The present state of the empire of Morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by Monsieur de St. Olon.

The present state of the empire of Morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by Monsieur de St. Olon.

Table of contents

Title page

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TO THE Right Honourable Sir William Trumball, One of the Lords Commissioners OF HIS Majesty's Treasury.

THE AUTHOR's Epistle Dedicatory TO THE KING.

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THE Present State OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO.

AUDIENCES Given to Monsieur de St. Olon, AT MICKENESS, BY Muley Ismael, Emperour of Morocco, In the Year 1693.

The First Audience.

Monsieur de St. OLON's COMPLEMENT TO THE Emperour of Morocco.

The Audience of Leave.

THE COMPLIMENT AT THE Audience of Leave.

OBSERVATIONS To be made on the Cause of Monsieur de St. OLON's EMBASSY TO MOROCCO.

THE King of Morocco's LETTER. To the KING.

THE King of Morocco's LETTER TO Monsieur de St. OLON.

Monsieur de St. OLON's ANSWER TO THE King of Morocco.

THE LETTER Which the King of Morocco Wrote and sent to the King, BY Monsieur de St. OLON.

THE LETTER Which the Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, the King of Morocco's Minister for the Marine, wrote and sent to the King by Monsieur de St. OLON.

The LETTER which the Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, writ to Monsieur de Pontchartrain.

OTHER OBSERVATIONS To be made.

AN Alphabetical TABLE OF THE CHIEF MATTERS Contain'd in this BOOK.

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THE Present State OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO. With a Faithful Account Of the Manners, Religion, and Government of that PEOPLE.

By Monsieur de St. OLON, Ambassador there in the Year 1693.

Adorn'd with FIGURES.

LONDON: Printed for R. Bently, at the Post-Office in Russel-street in Covent-Garden; W. Freeman, at the Bible against the Middle-Temple in Fleet-street; and S. Manship, at the Ship in Cornhill, 1695.

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The Audience given by the Emperour of Morocco to the French Ambassador

Printed for R. Bentley W. Freeman and S. Manship

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[...]

TO THE Right Honourable Sir William Trumball, One of the Lords Commissioners OF HIS Majesty's Treasury.

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SIR,

THo' I have long been Ambitious of giving some publick Instance of the Veneration [Page] I have for You, I would not have presum'd to have done it now, had not the Book, of which what follows is a Translation, been written by an Embassador, and dedicated to a King. The Character which you have so honourably maintain'd, not only at the Court of that Prince, but with an Emperor greater than that of Morocco, entitles You to the Protection of more finish'd Works than this; [Page] the Author of which, tho' a Person of great Skill in Business, perhaps not unjustly, thinks himself not altogether vers'd in the nice way of Writing: Yet his Book contains so many pleasant and useful Remarks, and may discover so many Mysteries to the piercing Eyes of a sound Politician, that You are Master of too much Goodness not to allow it a Place, on that Score, among that admirable Collection [Page] which You possess no less in Your Mind than in Your Library. Fear, not, SIR, I should, like many Dedicators, attempt a Panegyrick instead of an Epistle; I know You are so far from being the least indulgent to such a Practice, that You more carefully avoid Addresses of this Nature, than some, who deserve them less, industriously encourage them. For still Your Modesty seeks as much to [Page] keep Your other Vertues veil'd, as most of us Writers do to discover them; and it has brib'd some of them into a Concealment of Your real Merit, in a more liberal Manner than the Vanity of many has recompens'd a Publication of their imaginary Worth. I dare not then pretend to mention those Qualifications that endear You to Your Country; nor am I so partial to my self as to desire You to [Page] protect the Original or the Translation of this Book from the Censures of the Reader, to whom I freely abandon it.

My whole Design is merely the Acknowledgment of Favors receiv'd; tho' at the same time You cannot pardon this without conferring a new one; since I know You would have bestow'd on me fresh Marks of Your Generosity, had I consented to spare You the Blush which [Page] the sight of this will raise. But, SIR, even those who are not able to return Obligations, if of a grateful Principle, do not love to be too much indebted; and 'tis some Ease at least to Acknowledge when we cannot Requite. I only beg then, to let all those who will read this know, That I have the deepest Sense imaginable of Your obliging Goodness, that singular Humanity, or rather Charity, [Page] which, as it extends to many of our unhappy Refugiés, has made me a sharer in the Effects of Your Bounty, doubtless much more than the most tolerable of my Attempts as a Writer. You pitied a Man, who, having the real Love of a Loyal English Subject for the Great Prince under whom we live, endeavours to appear as much an Englishman as he can, even in his Writings, since he is [Page] driven on the barren Coast of Parnassus, that idle Business Poetry, for want of better. May Heaven still preserve You for the Good of Mankind, and more particularly of Your Country, to whom You so wholly devote Your Self; and may You believe me with the greatest Zeal and Respect,

SIR, Your most humble, and Most obedient Servant,

PETER MOTTEUX.

THE AUTHOR's Epistle Dedicatory TO THE KING.

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SIR;

I Doubt not but that Your Majesty has, from Time to Time, been faithfully inform'd of what relates to the State, Forces, Customs, and Religion of the Moors; and indeed, what I have seen in [Page] Print on that Subject, generally agrees with what I have observ'd while I was in the Emperor of Morocco's Dominions: Yet, Sir, Your Majesty's Orders, and what I was enjoyn'd in my Instructions, having oblig'd me to make there some newer and less common Observations, I hope Your Majesty will not dislike, that, without affecting to swell the Memoirs, which I now have the Honour to lay before you, with superfluous Repetitions of what some Authors have said, I only should give, as a kind of Supplement, such Observations as seem to have been omitted by them, either in what concerns the Nature and Particulars of the Trade of that Empire, the Character, Manners and Genius of [Page] those who have the greatest share in the Government of it, or, as to what the Conquests of the Prince, who Rules there at this time, may have contributed to the Enlarging of his Dominions, the encreasing of his Forces, and the heightning of that Vanity that does not reign less in him than the other Qualifications by which he is so particular.

When Your Majesty did me the Honour to make choice of me to go in Your Name to conclude with that Emperor the Treaty of Peace, of which for some Years he had shew'd himself so desirous that he even seem'd to have remov'd before hand all the Difficulties that might obstruct it, in the Letter [Page] which he had written about it, and sent to Your Majesty by the Consul of Sally, You were already convinc'd by frequent Trials, how little his Proposals and Promises are to be rely'd upon.

Accordingly one of the most essential and most inforc'd Articles in my Instructions was, That I should take care not to be deceiv'd by them; and therefore 'tis what I chiefly apply'd my self to prevent, by all the Means and Expedients that seem'd to me most proper, to conciliate the Artifice of his Council and Ministers, with the fervency and fidelity of my Zeal for Your Majesty's Service and Glory.

[Page] Even what I said to that Prince at my first Audience, which I insert at the end of this short Treatise, may also convince Your Majesty that I have not been sparing of such Encomiums and Insinuations as I judg'd most capable of flattering his Ambition, and of inclining him to concurr with Your Majesty's Pious and Solid Designs for the Freedom of Your Captive Subjects, and for the security of Your Merchants.

If the Memoirs or Journal which I sent to You of my Negotiation in that Prince's Country, and at his Court, have been read to Your Majesty, You have not only seen, that You had entertain'd very just [Page] Thoughts on that Subject, but that, far from my being able to remove that Punic Faith so general here at this time, or root out its Scions, grown stronger than their ancient Stock, it has not been in my Power with all my Care and Endeavours to shake them in the least.

Here, Sir, I might have an opportunity to repeat the substance of many Things which I have mention'd at length in that Journal, did not I fear this wou'd be too foreign to the Design of the following sheets, which, according to Your Majesty's Orders, are only to relate to the Extent, Government, Strength, and Trade of the Empire of Morocco.

[Page] However, I think my self oblig'd before I begin, to acquaint Your Majesty, that by what the subtle Ways and Discourses of the King of Morocco's Ministers have betray'd to me of his Designs and Resolutions, as to the offers he makes from Time to Time to Treat with Your Majesty, it plainly appears, whatever his Demonstrations of Sincerity may seem, that all his Aim and utmost Intent have always been, and will ever be only to procure himself some Presents, Honours, and Supplies for the regaining of the Towns which the Spaniards still hold in his Country.

Besides, as this Prince and his Ministers know very well, that Your [Page] Goodness and Compassion for Your poor Captive Subjects, are the only Motives that incline You to hearken to his Proposals, there is no doubt but that he is not likely to part with those Slaves as long as he hopes they may be a means to procure him the Advantages I have mention'd; so that 'tis not to be expected he will ever treat but upon Terms of this nature, and his Ministers will always endeavour by all imaginable means, that the effect, which they think they ought to expect in that case, may precede the Performance of what they shall Promise on their side.

There remains now nothing for me to represent to Your Majesty, [Page] but that I have taken such care in examining what ever is the subject of these Memoirs, that I may well assure You they contain nothing but what is most conformable to the Truth.

I also make bold to promise my self, from Your Majesties Goodness, that You will the rather excuse Omissions and Defects, seeing that, by the Journal which I had the Honour to give You of my stay and Negotiation in that Kingdom, where I was almost always detain'd and narrowly observ'd and where 'tis not allow'd to take Informations of the State of the Country, You may perceive how little I could converse with those who might have enabled me to have given a more [Page] perfect Account of it, and such a one as might better evince the Fidelity of the Respectful and Inviolable Zeal with which I am,

SIR, Your Majesty's Most Humble, most Obedient, and most Faithful Subject and Servant,

Pidou de St. Olon.

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THE Life of the Famous Cardinal Duke of Richlieu, Principal Minister of State to Lewis XIII. In Two Volumes, 8o.

A New Voyage into Italy: With necessary Instructions for those who undertake the same. By Maximilian Mission. Done out of French, and Illustrated with Sculptures.

THE Present State OF THE EMPIRE OF MOROCCO.

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AS I do not design to trace the Original of every Part of the Empire of Morocco, but to give an exact Account of its Extent, Bounds, Strength, Trade, and Government, so it will be sufficient to begin with as short a Relation as possible, of the Methods [Page] taken by the famous Muley Archyd, King of Tafilet, and Muley Ismaël his Brother and immediate Successor to re-unite the Kingdoms of Morocco, Fess, Tafilet, and Sus, with the vast Province of Dara, under the same Power; and form that mighty State which the latter Rules at this time in so Arbitrary a manner.

Muley Xerif, King of Tafilet, and Father to Muley Archyd, who by their Genealogy give themselves out for the Offspring of Mahomet and his Daughter Fatima, was succeeded by Muley Hamet, the eldest of 84 Sons and 124 Daughters that surviv'd him. But Muley Archyd, one of his Brothers, whose haughty and ambitious Spirit disdain'd to obey him, did not suffer him to wear the Crown long undisturb'd, but with the assistance of some of the chief Alcaydes, whom he had engag'd to side with him, orm'd some Designs, whose Beginnings, [Page] however, did not meet with a Success answerable to his ambitious Ends; for, the King having prevented them, caus'd the Alcaydes to be seiz'd and put to death, and shut him up in a Prison.

Yet that Prince having found means to escape, was rather exasperated than won by this moderate Usage; and, getting some Forces together, made some new Attempts, whose Success was no better than that of the former; since he was taken and confin'd a second time.

This restraint, tho' longer and closer than the first, did not produce a better Effect; for, the Black to whose keeping the King had intrusted him, as to the most Faithful of his Servants, was not Proof against the wheedling Caresses and large Promises with which Muley Archyd ply'd him, to get his Liberty; and the Prisoner having plotted with his Keeper about [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] the manner of his Escape, got out at last: But, persuaded it was not safe to trust one that was thus false to his Master, lest he should happen to be serv'd so himself, the only Return he made to the Black's kind Office was to dispatch him out of the World, in his Flight, with a stroke of his Scimiter.

He took shelter at Zaovias, where the Morabite Benbucar govern'd, whom the Inhabitants of the Province of that Name had chosen to be their Prince, for the sake of his Vertue.

Those who are call'd Morabites in Africa are like our Hermits: They seem wholly apply'd to Learning and Holiness, and retire to Desarts, whither the People, who have a very great Veneration for them, sometimes come to seek them out, and take them out of their solitude to set the Crown on their Heads, as they had done to Benbucar.

[Page] Muley Archyd, concealing his Name and Quality, offer'd him his Service as a common Soldier; and that good old Man receiv'd him kindly; employing him afterwards in divers Capacities, upon the Encouragement which his Merit that exerted it self had given him; in all which Employments he behav'd himself so well, that in a little time he gain'd Benbucar's Esteem and Friendship.

At last he was discover'd by some Arabs of Tafilet, who had brought some Dates to sell, and immediately saluted him as their King's Brother. Upon which Benbucar's Sons suspected he was not come thus disguis'd into their Country without some Design, and resolv'd to have him put to death.

Accordingly they contriv'd to make him fall into an Ambuscade, out of which, however, he escap'd, and fled to Quivan, where, having also offer'd his Service to the Prince of [Page] the Country, as he had done to Benbucar, he so effectually discover'd his extraordinary Worth, that he became his Master's chief Minister of State and Favorite.

But the Authority his eminent Post gave him, the Trust repos'd in him by that kind Prince, and the Love of his Subjects, which he had industriously purchas'd, prov'd only so many new Spurs to his Ambition. He persuaded himself it would not be less easie to him to Conquer that State where he was already so absolute, than to emerge and rise as he had done. The Master's very Treasures serv'd the ungrateful Favorite to bait those on whom he cou'd not otherwise so well depend; and having thus successfully drawn them in, he in a short time with ease made himself Master of the Prince of Quivian, as also of his Treasures and Country; and conceiving that his Death was the surest means to [Page] secure these unjust Possessions to himself, he caus'd him to be made away, and then rais'd an Army with which he dispos'd himself to pursue his Resentment and former Designs against his Brother.

Muley Mehemet, who had notice given him of this, did his part to prevent him; and to that end having taken the Field, several Battels were fought between them, in which Muley Archyd having almost always worsted his Brother, reduc'd him to shut himself up within the Walls of the City of Tafilet, where his Grief for his Misfortunes, and his Fear of his victorious Brother's Cruelty hasten'd his death. Muley Archyd, thus rid of his chief Competitor, and in a fair way of enlarging his Conquests, pursu'd his Victories with so much Courage, Conduct, and good Fortune, that he soon made himself Master also of Sally, which was a free Town, and of the Kingdom of Fess, Morocco [Page] and Sus, some of which yielded to the Power of his Arms, and the rest to the Terror which they spread over the Country.

He did not enjoy them so long a Time as his Age and Fortune seem'd to promise; for, in his own Palace, and in his Fortieth Year, he cou'd not avoid the stroke of Death, which he had so often defi'd in the Field. Having invited the Nobility on a certain Festival, and drank Wine to excess with his most intimate Friends, which he used to do often enough, he took a fancy in this condition to Curvet in his Gardens on a fiery Horse, that ran away with him with such a fury, as he wheel'd about under a Walk of Orange Trees, that one of their largest Branches broke his Scull, and, in three days, put an end to his Life.

Good Order and Peace, which that Conqueror began to establish in his Dominions, were soon banish'd [Page] by that unexpected Death, which happen'd in the Year 1672. For, those of his Family whom he had entrusted with the Government of his Kingdoms, endeavour'd to secure to themselves the respective Countries where they Govern'd; but Muley Ismael, who prov'd the bravest, the most forward and esteem'd, was also the most successful.

He first caus'd himself to be proclaim'd King of Tafilet, took Possession of his Brother's Treasures, then march'd into the Field with as many Men as he could get together; and, having won some by Promises or Presents, overcame others by Force of Arms, and made himself Master of all.

Of all his Competitors, Muly Hamet, his Nephew, was reduced with most difficulty; for, having likewise caus'd himself to be proclaim'd King of Morocco and Sus, and oppos'd him with numerous Forces, this occasion'd [Page] several Sieges and Engagements, which, however, were generally so much to his Disadvantage, that at last he was forc'd to submit as well as the rest, all his Attempts having only serv'd to give a greater lustre to the Conduct and undaunted Valour of this Prince, who owes only to these two Qualifications the Sovereign Possession he now enjoys of all this Empire, whose extent is no less considerable than its Situation.

It spreads it self about 250 Leagues in length from North to South, and 140 in breadth, from East to West. Its limits on the East are the Kingdom of Algier, by which 'tis bounded at Tremesen; on the West, the Atlantic Ocean; the River Dara on the South; and the Mediterranean on the North, if you except three Fortified Places which the Christian Princes still hold on its Coasts, Ma [...]agan possess'd by the Portuguese on the [Page] Ocean, and Ceuta and Melilla by by the Spaniards on the Mediterranean, the one at the Streights-Mouth, the other further up. The Spaniards had, not long since, two other very Strong Holds on the Ocean, Larache and Mamora, which they have suffered to be taken from them by Muley Ismael; the first in the Year 1681. the other in 1689. The English also had Tangier there, near the Streights, but left it some Years ago, having first ruin'd its Port and Fortifications.

So that the most considerable Sea-Port Towns the Emperour of Morocco has on the Ocean, are Santa Cruz, Safy, Sally, Mamora, Larache, Arzilla, and Tangier; and on the Mediterranean, Zaffarina, and Tetuan, if we may reckon the latter among the rest, it being seated two Leagues within Land, and an open Town without any Fortifications; yet pretty well built, and very populous.

[Page] The Inhabitants of Tetuan, who are said to be upwards of Fifteen Thousand, report themselves to be Andalusians, and most of them speak Spanish; for every one knows, that the Moors were possess'd of Spain Six or Seven Hundred Years, and that after many vain Endeavours, which the Natives us'd to drive them out, Ferdinand, more Fortunate than the rest, wholly subdued them, and forc'd them seemingly to profess the Roman Belief, while they secretly plotted the ruine of the State: But Philip III. having found out their Designs, expell'd them in 1610. Accordingly above One Hundred Thousand of both Sexes, Young and Old, left Spain, and the greatest part of them having shelter'd themselves in Africa, settled at Sally and Tetuan.

They are White-men, pretty well Civiliz'd, and very kind to Strangers and Christians. The French [Page] Consul, and all the Merchants who have a Settlement there, tho' of different Nations and Religions, besides the Duty of Three Crowns Levied on every Ship, Tartane or Bark that touch there, towards the maintaining of a little Hospital, and two Spanish Recollet Monks, equally contribute towards the further Charges about it. There is another at Sally, where the same Method is taken.

Of all these Sea-Ports, not one can be esteem'd a good Haven; Tangier, Mamora, and Sally might be thought the best; but there is no coming thither but over a Bar or Sand that absolutely hinders all great Ships from going in; for which Reason, neither the King nor his Privateers can fit out any other Vessels than Brigantines or light Frigats that go a Cruising, and rove on the Sea in hopes of taking some Merchant-men.

[Page] There never is any fix'd number of these Ships, 'tis greater or less as there are old ones lost, or new ones built. It consists now in Twelve or Thirteen, of which Six belong to the King, and the rest to private Persons; they are generally of Eighteen or Twenty Guns, the biggest not exceeding Twenty four; but they have often Two hundred Men on Board, yet are generally in very ill plight, by reason of the want of Stores, Sails, Cables, and other Rigging in those Parts; so that if the Moors did not now and then get some from the English and Dutch, they would very soon and easily be reduc'd to a much smaller number.

It costs the King of Morocco nothing to maintain his Ships; the Alcayde or Governour of the Port where they lye, pays the Officers and the Men; if they take any Prizes, one half is the King's, the other is divided between the Alcayde [Page] and the Officers, who bestow also a small part of it on the Ships Company; but as for the Slaves, the King takes them all; paying Fifty Crowns for every one of those who do not belong to his Moiety.

Such Ships as are fitted out by private Persons, are kept wholly at the Charge of their Owners, who reimburse themselves out of the Product of the Prizes, of which the King has a Fifth, and all the Slaves, paying also Fifty Crowns for every one.

The Kingdom of Morocco, and that of Fess, are the largest and most considerable of the Four already mentioned, and the head Cities of both have the same Names with them. The City of Morocco was formerly very Populous and most Famous for its Wealth and Beauty, but is now much fallen from its ancient State, and does not contain above 25000 Inhabitants; [Page] its Streets seem almost unfrequented, and none takes care to repair the decay'd Buildings, or prevent the Ruines, the number of whose heaps encreases every day, which altogether disgraces it. Its Palace and that Mosque so celebrated for its Largeness and Ornaments, as well as for its Brazen Gates, and three Golden Balls, which were said to be Enchanted, are now dwindled to nothing. Muley Ismael has not been afraid of the vain Prognostications of Malediction, with which those who should dare to take them away were Curs'd; his extream greediness of Gold, stronger in that Juncture than the Superstition so common to the Moors, prevail'd with him to cause them to be remov'd and buried among his invisible and useless Treasure: I shall take an opportunity, before I have done to explain why I call it so.

[Page] 'Tis pretended that these Golden Balls were set on the top of that Mosque by the Wife of that great Almanzor, so famous in History for having Conquer'd Spain; and that this Queen, to leave a Monument of her Grandeur to after Ages, laid out the greatest part of her Jewels and Dowry in the building of that Mosque; that these Balls had been plac'd on its top during such a Constellation of the Heavens as did not admit of their being remov'd; the Architect, by the means of certain Spells and Conjurings, having also oblig'd some Spirits to guard them. They even affirm, that several Kings who had attempted to take them away were always hinder'd by some accident; and the Moors, who are very credulous in point of Magick, had all along believ'd, that, according to the Import of this Spell, the Devil should break the Necks of those who should [Page] dare to take them away. But this King, less credulous and scrupulous, has undeceiv'd them at last.

Safy and Mazagan, both on the Ocean, the latter a fine large City, in the hands of the Portuguese, who keep in it a good Garison, are the only Places in all the Kingdom, which, besides the chief City, deserve to be mention'd; for though its extent, which is very large, be divided into Seven Provinces, it is not very Populous, because its Sandy Soil, dry and barren in most places, neither admits of Plenty of Corn, nor of Cattle; and abounds in nothing but Camels, which are cheap there, besides Copper, Wax, and Almonds, of which great quantities are vended in Europe.

'Tis thought there may be in its Plains about Thirty Thousand Huts of Aduars, which contain near One Hundred Thousand Men, paying Garam, that is, who Yearly pay [Page] the King a Tribute of the Tenth part of all they have, to which they are liable as soon as they are Fifteen Years of Age.

An Aduar is a kind of a rambling or flying Village (there being very few of another kind in all Africa) that consists of some Families of Arabs, who Incamp in Tents, which they pitch, now in one place, and then in another, according as the goodness of the Soil invites them to stay, and the subsistance of their Cattle, in which their Wealth wholly consists, requires it. Each Aduar has its Marabot, and submits to the Conduct of a Chief, whom they chuse among themselves; every Family has its Tent or Hut, in which they all lie pell-mell with their Oxen, Sheep, Camels, Poultry, Dogs, &c. Their Misery and Nastiness are greater than can be imagin'd; yet from them the King draws his most settled and certain [Page] Revenues: A Black of his Guard is commonly sent to Collect their Tributes, and, tho' alone, bestows plentiful Bastonado's as he pleases on the least Delinquent, non daring either resist or complain.

When the Arabs remove their Aduars, they set their Wives and Children on Camels in some Wicker Conveniencies cover'd with Linen-Cloth, and contriv'd like Niches or Arches, but quite round, which wholly secure them from the heat of the Sun, yet at the same time afford them means to take the Air on which side they please. If they have not Camels enough to carry all their Lumber, they load with it their Bulls and Cows that wear Pack-Saddles; which I don't remember to have seen any where else.

The Kingdom of Fess, known of old by the Name of Mauritania Tingitana, is of no less extent than that of Morocco, and, like it, divided [Page] into Seven Provinces; but much more Fruitful, better Peopled, and affords a much greater plenty of all sorts of Corn, Cattle, Pulse, Kitchen-Herbs, Fruits, and Wax; its Fertility might yet be increas'd, were there more Care taken to Cultivate it, but the Goodness of the Soil, that produces almost of its self, the slothful Negligence of the Natives, who content themselves with what just serves for their Subsistance, and their scrupulous Obstinacy, in refusing an Exportation of Corn, cause above half the Lands to lie fallow.

They have some Mines of Iron, but do not know how to refine that Metal, and can put it to no other Use but making Nails, and other course Iron-work.

This Kingdom is bounded on one side by that of Morocco, and by that of Algier on the other. The River Sebou, whose Stream is very [Page] rapid, runs through it, and flowing about half a League from its Metropolis, afterwards loses it self in the Ocean at Mamora. That River is the finest in all the Empire of Morocco; and on its Banks, above Mamora, stands a large Forest, that might yield Materials for the building many Ships. 'Tis also said, that not far from its Spring there is a very fine Bridge, made of Brick and Stone, and One hundred and fifty Fathom long; which would be a remarkable and extraordinary thing were it not ancient; for, they are so far from raising Publick Buildings at this time in that Country, that not the least Care is taken even to Repair the High-ways, for the easier Carriage of Goods; tho' indeed it must be own'd, that as there is no Travelling in those Parts, but on Horse-back, or with Camels, 'tis not so absolutely necessary to repair the Ways, as in some other Countries.

[Page] There are neither Publick Waggons, Carriers, nor Posts settled in those Kingdoms; so that all Correspondencies, which indeed are not frequent there, are only kept by the means of Expresses on Foot or on Horse-back, who, however, go and come with speed, and cost but little; first, because the Men and the Horses are hardy and inur'd to Toil; and then by reason of the cheapness of the Provisions, of which a small pittance satisfies them.

Upon urgent and important Emergencies they make use of Dromedaries, a sort of Camels only differing from the rest by their Swiftness and Leanness, which are natural and altogether peculiar to this kind of them; for 'tis observ'd, as the Natives report, that a Dromedary can carry a Man as many times ten Leagues a Day as it has been Days asleep, and blind immediately after its Birth: So that if it slept [Page] six Days as soon as it was born, it performs sixty Leagues a Day, and proportionably more or less.

I saw one of this kind at Mickeness, with which some endeavour'd to make me believe, the King's Uncle travell'd one hundred Leagues in a Day; but this seems to me to be stretch'd somewhat beyond Truth; those who assur'd me of this, add, that the Fatigue which attends this way of Travelling is equal to its Speed, and that it would be impossible to hold out, or bear the Dromedary's most precipitate Ambling, did not he that rides him cause himself to be ty'd fast to the Saddle, and cover his Mouth for fear of being stifled; and indeed, if this be true, there is no doubt but that a Traveller must needs find himself intolerably tir'd, at the end of such a Journey.

The Aduars of Arabs, in the Kingdom of Fess, are judg'd to [Page] consist of about Three hundred thousand Men paying Garams. Its Metropolis, that gives it its Name, is absolutely the finest, richest, and most trading City in all the Empire of Morocco: 'Tis divided into two, one call'd the Old, and the other the New Town, both fairly built, and stock'd with above Three hundred thousand Inhabitants; the Old Town is Peopled with Whitesmen, and the New with Blacks; and both have so many Gates, Bridges, Fountains, and Piazza's; so many Gemmes or Mosques, Colleges, and stately Structures, that the large Description which Dapper gives of it, in his History of Africa, no less deserves the studious Reader's perusal, than all these Things themselves are worthy the Curiosity of such Travellers as go thither. As for my Part, not having been permitted to come to it, tho' it lies but a Day's Journey from Mickeness, [Page] I am oblig'd to trust to what others tell us of it.

The other Places of Note in this Kingdom, are Theza, Mickeness, Mamora, Arzilla, Larache, Sally, Tangier, Ceuta, Alcasar, and Tetuan.

Mickeness is the Place where the King resides, and lies pretty high up in the Land: 'Tis but a little Town, but so crouded with Inhabitants, the Number of which is said to exceed Sixty thousand, that there is no passing through its Streets, which besides are very narrow, without justling one another; I shall speak of it more at large before I have done.

Theza is a little fortifi'd Place between Fess and Morocco.

The other Towns lie on the Sea-Coast, and are all Populous enough, and Places of great Trade: They might have a greater Trafick yet, were their Havens better; [Page] but, as I have said, the Barr that lies all along the Coast does not permit any such.

Tetuan and Sally are the Ports where Ships most easily and frequently arrive: For which reason many Merchants of divers Nations have settled there, and the King of France has establish'd a Consul in each Place, for the Conveniency and Safety of Trade; at least they are appointed with that Intent, which yet I may say is render'd ineffectual by the barbarous and mean-interested ways of those Enemies of Civility and all sense of Honour, who, as I have seen, have a greater Consideration for the least Factor, with regard to the Gain they hope to reap by him, than for a Consul, whose Character, as being unprofitable to them, is every Day expos'd to the Insults of their capricious ill Humours, and Contempt.

[Page] Sally is more known and celebrated than the rest, on the account of its Privateers and Haven, which, however, is only fit to harbour Shipping of small Bulk and Draught. 'Tis also considerable for its Forts, for its two Towns divided, as at Fess, into Old and New, and for its great Trafick: Its Inhabitants, who are not above Twenty thousand, take upon themselves the Name of Andalusians, like those of Tetuan; it had formerly some beautiful Buildings, which the Wars and its Rebellions have almost all ruin'd. It has put the Kings of Morocco to some trouble for some time, when it strove to cast off their Yoke; but Muley Archyd reduc'd it in 1666, by the great Victory he obtain'd over the famous Gayland Lord of Tetutuan, Arzilla, and Alcasar, under whose Protection it had put itself. Its two Towns are parted by the River Guerou, that on the Southside [Page] has two Castles on the top of a little Hill by the Sea; these have a Communication by the means of a great Wall, and contain about Thirty Pieces of Canon in no very good order; above the old Castle, at the mouth of the River, there is a small Fort with three Iron and three Brass-Guns in it, from twelve to fifteen Pounds Shot, to facilitate the Retreat of those Pyrats when the are chas'd in.

Alcasar is also become famous by the bloody Battle, which Sebastian King of Portugal lost near it, with his Life, in the Year 1578, in the Plain between that Town and the River Mukazem: It is little, thinly Peopled, and very ill built, but stands most pleasantly by that River, with fine Gardens all round it. Gayland most commonly chose to reside there in a large Palace, which is now altogether ruin'd. I cannot forbear to mention, by the way, that this Town may be said [Page] to be the Nest of all the Storks in that part of Barbary, and their Number exceeds that of its Inhabitants; I never saw so many together in one Place; which yet is less strange if we consider that they are safe and secure there; for, the Moors account it a Sin to kill any of them, and most strictly forbid it; because they believe that God, at Mahomet's Request, transform'd into those Birds a Company of Arabians, who robb'd those that went on Pilgrimage to Mecca.

Ceuta, as I have said, belongs to the Spaniards, who, besides that considerable Port, hold another call'd Melilla in the same Kingdom, and on the Sea-side towards Algier, or also Pennon de los Velez, a little Fortress built on the Point of a Rock that's surrounded by the Sea, and almost impregnable by its situation.

The Kingdom of Sus is contiguous to that of Morocco, about [Page] its South-West Part; 'tis but small, very indifferently Peopled, and even, in a good part of it, almost uninhabited. There may be some Fifteen thousand Aduars of Arabs in its Plains, all brave, daring Souls, and impatient of the Yoke: It has cost this King a great deal of Time to subdue them; neither has he yet been able to effect that wholly; the Inhabitants of two Mountains still remaining free and disclaiming his Tyranny, at the same time that they are govern'd by a Chief, whom they chuse among themselves.

The most considerable Towns in that Kingdom are Illec and Tarudante, both large and very populous, with respect to the rest of the Country, each having about Fifty thousand Inhabitants. The King sends no Alcaydes thither, as he does to the Towns of his other Dominions, and only sends a Captain, to whom they give the Title of Baschar, [Page] who has some Officers under him, to put his Orders in Execution through the whole Kingdom; but this with moderation. The Moors are treated here much more gently, or rather much less cruelly than at Morocco, or at Fess, and only pay the yearly Tribute, without being liable or constrain'd to pay any extraordinary Tax or Garams. This milder Usage is an effect of the King's Politicks, lest a severe Treatment should awake their Inclination to rise against him, which the Situation of the Country does very much encourage.

That Part of the Kingdom which is inhabited yields a reasonable quantity of Corn, Pulse, Kitchen-Herbs, Fruit, and Olives: Its Mountains abound in Copper-Mines, and are also said to have some Gold.

Santa Cruz lies on the Ocean, within the Extent of this Kingdom, [Page] and is a Town of pretty good Trade, either for such Goods as are sent thither from Morocco, or such as are the Product of the Country, which are also Copper, Bees-Wax, and Almonds; and, besides these, very fine Ostridge Feathers.

The Kingdom of Tafilet is of no great extent, having no Town of Note besides one of its Name, which is fenc'd only with a Wall, but has a pretty good Castle.

This Kingdom, that lies beyond Mount Atlas, and was formerly known by the Name of Numidia, is all of it in an ungrateful sandy Tract of Land, between the Desarts of Zahara and the Province of Dara; It has on the East the Kingdom of Morocco, from which 'tis parted by Mount Atlas; and tho' it yields no Wheat or other Corn, abounds in Dates; all those that are imported through every Part of Europe come thence; for, [Page] the King of Morocco will not suffer any to be exported out of other Places. That Fruit is their daily Food, instead of Bread, with Camel's Flesh; for, the driness of the Country affords no sustenance to other Cattle, unless it be a kind of Sheep that wears neither Horns nor Wool, which yet is said to be always very fat and well-tasted there: The Horses are fine, and in great number; and wholly feed upon Dates.

Its small extent does not hinder the King from esteeming and treating it is the most Noble of all these Kingdoms, because among the Moors it passes for the first that follow'd their Prophet and his Alcoran; so that its Inhabitants, that are not very numerous, would think it a dishonour to themselves and their Law, were they govern'd by any but the Progeny of that Prophet; which obliges the King to have always one of his Sons there [Page] as their Governor. He who Commands there at present is call'd Muley Bensar, and is no less greedy and absolute in point of Exactions and Garams than his Father's Alcaydes are in other Parts; this pretended Nobility no excusing the People from it.

That Country produces some Indico, the Trade of which is joyn'd by the Inhabitants to that of their Dates; they also have a Manufactory of certain Linnen-Cloth, strip'd with Silk Moresco-fashion, call'd Hayiks, which being much worn through all Barbary, are of a quick sale, and a gainful Commodity, to their no small Relief towards the Payment of their Garams.

The ancient Kings of Tafilet styl'd themselves also Lords of Dara, a large Province adjoyning and belonging to the Kingdom, and also much the same with it as to the [Page] Soil, Product, Inhabitants, and way of living.

This is what, in few words, may be said, relating to the Extent, Situation, and Quality of these Kingdoms: If any is not satisfied with this compendious Information, he may, if he pleases, consult Dapper and Marmol in their Historical and Geographical Descriptions of Africa. As for me, whose Intent is only to give an Idea of their present State and Government, I thought it would be sufficient for my Purpose, to draw this Extract from the Whole, that I might afterwards apply it as the performance of my Orders and Subject requir'd it.

The Moors are generally but indifferent Soldiers, and not very Brave; yet can manage a Horse and use a Lance with Dexterity, and are strong and indefatigable; they have Wit but not Politeness, and are Jealous, Lustful, Lyars, Superstitious, [Page] Hypocrites, Cheats, Cruel and Faithless. Those that live along the Coast of Mauritania Tingitana, and in the Kingdom of Fess, are the least unciviliz'd; and of all the Christians, whose irreconcilable Enemies they are, being prejudic'd with this inveterate hatred by their Law, the French are those they esteem and fear the most.

I cannot but observe, that were these Countries in any other Hands than those of these Infidels, who, by reason of their native rustical Temper, and wilful Ignorance (that makes them confine their Studies to that of the Alcoran) neglect them, and are incapable of knowing their Value, they might be made a State equally delicious and flourishing, as well for its Situation, and the Pleasantness and Salubrity of its Climate, temperate enough every where on this side Mount Atlas; as, for the Fruitfulness, and other Qualifications of its [Page] hale and hardy Inhabitants, for the quantity, coolness and wholsomness of its Waters, for the plenty and goodness of the Food it affords for Cattle, Horses, &c. For the generousness of its Soil, that yields its Fruits almost without help, and would be wonderful Fertile were Care taken to cultivate it; for the pleasing and profitable variety of its Woods, Plains, Mounds, small Hills and Vallies; for the good Taste of its Pulse, Kitchen-Herbs, Fruits, and Wine; and for its convenient Situation for Trade, and the Transportation of all its Wares.

So that I cannot but grieve, when I think, that so rich a Treasure is, as it were, buried in the very Centre of Sloth, Ignorance, and Inhumanity.

I ought now to give a particular Account of the Manners, Inclinations and Qualifications of the [Page] Prince who is Master of that Empire.

His Name is Muley Ismael, and he takes the Title of Grand Xeriffe, that is, the First and most Powerful of Mahomet's Successors; for, as I have said, he pretends to be descended from that Prophet, by Aly and Fatima, his Son-in-Law and Daughter; and is prouder of this Parentage than of the long Train of Kings of his Family: Which sufficiently shows, that his Predecessors, who us'd also to style themselves Miramoulins, which signifies Emperors of the Faithful, made use of a Religious Pretence for their own Establishment.

And now, since I have mention'd this, it may not be amiss to say something of their Religion. The Alcoran is its Foundation, and the Moors and Arabs, who explain that Book after a particular way, follow the ridiculous Expositions, which their Doctor Melish, one of [Page] the four Chiefs of Mahomet's Sect has left them of it, grounding their Faith on certain Fundamental Points, without which, they give out, 'tis impossible to be sav'd.

They hold that there is but One GOD, without any Trinity of Persons; that JESUS CHRIST was a great Prophet, born of a Virgin whose Name was Mary; that his Incarnation was such as we believe it, and even foretold her by the Arch-Angel Gabriel, God's Embassador; that he was the holiest of Men, and wrought many Miracles; but that he did not die, as we believe, having been assum'd into Heaven; where he is in Body and Soul, and that when Judas would have betray'd him to the Jews, one of his Disciples, whom God caus'd to appear in his likeness, was crucified in his stead, and that 'tis this Disciple we adore.

[Page] They also believe that the same Jesus Christ is to return to live forty Years on Earth, to re-unite all Nations under one Belief; that he will be laid in the Tomb which Mahomet caus'd to be plac'd on the Right-hand of his; that those who profess'd the Doctrine of Christ till Mahomet's Coming, shall be sav'd; but that what we now believe, differs from what he taught (which also the persecuting Jews kept him from bringing to Perfection) and that therefore those who will not follow the Precepts of their Prophet, whom they call God's great Favorite, and the Explainer of his Will, and who was sent by God only to finish what the other had but begun, are to be damn'd eternally.

They admit the Books of Moses, the Psalms of David, the Gospel (as Sergius has expounded it to them) and the Alcoran as Holy Writ.

[Page] They believe a Heaven and a Hell, the Resurrection and Predestination; placing the Eternal Blessings, that are to be the Reward of the Faithful, in a sight of the Sovereign Being, of his Angels, and of Mahomet; and, besides, in the Enjoyment of Seventy Virgins, with whom they are continually to be wrapt in Extasies of Delight without impairing, or rather annihilating, their Virginity; they are also fondly possess'd with the Hopes of indulging their Appetites with all sorts of most delicious Food, and of bathing themselves in Rivers of Milk, Honey, and Rose-Water; nay, they even believe that the very Excrements of the Body shall evaporate in most grateful Sweats, and that they are to take up their Lodging in Banquetting-Houses and stately Palaces, built with Pearl and precious Stone.

[Page] They have a Lent or Ramadan, which lasts thirty Days, and keep it so strictly, that they do not only religiously abstain from eating or drinking the least thing, from the very dawn to the first appearance of the Stars on the Evening, but also forbear smoaking Tobacco, and smelling any Perfumes; indeed I must needs own that they make themselves large amends for this abstinence at Night, passing it generally at that time in all manner of Luxury and Licentiousness.

On the Eve of that Ramadan, they prepare themselves for its observation by publick Rejoycings, that are attended with discharges of Fusils and Muskets, and with repeated Acclamations of Allah! more like Howlings than joyful Shouts; every one of them watches that he may be the first who discovers the Moon, and they fire their Muskets at that Planet as soon as they perceive it; which done, [Page] they meet to say their Prayers, with their Marabot at the head of them, and kneel, rise, and prostrate themselves on the ground several times, still turn'd towards the East. They have three Easters which they keep Holy for seven days together; however, without abstaining from Buying or Selling, as they do on Fridays, that are their Lord's Days.

The first Easter is kept on the first day of the Moon that comes after their Ramadan, and if it happens to fall on a Saturday, which is the Sabbath of the Jews, those of that Nation in this Empire are oblig'd to present the King with a Hen and ten Chickens of Gold, or with the value of them in Money.

On the first Day of that Easter, the King commonly causes all the Prisoners in the Town where he then is, to be brought before him, and either Absolves them, or puts them to death, according to their [Page] Crimes and the humour he is in. He put Twenty Criminals to death after this manner on the third Day of this Easter, which happen'd to be the fourth after my arrival at Mickeness.

The second Easter, which they call The Great, is twenty Days after that of Ramadan: They use then to sacrifice to Mahomet as many Sheep as there are Male Children in each Family, and this in Memory of the Sacrifice which was offer'd by Abraham, the Father of Ismael the Patriarch of the Arabian Sarazens, from whom they believe their Prophet's Mother deriv'd her Original. The King makes a publick Ceremony of it at a Chappel, or as they term it, at a Saint about a quarter of a League from Mickeness, but with the addition of this superstitious Circumstance: As soon as the Sheep's Throat has been cut, (for they take great care not to kill otherwise all the Animals [Page] they are to eat, believing they wou'd not bleed enough another way, which wou'd make them impure and forbidden Flesh) As soon, I say, as the Sheep's Throat has been cut, a Moor on Horse-back takes it, wraps it up in a Cloth, and gallops away with it full speed to the Alcassave, which is the King's Palace: Now if when he is got thither, the Sheep is still alive, they draw a good Omen from it, and there is great rejoycing: But if it die by the way, then every one goes home very doleful, and there is an end of the Festival.

The third Easter, which falls always three Moons and two Days after the second, is kept in honour of Mahomet's Birth; and on its first Day the Moors eat Hasty-Pudding in remembrance of that which was eaten by that Prophet. They light great numbers of Lamps and Wax Tapers in the Mosques on the Night before that Easter, and all their [Page] Talbes or Priests sing his Praise without ceasing till Morning.

They Solemnize St. John Baptist's Day by Bonefires, which they make in their Gardens, where they burn a great deal of Incense round their Fruit-Trees, to entitle them to the Blessing of Heaven.

They admit of Circumcision, but neither fix the Age of those that are to be Circumcis'd, nor the time when.

They all say the Sala, or Prayer (which they also call the Masse) four times a Day, and once a Night, at certain set hours, which are denoted to them by the Cries, or to speak more properly, by the Howlings, which those who are appointed to do that Office, make from the top of those Gemmes, or Mosques; for, the use of Bells is neither known nor allow'd in their Religion.

They very often wash their Heads, Hands and Feet, and pretend to cleanse and purge themselves [Page] from all Sins by that means. When-ever a Man has had private converse with his Wife, or been guilty of some sin, he is enjoyn'd to wash every part of his Body, none being excepted, or repeat these words, which are the most Sacred in their Religion; La illa illenla Mahamet Dara zoulla; which signifie, There is but one God, and Mahomet is his Messenger; for they pretend that these words have the same efficacy as the Bath.

They never go into their Mosques otherwise than bare-foot, and observe the same Formality when they pay Visits to one another, always leaving their Baboushes or Shoes, at the Door of the Mosque or House where they go in.

They believe that all the Children that die before they are Fifteen, whether they be Christians, Jews, or Pagans, go to Heaven; but that if they live longer without owning Mahomet as God's Favourite, [Page] they are eternally undone; however, they except the Maids, who, having preserv'd their Virginity, are reserv'd, as they pretend, to fill up the number of Seventy, that are to be at the disposal of every Muslulman in Paradise, it being impossible that so great a number of their Religion shou'd be found in proportion to the Men.

They say that the Alcoran enjoyns them to compel those, by severe usage, to profess its Doctrine, who do not voluntarily submit to do so.

They have such a hatred for the Name of a Christian, which in their tongue also signifies a Dog, that they use it as the most common and most reproachful Term among them, never speaking it without adding, God confound him, or God burn his Father and Mother: Such Imprecations against the Christians are the first words their Children are taught to utter; and when any Christians [Page] are seen at Mickeness, they are sure to be expos'd to the Curses and Hootings of the whole Town, and particularly of the young Fry, some of which follow them merely to bellow out a volley of abusive words, or to throw Stones at them.

They also firmly believe, that those who are kill'd fighting with Christians, go straight to Heaven; and that they deserve no less than an infinite Reward for destroying those Enemies to the Alcoran; nay, that the very Horses which are kill'd in such Engagements, are to go to Heaven with them.

They have a very odd Maxim concerning the Truth and performance of their Words; for, Lying and breaking their Promises, are things of so establish'd a practice among them, that they rather pass there for Vertues than for Vices: Insomuch, that one of their Talbs, to whom I once express'd my surprize at this ill practise, made no [Page] scruple to own to me, that this made one of the chief Distinctions between their Religion and ours; persuaded, they would soon, like us, be Slaves to a false Belief and Idolatry, were they, like us also, Slaves to their Words and Promises.

Tho' they admit a Plurality of Wives, they are allow'd to Marry but four, and on them too they are to settle a Dowry; however, they may make themselves amends with as many Concubines as they can afford to keep, and may put them all away when ever they will, paying the former their Dowry, and selling the latter, who are their Slaves, or turning 'em out of doors, yet keeping their Children.

They esteem all Ideots and Natural Fools to be Saints, and believe the same of those who have any knack at Conjuring, whom they think to have the Spirit of their Prophet; after the death of [Page] these they build Chappels over their Graves, go thither in Pilgrimage, and upon occasion take Sanctuary there, no places of Refuge being more Sacred and inviolable to secure them from the punishment of their Crimes, or the anger of their Kings.

They are wholly given up to a thousand other Superstitions no less odd and ridiculous; as when they except against the Testimony of those among themselves, whom they can prove addicted to make Water standing, their way being to do it stooping like Women; but, because an account of all these whimsical Customs wou'd take up too much time, and perhaps be thought foreign to my Subject, I will say no more on that Head at this time.

However, I must observe, that their Women do not enter into the Mosques, because they esteem them uncapable of being receiv'd into Heaven, as having been created, [Page] they tell you, only for the sake of propagating Mankind; yet they say their Prayers at home; and, on Fridays, resort to the Burying-places, to pray and weep over the Graves of their dead Relations; at which time they are cloath'd in Blue, which is the Badge of Mourning in their Country, as Black is in ours.

And here I think I ought not to forget the Grief they shew at the Death of their Friends and Relations; it is generally very great, and, when the Person was of Note, they commonly hire some Women, who weep plentifully, and make a very sad moan, beating their Heads and scratching their Faces.

Before the Corps is buried, 'tis wash'd and wrap'd in a new Shroud, then carried in a Bier, follow'd by a great number of People, who walk very fast, invoking God and Mahomet aloud.

[Page] The Dead are buried out of Town in a Grave which is narrow at the top and wide at bottom, that it may be more easily fill'd up, and that the Corps lying there more at large, as they think, may be in greater readiness at the Day of Judgment, and lose no time in seeking its Bones; for which reason also they forbear burying two Persons in one Grave. Meat is also laid on those Graves; and Money and Jewels are buried with the Dead, that they may not want in the next World the conveniencies they had in this.

The Jews and Christians are so strictly forbidden going into the Mosques, that when any of them are seen there, they must absolutely abjure their Religion, or be burnt without Mercy; and the same Method is observ'd if they are found to have too close and particular a Converse with the Mahometan Women.

[Page] This Circumstance is also to be remembred, That the Jews are not allowed at any time to pass by a Mosque without taking off their Shoes, and are even obliged to go bare-foot in Royal Cities, as Fess, Morocco, Mickeness, &c. on pain of the Bastonado or Imprisonment; from which they are not freed till they have paid a great Fine.

I must also abserve, before I have done with the Religion of the Moors, that their Alcoran forbids 'em to play at any hazardous Games for Money, and that those who dare break this Law are punishable with the Bastonado, a Fine, or Imprisonment; so they only play at Chess, Draughts, and a kind of Tictack, quite different from others; neither do they make any great use of all these, and I did not perceive by those I frequented, that they are much given to Gaming. They are not much more addicted to Reading, and it may very justly be said, [Page] That Sleeping, Eating, Drinking, Women, Horses, and Prayers share and almost wholly engross their time, the remainder of which is generally linger'd out in a tedious and unuseful Sloth; and accordingly they are often seen sitting on their Heels along the Walls, with long Strings of Beads, which tumble through their Fingers with a nimbleness equal to the shortness of the Prayers they say at the dropping of each Bead; for, that Prayer barely consists in mentioning one of the different Attributes of God; as in saying on one Bead, God is Great; on another, God is Good; on a third, God is Infinite; on a fourth, God is Merciful, &c.

I ought not to forget the particular Veneration they have for those who have been in Pilgrimage to Mecca; they call them Hadgys, or Saints, and are so Supersitious on their account, that they also esteem [Page] their Horses to be holy as their Masters. They wrap the Animals in Shrowds, and bury them when they die as they would their greatest Friends and Relations, thinking it a Pleasure and Duty to visit them often and see them feed.

The King of Morocco had one of these Horses: The first time I was admitted into his Presence it was led in State just before him; and, besides the particular Distinction which appear'd by the richness of his Saddle and Harness, his Tail was held up by a Christian Slave, who carried a Pot and a Cloth to receive his Excrements and wipe him. I was told that the King from time to time went to kiss that Horse's Tail and Feet.

All the Horses who are thus sanctified, are usually freed from all manner of Service; and, if the Masters cannot afford to keep 'em, [Page] some Pensions are settled on them for their Subsistance out of the neighbouring Mosques. They are distinguish'd by the Beads or Relicks about their Necks, the latter of which are nothing but some Writings wrapt up in Silks or Cloth of Gold, containing the Names of their Prophet and some pretended Saints of their Law. They also are as so many Sanctuaries for Criminals, like the Towns and Chappels of the Saints already mention'd.

These Places, which are to be seen in many Parts of the Country, are, according to their bigness, the dwelling of one or more Morabots or Talbs, the Priests of the Moors, who may marry, and are very much esteem'd there, chiefly by the Arabs; they are maintain'd according to the Ability or Devotion of the Founders, and lead a lazy and luxurious Life, at the Expence of those deluded Creatures, [Page] who esteem themselves happy in being able to bestow large Donations on them while they live, or bequeath to them when they die. Methinks these Places, and their Foundations, may justly enough be compar'd to our Abbeys, Priories, and Chappels.

Bur resuming the Idea of the King of Morocco's Picture, which I had begun, I shall observe that he is between forty nine and fifty Years of Age, of a tawny Complexion, and lean; his Hair is black, but begins to turn grey; he's of a middle size; his Face oval; his Cheeks hollow, as well as his Eyes, which are black and sparkling; his Nose is little and hook'd; his Chin sharp; his Lips thick, and his Mouth pretty well proportion'd: He's extream Covetous and Cruel; Interest and an excessive love of Money can almost make him do any thing, and he's so much delighted in spilling Blood with his own [Page] Hands, that 'tis generally believ'd he must have put above Twenty thousand Persons to death himself, during the twenty Years that he has fill'd the Throne.

I am the rather inclin'd to believe or confirm this, having my self reckon'd up no less than Forty seven whom he killed during my one and twenty Days stay at his Court: And, besides, he was not asham'd to appear before me at the last Audience he gave me by the Gate of his Stables, himself being on Horse-back, with his Cloths and Right-Arm all imbru'd with the Blood of two of his Chief Blacks, whom he had just butcher'd with a Knife.

Every Nation is amaz'd to find his Subjects so submissive and Patient under so excessive and cruel a Tyranny; but they must know, that not to speak of the general and particular want of Power to oppose it, they so fondly believe [Page] that dying thus by the Hands of a King who is a Xerif, and descended from their Prophet, they immediately go to Heaven, that the greatest part among them esteem that a Happiness which a smaller and more judicious Number abominate, but cannot hinder; and indeed the latter keep at a distance from him as much as they can, and think themselves as happy in not seeing him, as the mad Herd in being kill'd by him.

Notwithstanding this, 'tis said this Prince is of a pretty good Temper when his Passion is over; but he's subject to violent Capricio's, that are the more dangerous; for being always cover'd with the Cloak of Religion, of which he affects to appear an exact Observer; and he is so firmly persuaded that his Subjects think him such, that for that reason, and being full of that prevention, he assumes [Page] a License of doing whatever he pleases.

He only studies to be fear'd by his Subjects, and cares very little whether they love him or no; and therefore they generally tremble when they come near him, and tho' they approach him out of Duty, never do it out of Good-will; the rather, because none ought to come into his Presence but by his Order or Permission, and not without Presents.

He has a great deal of Wit and Courage, is Active, Indefatigable and very Dexterous at all Martial Sports, as Running with the Lance and Horse-Exercises; in which Pastimes I must observe, by the way, that all the Moors are wonderfully expert, and in this do not seem to have in the least degenerated from what History so much celebrates the ancient People of Granada for in their Turnaments.

[Page] He drinks no Wine because his Religion forbids it; but when he takes Opium, or drinks a certain Hypocras that he makes himself with Brandy, Cloves▪ Anniseed, Cinnamon and Nutmegs, which happens pretty often, woe to him that comes in his way when the Fumes are got up into his Head. 'Tis also not very safe to meet him when he's cloath'd in a yellow Habit; for it has been long observ'd that this Colour is a dangerous Omen when he wears it, and almost generally fatal to some of those who come near him at that time: He had a Vest on of that Colour when he gave me the Audience of Leave all bloody; as I have observ'd.

He's very much given to Women, and has near Four hundred in his Alcassave for his own use, besides about Five hundred others to wait upon these: He has One hundred and eighteen Male Children [Page] now living, besides Daughters, who are not reckon'd, and may be about two hundred: He only takes the Sons from his Concubines, whom he often changes, and leaves them the Daughters, without allowing them so much as will keep 'em.

He's married only to four of all these Women; his Law not allowing him to have more Wives: The rest are his Concubines and Slaves. He's wholly govern'd by one of these Creatures, who is a Black, and has no manner of Beauty: She's the Mother of that Son whom he seems to design for his Successor; and whom he causes to be called Muley Zeydan.

He affects to appear modest and humble, and always makes God the Author of the Good and Evil which he does; yet he is very vain and fond of Ostentation.

[Page] He is Absolute in his Dominions, and often compares himself to the Emperor of France, who, he says, is the only Prince that knows how to reign like him, and make his Will a Law. He often mentions a Letter which he pretends was written by his Prophet to Heraclius, and adds, that all the Prosperities of the Kings of France wholly proceed from the Religious Care they have always taken to preserve it. As for the rest of the Christian Princes, he looks upon them as depending on their Subjects, and never speaks of 'em but with Contempt.

'Twas in this Sense, that to heighten the great Encomiums he bestowed on the King, in the first Audience he gave me by the Gate of his Alcassave or Palace, in a very mean Habit, his Face muffled up in a Snuff-Handkerchief, of a dirty hue, his Arms and Legs bare, sitting without Matt or Carpet [Page] on a Threshold by two wooden Posts which supported the Porch, some Alcaydes sitting by him bare-foot on the Ground: It was probably in that Sense, I say, that, to make me sensible of the just difference he puts between the King and the other Princes of Europe, he told me, That the Emperor of Germany was only the Companion of his Electors; that the King of Spain was less Master of his Dominions than his Ministers; that the King of England depends on his Parliament; and that he look'd upon all the rest as having more the appearance of Authority than the Thing it self.

However, notwithstanding this Absolute and Personal Empire, with the Enjoyment of which he flatters himself, there are few Princes whose Minds are more easily to be prejudic'd and seduc'd than his: Insomuch that such of his Alcaydes as are nearest his Person, [Page] know how to byass and lead him as they please; principally, when the pretence of Religion, Interest, or Vanity can be brought in, to make him pliable to what suits with their Designs.

This vanity is never better gratified than when some Christian Prince sends him Ambassadors; then his Joy cannot be express'd, and he always kisses the Ground when he first spies them, and even in their presence, in token of his thanks to Heaven for the mighty Blessing. 'Twas thus he behaved himself as soon as he discover'd me on a pretty high Wall not yet finish'd, where I had been plac'd without Seats, Cover or Foot-cloth, that I might be a Spectator by his order, of a review of 10000 Horse and 2000 Foot, which he made on purpose for me hard by the Town; who after they had moved some time without order, and with great Shouts, filed off by that Wall, all [Page] of them discharging their Arms in my Face, to do me, as they said, the greater Honour: 'Tis true, this is their way of shewing their Respects to each other, and they do the same to their Princes and Generals.

The King of Morocco makes no Distinction between Ambassadors, but according to their Qualities and their Station near their Masters. But above all, when they bring him Rich Presents.

His Predecessors and Himself have so well establish'd the Custom, or, to speak more properly, the Duty of bringing those Presents, that they have, as it were, made it a Law to bring them, which their Subjects and all Foreigners who come to their Court must observe, it being not Lawful to appear there without them. 'Tis even an essential Article of their Ceremonies relating to Ambassadors, always to begin the Reception [Page] that is made them by the following Questions, yet softned with some preliminary Excuse and Civility: Who are ye? Whence come ye? What's your Business? What do you bring? And 'tis according as they answer to the last of these Questions, that the manner of their Reception and Usage are regulated.

'Tis also with a prospect and desire of procuring such Presents, that this Prince uses all imaginable means to get Ambassadors sent him, or to engage other States to receive them; yet, when he either desires or promises Ambassadors of an Eminent Quality, 'tis to be believ'd he does it much less out of a desire of paying or receiving a particular Respect, than to get large Presents, always esteeming they ought to be proportionable to their Quality.

Nevertheless, he imagines that his Greatness never appears or [Page] evinces it self better than by lessening them; and for that reason there is no manner of difficulty that can be raised, or Tricks and Subtilties that can be devis'd, but what are improv'd by his Ministers to succeed in this. They also try'd with all imaginable cunning and stiffness, to make me submit to the Rules which they think they have establish'd by their violent proceedings with the late Ambassadors of some other Crowns. But that the King might not be expos'd to resent such an usage, I omitted nothing in that juncture to make 'em sensible of the difference between his Majesty and all other Princes, and withstood these assuming Endeavours with so many Reasons, and with so much firmness and patience, that I had the satisfaction to see, by the Success which even his Majesty has honour'd with his Approbation, that I had inspir'd into them the just Idea they were to have of whatever [Page] relates to the Merit, the Power and the Glory of his Majesty.

'Tis said, that this Prince has taken a solemn Oath never to set free the Christian Slaves that are under his Power, till, at least, as many of his own Subjects be exchanged for 'em; and the last Treaties which the Spaniards made with him of Ten, and since that lately, of Four Moors for One Spaniard, have so puff'd him up with Pride and Presumption on that account, that they have almost made it impossible for other Nations to Treat with him.

Mickeness is the place where he usually resides; 'tis a little Inland Town about 40 Leagues from Sally, 60 from Tetuan, and 12 from Fess. 'Tis very populous, having above 60000 Inhabitants, but so ill built and unpleasant in it self, that it might well pass for a pittiful Country Town, were it not for the great number of its Inhabitants, its Prince's [Page] Presence and his Alcassave that graces it, and which is almost as large as the Town, and of a Structure far above what I could have thought it to have been, compared to all the other Edifices I had seen before in that Country.

That Palace shews it self above the Town, and has many Walls about it that are very high, very thick, and very white; and consists of a great number of Pavillions, or small distinct Buildings, besides its two Mosques, whose Minarets are of a considerable height. As that Building is the first thing that strikes the Eye when we come near the Town, it gives a very great Idea of it self; but it is much lessen'd by a nearer view; for, the whole is built with so little Art and Regularity, that it would puzzle the most skilfull Architect to find out its true Disposition and Design; and I am even persuaded [Page] by what I could inferr from its outside, (for I was not permitted to see it within) that the King himself, who is the Author and Manager of that Fabrick, cannot give an account of it, and that he has no other design in pulling down and building up, as he does every day, than to bring under, by hard Labour and Servitude, a great number of his Subjects whom he employs in that Work; which is also the usual Employment and Punishment of the Christian Slaves, who are forc'd to work there at all times, and without ceasing, becoming Labourers and Masons thro' Bastonadoes and Misery, under the load of which they sink the sooner, their daily Food barely consisting in a very small pittance of very brown, or rather black Barley Bread, with Water, and lodging only in Matamorres or Subterraneous places, in which the bare Ground is their only Bed, and [Page] they breath a very bad Air, infected with noisome Smells.

However, amongst this sort of Slavery, which is so cruel and intolerable, there appears a kind of Humanity, that one wou'd not in the least expect from that Prince's Barbarity: For, neither Women nor married Men are oblig'd to Work; the former on account of their Native weakness, and the latter because they say, the Charge of a Wife, and the use they ought to make of her, are sufficient to excuse 'em from being incumbred with additional Drudgeries: But this kind of Compassion is very much disfigured by his Avarice, which inclines him to give 'em nothing to subsist.

Those who become Renegades, are also exempted from Working, but they are no less Slaves; for the King makes 'em keep Guard at his Gates, or sends them to his Alcaydes in the Provinces, and these [Page] employ 'em in things suitable to their Strength and Capacity. He takes 'em with him into the Field, and, in Engagements, always places 'em in the Front, where, if they betray but the least design of giving way, he cuts 'em in pieces.

The Alcassave has about 45 Appartments, each of which has a Fountain in its Yard: Its chief Gate is very Stately, and has some Pillars whence 'tis called the Marble Gate. The only Regular Buildings in that Palace, are the two Mosques and a Mishuart, or large Yard, adorn'd within with Pillars and Bas-reliefs of Marble, without any figures of Animals, but with Cyphers and Arabick Characters, in which the most considerable of the King's Military Exploits are related.

The Stables, which they call Rooes, are also very fine, and consist of two long Galleries all Arch'd to the right and left, there being [Page] from space to space, in the middle of a kind of pav'd Way which parts 'em, some little Pavillions or Summer-Houses, that are very neat, in each of which is a Fountain and a Watering-place for Horses, that, as every one knows, are extreamly fine in that Country, but none of which the Moors will suffer to be Exported on any account whatsoever for any Christian Country, out of an erroneous Maxim, which makes 'em esteem it a wrong done to their Religion to supply us with any, or with Corn: They have the same Bigotry about Books, which are there the more curious and scarce, there being now few or no Printing-Houses in those Parts.

The King's Gardens are in the middle of a vast Grove of Olive-Trees, and may be said to be fine; Flowers, Fruits, Kitchen-Herbs, and Trees of all sorts are to be seen there in every Season of the Year, [Page] but, as they lie somewhat far from the Alcassave, this distance, which makes 'em less convenient, causes 'em also to seem less pleasant. The Walks are very narrow; there are no Water-works, but some Rivulets glide through the Place and serve to Water it. A Spanish Slave whose Name is Antonio Lopes has the Care of it. This Man seems to be of a good Extraction, and is kindly us'd by the King; but the useful and profitable Service he does him, keeps that Prince from suffering or even promising him ever to return to his own Country.

There are some goodly Palaces near the King's, which are built by some of the Alcaydes, to ingratiate themselves with him, tho' they can hardly expect to enjoy 'em securely, being made but too sensible by an Experience fatal to some of their Rank, that they shall not be Masters of 'em any longer than till [Page] that Prince takes a fansie to make 'em his own.

There is an Hospital at Mickeness, which the King of Spain has lately founded there, for the Comforting and Relieving of Slaves, and which is indeed a very great help to 'em: 'Tis capable of receiving a hundred sick Persons. Four Recollet-Monks and a Physician are constantly kept there, for whose Subsistance his Catholick Majesty, who caused it to be built, has settled a Fund of Two thousand Crowns Yearly. Neither the Hospital nor the Religious Men who belong to it are suffer'd in the Town, but on account of some Tribute, no more than are those of Fess, Sally, and Tetuan.

There are in this Town, as in all the rest of Africa, several Schools where Children are taught to Read, Write, Cypher, and nothing else. When they are corrected, 'tis with a very flat wooden Rod, with [Page] which they are struck on the Soles of their Feet. All their Study consists in reading the Alcoran from the beginning to the end, and when a Boy has gone through his Book, he's finely set out, and his School-fellows lead him a Horse-back through the Town, as it were in Triumph, and proclaim his Praise.

The Jews inhabit a particular and pretty large Part of the Town; the Place where they live is no Neater than those where some of their Nation dwell in other Cities. There may be about Sixteen thousand of 'em in the whole Kingdom, and their Head chiefly resides at Mickeness; it being his business to assess 'em, and collect the ordinary and extraordinary Garams they are to pay. He who is in that Station at present is one Abraham Maymaran, who has lost one of his Eyes, and does not seem over-stock'd with Sense, but is in Favour with the King on account of the frequent [Page] Presents he makes him, and of the Services he does him on any occasion. 'Tis also by his Management that this Prince keeps a Correspondence, both Pecuniary and Political, with other Nations, whether Friends or Foes. That Jew and his Family live in a very fine House, but all the rest have very mean Habitations.

Tho' they are so numerous in these Parts, and so beneficial to the State, they are not more respected there than in other Places; for they are always pitch'd upon for the meanest Employments; nothing but their Food is allow'd 'em for the Work and Drudgeries they are often commanded to do. And they are so often tax'd, revil'd, curs'd, and bastonado'd, that they may be look'd upon as the common Mark and perpetual Sport of the Avarice and Injustice of the Great, and the Aversion of all others.

[Page] 'Tis not Lawful for 'em to Defend themselves against the least Child who gives 'em ill Words, or throws Stones at 'em; and they are to be known from the Moors, who always wear red Caps, by the black Caps and Bernous they are oblig'd to wear.

Every where they live apart from the Moors, and the Entrance into the Place where they dwell is guarded by some Men whom the King appoints for that purpose, that they may not be disturb'd in their Business and Religious Worship; but they dare not travel through the Country alone, or without some Moors to protect them; for, the Arabs and Barbarians would certainly cut their Throats without Mercy.

However, notwithstanding, all these outward Marks of Misery and Scorn, in the main, they are Richer and in a better Condition than the Moors themselves; the [Page] reason of which is, that they Work and Trade, but the Moors do not; and indeed the Jews Wives wear most of 'em good Clothes; and, as they do not hide their Faces like the Moorish Women, they take more Care of their Head-dress and other Attire.

For my part, having seen none but Jewish Women there, I must own that I have found several of 'em so agreeable and beautiful, that I don't doubt but the same Idea may reasonably be form'd of the other African Women, whom the Jealousie of the Men, and the Custom of the Country, oblige to hide themselves much more than their own Inclination; for, 'tis certain, that the Reservedness and Restraint, in which the Moors keep their Wives, serve rather to quicken the Desire, which they have naturally to run astray, than to stifle it; and that, as these Women have more Wit and Vivacity [Page] than those of Europe, these Qualifications inable 'em to out-do 'em in all the Arts and Tricks by which they may gratifie their Inclinations.

They are particularly fond of Christians because they are not Circumcis'd, and there are no Stratagems but what are us'd by some of 'em, to intice the Slaves that live with them, or who are allow'd to come where they dwell.

But a certain Ceremony which is perform'd at their Weddings, does not a little contribute to the keeping of them in, till that time, unless they act with a great deal of Caution; for, when the Friends on both sides are agreed, the Bride, quite cover'd with a Veil, is carried in Publick, Trumpets sounding, and Hautboys playing, to the Bridegrooms Dwelling, and he is not allow'd to uncover her Face, nor look on any part of her Body, till he has found her to be a Maid; [Page] which done, he pulls off her Veil, and takes off his Drawers, dy'd in the Action, and throws 'em in the Yard; whereupon the Women, who had brought her thither, take 'em up singing and dancing for Joy that she is receiv'd to be his Wife: But if he does not find her to be a Virgin, he has her stripp'd of her Wedding Clothes, turns her out of Doors without seeing her Face, and sends her back to her Father, whom the Law permits to strangle her, if he has a mind to proceed to that severity.

When the Moors Marry, they send for a Cady and a Publick Notary; the latter draws up an Instrument, in which he sets down the Dowry which the Husband settles on the Wife; for, Parents give nothing to their Daughters; and when a Husband puts away his Wife he's oblig'd to give her the promis'd Dowry, and cannot marry till four Months after; but when [Page] 'tis the Wife that leaves the Husband, the Law does not give her any thing.

The fattest and biggest Women are the most admir'd in those Parts; for which reason that Sex never put on any stiff-body'd Gowns, or other streight and close Dresses that they may become such. But this also makes their Breasts lank and flabby to an odious excess: They all wear Scarves, which they tye about their Waste, and generally keep their Body very neat, tho' they always go bare-leg'd: They use a great deal of Vermilion about their Cheeks and Lips, blackning their Eye-brows with the Smoke of Galls: They colour the Soles of their Feet and the inside of their Hands with yellow, and their Nails with red, and set out their Necks, Ears, Arms and Legs with Neck-Laces, Pendents, Bracelets, and a world of trifling Gugaws, never thinking themselves [Page] handsom if they want any of these borrow'd Ornaments.

When they go abroad, they cover themselves with a large white and very thin Veil, and muffle up the middle of their Faces, that they may not be seen, their Eyes only uncover'd, that they may see their way: They never speak to any Man they meet, tho' 'twere their own Husband, who could not then know his own Wife; for they are all cover'd alike; but they take off all this when they come into the Chamber of any of their She-Friends, and are very careful to leave their Shooes at the Chamber-door, that the Master of the House may not come in there; for if he did, the Husband of the Visitant would take it very ill.

Tho' they have but one Husband amongst many, and most of 'em live together, they are not Jealous of one another.

[Page] No Man but their Husband is admitted to see 'em in their Houses; and when some Friends are invited to a Treat, which seldom happens there, the Man's Wives go to the top of the House, which is like a Terrass, or into some upper Room, and stay there till the Guests are gone; which always makes the Entertainment very short; neither do they stay to talk and divert themselves together, as we do in Europe.

The manner of eating amongst the Moors, is to sit on the Ground without Shooes, Master and Servants together, round a large piece of Leather, which is always very greasie, and serves both for Table and Table-Cloth. Their standing Dish is some Cooscoosoos, a Paste made with fine Flower, which looks much like our sugar'd Anniseed, and has been boil'd with some young Pidgeons, Fowls, or Mutton: They cram down this [Page] Cooscoosoos by handfuls, and make a kind of little Pellets of it, which they fling into their Mouths; and throw back into the Dish (which is narrow at bottom and broad at top, not altogether unlike a Stool-Pan) what stuck to their Beard or greasie Fists. As for Flesh, when they would take up a bit, and part it from the whole, as they never put but their Right-hand in the Dish, every one pulls his piece, as a Pack of Hounds does Carrion, till they tear it asunder; and all this without speaking a Word during the whole Meal.

Those who live a little better, after that Dish, which is generally attended with a Salad, have a Brass-Bason or Earthen-Platter of Meat fricaseed with Honey and Almonds, or broil'd on the Flames, or fry'd in Oil, and some other Sweet-Meats, after their way, without any Desert; and after they have done eating, they wipe their Fingers [Page] on the Edge of the Dish, or lick 'em with their Tongue.

They drink nothing but Water, because their Alcoran forbids 'em Wine, tho' not Brandy, with which they often get drunk, using all the same Vessel: They love also very much our Provence Ros-Solis, Ratafia, Cette, and Cinnamon-Water, &c. But Sherbet and Coffee, so used in the Levant, are not known to 'em.

The Stable is the Place which they most commonly chuse to eat in; and they have no other Pleasure, after they have fill'd their Bellies, than to visit their Wives or their Horses.

Now that I have spoke of the Moors manner of Eating, I think I may add a Word of their Dress.

The Men wear a Shirt that is pretty short, with broad Sleeves, that sometimes hang down, but more frequently are turn'd up to their Shoulders, chiefly in Summer; [Page] in which Season they go with bare Arms. Under that Shirt they wear Linnen-Drawers, that reach only to their Knees, and leave their Legs naked to their Feet: They have Shooes, or rather Slippers, without Heel's, call'd Baboushes; the Marabouts or Talbs wear certain Pieces cut on the Edges like a Flower-deluce, and 'tis only by that Mark that they are to be known and distinguish'd from the rest.

They all wear a Cafetan or Cloth-Vest without Sleeves, of any Colour which they fansie most, and about this Vest a Silk Scarf, in the fore-part of which they put a Sheath with two or three Knives, the Handles of which, as also the Tip of the Sheath, they always covet to have of some costly Metal, or of some extraordinary Workmanship: Over this Cafetan, which is only button'd to the Girdle, they wear a Hayick, which is a Piece of very fine white Woollen-Stuff, about [Page] five Ells long, and one and a half broad, and cover their Head and whole Body with it, wrapping themselves up in it above and below the Arms, not much unlike what is to be seen in the Draperies of Antique Figures of the Apostles and Israelites.

They wear over all this, principally in Winter, a Bernooe, or kind of Stuff or Cloath Cloak, edg'd with a Fringe, whence there hangs a kind of a Cowle behind with a Tuft at the end on't.

When they go into the Country they wear a Straw Hat, but every where else they have on their Heads, which they always keep shav'd, only a red Woollen Cap, about which sometimes they put some Muslin to make a Turbant, provided it be not in their King's presence; for, before him none of 'em, of what quality soever, dare appear otherwise than with a plain Cap on.

[Page] None but the Xeriffs, or Mahomet's Posterity, have leave to wear a green Cap; and as for the Jews, they are oblig'd to wear none but black; the younger sort wear none at all, and must go bare till they are Twenty, unless they be Married, or either they or their Father have been at Mecca, in which cases they are allow'd to wear a Cap when they are Fourteen.

This is the Dress which all the Moors wear, there being no Distinction between 'em but what consists in the Richness of their Cafetans, or the fineness of their Hayicks: The Alcaydes alone are to be known from the rest by some Leathern Belts, Embroider'd with Gold, which they wear over the Shoulder, and in 'em a Scimeter; and over this they have a Bernoo of Scarlet, or black Cloth, without a Cowle; even the King himself does not go otherwise dress'd, but indeed he always has a Coat of Mail under [Page] his Shirt, to secure himself from such secret Attempts as he knows his Cruelty cannot but inspire.

The King's Blacks, who are design'd for his Guard, are also dress'd in the like manner, and very decently, and are seldom seen to wear Bernoos, but generally Silk Stockins, which they very much fancy; they wear Scimeters, and when they are a Horse-back, have always Lances or Fusils.

The Womens Dress is somewhat like the Mens, from which it differs only in the Sleeves of their Smocks that cover their Arms, and are close to the Wrist, and in the length of their Drawers that come down to the Calves of their Legs: The Neck-bands of their Smocks are Plaited, and commonly Embroider'd; their Vest is open before to the Waste; they fasten some large pieces of Muslin to the Sleeves of these Vests, which would be [Page] much like our Womens Engage [...], but that they hang much lower: At home they wear a very short Petticoat, and when they go abroad they wrap themselves up in a Hayick, which wholly covers 'em from the Neck to the Feet; they also hide their Faces, so that nothing is seen but their Eyes. As for their Head-Dress, it does not much differ from that of the Spanish Women; for they wear some Roses of Ribbon and two Tresses of Hair, which they toss back, having nothing on their Heads but a single Veil or Binder. They wear neither Shoes nor Baboushes, but only some Shaussons of red or yellow Spanish Leather, without either Soles or Heels.

Before I have done with this Article, I must observe a Circumstance which seems to me pleasant enough: When the Moors happen to be caught by a shower of Rain in the Fields, having not their Bernoos, [Page] then to save their Cloaths from being wet, they strip themselves stark-naked, making a Bundle of their Hayick, Vest and Shirt, on which they sit till the Rain be over, and then they put on their Cloaths, which they have kept dry, and proceed on their Journeys.

When I gave an Account of the number of the King's Children, who are so many and so ill Educated, that 'tis to be presum'd several of 'em will hardly be so happy as ever to have an Estate or Employment, I said, that this Monarch seem'd to have pitch'd upon one of 'em for his Successor, whose Mother he fondly dotes on: His Name is Muley Zeydan, and he may be about one or two and Twenty Years of Age: He is a Mullatto, pretty well shap'd, and seems not so covetous as his Father, tho' not less inclin'd to spill humane Blood: He is much given [Page] to Debauchery, and loves Wine and Brandy extreamly, often drinking both to excess; at which time 'tis not very safe to keep him company, or be in his way.

He does not lodge in the Alcassave, but dwells in a Sately Palace adjoyning, which the Alcayde Ali Ben Abdalla, whom I shall have occasion to mention hereafter, had built there for himself, but of which the King has made himself Master, as he commonly does of whatsoever his Subjects have that he likes, or thinks to be convenient for him.

This young Prince has already three Wives, and a Daughter of the Alcayde Ali is intended to be his fourth.

He affects to seem more Familiar and Generous than his Father; and that he may get the reputation of being such, and be belov'd, he does not stick to disapprove his Conduct when he's [Page]

A Moorish woman walking in the Town

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A Black of the King of Moroccos Guard

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A Marabout or Talbe

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[Page] amongst his Friends and he sees occasion. I have even been assur'd, that he spoke his mind somewhat freely, after the King refus'd to keep his Word, and disown'd his writing about the Peace he had seem'd so much to desire should be concluded with his Majesty.

Most of the King's other Children are brought up with so much neglect, and so much unlike the Sons of a great Prince, that there are but few mean Actions of which they are not capable; above all, in what relates to Debauchery and getting Money: They often go to visit the Jews, to find some strong Drink, or to pilfer something; for they are as thievish and ravenous as Kites, and don't in the least come short of the most dexterous Lacedaemonians of old in that Art; if they meet a Slave they search him, and take whatever he has from him; for which reason they and their Visits are not less [Page] shun'd in Private Houses, than those of Gypsies in a Country Market.

I had a trial of this in a Visit I was plagu'd with by one of 'em, only some twelve or thirteen Years old: His only Salute and Complement was to lay his Hands on whatever seem'd worth his Temptation: Neither can I better compare his coming in and his going out, than to that of a Monkey, who would skip you at once on some Basket of Fruit he had spy'd in a Room, and, having laid hold on what he could catch, would run out as nimbly as he came; however, I came off with the loss of a pair of Pistols and some Boxes of Sweet-Meats: But this serv'd to teach me to beware of the no less dexterous Hands of his Brothers, whom I always took care to receive no where but in the Yard, or at the Gate of the Palace where I was lodg'd.

[Page] As these Children grow in Years the King makes 'em Alcaydes, or Governors of several Parts of his Dominions: And, after the death of the Father, he who is the most in Favour, and has the strongest Party, overcomes and kills the rest, to secure the Empire to himself, then puts his Favorites or his own Children into their Places. That Son who is with the King at his death, is generally in a Capacity of enslaving the rest, because he is Master of the Arms, and sometimes of the Treasure when he can discover it. The present Emperour highly approves of this Maxim, as the means whereby their Children become Warriors, in hopes of obtaining the Empire over their Brothers; but this daily occasions War betwixt 'em, and divides their Dominions with as much Ease as the Conquerors re-united 'em with Difficulty.

[Page] These Children, at nine or ten Years of Age, will mount the highest mettl'd Horses, ride them full speed without Saddles, Boots, or Spurs, and sit 'em all the while with the greatest security. 'Tis the Custom among the Moors to ride their Horses very young thus without a Saddle, as well for the sake of the Horses as of the Riders; for there the Horses are back'd and wrought after the first Grass.

I endeavour'd in vain to inform my self exactly of the Emperour of Morocco's Revenues; I found it was altogether as impossible to reckon 'em up, as to fix the Caprice of his Humour in raising the Taxes, and his insatiable greediness of Gold and Silver: The Tenth of all his Subjects Goods is the most common Assessment, as well as the Yearly Tax upon all the Jews of six Crowns for every Male, form fifteen Years old and upwards; [Page] but he lays such frequent Impositions upon them and the rest of his Subjects, or, to use their Expression, such extraordinary Garams, assessing sometimes one Town and sometimes another, without any Pretence or Reason but his mere Will, that it is very difficult to know or fix the whole Product; which, however, is very considerable; tho' he has not any Crown-Lands.

'Tis certain he causes all the Gold and Silver he receives by it, to be melted down and buried, (for the Taxes are seldom paid but in Quintals or hundred weights of Gold and Silver) that he kills all those whom he employs about the laying up of those Treasures, that by these means he may become as much Master of his own Secret as of his Wealth; for which reason he often causes it to be melted himself, and hides it without making any one privy to it; and [Page] this made me call this Treasure invisible and unprofitable, when I spoke of it in the Article of the Town of Morocco.

It is computed he may have thus by him to the value of Fifty Millions of Livres; which were a fine Treasure, and a rich Mine for an Invader to search, if he cou'd discover and approach it.

He get's a great deal out of his Alcaydes, to whom he allows the Revenues of their Governments; but in return, he obliges 'em to make him Yearly Presents at the Great Easter, which is that when they sacrifice the Lamb; and these often amount to more than their Revenue: Whence it happens that they are as Absolute there as the King himself, and exercise their Authority with perfect Tyranny.

It may be said, That these Alcaydes govern all the Kingdom under the Emperor's Authority; for [Page] there is no Parliament, no Court of Justice, no particular Council, nor Minister: He himself is alone the Author, Expounder, and Sovereign Judge of his Laws, which, except those of his Prophet, have no other Foundation or Limits than his Will. Nor have they any weight or effect but through the extreme Cruelty which he himself is impower'd to exercise right or wrong, against those who may be more properly call'd the Victims of his Fury or Cruelty, than of his Justice; which does not deserve that Name, but in respect of Robbers and Murtherers, whom he has undertaken to punish, executing them himself: And indeed he has proceeded against them with such Care and Success, that he has clear'd the High-ways, which were all pester'd with 'em before: this ought to be accounted as one of the most remarkable and most advantageous things he has done during [Page] his Reign; the Care which he has taken being so great, and his Orders so exactly observ'd, in causing those who live near the Places where the Crime is committed to be punish'd with Death or a Fine, that at this time a Man may travel through all his Territories with as much Boldness and Security, as formerly he did with Fear and Danger.

His Authority which appears, and is indeed so Despotic, has nevertheless one Superior to it, to which it is subordinate, which is the Mufty's and his Officers, whom the King has not the Power of Deposing, tho' he has that of making 'em: He as well as others submits to the Decrees of this Jurisdiction, and neither can disclaim it, nor withdraw himself from it, if the least of his Subjects has a mind to cite him before it; but, at the same time, it must be acknowledg'd, that a fatal Revenge, which surely [Page] wou'd follow, sufficiently restrains 'em from it; therefore generally that Jurisdiction does not affect him unless when he consults it, or it thinks fit to make him some Remonstrances necessary to his Service, and the Good of his Empire.

This Mufty is the proper and supreme Judge of Adulterers, whom commonly he sentences to death; he is so Absolute in what concerns all particular Differences that come before him, that his Sentence admits of no Appeal nor Delay: A Bastonado is always the Primum Mobile that hurries on the execution of his Decree, and woe to him that summons a richer Man than himself to appear at his Tribunal, or who is cited thither by such a one; for, the Cadies, who are in the nature of Sub-Delegates to the Mufty in all the Towns and Villages, always sell their Suffrages to them who give most; and false [Page] Witnesses, who are never punish'd there, are so numerous and so cheap in that Country, that no Man dares trust there to his own Innocency, nor to the Justice of his Cause.

The Alcaydes substitute one Cady in every Town or Village within their Government, but all under the Authority of the Grand Mufty; and place there besides two other Officers, who are fix'd as the former, but such as they may depose at Pleasure; in which, these differ from the Cadies, over whom the Alcaydes have not the same Authority.

The first of these Officers is the Calif, or Deputy-Governour, who takes care of all that relates to the Particulars and Authority of the Government, and takes cognizance of all the Faults and Complaints of the Moors and of the Jews, determining their Differences; which ever redounds to the profit of the [Page] Alcayde, because the guilty or wrangling Parties are always either punish'd or redress'd by the expence of their own Money. The Calif is accountable for this Fine to his Governour, but neither of 'em have power to condemn any one to death, at least without an Order from the King. This Officer likewise assesses the People within the extent of his Province, fixing the ordinary and extraordinary Taxes or Garams, which are never levied or got in, but by some Black, whom the King sends on the places for that purpose.

The other Officer is the Amokadem, a sort of Judge, whose business 'tis to set a Tax and Price upon Victuals and Fuel, (which are all sold by weight) and to see that due Order be kept in these Matters. The Duties and Fees which he claims and receives for every one of these Wares, wou'd [Page] make this Post very gainful, if he alone were to receive the benefit of it; but if the yearly Presents he is oblig'd to make to his Alcayde, and sometimes to the King Himself, do not sweep away all his profit, at least they diminish the the greatest part of it.

Thus much may be observ'd of the Government of this Great Kingdom, whose strength by Sea and Land, and Commerce, now remains to be examin'd, that we may perfectly know the State of it.

I have already made it appear, that its strength at Sea is inconsiderable; what may be said of its Land-Forces, is, that they might be Formidable, if this Prince knew how to discipline his Subjects, and had a sufficient quantity of good Arms for them; but you may judge of them by their real wants in these two Points, as well as by the King's not keeping any Forces in constant Pay.

[Page] Whenever some Expedition is intended, he commands his Alcaydes to raise him the number of Men he designs shall serve in it; upon which it is agreed amongst them, what each ought to furnish proportionably to the extent of his Government, where the Division is made according to the Rolls of those that pay Taxes: Then they impress and force such marry'd Men to March, as do not voluntarily List themselves into the Service, or at least they are oblig'd to send others in their room: Two Brothers may be taken out of three, but they must be Marry'd, for the younger and unsettl'd can't be compell'd to go.

These Men so rais'd, be they Officers, Foot, or Horse-men, are oblig'd to Mount, Arm, Equip, and Maintain themselves at their own cost during all the Campaign; and, as for the most part, they have neither Fire Arms nor Powder, [Page] they march only with Swords, Lances, or Staves.

However, in every Town or Village, a certain number proportionable to the largeness of the Place, is continually to be in Arms, and ready to March at the first Command: Those only who are design'd for Horse men, have Horses given 'em, which they must keep▪ and all of this number, be they either Foot-Soldiers or Horse-men, are free from all Taxes: Thus they may be said to be kept, not at the King's Charge, but at that of the Place to which they belong.

When they are ready to give Battle, they range their Armies after this manner: They divide their Horse into two Bodies, and place one on each Wing; The Foot is in the middle, so that the whole is in the form of a Crescent: They put but two Ranks of Soldiers when they fight on a Plain; but when they fight between the [Page] Mountains, where they can't spread themselves, they put more.

Before the Ingagement begins they make a great Shout, which is follow'd with some short Prayers, to beg of God to give 'em the Victory. Such of the Horse as always keep near the King's Person, are all Blacks, and wear Fusils and Scimeters, with Pistols at their Girdles: Those that are more distant, have partly Lances and partly Musquets; as for the Foot, one part is Arm'd with Fusils, and t'other with Cross-bows, Slings, Clubs, Half-Pikes, long Darts, and Cutlasses.

When they are at War among themselves, they go but unwillingly into the Field; but when with Christians, then every one is eager and proud to go, that they may gain Indulgencies for the expiation of their Sins; and then their Armies are very numerous.

[Page] All the Arabs and Barbarians, by whose Dwellings the Army passes, are oblig'd to provide gratis whereever it encamps, Wheat, Meal, Butter, Oil, Honey, and Cattle, for its subsistance, and this upon pain of being plunder'd of all that they have, and cut in pieces themselves. 'Tis said, that upon any pressing occasion that concerns Religion, the King might raise an Army of an Hundred Thousand Men, half of which shou'd consist of Horse, but not above five and twenty Thousand of 'em, at most, wou'd be well Arm'd: 'Tis thought the King has for that purpose ten Thousand Musquets in his Armory, which he keeps, as likewise his Treasure, for that Son, whom he designs for his Successor, that he may leave him in a capacity of maintaining his Crown against any of his Brothers or others, that shou'd dispute it with him; for it is certain, as I have observ'd before, [Page] that he who is Master of the Arms and Money, soon becomes so of all the Kingdom, which is neither Hereditary nor Elective, but always his among the Xerifs who is then most in Favour.

There are in the Armory, besides these Musquets, a Hundred and Fifty Pieces of Brass Cannon, one part of which came out of the Ship The Captain of Spain, which was lost ten Years since before Ceúta, and the other from the Town of Larache, which was retaken from the Spaniards.

Tho' this Prince has no regular Forces, he has nevertheless a standing Guard of three or four Hundred Blacks, Arm'd with very heavy Musquets: They are always very young, and he chuses 'em such, because he will not trust the Guard of his Person to those of a riper Age, for fear of some Attempt against him: They are for the most part Children of the Seraglio, [Page] and he only provides Food and Cloaths for 'em, but they are better and more neatly Apparell'd than the greatest Lords in that Kingdom.

Besides this Guard, the King has seven or eight Alcaydes, who never approach him otherwise than barefooted, and without Turbants, but they are allow'd to wear a red Woollen Cap on their Heads; and in these consists all his Court.

There are three sorts of Alcaydes, the chief are the Governours of Provinces, where they are effectually like so many Vice-Roys; the other are either particular Governours of great Towns, or General Officers of his Armies: They are all of 'em oblig'd to reside where their Imployments require their attendance, and the King keeps near him only such of 'em as are more particularly useful to him, and gives their Children leave to act for them. There [Page] is no considerable Officer, either for his House or for the general or particular administration of his State, besides the Grand Mufti for Affairs of Religion and Justice, the chief Eunuch for his Wives and Seraglio, and one chief Treasurer for his Revenues, and the latter's Office too is passive and burthensom at best, for he never makes any distribution of the Money he receives, and is immediately oblig'd to return it to the King, who lays it up among his unprofitable and subterraneous Hoard, as I have already observ'd: And as for what concerns the ordinary Expence of his House and his Wives, or the occasion of some extraordinary Charges in time of War, this Alcayde must raise the Fund out of the Revenues of his Government; this Prince never giving any Salary, Pension, nor Gratuity in Money, to any one whatsoever.

[Page] He who at present executes the Office of High Treasurer, is the Alcayde Abdalla Mussy, Governour of all the Kingdom of Fess; the administration of which Government he commits to one of his Sons, while he himself continually keeps at Mickeness. He is near six and Fifty Years Old, little and Lean; his Eyes are even with his Forehead; he is of a good Aspect enough, and is counted an Honest Man, and one who keeps his word, which is very rare among the Moors: He is but meanly descended, for his Father was a Mule-driver: He is well enough beloved, because he is an Honest Man, and one who does good; but for this very reason he is no great Favourite.

There is besides another Officer, who is in the nature of Superintendant of the Buildings, whose Name is Aly ben Jehon: He has the inspection and takes care of all those [Page] that are built by the King at Mickeness, and is so wholly employ'd in it, that sometimes he is whole Weeks without seeing his Master; and he had need be very Rich, to defray the Costs of all the Materials, both for the inside and outside of those Buildings, which he is oblig'd to provide. 'Tis true indeed that his Government, which contains the whole Country that lies between Mickeness and Tremecen, is of a great extent, and a very fruitful Soil; however, I am persuaded, considering the unlimitted Expences to which this Office obliges him, that notwitstanding all the good management imaginable, his bare subsistence is all the advantage he makes of it at the Years end. He is about eight and Forty Years Old, of a large and comely Presence, tho' a Mulatto: He has a quick Eye, a ready Wit, and is of a pretty kind Disposition: The [Page] Slaves that attend him daily, give him the Character of a good humour'd Man, and praise him very much; but as he is altogether taken up by his Business, he does not at all concern himself with Affairs of State.

He that seems to have the greatest share in that, and on whom alone the King seems to rely in those Matters, is the Alcayde, Mahomet Addo Ben Ottar, who is to this Prince as his Chief Minister, and has there the same Access and the same Trust as a Favorite; and indeed, of all them that approach him, he best knows how to flatter his Passions and humour him in whatever may please him. Twelve Years since he was Embassador in England, and what-ever his Treatment may have been there, he might be thought a great Enemy to that Nation, if his mischievous Inclination did not make him known for such to all others.

[Page] As he has no Government, having quitted that of Sally to his Brother, thus to exempt himself from the Obligation of making Presents to his Emperour, so he is the less Wealthy; but has the greatest Interest of all the Alcaydes; he is about five and fifty Years of Age; he has a quick Eye and an ingenious Look; his Ways and Discourse discover a great deal of Cunning; he is deceitful and wicked to the highest degree; and pretends to be a Friend to the French, frequently saying that his Mother was born at Marseilles, when at the same time he loves nothing but Money, and is pleas'd with nothing but Mischief; he is fear'd but not at all belov'd by the Moors, who universally hate his Ministery, and in private give him all the Curses imaginable; he is likewise very great with Muley Zeydan the King's Son, and the Partner of all his Pleasures.

[Page] The Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla and he are Rivals, and jealous of each other's Interest with the King, which causes the management of Affairs to be difficult there: The Alcayde Aly being always absent, keeps up his Interest only by his rich Presents, but Mahomet Addo's seems to be better establish'd by his continual residence at Court, and his Artifices and Method in managing the King's Temper, to reduce him to a necessity of never parting with him.

This Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, of all those who are at distance from Court, lives with most Grandeur and Authority; he is Vice-roy of the Algarbs, and Governor of the Provence of Riffe, and of all the Maritime Places from Zaffarine to Sally, that has its particular Governors; for which reason the King wholly depends on him for what relates to Sea-Affairs; and, as he is very vain, he calls himself among [Page] Strangers Admiral of the Coasts of Africa. Formerly he resided altogether at Tetuan, but at present his Residence is commonly at Tangier; he is about fifty Years of Age, and of mean Birth; being a Fisherman's Son, yet is one of the richest in all this Empire, and the King receives the greatest Presents every Year from him, the least exceeding the value of 400000 Livres. That which adds to the Profits of his Government, is Traffick and the Neighbourhood of the Sea, which renders it one of the best, and give him a great Reputation with his Master: He is very illiterate, and can't so much as read, yet has a great deal of Sense, and great Experience in Affairs, which makes up for all; he is fierce, haughty, full of himself, and much puff'd up with his Fortune and Advancement; he is Violent, humorous and subject to Passion, in which he spares not his best Friends; [Page] nevertheless, when he is come to himself, he is Gentle, Humane, Tractable, and of a Deportment altogether Noble and Honourable; he does not hate the Christians, and wou'd seem as much a Friend to the French as an Enemy to the Spaniards; but it may be imagin'd that Policy and Interest have a greater share in his Publick Sentiments than Truth: For it is certain, that the King continually presses him most earnestly to get Ceuta out of the Hands of the Spaniards, the performance of which he imposes on him at the Price of his Head; and the more Commerce there is in the Towns of his Government, the more considerable are his Revenues and the Presents he is oblig'd to make: This consequently makes him heartily wish that his Master were at Peace with those Christian Princes, whom he judges most Powerful at Sea, and from time to time he attempts effecting [Page] it with the King; but his Interest with that Prince, which he always takes so great a Care to magnifie, must needs be too weak to prevail in spight of the continual opposition of his Competitor; or perhaps he presumes a little too far on his Artifices for the Engagement and Success of his Designs; since the King my Master has lately been inform'd by the Report I made him of it, that this Alcayde discover'd no less Surprise and Displeasure for having miscarried in such an Affair, than Resolution and Desire to renew his Attempts to succeed better in it.

His great Favourite, whose Advice he takes, and on whom he relies for the execution of all his Affairs, is Mahomet Hadgy Lucas, made by him his Lieutenant-General of the Marine. This Man, whose abode is altogether at Tetuan, accompany'd Mahomet Addo in his Embassy to England, which has a [Page] little more civiliz'd him, or at least makes him less barbarous than the rest; he has a great deal of Sense, and is well skill'd in the management of Business, speaks good Spanish, is quick, cunning, laborious, violent, a dissembler, a cheat, and always inclin'd to do mischief, which makes him abhorr'd, not only by the Christians and the Jews, but by all the Moors in general: And, in short, to draw his Picture more exactly and in fewer Stroaks, there is no more to be said than this Truth, That his Temper, his Manners, his Words, and his Actions, do not at all belye the common observations on the Judas-colour of his Beard and Hair: He is not above fifty Years old, but so full of Diseases, the cause of which he attributes to Poyson, which he pretends was given him in some Melons by the Governor of Ceuta, above a Year since, that 'tis to be hop'd he will not long [Page] hold out against the effect of those deadly Imprecations which are universally bestow'd on him.

Since this Discourse hath insensibly engag'd me to give the Character and personal Qualities of such Persons as make any distinct Figure in this State, I think I ought not to forget a Man whom the Honour of having been Embassador to France has made known there, and of whose Quality it is convenient to be inform'd, that hereafter this may serve as a Rule to those of his own Character.

'Tis Mahomet Themin, who came thither in the Quality of Embassador in 1681, and makes no other Figure in his own Country than that of an Amokadem at Tetuan, that is to say a sort of puny Judge; one of his Brothers is a Broker there, and the other a Rope-seller; besides, Themin obtain'd this Office there but after his return, that he might have the means, after a [Page] sort, to maintain an Honour to which, in Truth, he was never design'd; for he shou'd have been only Secretary to Hadgy Manino Governor of Sally, the true Embassador; but his Name was inserted without the King's knowledge in the Credential Letter, which the Alcayde Omar Addo his Protector and Patron gave 'em; for which reason he took Care at his return neither to boast of the Honours nor the Presents he had receiv'd in France; the last of which he sold at Marseilles, that none might know of 'em in his Country, and he might keep the Profits of 'em to himself. No more durst Hadgy Manino complain, for fear of incurring the Displeasure of the Alcayde Omar, who at that time rul'd every Thing, and of whom the King of Morocco has rid himself these five Years since for this reason.

[Page] But to pass by these particular Subjects of the Emperor of Morocco, and speak of all those that compose his State, 'tis to be observ'd that there are two sorts of 'em; for some are Blacks, and the rest White-men.

The first, tho' they are his Slaves, are those he trusts most, and the usual Executors of his Orders, which they fulfil in such an Imperious and Absolute a manner, that the most Powerful of the Alcaydes themselves tremble at the sight of the least of 'em.

When he goes to Battel, he has in his Army always Seven or eight thousand of 'em, as well of Foot as of Horse: These are his best Soldiers, and fight always near his Person with Fire-Arms, and he gives the Government of Places, or the Chief Posts in his Army, to those whom he likes best among 'em.

[Page] The King of Morocco from time to time gets a Number of these Blacks, whom he either buys or procures by force or cunning out of their Country, and having caus'd 'em to marry, sends 'em, with some Cattle of which he gives them the Care and Profit, into several uninhabited Places, where he uses 'em like a Nursery to serve him upon occasion.

The White-men, tho' they are free-born and very numerous, being originally Natives of the Country, yet are not the more regarded or happy for it; and as a Token of the little Affection and Esteem the King has for them, he commits the Guard of his Person to the Blacks, to whom he gives so great an Authority over the White-men, that they exact upon 'em and abuse 'em without controul, as they please, and when they think fit; which has driven the latter to such a Despair that they are ready to attempt any [Page] thing if they had an opportunity and power answerable to their Intentions.

Indeed most of them are so naturally inclin'd to revolt, that the knowledge which this Prince has of it, is none of the least Motive that induces him always to keep 'em in Fear and Subjection; and his only Interest and Care, for the preserving his Government in Peace and Splendor, is to prevent and hinder their Motions within; the situation of his Kingdoms being such, that he has hardly any thing, or at least very little, to fear of any Attempt from abroad.

This will plainly appear to be true, if we consider that his Territories wou'd be inaccessible on the side next the Sea, unless in the Places, which, as I have already observ'd, are in the Possession of the Spaniards and Portuguese; but if the Spaniards don't take more Care of Ceuta than they did lately [Page] of Larache, the strong Situation and Fortifications of which, here delineated, sufficiently evince that the loss of it ought much less to be attributed to the want of Courage and Bravery of the Officers and Soldiers that Garrison'd it, than to the want of Provisions and Ammunition, 'tis much to be fear'd, they will suffer it to be taken from 'em in the same manner; which will cause the greater surprise, since the Moors have neither the Instruments, nor Industry, nor Engineers, nor Experience necessary for such Expeditions: We cannot say as much of the Town of Magazan, where the King of Portugal continually takes Care to keep a strong and good Garrison.

[Page] [Page]

A Draught of the Town and Fortress of Larache, 1688.

A. St. James's Fort.

B. St. Anthony's Castle.

C. The Castle of our Lady of Europe.

D. The Jews Tower.

E. St. John's cover'd Way.

F. Nostro Senor's cover'd Way.

G. The Bulwork of Diego de Vera.

H. The Camp-Gate.

Y. The Mole-Gate.

I. The Marine-Gate.

K. St. Anthony's False Gate.

L. St. Francis's False Gates.

M. St. Francis's Covent.

N. The Town-Gate.

O. Nostro Senor della Cabeza.

P. St. Anthony.

Q. The Hospital.

S. The old Huts.

T. The new Huts.

[Page] V. The old Magazines de vera for Corn.

X. The new Magazines de vera for Corn.

Z. The Magazines for Powder.

1. The Governor's House and Garden.

2. The Commissary's Office.

3. The Serjeant-Major's Lodgings.

4. The new Fountain.

5. St. Michael's Well.

6. The great Fountain.

The River Lucorio or Licus.

[Page] The King of Morocco's only Neighbours on the Land-side, are the Negro's on one hand, and the Algerines on the other; from the first of which he has nothing to fear, as well because of the great River and the Mountains that separate them, which wou'd render their Attempts if not ineffectual, at least very difficult, as for the mutual Advantages which he and they receive from their Union, the Moors having a considerable Commerce in Guinea, from whence, for Salt, Iron-Ware, little Looking-Glasses, and other pedling Toys that come from Venice, they bring back good quantities of Gold-Dust, Elephants-Teeth, and a great number of Blacks, whose Affection the King gains besides by his kind Treatment, and the value he sets upon 'em in his own Country, as I have already observed; so that he looks upon 'em as his own real Subjects.

[Page] He is not altogether so Easie on the side of the Algerines, the fear of whose Valour, and the facility of entring his Country, keeps him daily upon his Guard; but he has the Policy and good Fortune often to keep 'em off by the pretext of Religion, making his Talbes and Marabots insinuate to 'em, that both States shou'd give God and their Prophet an Account one Day of the Blood which wou'd be spilt by Wars between 'em, contrary to their Laws. In the mean time nothing but his own Weakness, and some fatal Experiments he has made of their Valour, as also the Dread he has of the Grand Signior, from whom he might apprehend some revengeful Invasion on that side, causes him to keep in this seeming Friendship with them: For 'tis certain he hates 'em at least as much as he hates the Christians, to whom also he always compares 'em, by reason of the difference [Page] there is in their Faith; upon which likewise he Treats all the Turks as Hereticks, and if he had the least prospect of getting their Territories, either by Treachery or by Force, he wou'd not lose the opportunity of doing it.

The Commerce in his Kingdoms is, as it is elsewhere, generally Advantageous to the Dealers, as well abroad as at home; and this Prince, more mindful of his Profit than of his People, so well knows how beneficial Trading is to him in particular, by the Duties which are levied for the Importation and Exportation of Goods, that whatever his Antipathy and the prepossession of this Religion be against the Christians, and whatsoever War he has with 'em, it does not hinder him from tolerating their Trafick, and putting all means in practise that may conduce to his Gain: Insomuch that there are in his Sea-Port-Towns People of most [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] Nations at all times, and his Alcaydes know so well by the large Summs they borrow, and never wholly pay, how to cause those Traders to stay there, whom hope of Gain has invited thither, and whom the first Endearments and a shew of kind Usage induce to settle in those Parts, that what repentance soever the Wrongs, Displeasures, and frequent Avarices they are forc'd to satisfie there, may bring upon 'em, it is seldom possible for them to get clear, unless they lose their Debts and leave their Effects, or forego the natural Love of their Country and of their Liberty for the sake of their Estate.

I have been told, that those who live at Sally are treated more kindly; of which I very much doubt; but what I have seen practis'd during my stay in regard of those of Tetuan and Tangier, both on the Captains and Owners of Ships who [Page] arrive there, has so strangely furpris'd me, that all the Inference I can draw thence, is, that both the one and the other must needs have been misinform'd, or they make very great Profits, since they can resolve to expose themselves there to such an Usage.

The Tenth of all the Merchandizes that are imported and exported, is what the King claims for his Customs, which brings him in a very great Revenue. That which is collected at Sally does not belong to the Alcaydes, as doth what is levied in the other Governments, which is part of their Subsistance, and for the re-imbursement of their Charges and the Presents they are oblig'd to make to the Prince: And this, perhaps, is the reason which causes the Merchants to be better used at Sally, as I have observ'd, because the Governors there do not make it so much their business to deal with them so strictly; [Page] thus forbearing a severe usage, of which they can reap no benefit, since they are oblig'd to give a particular Account to the King of this Product, and pay it in specie at the Year's end, deducting what they may have disburs'd according to order.

The Advantage which the French find by this Commerce is, That there they put off such Goods as are of the growth of their Country, and also their Manufactures turn to a good Account; besides the Merchants carry no Money thither, and they ever bring back Merchandizes of a greater Value than what they carry'd over.

The Traffick of Provence consists in Tartar and Paper, the Consumption of which is great in Barbary, as well as of Red Woollen Caps, fine and course Languedoc Woollen Cloth; Serges de Nismes, Fustians and Dimities of Montpelier, and other Places; Combs, Silks, Linnen of Lyons; Gold-Threads, [Page] Brocades, Damask, Damask-works, Velvet, Cottons, Wadds, and other Commodities from the Levant, of little Value, but of good Sale in these Countries, and of a better return.

The Traffick which those of Roan, Saint Malo's, and other Cities of the Western Ocean, have in this Empire, is almost wholly in Linnen-Cloth, of which, 'tis reckon'd, that what is carry'd over and sold Yearly in that part of Africa, amounts to above Two Hundred Thousand Livres: The Barter that is made there of all these Merchandizes, is in Wax, Hides, Wooll, Ostrich's Feathers, Copper, Dates, Almonds, Archifoo (a Stone that is us'd to make Earthen Ware) and Ducats of Gold, which are beneficial to those of Provence, in their Trade to the Levant. The Christians and the Jews, as I have already observ'd, have all the Trade of the Country, and chiefly that Abroad, [Page] which the Moors do not in the least care to manage.

Sally and Tetuan are the most Trading Ports; Goods being most easily Ship'd off there; Saffy and Santa Cruz drive also a Trade for what comes from Morocco, Tafilet and Suz, but it is not so considerable.

The City of Fez is, as it were, the general Store-House of all Barbary, the best Traders, and the greatest number of Jews, who are there above Five Thousand; are settled at that place: These Dealers buy all that comes from Europe and the Levant, and retail it in the Provinces, from whence likewise they take what they afford to Trade with in the Sea-Port Towns. The Red Morocco Leather, known here by the Name of Spanish Leather, is drest in that City, and is the finest in all Barbary.

The Trade of England is in Broad Cloath and in Cowries or Negro's Teeth, which are a kind of small [Page] white Shells that go currant in Guinea instead of Money.

Holland sends thither Woollen and Linnen Cloth, all sorts of Spices, Iron and Brass Wire, Steel, Benjamin, Storax, Cinaber, little Looking-glasses, Muslins for the Turbants, and Arms from time to time, with other Ammunition for War.

Italy furnishes 'em with Alum, Gun-Powder, and great store of Earthen Toys made at Venice.

There comes from the Levant, Silks, Cotton, Orpiment, or Auripigmentum, Quick-silver, Reagal and Opium.

The returns which are sent to those Parts for all these kinds of Merchandizes and Drugs, is nothing more than what I have set down in the Article of France, in proportion to the quantities that are vended there.

Cadiz is the Interpost to all the Traffick of England and Holland; [Page] for, being near to Both, it facilitates of course a commodious and sure Transportation, by the means of Portugueze Ships that go thither to take up the Cargo's.

The King of Morocco is so persuaded of the utility of his Commerce, and so jealous of it, that surely one of the best ways of bringing down his Pride, and of forcing him to reasonable Terms, were to hinder that of other Nations, or to disturb it in such a manner as to give 'em a dislike of it: And it is my opinion besides, that the Trade in the Mediterranean need not absolutely be continu'd in that Empire, since the same things might be return'd, and put off, by the way of Algier, which are at Tetuan and Sally; all that can be objected, is, that those Goods wou'd not turn to so good an Account.

Foreign Money is not currant in this Country, except the Spanish [Page] Pieces of Eight, the Value and Price of which are rated according to their Weight, which is always between Sixty and Seventy Sols or Pence. The Pistoles of Spain and Italy, and the Louis d' Or's of France, pass there for no more than Ten Livres, or Ten Livres and Ten Sols; and besides, they are not taken but in a Lump as Bullion, and by Weight, to be melted down: the Jews only take commonly the French Silver Crowns there for Sixty five Sols; a great many of these Crowns were carried out of France to that Country, before the alteration that was made about those Pieces, there being much to be got by them.

The Coin that goes Currant in this Empire is only of three sorts, That of Gold, call'd a Ducat, That of Silver a Blanquille, and that of Copper, a Felouze; the Figure of the Prince is not upon [Page] 'em, their Law forbidding it, so that nothing is Stamp'd upon them but some Arabick Characters.

The Ducat is worth from Six Livres to Seven Livres Ten Sols of our Money, and its Price, which is never fix'd, rises and falls, according to the several Occurrences, that is to say, according to the affluence or want of Commerce, or as the Ships come in more or less frequently.

The Blanquille is the most common Money, and of the most fix'd and standing Price: 'tis worth two Sols, and Six Deniers, and it is in this kind that generally all Payments are made.

The Feloux is as one of the French Deniers, but worth a little more; Four and Twenty of 'em make a Blanquille.

Their way of reckoning is by Ounces or by Meticalles (which is the same thing in Arabic with a Ducat in French) the Ounce consists [Page] of Four Blanquilles, or Ten Pence of our Money.

The Meticalle or Ducat for the generality is nothing real, but such a manner of counting as by Francs or Livres in France; its value is fix'd at Forty Blanquilles, or a Hundred Pence French; so that when 'tis barely said, that a thing worth so many Meticalles, or so many Ducats; nay, even so many Meticalles or Ducats of Silver, 'tis always understood for so many Hundred Sols. It is not the same thing in Meticalles or Ducats of Gold, for their Species is Real, but their Value uncertain, as I have already observ'd.

AUDIENCES Given to Monsieur de St. Olon, AT MICKENESS, BY Muley Ismael, Emperour of Morocco, In the Year 1693.

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The First Audience.

I Was admitted to my first Audience the 11th. of June, 1693. at 9 in the Morning, having six days before seen the King of Morocco [Page] in the open Field, at the Head of 10 or 12000 Horse. I was nine days at Mickeness, before I had this Audience, and during that time was not suffer'd to make or receive any Visits; nor even to stir out of my Palace: The Consul and all my Retinue were also denied the same Liberty, and all this time I had notice sent me early every Morning to be ready to be Conducted to the King, but was put off every Evening to the next day.

The Custom of the Country, which, they told me, was, not to let the Embassadors see any one till they have had their first Audience, was the pretence they us'd to justifie that kind of Restraint.

The Alcayde Hamet Addo Riffy, Governour of Larache and Alcassar, was sent me to be my Introducer, attended with some considerable Moors, and some Blacks of the King's Guard, who secur'd us against [Page] the Throng of the People, but not against the Hootings, Curses, and other abusive Language with which they Revile all Christians: The Character of Embassador not being able to free a Man from them.

This Alcayde had a Brother call'd Omar Addo, who was once the King of Morocco's Chief Minister and Favourite, but his Merit, Authority, and Credit, gave that Prince so much Jealousie, that he caus'd that Alcayde to be kill'd five or six Years since.

We all went a foot to the Audience, tho' the King's Palace was at a considerable distance from the place where I liv'd, and the Weather was very hot; but an Vmbrella was carry'd over me, which in some manner defended me from the Heat of the Sun's Rays that is excessive in those Parts.

Twelve French Slaves came after my whole Retinue, and carry'd the [Page] Presents I was to make to the King of Morocco in my own Name, consisting of very fine Arms, several Watches of great Value, divers Pieces of red and blue Cloth, very rich Gold and Silver Brocades, and two Carpets of La Savonnerie, extraordinary large, and singularly beautiful.

In this manner we came to the Alcassave, the King's Palace, and went in at a large and stately Gate, which, from two Pillars that adorn it, is, as I have said, call'd the Marble-Gate. We went thro' a long Passage, where many Blacks of the King's Guard stood on the Right and Left, and made a Lane for us. On both sides of that Passage are only some White Walls of a considerable height, built like all the rest of this Palace, wholly with Lime, Plaister, and Cement with Water, which beaten together by strength of hand, make a kind of a very white Matter, as [Page] hard as Marble. At last we came to an open Pavillion not yet finish'd, that form'd four large Portico's, the Front of every Face looking towards a Walk, like that thro' which we came, and leading to different Appartments of this Alcassave.

They made me tarry at the Entrance of that Pavillion, till, as they said, they had acquainted the King with my being there. It was a full quarter of an hour before we saw him coming thro' one of these Walks, which was also lin'd on each side with about Two Hundred little Blacks, arm'd with very large Musquets, who bow'd to the very Ground as he pass'd by 'em.

He had a very thin Attendance and rid a White Horse, very different as to his fineness and the richness of his Harness, from that he rid on when I saw him at the Review. He had a Launce or long [Page] Pike in his hand, and was as plainly dress'd as the meanest of his Subjects. He was muffl'd up to the Eyes in a Coffee-colour'd Handkerchief, that seem'd pretty foul, and was no very pleasant sight.

He alighted as soon as he came to the Portico, and having given his Launce to one of his Blacks, came and sate down, without any Matt, Carpet, or Foot-Cloth, on the edge of a large Wooden Post that prop'd it up. His Arms and Legs were bare, and a Black held a large Fan behind him, as much to cool him, as to keep off the Flies that swarm in that Country, and are very troublesome. Some Alcaydes sate on the Ground on his Left, without Shoes or Turbant, and with nothing on their Heads but a bare red Cap: One of 'em, however, stood on his Right, but, like the rest, had no Shoes on, and his Head was only cover'd like the rest. This Alcayde [Page] was Mehemet Ben Addo Otar, who may be said to be his chief Minister and Favourite.

As soon as the King was set down, as I have said, and I had saluted him, he began the first to speak to me, and said twice or thrice Tay buon, which signifies, You are Welcome, an Expression he always uses to denote a kind Reception to those who come near him: After this he said to me in Arabick, that I was a good Christian, that he was glad to see me, and would joyfully grant me whatever I should ask him: To which, after I had put on my Hat, I answer'd him in French, with a Complement I prepar'd, which he patiently heard from the beginning to the end, tho' 'twas somewhat long, and 'tis not his Custom to give Ear to Discourses of such a length, without interrupting those who make 'em, and asking them several Questions.

Monsieur de St. OLON's COMPLEMENT TO THE Emperour of Morocco.

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Most High, most Excellent, most Potent, and most Invincible Prince, Muley Ismael, Emperour of Morocco, King of Fess, Tafilet, and Suss.

SIR,

THE Amazement and Veneration which your Majesty's Royal Aspect Commands from those that approach you, would confine me to a silent Admiration, [Page] like all those who are permitted that Happiness, had I not the Honour of appearing before Your Majesty, shelter'd with the Patronage of the Sacred Name of the most High, most Excellent, most Potent, most Magnificent, most Invincible, and ever Victorious LEWIS the Great, the most Christian Emperour of France and Navarre, the Eldest Son of the Church, the Defender of the Faith, the Sanctuary and Protector of Kings, the Umpire and Great Conqueror of Europe.

'Tis this also that gives me a Right of assuring your Majesty, that while the Emperour, my Master, did me the Honour to make choice of me for his Embassador at your Court, he rais'd my Wishes and my Joy to the highest pitch; since this would procure me the Glory and Happiness of seeing there a Prince, whom all the Wonders I have [Page] read and heard related of him, made me as ambitious of seeing, as they fill'd my Mind with Veneration for his Person.

And indeed, Sir, there is none who does not perfectly know that Muley Ismael is the most Famous and warlike Prince that ever grac'd the Throne of Africa, and that 'tis your incomparable Exploits which, combining with all the Qualifications of your Royal Birth, made way for your more speedy Ascent to that Seat, and Entitl'd you to fill it with more Authority and Lustre.

But tho' Fame, that has taken care to proclaim 'em, has omitted nothing which may cause every place to resound with your Applause, I still find a new Subject of Praise, in what is the occasion of my Embassy here; and that fresh cause of extolling your Majesty, seems to me so worthy your Greatness of Soul, and the Attention [Page] of your Subjects, that I with Pleasure think my self oblig'd to let 'em know what it is, and Congratulate 'em about it; that this excellent Action of your Majesty may not want its due Encomiums.

What else indeed could they have wish'd for, after so many Battles and Victories which confirm'd your Friends, and subdued your Enemies under your Conquering Government, than to see its Quietness and Mildness fully settl'd by the Marks of Tenderness and fatherly Bounty, which you show 'em in seeking all means possible, that none of 'em, may remain in Chains or Slavery abroad?

'Tis doubtless only to convince 'em that you are no less fond of being justly thought their Father, than their King, that you have lately shown a desire, and made some steps to get free such of 'em as are Slaves in France, and procure to [Page] your Subjects a Peace, that is so necessary to 'em, with those of the Emperour my Master; by this means to re-establish all Security, Plenty, and Tranquility in their Commerce: To which his Imperial Majesty being also willing to contribute, he has commanded me to come hither, and assure you in his Name, that he has always entertain'd so much Friendship, and so high an Esteem for your Majesty, that nothing can be added either to his earnestness to give you further Testimonies of it, or to the sincerity of his Intentions.

At the same time I presume to promise my self that such uniform Dispositions will meet with all the Success I can desire, and that the Treaty which I am order'd to make, to renew the Alliance and Peace, being once concluded, as firm and solid as is consistent with the common Good and Wishes of both Empires, a good Correspondence [Page] will then be so perfectly reestablish'd that nothing will ever be able to shake or destroy it.

These, Sir, are the Intentions and Resolutions of the Emperour my Master, of whose almost incredible Victories and Conquests in his last Campaigns, I do not doubt but Fame, that is always employ'd to speak his Majesty's wonderful Atchievements, has sufficiently inform'd you, and how in spight of the prodigious numbers of Enemies, since so long a time, combin'd against the Power, the Wisdom, the Valour and the Fortune of Lewis the Great, he has always been so happy as to triumph over them: This is a visible effect of the Protection of the God of Hosts, and of the Reward he bestows on his Piety: May Heaven grant, that the Union which I come to renew between your Imperial Majesties, may be always favour'd and upheld by such a Protection, and [Page] that you may both prove for ever the Love, the Delight, and the Safety of your Subjects, the prop of your Allies, the terror of your Enemies, and the absolute Masters of the vast Parts of the World in which you Both Reign with so much Glory.

After these so just and zealous Wishes, there remains nothing, Sir, for me to do, but most humbly to beseech your Majesty to be pleas'd to accept of these Presents, how disproportionable soever they may be to my deep Respect, as a Testimony of my sincere desire to please your Majesty.

My Interpreter afterwards read this Complement to the King in the Moorish Tongue; and this Prince having answer'd it in such a manner as made us know he had heard it with Pleasure, added some Excuses for not having been able to see me before, being then taken [Page] up by the Ceremonies of his Easter, and said, that all the Christian Slaves could witness this.

After this, he proceeded to speak in the King's Praise, and enlarg'd very much on his Power, Valour, and Wise Conduct, as also on the great difference which he puts between the Emperour of France, and all the other Potentates of Europe; saying, That he knew not one amongst 'em all, besides him, that truly deserv'd the Name of Sovereign, and that none but the King knew, like him (for he always affects to compare himself to his Most Christian Majesty) how to Reign by himself, and make himself the absolute Master of the Fate and Will of his People. Then repeating what he had already said to me at the first Interview, concerning the Advantages which the Grand-Signior found in the Alliance, which he had so long maintain'd with his Majesty, he added, that all these Motives, [Page] joyn'd to the esteem which he had for the rare and great Worth of that first Monarch of Christendom, had so much excited him to seek also his Friendship, and made him so impatiently desire it, that besides the Assurances which he had caus'd to be given His Majesty of it by Consul Estelle, he had design'd to have sent Embassadors to desire his Friendship, if my coming had not prevented him.

I answer'd, that the Emperour, my Master, well inform'd of his Sentiments, had dispatch'd me, with all possible speed, to assure him of his readiness to comply with his Majesty's Desires, and to renew with him, by a firm and lasting Peace, the Bonds of a Friendship that would be the more durable, for being altogether grounded on the esteem which two such great Princes could not but have for each other, and that, for my part, I esteem'd my self most honour'd [Page] and most happy in being chosen for the effecting so agreeable a Project. He told me that his Intent was also to make a firm Peace, that he charg'd the Alcayde Mehemet Ben Addo Otar, there present, to settle the Conditions of it; that he was his near Relation, whom he look'd upon as his second self; and that he being the Son of a French Woman, ('tis true indeed, that this Alcayde's Mother was of Marseilles) I had no reason to doubt but that I should find him altogether well-dispos'd to make a speedy and wish'd for end of the Business.

I reply'd, that I thank'd his Majesty for giving me a Minister to treat with, whose Merit and Praise were sufficiently display'd by the choice which so wise and knowing a Prince made of his Person, and that provided the Effects were answerable to these fair Appearances, I did not doubt [Page] but all things would be ended to the satisfaction of both Parties.

He answer'd, that nothing could contribute more to this, than a speedy and reciprocal joyning of the Arms of the Emperour of France, with his against the Spaniards, our common Enemies, and that he imagin'd a Conquest that way to be not only very easie and very advantagious to the King, but also the surest means to raise his Majesty's Power and Glory to the highest pitch. After this, he enlarg'd with a great deal of warmth, and for near a quarter of an hour, upon whatever he thought might flatter his Passion and his Designs on that Subject, and finally concluded, that he did not believe, on the account of the Alliance he had a mind to contract with his Majesty, that he ever could deny him the Assistance he wanted for the retaking the Towns which they still hold in his Country; [Page] and that he was sorry he was not more his Neighbour, in a Juncture that was so pleasing, and might become so useful to him.

To this I said, that when the Treaty which I brought should be concluded and ratified on both sides, 'twould then be time to make some Overtures to each other, and explain our selves on the Necessities and Supplies that might then unanimously be the result of it; that this was all the answer I could give to this Article at present; and that I could well assure him, that the Emperour my Master, alike Powerful by Land and Sea, had such formidable and numerous Fleets in the Mediterranean, and in the Ocean, that they would always make him very sensible of his Neighbourhood, when occasion should require it.

[Page] This equivocal Answer not having given him an opportunity to make a Reply, he order'd the Alcayde Mehemet Addo, who had stood all the while, to take the King's Letter which I held in my Hands; but, as I had no mind to deliver it, but into his Master's, I immediately stepp'd forwards, and ving presented it to him in a Cloth of Gold Letter-Case, he took it, drew it out, kiss'd it, laid it on his Head, to show how much he honour'd it, and then gave it to this Alcayde.

This done, I presented the Gentlemen who came with me to him, and he receiv'd 'em very kindly: Then I desir'd him that he would be pleas'd to accept of some of my Country Rarities, which I made bold to present him with. He look'd a long time on every Particular, and was very much pleas'd with them, but above all which the two Carpets which he thought came [Page] from India, and which he said he esteem'd the more, when I had answer'd to what he ask'd me about 'em, that they had been made at Paris.

When he had examin'd every thing one after another, he caus'd it to be taken away by his Blacks, and return'd me Thanks for 'em; protesting, however, That he only accepted of 'em, because the Law of his Prophet permitted him not to refuse what was offer'd him in token of Respect or Friendship; and, having said to me that I was a good Christian, and that he was very well pleas'd with me, he added, smiling, That the best Proof he could give me of his Satisfaction and the Esteem he had for me, was by praying God to Convert me, and exhorting me to become a Mahometan; to which I answer'd, also smiling, That tho' I perfectly and most certainly knew what to stick to, I nevertheless receiv'd this Testimony [Page] of his Good-will with a great deal of Thankfulness.

Upon this he beckon'd to the French-Slaves to come near, which they all did, casting themselves at his Feet with their Bellies on the Ground; then he chose out four of the youngest, and making signs to them to rise and step aside, told me he gave 'em me for my Dinner; to which I answer'd, he could never treat me with a more acceptable Dish, but that I pray'd him to consider that this would but whet my Appetite. After this he arose, mounted again, and order'd I should be conducted home. The Alcayde Mehemet ben Addo Otar waited on me back as far as the Marble-Gate, and came to pay me a Visit from the King immediately after I had din'd.

Towards the Evening I went to see Muley Zeydan, the King's Son, who, after some Complements [Page] on both sides, told me also, presenting me with a French Slave who was by him, That as a Token of his Gratitude for what I brought him (for I did not come there empty handed) he gave him me for my Supper; to which I answer'd, returning him my Thanks, That having already been made sensible by the Fame of his Exploits, how well he imitated the King his Father in Valour, I was much delighted to see and experience, that he could also so well imitate him in Generosity.

The following Days having been spent in examining our Treaty with the King of Morocco's Minister, and that Prince being determin'd to go on an Expedition which he had design'd against some Moors in the Neighbourhood of Oran who had revolted, I was sent for with precipitation at Seven a Clock in the Evening, without any Notice given [Page] me before, to take my Audience of Leave; that Prince having taken a Resolution to dismiss me but the Day before his departure.

The Audience of Leave.

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I Had my Audience of Leave the Nineteenth of June: The Ceremonies at my going to it were like those of the First, but the Humour and Designs of the King of Morocco and his Ministers made it quite different, as to the Pleasingness of the Conversation, and its Conclusion.

I had notice given me as I went that the King was in a very ill humour, and almost besides himself, having just then dispatch'd two of his Chief Blacks with a Knife.

This having given me some opportunity to prepare my self accordingly, in some manner prevented the Horror and Surprize which the Condition I found him in might otherwise have rais'd; and that had doubtless been much greater had not this warning prevented it.

I was had further into the Palace [Page] than the first time, and went as far as the out-side of the Stables, which seem'd to me very fine and neatly kept.

That Building consists of several large Arches to the Right and Left, of which each Horse has his own apart, and is only fasten'd to a Stake and Fetlocks. Here are neither Racks nor Mangers; for the Horses eat on the Ground; which Custom takes place, as I was told, because the Moors themselves eat thus, and therefore would not allow more Privilege and Conveniency to those Animals than they enjoy themselves.

After I had spent some time in viewing that Place, I saw the King at some distance, coming to me mounted on a very fine white Horse, in very rich Harness, having a Gold-Saddle on, and all its Trappings of the same; and the Poitral set with precious Stones in some places.

[Page] He held a Lance in his Hand, of the shape and length of our Pikes, on which he lean'd between whiles. His Face was uncover'd, and he was finely dress'd; but, besides a yellow Vest that he had on, (which Colour I have already said has been observ'd by his Subjects, to have been almost ever fatal to some of 'em, when worn by him) his right Arm and his Clothes were still all stain'd with the Blood of those Wretches whom he had just kill'd; and indeed his Face and Looks betray'd a wild and furious Air that represented to the Life the Character of that Action.

He was only attended with a few Slaves and Blacks, all quaking for fear; for his Rage had quite scar'd away every one of his Alcaydes: However, some of 'em came nearer by degrees during the Audience, which that Prince began himself with his ordinary Complement of Taybuon; upon which I made him that which follows.

THE COMPLIMENT AT THE Audience of Leave.

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SIR,

I understand that your Majesty is going on some Glorious Expedition; I come to wish you a happy Success in it, and, according to your Custom, a Victorious Return. Here the King interrupted me, saying twice or thrice with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven, Exhallah, Exhallah, which signifies God grant it! God grant it! After which I went on thus— I can assure your Majesty I shall carry the News of it with [Page] Pleasure to the Emperor my Master, if I can at the same time give him an Account, as I hope I shall, of the Performance of what you writ and caus'd to be signifi'd to him concerning the Peace, by the Consul of Sally.

For, as the Words and Writings of Kings ought not to be alter'd, I should wrong your Majesty's Glory could I harbour the least suspicion of the Fidelity of your Offers on this behalf. Your Majesty knows how nearly it concerns your Honour and Interest, to persuade as well your Subjects as the different Nations that are at your Court of this Truth. And 'tis also on these Grounds that I am willing to believe I ought to attribute your Minister's Silence, (since by your Order we discours'd together about the Treaty, which I show'd him and put into his Hand) only to the Pleasure which your Majesty was pleas'd to reserve to [Page] your self, of signifying to me the happy and wish'd-for Conclusion of it, and principally, concerning the Article about setting free on both sides the Slaves of the two Nations; about which your Minister would not treat.

However, SIR, I think it my Duty to represent to your Majesty, that a Thing which you have so publickly desir'd, and which you can so easily accomplish, ought to have been sooner decided, and not be put off till so short a time as seems remaining till your departure: You have shown a Desire of having a Peace; you have offer'd or demanded an Embassador to conclude it, and have appear'd so forward, that you did me the Honour to tell me when I came near you, That you were ready to have sent one to France on that Account, had not I come as I did.

[Page] However, I have been in your Dominions these two Months, and these three Weeks at your Court; you have receiv'd me with Marks of Satisfaction and singular Kindness: I have presented you my Orders, and tho' the Commissioner, whom you appointed to examine 'em, made some very unexpected Objections on things already settled by your Majesty, I nevertheless, show'd him, in three Articles, which most certainly deserv'd not to have such Difficulties started, that I had a mind to conciliate Things with all imaginable Moderation, that the said Treaty might be concluded with mutual Satisfaction.

Yet since that time he seems to have had a mind to obstruct this business, and make it impossible, by a new and unheard-of Difficulty, which might cause the World to doubt of your Majesty's having a real Desire for a Peace, and altogether [Page] make it impossible it should last, did your Majesty persist in it. I have convinc'd him of it by strong Reasons, which I would again repeat to your Majesty were I not persuaded you have been inform'd of it.

Thus, SIR, I have now nothing else to do, but to desire, that before you go you will be pleas'd to Approve and Sign this Treaty which I offer you; and I assure you that I shall leave this Country with Content, if when I hear of the Continuation and Progress of your wonted Conquests, I can at the same time acquaint my Master of the Effect and Performance of your Royal Word, which hath procur'd me the Honour and Pleasure of satisfying the great Idea I had conceiv'd of your Majesty.

[Page] THe King of Morocco's Answers to this Complement, and all the Discourse that pass'd in this Audience ran upon some Proposals, so extraordinary, so little consonant to the Motives he had discover'd to procure this Negotiation, and so contrary to the Letter he had writ to the King about it, which he solemnly disown'd, that I thought that decency oblig'd me to consult the Reputation of that Prince, so much as to bury 'em in Silence, rather than expose him too much to the Publick Blame by relating them.

OBSERVATIONS To be made on the Cause of Monsieur de St. OLON's EMBASSY TO MOROCCO.

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THe King of Morocco having disown'd the Letter he had sent to his Majesty, which I have mention'd in several parts of this Relation, that Denial was the occasion he took not to perform what it contains: Now as this Letter was the Motive and Grounds of the Resolution the King took to send me to Morocco, I believe it [Page] will not be amiss to insert here a Copy of this Letter, that the Reader may have a clearer insight into the Undertaking and its Event: I also imagine it will not be improper to add those Letters which that Prince caus'd to be transmitted to me at my departure, both for the King my Master and my self, and my Answers, that by comparing them together, the World may still better judge of his Character and Intentions: As also what Measures ought to be taken concerning his Proposals, Words, and Writings.

THE King of Morocco's LETTER. To the KING.

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To the greatest of the Christian Kings and Princes of Europe, The Monarch of the French Nations, the Master of his Kingdom and Climates, and the Sovereign Arbiter of the Wills and Actions of his Subjects, Lewis the Fourteenth: The Salutation of Peace to those that walk in the ways of Truth.

In the Name of God, who is Good, and Merciful, whom we beseech to help us, there being no Trust nor Power but in his Supreme Greatness.

[Page]From the Servant of God, who is most High and Victorious by God's Appointment, and puts his Trust in him in all his Vndertakings, the Miralmumunin or Prince of the True Believers, who fights in the way of the Lord of this World and of the other, The Prince of the high Tribe of Hachem, Ismael the Son of Al Xerif of the House of Hassan.

THis is to let your Majesty know, That a Christian Merchant, Son to your Consul Estelle, came to our High Court, where he said that he had in his Hands an Order and Credentials from your Majesty; then produc'd a Letter, which, as he pretends, came from you; by which, Authority is given him to conferr with us, as [Page] he shall think most convenient, concerning your Affairs and Intentions, and even to act in your Behalf at the Court of our High Majesty, whom God preserve.

We made no doubt but that the Letter and Credentials came from you, but would have nothing to do with the said Estelle, not thinking it proper to treat with him about those Affairs; because he is a Merchant, and not one of the great Lords of your Court, or one of your chief Officers; for it does not belong to Merchants to treat with Kings, or manage Affairs in which Princes are concern'd: A Merchant may speak about what relates to his Trade; he may also use his Endeavours to carry News on both sides, and transmit a Paper, or be the Bearer of a Letter, and do this for both Parties. This he may do, but that's all a Merchant's Word can be good for, and no more.

[Page] Therefore, if your Majesty have really a design to enter upon a Treaty, to the purpose and with sincerity, you may send us one of the Great Lords of your Court, on whose Words we may depend and rely, and with whom we may Treat upon his coming to us with that Design and to that Purpose: Or, if you rather desire we should send you one of our best Servants and greatest Lords of our High Court, you may send one of your Ships to convey him from our Country to yours, and we will send such a one without delay with good Powers and Credentials.

The chief Affairs about which we are to treat with you, is concerning the Slaves of your Nation who are with us, that an Exchange may be made of one Christian for one Moor, Man for Man. We only desire of you, those of Sally, and of the Town adjoyning call'd the Rabat, as also those of Tetuan, of Fess, [Page] of Alcassar, and of Mickeness, who have been taken within these ten Years, some about six Years, some four Years, and some since that time; for, as to those of other Towns than such as I have mention'd, or who have been taken above ten Years since, we do not care to treat about them; therefore, if you think it fit, send one of your Officers, for whom you have an Esteem, and order him to bring all the above-mention'd Slaves that are in France, and come with them at the Mouth of one of our Ports, and we shall treat with him in the most convenient manner possible. We will give him your Salves, and receive our own of him, Man for Man; so that, God willing, he shall not go back without doing his Business. As for your sending a Person of Quality, or one of your Ships to transport our Embassador, you may use your Discretion in doing either [Page] of the two, which you shall think most convenient.

'Tis God that gives Success to our Undertakings, and in whom we ought to put our Trust: To him alone Praise and Glory are due; and may Peace be given to those who walk in the ways of Truth.

Written at the end of Rabia, in the Year of the Haegira 1103. that is in the Month of December 1691.

THE King of Morocco's LETTER TO Monsieur de St. OLON.

[Page]

To the Embassador of the Great King of the French, Greeting: And to all that follow the Inspirations of Truth.

THis is to let you know, That we are troubled that you should leave us without having done any thing: When you arriv'd, we were just ready to take the Field to reduce the Nation [Page] call'd Benjamer, that unjustly us'd to maintain a Commerce with the Christians, contrary to our Order. We caus'd ten thousand Horse to march towards them, and cut in pieces all that made any resistance, took part of 'em Prisoners and releas'd the rest. You arriv'd while were in the midst of our Preparations for that Expedition; and when you came into our Presence, we thought it was to propose to us something of Moment, and to acquaint us that you were ready to joyn with us against the Spaniards, and take Measures together how to attack and overcome 'em: In which Case we would have done whatever you could reasonably have desir'd: We did even let you know that we would conclude such a Treaty with you as there is between you and the Grand Signior, who is our Brother in the Law of the Faithful: And in this Expectation we rejoyc'd for your [Page] coming, and signified as much as soon as you came before our High Throne, which God protect. But, as you only came to speak of the French Slaves, and for nothing else, and that you did not fulfil the Commission which we had given to the Son of Estelle, the Christian Merchant, which was to chuse and bring us some Coats of Armour, some rich and rare Scimiter, some precious Jewel out of your Emperor's Treasure, and other Magnificent Curiosities, such as might be acceptable to us, we have not thought fit to give you any further Hearing. We wonder you would repose a Confidence in a Christian Merchant, such as Estelle, who is not to be trusted; and that you should even bring him hither with you; for, could about two hundred Slaves we have of yours be worth your Coming? We have not thought fit to grant 'em you, because we are not like the Algerines, [Page] and others of their stamp, with whom you use to treat of such Matters; but had you brought some rich Presents, or propos'd some Business of Moment, as is that we just mention'd, then we would have hearken'd to you indeed, and even have left our Army to comply with you, and have exchang'd the French Slaves which we have, for such of our Subjects as are in your Kingdom.

However, our faithful Aly the Son of Abdalla, perceiving that you were come back from Mickeness without effecting what you intended, has made you stay a while; and as he is perfectly acquainted with all the Affairs that relate to the Marine and the Ports committed to his Charge, as also whatever is convenient for each of them, we have given him our Orders, and whatever he shall do shall be approv'd by us; for we were not willing to let you go back till you [Page] had some Reason to be satisfi'd; and 'tis to give you an Account of this that we have now sent you this Letter.

We salute those that walk in the Ways of Truth.

Written the tenth Day of Ziladgeel Haran, 1104. which is the thirteenth of August, 1693.

Monsieur de St. OLON's ANSWER TO THE King of Morocco.

[Page]

SIR,

I Receiv'd yesterday, by the Hand of the Alcayde Aly ben Abdalla, the Letter which your Majesty did me the Honour to send me, and I have not in the least been surpriz'd at the Confirmation which it brings of the News which Fame has already taken Care to publish here, of the Progress of your Majesty's Arms; for still your Valour must be attended with Victory.

[Page] As for what that Letter mentions of the Motives of my Embassie to your Court, I will do my self the Honour to acquaint your Majesty in few Words, That none can ever believe there could have been an occasion for it, more important and more suitable to the State of Grandeur and Glory in which your Majesty is at present, Than an Alliance, and firm Peace with the Emperor my Master, whose Power and Vertues, your Majesty so well knows, are at this time become the Envy, the Terror, and the Admiration of all Europe.

Besides, SIR, you cannot have forgot, that you let the Emperor my Master know, and writ to him your self by the Consul Estelle, whom you twice caus'd to go into France on that Subject, that there was nothing which you desir'd more earnestly, than a sincere and solid Agreement about that [Page] Peace. You have even show'd your self so forward in this, that you were pleas'd to tell me publickly at my first Audience, That, had my Arrival been delay'd but some Days, you would have sent some Embassadors to his Imperial Majesty, to give him all imaginable Assurances about it.

Had your Majesty, when you sent the Consul, had those Desires that seem to have been suggested to you since, 'tis to be imagin'd you would have charg'd the said Consul to make some Overtures about them to the Emperor my Master; and according to the Measures and Resolutions which his Imperial Majesty might have taken about 'em, I should then have had the same Orders and Powers to treat of 'em with your Majesty's own Person as I have been honour'd with, by the Emperor my Master, concerning those things about which you writ to him.

[Page] But there is some Reason to believe, that your Majesty at that time had been pleas'd to follow the no less judicious than zealous Advice of the Alcayde Aly, who perfectly knows what may be most for your Majesty's Interest, who truly loves your Person and your Glory, and whom I ought to assure you I have found here to be the most faithful and most loving of your Subjects. Had your Majesty consulted no other, you would doubtless have follow'd, and brought to a happy End your first Designs, which, besides the Profit and Safety they would have procur'd to the Commerce of your Subjects, would also have made you Formidable to your Enemies.

I hope, SIR, that when you shall seriously have weigh'd those Counsels, and imparted your Sentiments to that faithful Alcayde, you will again pursue such Resolutions as are most consistent with your [Page] Interest, and that you will approve what the Esteem and Respect I have for you oblige me to represent to your Majesty; assuring you that if I were so happy as to be able to contribute towards the obtaining for you, of the Emperor my Master, what I know to be so necessary and advantageous to you, I would endeavour it with all the Zeal you can desire of him, who is entirely,

SIR,

Your Majesty's Most humble, &c.

THE LETTER Which the King of Morocco Wrote and sent to the King, BY Monsieur de St. OLON.

[Page]

To the greatest Prince of the Christistians, the Monarch of the Kingdom of France, Lewis the Fourteenth. God grant his Peace to those who follow the Inspirations of Truth.

THis is to let your Majesty know, That as soon as your Servant, the Embassador, arriv'd on the blessed Lands under our Dominion, we had Information given [Page] us of it by our faithful Counsellor and Servant the Alcayde Aly, the Son of Abdalla, who desir'd us to give him Leave and the necessary Orders to cause him to be conducted to our Court: This we willingly granted, believing that he only came to treat of Affairs of the greatest Consequence, such as wou'd be a means for us to obtain whatever we should desire of you, and for your Majesty all that you could desire of us.

But after he was come to our High Throne, and we had spoken to him, and ask'd him many Questions about this, we found that he had only some Proposals to make relating to the Slaves, and we did not find that he had the Power which is requisite to treat with us of other Affairs; so that what he came about, having not seem'd to be of Consequence enough, we did not think fit to treat with him about it; for 'tis [Page] certain that what was the Subject of his Embassie, might as well have been done even by the management of a Merchant, whose Degree were very much inferior to his.

As soon as he withdrew out of our Royal Presence, we left the dispatch of his Business to our faithful Servant the Alcayde Aly, the Son of Abdalla, on the score of the general Command and Authority with which he is intrusted by our sovereign Order in all our Ports, Cities, Towns, and Tribes of our Sea-Coasts: We have given him leave to Negotiate with your Embassador, and he has sufficient Power and Authority to treat and transact with him about Affairs of the greatest Consequence, in case this Embassador have also some full Power that may be thought as unquestionable and unalterable as is that which we sent to our Servant, who will treat with him as he [Page] shall think best, both now and hereafter.

The salutation of Peace be given to those who follow the Inspirations of Truth.

Written the tenth Day of the Month Zil Hadge, the last of the Year 1104. that is the Eighteenth of June, 1693.

THE LETTER Which the Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, the King of Morocco's Minister for the Marine, wrote and sent to the King by Monsieur de St. OLON.

[Page]

In the Name of God the Merciful, there being no Authority nor Power but from him, who is the most High and most Mighty.

To him whom his Dignity and Power have rais'd above all the Princes of his Religion, whom his Valour[Page] and desire of Glory have made dreadful through all the Nations of Christendom, the Majestic Emperor of France, Lewis the Great, the Fourteenth of the Name. God give Peace to those who follow the Inspirations of Truth.

I Must acquaint your Majesty, that as soon as your faithful Embassador de St. Olon came to us with his Attendants, we had several Conferences with him, and ask'd leave of our Victorious Monarch, that he might come from this Place to his Court; and having obtain'd it, we procur'd him the means to arrive at this Glorious Throne. After his return from the Court of our Master, as we then resided in the City of Tangier, (which God protect) your Embassador writ to us, and let us know, that he had not ended what he desir'd of the Court of our Emperor; for which reason we speedily sent again to his [Page] Majesty several Letters with reiterated Instances, to desire him that he would explain his Will in that Affair: This we did two or three times, and he as often return'd Answer, letting us know that 'twas his Intent to negotiate a Treaty of true Peace in plain and sincere Terms, concerning some Affairs of the greatest Consequence, that it might remain sirm and lasting; by the means of which Treaty most important and considerable Undertakings might be compass'd: And, in short, such a Treaty as is between your Majesty and the People of Constantinople.

But, it seems, this Embassador is only come about the Slaves; now 'tis certain their Number is so inconsiderable, and of so small a consequence, that if he had demanded 'em gratis of our Mullana (whom God cause to triumph) he would not have refus'd 'em on your Majesty's account.

[Page] The Emperor my Master did also let me know, that he had not the least thing to object against the Treaty that relates to the Marine; yet that he does not much value that Affair, and that there is no need to make a Treaty for a Concern of so small a consequence.

This is the summ of what the Emperor my Master (to whom God grant Victory!) answer'd to the Instances I made on this account: As for our Part, God is our Witness, that we have acted for your Embassador, in whatever he desir'd, as we would have done for our selves, and perhaps more.

And finally, I have made it my Business to conferr with him seriously and privately, and we have discours'd together a long while about several Points which he has perfectly understood, and very deeply imprinted in his Mind; he will give your Majesty an Account of it, as we have done to him.

[Page] The Salutation of Peace be given to those who follow the Inspirations of Truth.

Written the Fifteenth of Zil Hadge, in the Year 1104. that is the Eighteenth of August, 1693.

By the Servant to the Throne, who was rais'd by the Grace of God, Aly the Son of Abdalla Hamamo, whom God protect!

The LETTER which the Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, writ to Monsieur de Pontchartrain.

[Page]

God grant that this Letter may come to the Hands of the Grand Visier Pontchartrain, Chief Minister of State to the greatest Monarch of Christendom!

The Salutation of Peace be given to him who follows the ways of Truth!

In the Name of God the Merciful, there being no Power nor Strength but from Him, who is the most High, and the most Mighty.

WE received your Letter, and understood the Contents of what you writ to us. You desired us to take care of the [Page] Embassador De St. Olon; you must know, that as soon as he came to us, and Landed at the place where we were, we gave an Account of it to the King our ever Victorious Master, and having ask'd his leave for him, he permitted us to let him come to him, imagining he was come with a large and full Power from you; but when he was arriv'd at the Royal Court, and His Majesty had enquir'd of him, he found that he had no Power to enter into a Negotiation, but concerning the Slaves; for which reason he could not have a further Conference with His said Majesty, for want of sufficient Power for that purpose.

Since he came back from Court, I writ two or three Letters to our Emperour concerning that Affair, and he return'd me this Answer; That he had already told me he gave me full Power to make what Agreement I should think fit with [Page] the Embassador; provided I did find he had full Power to treat of some Affairs of great Moment, that would be a means to fulfil whatever can be desir'd of you; but not to come to any Terms if he had not such a Power.

Now the Emperour, our ever Victorious Master, has writ to yours, and fully inform'd him of this Affair. We our selves also have had some private Conferences with your Embassador De St. Olon; in which we have open'd our mind to him, letting him know what we desir'd, and fully acquainted him with every thing.

When he arrives at your Court, and shall have given you an Account of these things, be pleas'd to write to us, to let us know your Thoughts about it, and we will return you an Answer to whatever you shall desire, continuing to hold a Correspondence by Letters about whatever may redound to [Page] the common Good of both Empires: And may Salvation be given to him who keeps in the ways of Truth.

Written the Fifteenth of Zil Hadge, in the Year 1104. that is the Eighteenth of August, 1693.

By the Servant to the Royal Throne, Aly the Son of Abdalla Hamamo, whom God Protect!

OTHER OBSERVATIONS To be made.

[Page]

A Colonel of Spanish Horse, who was a Slave at Mickeness, Treated with the King of Morocco about his Freedom, which he was to have for a very rich Sword which had been formerly taken from a King of the Moors, and which Muley Ismael had a great desire to get out of Spain where 'twas kept: This Officer did not only cause it to be got and presented to this King, not doubting but he might rely on his Word, but gave him also with it a valuable Rarity; hoping by this means to be [Page] the sooner and more genteely Redeem'd.

At first he thought he had not been mistaken in his Measures; for the King of Morocco took the Sword and Present with such Testimonies of Joy and Satisfaction, as besides his Freedom that had been promis'd him, got him that of his Servant, about which they had not agreed; he also gave him a Letter, by which he gave Orders to the Alcayde Aly Ben Abdalla, Governour of Tetuan, to let him go out without the least Molestation; but a private Order to detain them having been sent away before the Letter, the poor Officer soon found himself depriv'd of his Hopes, and of the return he had reason to expect for his Present.

His Complaints and Petitions were as unsuccessful as his Bargain with the King, and procur'd him no other Answer from the Alcayde, but that the King his Master had [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] forgot, when he releas'd him, that he had had taken a solemn Oath never to set free any Men of his County, but by an exchange of Ten Moors for one Spaniard; so that he was not to expect his Freedom but on those Terms.

In vain he pleaded, that he had made an Agreement with the King; that he had given him a Sword accordingly, with a Present besides, and show'd the Letter for his Pasport. All these Expostulations were as ineffectual as they were Just; so that after many Contestations and Delays, this Officer, who was also a Man of Quality, could not get away 'till he had got Eleven Moors, whom he had still the Power to procure out of Spain, and of whom he gave Ten for himself, and One for his Man; nay, they reckon'd it a special favour that they let his Servant come off so cheap.

[Page] This is a late and very remarkable Example, that shows us how far we may depend on the Words and Promises of this Princes and his Alcaydes.

Here is another of the same kind.

A Moor, whose Name is Hadge Achmet, of the Kingdom of Morocco, having been taken and carry'd into France, after he had been a Slave Eight and Twenty Years in the Gallies, found means to Redeem himself by an Exchange that was to be made of him for one Venelle of Provence, who was also a Slave at Mickeness: This, according to an Agreement with the King of Morocco, who gave his Word of it to Venelle; which he confirm'd in Writing to Achmet, promising, that as soon as this Moor should arrive in Barbary, the French Man should be immediately sent back into his own Country.

[Page] The Agreement being thus concluded and perform'd, on the part of Venelle's Relations, Hadgy Achmet is set free, gets to Mickeness, casts himself at his King's Feet, gives him thanks for his Liberty, and begs of him That of the French Slave, which was to be the Exchange and the Price of it.

The Prince tells him he is a Dog, that he cheated him, that he can get Ten Thousand Crowns for Venelle, that he does not intend to release him, and that for his part, since he is free, he has no more to ask or to do, but to go home about his Business.

The Moor wondring at this refusal, and being mov'd with a sentiment of Honour (so-much the more to be esteem'd in him, as 'tis uncommon amongst those of his Nation) complains of this Infidelity, tells the King of his Royal Word and Writing, and intreats and presses him, either to perform [Page] it, or give him leave to go back to Marseilles. The King denies his Writing, and refuses to grant Achmet's Request, commands him to hold his Tongue, and be gone home, not without Threats of severe usage, and even of Death it self, if he persists to trouble him.

However, things have remain'd thus 5 Years, yet this honest Moor has not stir'd from Mickeness, where yet he has not means to subsist, and complains aloud of the wrong the King has done him; neither does he lose any opportunity to present him self to the King, and make his Complaints, protesting to all his Alcaydes, with a Roman Firmness and Courage, that he will rather suffer himself to be cut to pieces, than leave the Court without obtaining either Venelle's Liberty, or leave to Surrender himself to Venelle's Relations at Marseilles, and fall again into the Slavery from which he was only freed with that Proviso.

[Page] This Achmet is a Man of good Sence, and was every day with me at Mickeness, to press me to speak on his behalf, that the King might consent to this, or Release Venelle; assuring me that he would rather dye a Thousand times, than suffer such an Injustice: He follow'd me where-ever I went, and even when I had an Audience; so that he has often given me no less occasion to admire his Constancy and Honesty, than to wonder at the King of Morocco's Patience towards him; the more, since that Prince's Humour inclines him to kill his Subjects with so little reason.

So unjust a Proceeding hath yet more fully convinc'd me, that there is little or no reason to rely on that King's Promises whether Verbal or in Writing.

FINIS.

AN Alphabetical TABLE OF THE CHIEF MATTERS Contain'd in this BOOK.

[Page]

A.

ADuars, flying Villages of Arabs, Page 19

Adulterers punished with Death, 105

Alcasar, a City, 29

Alcassave, the Emperor's Palace, describ'd, 72

Alcaydes, or Governours, rule all under the Emperor, 103

Aly Ben Abdalla, Chief for the Marine, 120

[Page] Amokadem, a puny Judge, who rates the Wares, 107

Arabs in Sus, still a free People, 31

Arms kept in the Emperor's Armory, 113

Audiences given to Monsieur de St. Olon, 146

B.

Battels of the Moors, and their way of coming to an Engagement, 111

Black of the Emperor's Guard, tho alone, collects the Tributes, and punishes Delinquents, 20

Blacks of the Guard extream Young, and neatly Drest, 113

Blacks, tho' Slaves, better us'd than the White-Men, 128

Bounds of the Empire of Morocco, 10

Buildings, the chief Overseer of them, 116

Burial of the Moors, 53

C.

Cadies, Judges easily brib'd, 97

Califs, or Deputy Governours, 107

Ceuta a Spanish Garison on the Mediterranean, 11

[Page] Children of the Emperor above 300 still living, 97

Very ill brought up, and Thievish, ib.

Complement made by Monsieur de St. Olon to the Emperor, 153

Concubines of the Emperor 400, 63

Consul at Tetuan and Sally insulted by the Moors, 27

Corn, Books, and Horses not to be exported for Christendom 76

D.

Dara, a large River, 10

Dara, a great Province, 35

Dress of the Moors, 89

Dromedaries that travel above Sixty Leagues a day, 24

Dutch Trade with Morocco, 141

E.

Easters, Three of them kept by the Moors, 44

Eating of the Moors, 87

Embassadors, how receiv'd, 67

England's Trade with Morocco, 140

Eunuch, the Chief of them has the care of the Seraglio, 115

F.

Fess, a Kingdom, what Goods it affords, 21

Its Bounds, ibid.

Its chief Towns, 26

Fess, a very large and populous City, 25

Fools and Conjurers thought Saints, 51

Foot-Post in Morocco cheap and quick, 23

G.

Games of Hazard forbidden, 55

Gardens of the Emperor, 77

Gayland his Wars with Muley-Zeydan, &c, 28

Golden Balls on the chief Mosque at Morocco, said to be enchanted, taken away by that Emperor, 16

By whom they were set up, 17

H.

Hasty-Pudding eaten as a Ceremony, 46

High-Ways left unrepair'd, 22

Clear'd from Robbers by the Emperor; and those near [Page] whom a Robbery is committed, Fin'd, or punish'd with Death, 103

Horses kill'd in Fight by Christians are to go to Heaven, 50

Horses Sanctified, and buried in State, 57

Horses Back'd after the first Grass, 100

Hospitals at Tetuan and Sally, 13

I.

Jewels buried with the Dead, 54

Jews, when to give a Hen and Ten Chickens of Gold to the Emperor, 44

Must go barefoot by Mosques and in Royal Cities, 55

Assess'd by Abraham Maymaran their Chief, 79

Live apart from the Moors, 81

Tax'd high and frequently, 101

Italy's Trade with Morocco, 141

L.

Land-Forces, 108

Larache, a Town taken from the Spaniards, 111 and 131

Lent of the Moors, 43

[Page] Letter sent to the French King by Muley Ismael, by the hands of Consul Estelle, 182

Letter sent to him by the hands of Monsieur de St. Olon, 197

Letter kiss'd and laid over the Head as a mark of Respect, 167

Letter sent to the Embassador by that Emperor, 187

Letter sent in Answer to that, 192

Letter writ by Ali Ben Adalla to the French King, 201

Another to Monsieur de Pontcharrain, 206

M.

Mahomet Ben Addo Ottar, formerly Embassador in England, now the Emperor's Chief Minister and Favourite, 118

Mahomet Ben Hadgy Lucas, Deputy to Aly Ben Abdalla, 121

Mahomet Themin formerly Embassador in France, 125

Mamora, a Town taken from the Spaniards in Barbary, 11

Married Men forc'd to go to the Wars [Page] at their own Charge, 109

Married Slaves of either Sex excus'd from Working, 74

Mazagan, a Portuguesse Garrison in barbary, 18

Meat and Mony lay'd over Graves 54

Melila, a Spanish Garrison in Fess, 11

Mickeness or Mackeness, the Emperor's Seat, a little ill built populous Town, 26 and 72

Money that is current in Morocco, 143

Moors driven out of Spain, 12

Moors shooting at the Moon, 43

Moors purg'd from all Sins by washing, 48

Moors, their Character, 36

If kill'd by their Emperor, go to Heaven immediately, 61

Moors dextrous at Martial Sports, 62

Moors riding full speed without Sadle, &c. and at nine Years old, 100

Moors subject to revolt, 129

Morabites a sort of Hermits, 4

[Page] Morocco, a Kingdom, its chief Towns, 18

What Commodities it yields, ib.

Morocco, a large decaying City, 15

Mufty, his Authority superior to the Emperors, 104

Muly Archid, King of Tafilet, how become Emperor of Morocco, 2

Muley Hamet his Nephew, subdud by his Vnkle the present Emperor 9

Muley Ismael, now reigning, his Character and Power 59

Compares himself to Lewis XIV. 65

Govern'd by an ugly black Wife of his, 64

Muley Zeydan, one of his Sons, his Character, 95

N.

Naval Forces of Morocco, 4

How maintain'd, ibid

Neighbours bordering on the Empire of Morocco, 133

O.

Observations on the Subject of this Embassy, 179

Observations about the Emperors breach of Promise, 210

Omen rediculously taken by the Death of a Sheep, 45

P.

Paradice of the Moors, 42

Pavilions of the Palace, 72

Penon de los Velez, a Spanish Garrison in Fess, 30

Pot and Cloth, carried by a Christian Slave, to receive and wipe off the Dung of a Sanctify'd Horse, 57

Prayers of the Moors, 56

Presents made by Monsieur de St. Olon to the Emperor, 149 and 165

Priests of the Moors, Talbs and Morabots, 58

Prisoners acquitted or punish'd by the Emperor himself at Easter, 44

R.

Rain, what the Moors do to save [Page] their Clothes from it. 95

Revenue of the Emperor, 100

buried by him privately, 101

Religion of the Moors, 40

Renegados very indisserently us'd, 75

S.

Saffy, a Sea-Port-Town in Morocco, 18

Sally describ'd, 28

Santa Cruz, a Town of good Trade in Suss, 32

School-Boys led in Triumph when they have read their Book throughout, 79

Schools, Ibid

Sebou, a large River, and its fine Bridge, 22

Slaves, their bad Fare, Food, Drink, Lodging, hard Labour, and worse Vsage, 73

Stable, the place where the Moors commonly chuse to eat, 88

Storks, great Numbers of them about Alcasar, 30

Suss, a Kingdom, its Bounds, Towns, and Product, 31

T.

Tafilet, a Kingdom, its Bounds and Product, 33

Tangier, left by the English, 31

Tetuan, a good open Town of great Trade, 11

Its Inhabitants Originally Andalusians, 12

Theza, a fortify'd Town, 26

Trade in the Empire of Morocco, 133, 135, &c.

Travelling of the Arabs with their Wives and Children in Wicker Conveniencies, 20

Testimony of those who make Water standing, excepted against, 52

Treasurer of the Emperor, 45 and 116

V.

Virgins, each Moor to enjoy 70 in Heaven, 40 and 48

W.

Weddings, and Ceremony to try the Bride's Virginity, 83

Weepers hir'd at Funerals, 53

Witnesses, false ones Cheap in Morocco, 106

[Page] Women not to go to Heaven, 53

those of Affrica handsome, 82

Fond of Christians, because they are not circumcis'd, 83 and 93

Their Dress, 85

Most admir'd when biggest and fattest, ibid

Never seen by the Guests, 87

X.

Xeriffs, Mahomet's Offspring, 39

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

The present state of the empire of Morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by Monsieur de St. Olon.

Pidou de Saint-Olon, Monsieur (François), 1646-1720.

Edition statement

1695

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A70800

ID [STC]

Wing P2159

ID [STC]

ESTC R24510

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

08227879

ID [OCLC]

ocm 08227879

ID [VID]

41112

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70800)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41112)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1239:4 or 1554:1)

Source

— The present state of the empire of Morocco with a faithful account of the manners, religion, and government of that people / by Monsieur de St. Olon., Pidou de Saint-Olon, Monsieur (François), 1646-1720., Motteux, Peter Anthony, 1660-1718..

Extent

[20], 216, [12] p., [10] leaves of plates : ill.

Printed for R. Bently, W. Freeman, and S. Manship,. London :: 1695.. ("Epistle dedicatory" signed: Peter Motteux.) (Item at reel 1239:4 identified as Wing S347 (number cancelled).) (Reproduction of original in the Bodleian and Harvard University Library.)

Creation

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