The royall martyr. Or, King Charles the First no man of blood but a martyr for his people Being a brief account of his actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy warrs, untill he was basely butchered to the odium of religion, and scorn of all nations, before his pallace at White-Hall, Jan. 30. 1648. To which is added, A short history of His Royall Majesty Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. third monarch of Great Brittain. — King Charles the First, no man of blood: but a martyr for his people.

The royall martyr. Or, King Charles the First no man of blood but a martyr for his people Being a brief account of his actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy warrs, untill he was basely butchered to the odium of religion, and scorn of all nations, before his pallace at White-Hall, Jan. 30. 1648. To which is added, A short history of His Royall Majesty Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. third monarch of Great Brittain. — King Charles the First, no man of blood: but a martyr for his people.

Table of contents

[1]

Title page

TO THE KINGS Moſt Excellent Majeſty.

King Charles the Firſt no Man of BLOOD: But a Martyr for his PEOPLE.

CHAP. I. Who firſt of all Raiſed the Fears and Jealouſies?

CHAP. II. The Proceedings betwixt the King and the Parlament from the Tumultuous and Seditious coming of the People to the Parlament and White-Hall till the 13. of September 1642. being 18. days after the King had ſet up his Standard at Nottingham.

CHAP. II. Whether a Prince or other Magiſtrate, labouring to ſuppreſs, or puniſh a Rebellion of the People, be tied to thoſe rules are neceſſary for the juſtifying of a War, if it were made between equals.

CHAP. IV. Suppoſe the Warre to be made with a neighbour-Prince, or between equals; Whether the King or Parliament were in the defenſive or juſtifyabie part of it.

CHAP. V. Whether the Parliament, in their pretended Magiſtracy, have not taken leſler occaſion to puniſh or provide againſt Inſurrections, Treaſons, and Rebellions, as they are pleaſed to call them.

CHAP. VI. Who moſt deſired Peace, and offered fairlieſt for it.

CHAP. VII. Who laboured to ſhorten the War, and who to lengthen it.

CHAP. VIII. Whether the Conditions offered by the King would not have been more profitable, if they had been accepted; and what the people have got inſtead of them.

[2]

Title page

The Names of the pretended Judges, who gave Sentence againſt the late King, January 27. 1648.

The Sentence againſt the ſaid King, Jan. 27 1648. which was read by Mr. Broughton aforeſaid, Clerk.

The Names of thirty five Witneſſes produced and Sworn in the ſaid pretended Court, to give Evidence againſt the King.

The true manner of proceeding to take off the Kings Head, according to the Sentence given as aforeſaid.

To Colonel Francis Hacker, Col. Huncks, and Lievtenant Colonel Phray, and to every of them.

The fatall day of the ſaid Execution, being Tueſday, January, the 30. 1648.

[3]

Title page

A Short HISTORY OF His Royall Majeſty, King CHARLES the Second, &c

§

§

[Page] [Page] THE Royall Martyr.

OR, KING CHARLES The FIRST no Man of BLOOD but A MARTYR for His PEOPLE.

Being a brief Account of His Actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy Warrs, untill He was baſely Butchered to the Odium of Religion, and ſcorn of all Nations, before his Pallace at White-Hall, Jan. 30. 1648.

To which is Added, A Short Hiſtory of His Royall MAJESTY Charles the Second, KING of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.

Third Monarch of Great Brittain.

In all his Sufferings and Solitudes more then CONQUERER, Rom. 8.

Salus Populi Salus Regis.

[...]ondon, Printed for Henry Bell, and are to be ſold by moſt Book ſellers▪ 1660▪

[Page]

[figure]

[Page]

[...]

TO THE KINGS Moſt Excellent Majeſty.

[Page]

[Page]

Dread Soveraign,

THe occaſion of theſe few lines is neither to renew your ſorrow, nor ſtir up your Majeſty to revenge; I know you have learned a better leſſon from our bleſſed Lord and Saviour, to forgive your enemies; neither is it my deſign to plead for that which I even tremble to write, viz. Regicide, I [Page] know the world expects ſome ſhould be made examples of Justice, God forbid that blood-guiltineſs, eſpecially of our King ſhould go unpuniſht. But that Juſtice & mercy might kiſs each other. Theſe enſuing lines were writ in the midſt of your and our ſufferings; the onely end both in writing and publiſhing was to Vindicate your Royal Father, our Dread Soveraign of bleſſed memory, thereby to make a more eaſie paſſage for your moſt Excellent Majesty to aſcend unto the Royall throne of your famous Progenitors: And now ſeeing [Page] God at laſt by his wonderfull and moſt miraculous Providence, hath brought your Sacred Majesty to your juſt Rights & Dominions, I make bold in all humility to proſtitute both my ſelf and this ſmall Tract at your Royall Feet, beſeeching your Clemency to accept of this ſmall Mite of my Loyalty, begging your gracious pardon for my great preſumption, beſeeching Almighty Jehovah the God of your Fathers to redouble in you your Fathers Graces and Vertues, & recompence to your Majesty for all your unparalelled ſufferrings [Page] & patience, in the perfect obedience and affection of all your Subjests & eſtabliſh your Royall Throne here on Earth, and at last give you a Crown of Glory in the higheſt heavens,

ſo prays,

Your Majeſties Loyall, Humble, and moſt obedient Subject, W. H. B.

King Charles the Firſt no Man of BLOOD: But a Martyr for his PEOPLE.

[Page]

THat there hath been now eighteen years ſpent in Civill Warrs, aboundance of Blood ſhed, and more Ruine and miſery brought upon the Kingdom by it, then all the ſeverall Changes, Conqueſts, and Civill Warrs it hath endured from the time of Brute, or the firſt Inhabitants of it; every mans wofull experience (ſome onely excepted who have been gainers by it) will eaſily aſſent unto.

No marvell therefore that many of thoſe (who if all they alledge for themſelves, that they were not the cauſe of it, could be granted to be true) might either have hindred or leſſned it, would now put the blame of ſo horrid a buſineſs from themſelves, and lay it upon any they can perſwade to bear it: And that the Conquerours, who would bind their King in Chains, and their Princes with Fetters of Iron; and think they have a Commiſſion from heaven to do it (the guilt of it being neceſſarily either to be charged upon the Conquerours or Conquered) are not willing to have their Triumphant Chairs, and the glories (as they are made believe) that hang [Page] upon their ſhoulders defiled with it; but do all they can to load their Captives with it: But howſoever, though the ſucceſs and power of an Army hath frighted it ſo far out of queſtion as to charge it upon the King, and take away his life for it; by making thoſe that muſt of neceſſity be guilty of the fact; if he ſhould have been (as in all reaſon he ought to have been acquitted of it) the only Judges of him.

It may well become the judgement and conſcience of every man that will be but either a good Subject or a Chriſtian, not to lend out his Soul and Salvation ſo much on truſt, as to take thoſe that are parties, and the moſt ignorant ſort of mens words for it: but enter into a moſt ſerious examination of the matter of Fact it ſelfe, and by tracing out the foot-ſteps of Truth, ſee what a concluſion may be drawn out of it. In purſuance whereof (for I hope the Originall of this Sea of Blood will not prove ſo unſearchable as the head of Nile), we ſhall enquire firſt of all who raiſed the fears and jealouſies. Secondly, repreſent and ſet down the truth of the matter of Fact, and proceedings betwixt the King and Parliament; from the tumultuous and ſeditious coming of the people to the Parlament and White-Hall, untill the 25 of Auguſt, 1642. when he ſet up his Standard at Nottingham, and from the ſetting up of his Standard untill the 13 of September 1642. when the Parlament by their many Acts of Hoſtility, and a Negative and Churliſh anſwer to his propoſitions, might well have put him [Page] out of hope of any good to be obtained from them, by meſſages of peace ſent unto them. Thirdly, whether a Prince or other Magiſtrate, labouring to ſuppreſs or puniſh a rebellion of the People, be tyed to thoſe rules are neceſſary to the juſtifying of a War if it were made between equals. Fourthly, ſuppoſe the War to be made with a neighbour Prince, or between equalls, whether the King or Parlament were in the defenſive or juſtifiable part of it. Fifthly, whether the Parlament in their pretended Magiſtracy have not taken leſſer occaſions to puniſh or provide againſt inſurrections, treaſons, and rebellions as they are pleaſed to call them. Sixthly, who moſt deſired Peace, and offered fairlieſt for it. Seventhly, who laboured to ſhorten the War, and who to lengthen it. Eightly, whether the conditions proffered by the King, would not have been more profitable for the People if they had been accepted, and what the Kingdom and People have got inſtead of it.

CHAP. I. Who firſt of all Raiſed the Fears and Jealouſies?

THe deſiring of a guard for a Parlament becauſe of a tale rather then a plot; That the Earl of Crawford had a purpoſe to take away the Marquis of Hamiltons life in Scotland; the refuſing of a legall guard offered by the King; and [Page] his Proteſtation to be as careful of their ſafety, as the ſafety of his Wife and Children; The dream of a Taylor lying in a ditch in Finsbury fields, of this and the other good Lord, and Commonwealths men to be taken away; The trayning of Horſes under ground, and a plague plaiſter (or rather a clout taken from a galled Horſe back) ſent into the Houſe of Commons to Mr. Pym. A deſign of the Inhabitants of Covent Garden to murther the City of London; News from France, Italy, Spain, and Denmark, of Armies ready to come for England; and a ſuppoſition, or feaveriſh fancy, that the King intended to introduce Popery, & alter Religion, and take away the Laws and Liberties of the People, and many other the like ſeditious deluſions, the People (ſo much as their miſery will give them leave) have now found out the way to laugh at; either came from the Parlament party, or were cheriſhed and turned into advantages by them. For they had found the way, and loſt nothing by it, to be ever jealous of the King; And whil'ſt he did all he could to ſhew them that there was no cauſe for it, they who were jealous without a cauſe, could be ſo cunning as to make all the haſt they could to weaken him, and ſtrengthen themſelvs, by ſuch kind of artifices.

But he that could not chooſe but take notice that there were ſecret ties and combinations betwixt his Engliſh and Scortiſh Subjects, the latter of whom the Earl of Eſſex and Sir Thomas Fairfax themſelves underſtood to be no better then Rebells, and therefore ſerved in places of Command [Page] in his Majeſties Army againſt them: That Sir Arthur Haſelrig had brought in a Bill in Parlament to take the Militia by Sea and Land away from him, ſaw himſelfe not long after by a printed Remonſtrance or Declaration made to the People of all they could but imagine to be errors in his Government, arraigned and little leſs then depoſed: The Biſhops and divers great Lords driven from the Parlament by tumults; Was inforced to keep his gates at Whitehall ſhut, and procure divers Captains and Commanders to lodge there, and to allow them a Table to be a guard for him; and had been fully informed of many Traiterous Speeches uſed by ſome ſeditious Mechanicks of London, as that it was pity he ſhould Raign, and that The Prince would make a better King; was yet ſo far from being jealous, or ſolicitous to defend himſelfe by the Sword and power which God had intruſted him with, as when he had need and reaſon enough to do it, he ſtill granted them (that he might not ſeem to deny what might but ſeem to be for the good of his people) every thing they could reaſonably ask of him, or he could but reaſonably tell how to part with (though he could not be ignorant, but an ill uſe might be made of them againſt himſelf;) As the putting down of the Star-Chamber, and high Commiſſion Court, the Courts of Honour, and of the North and Welch Marches; Commiſſions for the making of Gun-powder, allowing them approbation or nomination of the Lievtenant of the Tower, and did all and more then all his predeceſſors put together, to remove [Page] their jealouſies. And when that would not do it; He ſtood ſtill, and ſaw the game plaid on further; many Tumults raiſed, many Libells and ſcandalous Pamphlets publickly printed againſt his perſon and Government, and when he complained of it in Parlament, ſo little care was taken to redreſs it, as that the peoples coming to Westminſter in a Tumultuous manner, ſet on, and invited by Pennington and Ven, two of the moſt active Mechanick Sectaries of the Houſe of Commons, it was excuſed and called a liberty of Petitioning: And as for the Libells and Pamphlets, the Licenſing of Books before they ſhould be printed, and all other reſtraint of the Printing Preſs were taken away, and complaints being made againſt Pamphlets and ſeditious Books, ſome of the Members of the houſe of Commons were heard to ſay the work would not be done without them; and complaints being alſo made to Mr. Pym againſt ſome wicked men which were ill affected to the Government; He anſwered, It was not now a time to diſcourage their friends, but to make uſe of them: And here being as many Jealouſies and fears as could poſſibly be raiſed or fancied without a ground on the one ſide; againſt all the endeavours could be uſed on the other ſide to remove them. We ſhall in the next place take a view of the matter of Fact that followed upon them, and bring before you.

CHAP. II. The Proceedings betwixt the King and the Parlament from the Tumultuous and Seditious coming of the People to the Parlament and White-Hall till the 13. of September 1642. being 18. days after the King had ſet up his Standard at Nottingham.

[Page]

WHen all the King could do to bring the Parlament to a better underſtanding of him, did, as they were pleaſed to make their advantage of it, but make them ſeem to be the more unſatisfied; that they might the better miſ-repreſent him to the People, and petition out of his hands as much power as they could tell how to perſwade him to grant them, and that he had proofs enough of what hath been ſince written in the blood and hearts of his People, that the five Members and Kimbolton intended to root out Him and His Poſterity; ſubvert the Laws and alter the Religion, and Covernment of the Kingdom, and had therefore ſent his Serjeant at Arms to demand their perſons, and Juſtice to be done upon them, inſtead of obedience to it, an order was made: That every man might reſcue them, and apprehend the [Page] Serjeant at Arms for doing it; which Parlament Records would bluſh at. And Queen Elizabeth (who was wont to anſwer her better compoſed Parlaments upon leſſer occaſions with a Cavete ne patientiam Principis laedatis, and cauſed Parry a Doctor of the Civill Laws and a Member Camden Annalls Eliz. 99. 103. of the houſe of Commons by the judgement and advice of as ſage and learned a privy Councill and Judges as any Prince in Chriſtendom ever had, to be hang'd drawn and quartered for Ibidem p. 391. 394. & 395. Treaſon in the old Palace of Westminſter when the Parlament was ſitting) would have wondred at. And 4. of January 1641. deſiring onely to bring them to a Legall tryall and examination, went in perſon to demand them, and found that his own peaceable behaviour, and fewer attendants (then the two Speakers of the Parlament had afterwards when they brought a whole Army at their heels, to charge and fright away eleven of their fellow members) had all manner of evil conſtructions put upon it, and that the Houſes of Parlament had adjourned into London, and occaſioned ſuch a ſedition amongſt the people, as all the train bands of London muſt guard them by Land, when there was no need of it, and many Boats and Lighters armed with Sea-men and murdering pieces by water; and that unleſs he ſhould have adventured the miſchief and murder hath been ſince committed upon him, by thoſe which at that time intended as much as they have done ſince; it was high time to think of his own ſafety, and of ſo many others were concerned in it having left London but the day [Page] before, (upon a greater cauſe of fear then the Speakers of both Houſes of Parlament in July 1647. to go to the Army) retires with the Prince his Son (whom the Parlament laboured to ſeize and take into their cuſtody) in his company towards York, 8. January 1641. A Committee of the Houſe of Commons ſitting in London, reſolved Vide the vote in M. Vicars Book entituled God in the moun. p. 78 upon the queſtion; That the Actions of the City of London, for the defence of the Parlament were according to Law, and if any man ſhould arreſt or trouble any of them for it, he is declared to be an enemy to the Common-wealth. And when the King, to quiet the Parlament, 12. January 1641 was pleaſed to ſignifie that for the preſent he would wave his proceedings againſt the five Members and Kimbolton, and aſſures the Parlament that upon all occaſions he will be as carefull of their Priviledges as of his Life or his Crown: Yet the next day after, they Collect. of Parl. and Decl. and Kings Meſ. and Decl. p. 50. Declared the Lord Digby's coming to Kingſtone upon Thames but with a Coach and ſix horſes in it, to be in a Warlike manner, and diſturbance of the Common-wealth; and take occaſion thereupon to order the Sheriffs of all Counties Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. in England and Wales, with the aſſiſtance of the Juſtices of Peace and trayned bands of the ſeverall Counties to ſuppreſs any unlawfull Aſſemblies, and to ſecure the ſaid Counties and all the Magazines in them.

14 January, 1641. The King, by a ſecond Meſſage, profeſſeth to them he never had the leaſt intention of violating the leaſt priviledge of Parlament, and in caſe any doubt of breach [Page] of Priviledges remain; will be willing to clear that, and aſſert thoſe, by any reaſonable way his Parlament ſhall adviſe him to: But the deſign muſt have been laid by, or miſcarried, if that ſhould have been taken for a ſatisfaction; and therefore to make a quarrell which needed not, they Order the morrow after a Charge and Impeachment to be made ready againſt Sir Edward Herbert the Kings Attorney Generall, for bringing into the Houſe of Peers the third of that inſtant Ibid. 53. January, by the Kings direction, a Charge or accuſation againſt Kimbolton and the five Members, &c.

In February 1641. Seize upon the Tower of London (the great Magazine and Store-houſe of the Kingdom) and ſet ſome of the train-bands Ibid. 77. & 78. of London, commanded by Major Generall Skippon to guard it.

1. March 1641. Petition for the Militia, and tell him; If he would not grant it, they would ſettle and diſpoſe of it without him: And the morrow after reſolved upon the Queſtion, That the Kingdom be forthwith put in a poſture of defence, in ſuch a way as was already agreed upon by both Houſes of Parlament: and order the Earl of Northumberland Lord high-Admirall, to Rig, and ſend to Sea his Majeſties Navy; and notwithſtanding that the King 4 March 1641. by his Letter directed to the Lord Keeper Littleton had ſignified that he would wholly deſiſt from any proceedings againſt the five Members and Kimbolton: Sir John Hotham, a Member of the Houſe of Commons, (who before the [Page] the King had accuſed the five Members and Kimbolton, had by Order of Parliament ſeized Vide the Petition of ſome Holderneſs men to the King, 6. July, 164 [...]. upon the Town of Hull, the only fortified place of ſtrength in the Kingdom, and made a Gariſon of it) ſummoned and forced in many of the trayned Souldiers of the County of York to help him to guard it.

And the eight of March 1641. before the King could get to York, it was voted, That whatſoever the two Houſes of Parliament ſhould Vote or Declare to be Law, the people were bound to obey: And when, not long after, the King offered to go in perſon to ſuppreſs the Iriſh Rebellion: That was Voted to be againſt the Law, and an encouragement to the Rebells; and they Declare that whoſoever ſhall aſſiſt him in his voyage thither, ſhould be taken for an enemy to the Common-wealth. And 15 of March, 1641. Reſolved upon the Queſtion, that the ſeverall Commiſſions granted under the great Seal to the Lievtenants of ſeverall Counties were illegall and void, and that whoſoever ſhould execute any power over the Militia, by colour of any ſuch Commiſſion, without conſent of both Houſes of Parliament, ſhould be accounted a diſturber of the Peace of the Kindom.

Aprill 1642. Sir John Hotham ſeizeth the Kings Magazine at Hull, and when the King went with a ſmall attendance to demand an entrance into the Town, denies him; though he Ibid. 153. had then no Order to do it: Notwithſtanding all which, the 28 of April 1642. they Vote, That what he had done was in obedience to the [Page] commands of both Houſes of Parliament, and that the Kings proclaiming him to be a Traytor was a high breach of priviledge of Parliament; And Ordered all Sheriffs and Officers to aſſiſt their Committees ſent down with thoſe their Votes to Sir John Hotham. In the mean time the Pulpits flame with ſeditious invectives againſt the King, and incitements to rebellion, and the people running headlong into it, had all manner of countenance and encouragement unto it; but thoſe Miniſters that preached obedience, and ſought to prevent it, were ſure to be impriſoned, and put out of their places for it.

Sir Henry Ludlow could be heard to ſay in the Houſe of Commons, that the King was not worthy to Reign in England; And Henry Martin, That the Kingly Office was forfeitable, and the happineſs of the Kingdom did not depend upon him and his Progeny: And though the King demanded Juſtice of them, were neither puniſhed nor put out of the Houſe, Nor ſo much as queſtioned or blamed for it.

The Militia, the principall part of the Kings regality, without which it was impoſſible either to be a King, or to govern, and the Sword which God had given him, (and his Anceſtors for more then a thouſand years together had enjoyed) and none in the Barons wars, nor any Rebellion of the Kingdom ſince the very being or eſſence of it, durſt ever heretofore preſume to ask for; muſt now be wreſtled for, and taken away from him.

The Commiſſions of Array, being the old legall [Page] way by which the Kings of England had a power to raiſe and levy men for the defence of themſelves and the Kingdom, Voted to be illegall. The paſſage at Sea defended againſt him, and his Navy kept from him by the Earle of Warwick; whilſt the King all this while contenting himſelfe to be meerly paſſive, and only buſying himſelf in givinganſwers to ſome Parliament Meſſages and Declarations, and to wooe and intreat them out of this diſtemper, cannot be proved to have done any one action like a War, or to have ſo much as an intention to do it, unleſs they can make his demanding an entrance into Hull, with about twenty of his Followers, unarmed, in his Company, and undertaking to return and leave the Governor in poſſeſſion of it, to be otherwiſe then it ought to be.

5. Of May 1642. The King being informed, that Sir John Hotham ſent out warrants to Conſtables to raiſe the trained bands of Yorkſhire, Ibm. 169. 170. writes his letter to the Sheriff of that County to forbid the trained bands, and commands them to repair to their dwelling houſes.

12 Of May 1642. Perceiving himſelfe every where endangered, and a moſt horrid Rebellion framing againſt him, and Sir John Hotham Collect. Par. Decl. 183 ſo neer him at Hull, as within a days journey of him; he moves the County of York for a troop of Horſe, conſiſting of the prime Gentry of that County, and a Regiment of the train-bands of Foot, to be for a guard unto him, & cauſed the oath of Allegiance to be adminiſtred unto them. But the Parliament thereupon Vote, that it Ibm. 29. [Page] appeared, the King ſeduced by wicked Counſell, intended to make a war againſt them (and til then if their own Votes ſhould be true muſt acquitt him from any thing more then an intention, as they call it, to do it) And whoſoever ſhould aſſist him are Traitors by the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdom. The Earl of Eſſex Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houſhould, and all other of the Kings Houſhould Servants forbid to go to him, and the Kings putting ſome of them out, and others in their places, Voted to be an injury to the Parliament. Meſſengers were ſent for the apprehending of ſome Earls and Barons about him, and ſome of his Bed-Chamber, as if they had been Fellons. The Lord Keepers going to him with the great Seal when he ſent for him, Voted to be a breach of priviledge, and purſued with a warrant directed to all Mayors, Bayliffs to apprehend him. Cauſe the Kings Rents and Revenues to be brought in to them; and forbid any to be paid him; Many of his Officers and Servants put out of their places for being Loyall unto him, and thoſe that were ill affected to him, put in their Rooms; and many of his own Servants tempted and procured by rewards and maintenance to tarry with them and be falſe and active againſt him.

The twenty ſixt day of May 1642. a Declaration is ſent to the King; but printed and publiſhed before he could receive it: That Whatſoever they ſhould Vote, is not by Law to bee queſtioned, either by the King or Subjects; No Ibidem p. 297. & 298 precedent can limit or bound their proceedings. A [Page] Parliament may diſpoſe of any thing wherein the King or peopl have any right. The Soveraign power reſides in both Houſes of Parlament. The King hath no Negative voyce. The levying of Warre againſt the perſonall commands of the King, though accompanied with his preſence, is not a levying of Warre againſt the King; but a levying War againſt his Laws and authority (which they have power to Declare) is levying of War againſt the King. Treaſon cannot be committed against his perſon otherwiſe then as he was intruſted. They have power to judge whether he diſcharge his truſt or not; that if they ſhould follow the highest precedents of other Parliaments Paterns, there would be no cauſe to complain of want of modeſty or duty in them, and that it belonged only to them to judge of the Law.

27 Of May, The King by his Proclamation, forbids all his Subjects and trayned bands of the Ibid. 301. Kingdom to Riſe, March, or Muſter. But the Parliament, on the ſame day Command all Sheriffs, Juſtices of the Peace and Conſtables within one hundred & 50 miles of York, to ſeize and make ſtay of all Armes and Amunition going thither: And Declaring the ſaid Proclamation to bee voyd in Law; Command all men to Riſe, Muſter, Ibid. 305. and March, and not to Muſter or March by any other Authority or Commiſſion, and the Sheriffs of all Counties the morrow after, Commanded with the poſſe Comitatus to ſuppreſs any of the Kings Subjects that ſhould be drawn thither by his Command; Secure and ſeize upon the Magazines of the Counties. Protect all [Page] that are Delinquents againſt him, make all to be Delinquents that attend him; and cenſure and put out of the Houſe of Peers, nine Lords at once, for obeying the Kings ſummons and going to him.

3 June 1642. The King ſummoning the Miniſters, Gentry, and Free-holders of the County of York, declared to them the reaſons of providing himſelfe a guard, and that he had no intention to make a War; and the morrow after forbad the Lord Willoughby of Parham to Muſter and train the County of Lincolne, who under colour of an Ordinance of Parlament, for the Militia, had began to do it.

10. June 1642. The Parlament by a Declaration ſignifying, That the King intended to make a War againſt his Parlament; invited the Citizens of London, and all others, well affected (as they pleaſed to miſcall them) within eighty miles of the City to bring money and plate into the Guild-Hall London, and to ſubſcribe for Men, Horſes, and Arms, to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the Kings Perſon and Authority; free courſe of Juſtice, Laws of the Land, and priviledges of Parlament; and the morrow after ſend 19 propoſitions to the King; That the great affairs of the Kingdom and Militia, may be mannaged by conſent and approbation of Parlament, all the great Officers of Eſtate, Privy Councell, Ambaſſadors, and Miniſters of State, and Judges to be choſen by them; that the Government, Education, and Marriage of the Kings Children be by their conſent and approbation, [Page] and all the Forts and Caſtles of the Kingdome under the Command and Cuſtody of ſuch as they ſhould approve of; and that no Peers to be made hereafter, ſhould ſit or vote in Parliament without the conſent of Parliament; with ſeveral other demands (which if the King ſhould have granted, would at once in effect, not onely have undone and put his ſubjects out of his protection, but have depoſed both himſelf and Collect. of Par. Meſ. and Dec. 370. 370. his poſterity) and then they would proceed to regulate his Revenue, and deliver up the Town of Hull into ſuch hands as the King by conſent and approbation of Parliament ſhould appoint.

But the King having the ſame day before thoſe goodly demands came to his hands (being a greater breach of his former priviledges then his demanding of the five Members and Kimbolton, it it had not been lawfull for him ſo to doe, could be of theirs) granted a Commiſſion of Array for the County of Leiceſter to the Earl of Huntington, and by a letter ſent along with it, directed Ibm. 346. & 348. it for the preſent onely to Muſter and Array the Trained Bands.

And 13. June 1642. Declared to the Lords attending him at York, That he would not engage them in any War againſt the Parliament, unleſs it were for his neceſſary defence: whereupon Ibid. 349. 350. the L. Keeper Littleton, who a little before had either been affrighted or ſeduced by the Parliament to vote their new Militia, The Duke of Richmond, Marqueſs Hartford, Earl [Page] of Salisbury, Lord Gray of Ruthen (now Earl of Kent) and divers Earls and Barons, engaged not to obey any Order or Ordinance concerning the Militia had not the Royal aſſent to it.

And fourteenth of June 1642. Being informed, Ibid. 350. That the Parliament endeavoured to borrow great ſumms of money of the City of London, and that there was great labour uſed to perſwade his Subjects to furniſh horſe and money, upon pretence of providing a guard for the Parliament: By his letter to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London diſavowing any purpoſe of making a War, declared; That He had not the leaſt thought of raiſing or uſing of Forces unleſs he ſhould be compelled to doe it for his own defence; and forbiddeth therefore, the lending of money or raiſing of horſes.

And within two dayes after, the Lord Keeper, Duke of Richmond, Marquiſs Hartford, Earl of Salisbury, Lord Gray of Ruthen, with 17 Earls and 14 Barons, the Lord Chief Juſtice Bancks, and ſundry others of eminent quality and reputation; atteſt His Majeſties Declaration and profeſſion that He had no intention to make a War, but abhorred it; and, That they perceived no Councels or preparations tending to any ſuch deſigne Ibid. 356. 357. and ſent it with His Majeſties Declaration to the Parliament: In the mean time the Committee of Parliament (appointed to make the propoſitions to the City of [Page] of London, for the raiſing of Horſe) viz. 15. June, 1642. Made report to the Houſe of Commons; That the Citizens did very cheerfully accept the ſame, there being (for indeed there had been ſome deſign and reſolulution a year before concerning the melting of plate to raiſe monies) already great ſtore of plate, and monies brought into Guild-Hall, for that purpoſe; and an Ordinance of Parlament was made for the Earl of Warwick to be Lord Admirall, and keep the Navy, though the King had commanded him on pain of treaſon to deliver up the Ships to him: And the Lord Brook ſent down into Warwick-Shire to ſettle the Militia.

17. June, 1642. Committee of both Houſes was appointed to go to the City of London to enquire what ſtore of Horſe, Monies, and Plate were already raiſed upon the Propoſitions.

18. June, 1642. The King by his Proclamation, Diſclaiming any intention to make War againſt his Parlament forbiddeth all levies of Forces without his Majeſties expreſs pleaſure ſignified under his Great Seal.

And 20. June, 1642. Informing all his Subjects, by his Proclamation of the Lawfulneſs of his Commiſſions of Aray; That beſides Collect. Par. Decl. 373. 374. many other Warrants and Authorities of the Law; Judge Hutton and Judge Crooke in their Arguments against the Ship-money, agreed them to be Lawfull; and the Earle of Eſſex himſelf had in the beginning of this Parlament [Page] accepted of one for the County of York. Gave his people to underſtand; That he had awarded the like Commiſſions into all the Counties of England, and Dominion of Wales to provide for, and ſecure them in a legall way; left under a pretence of danger, and want of Authority from his Majeſty to put them into a Military poſture they ſhould he drawn and engaged in any oppoſition againſt him, or his juſt Authority.

But 21. June, 1642. The Lords and Commons Ibid. 376. in Parlament Declaring The deſigne of their Propoſitions of raiſing Horſe and Moneys was to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, and the Kings Authority and Perſon, and that the Forces already attending his Majeſtie, and his preparations at firſt coloured under the pretence of a guard, (being not ſo great a guard as they themſelvs had conſtantly for 6 months before) did evidently appear to be intended for ſome great and extraordinary deſigne (ſo as at this time alſo they do not charge the King with any manner of action of War, or any thing done in a way or courſe of war againſt them) and gave juſt caufe of fear and jealouſie to the Parlament (being never yet by any Law of God or man accounted to be a ſufficient cauſe or ground for Subjects to make War againſt their Soveraign) did forbid all Mayors, Sheriffs, Bayliffs, and other Officers to publiſh His Majeſties ſaid Letter to the City of London, And Declare that if He ſhould uſe any force for the recovery of Hull, or ſuppreſſing of their Ordinance for [Page] the Militia, it ſhould be held a levying Warr againſt the Parlament; and all this done before His Majeſty had granted any Commiſſion for the levying or raiſing of a man; and leſt the King ſhould have any manner of proviſion of War to defend himſelf, when their Army or Sir John Hotham ſhould come to aſſault him; Powder and Armes were every whera ſeized on, and Cutlers, Gun-Smiths, Sadlers and all Warlike Trades ordered not to ſend any to York; but to give a weekly account what was made or ſold by them: And an Order made the 24 of June, 1642. That the Horſes which ſhould be ſant in for the ſervice oſ the Parlament, when they came to the number of 60. ſhould be trained, and ſo ſtill as the number increaſed.

4. July 1642. The King by his letter under his ſigne Manuall commanded all the Judges of England in their Circuits, to uſe all means to ſuppreſs Popery, Riots, and unlawfull aſſemblies, and to give the people to underſtand his reſolution to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, and the Laws of the Ibid. 442. Kingdom, and not to govern by any arbitrary way; and that if any ſhould give the King or them to underſtand of any thing wherein they held themſelves grieved, and deſired a juſt reformation, He would ſpeedily give them ſuch an anſwer as they ſhall have cauſe to thank him for his Juſtice and favour. But the ſame day a Declaration was publiſhed by both Houſes of Parlament, commanding that Ibid. 449. [Page] no Sheriff, Mayor, Bayliff, Parſon, Vicar, Curate, or other (Sir Richard Gurney the Lord Mayor of London, not many days before having been impriſoned for proclaiming the Kings Proclamation againſt the bringing in of Plate, &c.) ſhould publiſh or proclaim any Proclamation, Declaration, or other paper in the Kings name which ſhould be contrary to any Order, Ordinance, or Declaration of both the houſes of Parlament, or the proceedings Ibid. 450. thereof; and Order, that in caſe any force ſhould be brought out of one County into another to diſturb the peace thereof, they ſhould be ſuppreſſed by the Train Bands, and Voluntiers of the adjacent Counties. Shortly after Sir John Hotham fortifieth the Town of Ibid. 453. Hull, whilſt the King is at York, ſeizeth on a Ship coming to him with proviſions for his Houſhold, takes Mr. Aſhburnham one of the Kings ſervants priſoner, intercepts Letters ſent from the Queen to the King, and drowneth Ibid. 459. part of the Countrey round about the Town; which the Parlament allows of, and promiſe ſatisfaction to the owners.

5. July 1642. They order a ſubſcription of Plate and Horſe to be made in every County, and liſt the Horſe under Commanders; and the morrow after, Order 2000 men ſhould be ſent to relieve Sir John Hotham in caſe the King ſhould beſiege him; to which purpoſe Drums were bear up in London, and the adjacent parts to Hull, The Earl of Warwick Ordered to ſend Ships to Humber to his aſſiſtance, inſtructions [Page] drawn up to be ſent to the Deputy-Lievtenants of the ſeverall Counties to tender the Propoſitions for the raiſing of Horſes, Plate, and Money. Mr. Haſtings and divers of the Kings Commiſſioners of Array impeached for ſuppoſed high Crimes and miſdemeanours; and a Committee of five Lords and ten of the Houſe of Commons ordered to meet every morning for the laying out of ten thouſand pounds of the Guild-Hall moneys for the buying of 700 Horſe, and that 10000. Foot to be raiſed in London and the Country, be imployed by direction of the Parlament; and the Lord Brook is furniſhed with 6. pieces of Ordinance out of the Tower of London to fortifie the Caſtle of Warwick.

And 9. July, 1642. Order, That in caſe the Earl of Northampton ſhould come into that County with a Commiſſion of Array, they ſhould raiſe the Militia to ſuppreſs him; And that the Common Counſell of London ſhould conſider of a way for the ſpeedy raiſing of the 10000 Foot, and that they ſhould be liſted, and put in pay within four days after.

11. July, 1642. The King ſends to the Parlament to cauſe the Town of Hull to be delivered unto him, and deſires to have their anſwer by the 15 of that month, and as then had uſed no force againſt it: But the morrow Ibid. 452. after before that meſſage could come unto them they reſolve upon the Queſtion: That Ibid. 457. an Army ſhall be forthwith raiſed for the defence of the Kings perſon and both houſes of Parlament; Ibid. 457. [Page] and thoſe who have obeyed their Orders and Commands; in preſerving the true Religion, the Laws, Liberties, and the Peace of the Kingdom; and that they would live and dye with the Earl of Eſſex, whom they nominate Generall in that cauſe.

And 12. July 1642. Declare; that, they will protect all that ſhal be imployed in their aſſiſtance and Militia.

And 16 July 1642. Petition the King to forbear any preparations or actiōs of War; and to diſmiſs Ibid. 465. & 483. his extraordinary guards, to come nearer to them, and hearken to their advice: but before the Petition could be anſwered, wherein the King offered when the Town of Hull ſhould bee delivered to Him he would no longer have an Army before it, and ſhould be aſſured that the ſome pretence which took Hull from him, may not put a Gariſon into Newcaſtle, (into which after the Parlaments ſurpriſe of Hull, He was inforced to place a Governour and a ſmall Garriſon) He would alſo remove that Garriſon, and ſo (as his Magazine and Navy might be delivered unto him; all Armies and Levies made by the Parlament laid down, the pretended Ordinance for the Militia diſavowed, and the Parlament adjourned to a ſecure place he would lay down Arms and repair to them, and deſired all differences might be freely debated in a Parlamentary way, whereby the Law might recover its due reverence, the Subject his juſt Liberty. Parlaments their ful vigour and eſtimation, and the whole Kingdom a bleſſed Peace and Proſperity, and requiring their anſwer by the 27. of that July, promiſed, til then, [Page] not to make any attempt of force upon Hull; had armed their General with power againſt him, given him a Commiſſion to kill and ſlay all that ſhould oppoſe him in the execution of it, and choſen their General of the Horſe.

8. Auguſt, 1642. Upon information that ſome of the Town of Portſmouth had revolted to Colonell Goring (being but ſent thither with a meſſage from the King) and Declared for his Majeſtie: Order forces to be ſent thither ſpeedily to beleaguer it by Land, and the Earle of Warwick to ſend thither 5. Ships of the Navy to prevent any forraign forces coming to their aſſiſtance, and upon Intelligence that the Earle of Northampton appeared with great ſtrength at Banbury, to hinder the Lo. Brooks for carrying the picces of Ordnance to Warwick; Ordered 5000 Horſe and Foot to be ſent to aſſiſt him.

9. Auguſt 1642. Upon information that the Marquis of Hartford and divers others were in Somerſet-ſhire demanding obedience to the Kings Commiſſion of Array, & to have the Magazine of the Connty to be delivered unto them: Gave power to the Earl of Eſſex their Lord Generall, the Lord Brook and others to apprehend the Marquis of Hartford, and Earl of Northampton, and their complices, and to kill and ſlay all that ſhould oppoſe them. And the day following gave the Earle of Stamford a Commiſſion to raiſe forces for the Suppreſſing of any ſhould attempt for the King in Leiceſter-ſhire or the adjacent Counties.

[Page] And on the eleventh of Auguſt, 1642. Upon the Kings Proclamation, two days before declaring the Earl of Eſſex and all that ſhould adhere unto him in the levying of Forces, and not come in and yield to His Majeſty within ſix days to be Travtors [...] vote the ſaid Proclamation to be againſt the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom; Declare their reſolutions to maintain and aſſiſt the Earl of Eſſex; and reſolve to ſpend no more time in Declarations and Petitions, but to endeavour by raiſing of Forces to ſuppreſs the Kings Party (though all that the Kings loyal Subjects did at that time for Him, was but to execute the Commiſſion of Array in the old legal way of the Militia) and within a day or two after ordered the Earl of Eſſex their Lord General to ſet forth with his Army of Horſe upon the Monday following; but not ſo much as an Anſwer would be afforded to the Kings Meſſage ſent from Hull, where, whilſt He with patience and hope forbore any action, or attempt of force, according to His promiſe, Sir John Hotham ſallied out in the night, and murdered many of his fellow-ſubjects.

12 Anguſt, 1642. The King, though He might well underſtand the great leavies of Men and Arms ready to march againſt Him, by a Declaration publiſhed to all his Subjects, aſſures them; as in the preſence of God; That all the Acts paſſed by Him in this parliament ſhould be as equally obſerved, as thoſe which moſt of all concerned His own intereſt and rights; [Page] and that his quarrel was not againſt the Parliament, but particular men; and therefore deſired, That the Lord Kimbolton, Mr. Hollis, Sir Hen: Ludlow, Sir Arthur Haſilrig, Mr. Strode, Mr. Martin, Mr. Hampden, Alderman Pennington, and Captain Venne, might be delivered into the hands of Juſtice, to be tried by their Peers, according to the known Laws of the Land; and againſt the Earls of Eſſex, Warwick, Stamford, Lord Brooks, Sir John Hotham, Major General Skippon, and thoſe who ſhould exerciſe the Militia by vertue of the Ordinance, he would cauſe Indictments to be drawn of high Treaſon upon the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. and if they ſubmit to trial, and plead the Ordinance, would reſt ſatisfied if they ſhould be acquitted. But when this produced as little effect as all other endeavours He had uſed for peace, He that ſaw the Hydra in the mud and ſlime of Sedition, in its Embrio, birth and growth, and finds him now erected ready to devour him; muſt now (though very unwilling to caſt off His beloved Robe of Peace, forſake an abuſed patience, and believe no more in the hopes of other remedies had ſo often deceived Him: but if He will give any account to the Watchman of Iſrael of the People committed to his charge; or to the people of his protection of them, or any manner of ſatisfaction to his own judgment and diſcretion) betake Himſelf to the Sword which God had intruſted Him with: and therefore makes the beſt uſe He [Page] could of thoſe few friends were about Him▪ and with the money which the Queen had not long before borrowed, and the ſmall ſupplies He had obtained of His Servants and Friends about Him (who pawned and engaged their Plate, Jewels and Lands for Him) with thoſe Lords and Gentlemen that willingly offered to bear Him company in His Troubles; provides what Men and Arm [...] ▪ He could in His way towards Notting ham, where He intended to ſet up his Standard.

But the Parliament about the 23 of Auguſt, 1642. having received ſome information that He intended to ſet up his Standard at Nottingham, Declare: That now it appear [...] to all the world, that there is good ground of their fears and jealouſies (which if ever there had been any, as there was no cauſe at all of any▪ more than that meaning to murder and ruine Him, they were often affraid He ſhould take notice of it, and ſeek to defend Himſelf; there was by their own confeſſion till this time no manifeſt or certain ground appearing, that He intended to defend Himſelf againſt the Parliament) and therefore order: That all that ſhall ſuffer in their Eſtates by any force raiſed by the King, without conſent of Parliament, ſhall have full reparation of their damages out of the Eſtates of the actors, and out of the Eſtates of all ſuch perſons in any part of the Kingdome, who ſhould perſist to ſerve the King in this War againſt the Parliament; and That it ſhould be lawfull for any number of perſons [Page] to joyn and defend themſelves; and, That the Earl of Eſſex, their Generall ſhould grant out Commiſſions for Levying and conducting forces into the Northern parts, And Sir John Hotham the Governour of Hull aſſiſt them; and command alſo the Sheriffs of the County of York and the adjacent Counties, with the power of the Counties, and Trained Bands to aid them, and to ſeize upon all that ſhall execute the Commiſſion of Array for his Majeſtie, who was thus ſufficiently beſet by thoſe that intended what ſince they have brought to paſs againſt Him.

25. Auguſt, 1642. (being ſome days after the Earle of Bedford had marched with great forces into the West) that His Subjects might be informed of His danger, and repair to his Succour; ſetting up his Standard at Nottingham; being a thing of meer legall neceſſity; if He would have any at all to come to help Him, and not forfeit and ſurpriſe thoſe that by tenure of their Lands or by reaſon of Offices, Fees, or, Annuities enjoyed under Him, were more immediately bound to aſſiſt Him.

And yet here He muſt weep over Jeruſalem; and once again intreat the Parlament and His Rebellious Subjects to prevent their own miſeries; and therefore ſends the Earls of Sonthampton and Dorſet to the Parlament to deſire a Treaty, [...]ffering to do all on His own part which might advance the Proteſtant Religion, oppoſe Popery and Superſtition, and ſecure the Laws and Liberties of His Subjects, and juſt p [...]iviledges of Parlament: [Page] Which after ſeverall ſcorns put upon thoſe noble Meſſengers, as denying the Earle of Southampton to come and ſit in the Houſe of Peers (as a right by birth and inheritance due to him) and cauſing the Serjeant at Arms of the Houſe of Commons to go before him with the Macê as they uſe to do before Delinquents: They refuſe to accept of, unleſs the King would firſt take down His Standard, and recall his Declarations and Proclamations againſt them. To which the King the 5. September, 1642. (notwithſtanding the Earl of Bedford had with great forces in the mean time beſieged the Marquis of Hartford in the Caſtle of Sherborn in Dorſet ſhire) replying, That he never did Declare, or intended for to Declare both his houſes of Parlament to be Traitors, or ſet up his Standard againſt them: much leſs to put them and the Kingdom out of his protection: And utterly proteſting againſt it, before God and the World, offered to recall his Declarations and Proclamations with all cheerfullneſs the ſame day that they ſhould revoke their Declarations against thoſe that had aſſiſted him; and deſiring a Treaty, and conjuring them to conſider the bleeding condition of Ireland, and the danger of England, undertakes to bee ready to grant any thing ſhall be really good for his Subjects; which being brought by the Lord Falkland, one of his Majeſties Secretaries of State, and a Member of the Houſe of Commons, and not long before in a very great eſteem with them (all the [Page] reſpect could be afforded him being to ſtand at the Bar of the Houſe of Commons, and deliver his Meſſage to them) had onely an anſwer in a printed Declaration of the Lords and Commons returned unto him, That it was Ordered and Declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, That the Armes which they have been forced to take up, or ſhall be forced to take up, for the preſervation of the Parliament, Religion, and the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome, ſhall not be laid down until his Majeſty ſhall withdraw his protection from ſuch Perſons as have been voted by both Houſes of Parliament to be Delinquents, or that ſhall by both Houſes of Parliament be voted to be Delinquents (which after their mad way of voting might have been himſelf, his Queen, or his Heir apparent) and leave them to the Juſtice of Parliament according to their demerits, to the end that thoſe great charges and damages wherewithal the Commonwealth hath been burthened ſince his Majeſty departed from the Parliament, might be born by the Delinquents and other malignant and diſ-affected perſons, and that thoſe who by Loans of money or otherwiſe at their charges have aſſiſted the Commonwealth, or ſhall in like manner hereafter aſſiſt the Commonwealth in times of extream danger (and here they would alſo provide for future friends and quarrels) may be re-paid all ſumms of money lent for thoſe purpoſes, and ſatisfied their charges ſuſtained as out of the eſtates of the ſaid Delinquents, and of the Malignant and diſ-affected Party in this Kingdome.

[Page] And to make good their words of 8. September 1642. Before their anſwer could come unto the Kings hands, Ordered certain numbers of horſe and foot to be ſent to Garriſon and ſecure Oxford, and the morrow after (before the King could poſſibly reply unto it) their Lord General, the Earl of Eſſex marched out of London againſt him with 20000 men, horſe and foot, gallantly armed, and a great train of Arti [...]lery to attend him; notwithſtanding all which, and thoſ [...] huge impoſſibilities every day more and more appeared of obtaining a Peace wit [...] thoſe who were ſo much afraid to be loſer [...] by it, as they never at all intended it.

The King muſt needs ſend one meſſag [...] more unto them, to try if that might no [...] give them ſome occaſion to ſend Him gentle [...] conditions; and therefore 13. September 1642. (Being the ſame day they had impeached the Lord Strange of High-treaſon for executing the Kings Commiſſion of Array, and Ordered the propoſitions for furniſhing of horſe, plate, and money, to be tendred from houſe to houſe, in the Cities of London and Weſtminster, and to be ſent into all the Shires and Counties of England to be tendred for the ſame purpoſe, and the names of the refuſers to be certified.) Mr. May, one of the Pages to the King, comes to the Lords Houſe in Parlîament, with a Meſſage from Him, bearing date but two dayes before; That although He had uſed all wayes and me anes to prevent [Page] the preſent diſtractions and dangers of the Kingdome, all his labours have been fruitleſs, that not ſo much as a Treaty, earneſtly deſired by him, can be obtained (though he diſclaimed all his Proclamations and Declarations, and the erecting of his Standard as againſt his Parliament) unleſs he ſhould denude himſelf of all force to defend him from a viſible ſtrength marching againſt him; That now he had nothing left in his power but to expreſs the deep ſenſe he had of the publick miſery of the Kingdome, and to apply himſelf to a neceſſary defence, wherein he wholly relied upon the providence of God and the affection of his good People, and was ſo far from put ting them out of his protection, as when the Parliament ſhould deſire a Treaty, he would piouſly remember whoſe blood is to be ſpilt in this quarrel, and cheerfully embrace it.

But this muſt alſo leave them as it ſound them, in their ungodly purpoſes; for the morrow after being the 14. day of September 1642. Mr. Hampden, one of the ſive Members (by this time a Colonel of the Army) brings letters to the Houſe of Commons from the Parliaments Lord General, that he was at Northampton in a very good poſture, and that great numbers of the Countrey thereabouts came in daily unto him, and offered to march under him, and that ſo ſoon as all his forces that are about London ſhal come up unto him, which he deſires may be haſtened, he intended to advance towards his Majeſty: and it was the ſame day voted, That all things ſealed [Page] by the Kings Seal ſince it was carried away by the Lord Keeper Littleton, ſhould be Null, and of no force in the Law, and that a new Seal ſhould be provided.

The King therefore ſeeing what he muſt truſt to, 19. September 1642. being at Wellington in Shrop-ſhire in the head of ſuch ſmall forces and friends as he could get together, (for the Parlament that very day had received letters, That the King but the week before, having a muſter at Nottingham, there appeared but about 3000 foot, and 2000. horſe, and 1500 dragoona; and tha [...] a great part of his men were not provided with arms) made his Proteſtation and promiſe as in the preſence of Almighty God, and as He hoped for his bleſſing and protection, to maintain to the utmoſt Ihm. 614. of his power the true reformed Proteſtant Religion eſtabliſhed in the Church of England, and that he deſired to govern by the known Laws of the Land, and that the Liberty and property of the Subject ſhould bee preſerved with the ſame care as his own juſt rights, and to obſerve inviolably the Laws conſented to by him in this Parlament, and promiſed as in the ſight of Almighty God, if He would pleaſe by his bleſſing upon that Army raiſed for his neceſſary defence, to preſerve him from that rebellion, to maintain the juſt priviledges and freedom of Parlament, and govern by the known Laws of the Land. In the mean while, if this time of War, and the neceſſity and ſtraights he was driven to, ſhould beget any violation of them, he hoped it would be imputed by [Page] God and man to the Authors of the War, and not to him who had ſo earneſtly deſired and laboured for the peace of the Kingdome, and preſervation thereof; and that when He ſhould fail in any of thoſe particulars, He would ex [...]est no aid or relief from any man, or protection from Heaven.

And now that the ſtage of War ſeems to be made ready, and the Parliament party being the better furniſhed, had not ſeldome ſhewed themſelves, and made ſeverall traverſes over it (for indeed the King having ſo many neceſſities upon him, and ſo out of power and proviſion for it, might in that regard only if He had not been ſo unwilling to have any hurtcome to his people by his own defending of himſelf, be backward & unwillingly drawn unto it, we may do well to ſtand by and obſerve who cometh firſt to act upon it.

22. Of September 1642. The Earl of Eſſex writeth from Warwick that he was upon his march after the King and before the 6. of October following had written to the County of Warwick with all ſpeed to raiſe their Trained bands and Voluntiers to reſiſt his Forces if they ſhould come that way, and to the three Counties of Northampton, Leiceſter and Derby to gather head and reſiſt him if he ſhould retire into thoſe parts; and by all that can bee judged of a matter of fact, ſo truly and faithfully repreſented, muſt needs be acknowledged to have great advantages of the King, by the City and Tower of London, Navy, Shipping, Armes, Ammunition, the Kings Magazine, [Page] all the ſtrong. Towns of the Kingdom, moſt of the Kingdoms plate and money, the Parliaments credit and high eſteem, which at that time the people Idolized; the fiery Zeal of a ſeditious Clergy to preach the people into a Rebellion, and the people head-longly running into the witchcraft of it: When the King on the other ſide had little more to help him the [...] the Laws and Religion of the Land, which at that time every man began to [...]i [...]conſtrue and pull in pieces, had neither men, horſe, arms, ammunition, ſhips, places of ſtrength, nor money, not any of his party or followers, after the Parliament had as it were proclamed a War againſt him, could come ſingle or in ſmall numbers through any Town or Village, but were either openly aſſaulted, or ſecretly betrayed, no man could adven [...]ure to ſerve or own him, but muſt expoſe himſelf and his Eſtate to be ruined either by the Parliament or people, or ſuch as for malice or profit would inform againſt him. All the gains and places of preferment were on the Parliaments part, and nothing but loſſes and misfortunes on the Kings: No man was afraid to goe openly to the Parliaments ſide, and no man du [...]ſt openly ſo much as take acquaintance of his S [...]veraign, but if he had done a quarter of [...] which Ziba did to David when he [...] the [...] [...]ves of bread, or old Barzill [...], [...] [...] the Gutite, when he went along with him when hi [...] Son Abſalom rebelled againſt [Page] him, They ſhould never have eſcaped ſo well as they did, but have been ſure to be undone and ſequeſtred for it. So much of the affections of the people had the Parliament coſened and ſtoln from them, ſo much profit and preferment had they to perſwade it, and ſo much power to enforce thoſe, that otherwiſe had not a mind to it, to fight againſt him; Who thus every way encompaſſed about with dangers, and like a Partridge hunted upon the Mountains, marcheth from Shrewsbury towards Banbury, perſwading and picking up what help and aſſiſtance his better ſort of Subjects durſt adventure to afford him: in the way to which;

On Sunday the 23. of October 1642. (for they thought it better to rob God of his Sabbath, than loſe an opportunity of murthering their Soveraign) the Earl of Eſſex and Parliament-Army powring in from all quarters of the Kingdom upon him, had compaſſed him in on all ſides; and before the King could put his men in Battel-Array, (many of whom being young Country fellows, had no better armes than clubs and ſtaves in their hands, cut out of the hedges) and put his two young Sons, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, in the guard of a Troop of horſe at the further end of the field, and had finiſhed a ſhort prayer, a bullet of the Earl of Eſſex's Cannon grazed at his heels as he was kneeling at his prayers on the ſide of a bank (for Blague, a villain in [Page] in the Kings Army, having a great penſion allowed him for it, had given notice in what part of the field the King ſtood, that they might the better know how to ſhoot at him.) But God having a greater care of his Anointed than of their Rebellious pretences, ſo ordered the hands of thoſe that fought for the King, as the Earl of Eſſex was ſo loaden with Victories, as he left five of his men, for one of Kings, dead behind him; loſt his Baggage and Artillery, retired back to Warwick, and left the King to bleſs God in the field; where he ſupped with ſuch victuals as the more loyal and better natur'd neighbours ſent him, when the worſer ſort refuſed to do it, and lying there all night, ſent warrants out the next day to the neighbour Pariſhes to bury the dead; drew off his Ordnance, and marched to Banbury, and yet he could not forget to pity thoſe were at ſuch paines and hazard the day before to murther Him, but before he went out of the field ſent Sir William Le [...]neve Clarencieux, King of Armes to Warwick, whither the Earl of Eſſex was fled, with a Proclamation of pardon to all that would lay down armes; which though they ſcornfully received, and the Herald threatned to be hanged if he did not depart the ſooner, cannot perſwade Him from ſending a Declaration or Meſſage to the Parliament, to offer them all that could be requeſted by Subjects; but all the uſe they made of it was to make the City of London believe they were [Page] in greater danger than ever, if they ſent them not more moneys, and recruited the Earl of Eſſex his broken Army; and to coſen and put the people on the more to ſeek their own miſery, a day of Thankſgiving was publiquely kept for the great Victory obtained againſt the King. And Stephen Marſhall, a Factious bloody Miniſter, though he confeſſed he was ſo carried on in the crowd of thoſe that fled from the battel, as he knew not where he was till he came to a Market-Town which was ſome miles from Edge-hill, where the Battel was fought, preaches to the people (too little believing the Word of God, and too much believing him:) that to his knowledge there was not above 200. men loſt on the Parliaments ſide; that he picked up bullets in his black velvet cap, and that a very ſmall ſupply would now ſerve to reduce the King, and bring him to his Parliament.

And here ye may ſee Janus Temple wide open, though the doors of it were not lift off the hinges, or broken open at once, but pickt open by thoſe either knew not the miſery of the War, or knowing it, will prove to be the more guilty promoters of it. That we may the better therefore find out (though the matter of Fact already repreſented may be evidence enough of it ſelf) who it was that let out the fury and rage of War upon us, we ſhall conſider;

CHAP. II. Whether a Prince or other Magiſtrate, labouring to ſuppreſs, or puniſh a Rebellion of the People, be tied to thoſe rules are neceſſary for the juſtifying of a War, if it were made between equals.

[Page]

WAr was firſt brought in by neceſſity, where the determining of controverſies between two ſtrange Princes of equal Power, could not be had, becauſe they have no ſuperiour: A Rebel therefore cannot properly be called an enemy, for Hoſtis nomen notat aequalitatem; and when any ſuch Arms are borne againſt Rebels, it is not to be called a War, but an Exerciſe of Juriſdiction upon trayterous and diſſoyal Perſons, atque eſt ratio manifeſta, ſaith Albericus Gentilis, qui enim jure judex eſt & ſuperior, non jure cogitur Alber. Gentil. 223. ad ſubeundas partes partis & aequalis, & non eſt bellum cum latronibus praedonibus aut piratis quanquam magnos habeant excercitus, & proinde nec ulla cum illis belli jura, ſaith Beſoldus: Beſoldus in diſſert. de [...]ure Belli 77, & 78. The Romans who were ſo exact and curious in their publick denouncing of War, and ſending Ambaſſadors before they made War againſt any other Nation, did not do it in caſes of Rebellion and defection; and therefore [Page] Fidenatibus & Campanis non denunciant Lib. Alber. 23. Romani. And Cicero, that was of opinion, that nullum bellum juſtum haberi videtur niſi nunciatum, niſi indictum niſi repetitis rebus ſtood not upon thoſe ſolemnities in the Cataline conſpiracy; for the rules of juſtifying a War againſt an enemy or equals as demanding reſtitution, denunciation, and the like, are not requiſite in that of puniſhing Rebels; Pompey juſtifies tbe War maintained by the Senate againſt Caeſar (not then their Soveraign) with neque enim vocari praelia juſta decent &c. Cicero Lucan. li. 2. did not think it convenient to ſend Ambaſſadors to Anthony, nor intreat him by faire words; but that it was meet to inforce him by arms to raiſe his ſiege from Mutina; for he ſaid, They had not to do with Hambal an enemy Cicero Phi [...] ▪ lipic. 5. to the Commonwealth, but with a rebellious Citizen. The reſiſting of the Kings Authority when the Sheriff of a County goes with the poſſe Comitatus, to execute it, was never yet ſo much as called a War, but Rebellion and Inſurrection, or Commotion, were the beſt terms beſtowed upon it [ſuch attempts are not called Wars, but Robberies, of which the Law taketh no other care of, but to puniſh them] The haſte that all our Kings and Princes in England have made in ſuppreſſing Rebellions (as that of the Barons Wars by Henry the 3. and his ſending his Sonne the Prince to beſiege Warren Earl of Surrey in his Caſtle of Rygate, for affronting the Kings Juſtices, ſaying, That he would hold his Lands [Page] by the Sword: That which Rich. 2. made to ſuppreſs Wat. Tiler, H. 6. Jack Cade, H. 8. Ket and the Norfolk Rebels, and Queen Elizabeth to ſuppreſs the Earls of Northumber-land and Weſtmerland) may tell us that they underſtood it no otherwiſe than all the Kings and Magiſtrates of the world have ever practiſed it [by the Laws of England, if Engliſhmen that are Traytors go into France, and confederate with Altens or Frenchmen, and come afterwards and make a War in England and be taken priſoners, the ſtrangers may be ranſomed, but not the Engliſh, for they were the Kings Subjects, and are to be reckoned as Traytors, not ſtrangers:] And the Parliaments own advice to the King to ſuppreſs the Iriſh Rebels that ploughed but with their own Heyfer, and pretended as they did to defend their Religion, Laws and Liberties; and the opinion alſo of Mr. Preſident Bradſhaw (as Sir John Owen called him in his late ſentence given againſt the Earls of Cambridge, Holland, and Norwich, Lord Capel and Sir John Owen, whom he miſtakenly (God and the Law knows) would make to be the Subjects of their worfer fellow-Subjects, may be enough to turn the queſtion out of doors.

But leſt all this ſhould not be thought ſufficient to ſatisfie thoſe can like nothing but what there is Scripture for, we ſhall a little turn over the leaves of that ſacred Volume, and ſee what is to be found concerning this matter.

[Page] Moſes who was the meekeſt Magiſtrate in the world, and better acquainted with him that made the fifth Commandement, than theſe that now pretend Revelations againſt it; thought fit to ſuppreſs the rebellion of Corah, Dathan and Abiram as ſoone as he could; and for no greater offence than a deſire to be coordinate with him, procured them to be buried alive, with all that appertained unto them.

When Abſolom had rebelled againſt his father David, and it was told him, That the 2 Sam 15. hearts of the men of Iſrael were after him, David, a man after Gods own heart, without any meſſage of peace, or Declaration ſent unto his dear ſon Abſolom, or offering half or any part of his Kingdome to him, ſent three ſeveral Armies to purſue and give him battell.

When Sheba the ſonne of Bichri blew a Trumpet and ſaid, We have no part in David, every man to his tent, O Iſrael; and thereupon 2 Sam. 20. every man of Iſrael followed after him and forſook their King; David (who knew that Moſes would not make a War upon the Amorites, though he had Gods commandement for it without offers of peace, and meſſengers ſent firſt unto them) ſaid to Amaſa, Aſſemble me the men of Judah within three daies; and when he tarried longer, ſaid unto him, Take thou thy Lords Servants and purſue after him, leſt he get him fenced Cities, and eſcape us.

[Page] For they that would take heed of Cocatrices, have ever uſed to kill them in the ſhell. Bodm, page 736. And diligenti cuique Imperatori ac magiſtrains danda eſt opera (ſaith Bodin) ut non tam ſeditiones tollere quam praeoccupare ſtudent. For ſedition (ſaith he) once kindled, like a ſpan of fire, blown by popular fury, may ſooner fire a whole City than be extinguiſhed. Et tales igitur peſtes opprimere derepenté neceſſ [...] eſt; Princes and Soveraigns who are bound to protect and defend their Subjects, are not to ſtand ſtill, and ſuffer one to oppreſs another, and themſelves to be undone by it afterwards.

But put the caſe the Parliament could have been called a Parliament when they had driven away the King, which is the Head and Life of it, or could have been ſaid to have been two Houſes of Parliament, when there was not at that time above a third part of the Houſe of Peers, nor the half of the Houſe of Commons remaining in them, and what thoſe few did in their abfence was either forced by a Faction of their own, or a party of ſeditious Londoners (for indeed the Warre rightly conſidered, was not betwixt the Parliament and the King, but a War made by a factious and ſeditious part of the Parliament againſt the King, and the major part of the Parliament) and had been (as it never was nor could be by the Laws and Conſtitutions of the Kingdom) coordinate and equal with the King, and joint-tenan [...] of the Kingdom; [Page] it would have been neceſſary to make [...] War as juſt as they could, and to have done all that had been in order to it: and therefore we hope they which pretend ſo much to the Juſtice of the Kingdom, will not be offended to have the Juſtice of their Wars ſomthing examined.

CHAP. IV. Suppoſe the Warre to be made with a neighbour-Prince, or between equals; Whether the King or Parliament were in the defenſive or juſtifyabie part of it.

PL [...]rique ſaith learned Grotius, tres ſtatuunt bellorum juſtas cauſas, defenſionem, recuperationem H. Grotius. de jure pa [...]is & belli. & punttionem. For any defence the Parliament might pretend a neceſſity of, The King neither aſſaulted them, nor uſed any violence to them when they firſt of all granted out their Propoſitions and Commiſſions of War, unIeſs they can turn their jealouſies into a Creed, and make the Kings demanding the five Members and Kimbolton (being done by warrant of the Law of the Land, and the Records and precedents of their own Houſes) appear to be an aſſaulting of them. Or if any reaſonable man knew but how to [Page] make that to be an aſſault, or a neceſſary cauſe of War for them to revenge it; the Kings waving and relinquiſhing of his charge afterwards againſt them, might have certainly been enough to have taken away the cauſe of it (if there had been any) howſoever, a War [...], made onely to revenge a bare demand or requeſt of a thing and was neither ſo much as forced or a ſecond time demanded of them, but totally laid aſide and retracted, can never be accounted juſt.

As for the recovery of things loſt, or taken away, The Parliament it ſelf, had nothing taken from them, for both they and the people were ſo far from being looſers at that time by the King, as the Remonſtrance of the houſe of Commons made to the people 15. December 1641. of the Kings erroun (as they pleaſe to call them) in the government Collect. of MeſſR [...]. mon ſt. and Declar. 15. (but indeed the errours rather of his Miniſters and themſelves alſo, in buſying him with brawles and quarrells and denying to give him fitting ſupplies) mentions how much and how many benficeial Laws the King had Iom. 45. &c. granted them. And ſo the Parliament and People being no looſers, and the King never denying them any▪ thing could in honour o [...] conſcience be granted them; That part of the juſtifying of a War will no way alſo belong to them.

But if the puniſhment for offences and injuries paſt (if they could be ſo properly called) being a third cauſe of juſtifying a War, [Page] could be but imagined to be a cauſe to juſtifie the Parliaments war againſt the King; Yet they were to remember another Rule or Law of War, Ne nimis veteres cauſae accerſentur. That they do not pick quarrels by raking up paſt grievances, that it be not propter leviuſculas injurias; or for trifles. For when the King Beſoldus in diſſert. philolog. p. 58. (who if he had been no more then coordinate with them) had called them to Councell to to adviſe him, followed their advice in every thing he could find any reaſon for, taken away all grievances, made a large proviſion to prevent them for the future, by granting the Trienniall Parliament, and ſo large an amends for every thing they could but tell how to complain of; there was ſo little left to the People and the Parliament to quarrell for, as they were much behind in thankfulneſs for what they had got of him already.

Or if any other cauſes or provocations ſhould be imagined as miſuſing the Parliaments Meſſengers, or the like; we know the King (unleſſe it were by his patience and often Meſſages for peace) was guilty of no provocations; but on the contrary though hee had all manner of ſcornes and reproaches caſt upon him, and his meſſengers evil entreated by them, could never be brought to return or retaliate it to any of theirs.

But nothing as yet ſerving to excuſe them, It will not be amiſs to examine the cauſes as they are ſet down by themſelves, to juſtifie [Page] their war, and ſo we may well ſuppoſe there are no other.

A war againſt the King for ſafety of his own Perſon was needleſs (and then it comes within that rule of war and law of Nations, Ne leves ſint cauſae be [...]li,, not to make a warre unneceſſary: for the King would look to that himſelf; and as they were his Subjects they, as well as every honeſt Subject were bound to defend and aſſiſt him, but not whether he would or no; and in ſuch a way of defence, as would tend to his ru [...]ne rather then his ſafety. For [...]urely ſhould any ſtranger of another Kingdom or Nation have caſually paſſed by Edge-hill when the Kings and the Parliaments [...] were in fight, and have been told that the King ſhot at them for the ſafety of his own Perſon, and that they alſo ſhot againſt hi [...] for the ſafety of his own Perſon; and being a [...]ked which of the two parties hee believe did really or moſt of all intend the ſafety of it? we cannot tell how to think any man ſuch a ſtranger to nature, reaſon or underſtanding, as to think the King ſhould not fight as the Dictates of nature perſwaded him to: or that the King could tell how to fight againſt thoſe that fought for him: or that if he ſhould be ſo hugely miſtaken in that one year or Battell, he ſhould be in ſeverall [...]her years and Battells after.

To [...] the de [...]ence of the Religion eſtabliſh [...]d (as they made alſo the people believe) that was as needleſs; when the King [Page] offered to do every thing might help to promote it: and they are ſo little alſo to be credited in that pretence, as we know they did all they could from the beginning to ruine it; took away Epiſcopacy, the hedge and bounds of it, brought in Presbytery to preach up and aid their Rebellion, and when their own turnes were ſerved, encouraged Conventicles and Tub Preachers to [...]ud down the Presbytery: And being demanded at the Treaty at Ʋxbridge by the Kings Commiſſioners what Religion they would have the King to eſtabliſh, were ſo unprovided of an anſwer, as they could not reſolve what to nominate, nor in any of their propoſitions afterwards ſent to the King, though often urged and complained o [...] oy the Scottiſh Commiſſioners, could ever find the way to doe it, but have now ſet up an Independent extemporary enthuſiaſtick kind of worſhiping God (if there were any ſuch thing in it) or rather a religious Chaos or gallimaufry of all manner of hereſie,, errours, blaſphemies, and opinions put together, not any of the owners of which we can be confident will ſubſcribe to that opinion, that Wars may be made for Religion, or that Conſcience ought to be forced by it.

As for the reſtrictive part of the Lawes, to keep the people in ſubjection, we can very well perſwade our ſelves no ſuch War was ever made yet in the world, nor any people ever found that would engage in a War for [Page] that they obeyed, but againſt their wills; And for that part of the law that gives them the Kings protection, priviledges, immunities, and certainties of deciding controverſies (which are more fitly to be called the Liber [...]ies of tbe people, than to have 45. of the houſe of Commons, or a Faction to make daily and hourly Lawes, and Religion, and Government, and vote their eſtates in and out to pay an Army, to force their obedience to it) if we had not outlived the Parliaments diſguiſes and pretences, ſaw them now tearing up by the roots, that there may be no hope of their growing up again, and ſetting up their own, as well as the ignorant and illiterate fancies of Mechanicks and Souldiers in ſtead of them; we might have ſaid that alſo had been needleſs, when the King had done abundantly enough already; and offered to grant any thing more could in reaſon be demanded of him.

And as touching their priviledges of Parliament, they that underſtand but any thing of the Lawes of England, or have but looked into the Records and Journals of Parliament, can tell that all priviledges of Parliament (as King James ſaid) were at firſt beſtowed upon them by the Kings and Princes of this Kingdom, That priviledges of Parliament extended not to Treaſon or Felony, or breach of the Peace. That 32 Hen. 6. Sir Thomas Thorp Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, being arreſted in execution in the time [Page] of the prorogation of the Parliament, the Commons demanded he might be ſet at liberty according to their priviledges: wherupon the Judges being asked their Councel therein, made anſwer, That general ſuperſedeas of Parliament there was none; but ſpecial ſuperſedeas there was; in which caſe of ſpecial ſuperſedeas, every member of the Houſe of Comof Commons ought to enjoy the ſame, unles in cauſes of Treaſon, Felony, or breach of the Peace, or for a Condēmnation before the Parliament: After which anſwer it was determined, that the ſaid Sir Thomas Thorp ſhould lie in execution, and the Commons were required on the behalf of the King to chooſe a new Speaker, which they did, and preſented to the King accordingly. That Queen Elizabeth was aſſured by her Judges, that ſhe might commit any of her Parliament during the Parliament, for any offence committed againſt her Crown and Dignity, and they ſhewed her precedents for it; and that primo & tertio Caroli Regis, upon ſearch of precedents in the ſeveral great caſes of the Earls of Arundel and Briſtol, very much inſiſted and ſtood upon, the Houſe of Peers in Parliament allowed of the exception of Treaſon, Felony, and breach of the Peace.

For indeed it is as impoſſible to think there can be any priviledge to commit Treaſon, as to think that a King ſhould priviledge all his Nobility, and every one of his Subjects that could get to be elected into the [Page] Houſe of Commons in Parliament, to commit Treaſon, and to take away his life in the time of Parliament, whenſoever their revenge, or malice, or intereſt ſhould finde the opportunity to do it; or that, if it could be ſo, any King or Prince would ever call or ſummon a Parliament to expoſe himſelf to ſuch a latitude of danger, or give them leave to ſit as long as they would to breed it: or that priviledges of Treaſon can be conſiſtent with the name or being of a Parliament to conſult or adviſe with the King for the defence of Him and his Kingdome; or that when Felony and breach of Peace are excepted out of their priviledge, Treaſon, that is of a far higher nature, conſequence, and puniſhment, ſhould be allowed them; or if there could have been any ſuch priviledge, and a meaner man than their Soveraign had broke it, a ſmall underſtanding may inform them they could not, without breach of the Peace, have fought for it againſt a fellow-ſubject, and then alſo could not their priviledges have reached to it, but the King might have puniſhed them for it: and if they cannot upon a breach of priviledge (as it was adjudged in Halls caſe) without the Kings Writ, and the cauſe firſt certified in Chancery, deliver one of their own ſetvants arreſted: It is not likely any warrant can be found in Law to inforce the King to reparation, though he himſelf ſhould have broken it; but to petition the King for an allowance of that, or [Page] any other priviledge, as well in the middle, as any other time of their ſitting in Parliament, as they alwayes doe at the preſenting of their Speaker in the beginning of it. Wherefore, certainly the people never gave the Parliament Commiſſion (if they could have given a Commiſſion to make a War againſt their Soveraign) to claim that was never due to them, or to fight for that was never yet fought for by any of their Fore-fathers, nor ever underſtood to be taken from them, much leſs for their ayrie innovated pretences rather than priviledges, which have ſince eaten up all the peoples Lawes and Liberties, as well as a good part of their lives and eſtates with it, and are now become to be every thing their Repreſentatives will and and arbitrary power have a mind to make it; who have ſo driven away their old legal priviledges by ſetting up illegal and fantaſtick kind of Priviledges (as they are pleaſed to call them) inſtead of them, as there is nothing left of the Parliament like a Parliament, neither matter, nor form, nor any thing at all remaining of it; For, the upper and lower Houſes have driven away and fought againſt the King, who was their Head: the the lower after that, have driven away the upper, and 45. of the Houſe of Commons (whereof eleven are great Officers and Commanders of the Army) have after that impriſoned and driven away four hundred of their fellow-members: And from degenerate [Page] and diſtemperate piece of a Parliament, brought themſelves to be but a repreſentative, or journey-men-voters to a Councel of their own mercenary and mechanick Army; and may ſit another eight yeares before ever they ſhall be able to find a reaſon to ſatisfie any man is not a fool or a mad man, or a fellow-ſharer in the ſpoiles of an abuſed and deluded Nation, Why the Kings demanding of the five Members and Kimbolton by undeniable warrant of the land and the Records, and precedents of their own houſes upon a charge, or accuſation of Treaſon, for endeavouring amongſt [...] other pieces of Treaſon, to alter the Government, and ſubvert the fundamental Lawes of the Kingdome, which the Parliament, and they themſelves that were accuſed, have more than once declared to be Treaſon; ſhould be taken to be ſo great a breach of priviledge in the King their Soveraign, when the forcing and over a wing the Houſes of Parliament by the Army, their ſervants and hirelings, demanding the eleven Members, and impriſoning and baniſhing ſome of them, upon imaginary and fantaſtical offences committed againſt themſelves, or they could not tell whom; ſhall be reckoned to be no breach at all of priviledge, and the forcing of the Houſes by the ſame Army within a year afterwards, by ſetting guards upon them, violently pulling two of the Members of the Houſe of Commons out of the Houſe, and impriſoning [Page] them, and 39 more of their fellow-members all night in an Alehouſe, and leading them afterwards to ſeveral priſons, with guards ſet upon them, as if they had been common malefactors, can be called mercies and deliverances, and a purging and taking away rotten Members out of the Houſe of Commons▪

But now that we can find nothing to make a defenſive or lawful, nor ſo much as a neceſſary War on the Parliaments part: for (cauſa belli, ſaith Beſoldus, correſpondere debet Beſoldus diſſert. p [...]î. log. pa 88. damno & periculo) the Parliament feares and jealouſies were not of weight enough to put the people into a miſery far beyond the utmoſt of what their feares and jealouſies to them did amount unto, we ſhall do well to examine by the rules and laws of War and Nations, the ways and means they uſed in it.

Injuſtum cenſetur bellum ſi non ejus, penes Can. quid culpatur 23. quem eſt Majeſtas, authoritate moveatur; a war cannot be juſt if it be not made by a lawful authority: Armorum delatio & prohibitio ad Principem ſpectat: It belongs to the Prince to Da. D. Bocer de b [...]ll [...] cap. 5. Beſoldus de juribus Majeſtati, cap. 6. 7 Edw. 1. raiſe or forbid Arms; and the Records of the Parliament (which we take to be a better ſenſe of the Houſe then their own purpoſes) can inform them, that the Prelates. Earls, Barons, and Commonalty of the Realm did in the ſeventh year of the reign of King Edw. the Firſt, declare to the King, That it belongeth, and his part is, through His Royal Signorie ſtreightly to defend force of Armour, and [Page] of Armour, and all other force againſt his Peace when it ſhall pleaſe him, and to puniſh them which ſhall do the contrary, according to the Laws and uſages of the Realm, and that thereunto they were bound to aid their Soveraign Lord the King at all ſeaſons when need ſhall be.

How much ado then will they have to make a War againſt their Soveraign to bee Lawfull? or (if by any Warrant of Laws, Divine or Humane, they could but tell how to abſolve themſelvs from their oaths of Supremacy, Allegiance, and their very many proteſtations and acknowledgements of Subjection to the King) find a Supream authority to be in the People, at the ſame time they not only ſtiled themſelves, but all thoſe they repreſented to be his Subjects.

Or, how will they bee able to produce a warrant from the People, their now pretended Soveraigns (till they ſhall be able ſufficiently to enſlave them) to authorize them to make a War to undo them, when they elected them but to conſent to ſuch things as ſhould be treated of by the King and his Kingdom? Or how could a tenth part of the people give warrant to them to fight againſt the King, and the other nine parts of the people? Or can that bee a good warrant when ſome of them were cheated, and the other by plunderings and ſequeſtrations forced to yield to it? Or could the pretence of a War for defence of the Kings perſon, and to maintain [Page] the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the people, be a warrant to the Parliament (which never ſought any for the King and People, but to take away the Soveraignty from the one, and the Liberties of the other) to do every thing was contrary unto it? But if that could have legitimated their actions? as it never did or will be able.

There is a two fold rule of Juſtice in the practiſe of War and Nations, ſi bellum geratur ſine denuncaitione in captivos tanquam latrones animadverti poſſit; It is a thievery, rather than a War not denounce or give notice of it beforehand: and in that alſo the Parliament was faulty, for they took Hull and Portſmouth and the Kings Navy and Magazine from him when hee hoped better things of them, and ſent out their Armies and the Earl of Eſſex againſt him whilſt he was in treaty with them, and offered all that he could to have a peace with them.

Bellum item impium injuſtumque ſit ſi modus debitus non obſervetur; A War is unjuſt if there be not a due way of proceedings held in it, which eſpecially conſiſteth in not hurting the innocent women and Children, and in this alſo they will fall ſhort of an excuſe. For how full is every Town and Village of the Truth as well as the complaints of the unchriſtian uſage of old and ſick people, Women and Children, beaten, wounded, or killed upon no provocation, Women and Maids raviſhed, and their fingers cut off for their rings, [Page] Old Beſt of Canterbury hanged up by the privities, others tortured, and had burning matches tyed to their fingers to make them confeſs where their mony was, Women and Children, ſick and aged Perſons ſtarved for want of the ſuſtenance they had taken from them; Husbandmen had their corn and hay ſpoiled in the field, and the barn, their ſheep, cattle, and proviſions devoured, houſes ruined or burnt, & their horſes that ſhould help to plough and do other works of Husbandry taken away, in ſo much as ſome were inforced to blind and put out their horſes eyes, that they might not be taken from them; Churches that eſcaped defacing, prophaned, and made Stables, or Goals or Victualling, or Bawdy houſes, Monuments defaced, and Sepulchers opened, as were thoſe of the Saxon Kings at Wincheſter, and the prieſts and Miniſters not ſo much as ſuffered to weep betwixt the Porch and the Altar, but their beneſices and livelyhood taken from them by Wolves put in the Shepherds places; had their Books burned, and all their means and maintenance plundred from them; and thoſe that were neutralls, and m [...]dled on neither ſide but lived as quietly as they could, either totally undone, or caſt in priſon, not for that they did them no hurt, but becauſe they might do it, and if they were not impriſoned their Lands, money, or goods were ſure to be in the fault and taken away from them.

Ut bellum illaeſa conſcientia geratur, neceſſe Beſoldus Ibid. 95. [Page] eſt ut adſit intentio bena; there ought to bee a good intention to make the War conſcionable; which in this appears to fail alſo. For the Charge againſt the five members is now as true as it was then, they meant to ruine the King, and they have done it, and to alter the Government, and ſubvert the Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and they have done a great part of it, and as faſt as they can are pulling down the remainder.

Quaerere debemus victoriam rationibus honeſtis, Du. picart obſervat. decad 10. colle 2. & Facius axiom bell 10. ne ſalutem quidem turpibus; We ought to purſue victory and the just ends of War by honest and lawfull means, and not to do foul and diſhoneſt things to procure our ſafety; from the latter of which, the mad fears and jealouſies which the Parliament made uſe to uſher in their pretences, their fayning of Victories and ſcandaling the King and his actions, not to inſiſt upon their buying the Kings ſervants and ſecrets, Battells, Towns, and Garriſons; and making too many Judaſes of all that were about him, will hardly be able to free them; or if they could, the making uſe of men and money intended for the ſupport of Ireland, and leaving them wallowing in their blood for ſeven years together, whilſt they were ruining their King that would have helped them, violating of their oaths of allegiance and Supremacy, which many of their Members had taken ſix or ſeven times over breaking their oaths, taken in their proteſtation and Nationall Covenant, and not ſo [Page] few at one hundred ſolemne promiſes, and undertakings in their ſeverall Petitions, Remonſtrances, and Declarations; forcing the People to take the Proteſtation and Covenant, and compell them as ſoon as they had taken it, to break them, and by cozening and forcing them into Rebellions and perjuries, cheat them out of their Religion, Loyalty, Laws and Liberties: will without very good advocates be ſure enough to condemn them: and if the great Turk carrying the Covenant which Ladiſlaus the unfortunate King of Hungary was perſwaded to break with him as an enſign of publick deteſtation in the battell wherein he ſl [...]w him; invoked the God of the Chriſtians to help him to revenge ſo great a treachery; there will be more reaſon now for all that are but Chriſtians, or but pretend to any morality, [...]o carry in their banner, the Po [...]rtract of the Kings bleeding Head, as it was cut from his ſhoulders, and make War in revenge of the Maſter piece, and totum aggregatum, of all manner of wickedneſs and perfidiouſneſs, who beſides all their own and the Peoples oaths taken to defend him, when thoſe they called Deliuquents (ſome few onely which were ſpecially named and excepted) for obeying the known Laws of the Land as well as their oaths and conſciences, were never queſtioned for their lives; but ſuffered to compound for their Eſtates; would not ſuffer the King, that was neither a Delinquent or excepted Perſon, to [Page] enjoy either his Life or Eſtate, though to ſave his people and keep them from killing one another, he yielded himſelf became a Priſoner upon the publick faith of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland.

Paxaequa non est recuſanda Licet victoriae spes adſit (ſaith Beſoldus) A good or fitting Peace is not to be refuſed though the victory were certain: And in this alſo the Parliament will be as far to ſeek for a juſtification as in the other: For inſtead of offering any thing which was likely to bring it, they cauſed men and women in the firſt year of their Warre to be killed becauſe they did but petition them to accept of a peace; and in the third and fourth year of their War plundered and robbed others that petitioned them but to hearken to it, and put out of office, and made all as De [...]linquents in the ſeventh year of the Warre that did but petîtion them for a Treaty with the King, and refuſed all the Kings many, very many Meſſages for peace, not onely when he was at the higheſt of his ſucceſſe in the War, but when he was at the loweſt, and a Priſoner to them, and conjured them as they would anſwer at the dreadfull day of Judgement to pitty the bleeding conditions of his Kingdomes and People, and ſend propoſitions of Peace unto him, quarters and half years, and more then a whole year together after the battell of Naſeby (inſomuch as their fellow Rebells the Scotch Commiſſioners did heavily complain of it) were at ſeverall [Page] times trifled away and ſpent before any propoſitions could be made ready, though thoſe which they ſent to Oxford, Uxbridge, New-caſtle and Hampton Court, were but ſubſtantially and materially the ſame with their nineteen Propoſitions which they made unto the King before the Earl of Eſſex was made their General, and in all the Treaties, made Propoſitions for themſelves and the Soveraignty and great offices and places of the Kingdome, but would neither for Gods ſake, or their Kings ſake, or their Oaths or Conſcientes ſak, or the Peoples ſake, or Peace ſake, which the People petitioned and hungred and thirſted for, alter or abate one Jota or tittle of them, but were ſo unwilling to have any peace at all, as ſix or ſeven Meſſengers or Trumpeters could come from the King, before they could be at leiſure or ſo mannerly as to anſwer one of them, but this or that Meſſage from the King was received and read, and laid by till a week or when they would after: and the Kings Commiſſioners in the Treaties muſt forget their due titles of Earles, Lords or Knights, becauſe the King had made them ſo ſince the beginning of the War, or elſe muſt be neither Treaty nor Peace there.

At Uxbridge the time of the Treaty limited for 20. days; and at New-Caſtle for 10. and though the King and his Commiſſioners at Uxbridge almoſt petioned for a ceſſation in the interim of that which was at Oxford, it [Page] could not be granted, nor have a few dayes added to it; and if the King could in honor and conſcience have granted all the other parts of the Propoſitions, muſt grant them an act, not only to conſiſcate the Eſtates of his Friends and thoſe that took up armes to ſave his Life and Eſtate, but to take away their Lives alſo, and not only that, but to condemn of high Treaſon, & attaint their blood, when they that fought againſt them were only guilt [...], a thing ſo unfitting and unuſually ſtood upon, as it was never asked in any treaty or pacification among the civilized or mor barbarous heathen, and amounts to more then Adonibezeks cauſing the thumbs and great toes of his captive Kings to be cut off, and making them to gather the Crumbs from under his table, or Benhadads demand of Ahabs ſilver and gold, his wives and Children, and whatſoever was pleaſant in his eyes, which the Elders and people of Iſrael perſwaded Ahab not to conſent unto, but was a thing purpoſely contrived and ſtood upon to hinder a peace; was not to be asked or granted by any that could but intitle themſelves to the leaſt part of reaſon or humanity; a demand Bajazet would not leave his Iron-Cage to yield unto; a thing nature it ſelfe would abhor, and the worſt of Villains and Reprobates rather looſe their lives then yield to: would never be demanded by any nor granted by any but his Equalls.

And if their deſiring of a War more then a [Page] peace, and to keep the King out of his own had not been the onely cauſe of ſuch unnaturall and barbarous propoſitions it may well be wondred, why they that have made to themſelves (for we cannot believe they have found any law or warrant to ground it upon) a power to take away the Kings life upon a colour or pretence of an unread, as well as unheard of piece of Juſtice; ſhould need to ſtrive ſo hard with the King, to give them a power to do that they are now ſo bufie to do of themſelves: and as if they had been afraid all this would not be enough to keep the doors of Janus, or the Devill open, for fear leſt the King ſhould trouble them with any more offers or Meſſages of Peace: a vote muſt be made in February 1647. that it ſhould be treaſon in any man to bring or receive any more Meſſages from him without conſent of Parliament. But ſuppoſe (that which is not) that the Parliament could have but found any thing but ſome what like a cauſe or juſtification of a War againſt their Soveraign (for notwithſtanding all their hypocriticall pretences, ſo as it was at firſt intended, and ſo it hath been proved to be ever ſince) to whom their Maſters the People (we mean as to the houſe of Commons) had ſent them to conſult with, not to make a War againſt him: they might have remembred that ſaying of Cicero, (if they had found nothing in the Book of God, and their own Conſciences to perſwade them to it) That du [...] ſunt genera [Page] decertandi, unum per diſceptationem, alterum Cic. 1. de offic. per vim, & ad hoc confugiendum non eſt ſi uti ſuperiori licebit: There are other wayes to come by pretended rights, than by a War, and we ought never to make uſe of a War (which is the worſt of all remedies) if we may obtain it by a better. Hen. 2. King of England was made a Judge between the Kings of Caſtile and Navarre, The Rebellious Barons of England in the Reign of King Hen. 3. referred their Jov. lib. 1. controverſies to the deciſion of the King of France and his Parliament at Paris: And the blood of this Kingdome which ran ſo plentifully in thoſe unhappy differences, was by that meanes onely ſtopped. Charles the 4. Emperor was made a Judge of the differences Polidor 13. 20. betwixt the Engliſh and the French Kings: For as Albericus Gentilis ſaith well; Intelligendum & eos qui diffugiunt genus hoc decertandi Albericus Gentilis Cap. 3. per diſceptationem, & ad alterum quod eſt per vim currunt, illico eos a juſtitia, ab humanitate, a probis exemplis refugere, & ruere in arma volentes qui ſubire judicium nullius velint: They that ruſh into a War without aſſaying all other juſt meanes of deciding the controverſie for which it is made, and will judge onely according to their own will and opinion, doe turn their backs to Juſtice, Humanity, and all good Examples. And in that alſo the Parliament will be found faulty: For the French King and the Eſtates of the united Provinces, did by more than one Requeſt and Embaſſy ſeverally and earneſtly [Page] mediate to make an accord betwixt the King and his Parliament, and deſired to have all things in difference left to their Arbitrement; but their Ambaſſadors returned home again with a report how much they found the King inclined to it, and how ſatisfactorily he had offered; and how much the Parliament was averſe to their interpoſition; and altogether refuſed it.

But we have tarried long enough among the Parliament party, from thence therefore (for it is time to leave the company of ſo much wickedneſs) we ſhall remove to the Kings party (and yet that may cauſe a Sequeſtration) and examine for a fuller ſatisfaction of that which by the rule of contraries is clear enough already, if he were not on the defenſive and more juſtifiable part of the buſineſs.

The King as he was Defenſor & Protector ſubditorum ſuorum, and ſworn to ſee the Law executed, had not the Sword nor his Authority committed to him in vain: And if he had had no manner of juſt cauſe of fear, either in his own Perſon or Authority, or no cauſe given him in re laeſae Majestatis, the impriſoning of his Subjects, and plundering and taking away their eſtates from them, long before he had either armed himſelf, or had wherewithal to doe it, had been cauſe as ſufficient as to cauſe a Hue and Cry to be made after a F [...]lon, or raiſe the poſſe Comitatus to bring him to Juſtice; and might by [Page] the ſame reaſon doe it in the caſe of more: and by the ſame reaſon he might do it by the help of one, nothing can hinder but by the ſame reaſon he might doe it by the help of more.

When Nathan came to David with a parable, and told him of the rich man that had taken the poor mans only ſheep, he that underſtood wel enough the duty of a King, was exceeding wroth againſt the man, and ſaid, As ſure as the Lord liveth this man ſhall ſurely die. And can any man think that the King when he ſaw ſo much Sedition and Treaſon among the people countenanced & cheriſhed, tumults grow up into outrages, outrages to parties and warlike aſſemblies, propoſitions made to bring in Horſe and Money to maintain an Army againſt Him, and many of his Subjects daily, impriſoned, ſequeſtred, undone or killed, can be blamed if he had a great deal ſooner gone about to defend both himſelf and his people? For who (ſaith St. Jerom) did [...]ver reſt quietly ſleeping neer a viper? Eſt lex una & perpetua ſalutem omni ratione defendere Jerom. Ep. 47. & haec ratio doctis, neceſſitas Barbarts, mos gen ibus, feris natura ipſa praeſcripſit, & haec non ſcripta ſed nata lex, ſaith Tully (that great maſter of morality) Reaſon, Neceſſity, Cuſtom, and Nature it ſelf, have made ſelf-preſervation to be warrantable. Cicero pro Milone.

Nemo exponere ſe debet pericu [...]is ſed obvi [...]m offenſioni eisudum, [...]non m [...]do quae eſt in actu, ſed quae eſt in potentia ad actum, & [...]uſtus metus [Page] juſtum facit bellum, ſay the Civil Lawes; and where there was not nuda cogitatio, or a bare intention onely to ruine the King, but ſo much over and over again acted, as might well occaſion more than a fear and apprehenſion in him of what hath ſince been brought to paſs againſt him; no man certainly without much blindneſs or partiality can think it to be a fault in him to ſeek to defend himſelf, when the Parliament did not only long before he raiſed any forces to defend himſelf, but at the ſame time when he was doing of it, make the people believe his Perſon was in ſo much danger, as they muſt needs take up Arms to defend Him.

And how much more warrantable then muſt it be in the Kings caſe, when it was not only an endeavour to defend himſelf, but all thoſe that have been ſince ſlain, and undone, and ruined, for want of power enough to do it?

Defence is by the Civil Lawyers ſaid to be either neceſſary, profitable, or honeſt: Nec distingui vult Baldus ſive ſe, ſua, ſuoſve defendat, Baldus 3. conſid. 485 & confid. 3 ſive prope, ſive poſita longè; A man is ſaid to defend himſelf when it is but his own goods, eſtate, or people, whether neer or further off; Neceſſaria defenſio ejus eſt, & factum ad neceſſariam defenſionem contra quem veniat armatus inimicus, & ejus contra quem inimicus ſe paravit; It muſt needs be a neceſſary defence againſt whom an armed Enemy is either marching or preparing.

[Page] Ʋtilis defenſio, quum nos movemus bellum verentes ne ipſi bello petamur; when we make a war to prevent or be before-hand, when war or miſchief is threatned or likely to come upon us; for as Nicephorus the Hiſtorian ſaith, He that will live out of danger, muſt occurrere malis impendentibus, & atnevertere, nec est cunctandum aut expectandum, &c. meet and take away growing evils, and turn them another way, and not to d [...]lay, and be ſlack in it.

Honeſta defenſio quae citra metum ullum periculi noſtri, nulla utilitate quaeſita, tantum in gratiam aliorum ſuſcipitur: When for no fear of danger to our ſelves, and for no conſideration of profit to our ſelves, but meerly in favour or help of others the war is undertaken. Wherefore certainly when the King may be juſtly ſaid to tarry too long before Alberic. Genti. lib. 1. Dec. 25. he made the ſecond and third kinds of defences, either to prevent the danger and fury of a War againſt himſelf, or to help thoſe that ſuffered and were undone in ſeeking to defend himſelf, and was ſo overmuch in love with Peace, as he utterly loſt it, and could never again recover it; and was ſo much miſtaken in the love and religion of his Subjects and Parliament promiſes, and the impoſſibilities of ſuch horrid proceedings againſt him, as all his three Kingdomes were in a flame of War, and ſtrong Combinations made by two of them, and the Pulpit every where flaming, Seditious exhortations againſt him, his Navy, Magazines, Ports, Revenues, Mint, ſtrongeſt Towns and places [Page] ſeized on, Armies marching againſt him, and he onely and a few friends and followers pend up in a corner, had an enemy and a ſtrong Town at his back ready every day to ſurprize him, and ſeveral Armies marching and in action before and round about him, before he granted out any Commiſſion for War, or had or could make any preparation for it; and had ſo many to help and defend beſides himſelf, it would be too much injury, and too great a violence to all manner of reaſon and underſtanding, to deny him a Juſtification upon the firſt ſort of defences, if the two latter will not reach it, for the firſt cannot by any interpretation goe without. For haec eſt neceſsit as (ſaith Baldus) quae bellum justificat quum in extremo loco ad bellum confugitur. Or if with Grotius Bald. 5. Conſ. pa. 439. we look upon it another way, and make the Juſtice of War to conſiſt, 1. in defenſione. 2. in recuperatione rerum. 3. in p [...]uitione. The King, before ever he went to demand Hull, or before ever he deſired a guard of the County of York, had cauſe enough and enough to doe it; and it would be hard if a great deal leſs then that ſhould not be able to deliver him from the cenſure or blame of an offenſive or unneceſſary War. When that which was made by David upon the children of Ammon, and that of the late glorious King of Sweden againſt the Emperour of Germany; the former for miſuſing, the latter for encroaching upon him, and not receiving [Page] his Ambaſſadors, found warrant and neceſſity enough to doe it. But what could the King doe more in his endeavours and waiting for a Peace, or leſs in his preparations or making of a War? when the leaſt, or one of the hundred provocations or cauſes we dare ſay plainly here ſet down in the matter of fact, hath hitherto among the wiſeſt Princes and Commonwealths in the World, been reputed a juſt and warrantable cauſe of War.

Homicide by the Lawes of England ſhall be excuſed with a fe defendendo, when the aſſaulted hath but ſimply defended himſelf, or retired in his own defence ſo far till by ſome water or wall he be hindred from going any further. Death and deſtruction marching towards the King, Hull fortified and kept behind him, and all manner of neceſſitie compaſſing him in on every ſide, could then doe no leſs then rouze him up to make his own defence; and he muſt be as much without his ſenſes, as care of his own preſervation, if he ſhould not then think it to be high time to make ready to defend himſelf, and neceſſity enough to excuſe him for any thing ſhould be done in order to it.

The Parliament and He (as this caſe ſtood) could not be both at one and the ſame time in the defenſive part; For they had all the Money, Arms, Ammunition, and ſtrength of the Kingdom in their hands, and multitudes of deluded people to aſſiſt them; and ſo [Page] hunted and purſued from place to place, as it was come to be a ſaying and a by-word among the apprentices and new levied men at London they would goe a King-catching: and were not likely therefore to be guilty of ſo much patience as the King, who was ſo much in love with peace, and ſo thirſted after it, as that, and his often ſending Meſſages and Propoſitions for it, would not ſuffer him to make uſe of any victories or advantages God had given him. Twice did he ſuffer the Earl of Eſſex to attempt to force him from Oxford, and Sir Thomas Fairfax once to beleager him, when he had Power enough to have made London or the aſſociate Counties the Seat of the War, and it would be ſomething ſtrange that he, who when he had raiſed forces againſt his Scottiſh Rebels, and found himſelf in the Head of ſo gallant an Army, as he had much adoe to keep them from fighting, and his enemies ſo ridiculouſly weak, as he might have ſubdued them; but with looking upon them but a fortnight longer, could not be perſwaded to draw a Sword againſt them, would now begin an offenſive warre without any power or ſtrength at all againſt thoſe that had before-hand ingroſſed it: or what policy or wiſedome could it be in him to begin a War without Money, or Men, or Armes to goe through with it? or to refuſe the aſſiſtance of his Catholique Subjects, and Forrain Friends and Forces? or to ſpend ſo much [Page] time in Meſſages and offers of Peace, to give them time and ability to diſarm him, and arm themſelves, if he had not utterly abhorred a War, and as cordially affected peace? as he offered fair enough for it: Or if we could but tell how to ſay that the King did begin the War? (when what he did was but to preſerve his Regality, and the Militia and Protection of his people, which the Parliament in expreſs terms, as well as by Petitioning for it, acknowledged it to be his Own; being but that which every private man that had but money or friends, would not neglect to do.)

Did he any more in ſeeking to preſerve his Regality, then to defend and keep himſelf from a breach of truſt they fought to make him break? Or did he any more then ſeek to defend himſelf againſt thoſe did all they could to force him to break it? or could there be a greater perjury, or breach of truſt in the Kingly office, than to put the Sword which God had given him, into the hands of mad-men, or fools, or ſuch as would kill and ſlay and undo their fellow-ſubjects with it? or to deliver up the protection of his people into the hands of a few of their ambitious fellow-ſubjects, did as much break their own truſt to thoſe they repreſented in asking of it, as the King would havedone if he had granted it? or why ſhall it not be accounted an inculpata tutela in the King to preſerve and defend that by a War, the Laws [Page] of God and Man, his Coronation-Oath, Honour, and Conſcience, and a duty to Himſelf and his Poſterity, as well as to his people, would not permit him to ſtand ſtill, and ſuffer to be taken away from him.

But if the King by any manner of conſtruction could be blamed or cenſured for denying to grant the Militia, which was the firſt pretence of beginning of the War, by thoſe that ſought to take it from him (for till the beſieging of Hull the 16. of July 1642. after many other affronts & attempts of as high a nature put upon him, the moſt malicious interpretation of the matter of Fact, cannot find him ſo much as at all to have defended himſelf, as to have done any one act of War (or ſo much as like it) who ſhall be in the fault for all that was done after, when he offered to condiſcend to all that might be profitable for his people in the matter of Religion, Lawes, and Liberties? Or was it not a juſt cauſe of War to defend himſelf and his people againſt thoſe would notwithſtanding all he could doe and offer, make a War againſt him, becauſe he would not contrary to his Oath, Magna Charta and ſo many other Laws he had ſworn to obſerve, betray, or deliver up his people into their hands to be governed, or rather undone by a greater latitude of Arbitrary power then the great Turk or Crim Tartar ever exerciſed upon their enſlaved people, and put the education and marriage of his own Children [Page] out of his power, was never ſought to be taken out of the hand of any Father who was not a fool or a mad-man, nor yielded to by any who would have the credit to be accounted [...] wiſe; or becauſe he would not denude himſelf of the power of conferring honours, or vilifie or diſcredit his great and leſſer Seals, and the Authority of them, from which many mens Eſtates and Honours, and the whole current of the Juſtice of the Kingdome had their original, and refuſed to perjure himſelf by aboliſhing Epiſcopacy, which Magna Charta, and ſome dozens of other laws bound him to preſerve? Or if that be not enough to juſtifie him in his own defence, had he not cauſe enough to deny, and they little enough to ask Liberty of Conſcience, and practice to Anabaptiſts, Blaſphemers of God, denie [...]s of the Trinity, Scriptures, and Deity of Chriſt, when the Parliament themſelves had taken a Covenant to root them out, and made as many of the people as they could force, to take it with them? or had he not cauſe enough to deny to ſet up the Presbyterian Authority, would not even have taken away his own Authority, but have done the like alſo with the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation, and the ruling part of that they now call the Parliament utterly abhor; or if all that could not make the War be made to be defenſive and lawful? had he not cauſe enough to deny, and they none at all to ask that he ſhould by Act of Parliament conſent [Page] to make all thoſe to be Traytors that took his part, their Blood and Poſterities attainted, and their Eſtates forfeited? when as ſome of the Parliaments own Members were heard to ſay when thoſe Propoſitions were ſent to him; That if he yeelded unto them, He was the unworthieſt man living, and not fit to be a King.

For certainly, if the Laws of God and man, and the underſtanding of all mankind be not changed, there was never a juſter, more defenſive, unwilling, and neceſſitated Warre, than that of the Kings part, ſince man came out of Paradiſe. And if ſuch a War ſhould not be lawfull (after ſo many provocations and neceſſities for the defence of himſelf and his People, and ſo many after-generations, this War of the Parliament, and the curſe of it, is like to ruine and leave in ſlavery) under what cenſure and opinion may that of Abraham with Chederlaomer the King of Elam, Gen. 14. and Tidal King of the Nations be, when he fought with them to reſcue his brother Lot, and his goods, and was bleſſed by Melchiſedec the Prieſt of the moſt high God, for doing of it. Or of the War which the Tribes of Iſrael made againſt the Tribe of Benjamin, Judg. 20. and the men of Gibeah, for committing lewdneſſe and folly in Iſrael: that of David to 1 Sam. 30. reſcue his Wives that were carried away captive by the Amalekites, or to fetch home the 2 Sam. 6. Ark of God from the Philiſtines; that which Ahab made with Benhadad the King of Syria, 1 Reg. 20, [Page] who was not half ſo tyrannical in his Propoſitions as the Parliament, were approved of in Sacred Story; or that which was made by Judas Machabeus and his Brethren, to reſcue the decayed eſtate of the people of the Jews; or that which was uſed to be made by the heathen pro aris & focis, were never yet ſo much as ſuſpected to be unlawfull: How ſhall this of the Kings be condemned, that had as much as Abraham, David, Ahab, againſt Benhadad, Judas Machabeus, and the 1 Macc. 3. v. 43. tribes of Iſrael, or thoſe heathens that made it pro aris & focis, put them altogether to warrant it? Or by what reaſon or Law, is any man by the Laws of England excuſed for killing a man in his own defence, when he is neceſſitated or hindred by a Wall or a Water, that he can go no farther? or for killing thieves that come to aſſault or rob him in his houſe or caſtle? If the King ſhall be hunted from his houſe through all the parts and corners of his Kingdom for his Life; and not onely for his Life, but his Honour; and not onely for his Life and Honour, but his Conſcience? and yet muſt never draw his Sword, or ſeek to defend himſelf, or have any body elſe to do it for him? Or how have all the Kings, Princes, and Magiſtrates of the world hitherto governed, and defended themſelves, and their people? or ſhall ever be able to give an account of the people committed to their charge, if they may not be at liberty to make a legal uſe of the ſword, power, and reaſon [Page] God hath given them? Or how can thoſe State-riddles (like thoſe of Sphinx, only made to deſtroy men with all) that they fought for the King and Parliament, as is alledged in many of their Orders and Declarations? and that the War was a Rebellion raiſed againſt the King and Parliament; as is expreſſed in the Ordinance of Parliament for aſſociation of the Counties of Pembroke, Cardigan, and Carmarthen; be ever underſtood by any rules 8 June, 1644. of ſence or reaſon; if he were on the offenſive part of the War, and had begun it againſt them? But if any ſhall be ſo in love with the ſenſe of the Houſe of Commons, as to be out of their owne ſenſes, and thinke that though there be no manner of evidence or proof to be had for love or money, that the Parliament were conſtrained to defend themſelves by a War: yet the Kings admitting of the Preamble of the Parliaments Propoſitions preſented to him at the Iſle of Wight, that the Parliament was neceſſitated to take up Arms in their juſt and lawfull defence; make [...] him (who muſt needs be beſt acquainted with his own actions) to be ſo clearly guilty of all the blood hath been ſhed in theſe Wars, as it puts to ſilence all that can be now alledged or ſaid in his behalf.

They that made the Preamble, and placed it in limine and threſhold of the Treaty, on purpoſe to catch and inſnare him (for either he muſt have denied it at the very beginning and entrance into the Treaty, and leave hi [...] [Page] Kingdomes and People to wallow in the blood and miſery their Parliament Idols had brought them to; and have all the blame laid upon him for hindring a Peace he had ſo much longed and laboured for; or put himſelf, and all his Loyal Subjects that helped to defend him, under the burden of thoſe Sins and Shames the Parliament themſelves had all the right to) can tell their undone and deluded Proſelytes, how much the King ſtuck at it, how unwilling he was to break off the Treaty, and was unwilling to wrong his own Innocency; and that when the Parliament Commiſſioners had not any thing either in Law, or Truth, or Reaſon, or Argument, to perſwade him to yield unto it, but laid it onely as a caſe of neceſſity before him (though there was no ſuch preamble at the Treaties of Oxford and Uxbridge, nor any ſuch neceſſity at thoſe times inſiſted upon) that unleſſe he would take the guilt upon himſelf, his too Houſes of Parliament and the people had engaged with them muſt neceſſarily bee guilty of Treaſon and could not have any ſecurity from the guilt and puniſhment. The King be [...]aning himſelf and People that muſt be thus ſhut out from any hopes of peace, intreated ſome expedient, or medium might be found out to reconcile the difference: But Cains ſins being greater then could bee forgiven him, unleſs Abel can be brought to ſay he killed Cain; they that could afterward find an expedient for 21 of their great [Page] Council of State that refuſed to ſubſcribe to the lawfulneſſe of murdering the King, after it was done, could finde none at all for the King to purchaſe a peace for the People (though many kinds of ways and expedients, as allowing him to make the like preamble to his own Propoſition, or the like might have been eaſily contrived and thought upon. For the truth was, the Independent party deſired no Peace at all, and the Presbyterians deſired it onely to get into their hands the Kings Power and Authority, and lay the guilt of all the blood they had ſhed for it upon him; and both of them were ſo well content to have him allow of the preamble, as the latter, thought himſelf ſafe and out of controverſie if the King took the blood upon him; and the former, that it would prove no ſmall advantage or colour, to take away his Life for confeſſing himſelf guilty of it, by allowing of the preamble; in this unparallel'd demand, never before ſtood upon By Subjects to their Prince, or Conquerours to their Captives. Nero himſelf was ſo far ſhort of it, as though he had cunning enough when he ſet Rome on fire, to lay the fault upon the Chriſtians, had not Villany enough to torture and ſeek to draw them to a confeſſion, that they did it.

The King after Proteſtation that he could not without manifeſt injury to the Truth, and a violation of his Honour and Conſcience, take upon him a guilt, could no way be charged [Page] upon him, or thoſe that appeared in his defence, was yet for peace ſake, and his peoples ſake, content to ſay; It will be a great ſelf-denial to take this ſuppoſition of a guilt upon my ſelfe, and a Chriſtian vertue to undergoe any affliction that may be for the good of my People: and I am confident thoſe that have adventured ſo much for me, will be content to ſhare with me for ſo good a purpoſe in the ſuffering for it. I ſhall therefore conditionally conſent to the Preamble; ſo as there follow a concluſion upon the whole matter in Treaty and Propoſitions betwixt us; otherwiſe it is but ſub modo, and conditional; as it is alwaies to be underſtood in this Treaty, that nothing agreed in part betwixt us, ſhall be binding, unleſs there be a concluſion upon the whole. And here let the Truth be judge, if the King did not abundantly endeavour to ſave his People, and if the Parliament had not need of a Justification, when they uſed all manner of force and ſhifts, to have the King take the fault upon him: they therefore that ſhall conſider that the King was a cloſe priſoner, robbed and bereaved of all he had (but his Honour and Conſcience, and a great meaſure [Page] of knowledge and underſtanding, and the hearts of his Loyal Subjects) was debarred of all friends and comforts, pent up and uſed with all manner of hardſhip and extremities, and every day like to be murdered, that conditions adimpleri debent priuſquam ſequatur effectus, are but inſerted or added, in caſum incertum qui poteſt tendere ad eſſe, aut non eſſe; and depend on ſubſequencies or following effects, which not hapning or coming to be performed according to the intent of the conditions, makes them to vaniſh and expire, as if there no ſuch matter at all had been acknowledged or expreſſed in them: That Cooke, his accuſer, who when he comes to be hanged for it, will never be able to prove that the People ſubſtituted, or gave him warrant for to accuſe him. And Bradſhaw, who ſate higher in the pageant of Juſtice, and the reſt of his fellow-murderers, took the Kings conditional conſenting to the Preamble, to be ſo little for their purpoſe, as they never ſo much as mentioned it: muſt not onely acquit him of any confeſſion or guilt to be inferred from his conditional yeelding to that Ambuſcado Preamble, but diſſolve into [Page] wonder and admiration, that he who in his Royal Meditations, and Conference with death, upon the Parliaments Votes of non addreſs, and his cloſer impriſonment at Carisbrook-Caſtle, had clearneſs of Conſcience enough to ſay (for as for his judgement we hope it cannot be ſuſpected, when Mr. Carill the Independent, and Mr. Vines a Presbyterian Miniſter, could ſay he was a ſecond Solomon; and the Parliaments Commiſſioners at the Iſle of Wight report him to be the maſter of the greateſt wiſdome and underſtanding) That he had the feaſt of a good Conſcience, and the brazen wall of a judicious [...], Cap. 28. integrity and Conſcience! doubted not but his Innocency would finde God to be his protector! rejoyced in the comfort of imitating Christs example in ſuffering for Righteouſneſs ſake! and thanked God he could pray for them, that God would not impute his Blood to them, further than to convince them what need they had of Chriſts Blood, to waſh their Souls from the guilt of ſhedding His! And was afterwards in the face and view of Death and his Murderers, heard to ſay upon the Scaffold, He never did begin a War with the two Houſes of Parliament, [Page] and called God to his witneſs (to whom he was ſhortly to make an account) he never intended to incroach upon their priviledges, but they began upon him; It was the Militia they began upon, though they confeſt it was his, and that any that would looke into the date of their Commiſſions and his, might clearly ſee that they began theſe unhappy troubles; and hoped God would clear him of it! Could be ſo much more than a man, and ſo great a protector of his People, as not onely to be content to be robbed and diſpoiled of all that he had for their ſakes, but to ſave the Lives and Eſtates of his People, when there was no other way to do it, deliver up himſelf (ſo as a Peace and Agreement might have followed upon the Treaty) to the unjuſt Cenſure of Robbing and Spoiling thoſe that had robbed and undone him.

But now that we have hunted this Parliament Proteus through all his diſguiſes of Parliament priviledges and pretences, and are lamentably aſſured a great and accurſed thing is committed in our Iſrael, and the anger of the Lord is kindled againſt us; it may be labour well beſtowed (though here is ſure enough [Page] already ſaid and prov'd, that the King was in the defenſive and juſtifiable part of the War) to ſend into Achan's tent, and ſearch and ſee what is there to be found concerning this matter; and here we finde the Lord Say, the Lord Brooks, and their complices, had not long before the King had ſummoned them to that which is now called the Parliament, ſettled and conveyed their eſtates, to prevent any dangers might happen upon their intended enterpriſes; Peard the pragmatique Parliament-man was heard to ſay a little before this holy War began to break out, That the Government of the Kingdom would within a year or two be altered.

A little before the ſecond Scottiſh Invaſion, Hiſtory of the Mar (que) Montroſſe his actions in Scotland. Hinderſon the Scotch firebrand confeſſes the Covenanters of both Kingdoms were unanimouſly agreed to bring the King to their lure before they laid down Arms: the joint Declaration of both Kingdoms in January, 1643. profeſſes they will never lay down Armes till the pretended reformation be accompliſhed; many Declarations and Remonſtrances of the Parliament (if they may be ſo called) and the Army, mention the [Page] original power and Soveraignty to be in the people, the common Rights and Freedome of the Nation, and the opportunities God hath put into their hands. An Ordinance of Parliament 20 October 1645. concerning Rules and Directions for Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders, declare it was the wonderfull providence of God in calling them (which he never did by force of Arms, Hypocriſie, Treaſon, Rebellion, and uſurping of Regal Authority) to the great and difficult work of reformation and purging the Church. The Lord Fairfax and his General Council of Officers in their Remonſtrance of the 16 November, 1648. made to the Parliament, call the putting down of Monarchy, and the eſtabliſhing of their unjuſt ends, the publick intereſt originally contended for on the Parliaments part; and the Declaration and Votes of thoſe that call themſelves the Commons of England in Parliament aſſembled, 1 January 1648. affirm the bringing of Delinquents to puniſhment (which if they had been Delinquents, is certainly a part of the Kingly Office) the main, if not the onely end of making this War. And in another place thereof acknowledges [Page] the rooting out of Epiſcopacy, and bringing Delinquents to puniſhment to be the onely motives that induced them to undertake this War.

And though Achan will neither confeſs nor be brought to puniſhment, till the wrath and never-failing judgement of God ſhall bring them and their ſons and their daughters, and their ſucceſſes, and the Aſſes that follow them to be conſumed in the field of Achor: and the Fig-leaves which they have patched together to palliate and hide their nakedneſſe, cannot keep out the eyes and underſtanding of a ruined Nation bleeding under the burden of their iniquity; but whether ever confeſſed or never, will be as plain as the moſt infallible demonſtration; they were never neceſſitated to make a War, but were ſo far from the Juſtification of a defenſive War, as that they were altogether in the offenſive. For beſide all that hath been ſaid to prove them guilty of the blood and miſery of this Nation, who can think, or be believed (if he ſhould be ſo mad as to ſay it) That they were forced to make a War for that was none of their own, or to take away tenures in Capite, [Page] which was a principal Flower of his Crown; or for a Reformation of Religion, was already the envie and ambition of the beſt of the Reformed Churches, or to commit Sacriledge and aboliſh Epiſcopacy, which at the leaſt was of Apoſtolical inſtitution; or to preſerve the Statute of 25 E. 3. concerning what was Treaſon; when they themſelves committed moſt of the Treaſons were mentioned in it, and more than their forefathers and the makers of that Statute ever thought on. But that we may do all the right we can to them have done ſo much wrong, and the better carry on our judgements to a certain concluſion of that which God and all good and juſt men know to be true enough, it will not, we hope, be impertinent in this our ſearch and diſquiſition of the truth to proceed to the enquiry.

CHAP. V. Whether the Parliament, in their pretended Magiſtracy, have not taken leſler occaſion to puniſh or provide againſt Inſurrections, Treaſons, and Rebellions, as they are pleaſed to call them.

[Page]

ALl in the neighbourhood of their Proceedings, that know but any thing of them can tell it: The Parliament have not been wanting to their own preſervations and purpoſes in the exerciſe of the greateſt jealouſie, vigilancy, terror, and authority, over thoſe they could get within their juriſdiction: Witneſſe Edward Archer, who was whipt and puniſhed almoſt to death for ſpeaking but his ill wiſhes to the Earl of Eſſex, when he was marching out of London with their Army againſt the King: the impriſonment of their own Members, for ſpeaking againſt the Senſe and Cabal of the Houſe of Commons; men and women, old and young, ſhut [Page] up under Decks, ready to be ſtifled a ſhip-board, upon ſuſpition that they affected the King; hanging of the two Briſtol Merchants, Maſter Bourchier and Maſter Yeomans, for an endeavour to deliver to deliver up Briſtol, putting Colonel Eſſex out of the Government of that Town, upon ſuſpition of favouring the enterpriſe; hanging of Maſter Tomkins and Maſter Chaloner, for a purpoſe to force the delivery up of ſome factious men to Juſtice; baniſhing Maſter Waller, an eminent Member of the houſe of Commons, for the contrivance of it; ſearching the houſes of forraign Ambaſſadors, and intercepting and opening their Letters; beheading Sir Alexander Cary for an intention to deliver up Plimouth, and Sir John Hotham (who adventured firſt of all to ſet up their authority, and was magnified, and almoſt adored for it) for an intention only to deliver up Hull to the King; executing of his ſon, for joyning with his father in it; hanging Maſter Kniveton, one of the Kings Meſſengers, but for bringing his Majeſties Proclamation to London for the adjourning of the Term (being a greater miſ-uſage then Davids Meſſengers [Page] received from King Ammon) impriſoning, ſtarving, and undoing of any that durſt but own the King, or ſend, or bring any Meſſage from him or his party, or that did but give any aid or aſſiſtance to him, to which their Oaths and Conſciences, and the jugling Covenant (they themſelves took, and forced upon them) did oblige them; ſhooting and cannonading of the Queen when ſhe came but to aid her husband, and chaſing and ſhooting after her at Sea a year after, when ſhe was going back into France from him; ſequeſtring wives and mothers that did but relieve their husbands and childrens wants when they returned out of the Kings ſervice, putting thouſands of the Orthodox Miniſters out of their Benefices and livelihoods for uſing the Common-Prayer-Book, preaching true Doctrine and obedience to the King, or praying for him at the ſame time when they pretended liberty of Conſcience, and preſcription of Religion, voting the Prince a Traitor, for wiſhing well or being in company with his Father (for he was too young to do any thing elſe for him) and making, or rather ſuppoſing [Page] charges of High Treaſon againſt thoſe that either fought for the King, or counſelled him how to defend himſelf; for but obeying the known Lawes, they themſelves made the world believe they made ſome part of the War for, ordering all to die without mercy that did but harbour the King when he fled in a diſguiſe before their Armies, condemning men by a Court Martial after the War was ended, and ſhooting them to death but for words or intentions. And if this and many things more might be ſaid of it, be not enough, what means ſo many Sequeſtrations, and the bleating and lowing of mens Sheep and Oxen taken away from them ſince the Warre was ended, but for words ſpoken either for the King or againſt them; husbands and fathers undone for what their wives or children did without their privity; the Mayor of London and divers Aldermen impriſoned but upon a ſuſpicion of joyning with the Scots, or ſomething in purſuance of the Covenant they forced them to take, or elſe would have undone them for refuſing of it, Garriſons and Armies with free-quartering and Taxes kept up after the War was ended, and [Page] the people like ſheep devoured to maintain them; ſo much complaining in our ſtreets, and taking away the fifth part of many men in whole Counties, as Eſſex, Kent, &c. for joyning with ſome of the Kings Forces, or for being forced to ſend proviſions to them (when they took up Arms, ſome in purſuance of the Covenant, and others of them to deliver the King out of priſon) and cauſing the Souldiers not onely to cut and kill divers of the County of Surrey in the very act of Petitioning the Parliament for a Treaty of Peace with the King, and ſequeſter many of them for putting their hands to it, with diſabling the Citizens of London for bearing any office in the City or Common wealth, for but putting their hands to the petition for the Treaty, though Cromwel himſelf had not long before ſet on ſom to petition for it; and the ruine & undoing of 2 parts of 3 in the Kingdome, very many of whom did nothing actually in the Wars, but were onely ſacrificed to their pretended reaſons and jealouſies of State, do ſufficiently proclame, and remain the woful Regiſters to after-generations of this lamentable aſſertion. If the King could [Page] have gotten but ſo much leave of his mercy, and a tenderheartedneſſe to his people, as to have uſed but the fivehundredth part of the Parliaments jealouſies, and ſharp and mercileſs authority in the managing of this Warre, ſo much of his Kingdomes and people had not been undone and ruined, nor the Parliament put to ſo much labour to coyn faults and ſcandals againſt him, nor to wreſt the Lawes to non-ſenſe, and the Scriptures to Blaſphemy, to juſtifie their moſt horrid act of murthering him, but for ſeeking to preſerve the Lawes and Liberties of his people, who are now clearly cheated out of them. And here our miſery tells us we muſt leave them, and in the next place ſhall remember (for indeed it is ſo plain it needs no enquiry.)

CHAP. VI. Who moſt deſired Peace, and offered fairlieſt for it.

[Page]

TH'bundant ſatisfaction the King had offered them from his firſt ſummoning of the late Parliament, to their diſſolving of themſelves, by diſſolving him who gave them all their Life and Being: That which he did, and all which he would have done; ſo many Declarations, Anſwers and Meſſages penned by himſelf, intending as much as his words could ſignifie, and were believed and underſtood by all at that time, that were not intereſſed or engaged againſt him, and by many of the eagreſt of them alſo, that had no hand, or look't to have any profit in the murthering of him (for a Trial of a King without either warrant or colour of Scripture, or the Lawes of the Kingdome, or the conſent of the major part of the people (if that could have authorized [Page] it, cannot, nay will not by all the world and after-ages be otherwiſe interpreted; unleſſe we ſhall ſay Ravillac might have juſtified his killing Henry the Fourth of France, if he had but had the wit to have framed or fancied a Supreme Court of Juſtice, and have Sentenced him before he had done it) will be as pillars and laſting Monuments of this Truth, The King was the onely deſirer of Peace, and laboured and tugged harder for it than ever Prince or King, Heathen or Chriſtian, fince Almighty God did his firſt dayes work, did ever doe with Superiors, Equals or Subjects; and it will be no wrong certainly to David (whoſe ſufferings are ſo much remembred in all Chriſtian Churches) complaining ſo bitterly that he ſought peace with thoſe that refuſed it, and in the mean time prepared for War againſt him. To ſay the King did ſuffer more, and offer more, and oftner for peace than ever he did (for any thing is extant or appearing to us) for ſurely, ſo many Meſſages of Peace as one and twenty in two years ſpace, from the 5. of December 1645. to the 25. of Decem. 1647. ſent to the Parliament after ſo [Page] many affronts and diſcouragements, muſt needs excuſe him that offered all could be imagined to be for the good and ſafety of his people, and condemn thoſe, that not onely from time to time refuſed it, but adhered ſo much to their firſt intentions, as all the blood and ruine of the people could not perſwade them to depart with the leaſt punctillio of it; though the King before the Iſle of Wight-Treaty, offered ſo much for the Olive-branch, as to part with the Militia for term of his life, and in a manner to un-king himſelf, and was afterwards content to doe all that his Coronation-Oath, Honour and Conſcience, could poſſibly permit him to do; and to purchaſe a peace for his people, was content to have born the ſhame & reproach of what his enemies were onely guilty of▪ inſomuch as the Lord Say himſelf, and moſt of his ever-craving, never ſafe enough Diſciples, confeſſed the King had offered ſo much, as nothing more could be demanded of him. They therefore that can but tell how to divide or put a difference betwixt white and black, night and day, and the plaineſt contraries, muſt needs alſo acknowledge [Page] the King offered all, and the Parliament refuſed all: The King was willing to part almoſt with every thing, and the Parliament would never part with any thing: The King was willing for the good of his people to give away almoſt every thing of his own, but the Parliament would never yield to part with any thing was not their own. And thus may the account be quickly caſt up between the King and Parliament, who would have ſaved the people from miſery, and who was moſt unwilling to make an end of it. But that we may not too haſtily give the ſentence to try the buſineſſe, a [...] they uſe to do at the Councel of War, or the new invented way of Juſtice, ſitting with their Will, or the Sword onely in one hand, and no Ballance at all in the other. We ſhall in the next place examine.

CHAP. VII. Who laboured to ſhorten the War, and who to lengthen it.

[Page]

THe odds was ſo great betwixt what the Parliament laboured to get, and the King to keepe, as that which ſways the balance in moſt mens actions, will be argument enough to conclude they were more likely to loſe by a peace than a war; therefore the more willing to continue it: and if their own Intereſts would not put them ſo far upon it, their vain-glory and ambition would be forward enough to perſwade them to it; and if not that, the ſucceſs of their arms, or miſcalled providence, would make them look (as experience tells us they did) upon any tenders of peace, as Alexander the Great did upon Darius his offer o [...] half his Kingdom: and if not that, their feares and jealouſies now grown greater by wronging of the King, than ever they were when they ſuſpected him, could never think it ſafe to [Page] let an inraged Lion into his Denne they had ſo long kept out of it. But the King could not fight for his own, but he muſt adventure the undoing of his own; and could not but know, that ſo much as was loſt of his Subjects, would be ſo much loſt of a King; and therefore doth all he can to preſerve a People, had no minde to preſerve themſelves; and before He had gathered up the Bayes He won at Edge-hill, ſends a Proclamation of pardon to thoſe, that the day before did all they could to kill him; and in all his actions of War afterward behaved himſelf rather like a weeping Father defending himſelf againſt the ſtrokes and violence of diſobedient children. Had the Parliament accepted of his offers before he came to Beverley, or beſieged Hull, he had never ſet up his Standard at Notsingham; or had they loved his People but half ſo much as he did, their Armies had never ſeen his Banners diſp [...]aid a [...] Edge-hill. Had they hearkned to his many endeavours for Peace after that Battel, and not ſought to ſurround or ruine him when he came ſo near as to their very doors to intreat for it, they had never been troubled to frame an [Page] Accuſation againſt him for defending himſelf at Brainford, Had his Treaty at Oxford been proceeded in with the ſame deſires of Peace he brought to it the blood that was ſhed at [...]verſham-bridge had been kept for better purpoſes; had he ſought his own advantages, he had not beſieged Gloceſter; or had he not been ſo unwilling to put the People in it to the hazard of a ſtorm, might have taken it; had they not ſent their General to aſſault him at Gloceſter, whil'ſt he was as David beſieging the ſtrong Hold of the Jebuſites, that withheld it from his obedience, and ſought to ruine and undoe Him aſwell as his Loyal Subjects, he had not fought with them afterwards at Newbery; had not his Olive-branches been flung in the fire by thoſe He ſent them unto, he had not been put to defend himſelf at Cropredy-bridge. Had any thing been able to prevail with the Parliament to pitty their fellow-Subjects, he had not taken ſuch a tedious and dangerous march to relieve thoſe they would have ruined at Bodmin in Cornwall. Had the Treaty at Ʋxbridge taken effect, he needed not afterwards have adventured ſo much to defend [Page] himſelf at Newbery. Had not the newmodell'd Army after ſo many tenders of Peace, refuſed by their maſters, beene ſent out to deſtroy him, he had not been put to the trouble of taking Leiceſter for his ſecurity. And had not he been ſurrounded and almoſt ſurpriſed by them, might have reſerved himſelf to a better ſucceſs and advantage than he had at Naſeby. Had his voluntary reſigning up of the remainder of his Armies and Gariſons been able to perſwade any thing with them, there had not been ſo much as a relique of War left in the Kingdom; or could ſo many Meſſages for Peace, and ſo many Petitions of the People for it, have made but any impreſſion on the Parliament, ſo many diviſions, parties, and inſurrections, had not ſince broken the Harps of the Children of Iſrael, nor ſhould the drummes have out gone the voice of the Turtle. He that could not bring himſelf to the common actions of War to hang a Spie, inſomuch as when one of them was hanged before he was told he was taken, he was intreating the Governour of Oxford to ſpare him. He that when he had John Lilburne, one of the moſt factious that were againſt him, [Page] Wingate and Darley Parliament-men, Colonel Ludlow an actor of that Treaſon his Father had not long before ſpoken againſt him, and Dr. Baſtwiek one of the bellows and principal factors of this horrid Rebellion, did no more than impriſon ſome of them, and giving the reſt a legal Trial, ſhewed them what the law they made filly People believe they took up arms to maintain, would judge of them; and ſuffered them to be exchanged to do what they could afterwards againſt him: He that when he had taken 400 prentice-boys in the fight at Brainford, did but diſmiſs and pitty them; and when he had compelled the Earl of Eſſex the Parliament-General at Leſtithiel in Cornwall to flie away by Sea in a Cock-boat, and leave all the Artillery and Foot of his Army to his mercy, did no more but diſarm them, and take an oath of them never more to ſerve againſt him; and being then in the height of his proſperity, ſent a Meſſage and Offer of Peace to the Parliament, who were low enough at that time (if their deſigns would have given them leave) to have received it: He that could ſay he ſhould be more afraid to take away [Page] any mans life unjuſtly than to loſe his own! was not likely to be guilty of blood-ſeeking, or the ſhedding of it: He that had experience enough how much his Life and Crown were ſought for, yet to ſhew them the way to peace, and to take off all pretences to hinder it, could ſheath his own Sword, and put himſelf into the hands of thoſe he had ſo little reaſon to truſt, as he knew them to be the great contrivers of the War againſt him; cauſed the Marqueſs of Montroſſe, one of his mighty men of War, to diſband, when he was maſter of a ſtrong and (not long before) fortunate Army in Scotland; commanded Newark, Oxford, Wallingford and Worceſter, very ſtrong and almoſt impregnable Towns and Garriſons in England to be delivered up, and all acts of hoſtility by Sea and Land, and all the preparations his friends could make either in foraign parts or at home to ceaſe: He that could endure five yeares Ballading, Libelling, and Preaching againſt him, and ſuch heaps of numberleſs affronts and injuries of all kinds done unto him, and two years impriſonment afterwards; yet ſo long as he enjoy'd but the liberty of Pen and [Page] Ink, or a Meſſenger to carry it, did ſo tire them with Meſſages and Offers of Peace, as they voted it to be Treaſon for any to bring any Meſſage from him, and notwithſtanding all that, made ſhift to throw a Meſſage or Declaration to his People, made up like a ball, out of the place of his cloſe Impriſonment at Carisbrook, was not like to deſire the lengthening that war he did all he could to avoid, and offered ſo much to make an end of; but on the contrary, if we take into our conſideration the more than Gothiſh unheard of inhumane crucities, acted and done by the Parliament againſt their better fellow-Subjects, their Plunderings, Sequeſtrations, and racking of every mans eſtate they pleaſed to call Delinquents; ſeverities in all their actions, ſtanding upon every punctilio or word, or ſuperſcription of a Letter, and not abating a tittle of their demands, as if they had been the Decalogue, or ſome other place of Scripture (though rivolets of blood, hundred thouſands of ruined families, and thronged Hoſpitals of ſick and wounded men, Widows and Fatherleſs cried aloud to them for Peace) and their killing and murdering thoſe [Page] that but petitioned for it; and a foundation laid of a new war may laſt as long as that of the Netherlands and Germany. There will be enough and enough again to inſure us of this moſt clear and evident truth, the King did all he could, and more than any man elſe would have done to obtain Peace, and the Faction of Parliament all they could to avoid it; for certainly if there be any rules of Learning, Truth or Reaſon, left us to judge by, he muſt be ſequeſtred of all his brains that can but endeavour to make a doubt whether the King did not more reſemble the true mother of the Child in the caſe before Solomon, who did ſo much, and offered to part with ſo much to ſave the life of it, than the Parliament, that would have it more than divided, and to be cut and torn all to bits and pieces, and would do nothing at all to ſave, but every thing to deſtroy it. And now we have ſeen a King undone and impriſoned for his endeavours to protect his People, and bring againe beloved Peace to thoſe that would not entertain it: and heard the report of his murther (for moſt of the Peoples eyes have not ſeen it, nor have their [Page] hearts acted in it) we ſhall, as moſt men do (after they have loſt a good offer or opportunity) enquire.

CHAP. VIII. Whether the Conditions offered by the King would not have been more profitable, if they had been accepted; and what the people have got inſtead of them.

IN order to which, though ſo wofull and over-and-over-bitterly-Taſted, Seen, Felt, Heard and Ʋnderstood, Experiences of the miſeries have come unto us by the Parliaments not accepting the gracious offers and conditions the King made unto them, may make it to be as needleſs to enquire of them, as for a man to ask where to finde Pauls Steeple in London when he is in Pauls Churchyard, or to enquire for the Sun in the dog-days, when he and every man elſe may ſee or feele the effects of it; we ſhall be content to conſider what the [Page] King offered, and what the Parliament would have had him to grant. What the King would have done, and what the Parliament have done; and by that ſee which would have been the better bargain.

The King like a pater patriae offered over and over to grant all manner of Laws and Liberties, which might be good and wholſome for his People, and onely denied to grant thoſe things the granting whereof (as he ſaid himſelfe) would alter the fundamental Laws; and endanger the very foundation upon which the publick happineſs and welfare of his People was founded and conſtituted; or to give them ſtones in ſtead of bread, or Scorpions in ſtead of fiſhes. But the Parliament meaning to feed the People neither with bread nor fiſhes, ask the Royal Sword, Crown, and Scepter, Coronation Oath, and Conſcience, and an Arbitrary Power to governe and domineer over their fellow Subjects, and to enſlave thoſe that truſted them: And though the King had already granted enough to preſerve the Laws, Lives, Religion, and Liberty of the People, and was ſo willing, almoſt at any rate, to purchaſe a [Page] peace for himſelf and his people; as he was content to part with his Sword and Militia, and divers other parts of his Regality during his life: Yet that would not ſerve the turn, 'twas Naboths Vine-yard, not Ahabs Faſt, made all the buſineſſe: the Parliament, that pretended ſo much to deny themſelves, and to dote upon the people, doe notwithſtanding all they can to continue the War, and to cozen & force the peoples blood, eſtate, and conſcience out of them; and they muſt never give over paying of Taxes, fighting and fooling, till they enable them to impriſon their King, and not onely murther him, but thouſands, and many ten thouſands of their fellow-ſubjects, and the Lawes, Religion, and Liberties of the people.

And now that they have done more than the men of the Gun-powder-treaſon intended to do; & all England are becom like ſheep without a Shepherd; wandring on the mountains, & thouſands of Wolves by Votes & Ordinances, & miſcalled Acts of Parliament appointed to feed them; four or five yeares ſad experience in the Wars of the Parliament againſt the King, and almoſt as much more time ſpent in ſetling and ſubduing [Page] the people, making them like Camels, to kneel down to take up their burdens, labour, and travel hard, and endure hunger and thirſt under them; yet yield up their veines to be prick'd for blood to enable their drivers to furniſh them with a new ſupply of burdens, when they ſhall be diſcharged of what they have laid upon them, may eaſily ſhew us a difference as big as a mountain betwixt our old good Lawes and Liberties enjoyed under a gracious King, who had an eſtate of inheritance large enough of his own, beſides an oath to oblige him to protect us; and a Hell upon Earth, and the moſt Slaviſh of all the Governments were ever yet put upon a Nation, by men of as little wit and eſtates as they have honeſty; having no other obligations upon them but their own abominable deſigns & intereſts. For which of the people, unleſs thoſe that have traded in their neighbours blood and ruine, but hath made their complaints of their undoing?

The Religion of the Kingdome, once ſo glorious, is now cut into fancies and blaſphemies; the Churches where God was wont to be worſhipped, either defaced, [Page] or pulled down, or made ſtables for horſes; the Lawes of the Kingdom, that were conſonant to the Word of God, and had in them the Quinteſſence of all could be found to be extant in the Lawes of Nature, Nations, Civil Laws, or rectified Reaſon, and whatſoever the wiſedome and care of all former Kings in Parliament, or the uſage and cuſtoms of this or any other neighbouring Nations could bring to its perfection, and were wont to nouriſh & preſerve peace and property, among us voted out, or into that ſenſe, or to [...]er interest, to that every thing or nothing, or to that nonſenſe according as the Lawleſſe, Unlimited, Unjuſt and Ignorant will of fellow-ſubjects ſhall pleaſe to miſuſe them in the Voting houſe, or place of bandying aies or noes. (For a Parliament, which in its legal and primitive Inſtitution, conſiſting of King, Lords and Commons, and the right uſe of it, is ſo venerable, as no man (as our Lawes ſay) ought ſo much as to ſpeak or think diſhonourably of it, we cannot without violence to the Lawes, and our reaſon and underſtanding call it) where pu [...] lique orders are made without hearing [Page] of all, or any parties intereſſed, a piece of a cauſe heard by ſome, and none at a [...]l of it by others; votes and parties made and packed and lent to one another before-hand, and the beſt of the Faction, and Juglers, carry all the buſineſſe as they have a mind to it. A way of Juſtice worſe than that ( [...]f there were any in it) of a lawleſſe Court ſaid to be kept yearly on a Hil betwixt Raleigh and Rochford in Eeſlx, the wedneſday afterevery Michaelmas day, where the Steward, or Judge ſitteth in the night after the firſt Cock-crowing, without any light or candle, and calleth Weavers Funcral Monu. ments, pag. 605. all that are bou [...] to attend the Court, with as low a voice as poſſibly he may, write orders with a coal, and they that anſwer not are deeply amerced: For that being a particular puniſhment long agoe inflicted upon the Tenants of certain Manner in Raleigh hundred, for a conſpiracy againſt the King, is but once a yeare, ſome ſhift, or chance, or mercy of the Steward, or an appeal, may take a way the inconvenience of it. A way of government worſe then to be ſubject to the rule of ſo many fools, for they might perchance doe that would be juſt; or ſo many Knaves, who but in playing the Knaves [Page] one with another, or for reward, might ſometimes do that which was right, or Mad-men, which at intervals might do ſomething which was reaſonable, worſe then for every ſubject of England to be put to play at dice for his life, or eſtate, or any thing elſe he ſhould crave a Juſtice to get or keep; for then he might by skill or chance obtain ſomething: In fine, worſe then any example or way of Government the world hath as yet produced, and can have nothing worſe but Hell it ſelf.

The Parliament and priviledges of it are deſtroyed, and every mans life and eſtate in no better a condition then at the pleaſure of the next pretenders to it. All the Charters and Liberties of Cities and Corporate Towns, Corporations of Trade, and Companies of Merchants made void; all the Merchandiſe, Trade, and Manufacture of the Kingdom laid open, and in common to every one that will intrude upon it; all that is in the Law concerning our Lives, Eſtates, Liberties, and Religion, made void and dependant upon the Arbitrary Independent power; all that is in the Law concerning Navigation, the Kings [Page] Protection of his people; certainty of Cuſtomes, Trade and Entercourſe, Leagues and Correſpondencies with Forrain Princes expired or annihilated, and all that our Fore-fathers have obtained by way of Lawes and Settlement, and certainty of Eſtate, are now at diſpoſe of our vote-mongers; who in ſtead of a moſt pious and gracious King governing by known Lawes, have ſet us up 43. or 50. Kings, and ten times as many more Knaves and Fools, who will govern by no Law but ſuch as they ſhall call Lawes and make themſelves; can be accuſers, witneſſes and Judges, at one and the ſame time, and if need be, condemn and take away mens Eſtates firſt, and try them after two or three yeares Petitioning for it: a bondage & ſlavery in the general more then ever any of our Anceſtors taſted of. For the Romans, whoſe Juſtice and Morality at home, and Vertue and Temperance abroad, made them free enough from Tyranny, did but make them as Tributaries: The Picts made but temporary incurſions, and a wall could be made againſt them: The Saxons and Danes brought us good Lawes; and William [Page] the Conquerour was content to reſtore them. And all that ſucceeded him ſince, underſtood a government by Lawes to be their own as well as the peoples ſecurity: but this which they have now brought upon us, and would keep us under, is a miſery beyond that was ſuffered under the 30. Tyrants of Athens, Spartan, Ephori, or Romes Decemvirat, for there were ſomething of Lawes and Rules to govern by: The Children of Iſrael in the Egyptian ſlavery, had a property in their goods and cattel, and were at liberty to ſerve a better God then that of their Maſters; and though they had their burdens doubled upon them, were not kill'd, impriſoned, or ſequeſtred, for petitioning againſt the ſenſe of Pharaoh. The Jewes in Captivity had ſo much liberty of Conſcience allowed to them, as to play upon their Harps, and ſing the Songs of Sion in a ſtrange Land. The frozen Ruſsians, though ſo dull and ignorant, as when they are asked any matter of State, or difficulty, make anſwer, God and the great Duke knoweth, breath not under ſo Arbitrary & lawleſſe a government. The Grecians had not their Lawes, Religion, [Page] and Liberties, as we have, all at once taken from them; nor can the ſufferings of them or any other vaſſals of the Ottoman Port, or thoſe that live under the Crim Tartar, equal the one half of our Engliſh ſlavery.

Into which we had never fallen or come at all, or ſo long groaned under, had we but ſerved God and the King, as we ought to have done, and not wr [...] ſted the ſenſe as well as the plain words of the Scripture, and the Lawes of the Land, to enable the ſons of Zerviah to be too hard for us, and bring all manner of miſchief, confuſion and wickedneſſe upon us, more then Romes and Conſtantinoples Antichriſt ever brought upon a people, and from which the King had delivered us, if we had not Curſed, Reviled, Prayed, Contributed, and Fought againſt him for endeavouring to Protect us. How gracious then was he who endured the heat of the day, and cold of the night, to preſerve a great deal more for us then Nabals ſheep could amount unto; yet being worſe uſed then ever David was for it, could not tell how ſo much as to threaten to doe that which David had ſo great a mind to doe, but [Page] fought as long as he could to Protect them, would not ſo much as defend themſelves, but did all they could to ruine thoſe that defended him. And how much was he beyond Codrus the Athenian King, the Roman Curtius, or Decii (if all that the Ancients wrote of them were true) who ſacrificed themſelves, but not their Eſtates and Poſterity to preſerve the Publique; and how good beyond example, or the credit of any Hiſtory, who made himſelf a Martyr for his peoples lives and liberties, and endured ſo many deaths, and ſuffered more indignities then all the Kings of England put together, have ever endured to preſerve a people, have (for a great part of them) either by Rebellion, or an accurſed Newtrality, helped to ruine him: and when he knew whatſoever Conditions or Propoſitions he ſhould be forced to yield unto, would by the Law of God, as well as the Civil and Common Law, the Lawes of Nature and Nations, and the dictates of every common mans reaſon and apprehenſion, have been void in the very making of them, and could not have reached to his Poſterity, and that if he would [Page] but have ſurrendred up his people, and gone along with their new Maſters in their Arbitrary and Tyrannical government, as ſome of his laſt words upon the Scaffold plainly intimate, and ſided with 20. or 30. of the Faction, and delivered up the ſheep to the Wolves, he might, no doubt, have had a good part of the Fleece to his own ſhare; or but wirh Sampſon have pleaſed himſelf with revenge, and delivered up a people to Slavery, were at ſo much expence of Treaſure and Blood, and their own Soules, to bring their Soveraign to it; might have worn the Title of a King, and played the wanton with Sardanapalus in the company and delight of women, pleaſed his palat with Vitellius, his pride, if he had any, with Baſſianus, his cruelty, if he could ever have been guilty of it, with Commodus, and with Childerick the lazy King of France, in a Chariot deck't with garlands, whilſt others governed for him, been at certain times of the year onely exhibited to the people, and like the Minotaure of Creete, wallowed in the labyrinth of Parliament Priviledges, and devoured his people, did notwithſtanding refuſe to doe any [Page] thing might help himſelf, either to purchaſe his own quiet, or ſo great a Liberty, and would neither for any good might come to himſelf, or any evil might be caſt upon him and his Poſterity, be perſwaded or threatned from the protection of his people, who (if he had not taken more care for them then they did for themſelves) muſt, if he had yielded to all the Parliament-propoſitions (for then they might have imagined miſchief by a Law) have from time to time been engaged in any Warre their Task-maſters had a mind to put them upon, muſt have been exciſed, plundred, ſequeſtred, ruined, and undone; ſworn and forſworn; conſtrained to ſwear to doe a thing to day, and the next day ſwear not all to doe it: The ſon ſet to kill his Father, and brothers forced to fight one againſt another, and have all their Holy-dayes turned to Thankſgiving-dayes, that they are undone, or Faſting-dayes that they may be undone ſoon enough. And if at any time that thing they call a Parliament ſhould think it fit to make a Directory to the Alchoran, and to order every man to turn Turk, and the King as their Henry Scobel, [Page] or Town-Clerk but ſubſcribe it, their Spiritual as well as their Temporal Eſtate, and their Soules as well as their Bodies, muſt be voted and forced to it.

And now let the people that have taſted too much of ſuch a kind of happineſſe, and are like to continue in it, as long as their miſery-makers can by any help of the Devil or his Angels hold them to it; conſider whether they or their fore-fathers (though ſome have thought themſelves to have wit enough to adventure to call them fooles) were the wiſer; whether they that ſetled the Government, and were contented with it, or they that pulled it in pieces, and whether the tearing up of the fundamental Lawes of Monarchy, Peerage, Parliament, and Magna Charta, even ſince this day the King was murthered for defending of them, which every one but themſelves deſired to uphold, be not enough (beſides the Scottiſh combination, and the plots to ruine Monarchy, and the King and his Poſterity, before the five Members and Kimbolton had ſo for engaged themſelves in it) to inform them, if nothing elſe had been demonſtrated unto them: That the [Page] King did all he could to preſerve the Lawes, Religion, and Liberties of the people (which divers pieces of his coin will help to perpetuate the truth as well as the memory of) and the Parliament all they could to deſtroy them: And that as he actually endeavoured to defend them, ſo have they as actually undone and deſtroyed them. And let the greateſt ſearch of Hiſtory can be made, or time it ſelf be Judge, if ever any war was more made in the defenſive, or upon juſter grounds, or greater neceſsities, or if ever any King before fought for the Liberties of thoſe he was to govern, and for Lawes to reſtrain himſelf withal: or if it were poſſible for him to ſuffer ſo much in any mans opinion, as to have it thought to be unlawful, or that he was a murtherer of his people, for ſeeking to Protect them. How ſhall any King or Magiſtrate be able to bear or uſe the Sword, when they themſelves ſhall be in continual danger to be beaten with it?

King Edward the ſecond of England was not murthered for the blood that was ſhed in the Barons Wars, though ſome of them had drawn their ſwords [Page] but in performance of his fathers will, to take away his favourite Gaveſtion from him. King Rich. 2. in thoſe many deviſed Articles charged againſt him, was not depoſed for the blood was ſhed in Wat Tilers Commotion; nor Hen. 6. publickly accuſed for that of Jack Cades Rebellion, and the moſt bloody differences of the White and Red-Roſes; nor Queen Elizabeth for all that was ſpilt in reducing Ireland, when her favourite the Earl of Eſſex made it to be the more by his practiſes with Tyrone; nor for the blood of Hacket, who pretended to be Chriſt; nor of Penry, and other Sectaries (leſſer Incendiaries than Burton, Prynne, and Bastwick) for diſturbing the Common-wealth; the great Henry of France was not endeavoured by his Catholick Subjects to be brought to trial for ſhedding ſo much of their blood to reduce them to his obedience, nor by his Protestant Subjects after he was turned Catholick, for ſpending ſo much of their blood to another purpoſe than they intended it. Nor have the ſtout-hearted Germans (though many of them great and almoſt free Princes) in their late Peace and Accord made betwixt the [Page] Swedes and the Emperour, thought it any way reaſonable or neceſſary to demand reparation for thoſe millions of men, women, and children, houſes and eſtates, were ruined and ſpoiled by a thirty years War to reduce the Bohemians and Prince Elector Palatine to their obedience.

For what rules or bounds ſhall be put to every mans particular fancy or corrupted intereſt, if they ſhall be at Liberty to queſtion and call to account the authority God hath placed over them? Shall the ſon condemn or puniſh the Father for his own diſobedience? the Wife her Husband for her own act of Adultery? or the Servant the Maſter, for his own unfaithfulneſſe? or can there be any thing in the Reaſon or underſtanding of man, to perſwade him to think the King was juſtly accuſed for the ſhedding of his blood which the accuſers themſelves were only guilty of? And Bradſhaw himſelf (like the Jewes high Prieſt, confeſſing a truth againſt his will) in the word he gave inſtead of reaſon for murthering the King againſt the will and good liking of nine parts in every ten of the Commons of England, could [Page] make his Maſters that call themſelves the Parliament of England to be no better then the Tribum plebis of Rome, and the Ephori of Sparta, the former of which for manifold miſchiefes and inconveniences were abrogated, and laid aſide, and never more thought fit to be uſed, and the latter (not being half ſo bad as our new ſtate Gipſies) killed and made away to reſtore the People again to their Liberties.

But the opinion and Judgement of the Learned Lord Chief Juſtice Popham (who then little thought his grand-child Colonell Popham ſhould joyn with thoſe that ſate with their Hats on their Heads, and directed the murther of their Soveraign: and if he were now living would ſure enough have hanged him for it) and thoſe other learned Judges, in the caſe and Tryall of the Earl of Eſſex, in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth, That an intent to hurt the Soveraign Prince, as well as the act of it was Treaſon: And that the Laws of England do interpret every act of Rebellion or Treaſon to aim at the death or depoſing of the Prince. For that Rebells by their good will never ſuffer that King or Prince to live or Raign, that understands [Page] their purpoſes, and may revenge them, agreeable to that of the Civil Law: That they that go about to give Law to their Prince will never ſuffer him to recover Authority to puniſh it; is now written in the blood of the King, and thoſe many iterated complaints of the King in ſeverall of his Declarations publiſhed to the people (in the midſt of the Parliaments greateſt pretences and promiſes) that they intended to take away his life, and ruine him, are now gone beyond ſuſpition: and every man may now know the meaning of their Canoneers levelling at the King with perſpective glaſſes, at Copredy bridge, the acquitting of Pym the Innkeeper, who ſaid, He would waſh his Hands in the Kings hearts-blood, ſtifling of fifteen or ſixteen ſeverall indictments for treaſonable words; & Rolf rewarded for his purpoſe to kil him, and the proſecutors checked, and ſome of them impriſoned for it. For the Sun in the Firmament, and the four great quarters of the Earth, and the Shapes and Lineaments of man are not ſo univerſally known, ſeen or ſpoken of, as this will be moſt certain to the preſent, as well as after ages. The end hath now verified the beginning, [Page] & Quod primum fuit in intentione ultimo loco agitur, Seaven years hypocritical Promiſes & practices, 7. years Pretences, and ſeven years preaching and pratling have now brought us all to this concluſion as wel as Confuſion. The blood of old England is let out bygreater witch-craft and couſenage then that of Medea, when ſhe ſet Pelias daughters to let out his old blood, that young might come in the place of it; the Cedars of Lebanon are devouted, and the Trees have made the Bramble King, and are like to ſpeed as wel with it as the Frogs did with the Storke that devoured them; And they have not onely ſlain the King who was their Father, but like Nero, rip't up the belly of the Common-Wealth, which was their Mother: The light of Iſrael is put out; and the King, Laws, Religion, and Liberties of the people murthered, an action ſo horrid, and a ſin of ſo great a magnitude, and complication, as if we ſhall ask the daies that are paſt, and enquire from the one end of the Earth to the other, there will not be found any wickedneſſe like to this great wickedneſs, or hath been heard like it. The Severn, Thames, Trent, and Humbar, four [Page] of the greateſt Rivers of the Kingdome with all their leſſer running ſtreams of the Iſland in their continuall courſes, and thoſe huge heaps of waterin the Ocean girdle of it in their Reſtleſſe agitations will never be able to ſcoure and waſh away the guilt and ſtain of it, though all the rain which the clouds ſhal ever bring forth, and impart to this Nation, and the tears of thoſe that bewail the loſſe of a King of ſo eminent graces and perfections bee added to it.

Quis cladem illius diei? quis funera fando

Explicet? aut poſſit lachrymis aequare dolores?

Gens antiqua ruit, multos dominata per Annos.

§

§

[Page] [Page] AN EXACT LIST OF The Names of thoſe pretended Judges who ſate, and ſentenced our late SOVERAIGNE KING CHARLES the Firſt, in the place which they called the High Court of Juſtice, Jan. 27. 1648.

And alſo of thoſe thirty five Witneſſes Sworn againſt the ſaid KING; The Sentence read againſt him; With the Catalogue of the Names of thoſe that Subſcribed and Sealed the Warrant for his Execution.

And the manner of his Cruel MƲRDER.

London, Printed by Henry Bell, and are to be ſold by moſt Book-ſellors, 1660.

The Names of the pretended Judges, who gave Sentence againſt the late King, January 27. 1648.

[Page]

[Page]

LXXII in Number.

IOhn Bradſhaw Lord Preſident.

Oliver Cromwell.

Henry Ireton.

Sir Hardreſs Waller.

Valentine Walton.

Thomas Harriſon.

Edward Whaley.

Thomas Pride.

Iſaac Ewer.

Lord Grey of Grooby.

William Lord Mounſon.

Sir John Danvers

Sir Thomas Maleverer.

Sir John Bourcher.

Iſaac Pennington.

Henry Martin.

William Purifoye.

John Barkstead.

M [...]thew Tomlinſon.

John Blakeſton.

Gilbert Millington.

Thomas Chaloner.

Sir William Conſtable.

Edmund Ludlow.

John Hutchiſon.

Sir Michael Liveſey.

Robert Tichburne.

Owen Roe.

Robert Lilburne.

Adrian Scroop.

Richard Dean.

John Okey.

John Harriſon.

John Hewſon.

William Goffe.

Cornelius Holland.

John Carew.

John Jones.

Thomas Liſter.

[Page] Peregrine Pelham.

Thomas Wogan.

Francis Alleu.

Daniel Blagrave.

John Moor.

William Say.

Francis Laſcels.

John Chaloner.

Gregory Clement.

Sir Gregory Norton.

John Venn.

Thomas Andrews.

Anthony Stapley.

Thomas Horton.

John Liſle.

John Browne.

John Dixwell.

Miles Corbett.

Simon Meyne.

John Alured.

Henry Smith.

Humphrey Edwards.

John Frye.

Edmund Harvey.

Thomas Scot.

William Cawley.

John Downes.

Thomas Hammond.

Vincent Potter.

Auguſtine Garland.

Charles Fleetwood.

John Temple.

Thomas Wayte.

[Page]

§

Counſellors aſſiſtant to this Court, and to draw up the Charge againſt the KING, were

Dr. Doriſlaus. | Serjeant Danby, Serjeant at Arms.
Mr. Aske. |  |
Mr. John Cook Solicitor. | Mr. Broughton | Clerkes to the Court.
Mr. Phelpes
Colonel Humphrey Sword-bearer.

Meſſengers, Door-keepers and Criers, were theſe;

Mr. Walford.

Mr. Radley.

Mr. Paine.

Mr. Powell.

Mr. Hull.

Mr. King.

The Sentence againſt the ſaid King, Jan. 27 1648. which was read by Mr. Broughton aforeſaid, Clerk.

WHereas the Commons of England in Parliament have appointed them an High Court of Juſtice for [Page] the Trial of Charles Stuart King of England, before whom he had been three times convented, and at the firſt time a Charge of High Treaſon and other Crimes and Miſdemeanors was read in the behalfe of the Kingdome of England, &c. as in the Charge which was read throughout.

To which Charge, he the ſaid Charles Stuart was required to give his Anſwer, but he refuſed ſo to do; and ſo expreſ [...] ſeveral paſſages at his Trial in refuſing to anſwer.

For all which Treaſons and Crimes, this Court doth adjudge, That the ſaid Charles Stuart, as a Tyrant, Traytor, Murderer, and publick Enemy, ſhall be put to death, by ſevering his head from his body.

This Sentence (ſays the Preſident) now read and publiſhed is the Act, Sentence, Judgement and Reſolution of the whole Court. To which the Members of the Court ſtood up and aſſented to what he ſaid by holding up their hands.

The King offered to ſpeak, but he was inſtantly commanded to be taken away, and the court broke up.

The Names of thirty five Witneſſes produced and Sworn in the ſaid pretended Court, to give Evidence againſt the King.

[Page]

Henry Hartford of Stratford upon Avon in Com. Warwick.

Edward Roberts of Biſhops Caſtle in Com. Salop, Ironmonger.

Will. Baines of Wrixhall in Com. Salop.

Robert Lacie of Nottingham, Painter.

Robert Loads of Cottam in Com. Nottingham, Tyler.

Samuel Morgan of Wellington in Com. Salop, Feltmaker.

James Williams of Roſſe in Com. Hartford, Shoomaker.

Richard Pots of Sharpreton in Com. Northumberland, Vintner.

Giles Grice of Wellington in Com. Salop, Gent.

William Arnop of

John Hudſon of

John Winſton of Dornotham in Com. Wilts.

[Page] George Seeley of London, Cordwainer.

John Moor of Cork in Ireland, Gent.

Thomas Ives of Boyſet in Com. Northampton, Husbandman.

James Cresby of Dublin in Ireland, Barber.

Thomas Rawlins of Hanſlop in Com. Buck. Gent.

Richard Bloomfeild of London, Weaver.

John Thomas of Langallan in Com. Donbigh.

William Lawſon of Nottingham, Maulster.

John Pinegar of Damer in Com. Darby, Shoomaker.

Humphrey Browne of Whitſundine in Com. Rutland, Yeoman.

David Evans of Abergeveny in Com. Monmouth, Smith.

Robert Holmes of

Robert Williams of

Samuel Woorden of Lineham in Com. Wilts, Gent.

Thomas Read of Maidſtone in Com. Kent, Gent.

George Cornwall of Aſton in Com. He. reford, Forgeman.

William Jones of Uske in Com. Monmouth, [Page] Husbandman.

Arthur Young Citizen and Barber-Chirurgion of London.

Diogenes Edwards of Carſton in Com. Salop, Butcher.

John Bennet of Harwood in Com. Ebor. Glover.

William Cutbert of Patrington in Holderneſs in Com, Ebor. Gent.

Richard Price of London, Serivener.

Henry Gouch of Grays-Inn, Gent.

The true manner of proceeding to take off the Kings Head, according to the Sentence given as aforeſaid.

SIr Hardreſs Waller, Colonel Harriſon, Commiſſary General Ireton, Colonel Dean, and Colonel Okey, were appointed to conſider of the Time and Place for the Execution of the King, according to his Sentence, given by the (pretended) High Court of Juſtice.

§

[Page]

Painted-Chamber, Monday January the 29th 1648.

UPon Report made from the Committee for conſidering of the Time and Place of the Executing of the Judgment againſt the King, that the ſaid Committee have Reſolved, That the open ſtreet before Whitehal is a fitting place: And the ſaid Committee conceive it fit, That the King be there executed the cuorrow, the King having already notice thereof.

§

The Court approved thereof, and ordered a Warrant to be drawn to that purpoſe, which Warrant was accordingly drawn and agreed to, and Ordered to be ingroſſed, which was done and ſigned and ſealed accordingly, as followeth.

§

[Page]

At the High Court of Juſtice for the Trying and Judging Charles Stuart, King of England, Jan. 29. 1648.

VVHereas Charles Siuart king of England, is and ſtandeth Convicted, Attainted and Condemned of High Treaſon, and other Crimes, and Sentence on Saturday laſt was pronounced againſt him by this Court, to be put to Death, by the ſevering his head from his body, of which Sentence Execution yet remaineth to be done. Theſe are therefore to will and require you, to ſee the ſaid Sentence Executed in the open ſtreet before White-hall upon the morrow, being the 30. day of this inſtant Moneth of January, between the hours of Ten in the morning, and Five in the afternoon of the ſame day, with full ef, fect; and for ſo doing, this ſhall be your ſufficient Warrant: and theſe are to require all Officers and Soldiers and other the good People of England to bee aſſiſtant unto you in this ſervice. Given under our hands and Seals.

To Colonel Francis Hacker, Col. Huncks, and Lievtenant Colonel Phray, and to every of them.

[Page]

Sealed and Subſcribed by,

John Bradſhaw Preſident.

Thomas Gray.

Oliver Cromwell.

Edward Whaley.

John Okey.

John Danvers.

Mich. Liveſey.

John Bourcher.

Henry Ireton.

Tho. Maleverer.

Jo. Blackſton.

Jo. Hutchiſon.

William Goffe.

Tho. Pride.

Henry Smith.

Vincent Potter.

William Conſtable.

Rich. Ingoldsby.

William Cawley.

John Barkſtead.

Iſaac Ewer.

Val. Walton.

Peter Temple.

Tho. Harriſon.

Joh. Hewſon.

Pet. Pelham.

Richard Dean.

Robert Titchburn.

Hump. Edwards.

Dan. Blagrave.

Owen Roe.

Will. Purifoye.

Adrian Scroop.

James Temple.

Aug. Garland.

Edmon Ludlow,

Hen. Martin.

[Page] Jo. Alured.

Robert Lilburn.

Will. Say.

Anthony Stapley.

Gregory Norton.

Tho. Chaloner.

Tho Wogan.

Simon Meyne.

Tho. Horton.

Jo. Jones.

Jo. Moore.

Hadreſs Waller.

Gilbert Millington.

Ch. Fleetwood.

Jo. Venn.

Greg. Clement.

Jo Downs.

Tho. Wait.

Tho Scot.

John Carew.

Miles Corbet.

In all Fifty eight.

Ordered, That the Scaffold on which the King is to be executed, be covered with black.

The warrant for executing the King being accordingly delivered to thoſe parties to whom the ſame was directed, Execution was done upon him according to the Tenour thereof, about two of the clock in the afternoon, of the ſaid 30th. of January, 1648.

The fatall day of the ſaid Execution, being Tueſday, January, the 30. 1648.

[Page]

HIs Majeſty continued in prayer all the morning, and receive the Sacrament juſt at Ten of the Clock before noon, he was conveyed on foot from St. James's Palace to Whitehall, guarded by a Regiment of foot Souldiers, part before, part behind, with Colours flying, and Drums beating, his private guard of Partizans about him, and Dr. Juxon Biſhop of London, next to him on one ſide, and Colonell Tomlinſon on the other; being come to Whitehall, he continued in his Cabinet Chamber at his devotions refuſing to dine, only about 12 a clock he eat a bit of bread, and drank a glaſſe of Claret Wine; from thence he was conveyed into the Banquetting houſe, and the great window inlarged, out of which he aſcends the Scaffold, the rails being hung round, and the floor covered with black, His Executioners diſguiſed with Vizards, yet was his Majeſty not affrighted: He ſhewed more care of the people living, then of himſelf dying: for [Page] looking upon the people, whom the thick guards of Souldiers kept a great diſtance off, and ſeeing he could not be heard by them, omitting (probably) what hee purpoſed to have ſpoken to them, therefore turning to the Officers and actors by him, he delivered himſelf in a ſhort but excellent) Speech, which being ended, he meekly went to prayers, and after ſome heavenly diſcourſe between him and the Biſhop, having prepared himſelf, he lifted up his eyes to heaven mildly praying to himſelf, he ſtooped down to the block as to a prayer-desk, & moſt humbly bowed his generous Neck to God, to be cut off by the Vizarded Executioner, which was ſuddainly done at one blow. Thus fell King Charles, and thus all Britian with him.

§

§

[Page] [Page] A SHORT HISTORY OF His Royall Majeſty, our moſt Gracious SOVERAIGN Charles the Second, KING of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. Third Monarch of Great Brittain.

London, Printed by Henry Bell, and are to be ſold by moſt Book-ſellers, 1660.

A Short HISTORY OF His Royall Majeſty, King CHARLES the Second, &c

[Page]

[Page]

HAving I hope ſufficiently cleared his late Royall majeſty from that execrable ſin of blood-guiltineſſe, (to every one that is not wilfully blind) I ſhall now crave leave to give the Reader a ſhort account of the Life, and hitherto ſorrowfull Raign of our moſt Gracious and Dread Soveraign Charles the Second, King of England▪ Scotland, France and Ireland, Defende [...] of the Faith, &c.

No ſooner was this mighty Prince, [Page] barbarouſly butchered before his own doors, to the aſtoniſhment and griefe of the greateſt part of his Subjects throughout his Dominions; And the three Lords Hamilton, Capel, and Holland, which had The government of the Kindoms [...] changed, taken up Arms in his late Majeſties defence; but now Monarchy, the darling of the people, together with the Houſe of Peers, is voted chargeable, unneceſſary, and uſeleſs: and the Government changed into a Free State: neither did this mutation happen for want of ſuch as by a lineall diſcent, and according to the uſage of this Nation might pretend a Title to the Crown; for there was a plentifull iſſue of his late Majeſty, both male and female then ſurviving, but from the aſpiring greatneſs of ſome who had wreſted the power into their own hands, to this end it was ordered by the then Juncto ſitting in Parliament, that all publick Writings ſhould be iſſued out under a new Teſt and Stile, and a new great Seale ſhould be made and the old one broken, that the Inſcription and Stamp of the Coin ſhall be altered alſo. It was Enacted and Proclaimed that none upon pain of high Treaſon, ſhould preſume to declare and publickly promote [Page] Charles Stuart Prince of Wales, eldeſt Son of the late King, or any of the reſt of his Children to be King of England.

Nevertheleſs, there was not wanting thoſe who ventured their lives and fortunes in aſſerting the Title of his Majeſty to the Crown of England, to which end this following Proclamation was Printed and diſperſed in ſeverall places of London.

We the Noble men, Judges, Knights, Lawyers, Gentlemen, Free-holders, Merchants, Citizens, Yeomen, Seamen, and Free men of England, do according to our Allegiance and Covenant, by theſe preſents heartily, joyfully, and unanimouſly, acknowledge and Proclaim the moſt Illuſtrious Charles, Prince of Wales, next Heir apparent to his Father King Charls, (whoſe late wicked murther, and all conſents there unto, we from our ſouls abominate) to be by hereditary birth▪right, and lawfull ſucceſſion, rightfull, and undoubted King of Great Brittain, &c. And we will conſtantly and ſincerely, in our ſeverall places and callings, defend and maintain his Royall perſon, Crown, and Dignity, with our Lives and Eſtates, againſt all oppoſers, [Page] whom we hereby declare to be enemies to his Majeſty and Kingdomes, in Testimony whereof we have cauſed theſe to be publiſhed throughout all Counties and Corporations of this Realm the 1. day of February, In the firſt year of his Majeſties Raign.

But ſo totally was the Kings party ſuppreſſed in all parts of the Kingdom, that the Proclamation was of none eſſect, K. Proclain Ireland. none daring to appear for the Royal Intereſt.

Yet his Majeſties greateſt hopes and expectations were from Ireland, where the ſeverall factions united together, Proclaim him King, and bend all their whole ſtrength againſt the Intereſt of the Common-Wealth of England, and in a ſhort time became ſo formidable, and prevail ſo much, as the poſſeſſed all the ſtrong Holds of that Country—Dublin and London-Derry are excepted, both were ſtraitly beſieged, the former by a gallant Army of 22000 men, under Marqueſs of Ormonds Army defeated be▪ the Marqueſſe of Ormond, the latter by a party of the Iriſh Rebells: Hee had likewiſe adjoining to the Territories of England, the Iſlands of Scilly, Jerſy, and Man which places ſerved as a retreat for that ſmall Fleet that was left him, [Page] being the remainder of thoſe Ships which had deſerted the Parliaments Navy, and revolted unto him. This while his affairs in Ireland were at the height; they began as ſuddenly to decline, for there being about 3000 Horſe and Foot ſafely landed at Dublin (as the forlorn of a greater body) they were joyned with what other forces they then could make all which did not make above 9000. at the moſt, were commanded by Colonell Mich. Jones, who ſallying forth of Dublin, did not onely raiſe the ſeige, but alſo utterly routed the whole Army, the Marqueſſe of Ormond himſelfe hardly eſcapeing, about 2000 were ſlain in the place, and in the purſuite ſome thouſands were Siege of Lon.-Derry raiſed by Sir Charles Coot, taken priſoners, as like wiſe all their Ordinaces, Ammunition, Carriages, and Proviſion; The ſiege of London-Derry, was alſo raiſed by a reſolute ſally of Sir Charls Coot forcing Sir Rob. Stewart, and Col. Merven to retire immediately upon this ſucceſs, not to give the Royall party any time to recover ſtrength. All diſturbances being quieted in England, The Levellers at Burford being ſuppreſſed by Generall Fairfax: Oliver Cromwell, then Crom-lands with an Army in Ireland. Lievetenant Generall of the Parliaments [Page] Army, landed with a powerfull Army about the midſt of Auguſt, 1649. inveſted with the Title and Authority of Lord Governour, or Lievetenant of Ireland, preſently after him followed his ſon in law Major Generall Ireton, with about 40. Sail of Ships, ſoon after Drogheda was taken by Storme, not without ſome difficulty and loſs; and that hee might terrify other Garriſons, that ſhould ſtand out, put Sir Arthur Aſton & all that were in the Town to the Sword, which was about 3000. Then followed the taking of a number of conſiderable Towns and Caſtles in all parts of Ireland.

Beſides ſeverall Field-battells, gained over the Lord Inohiqueen, the Lord Ards and Clanduboys with Lievetenant Generall Farrell and others of his Majeſties party, by the Lord Broghill, Sir Charles Coote, Collonell Venables, Zanchy, Reynolds, and Hewſon: ſo that in leſſe then a years time Ireland was ſubdued to the power of the Engliſh Common-Wealth. Much about this time hapned a generall defection of the Engliſh Plantations, from their obedience to the Parliament, viz. Virginia and [Page] the Caryb Iſlands publickly own the Royall Intereſt, whereupon all Traffique and Commerce is prohibited, thorow which means they are driven to great ſtreits; and preſently after by a Fleet of Ships from England, under the Command of Sir George Aſcue, they are brought unto conformity. The King having Conſtituted Prince Rupert Admirall Prince Ruperts fleet blockt up at Kings ſale. of his Fleet, did much harm to the Engliſh Coaſts, and takes many rich prizes, was at laſt blockt up in the Harbour of Kings Sale, the Town preſently after taken by Cromwell; The Prince is forced to leave three of his Ships behind, he had enough to do to get clear off with the reſt; at length he arrived at Lisbon, the imperiall City of the King of Portugall, and craved his protection, which was not denied them, which was the occaſion of a great Conteſt between that King and the State of England, other deſignes were ſet on foot by his Majeſties Loyall Subjects, for the obtaining of his Right.

The firſt was of James Graham Earl of Montroſs, for the raiſing of what force he cold in Holland and elſe where, to invade Scotland.

[Page] The 2. was the procuring a Treaty betwixt his Majeſty and the Scots: to give more life to theſe undertakings, Ambaſſadors were diſpatcht to Spain, Italy, Denmarke, Sweden and Ruſſia, &c. In the name of CHARLES the Second, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith. The effect of whoſe Embaſſies were little elſe but Complements, pleas, and excuſes for neither men nor mony could be got.

Montroſſe, According to his Majeſties inſtructions having got together very conſiderable ſupplies of men and monies at length lands in the North of Scotland, where he had not long been, but Colonell Straughan, Colonell Kerr, Colonell Mountgomry, and Lievetenant Colonell Hackets Troop, and another amounting to 230 approach and give battel, whereas Montroſſe was at leaſt 1200. and their Chief-Leaders ſuch reſolute and expert ſouldiers unleſſe ſtruck with fear of Leſley's great Army coming againſt them: however ſo great was the defeat that the whole body of Montroſſe was engaged in the battle.

There eſcaped not above 100 from being either taken or ſlain, amongſt the priſoners, [Page] ners were S. Joh. Ʋrry, Major General of Montroſſes Army, the L. Fendraught. Col. Grey, Lievetenant Colonell Stewart, with a great number of other conſiderable Officers; Montroſſe himſelf made a Shift to eſcape for the preſent, his horſe together with his Belt and his Coat with the ſtar being found made it conjectur'd that he had been ſlain in the field. In this fight the Royall Standard was taken, upon which was portraited the Head of the late King lying a bleeding, with thir Motto, Judge and revenge my Cauſe O Lord! The Lord Pitsferd ſon being Standard-bearer, was ſlain; ſo welcome was the news of this Victory to the State and Kirk of Scotland, that they beſtowed a reward upon Stranghan, 1000l. Sterling, and a chain of gold! upon Lievetenant Colonel Hacket 1000. Marke Starling: But that which Crowned this Victory to them with the higheſt joy and ſatisfaction, was the getting Montroſſes perſon into their hands; For he having wandred ſo long in the woods, to avoid being detected, till driven to that neceſſity, he was forced to eat his gloves, and gnaw a piece of his fleſh for very extremity of hunger, was at laſt [Page] diſcovered by a Country fellow, & by a party ſent to apprehend him, was dragged out of a Caveor hollow Tree: he was no ſoonertaken, but was Imediately ſent up to Edin. whoſe Streets were filled with infinite crowdes of people to ſee him, while he was brought into the City in a Cart, in which was placed a Chair for him to ſit in, whereunto hee was bound with Ropes, and ſate bare headed, his Hat having been taken off his Head by the executioner who rode before him with his Bonnet on; ſome pittied, but the moſt inſulted over him. Being ſummon'd to appear before the Parliament, he came into the houſe apparrelled with a rich ſuit, thick overlaid with coſtly lace, and over it a Scarlet Rocket, a Beaver hat, with a hatband, and other ſuitable abiliments, all which he cauſed to be made him immediately upon his coming to Edenburgh; as ſoon as he was brought to the Bar, the Lord Chancellor who according to the cuſtome of that Kingdom is alwayes Speaker told him that he muſt kneel at the Bar, whereunto he anſwered, my Lords I ſhall withall my heart obſerve any poſture you ſhall appoint me to appear before [Page] you in, whereby I may manifeſt to you that I freely ſubmit to the Authority of Parliament, and to this preſent Parliament in a more ſpeciall manner, becauſ you have concluded ſo near a conjunction with his Majeſty my Maſter in the late Treaty; Then the Chancellor made a ſpeech unto him, the ſubſtance was this,

Sir I am commanded to mind you of the last Judgement of God befaln yon for your perſideous breaking of the Covenant which might justly provoke God thus to divert your Counſell and affairs for having been ſo eminent an actor and Author of miſchief againſt this Nation: You abandoned the Covenant, and deſpiſed the Oath of God, and did invade your native Country, and with most inhumane barbarous cruelty did waſt and burn divers parts of it, and have ſpilt much blood of his Majeſties good ſubjects, and for theſe crimes you are excommunicated by the Church, and fore-faulted by the Parliament of this Kingdom, and to this day you have remained without the leaſt ſhew of repentance; and now God by his providence hath juſtly brought you hither to receive the ſentence of your condemnation: Herevpon Montreſſe humbly [Page] deſiring to know of his Lordſhip whether he might be permitted to ſpeak what he had to ſay for himſelf; he was told by the Chancellor, the eſtates in Parliament did give him free liberty to ſpeak what he could in his own defence.

His anſwer, My Lord, I am glad I have liberty to anſwer for my ſelf, though I am your Priſoner yet my cauſe is good, nor is there any breach of your Covenant on my part in which I ſwore to be true to his Majeſty, his Heirs, and ſucceſſors Concerning what I have done in relation to the Wars and affairs of this Kingdom, I have not onely a generall Commiſſion but particular Orders from his Majeſty which I was engaged to obey by my Covenant. Concerning my coming over now, I was aſcertained that you did comply with his Majeſty to the preſent affairs, in which he hath imployed me, and it was upon that account that I have acted, I deſire to ſubmit unto this preſent Parliament, and the Authority thereof to be my Judges in this caſe, whom I own as a true Parliament by Authority from his Majeſty, and ſhall be content however it ſhall pleaſe God to deal with me, as for my life, if you take [Page] it a way by this authority, its wel known I regard it not; Death is a debt which we all owe, and muſt once be paid by every one. I ſhall be willing, and much rejoyce to go the ſame way my Maſter paſſed before me, it's the joy of my heart not onely to do but to ſuffer for him. After the Priſoner had been had in, and withdrawn, the Parliament agreed unanimouſly upon ſentence of condemnation, who being again called in, the Chancellor cōmanded to be read, which was as followeth.

You are to be carried back to the place Sentence in Parliament from whence you came from thence to morrow morning being 20 May, 1650 you are to be carried to Edenburgh Croſs, there to be hanged upon a Gallows 30 foot high, for three hours ſpace, then to be taken down, and your head to be cut off upon aſcaffold, and hanged on Edenburgh Talbooth; your leggs and arms to be hanged up in other publick Towns of this Kingdom; and your body to be buried at the place where you are executed.

Which Sentence he heard with an unmoved countenance, and deſiring to bee further heard, was preſently ſtopped by the Chancellor, who commanded hee [Page] ſhould preſently be removed back again to Priſon. The appointed day for the executing of his Tragedy being come, he was led forth to the execution, where he ſuffered accordingly. Thus dyed the glorious aſſertor of his Majeſties right.

Next to Montroſs was executed Sir John Ʋrry, Colonel Spotſwood, and others that were chief actors, &c. The Engliſh now ſend to ſtrengthen their alliance with the united Provinces, Doctor Dorriſlaw went as publick Agent, thereby to keep a good correſpondence betwixt the two republicks, where hee had not long been ere hee was ſlain by ſix Aſſiſtants, that brake into his lodgings at the Hague, in a diſguiſed habit, and ſo eſcaped puniſhment.

His Royall Majeſty having long expected the Scots meſſage at St. Germans reſolved upon a removall to the Iſle of Jerſey, a little before his departure out of France, the moſt valiant Duke of York came to him, as alſo to the French King and Cardinall Mazarine, of whom hee deſired aid in the behalfe of his brother, but the Cardinall put him off with a few ſpecious pretences; only the Duke was preſented with 100000 Crowns. About [Page] the beginning of September his Majeſty accompanied with his brother the Duke of York, and divers other Lords and Gentlemen to the number of about 300 perſons landed in the Iſland of Jerſey: upon his firſt Arrivall he was proclaimed King. The Lord Jermyn made Governour of the Iſland, under whom Sir George Carteret was conſtituted Deputy Governour. Guernſey being poſſeſſed by the Parliaments forces, a Declaration was ſent thither inviting the Governour and people to ſubmit to his Majeſties obedience; But this invitation did little avail. By this time the ſeverall Tranſactions that were between his Majeſty & his Kingdom of Scotland had brought forth a Treaty at Breda in the Netherlands, a Town of ſpeciall note belonging to the Prince of Orange. And Maſter Windram Lord of Libeton is ſent Commiſſioner from the States of Scotland, to Treat with his Majeſty; who being ſafely arrived, preſents his Royall Majeſty with the deſires and offers of the States of Scotland, which were to this effect.

1. That hee would ſign the ſolemn League and Covenant. 2. That he would paſs divers Acts of the Parliament of [Page] Scotland. 3. That he would put away all Papiſts from about him, and let none but known Proteſtants be of his Counſell, That he would give a ſpeedy anſwer to their deſires. Beſides this his Majeſty hath great hopes of raiſing a ſufficient force in England, among the friends to his Royall Intereſt. Upon this deſign ſeverall are ſent from Jerſey, into the Weſt of England, amongſt whom two Principal men, Sir John Berkley, and Col. Slingsby, who went up and down to their confederates, earneſtly ſtirring them up to take up Arms for his Majeſty, but theſe were diſcovered by a Country fellow, and are taken by Cap. Rochwich, and are ſent Priſoners to Truro in Cornwall. After many conſultations, and gracious condiſcentions of his Treaty concluded. Majeſty, The Treaty is at laſt concluded; and now the Kingdom of Scotland make great preparations for his reception, to this end two rich houſes in Edinburgh are richly furniſhed, and the Parliament Preparat. for his Maj. take into conſideration the nominating of Officers for his houſe About the beginning of June, 1650. his Majeſty haſts from Breda to the Hague. Thence to Scheveling, where he took Shiping, and [Page] at laſt in deſpight of fow [...] weather and the Engliſh King Fiſhers that lay there to intercept him, he landed at Spey in the North of Scotland, In the mean time the Parliament of Scotland, bend their conſultations for the raiſing of an Army for the uſe of his Majeſty, the Earl of Leven is made Generall of the Foot, and Holborun Major General; David Laſley Lievtenant Generall of the Horſe, & Mountgomery Major Generall. The Supream command of the whole Army is reſerved for the Kings moſt excellent Majeſty himſelf, whom at his Arrivall they entertained with high complements, and much acclamation, and ſeemed to congratulate his coming, with much demonſtrations His Maje. proclaimed K. Edinbur. Croſs; of joy and affection. And on the 15. July following, ſolemnly proclaim him King at Edinburgh Croſſe. About this time the Engliſh ſend a complaint to the King of Spain, about the death of one Aſcam who wasſent thither as Agent from our new Common-wealth, who the firſt night he came to Madrid, ſitting at dinner with his Interpreter Segnior Riba, ſix black Devills in the ſhape of men knockt at the door, had eaſy acceſs, and being entred, [Page] Maſter Ascham roſe up to ſalute them; whereupon the formoſt ſtabbed him in the head, his interpreter endeavouring to eſcape was alſo ſtabbed in the belly. The Republick of England receiving good intelligence that his Majeſty and the Kingdom of Scotland were agreed; After a ſerious and ſolemn debate, Voted that Thomas Lord Fairfax, with an Army under his command, ſhould march Northwards, But that noble and truly valiant Commander, could not be entreated to fight againſt his ſacred Majeſty, and our Brethren of Scotland, and hereupon laid down his Commiſſion.

Which was forthwith conferred upon the Archeſt of Traitors Oliver Cromwell, who preſently after arrived out of Ireland, leaving Ireton his ſon in Law as Lord Deputy in his room; Accordingly Orders were iſſued forth, for the ſpeedy advance of the Army in Scotland, who had no ſooner taken their march but the Scots take the Alarm, and ſend two or three papers to Sir Arthur Haſilrig then Governour of Newcaſtle, to expoſtulate the caſe about the ſudden approach of the Engliſh Army, alledging the Covenant or large Treaty of Union betwixt [Page] the two Kingdoms, and other circumſtances of the like nature, but all proved fruitleſs. The Parliament then publiſh a declaration, ſhewing the reaſon of their Armies advance towards Scotland: The Engliſh Army is now at laſt at Dunbar, where the Scots have the Engliſh at a great diſadvantage: nevertheleſs the Generall and his Officers finding the Army unfit for further delays, reſolved the next morning to fall upon the Scots, who being imbattlled by break of day, the word of the Engliſh was the Lord of Hoſtes, and that of the Scotts was the Covenant: after an hours diſpute the Scots were wholly routed, there was ſlain 3000, the Lord Libberton, Colonell Lumſden mortally wounded, 1000. taken, together with Sir James Lumſden, Lievtenant Generall of the Foot. And about 260 other Officers 200 Colours 15000 Armes, and 30. pieces of Ordnance. At London was apprehended, condemned, and executed, Colonell Euſebius Andrews, who being taken with a Commiſſion from his Majeſty, was beheaded at Tower Hill, September 8. That moſt excellent Princeſſe Elizabeth daughter to our late Soveraign, [Page] dyed at Carisbrook Caſtle in the Iſle of Wight. Upon theſe ſad diſaſters his Majeſty went ſecretly away to the North of Scotland; upon which the Committee of Eſtates are much troubled, chiefly for that they feared hee would join with Middleton; they ſend Major Generall Mountgomery with a party of Horſe to endeavour by earneſt ſupplications to bring him back to Saint Johnſtons, which at the firſt he utterly refuſeth, but at laſt condeſcended to retire with Montgomery about the later end of October the Prince of Orange departed this life, whoſe death was much lamented by his moſt gracious Majeſty, having received from him many high Teſtimonies of friendſhip and good will, about ten days after the Princeſſe of Orange was delivered of a Son, which did in part mitigate her griefe for the Princes death. After three months ſiege the Caſtle of Edinburgh was ſurrendred up to Cromwell, December 24. 1650. with all the Ordnances, Armes, Edinburgh Caſtle ſur. to the E [...]gl. Magazine, and furniture of War thereunto belonging. Notwithſtanding the hard fortune his Majeſties forces hitherto had undergone, ſeverall deſignes. [Page] were ſet on foot. At this time there was one Benſon executed at Tiburn, for acting by virtue of a Commiſſion from his Majeſty; upon the ſame account there roſe a great number in the County of Norfolk, but were ſoon diſperſed and taken. About this time Sir Henry Hide being Commiſſionated by his Majeſty, Ambaſſador to the grand ſenior at Conſtantinople ſtood in competition with Sir Thomas Bendiſh, whereupon they had a hearing before the Vizier Baſſa; The reſult whereof was, that Sir Thomas Bendiſh ſhould diſpoſe of Sir Henry Hide as he thought good, who was ſtraight way ſent to Smyrna, thence into England, and there condemned, and executed as a Traytor before the Royall Exchange London. The War now in Scotland was almoſt at a ſtand, by reaſon of the ſharpneſſe of the Winter. The grand buſineſſe now in agitation, is the Corronation of his Majeſty, which was accordingly performed at Scone, Jan. 1. 1651. with as much Pomp and Ceremonies, as the preſent State of affairs would permit. The Parliament conſidering how prone the people would be to adore the ſhadow of his late Majeſty of glorious [Page] Memory cauſed his ſtatue formerly ſet up at the Weſt end of Pauls Church to be pulled down, and that alſo in the Royall Exchange, over which they cauſed to be writ this Motto, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus Anno Libertatis Angliae Reſtitutae primo, Jan. 30. 1648. they alſo cauſed the Kings Arms to be defaced, and taken out of all Churches, Chappels, and places of Judicature, throughout their Dominions. The 29 of May being his Majeſties birth day, was celebrated in Scotland with much joy and feaſting. About this time in London was diſcovered a moſt dangerous plot (as they were pleaſed to call it) contrived by the Presbyterians, Mr. Chriſtopher Love, Mr. Gibbons, Major Alford, Major Adams, Colon. Barton, Mr. Blackman, Mr. Caſe, Mr. Cauton, Mr. Jenkins, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Robinſon, and many others were ſecured and examined before a High Court of Juſtice: Mr. Love, and Gibbons were beheaded, Auguſt 22. 1651. on Tower Hill; the reſt upon their humble petitions and acknowledgements of their Crimes, were releaſed and pardoned.

The Scots having now compleated [Page] their Levies to the number of 15000 Foot, and 6000. Horſe marched on this ſide Sterling, to a place called Torwod, where they were faced by the Engliſh, but could not be drawn to an engagement, though the Engliſh much deſired it; at laſt the Engliſh attempt the Scotts by aſcending the Hill, which being done after a ſhot diſpute the Scots are utterly routed, 2000. or there abouts were ſlain, and 1400. were taken priſoners; whereof Sir John Brown Commander in chief was one, with Col. Bucanan, and many others of quality. Immediately upon this was ſurrounded the ſtrong Caſtle of Inchygarvey. July 27. The whole Engliſh Army appear before Brunt Iſland, which after ſome Capitulations was alſo yielded up. this was no ſooner done but the main body of the Engliſh Army attend more eminent ſervice, viz. The Purſuit of his Royall Majeſty, who with an Army of 16000. Horſe and Foot, enters England by way of Carliſle; accordingly the infantry were boated over Fife with as much expedition as could be; and preſently after the Horſe: the truly Valiant then Lievtenant Generall Monk was left in Scotland with a party [Page] of 7000 Horſe and Foot, who ſtraight way took in the ſtrong Town and Caſtle of Sterling, Aberdeen, Abernets, Dundee, Dunotten, and Dunbarton Caſtle with ſeverall others.

So that now the whole Realm of Scotland was [...] wholly ſubdued and made Tributary to the Republick of England. His Majeſty now at laſt with the Scots Army entred Worceſter; from whence the King ſent his Royall letters commanding Sir Thomas Middleton to raiſe what forces he could for him, and the like to Colonell Mackworth Governor of Shrewsbury, but all to no purpoſe. His Royal Majeſty was proclaimed King of Great Brittain, France, and Ireland, in moſt of the Market Towns as he came to Worceſter: about two or three dayes before his Majeſties arrivall at Worceſter, The Earl of Derby having landed at Wy Water in Lancaſhire, came to him with 250. Foot, and 60 Horſe, which he brought with him out of the Iſle of Man, but immediately he returned back into Lancaſhire, to raiſe a more conſiderable force, which with the influence hee had in thoſe places, he ſoon got together a body of 1500. to prevent their conjunction [Page] with his Majeſties forces, Cromwels Regiment and Lilburns join together, and after one hours diſpute, the Earle of Derby's party was worſted, the Earle himſelfe wounded, hardly eſcapes to Worceſter, leaving his George and Garter behind him; of the Kings party the moſt conſiderable that were ſlain were the Lord Widrington, Sir Thomas Tileſly, Colonell Mat. Boynton, Sir Will. Throgmorton, &c.

Not long after Cromwell with his Army came before Worcester, which was preſently diſperſed about the City in Order to a cloſe beſieging of it; hereupon the Scots Salley out of Worceſter, but are repulſed with ſome loſſe. The next re-encounter was the paſs at Ʋpton which the truly Valiant Major Generall Maſſey kept for his Majeſty, but he being too much over powred by Lamberts Horſe and Dragoons, which came from Eveſham, and with Fleetwoods Brigade, was forced to retreat, he himſelfe being wounded.

The Third of September (being the ſame day twelve Month on which the Scots were ſorely beaten at Dunbar) was that black and fatall day on which the [Page] Royall intereſt received their dreadfull wound, the fight was maintained with great Valour on his Majeſties part, but being greatly over powred, his Majeſties Forces were totally routed both Horſe and Foot, their Works and Fort Royall were taken, their Canons turned upon themſelves, the City was ſtraightway entred and ſearched, the moſt of the Scotts inſtantly were ſlain and taken, in this engagement neer 10000 were taken priſoners, and about 3000 ſlain; His Majeſty perceiving the day hitherto loſt, begins now to ſhift for himſelf, (the people generally as they fled-confuſedly, cry out, O ſave the King, ſave the King!) he preſently withdrew himſelfe to the houſe where he quartered, and took of his treaſure what he could conveniently carry with him; juſt as Colonell Cobbet was entring the fore part of the houſe, his Majeſty was ſlipt out by a back way, together with the Lord Wilmot, ſtriking into the moſt private and unfrequented way to avoyd the hot purſuit and ſtrict enquiry that was made for him: The Earl of Derby was taken priſoner in the purſuit by Lilborn, whoſe hands hee had narrowly eſcaped not many dayes [Page] before; together with the Earle of Loderdale, the Earl of Cleveland, Shrews-burry, and Lord Wentworth, with many other perſons of quality in the main fight were taken, Duke Hamilton, Rob. Earle of Carnworth, Alexander Earle of Kelley, John Lord Synclare, Sir John Packington, Major General Mountgomery, Mr. Richard Fanſhaw, the Kings Secretary, the Generall of the Ordnance, the Adjutant General of the Foot, the Marſhall Generall. 6. Collo. of Horſe, 13. of Foot, 9. Lievetenant Collon. of Horſe, 8. of Foot, 6. Majors of Horſe, 17. Majors of Foot, 37. Cap. of Horſe. 72. Cap. of Foot, 55. Quarter Maſters of Horſe, 72. Cap. of Foot, and a number of other inferiour Officers, 158. Colours, the Kings Royall Standard, his Collar of SS Coach and Horſes, and other things of great value. Major Gen. Maſſey though he had made a ſhift to eſcape out of the field, yet by reaſon of his wounds and ſick condition of body, ſurrendred himſelfe to the mercy of the Counteſs of Stamford, whoſe ſon nevertheleſſe the Lord Gray of Groby ſecured him as a priſoner, and ſent him up to the Parliament ſo ſoon as his wounds were [Page] cured; Leivtenant Gen. David Leſley, and Leiut. Gen. Middleton were both taken at Blackstone Bridge, between Hallifax and Raeſdale, and ſent Priſoners to Leverpoole.

Near this time moſt of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland were taken at a place called Ellett, in that Nation, where they were aſſembled to propagate their Royall deſignes; ſuch was the ſad events which attended his Royall Majeſty, that he who a few days before was proclaimed King of Great Brittain, had now neither Camp, nor Garriſon, nor lodging to fly unto for ſafety or ſhelter. For now the Juncto at Weſtminſter profer [...]00 Sterling to any that ſhall detect the Kings Royall perſon, which notwithſtanding hee eſcaped after this manner. Viz. After the great and fatall fight at Worceſter, between his Majeſties forces and the Cromwelian Rebells, the field being loſt, not for want of courage, by the King party, but by thoſe numerous ſupplies, who ſerved only like the Turkiſh Aſapi, to blunt the Royall ſwords, ſo that their wearied arms no longer able to hold out, were forced to retreat, and at length (notwithſtanding the generous [Page] example of his Majeſty, who performed things worth wonder) to a diſorderly flight: yet 'tis worthy of obſervation, that upon Cromwells advance near the City, his Majeſty in perſon, and in the head of the Horſe, drew out againſt him, and that with ſo much valor and courage, that Cromwells own lifeguard, and the beſt of his old Souldiers, who were thought almoſt invincible) were forced to retire till ſeconded by Fleetwood, Disbrow, Lambert and others, (who over powred the Kings forces, being above five to one: and ſo loath was his Majeſty to decline the field, that upon his earneſt endeavours to have his horſe and foot rally, twice had he his Horſe ſhot under him, and at length was forced to ſhift for himſelf, and to provide for his own ſafety; and ſo with ſome Nobles and Servants, not without a great deal of difficulty, forced to quit the field, and by the moſt unfrequented Roads that they could poſſibly find out, rod to a Farmhouſe of a Noble gentleman on the Borders of Staffordſhire, where they no ſooner arrived but his Majeſty diſrobed himſelf of his Princely Ornaments and Accoutrements, and [Page] Particularly of a Chain of Gold or Spannar-ſtring worth three hundred pounds Sterling, the preſent of a Scottiſh Lady which he beſtowed upon a ſervant of his there preſent: which done, for his farther diſguiſe, he proceeded to the cutting off his hair, and the Cot affording neither ſhears nor Sciſſars to perform it, it was by the Lord Wilmot cut off with a knife. And now every one is commanded to ſhift for himſelf, and this poor Prince left alone to the ſole protection of the Almighty, he chooſing none but one friend to accompany him, with whom he wandred into a Wood, within four mile, (ſay ſome) of Wolverhampton, where finding a hollow Oke, he was now content to make it his Palace, for here he for ſome days concealed himſelf, his Friend ſtill towards night going out to provide him ſome refreſhment during this his ſolitary confinement. In the meantime the Lord Wilmot who was commanded with the reſt to ſeek his fortune, was by chance purſued by ſome ſouldiers, but meeting with a Countrey fellow formerly a ſouldier in the old Kings Army, he was by him ſecured though ſomewhat [Page] ſtrangely, for he carries him into a Malthouſe belonging to Mrs. Jane Lane, and having no other convenient place to hide him in, clapt him under the kilne, though there were then ſome fire in it, and the malt ſmoaking on the top. In the mean time the ſouldiers then in purſuit of him, entred the houſe, and having made about three quarters of an hours ſearch every where elſe, but not at all ſuſpecting the kilne, where they ſaw the fire, they departed, and the Lord Wilmot was taken out of the kilne almoſt ready to faint with the extremity of the heat. The Countrey fellow having thus ſecured this Lord, acquaints Mrs. Lane with what he had done, and ſhe extremly glad of it, gets him to her houſe, where in conference ſhe enquires of the Kings ſafety. The Lord Wilmot gives her the former relation of his miſeries and diſtreſs, which forces tears from the tender hearted Gentlewoman, ſhe earneſtly entreats him to take ſome courſe for the finding out of his Majeſty, and conducting him to her houſe, ſhe being reſolved to venture her life, had ſhe ten thouſand, for the ſaving of his Royal Majeſties.

[Page] The Lord Wilmot glad of ſo happy an opportunity to ſerve his Majeſty, and ſo great a probability of ſecuring him, the next night finds him out, and conducts him from the Royal Oak to the Houſe of Mrs. Jane Lane, where after a large condoling of his hard fortune conſultation was had for a conveniency for his eſcape beyond ſea, and at length it was concluded, that Briſtol would be the moſt convenient place to take ſhipping, That his Majeſty ſhould ride before Mrs. Lane by the name of William ſervant to Mr. Laſtell her father in law, who was likewiſe to go with them; and thus it was immediately given out, that Mr. Laſtell and Mrs. Lane were to take a journey into the Weſt, to viſit ſome friends, and ſhortly after they ſet forward. In this journey there happened many accidents worthy commemoration, and firſt, the Kings Majeſty riding now as ſervant to one of the faithfulleſt of his Subj [...]cts, in a Livery Cloak, though not without that reſpect that durſt be given to him; complains to Mrs. Lane that the cloak wearied him, whereupon ſhe deſires Mr. Laſtell to carry it, and long they had not trid [Page] ſo but they meet upon the Road her brother in law, who amongſt otherqueſtions demanded of her, if her father muſt carry her mans Cloak, to which ſhe readily anſwered, that it was ſo big that it often endangered the throwing her off the horſe, and that ſhe had therefore deſired him to carry it. The next and moſt important accident of all was, that coming into a town, which they were to paſs through, there was a Troop of Horſe there to be quartered drawn up, which cauſed ſome fear, but at length with a reſolution they paſſed on, and the Captain taking them for honeſt travellers, made his Troop open to the right and left, and ſo permitted them to paſs. Another accident there happened, which one may ſay was almoſt comical in this Tragedy, Mrs. Lane coming into the Inne leaves his Majeſty under the name of William her ſervant in the Kitchin, with whom the maid enters in to diſcourſe, ſhe asks him where he was born, and what trade he was, he anſwers at Brumingham, and a Naylors ſon, and after a great deal of other diſcourſe, the Jack being down, the maid deſires him to wind it up, [Page] which he willingly undertakes, but goes the wrong way about it, and ſomewhat prejudices it; at which the maid grew angry, asking him where he was bred, and telling him he was the verieſt [...]lowniſh booby that ever ſhe ſaw in all her life; which railing of hers made his preſent miſery go out of the room ſmiling.

Mrs. Lane notwithſtanding his Majeſty went as her ſervant, yet had a greater reſpect for him before others, pretended him her Tenant's ſon; but on the Road ſhe would always ask what he would have to dinner or ſupper, and what piece of that he liked, which ſhe would always be ſure to get made ready and give him, he ſtill ſitting at the lower end of the table.

But to come to the end of their journey, being arrived at Briſtol they lodged at the houſe of a Noble gentleman there, and kinſman to Mr. Laſtel: the King finding it to be a houſe of great reſort, feigns himſelf ſick of an Ague, and ſo keeps his Chamber all the day, coming down onely at nights; but one night coming down and being ſomewhat cold craves a glaſs of Wine of the [Page] Butler, who carries him into the But lery; this Butler having before ſerved his Majeſties Father in the Wars, looking earneſtly upon him, ſuſpected him to be the King, ſo eaſily will Majeſty appear though veiled in the utmoſt diſguiſes, and thereupon pulling off his hat, told him very ceremoniouſly, That he might command what wine he pleaſed; of which the King took no notice, but drinking off his Wine went out; yet the Butler could not ſatisfie his ſuſpicion, but went up to Mr. Laſtels, & demanded of him how long he had had that ſervant, whereupon Mr. Laſtels was very angry at his boldneſs, in daring to ask him ſuch a queſtion; but the Butler ſtill perſiſted, and whiſpering told him that he believed it was the King, where upon Mr. Laſtels ſeeing he was diſcovered, ſends immediately for his Majeſty, whom he acquaints with the Butlers diſcovery of him, with whom the King was ſomewhat angry, in regard he did not firſt acquaint himſelf with his ſuſpition, it not being impoſſible, but that Mr. Laſtels might not have known him to be the King; but upon pardon asked by the Butler, it was granted by [Page] the King, and he afterwards proved very inſtrumental in his Majeſties conveyance through the Countrey.

But here at Briſtol the chief deſign they had in hand failed them; for though there were a little Barque lay there, judged moſt convenient for the buſineſs, yet the Maſter would for no reward tranſport a ſingle perſon, though he was ſo honeſt as only to deny it and made no further ſearch or inquiry concerning the perſon, which might perhaps have tended to a diſcovery.

This deſign here failing, his Majeſty deſired to be brought ſome miles Weſtward to the houſe of a worthy gentleman whom he knew to be a truſty friend; where coming in he finds the gentleman in the field with his ſervants; having diſcovered himſelf to him, he was by him conveyed to a convenient ſtand till night, (having firſt taken leave of his true friends, who had thus far conducted him with the danger of their Lives and Eſtates,) from whence he was in the dusk conveyed into the houſe, and there carefully concealed for a week, till ſuch time as preparation could be made in ſome Weſtern Port of a paſſage for him; but coming afterwards [Page] there where it was provided, chancing to dine with a Parliament Colonell then there, he thought it the ſafer to looſe the benefit of that paſſage, then adventure to imbarque himſelfe ſingly, which might breed ſuſpicion, and perhaps have been the means after ſo many deliverances to have betrayed him into the hands of his enemies.

This paſſage then likewiſe failing him he then returned back to the place from whence he came, and concealed himſelf three weekes longer, till in the end it being reſolved on, he by the aſſiſtance of Mr. Ph. was conveyed through the moſt by-ways they could imagine to a gentlewomans houſe in Suſſex, where he lay till a perſon of true worth and honour made proviſion of a faithfull Maſter, who with a ſmall Veſſel wafted him to a ſmall Creek in, Normandy, to the great content of the Kings ſacred Majeſty, and all his Loyall Subjects and to the honour of the Maſter with due reward, as in time may appear.

Soon after this the Juncto at Weſtminſter took order for the reducing of the two Iſlands Jerſie and Man: about this time dyed Generall Popham, one of the Generals at Sea, and IretonCromwells [Page] Son in Law of the plague in Ireland. No ſooner had the Engliſh brought things to ſome quietneſſe at home but now new ſtirs begin to appear abroad; The Hollanders being offended at an Act made by that piece of Parliament then ſitting at Weſtminster, for the encreaſing of ſhipping and encouragement of Navigation break out into an open warre, and the firſt act of Hoſtility was May, 16. 1652. When Ʋan Trump Admiral of the Dutch Fleet, with about 40 two ſail comming into Dover Road refuſed to ſtrike ſail, hung out a Red flag, the uſuall ſign of defr [...]me, and gave a broad-ſide to Blake the Engliſh Admirall, which occaſioned ſome hours ſharp diſpute, wherein the Dutch had the worſt; they loſt in this fight two ſhips and 150 men. But of this action the ſtates of Holland would not be concern'd, becauſe as they ſayd, it was done without their approbation, and a little the beter to palliate the buſineſs, they diſpatch their Embaſſadors over into England, to renew the Treaty: the effect of which proved an open war betwixt the Common-Wealths, which was now publickly proclaimed on both ſides. In July Sir George Aſcue with a [Page] Squadron of Ships being left to guard the narrow Seas, diſcovered a Fleet of Flemmings between Dover and Callice being about 80. of which ten were taken and burnt, the reſt ran a ſhore the Coaſts of France; Sir George Aſcue as he was ſailing Weſtward to guard the Seas, and conduct home the Marchant-men that lay at Plymouth on the 16. Auguſt, between one and 2. in the afternoon, they had a ſight of the Dutch Fleet, they preſently made what haſt they cold towards them to diſcover their number, which was about 60. ſail of men of War, and 30 Marchant-men; the Engliſh were 38. ſail, and 4. Fireſhips, and 4. Scouts; they came up to the enemy about 4. in the afternoon, and began the fight with much Gallantry and high reſolution; this engagement continued feirce till night parted then not without ſome loſs to the Engliſh, but much more to the Dutch. Sept. 27. General Blake with his Fleet diſcovered on the backſide of Goodwin Sands about 60. ſail of Dutch-men of War, under the Command of Admiral de Wit, which bout was called the Kentiſh Knock, they ſhamefully flying from the Engliſh [Page] though far more in number, were miſerably beaten by General Blake; Upon the Neck of this breach came into England an Ambaſſador from the Queen of Sweden, where he ended his life before he effected any thing; another alſo from the King of Denmark, who alſo ſeeing no probability of peace between theſe Nations, departed out of this Kingdom.

In the Levant Seas aſmal Fleet of the Engliſh wereſet upon by [...]-ſail of Dutch who over-powering them in number, took and blew up 5. Engliſh Ships; About the beginning of December General Blake himſelf engaging with the whole Fleet of the Dutch, came of with the worſt looſing the Garland and Bonaventure, and ſome other Ships. About the ending of February the Dutch were miſerably overthrown by the Engliſh between Portland and the Ifle of Wight; In the mean time arrived an Extraordinary Ambaſſador from the King of Portugal to the Parliament, which after many Addreſſes and Treaties concludes a peace, with Obligation to ſatisfy the Engliſh Marchants

From France alſo the Engliſh were [Page] courted by two partyes, by an Agent from the King of France, deſiring a releaſe of thoſe Ships taken going to the reliefe of Dunkirk; & by 4. Deputies from the Prince of Conde, craving aid againſt the Cardinal and his Creatures; who had ſtraitly beſieged the City of Bourdeaux, but they both proved ineffectual.

And now happened a very ſtrange Alteration in the Scene of Affairs in England, Cromwel whoſe ambition was now ripe, and who knew he might take a very fit opportunity, to uſurp that that power he had ſo long gaped for, the people of theſe Nations being weary of the actions of this Parliament, and there dilatory proceedings, and apparent intentions of perpetuating themſelfs, and to defraud the people of their ancient, and undoubted Liberties of equal and ſucceſſive repreſentatives, * entered the Parliament-Houſe, attended with ſome of his principal Officers, and there delivered certain reaſons, why a Period ought to be put to that Parliament, which was preſently done; the Speaker with the reſt of the Members, ſome by [Page] force, ſome through fear, and ſome murmuring departed the Houſe, & the better to ſatisfy the wiſer ſort of people, Cromwel and his Officers publiſh a large Declaration, ſhewing the reaſons of his diſſolving that Parliament; Thus, that part of the Parliament, who had baſely murdered their King, and Uſurped an Authority, over theſe Nations are turned out of Doors, to the ſcorne and deriſion of the whole Nation by their Servant Oliver Cromwel.

Thus that part of the Houſe of Commons which then ſat (afterwards better known by the name of the Rump) being diſſolved, their power was wholly devolved into the hands of their aſpiring General; who leaſt the Magiſtrates and other publique Miniſters of the nation ſhould be ſtartled at this ſo ſuddain change. This following Declaration was publiſhed.

WHere as the Parliament being diſſolved, perſons of approved fidelity and honeſty, are (according to the late Declar-tion of the 22 of April laſt) to be called from the ſeverall parts of this Commonwealth to the ſupreme Authority; and [Page] although effectuall proceedings are and have been had for perfecting thoſe reſolutions; yet ſome convenient time being required for the aſſembling thoſe perſons, it hath been ſound neceſſary for the preventing the miſchiefs, and inconveniences, which may ariſe in the mean while to the publickaffairs, that a Councill of State be conſtituted to take care of and intend the peace and ſafety, and preſent management of the affairs of the Commonwealth; which being ſettled acoordingly, the ſame is hereby declared and publiſhed, to the end all perſons way take notice hereof, and in their ſeverall places and ſtations demean themſelves peaceably, giving obedience to the Laws of the Nation as heretofore: and in the exerciſe and adminiſtration whereof, as endeavours ſhall be uſed, that no oppreſſion or wrong be done to the people; ſo a ſtrict account will be required of all ſuch, as ſhall do any thing to endanger the publick peace and quiet upon any pretence whatſoever.

O. CROMWELL.

Aprill. 30. 1653.

[Page] Theſe domeſtick Revolutions did in ſome meaſure heighten the ſpirits of the Dutch, for they thought ſome eminent diſtractions and commotions would certainly enſue thereupon, June, 2. The Engliſh Fleet being at Anchor, without the South-head of the Gober, diſcover about 100 ſail, of Dutch men of Warre, lying two Leagues to Lee-ward; the Engliſh preſently made ſail after them, after a ſharp diſpute they take of the Dutch 11. men of war, two water-hoyes 6. Captaynes, 1500 priſoners, and ſunck 6. men of War more; had not the night prevented the reſt of the Dutch-Fleet would in all probabillity have been cut off in this engagement. General Dean, one of our Admiralls was ſlain; In the mean time Cromwell and his Confederates conſult on fit perſons on whom the Legiſlative power of the Nation ſhould be committed, to which end the grand Tyrant iſſueth out warrants under his own hand to a certain number of perſons choſen by himſelf, whom he thought would ſerve his intereſt to appear at the Counſell Chamber at White-Hall, July. 4. 1653. Where being accordingly met [Page] Cromwell being attended with ſeveral Officers of the Army, maketh them a ſhort ſpeech, and delivereth unto them a writing under his hand and Seal, impowering them to be the ſupreme Legiſlative Authority of the three Nations: from thence they repair to the Parliament houſe, and chooſe for their Speaker Mr Rouſe, they begin to debate what they ſhall call themſelves; at laſt they conclude to call themſelves the Parliament, having ſat about four moneths their conſultations are chiefly for the taking away of Tythes, at laſt it was moved by ſome of them that their further ſitting would not prove for the peace of the Nation, therefore they attend the General and according to command reſigned their power into his hands again, who preſently after, aſſumes to himſelf the Title of Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, takes unto himſelf a Council of twenty one perſons, by whoſe aſſiſtance all things are carried on, during the intervals of Parliament.

Things being thus tranſlated in [Page] England, his Royal Majeſty not having any further means left him for the regaining of his dominions, is conſtrained to take up his Reſidence in the kingdom of France, where notwithſtanding his low condition he lived with great honour and reſpect, with the King Queen and Nobles of France. During his abode here in this Court a match was propounded to him, viZ. the Duke of Orleances daughter, as likewiſe to his illuſtrious Brother the noble Duke of York, the Duke of Longevills daughter. But the troubleſome eſtate of the kingdom of France, and his Royal Majeſties ill poſture of affairs in his own kingdoms, ſoon put a period to this tranſaction. Whileſt theſe things were in agitation happened a difference betwixt the the Prince of Conde and Cardinal MaZarine, moſt of the Princes of the blood ſide with the firſt: the King of France, who now was newly come to age, to ſway the Scepter, with the latter; the cauſe of the quarrel was, Cardinal MaZarine his inordinate power, and other grand miſcarriages of ſtate, the people alſo generally [Page] murmure againſt him, the Princes and Parliament of Paris and Bourdeaux are againſt him, as alſo the Duke of Louraine, then in ſervice of the Spaniard, things arrived at ſuch a height that nothing but a Civil war was likely to enſue, to compoſe and end theſe differances his ſacred Majeſty of England uſeth his utmoſt endeavours, telling them from his own experience, the miſeries of a civil War; but all endeavours proved in effectuall, for the French King, perſiſted in his reſolutions not to give way to the baniſhment of the Cardinal, hereupon, the Duke of Lorraine was ſent for with his Army to come and joyn with the Princes, the Duke having been tampered with by the contrary party and having advantageous termes deſiſted, hereupon a [...] generall report was ſpread, that his Majeſty of England had drawn over the Duke to the Kings party, becauſe they were often together, this coming to the peoples ears, ſo incenſed them not onely againſt the Duke for his perfidiouſneſs; But alſo againſt his Majeſty and the Queen his mother, the fury of the [Page] people increaſed ſo much that the King was forced for his own preſervation to retire from the Louver to St Jermans, the Queen his mother received many affronts, as ſhe paſſedin her Coach from the Louver to the Nunnery at Chaliot, where ſhe kept her Refidence; his Majeſty now treateth with Lorraine for the recovery of his kingdom of Ireland, out of the hand of the Engliſh Republick, to this end ſeveral Articles are agreed unto by the Lord Taffe agent for the King, and the Duke; amongſt other things it was concluded that the Duke ſhould be veſted with the power and title of Protector Royall of Ireland. But the Duke having not ſtrength enough for this great enterpriſe, this buſineſſe takes no effect: his Majeſty having ſtayed at Saint Jermans till the heat of the popular fury was over, returned again to the Louvre. During, his abode there, his iluſtrious Brother the Duke of Gloceſter, who for a long time had bin under the cuſtody of the Engliſh Juncto, and at length diſmiſſed and ſent into Holland to his ſiſter, was from thence attended into France by Sir [Page] Marmaduke Langdale, and Sir Richard Grenvile, and he was honorably received at Paris by the French King, Queen-Mother, and the reſt of the Grandee. during his Majeſties abode here, arrived Mrs. Jane Lane, who had ſo miraculouſly preſerved the King after the fight at Worceſter, he being exceedingly glad to hear this news, immediately ſends ſome perſons of quality, with Coaches to conduct her to Paris, where being come they rejoyce in each others preſence: let us now a little caſt our eyes into England, where Cromwell and the Council at White-Hall, having uſurped the Regall authority carry all by force before them, about the latter end of February, ſeveral perſons of quality are carried to the Tower, for being Loyal to his Majeſty, but becauſe nothing of moment could be proved againſt them they are ſet at liberty. Cromwell being deſirous to ſtrengthen himſelf, in the Tyrannical Reigning over his Majeſties ſubjects bethinks himſelf of making peace with forein States and Princes, to that [Page] end preſently patches up a very diſadvantageous peace with the Dutch. preſently after, concludes a peace alſo with Chriſtina Queen of Sweden a a little before the reſignation of her Crown to her Couzen Carolus Guſtavus. In May following, ſeveral perſons are charged with high Treaſon for endeavouring to take away the Protectors life, ſeize upon the Tower and proclaim his Majeſty King of Great Brittain, a High Court of Juſtice is erected, Col. Gerard, Peter Vowel School-maſter and Somerſet Fox are condemned to die, the laſt is reprieved for his ample confeſſions; Col. Gerrard was beheaded at Tower hill, and Vowel hanged at Charing-Croſs on the ſame day, Don Pantalaon Sa, Brother to the Portugal Ambaſſadour was beheaded, for engaging in a quarrel on the New Exchange where one Mr. Greneway was ſlain. His Sacred Majeſty having now remained in the Court of France about two or three years, ſometimes being lifted up high with hopes, of regaining his three kingdoms, other times being caſt down with fears ſollicitates, [Page] the States of Holland again, to own his Royall intereſt, but they having made a peace with Oliver onely complement him with a letter full of civility: and now that which troubled his Majeſty moſt was this, the French Court, (notwithſtanding all means uſed to the contrary by the King of England, his mother and other friends) prepare to ſend over an Ambaſſadour into England; hereupon his ſacred yet ſtill ſuffering Majeſty leaves that kingdom, having taken his farewell of the King and other great ones from whom he received many Complements and Apologies, being accompanied with his brother the Duke of York, his Couzens Prince Rubert and Prince Edward Palatine to Chatilion, a houſe belonging to the Prince of Conde where they ſtayed a while to confider how to diſpoſe of themſelves to th'beſt advantage his Majeſty with Prince Rupert reſolves for Germany, having before ſent the Lord Wilmot, before Ambaſſadour to the Emperor to negotiate in his behalf: Prince Edward took his journey to Burbone, the Duke of York remaining in France till after the peace with England is concluded being [Page] Lieutenant General of the French Army: the young Duke of Glooeſter after his Brother was gone into Germany, by reaſon of the Queen his Mother, and ſome others of the Catholique Religion, was placed in the Colledge of the Jeſuits there, to have been bred up in the Romiſh Religion; Intelligence thereof being ſoon brought to his Majeſty: he being not a little diſpleaſed, ſoon takes order for his remove, which was exactly performed. Oliver, according to one Article in his Government, called a Parliament to meet at Weſtminſter, Sept. 3. 1654. William Lenthal maſter of the Roll, being choſen Speaker; at their firſt ſitting they begin to queſtion the lawfulneſs of the power, by which they were called, this highly Offended Oliver Protector, and made him reſolve to put a Period to their ſitting; ſo when they had ſat about 5 mouths, he diſſolved them, ſoon after the diſſolution of the Parliament, the Court was allarmed with news of a great riſing in Shropſhire, Montgomryſhire, Wiltſhire, Nottinghamſhire, Northumberland and Yorkſhire in the behalf of his Royal Majeſty: Sir Henry Littleton, Sir John Packington, [Page] and Major Wildman are ſecured, and ſent Priſoners to the Tower. Sunday 11. March a Party about 200. enter Saliſbury, ſeize upon Horſes, take away Commiſſions from the Judges as they were going there circuit and march towards Cornwal, they are met with by Captain Ʋnton Crook, and after a ſharp diſpute totally routed, their chief Captains were taken, viz. Penruddock, Jones, and Grove, Sir Joſeph Wagſtaffe, made a ſhift to eſcape ſhortly after, Penruddock and Grove were beheaded at Exon, and Jones was repreived: ſeveral other riſings in other parts of this Kingdom, but were all ſuppreſſed; and now Cromwel prepares a very great Fleet, but for what end none knew but ſome principal Commanders: In the mean time the King of Spain ſends over as Extraordinary Ambaſſador the Marquis of Leda, who was here conplemented by our new Court, but finding which way things went, after a ſhort ſtay returns to his own Country; preſently after his departure this great Fleet ſteer there courſe towards Hiſpaniola, one of the faireſt Iſlands belonging to the American Dominions of the King of Spain; at l [...]ſt [Page] the Engliſh land in the Iſland of Hiſpanola without any oppoſition, and ſeeing no enemy near them, think themſelves ſole Maſters of the Indies. They having marched a many miles through the woods, are ready to periſh with faintneſs, and for want of water; and now the Spaniſh Negros fall upon them, and miſerably kill them, with little reſiſtance drive them out of the Iland; the remainder of thoſe that eſcaped this Buchery poſſeſs themſelves of Jamaica; & now, G. Blake with a little better ſucceſs, being come before Tunis demands reparation for the loſſes ſuſtained from Turkiſh Pyrates, but being anſwer'd in ſcorn by the Dye of Tunis, fired 9. Ships, and came off with little loſs, but much glory to himſelf; notwithſtanding the former ill ſucceſſes of the Royal party, are ſent to the Tower upon ſuſpition of Treaſon; The Lord Willonby of Parham, and the Lord Newport. The Illuſtrious Duke of Gloceſter having ſtaid for ſome times with his ſiſter the Princeſs Royall [...] at Hague, was now reſolved to go to his Brother, Our moſt gracious King, then at Cullen. being come thither with his Siſter, they ſtay till after the [Page] Fair at Franckfort, to which place they made a progreſſe of State and pleaſure, being attended with the Marqueſſe of Ormond, Lord Goring, Lord Newburrough, and Lady Stanhop, &c. As they paſſed through every Princes Country, they were complemented by their Chief Officers of ſtate, and ſaluted by all the great Guns from all their Towers and Caſtles, in an eſpeciall manner. The Prince Elector of Ments ſent his grand Marſhall, to invite them to his Court, whereupon the Lord Newburrough, was ſent back to deſire to excuſe them at preſent, promiſing to wait upon them at his return: being arrived at Franckfort and hearing that Queen Chriſtiana of Swedn was coming that was in her journy to Italy; his ſacred Majeſty ſent one of his Lords to her, ſignifying his deſire to wait upon her at what place her Majeſty ſhould be pleaſed to Nominate: the place appointed for this Interview was Collingſteen a Village near Frankfort, where his Royall Majeſty was received by her with much reſpect: he had Private conference with her about half an hour, then the Duke of Glocester, and then the Lords that attended his Majeſty [Page] Lord Jermyn and other Engliſh Lords: Takes his Journey to Flaunders, where at that time our dread Soveraign did reſide, at the Kind invitation of Don John of Auſtria then Governour of the Low-Countries: let us now leave our King a little, and look a while into his dominions, where Cromwell notwithſtanding his ill ſucceſs in the laſt Parliament through his neceſſities, is compelled to call another to meet at Weſtminſter 17 September, where the Navy, Commanded by General Mountague lying to intercept the Spaniſh plate, coming from the Weſt Indies, obtained a great victory over the Spaniard near Cadize, ſix hundred thouſand pieces of eight taken beſides many ſhips fired, and many other rich prizes taken. This Parliament being met on the day appointed, petition and adviſe Cromwell to take upon him the name and Title of King, which his tender conſcience could not ſwallow becauſe he was affraid of ſome of his aſpiring Officers; and now a deſperate attempt againſt the life of Oliver is found out, and one Miles Sindercomb is apprehended and preſently after tried and condemned to be hanged drawn [Page] ſty. As they came from Frankfort the Elector of Mentz. renewed his civilities, provided all manner of Accommodations for them as they paſſed thorow his Territories, meeting them himſelfe a great part of the way; he brought them to one of his Pallaces, where he entertained them after a ſumptuous and ſplendid manner, for two or three days, after which they returned to Collen, four Burgo Maſters being appointed to wait on them, and welcome them hom [...]. About the beginning of November. 1656. A peace is concluded by Cromwell, with the French, the principall condition of this Treaty was the excluſion of our Royall Soveraign, with all his relations and adherents out of the King of France his Dominions. The thrice Noble, Heroick and truly Valiant Duke of Yorke, notwithſtanding his great Command in the King of France his Army, which was Lievetenant Generall, is now advertized to depart the Kingdome, by a prefixed time; which act the French may perhaps hereafter have cauſe enough to rue which now being come, he takes his leave of the King and Court of France, being attended by the [Page] and quartered, but he on the day appointed for his execution, ſaves them that labour by making away himſelf, by ſnuffing up ſome poyſonous powder into his head; whereupon it was ordered that he ſhould be dragged naked at a Horſes heels, from the Tower to the ſcaffold on Tower hill, and there buried having an Iron ſtake thruſt into his belly, &c.

In April 1657. ſeveral fifth Monarchy-men are apprehended, for having a deſign to ſubvert this grand Tyrant and his Government. Major General Harrinſon, Lawſon, and others are apprehended, but nothing could poſitively be proved againſt them; Now, according to conditions of agreement betwixt England and France, the French King deſires Auxiliary forces from England to help him in his Wars againſt the Spaniard in Flanders, which was readily granted by Cromwel, 6000. Foot are accordingly ſent over under the command of Col. Reynolds, who are no ſooner landed, but ſuddenly they take the ſtrong Fort of Mardike. After Cromwel had given his final anſwer, that he could not accept of the Title of King, he was [Page] by the Parliament inſtated Lord Protector in a moſt ſolemne manner, June 26. Cromwel having now, as he thought, ſetled his Throne, bethinks himſelf of advancing his neareſt friends and relations, to that end, he ſends for his eldeſt Son Richard out of the Country, to enure him to a Court life, and that he might have ſome inſight into State affairs, deſigning him for ſucceſſion in the Protectorſhip, which the Univerſity of Oxford fore-ſeeing ſend their Proctors, to elect him their Chancellor, in which honour he was ſolemnly inſtalled at Whitehall.

His Second Son Henry he created Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, his two youngeſt Daughters he matched, the eldeſt to Mr. Robert Rich, Grand-child to the then Earl of Warwick; The younger to the Lord Faulconbridge, the Nuptials of them both was celebrated with much Splendor at Whitehal & Hampton Court; ſcarſe was the mirth of theſe ſolemnities over, but the Court is allarmed with the death of Gen. Blake, Vice-Admiral Badiley, and Lieutenant General Brain: preſently after Col. Reynolds and his Company were caſt away by Goodwin Sands [Page] coming from Flanders. The Parliament (ſo called) having adjourned themſelves from the 6th. of June untill the 20th of January following; and now thoſe other Members were admitted, who formerly were excluded. There is alſo another Houſe of Parliament, ſo called, choſen by Cromwel, conſiſting moſt part of Officers of the Army, with ſome of the old Nobility, this latter being as it were a Houſe of Peers. But this other Houſe would not down with the Houſe of Commons; whereupon in a great rage perceiving his right, as he ſuppoſed, to be infringed; notwithſtanding all diſwaſions to the contrary, he leaving his Council haſts to the Parliament-Houſe, ſwearing by the Living God he would diſſolve them, which accordingly was done; about the latter end of the year dyed his Son in Law Mr. Robert Rich, and not long after his Grand-father the Earl of Warwick.

And now about the 12th. of March a terrible plot is diſcovered, the City of London was to be fired, and the Tower and Mows fiered, and all the Souldiers about the City ſacrifized to the fury of the Royal intereſt; and therefore he preſently ſends for the Lord Major, Aldermen, [Page] and common Council of the City of London, to warne them of the approaching danger, tells them how the Marqueſs of Ormond had lately been in London for 3. weeks together, promoting the affairs of his Maſter, that our moſt dread Soveraign lay ready with 8000. men, quartered on the Sea Coaſts of Flanders, and 22. hyred Ships to tranſport them, thereupon he recommended unto their care the ſetling of the Militia, upon the many perſons were apprehended, an high Court of Juſtice, erected Dr. Hewet, Sir Henry Slingsby, and Mr. Mordant were brought to tryal; Sir Henry, and the Doctor were both condemned to looſe their heads on Tower-Hill, and 6. others of meaner ſort were adjudged to be hanged, drawn and quartered, Whereof but three ſuffered. great endeavours were uſed, the Miniſters of London Petition for the Doctors life, and many great perſons, for the Knight, but all avail nothing, About the month of June 1658. arrived an ominous Whale in the River of Thames, which was taken at Greenwich, and found to be 58. foot in length, and every way proportionable.

In Flanders ſucceſſes came in with a [Page] full Garri [...]: preſently after the taking of Mardike Fort, Dunkirk was ſtraitly beſieged by the joynt Forces: of the Engliſh and French, and after a ſharp battle the Marquis of Leda Governour of Dunkirk being now more ſtreitly then ever environed both by Land and Seas, reſolved upon a deſperate ſally, in which he was mortally wounded and ſhortly after dyed, the Governours death wrought ſo upon the beſieged, that on the 25th. day of June Dunkirk was ſurrendered into the hands of the French, and afterwards conſigned to the Engliſh.

Auguſt 6. Dyed Mrs. Elizabeth Claypoole, a Daughter to Oliver Cromwel; not long after her, dyed the Earl of Mulgrave one of the privy Counſellors to his Highnes, ſo called, And now cometh death it ſelf to act his part on this our noble Tyrant, Cromwel himſelf muſt alſo dye, who by force and fraud had from a mean beginning raiſed himſelf to the arbitrary Government of theſe 3. Kingdomes.

And that which is very remarkable on the ſame day on which he had gained two ſuch ſignal victories againſt his Majeſties forces viz. at Dunbar and [Page] Worceſter, viz. September 3. the night that uſhered in the day of his death there aroſe ſuch a horrible tempeſt, the like hath hardly been ſeen in our age, Trees both of a large and ſmaller ſize, are torn out of the earth by the roots. Having as he thought certainly ſecured the government of theſe three Kingdomes to himſelf being at the point of death, he nominates for his ſucceſſor his eldeſt ſon Richard, who the next day after his Fathers death, was in the preſence of old Olivers privy Councill, and the chief Officers of the Army Proclaimed Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, and had addreſſes unto him from moſt parts of the 3. Nations, profeſſing their zeal and affection to his government, which how little they availed him time hath ſince ſufficiently ſhewed us: And now after the Advancement of Richard to the ſupream power and dignity of theſe Nations, Principall care is taken for the enterment of his Fathers Corps, with all the ſolemnity and ſtate accuſtomed at Kings and Princes Funeralls, and to this end ſearch is made into old Records to ſee what was expended at the Funeral [Page] of King James of happy memory, that the ſame, nay much more coſt might be beſtowed on this; his Corps being now enbalmed and wrapt in Lead, was conveyed from Whitehal to Somerſet-Houſe, there tolye in regal pompe and State, a Spectacle for all Commers: and now his Funeral pompe being ended, great preparations there are for the ſending out of naval ſupplyes to the King of Sweden: But now want of moneys and other neceſſities of State, enforce Richard and his Councel to ſummon a Parliament, which accordingly meet Jan. 27. This Parliament conſiſted as the other in his Fathers time did, of two Houſes, the Commons, and the other Houſe, which now was called the Upper-houſe, and now the great thing under debate was the Recognition of the Government, and now the Protectorians and the Commonwealths-men, for ſo the Houſe was devided, ſpend there time in large Speeches, till on a ſudden; Behold, A Remarkable and an unexpected change, which was occaſioned through ſome ambitious Spirits of ſome in the Army, and particularly Major General Lambert, who thought to [Page] make himſelf Lord Protector of the 3 Nations, as his Maſter Cromwel had done before him, joynes with his ſilly kindred Fleetwood, Diſborow and others, and partly out of fear enforce Richard to diſſolve the Parliament then ſitting.

And ſo ſuffered himſelf to be deveſted of that power and authority, which he was inveſted in, returning to the condition of a private Perſon, was now honeſt Dick again. And now all men were in a maze wondring into what hands the chief power would next be devolved, the generality of the people did now again according to their bounden duty, not only deſire but endeavour, that his Sacred Majeſty our moſt dread Soveraign might be introduced into his own Kingdoms; full well knowing there could be no ſettlement without his Royal perſon. But now the Members of the old Parliament and the Counſel of Officers of the Army meet, and it was agreed that thoſe Members of the old Parliament who ſat in 1653. and were interrupted by their late aſpiring General from ſitting ſhould be invited to their freedome and right of ſitting, and the exerciſe of their truſt by a Declaration [Page] preſented from the Army to the old Speaker William Lenthal, and ſeveral of the Members at the Rolls in Chancerylane; This Juncto being thus Re-called from the grave of Ignominy and reproach, for they were the very ſcorne of the people, Being the Men that Murthered our Royal Soveraign, and baſely enſlaved the people for ſo many years: on the 7. of May they began to ſet again, and firſt they appoint a Committee to attend Richard Cromwel, to know his mind concerning his acquieſcence in the preſent Government, they receive from him a writing to this effect, that he could freely acquieſce in the preſent Government, that he held himſelf obliged as he expected from it, ſo to demean himſelf peaceably under it; Not long after they ſend for his Brother Henry, who had ruled in Ireland under the title of Lord Lieutenant, who came over and ſubmitted to their good pleaſure. And now, the cunning Rump the better that they might ſecure themſelfs take into their own hands, the abſolute command of the whole Army, conſ [...]ſtituting the Speaker General in the name of the Parliament; appointing the ſeveral Officers [Page] to receive now Comiſſions from them: and now the foundations of government being thus overturn'd there appeared a generall diſcontent throughout the whole Kingdome, in the end a Secret combination was laid for a generall riſing in all Counties.

Sir George Booth in Cheſhire, and Middleton in Shropſhlre raiſed a conſiderable Army in the defence of King and Parliament; Other Counties failing to come into their aſſiſtance, Sir George Booth and his party are totally routed by Lambert, himſelfe taken in a diſguiſed [...]abit and was ſent Priſoner to the Tower of London.

This ſucceſſe revived his antient credit with the Army, and now he begins to plot their deſtruction, whoſe lately had taken him into favour, and that he might the better bring about his own ambitious deſignes. 13 October, 1659. he forced them to a diſſolution, [...] keeping their Speaker, and the reſt of their Members from the Houſe.

Thus was thoſe once flouriſhing Kingdomes [...]urried into changes of Government and A [...]archi [...] confuſions by mean perſons who only ſtudied to advance [Page] their own baſe ends and intereſts. Fleetwood and Lambert and the reſt of the Officers of the Army have now the ſole authority of the Nations, and becauſe they have the longeſt Sword make their wil their Law, but a little to ſatisfie the people that they might think themſelvs not under the power of the ſword, theſe Officers choſe a certain number of choice perſons fit for their own turn, to whom they give full authority over the people and Chriſten them a Committee of Safety. This Goverment is the ſcorn and deriſion of the whole Nation, and now though the Rump had hung its tail▪ betwixt it's legs; for about 3. months. In December it began to wag it & while the ſafety of the Committee of Safety was marched into the North, under its Father Lambert, the churliſh Rump ſtole into the Houſe again by night, ſeven times a Devil worſe then before, where now they ride triumphant, make wh [...] Laws they liſt, ſend their J [...]ary [...] coats into the City, take away the Citizens money pretending it was gathered for the King, they fill the priſons about London with thoſe perſons that are for a full and a free Parliament▪ But [Page] yet the eyes of all the good are fixed upon our renowned Generall Monck, who is ordered to march up to London with what force he thinks fit, in the way he was courted with addreſſes from the Gentry in every County. Being come to Lond. he was received with much joy, & now inſtead of being their Moſes to deliver them from their Egyptian bondage, he was ſuſpected to be worſe then Pharaoh himſelf. On Thurſday Feb. 9. 1659. by Commandment from the Rump, he enters the City with his whole Army, impriſons many of the Common Counſell, Diggs up their poſts, breaks down the Gates of the City and none dares open their mouth. This being done Saturday 11 of February 1659. a day never to be forgotten; The Noble Generall enters the City with his Army refuſing to obey the Rumps Command, and ſhortly after admitts the Secluded Members of the Houſe of Commons which were kept out by the Army, 1648 Thoſe Gentlemen take their places, provide for the ſafety of the Nation, and at laſt diſolve themſelves: Iſſue out Writs for a free and full Parliament to meet at Weſtminſter Aprill 25. 1660, [Page] But to return to his Majeſtie in Flanders of whoſe Itineracy life I have given you ſome ſmall account already. May the firſt, the Parliament conſiſting of Lords and Commons in their Coachs aſſiſted with divers Noblemen, Gentlemen Citizens, Souldiers, &c. Proclaimed his Sacred Majeſty King of England, Scotland, and Ireland, Defendor of the Faith at Weſtminiſter and London in great pomp and ſolemnity: this being done they ſend Commiſſioners to his Royal Majeſty then at Breda, to acquaint his Majeſty what his Parliament in E [...]g, had done entreating his Majeſty to make what haſt conveniently he can to his Parliament, the City of London alſo ſend their Commiſſioners to wait on his Majeſty: The Miniſters alſo of London ſend their Deputies to congratulate him; his Majeſty conferred the honour of Knight hood, on the Citizens with the Lord Gerrards Sword. The States General during his Majeſties abode with them, entertained him with as great expreſſions of joy as it he had been theirs, not Englands Soveraign, they had ſeveral times audience of his Majeſty, who delivered themſelves [Page] in French▪ and his Majeſty anſwered them in the ſame language. The States of Holland ſupped bare with his Majeſty, where they ſupped his Majeſty ſat at the upper end of the Table, the Queen of Bohemia on the right hand, the Princeſs Royal on the left, the Duke of York at the right hand of the ſide of the Table, the Duke of Gloceſter at the left hand, and next him the Prince of Orange; one of the Courſes was ſerved up all in Gold, which was afterward preſented to his Majeſty, valued at 60000. l. they alſo gave him a Bed which coſt 7000 l. and Table linnen to the value of 1000. and 600000. Guldens; the Illuſtrious Duke of York, as high Admiral of England, gives order to the Fleet for his Majeſties Reception and Tranſportation of his retinue; His Sacred Majeſty, the Queen of Bohemia, the Princeſs Royal, the moſt Illuſtrious Duke of York, and Duke of Gloceſter, and Prince of Orange went aboard, General Montague in the good ſhip, formerly called the Naſeby, but now chriſtened by his Majeſty the Royal Charles; Where after Re-paſt the Queen of Bohemia, the Princeſs Royal, and the Prince of Orange, having taken leave of [Page] his Majeſty, they ſet ſail for England; the Duke of York in the Lond. the Duke of Gloceſter in the James; Not long after they arrived at Dover, where he was received with great demonſtrations of joy, the General ſo ſoon as ever he ſaw his Majeſty fell on his knees, but his Majeſty taking him up and kiſſing him and embracing him, all parties were well ſatisfied; His Majeſty put on the George on his Excellency the Lord General Monck: the Duke of York and Gloceſter put on his Garter, he alſo made him one of the Lords of his honourable Privy Councel, and Maſter of his Horſe. On Tueſday May 29. 1660. being the ſame day of the week on which his Royal Father was murdered, and the ſame day of the month on which he was born, being juſt 30. years age; the ſame day, it alſo pleaſed God to bring him in peace to the enjoyment of his Crown and Dignities.

Never was any Prince received with more Triumphs, All the ſtreets being richly hanged with Tapeſtry, and a lane made by the Militia Forces to London Bridge; from London Bridge to Temple Bar by the Trained bands on the one ſide, and the ſeveral Companies in their [Page] Liveryes, and the ſtreamers of each Company on the other ſide in their Railes, from Temple Barr to Weſtminſter by the Militia forces and Regiments of the Army. Thus was his Majeſty conducted to his Royal Pallace at Whitehal, the ſolemnity of the day was concluded with infinite of Bonfires, among the reſt a very coſtly one was made in Weſtminſter, where the Effiges of old Oliver Cromwel, that grand Traytor was ſet upon a high poſt with the Arms of the Commonwealth, which having been expoſed a while to publick view, with Torches lighted that every one might the better take notice of them, were at laſt burnt together; And thus having traced his moſt Sacred Majeſty, even from his loweſt condition through all his ſufferings perſecutions; We ſhall now leave him, inveſted with his Royal Crown and Dignity, and pray long may his Majeſty live a ſupport to his friends, a Terrour to his Enemies, an Honour to his Nation, an Example to Kings of Piety, Juſtice, Prudence and Power, that this Prophetical ſaying may be verifyed in his Majeſty, King Charles [Page] the II. ſhall be greater then ever was the greateſt of that Name.

God ſave the King.

FINIS.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

The royall martyr. Or, King Charles the First no man of blood but a martyr for his people Being a brief account of his actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy warrs, untill he was basely butchered to the odium of religion, and scorn of all nations, before his pallace at White-Hall, Jan. 30. 1648. To which is added, A short history of His Royall Majesty Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. third monarch of Great Brittain.King Charles the First, no man of blood: but a martyr for his people.

Philipps, Fabian, 1601-1690.

Edition statement

1660

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A70797

ID [STC]

Wing P2018A

ID [STC]

ESTC R35297

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99834761

ID [PROQUEST]

99834761

ID [VID]

39279

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70797)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39279)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2109:07, 1139:29)

Source

— The royall martyr. Or, King Charles the First no man of blood but a martyr for his people Being a brief account of his actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy warrs, untill he was basely butchered to the odium of religion, and scorn of all nations, before his pallace at White-Hall, Jan. 30. 1648. To which is added, A short history of His Royall Majesty Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. third monarch of Great Brittain., King Charles the First, no man of blood: but a martyr for his people., Philipps, Fabian, 1601-1690., W.H.B..

Extent

[8], 224 [i.e. 222] p., plate : ports. (woodcut)

printed for Henry Bell, and are to be sold by most book sellers,. London :: 1660.. (By Fabian Philipps.) (Dedication signed: W.H.B.) (The first leaf is blank.) ("An exact list of the names of those pretended judges" and "A short history of His Royall Majesty" each have separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous.) (Originally published in 1649 as: King Charles the First, no man of blood: but a martyr for his people.) (Errors in paging; some pages printed and bound out of order.) (Imperfect: NNUT copy lacks pp. [7]-[8]; pp. [5]-[6] torn.) (Copy at reel 1139:29 appears as Wing B243 (number cancelled in CD ROM, 1996).) (Reproductions of originals at the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus) . Library (reel 1139:29) and the Union Theoligcal Seminary Library, New York (reel 2109:7).)

Creation

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.