Iames first Dove-like brought the Olive branch, shewing that the waters were abated, an­ger appeased, dangers esca­ped, sorrows fled, and that salvation and joy entered the Arke of Great Britaine.

[Page 286]And it is and hath long been his most sacred Maje­sties desire to encrease and establish the Vnity of both Nations, happily begun by his father King Iames of bles­sed memory; wherefore let it be the daily prayers of all true Subjects, that God in mercy will still continue the s [...]me, to his Majesty and his posterity for ever.


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