NOw therefore, that we may methodically signe those precepts, which in the epistle we have generally pre­mised, it will not be impertinent to bring before the reader, their logicall distribution: and first that we may profitably bend our di­rections, let us behold the end, un­to which, your resolution and my speech ought to be referred. The end therefore of discreet Travaile, is Wisedome: which undertaken [Page 2] with a fortunate preparation, is circumscribed with two bounds, to wit, men travaile for experience sake, and the hard­ning of the bodies faculties; or, for to better the gifts of the mind. The first cause of expe­rience, and bettering the inward parts, carried Plato into AEgypt, Pythagoras into those regions of Italy, which were then called, the greater Graecia, and ushered Apollonius (that I may use the words of Hierom) unto the scor­ched desarts of India, and the secret conclave of the Sunne. The latter moved those great warriors (if wee allow not the desire, of renowne to bee the only cause) Alexander and Iu­lius [Page 3] to take farre Iourneyes, that they might not only in words, but in verity prove themselves as well hardy, as va­liant.

Therefore that great Macedonian monarch, when hee observed a Common Souldier frozen al­most to death by passing through those mountainous Counties; descending from his throne, or chaire of state, placed the halfe dead souldier therein, that af­ter those delicacies of ambition, which hee bought by the en­deavours of the common soul­dier, hee might obtaine the fame of a compassionate and hardy man. So often Iulius Cae­sar, that true, and legitimate [Page 4] son of Mars, as wel in his descent, as actions, was wont to take, not only the same diet, and lodging with the meanest of his souldiers: but some times upon especiall oc­casion, he was used to prevent the marches, and with incredi­ble celerity to passe one hundred miles within the compasse of one day. Rightly did these famous chief [...]aines understand that true, and ancient sentence of the poet Timocles in Atbenaeus: 1. 6.

Heated with this Imagination, did Alexander after the laborious siege of the City Oxidrace, leapt in a most ardent sweat, into the river [Page 5] Cephysus: that by enduring at the same time the heat of the south, and the cold of the north, he might shew the strong composi­tion of his body, and the Invinci­ble tolerance of his mind. But much more was the wonderfull tolerance of the Phylosophers, as though there had among them beene this only strife, which should be able to endure most. For Zeno the master or beginner of the stoick sect, when he might have lived safe in his owne Coun­trey, travelled out of desire of en­creasing his knowledge, and shewing his constancy, into Sicilie, to the City of Phalaris that most inhumane Tyrant, named Agrigen­tum, being so confident of his [Page 6] Towne abilities in enduring, saith Valerius l. 3. that by his precepts, the barbarous ferity of the people, and cruell savage in humanity of the Tyrant himselfe might be mollifi­ed. A Philosopher also of the same name being entertained by Near­chus likewise a most fierce Tyrant, and after some conspiracy against him being taken and also freed from the tortures of the rack upon hope of some farther Confession, approching neere unto that mon­ster of men, he so strongely fastned with his teeth upon the eare of the Tyrant, that he bit his eare from his head; neither left his hold un­til his bowels were plucked forth. Strange are the examples of Anax­archus, Theodorus, Caelanus the In­dian, [Page 7] & of other Gymnosophists, which we read of their tollerance in this, and other authors: al which to adde unto this Topique will be both tedious, and unnecessary. And certainely this is most plaine­ly Confessed, by al that read the examples of histories, that men which have beene Inclined to tra­vaile have nothing so much desi­red, as glory, and credit, amongst those forraigne nations where they have beene entertained, which some have endeavoured to obtaine by the vigour of the minde, and the faculties of an un­derstanding, shining with the sparkes of vertues and learning: others have laboured to get by the vastnesse, strength, patience, and [Page 8] agility of their bodies. But this o­stentation of bodily strength is more sordid, then the other, which is most ingeniously decyphered by the witty Poet Martiall.

Homer also, a most exquisite mo­rall Philosopher and Poet, being about to designe the perfect linea­ments of a discreet Travellour, doth not assigne him the strength of Ajax, or the cholerique fury of [Page 9] Diomed, but under the person of Vlisses frameth him, a subtle obser­ver of mens manners and rites po­litique; for this was hee,

Or as Horace paraphraseth:

As it were exemplarily treading out the pathes of the most grave Philosophers, and Travaling to learne experience, and teach pru­dence. Not as many braine-sicke Travellours doe in these times; which live from day to day, as the proverbe is; and being overheated by a furious brain, doe skip infor­raigne Countries, without me­thod or discretion, from one place to another: or inflamed with an incessant desire of dancing up and downe, practise nothing else, but to advance their unruly and head­long passions. These a considera­tion [Page 11] of their universall emptinesse both in braine and purse (any wise and prudent man would suppose) if they had but one Dramme of discretion, would send backe, al­though with loss into their Coun­tries. Infinite numbers of which summer Birds, that are onely like swallowes or Cuckowes, good for the sack and smoke in the chimnies, doe so overheate them­selves with hot exotique wines and fruits, perpetually gowstering on the French or Italian delicates, that scarce one of 10 returneth home alive. How many at the as­sault of the Groine and Lisbone, when Don Antonio the base would have recovered Portugal, were sent unto their latest homes in a [Page 12] forraigne soile by heedlesse devou­ring of out-landish foode; here numbers dyed (as one speaketh) and distempers were Conque­rours over the English Victors. The same fortune run many of our young lusty merchants and mar­riners In Iava, at Bantam; at the Moluccaes, Amboina, Banda, the gulfe of Bengala, Coromandel, Pegu, Tenussery, Mocasser, Achen, Sumatra, Zeilan, and finally in all those hot Countries of China and Iapon; which doe overthrow your health with the hot fruits of those Countries, and by excessive drin­king of a strong wine, Called Arecca, Common throughout all the east, and with the contagious women, and almost as Contagi­ous [Page 13] heat of the Country. And ma­ny (if not to many) are those, which wearied with the delights of their owne Country, see Italy, Spaine, France, upon as hard con­ditions: which besides the Incon­venience of French affronts, and Rodomantodo duels, spanish Inqui­sitions, and Italian suspitions (with Naples buttons sometimes to boot) run them into many irrecoverable hazards. Pity it is (saith a discreet Travellour) that the parents, tu­tours; guardians, and friends will permit, much lesse egge on rash in­considerate hot headed spirits, and vaine glorious brain-sick youths; whose only studies at home hath beene their cup, pipe and some butterfly Vanities, from the frying­pan [Page 14] into the fire; from Domesticall into forraign madnesse; as though the change of Ayre for a feav'rish body & an ill temperd mind, were to be preferred neere the seaside, when as Horace rightly sayeth,

For if the most Crafty Vlisses himself could scarce after Innume­rable hazards, and losse of his companions, see the smoke fume out his owne palace in Ithaca, and was knowne by none of his friends, except by one old mastiffe (which it seem'd liv'd longer then curres doe now a daies) what shall wee think of their unhappy cour­ses, [Page 15] which having neither wit, age, nor experience; ruine all their pa­trimony at home, and cannot spare, when they most abound? Certainely such brainsick skippers (as Lipsius speaketh) are like to re­turne more fooles then they went forth. For such endeavour not to make better their minds faculties; but only desire to jette up and downe, that they may know the length of the waies, and the names of the cities. There ought therfore to be limits, and bounds set before these travellers, or rather Skippers, that may opportunely keepe them in the path way of discretion.

The first limit therefore ought to be, the Consideration of our purpose; and to what end (as the [Page 16] Poet speaketh, we are ordained, what the order of things is, what Course of life wil befit us; what may be the vocation of our neces­sity and Inclination.

Also whether it bee convenient for our naturall addictions, the health of our bodies, the profit of our affaires, and the manner of our Conversation to travell. Then it is necessary to observe into what kind of regions, and sorts of men we are to passe: as also what things are necessary for such a resolution: and in all these circumstances we must take great care least we bee deceaved. That which followes is that we must have a regard of welsetling those things we leave behind us, and not (as some doe) [Page 17] ought wee to thinke, that our e­states will follow us from one land unto another. There must be some certaine end (as Persius saith) unto which wee must direct our actions, and a certaine marke or scope to be aimed at, must alwaies be before us. The longest day hath a night following, which Com­eth although slowly, yet at length it arriveth by degrees. The long Iourney too hath an end, and brea­theth into a fainting period it being the generall aime of all dis­creet Travellours, there to dy, where they have beene borne, to end their lives in their native soile although, as the Ancient Poet hath it.

Yet (as Tully speaketh) our Country hath in it a certaine inti­cing sweetnesse, and delight, that young men oftentimes doe affect the very beames of those houses in which they were borne. Where­fore let every discreet Travellour, build or settle some mansion in his owne Country, if he be able; that he may be the more gratefully re­ceaved at his returne: otherwise he is rather an exile then a Travel­lour, neither travelleth such an one that he may come home more sufficient, and better instructed: but if he repasse by chance, that he may appeare more desperate, and un­happy. Or oftentimes it hap­peneth, [Page 19] that he which contem­neth, and Slighteth his Country, is slighted also by his Country. Therefore let each Travellour set­tle his affaires, as well, as he may, before his departure. For in his owne Country and family each wise man doth use first to begin Vniformity.

These things being warily ob­served, it is necessary to purge the mind from the dreggs of ill hu­mours, and violent passions: and first of those innate bitternesses, which with their fharpenesse in­fect each thing we taste: next those impolished crudities, which may disgust forraigne nations. For every severall clymate hath amongst the ruder sort of Inhabitants some hu­mours, [Page 20] and whimsies predomi­nant; which carry with them a distast being Iudged by the palate of a stranger. so the French are ac­compted vnconstant and rash; the Spaniards proud, and vaineglori­ous; the Italian suspitious and re­vengefull; the Germans, blockish and heavy; the Sicylians, Luxuri­ous and effeminate; the Polonian, barbarous and insolent; the Russe, Cruell, and yet parasiticall; the Hungarian, furious and distasteful. Generally also the Europeans are dreadlesse and rash, the Asians slothfull and effeminate; the Afri­can subtile and mercilesse; the A­merican savage and heathenish. Our extravagant humours there­fore, when we Travell are to be [Page 21] polished with the rasor of a mild and well qualified temper, that a man may Converse with forreig­ners, without shame to his Coun­treymen, or offence to strangers. For nothing, in my opinion is more dangerous, and madde then for a Travellour in strange regions to commit those things, which be­ing not fitted to the civility and custome of the places, he conver­seth in, may call into question the genius of his Country, and the A­bility of his owne discretion; so that if any sudden affront or mis­chance happen, he may seeme to beare it deservedly, whilst his owne ill carriage may be made the occasion of his unhappy successe.

It is therefore a very necessary [Page 22] and considerable worke for all discreet Travellours to cleare themselves of the burthen of un­necessary passions before they de­part from home. For it is a very difficult matter to polish ones edu­cation in that place, where all the faculties of nature are so put out of order, that scarcely our best endea­vours can free our selves from ma­ny hazards, and inconveniences. For aptly doth agree to many, which neglect this rule, that say­ing of the Poet Horace:

Their Country shoares—Yea often (as Seneca hath it) passions, the frai­leties and Infirmities of humane nature do most frequently follow [Page 23] those wanderers, which depart from their Country out of a vaine wearinesse or Curiosity: whilest those sincere abilities which they possessed at home are infected with Exotique contagions. Nei­ther are those passions eased or cured by time, which are rather increased by practising. Trifles. And in another place the same learned and judicious Philoso­pher: Thou art about to change thy Country: but observe, if by avoiding that, thou canst avoide thy selfe; and not rather contra­riwise; thou bearest not about thee, the aggravation of thy mis­chievous passions.

As those which are sicke of a feaver unquietly tosse, and tum­ble [Page 42] themselves about, vainely hoping for ease: so many times doe those, which being sicke and diseased in their minds change climates, desiring to remedy their ungoverned affections. For this is the way rather to uncover, then to take away the disease: to confesse & betray this inward heare, and not to heale it. Ele­gantly saith the Roman wise man: It is the property of a sick man to endure nothing long, but rather to use changes as re­medies. Hence are those wan­dring peregrinations undertaken, and many shoares passed over, and sometimes by land, other times by sea, over-wearied in­constancy contemning her plea­sant [Page 25] abode, is imployed. Such therefore doe rather fly away from, then avoide troubles, as that hart in Virgill.

But yet this flight is but to little purpose, because as the same Poet addes.

Therefore before a discreet travellour doth undertake any Iourney or Peregrination, he [Page 26] ought to reduce his passions to to the rule of Tranquillity; that so he may walke in the pathes of reason, and felicity. Let his Course also looke generally up­on that which is vertuous: For that which in it selfe is honest, is profitable for all men: as the observation of customes, habits, rites, governments of those men and commonwealths which we see; which ought not to be negli­gently forgotten, or supinely ob­served. And therefore most wisely did those Ancients, and amongst our later travellours, some few of the most judicious, which did commit to their briefe note-books the adventures of each day: and the notable Acts of each weeke [Page 27] to their diaries, Kalendars & Ephe­merides; from the concise maga­zine of which smal library, they might (in Macrobius his sence) as from a store-house, drawne out plenty of provision, to put of the famine or barrennesse of obli­vion, or their confused memorials. For the Table book, and this briefe kind of writing, is the index & life of memory; and may be made the Ingenions inlargement, of those things, which new matter may consūmate, and finish. Vpon this grasse let each laborious oxe ru­minate, that at length, he may be be able to tread out the pure and solid Corne of observation. And least the forme of this kind of ob­servation may halt, in a Iudici­ous [Page 28] Travellour ought to instruct his mind with the arts (amongst which painting and limming are of best accompt) and libe­rall sciences, that with their aide and direction, their notes may be reduced to a methodicall order and forme. Not after the manner of some ignorant Triflers, which while they want matter, and vdnerstanding, gather toge­ther heapes of vanities; or being blinded with faction and preju­dice only sort but such thinges, which are pleasing to their pas­sions, and the Current of the times; utterly neglecting, and re­fusing those things, which may either rectify the error, or amend their iudgement, but how to [Page 29] support these jnjudicious wan­derers, the generall Topiques which follow may not unfitly be observed.

Now therefore will I endea­vour to signe out limits, which may regularly direct those, which purpose to touch upon forraigne shoares. It shall be therefore ne­cessary for those which enter a strange Country, to observe these two things; with whom to re­maine, and in what place. For some, whilest they passe not to the chiefest and most noted places of the Countrey they now are in, but to some sordid and meant Townes, rather seeke a lurking for corner their ignorance, then a place for instruction. A stranger [Page 30] therefore must labour and endea­vour, (if he may without any great inconvenience) to seeke the chiefe seat and head of the King­dome, wherein he resideth; neither that, in any violent hast, but by degrees: that the Iuice of his under­standing may draw unto it the manners of the Inferiour regions, and in a manner naturalize them, that so more safely and easily, he may arrive at the summe of his wishes. Aptly doth Tacitus teach vs this necessity in the sixth booke of his Annals Chap. 8. instancing of Phraates the Parthian, which being placed in the roome of Arta­banus by the Emperor Tiberius, whilest over suddenly he leaveth his Roman Customes, and fol­loweth [Page 31] the guise of the Parthians, he being not able to brook so sud­daine a change, falleth sick and dyeth. In the same manner one Tho Randolph in Queen Elizabeths time being Embassador to Ivan Vasilonoch Emperour of Moscovia, reporteth himselfe to have nar­rowly avoided death or extreame sicknesse, which he had gotten, by changing his English habit over­quickly into a Russian apparell. For the sodaine change of any ha­bituated Custome, is so dange­rous, that sometimes ordinary things disused bring on the ne­cessity of death. Wherefore by de­grees, the forces of custome are to be mollifyed or hardned accor­ding to the nature and customes [Page 32] of the place, to which we intend to Travell, that when we come to the mature places of observati­on; we may shew no infections of bitternesse and spleene. This preparation being orderly practi­sed, we ought to proceed warily to the chiefest places of the King­dome. I call not those places the chiefest, wheré the Court doth usually reside, (which sometimes chooseth the most pleasant, not fa­mous places) but those Cities, which are most ancient, popu­lous, noble, best served with merchandizes, and if thou hast any smacke of learning, where there is some Academy; as in France, Paris, and Monpellier; in I­taly, Rome Bonona, and Padua: in [Page 33] Spaine Toledo and Salamanca; in Germany Strausburg, and Basill: from the happy concurrence of which famous places, not only all sorts of exquisite learning but the very genius of urbanity, and ci­vility; and the sum of all profita­ble Conversation is to be enjoyed. In which places commerces of all sorts are used, the Treasure of all humane knowledge is layed up, and all other conveniences to ad­vance a Travailour to the height of civill knowledge are to be found out. Here also are not only bookes Containing all sciences, (which may perhaps not over please, the unstable heads of some jetting passengers) but the most humane and lively Volumes [Page 34] of famous men; whose discour­ses, exercises, and polite conversa­tions (if they be seriously admitted into a mans minde) are the best e­pitomes of those regions. In such places, as in the Cyerhan groves, and Parnassean hils, a Travellour resolving to stay; he ought so to frame and settle himselfe, that his mind be not precipitate, and un­constant, and so may loose, by to nimble and frequent motion, its due and observable considerati­ons: and least by to nimble de­parting out of the right path of Iudgement, it may not shew the sudden Capacity of an Ingenious, understanding, but the heady rashnesse and too apprehensive wearinesse ofa stable happinesse.

[Page 35] To this observation, succeedeth, that a Travellour having Conver­sation, with learned men, should first rather endeavour to learne, then be ready to speake, and to un­derstand then to teach. First it is a great and especiall hinderance of wisedome to speake much; and to desire the opinion of a rea­dy orator, without knowledge or sufficiency. For pride and a bol­der Carriage then usuall, are vices most contrary to the humility of Instruction; which vices striving to send forth the sounds of an ar­rogant expression, often shew a selfe love and ignorant vanity in the speaker. We must therefore labour to observe with a gentle, and quiet behaviour, being quali­fied [Page 36] rather, with the desire of In­struction, then, wearied with the distast of information. Nei­ther (as many doe) let us thinke our selves in the gallery, before we are entered into the parlour. For many (as Seneca well adviseth,) had arrived unto the perfection of learning; if they had not sup­posed themselves perfect to soone. This evill is to be avoided, be­cause it is most common, and yet not so common as dangerous. For now a daies nothing is so usuall, as for some proud, swel­ling, empty, unskilfull gul gallant to fall into the extremity of arro­gant babling; and being intoxica­ted with the heat of vaine glory, and selfe love, to boile out trifles, [Page 37] and ridiculous language. And al­though this vice be to be ab­horred every where, as a mis­chiefe which is a very great ene­my, unto all quiet and sober com­munication; yet especially it is to be shunned by a Travellour into forraigne Countries, unto whom all things ought to seeme strange, and new; unlesse he desire to ap­peare imprudent, or at at least­wise improvident. And therefore Lipsius speaketh aptly: Almost every man of the meanest sort can babble, wander, discourse fop­pishly, and ramble without feare or wit from one place to a­nother: but few can learne and search with quietnesse and dis­cretion; which is the true end of [Page 38] Travelling. Refer therefore more to thy Instruction, and sufficiency reall, then to the vaine glorious ostentation of babling, and to that infectious itch of immetho­dicall prating. Neither unfitly only doth the over-nimble dis­courser in forraigne Countries let slip his words, but sometimes dan­gerously. For it is a very hard thing for a man that talketh much, sometimes not to faile: although he knoweth the matter of which he discourseth: but it is imposible for a man which knoweth not the manners and customes of the men and place before whom and where he is, to deliver his minde, not to erre and sometimes most grossely to be deceaved. Therefore [Page 39] let every wise Travellour, with as much care as he may, sacrifice unto the two shrines, to wit, of memory and silence: to memory, that he may hold fast all things, which are good and profitable (for he shall according to the phrase of Martiall, see some few good things, many indifferent, and very many ill examples:) and that also he may refuse the things, which are not Convenient for a well nurtured education to follow: like those strong and profitable scaines or nets, which reserve the great and large fishes, but let the worthlesse small fry drop backe againe into the sea. Let him also sacrifice to silence, if not equally, yet in a plentifull mea­sure, [Page 40] because he which according to the Poet, is like water in a sieve, is to full of holes to reserve with judgement any matter of impor­tant consequence. But thou art rea­dy to reply; or rather perempto­rily question me. Dost thou pro­hibit a Travellour to use thebenefit of his Tonuge, which is most acceptable to most men, and often serveth better then a carvoch to passe away the dull houres. I an­swer, that my purpose is not to stop their mouthes, which with discretion can bridle their dis­course: but only thus much I ad­monish thee, that thou beest not a perpetuall utterer of thy owne concernements. ‘Take liberty (in gods name, faith a wise man;) [Page 41] of speaking, not only on the way, but in the Inne, if thou fin­dest fit company: yea in any convenient place, neither only before supper, but at, and after it. But let thy speech tend to some one of these ends; which seeke and enquire of the manners, lawes, site, and con­dition of each city; I adde, which discourse of the Princes, warres Events, and whatsoever is rare and unusuall. But alwaies thinke more wisedome to be placed in few then many words, so the questions be apposite and pithy.’ Seeke and enquire there­fore rather like a scholler, then like a Teacher. Discourse of other mens actions, resound not thy owne [Page 42] knowledge or vaine glorious praises.

For that Travellour, which can abstaine from any glosse of his owne commendations, cometh neere the rundell of perfection, and is both happy, and Iudicious. To the discreet modesty of which elocution, two observati­ons do occur: the first is alwaies to endeavour (if thou hast not given thy name unto the muses and their instructions, whereby to increase, or at least wise lay the foundation of the neighbouring languages) to get the acquaintance of honest and learned men. From these many helpes may be easily obtained. For by their meanes thou shalt be able to view and understand, all the [Page 43] ancient and moderne monu­ments, worthy the sight in the ci­tys thou passest, thou shalt have the entrance into the most famous li­braries, schooles, and Colledges, and see, not only the outward furni­ture, but the inmost riches, of those happy receptacles: besides by the company of these, thou shalt avoide all those circumfora­neous and light headed ramblers, which insinuate themselves, and their companies into the society of unbridled young Travellours, and often, by the corrupting of the manners, lead them into all manner of hazard. For most True is that sentence of a learned mora­list: All those which indulge Luxu­rious Courses, doe decline a follower [Page 44] of Learning, and ingenuitie with a kind of detestation. And this great Commodity, shall they also, ob­taine, by this happy conversation: thatthey shall (if they will) recti­fy, what before hath beene in their manners amiste. For learning often doth profit more, by de­stroying that which before was corrupt, then by implanting after the emendation of our natures, that which is sincere; it being alwaies a greater labour to cleare, a woody and marish Country and to prepare, it then to sow it. If this be so, how much importeth it a wary & experienced judgement (but most of all a raw and greene one,) to desire the company of learned and honest men; by whose [Page 45] conversation; a mans minde is oftner wholesomely instructed, then vainely delighted? Notwith­standing all these conveniences, most people of this latter age, doe strictly desire such company, and name those, most commonly, good fellowes, and boone associates, which please them with ridiculous passages, and whet their Luxuri­rious fancies, by flattering their effeminate Inclinations: and ab­horre those assoure, and distastefull, which with their grave and serious admonitions open a way to vertue, and shut the passadges of vice: when contrariwise every discreet man, chuseth, a friend, as one would doe a medicine for his health, the more sharpe, the more [Page 46] sounde. And besides; Not only there is no benefit gotten, by con­sorting with foolish and deboist Company, but rather an infinite heape of mischiefes; whilest from their frivolous, and infectious dis­course, the hearers draw mudde, rather then water; and take pains to quench their thirst, not in a river, but a Poole. For rightly sayd that wise man Seneca, We sooner accustome our selves to learne the ill qualities of those, which are indifferently good, then their ver­tues. So Alexander the great (as Quintilian reporteth,) drew some vitious Imitations, from his master Leonidas, which being a valiant and martiall Emperour, he could not shake off. Marcus Tullius also [Page 47] recordeth of some fantasticall Rhetoricians, which being not able to expresse, the severall gra­ces, and exellencies of their tutours, endeavoured only to follow, and imitate, such frivolous gestures, which were most unproper for either of them. So easily doe most men fall downewards, and so prompt and ready a thing it is, to decline from the rough way of rough and laborious progresse of vertue, into the obvious path of vice and slothfullnesse. True there­fore is that saying of Nilus, The first passages of vertue, and Ingeni­ous proceedings seeme hard unto the disciple, because the nature of man from it's very Infancy, is conversant in all license and idle­nesse; [Page 48] but to those which armed with noble resolution, have p [...]ssed unto the middest of this steepe ascent; the way seemeth altogether light and easy. For our ill manners being better qualifyed, with the mixture of good cu­stomes, at the length are quite a­bolished with the memory of those pleasures, which abhorre from reason. Of the force and un­happy prevalency of this sloth­full custome, another learned mo­ralist named Diadochus hath these words. Great is the force of Custome, as well in society as in all other things. For out of use pro­ceedeth a habit, from a habit a­riseth a naturall necessity. Which to change ismost hard, nay some­times [Page 49] impossible. It beho­veth him therfore which de­sireth to travaile with profit, and safetie, neither much to de­sire company, nor (yet) to mixe with confused troopes; or yet to ramble to every meeting of strange and vnknowne persons. For the going abroad upon small occasions, consumeth most pretious time; and the conversing with every triviall companion, either draweth foo­lish and dangerous tautology; or enticeth a man from those di­sciplines and exercises, which be­fore he addicted himselfe unto without hinderance. Let there­fore a wise man abstaine from the ordinary and confused com­pany [Page 50] of men, and let him endea­vour to consort himselfe with those, from whom he may re­ceave profitable information. For it doth often happen, that those which are strangers, and doe without much warinesse deliver their mindes and opini­ons, are often ensnared by some certaine crafty Promoters or In­formers, which of­ten Oh how true is this. take away not on­ly such trifles as ones purse, mo­nie and raiment: but also when they have done that and much more, these men being consci­ous of their own unworthinesse and obnoxious to the torments of an unquiet conscience, they intice the secure prater into some [Page 51] velitation or strife of language, which being by them craftily exaggerated, at length grows in­to or produces a capitall crime. And so often perisheth with his unprofitable, and row­ling eloquence, that unhap­py travellour, whose aime and vaine-glory, is to be knowne & honored by his rowling tongue. Let therfore every man, which pretendeth to enjoy the least dramme of discretion, judici­ously and advisedly consider what, and before whom hee in­tendeth to speak: neither let him weigh only his conscience, the plaine meaning and sence of those things which he is about to declare; but the consequence [Page 52] of those things he purposeth to discourse on, and the fidelity of the hearers before whom those flying words are to be let slipp. For there are many, especially in forraigne Nations (amongst whom much is consecrated to guile, and little to honesty) which are of soe heady and for­ward a malice, that they study, endeavour, and labour nothing more, then to entice men into the snares of hasty language, from the dangerous implications of which, a sodaine ruine may like some quick flashes of light­ning, arise. Therefore let every wary Travellour; set a watch upon his lipps, (which Homer calleth septum Dentium) sive [...] [Page 53] [...], although hee may seeme able to discourse, subtly, eloquently, and politely, yea and perhaps, without offence of the hearers. For amongst ma­ny the very nimblenesse, and affable curiosity of the Wit, stirreth up malice; and those which thinke to excell others, and to gaine a generall admira­tion from their hearers, or ra­ther spectators, are not seldome rent, into many disgraces, by the biting and venemous teeth of snarling envy.

Notwithstanding a meane ought to bee imposed upon this suspition, only before the unknowne rabble let this cau­tion be exactly observed. But [Page 54] if thou hast (perhaps) gotten a bosome friend, a man whom thou hast observed to be discreet, and cordiall; and such an one, whom thou hast tyed unto thy affaires, with the eternall bands of affection; open thy minde to this man; but discreetly and warily: proceeding after the manner of Scipio the African, with his friend Servilius, as Ennius re­porteth.

If thou hast the good fortune to obtaine, so true a picture of friendship, as this description doth afford, thou mayst not feare to trust those secrets unto his safe custody; which may dis­creetly be permitted for a faith­full man to know. Yet ought good caution to be used, least that our Iudgement be deceaved, and lest under the cover of friendship, may be hidden, the enticing and dangerous practi­ses of a malitious enemy. Poisons are often given (saith Hierom) covered with hony, and those [Page 57] vices often deceave, wich are adorned outwardly with the shape of vertues, Ovid speaketh rightly.

And to the same purpose Lucretius:

Even thus also doe these Quacksalvers of vitious and corrupt manners, endeavour to set of with faire outward ap­pearances, those polluted acti­ons, they endeavour to infect o­thers withall. For the most im­pudent forehead cannot chuse but blush to commend any vice in its owne native vilenesse, and abhorre to invite men to these rockes of the Syrens, without the outward Tinctures of cu­stome and luxury. Wherefore with great caution and most diligent observation, let that friend (what soever he may ap­peare) with whom thou mea­nest [Page 59] to participate thy counsels, be heeded: because true friend­ship is rightly conglutinated, ‘and ioyned amongst none, but those which be equalls; and although one may be un­equall before this knot, yet doth it allwaies after this re­ciprocall affection, equalize them into the same degree of fortune, and correspondence:’ rightly therefore speaketh that eloquent Roman Lawyer. Minu­tius faelix: Friendship doth alwaies either finde or make men equalls. And St. Hierom let a particular man glister with golden robes, and from his large chestes, let his shi­ning plate be produced. Charity cannot be exceeded; love and [Page 60] affection are not to be bought with money: Friendship which once can end, hath ne­ver beene true or sincere. Thence also hath proceeded that ancient proverbe of the Greekes; That all things amongst friends are com­mon: because the parity and e­quality of their minds doth so communicate all outward goods of fortune, that the great­nesse of the one can never be a hinderance unto the meanesse of the other. But this parity of mindes, seemes rather to pro­ceede, from the source of their common inclination to vertue, and not from the contrary ap­parent quality. Which consent is so rare, and in a manner so [Page 61] impossible to find, that we may easily conjecture the hardnesse of it from this one demon­stration. For who almost amongst the generall and mo­derne sort of people, doth not desire to creepe into his neigh­bours secrets with the intent to destroy him, with a subtle and crafty intention, being rather ar­med for ruine, then prepared to require the mutuall aide, and helpe of a friend? Many faire glozes and shewes may be rea­dy (perhaps) amongst the com­pany of our equalls, many plau­sible, and enticing pretences; Oh how either of favour with true! superiour magistrates, by interposing some efficacious [Page 62] petitiō, or by directing our fami­liar affaires, in a seeming smooth Course; which subtleties are wonderfully affected, by those which rather desire to abandon, then to seeke cordially for true friendship: Whereby they may perswade raw young men, that they are most honest and right hearted good natures, and per­haps by these sleights, they may purchase the opinion of wise men, being the more able by these jugglings to set upon the secure innocent, now over con­fident of their fidelities: when at the same moment in their hearts reigneth all sort of guile, envy, malice, hatred, emulation and heart-burnings, which like [Page 63] the Trojans out of the fatall horse of Epeus, doe with a num­ber of most strange and sodaine calumniations, rush out upon their seeure enemy, and drive him into perpetuall ruine and despaire. What feare, amaze­ment, griefe, and horrour falleth then upon those, which giving credit, unto these mens Syrenian enchantments, thought all their secrets, and open follies to be buried in oblivion. What teares, what mourning?

Therefore especially beware, unto whom and what thou spea­kest, [Page 64] and whom thou choosest to be thy bosome friend. Yea playing any game with thy own brother by Hesiods direction.

Consider therefore maturely before thou plightest the troth of mutuall affection with any man, unto whom thou dost trust thy selfe. For acutely of this Cautele speaketh Theogonis in his learned morall directions to his friend.

These passages so obnoxious [Page 65] to dangers (perhaps) the too secure reader wil hardly beleeve; saying it is the property of a minde vexing it selfe before ne­cessity doth require, to wait and expect it's owne dangers; often using that sentence of the anci­ent Poet.

Iudging it also to be an easier condition not to live at all, then to be coop'd up with so many Circumstances and considerati­ons. And as those, which are tortured by unskilfull and slow Physitions, would rather perish by the head strong obedience, unto their owne inflamed ap­petites, and irregular disgestion, [Page 66] then live according to those pre­cepts, which are the means of health. So these improvident men would rather permit all their affaires to meere chance, and the uncertaine current of the times, then to regulate themselves, in choosing the demonstrations of experience. To these men puffed up with the opinion of their own sufficiency (that I may passe over the sluggish heaviness of o­thers) we write not; nor greedi­ly desire those mens tastes; whose stomackes being already filled with crude humours, doe not only contemne (as the Poet speaketh) ordinary viands, but soone disgust the purest elixar of philosophy. To these I say, [Page 67] I propose not the hard fates of sundry armies, regions, cities, Ilands, which have sodainly pe­rished, with to much confidence and presumption ossecurity. But before these mens faces I exhibite the idea of their conversations, selected out of choice and true Histories; which have brought upon themselves sodaine deaths, and most unfortunate ruines, by over: much trust unto those which have deceaved their pro­fessions, and carryed two faces under one hood. Let therefore any supine or negligent frequen­ter of every publique society they meet, look upon the conspi­racy of Vibulenus against Blaesus mentioned in the first booke of [Page 68] Cornelius Tacitus his Annals: and afterwards let him ob­serve, the fained and guile­full friendship of Caepio Cri­spinus, towards his Praetor of Bythinia, Granius Marcellus: who having receaved from him, both encrease of many honours, and divers other bene­fits, because he could Not to his owne desires encrease his fortunes, accused his friend unto that most cruell Emperour. Tiberius, that he spoke ill against and inveighed at the wicked and dissolute life of the Emperour. This mans ill example (faith Cor. farther) did Romanus Hispo, and many others follow; which enqui­ring into many mens lives and [Page 69] actions, did continually search about for some occasion, where­by to feede the cruell desires of their Tyrannicall Prince. Hence (saith my author) many poore rascalls following this promoter, became rich, which by these base and unworthy practises from the most meane places of birth and fortune, lif­ting up their heads, were upon a sodaine growne to be most powerfull and fortunate. Turne to the 7. chap. of the second booke of Annals, and there thou fhalt find Libo Drusus accused of treason by his most intimate and familiar friend Firmus Cato. Drusus (it is the historians re­port) by his ill and deboist [Page 70] example, this Cato, enticed and lead on to all lasciviousnesse; and afterwards drew him into debt; and engaged his land in morgages and usury: And most faithfully for a Time did he deale with this his friend in their common affaires; untill he had gotten firme arguments and witnesses to make good what he perfidiously intended. These being once ready he openeth his accusation unto Fla. Vescularius, and thus under the appearance of Friendship, through most ignoble treachery, he brought his friend into the most hard extremity, he possibly could devise. But the desperate youth suspecting and beginning to vent this per­sidious [Page 71] accusation, declined into that height of griefe and passion, that he ran himselfe through the body with his owne rapier. But this moderne example rela­ted by Samuell Bruno in his Por­tugall voyage; is a most exact testimony of the infidelity of many which make faire shewes and professe, at the beginning of their acquaintance, much secre­cy. There is a law (saith Bruno) in Spaine, that it is lawfull for no man whatsoever (except those merchants which bring corne or other necessary provi­sion into the Country) to carry thence any coine stamped in the Kings mint: He which trans­gresseth this law without re­demption [Page 72] is sold, and bound to the oare as a gally-slave; (and) his goods and ship confiscated. It fortuned at my being at Lis­bone there rode in the Haven 4. ships; two of Roterdam, one of Enchuisen, and one also of Acker­slought, in these there was hidden besides many gemmes of the orientall Indies, great store of coined money. Three of the ships assoone as they might, hoised saile and departed with­out discovery. But the fourth, (being one of the Roterdam, ships) staied unfortunately be­hind. For the master or chiefe marchant of that ship, by name Cornelius Hoppo, a man well thought on, and of good esti­estimation [Page 73] amongst his Coun­try men, had entertained a young fellow for his scribe or secretary, which at the first ap­pearance seemed to be very to­wardly, and discreet: but was indeed a very malitious, and in­solent natur'd fellow. This scribe a little before their inten­tion of departure, entreated his master to lend him 500 Rials of 8. which (because he refused to give an accompt how he meaned to dispend them,) being denied, he most malitiously and treache­rously forthwith repaired to the magistrate, accusing his master, and other of his Countrymen for carrying away coined silver against the Law. Vpon this [Page 74] accusation; forthwith foure Spanish gallies filled with ar­med souldiers, are directed to search the ship, which forth­with they did, found the moneys, and tooke away the other merchandise. But yet this base promooter had no share of the prize (according to the law, which assigneth a third part to the accuser) so that in this part, the proverbe was verifyed. The treason is often well liked, when the trai­tour is not regarded. This ship was after sold, by the gover­nour unto some merchants of Germany. Thus far Bruno. Not unlike is that practise of Hen. Greens mentioned in Abacuck [Page 75] Pricket his voyage recorded in Mr. Pur. Pilgrims; who was kindly entertained (as ascribe) by Hen. Hudsen; to serve in his last Northwest discovery, and at length betraied Hudson his sonne, and many more to the mercilesse element of the sea, or the more mercilesse Torment of hunger. The history is worth a reading and over-large to be in this place inserted. To these (be­sides what ordinary experience may afford) I could adde infinite store of examples out of T. Livi­us, C. Tacitus; Val. Maxumus; Amm. Marcellinus, and of publike cala­mities out of the Stratagems po­lemicall of Iul. Frontinus; but that already I have stayed to long [Page 76] upon this evident observation, which must rather be the fruite of experience then of History: b [...]ing rather contented to signe the very limits of the right passage of profitable travell, then to be troublesome all the way with overmuch chat; knowing in Lucretius his simi­litude,

Onely thus much let me adde by way of corollary, unto the former observation, that there are no Snares or Oh how true! dangers more full of ruine, then [Page 77] those which proceed, and draw their beginnings, from the In­ventions, and practices of our friends, servants, clients, sons, nay (which is scarce credible a­mongst many,) from the secret plots and machinations of those which desire to appeare our most loving, and complacent wives. For rightly said Cicero, when he assured his brother; that those evils are the most dange­rous, which proceed from Do­mestique Authors. Truly spea­keth also the satyricall Poet, in this rather wholesomely bitter, then scurrilously satyricall.

[Page 80] And in the sixth concerning the humorous condition of the other part of a family, namely a wife; not unfitly the Satyre hath discoursed. For

Louder then many clockes—And the ancient Poet Hesiod giveth them this right character.

Generally is this corollary com­prized by Petrarch in his Epistle unto Andreas the Bishop of Bo­nonia. There is nothing, quoth he, amongst all the difficulties of our life more hard to be kept in order, then fidelity. Therefore thou shalt perceave those which live with thee, seldome merry, often sorrowfull, never equall in their addictions, but alwaies various. I feare that saying of Se­neca to Lucilius: Nothing soo­ner doth vanish, and grow di­stastefull, then affection. I feare: that verse or exclamation of Ver­gil the prince of the latine poets.

Wherefore if to a man purpo­sing to remaine in his owne Country, such dangers, snares, and entrapments are created by his owne people; nothing is more to be avoided by a Tra­vellour then too much openesse especially if he have no friend, but such as Bias the Philosopher did use to choose, whom he a­gaine might upon occasion hate: and if he suspecteth danger a­mongst some unknowne people as amongst wild and dange­rous beasts These observations although he observe, yet let him avoide to expresse them in his countenance, gesture, or re­gard; [Page 83] either yet let him suffer them to appeare in that sparing discourse, he doth sometimes use: especially let him decline to shew any diffidence or di­strust of those, with whom he more familiarly converseth at Table, or at leastwise any distast of their manners. For nothing is more inhumane, indiscreet or more undecent then to brow­beat those which (bee they strangers, or otherwise) sit neere us at Table, or discourse with us familiarly. For by this meanes a Travellour outwardly designeth himselfe to be pos­sessed with pusillanimity, and unworthy feare, and by his to humble submission armeth a­gainst [Page 84] his throat, and repu­tation the sword and weapon of every cut-throat: let him ra­ther colour all exception with the various coverture of affabili­ty, and civill courtesy; That nothing may appeare in him obscure, blew, or truculent, but that he may seeme to all festive, yet adorned with a certaine be­comming gravity; that in his countenance may be discerned the vigor of a moderate, and well qualified spirit, mixed with a nimble and heroique in­fluence. Suetonius relateth of Au­gustus caesar, that he had eyes of so majestique a quality, that he see­med to dart from them, the very raies of Majeftie. The [Page 85] same is storied of Theodosius 1. by AEmilius Probus, in the de­dication of that little (compend) commentary concerning the the lives of the most famous Generals, by some ascribed unto Cor: Nepos; where he speaketh unto his booke in this man­ner.

Titus also Vespasian from his Co­mitie mixed with his well tem­pered aspect, was called the ve­ry delight of the nations. So also [Page 86] also in his Panegyrique Pliny re­porteth of Trajan, pag: 5, that he had an incredible dignity in his countenance; of whom Sex. Aurelius Victor reporteth, that he so caryed himselfe in the ad­ministration of the Imperiall affaires that the most admirable wits of the best writers can scarse expresse the dignity of his actions; so farre is it from the truth that Plinie did flatter this Prince, it now being the summe of all good subjects wishes to desire, their soveraignes may enjoy the peaceable times of Augustus, and the vertues of Tra­jan. Claudian also speaking of the right noble & valiant gene­rall Stilico hath these words.

The same hath these verses in the commendation of man: Theodorust

And of Honorius,

On the other side, contrariwise Theocritus describes the unhos­pitall youth:

All which sentences gathered to a head, shew us that this cau­tion of mixing comity with vi­gor in our countenances, is both necessary, and becomming; for the forehead is (as it were) the Index of the minde, and often from the countenance may be conjectured that which is fixed in the soule. In this most worthy part are deposed (those) the most exact errors and perfecti­ons of nature, which frequently are the obscure significations of our māners. The truth of which [Page 90] sentence may be more fully ga­thered out of those bookes of Physyologie written by B. Porta: in the which, strange and rare conjectures (from the quality of the countenance) of our hu­mane nature are comprized. A­cutely and philosophically wri­teth C. Plinius in the 11. booke of his Nat: History. Only man (saieth he) hath a face, other creatures only have a mouth or beake. Other creatures have in­deed a forehead, but only the forehead of a man sheweth mirth, or sorrow, anger or mer­cy. In the upper part of this are placed the browes, which only are moveable amongst men. These especically shew pride [Page 91] and disdaine. In other places pride hath his conceptacle, or place of birth; but in these his abode. It is begotten in the heart; but it ascendeth hither, and heere hangeth; and is placed.

Mixe therefore these signes in thy daily conversation which are able amongst for­raigne, nay amongst barba­rous nations to obtaine thee friendship and accesse, and avoid those rusticke, manners, which Tranio objecteth to his fellow slave in the ancient co­medy. Mostell.

G: quam confidenter loquitur? fue! T. At te Iupiter—dii (que) omnes perdant! oboluisti allium Germana in­luvies, Rusticus, Hircus, Hara [Page 92] suis, Canis, Capra Commista! The words are to ranke for a tran­slation. The avoidance of such unmannerly evacuations are best learned by experience; for they are as loathsome to any Ingenious man, as odious in their owne natures and quali­ties.

This especiall caution being heedfully observed, it shall not be amisse to adde this part to the former, which being neg­lected, often bringeth incom­parable dangers, upon the un­wary travellour. Therefore a travellour must be admonished with especiall heed, that whilst he resideth amongst unknowne men in a forraigne Country, he [Page 93] make not to bold, or be to in­quisitive into their secret af­faires.

And this caution is for three especiall reasons, to be adhibi­ted. First least by mingling some thing of our affaires, we may make our selves suspected to our owne Country: and so we may returne either unwellcome, or our returne be forbidden. Thus was Reginald Poole, and R. Allen both English Cardinals out­lawed and proscribed, for dea­ling in forraigne affaires and seeking the ruine of their Coun­try. Secondly least by over curi­ously enquiring of the holies, or secret politicall affaires of other nations, we may by chance let [Page 94] fall some words, which may draw on an Inconvenience upon us, or may be ill taken by wise men. Most A strange History. strange is that rela­tion, which S. Bruno a switzer and Chyrurgion to the fortresse of Nassaw in the East Indies hath committed to memory in his second African Iournall; which is not altogether unfitting to be applyed to this Topicall caution. Being not farre from the Pro­montory of Capo Monte amongst the AEthiopians or Negroes dwel­ling there abouts, he had heard his Cap. Thomas Peetersou a Flu­shinger say, that the devill of late had made in the adjoining woods a most horrible noise, [Page 95] Imperiously requiring sacrifices to be performed unto him.

Whereupon I enquired, where those sacrifices should be made; who told me hard by, in the ad­ioyning grove: but that none would be admitted to the cele­bration of these infernall holies (but the King whose name was Thaba Flamor his nobles and counsellors.) At the day appoin­ted I my selfe, quoth Bruno, heard a most inarticulate and hollow terrible noise: and saw how those woemen and chil­dren (which for the meanesse of their condition could not be admitted to the sacrifice,) ran a­way to their houses and caves with extreme feare. After this I [Page 96] saw divers and many sortes and dishes of meat to be carried into the wood, as rice, venizon, hens, wine and a drinke called Mellicratos of an excellent taste. Being desirous to know whe­ther this extraordinarie cheere was conveyed, I presently found a Companion of mine which had been in those places before: but assoone as the Ethiopians saw us come neere they howled out, extreamely threatning us, that if we did ofter to stirre one foot forward, without mercy their gods, (or rather devils) Suangi, and Cricry would teare us in pieces. We notwithstan­ding their menaces and threats came nearer, which the devill [Page 97] perceaving and being unwilling to be troubled with the presence of any Christians, did so violent­ly vrge his black coloured infer­nall servants, that they most grie­viously beat S. Bruno and his companion, that they left them for dead in the place, yet not­withstanding they at last got home to the ships: and a while after resorted to Thaba t lamour the King, with their Captaine for satisfaction, telling that swarthy Monarch, that no merchants would hence forwards trade in his country, if the nation with­out due satisfaction should offer such cruel wrongs. The king ha­ving heard them out, told them that whatsoever had beene done, [Page 98] was effected by the command of Cry cry alone; and that we could not with any reason com­plaine of injury. For since their nationall rites and holies did not pertaine to us; we rather ought to abstaine from the curious search thereof; because we came not thither for any devotion or good will, but rather to enquire of their ceremonies and deride them. Vpon the hearing of this speech, the Captaine was (con­tentedly) pacyfiyed, as supposing the contents to be not altogether unreasonable. The devill had perswaded this miserable King, that he should fly from place to place after his death, and be his inseparable companion; which [Page 99] hee tooke for a great favour. Ric. Iohnson in his voyage to the Samoyeds Country, beyond the river Obb, also informeth us, of their strange iugglings, mira­culous incantetions, and devil­lish sacrifices of deare and cer­taine fowles, which they were most unwilling to let him see; telling him that the being pre­sent at their clamorous sacrifices, would be dangerous. And (if my memory fail me not) as I remem­ber I have read of a voyage in­to the North of Greenland, where the English found some of the savage Inhabitants sacrificing at a fire, which they would not goe into, neither come neere the smoke; but would have had the [Page 100] English have come neer, which they shunned fearing danger, un­til at last the fire was put out. Also most strange are those sacrifices, of the sunne; which Fer. Magag­lianes mentioneth, he saw per­formed by some old Beldames at the Iland of Mathan, not farre from Zubut, which is about 50 leagues from Cattaghan. Neither come behind, for monstrous and cruell Impiety, those ancient sa­crifices of the Peruvians and Mexi­cans in the West-India's, who consumed many thousands of men yeerely to their Vitziliputzli, and thought to prohibit the en­terance of the Spaniards by these inhumane butcheries.

Also we must advise our tra­vellour, [Page 101] not to be over-inquisi­tive into the secrets of other Countries, especially, of Religi­on; and commerce; because often such have been taken for spies, as appeareth in the history of Iohn Newbery and his Companions at Ormus and Goa recorded by Io. Huighen Van Lins [...]hoten of Har­leim; and of Antony March; who (although his priviledges see­med to allow thereof) travailing into the Samoyeds Country and having dispended in furres 1000 rables or markes Sterling, was not only delivered of his warm and pretious burthen, but threa­tened and fined; and his Russe servant Bodan, whipped upon the Pudkey and imprisoned. This [Page 102] is also the reason that all those Eastern nations of Russia, Cathaia, Tartaria China suffer few for­raigners to goe back for their Countries, being once admitted; least they should informe of their manner and quality of go­vernment. But especially the Chinois or as they name them­selves the Tamegnies, are herein most scrupulous. Thirdly we must avoide to much nicety in observation, lest that by mingling confused notions together, we loose our times of studying; and so often a Travellour beginneth to think himselfe a Doctor; before he rightly be accompted a Dis­ciple. but especially the first con­sideration of fidelity towards [Page 103] ones proper Country is to be re­garded. For unto this one thing, as to the sole end and Terminati­on, ought all our politicall inten­tions and actions to be reduced; to wit, that we may profit & be­nefit our Country. Neither can there be almost any deed so in­gratefull or hainous which doth exceede the treachery intended against a mans Country. Because this, as a publique parent doth require a higher measure of du­ty, then either respect of father or mother; children, wife, or Kinsemen: by how much more publique happinesses, and permanencies doth prevaile with all good minds, more then private affaires. Miserable (there­fore) [Page 104] and most execrable there­fore is that impiety, and ingra­titude which in forraigne or Transmarine regions doth en­deavour to disturbe the peace and commodities of a mans proper Countrey, wherin it plea­sed God to give him being and education For this vice of pro­dition sheweth the will, and not the necessity (which here hath no place at all.) And certaine­ly in this kind there are no clearer examples of unnaturall and ig­noble perfidy then in that history which the L. Bishop G. Carle­ton hath entitled a thankefull remembrance of Gods mercy; which conteineth the home­bred and forraigne treasons of [Page 105] the English and others inten­ded against the sacred persons of Queene Elizabeth, and K. Iames. Yet may not forthwith this odi­ous title of a conspirator or Bou­tefeaux be imposed upon every one; which in forraigne parts moveth himselfe something more then ordinary in appea­rance against the moderne pro­ceedings of his Country. For (as it seemeth to me) these three causes, may excuse an active man moving against the affaires ex­teriour of his owne nation, without admittance of the for­mer odious title. The first excep­tion is, if that a man travell into transmarine regions, to this. end and purpose that he may by [Page 106] his sufficient insinuations into forraigne affaires profit the same: and that he may restore it into a better state by exotique physick, being now mortally ill and sicke by the many distempers of ill government. The truth of which canon may bee appro­ved by the examples, and practi­ses of divers famous, and wor­thy men: As of Themistocles, which fled rather then travelled into Persia and insinuated him­selfe into the fauour of the King by professing himselfe an enemy to his owne nation: and by this meanes as also by repressing or moderating the powers of Tissa­phernes, did more good to his friends at Athens; then when [Page 107] he compelled Xerxes to fly through the Hellespont in a single pinnace. So Cyrus the Persian monarch receaved into his power, the city of Babylon be­traied unto him by his Sub­ject Araspis, which fled thi­ther for prostituting the wife of Abradates: or rather as o­thers report, so Darius the sonne of Hystaspis triumphed over the afore mentioned ci­ty, by the helpe of his faith­full servant Zopyrus, as Trogus in the end of his first booke informeth Vs. In this man­ner did Tarquinius sextus yeeld up unto his father the Ci­tie of Gabium, having gotten credit from his enemies by [Page 108] betraying some counsels of the Romans; and by mutilating or wounding himselfe; reporting it to be the cruell deed of his tyrannicall father. So Hanniball flying from the destruction of his Countrey, unto Antiochus the Indian monarch, under pretence of Counsell, did more good to his afflicted Countreymen at Carthage, then to either Rome or Zusa. So Alcibiades although banished by his Citizens, and flying to Lacedemon, opened cer­taine passages of state against his Country, yet by acquaintance with the wife of Agis their titu­lar King, and by signifying their preparations, did expell a de­pending mis [...]ry from his Atheni­ans. [Page 109] So Phocyon, Aristides, Demo­sthenes, Tullius, Seneca, and ma­ny others ancient and moderne, although some were banished and some travelled voluntarily out of their Countrey, yet either with their persons, or counsells they were never wanting to their friends.

The second defence against this unhappy attribute may arise from this subsequent originall. For it seemeth not unjust that noble men debarred of their titles should enter againe or ra­ther returne into their Coun­tries, to claime those honors which are due unto them. Wherefore in my opinion Corio­hm, and Tarquinius are not so [Page 110] much to be reprehended: (nei­ther yet Edward the fourth of England, because in armour ac­companied with warlike troopes he returned into his Countrey from Burgundie,) be­cause they came but to challenge their ancient titles; and promi­sed amendement of their former offences. The same, (perhaps) is to be thought, of Henry sur­named Bullingbrooke which be­ing condemned unto banish­ment, by Richard of Burdeaux King of England, under pretence of suing his livery for the Duke­dome of Lancaster, (he being ba­nished Earle of Hereford) re­turned againe before his time into England and landed, under [Page 111] this pretence, with armed for­raigne troopes at Ravenspurg in the North. Wherefore those men are not to be thought, in my opinion, traitours to their Countrey; which returne to seek that which by the Law of nations, and nature, of right be­longeth to them; neither when they are mingled with the af­faires of other commonwealths, (perchance) not belonging unto them, but rather contrariwise sometimes dangerous, if so bee, by these courses, they may in future beē profitable to their Country, or in some measure, without manifest disadvantage unto their Country, profit them­selves. The truth of which af­fection [Page 112] appeareth in the al­lowed voyages of many tra­vellours, which passed and re­passed with good leave unto the East Indias. But it is especi­ally to be observed by us; that whilst we seeke our owne pro­fit, we invade not, the rights of other men. For if we offer at this unjustice, forthwith will, without doubt, arise amongst us ruine, sedition, and the de­struction of our common­wealth; (although sometimes perhaps the author be but a meane private man; and often that mischiefe followeth, which Aristophanes remembreth in the Comedy of the Acarnanians.

The third defence against this vice of over much activity, or rather bound, which keepes it within the order of fidelity; yet permits a travellour to mingle Counsels, & friendly to discourse with the enemies of his Coun­trey; so that he avoide the vice of impious treachery, and doth en­deavour to doe his Country or Countreymen good. And this course without any offence to [Page 114] their citizens, tooke Themistocles, Thrasibulus, Zopyrus, Harmodius and Aristogiton, Chariton and Me­nalippus; Neanthes, Cycizenus and Nicomachus. Yet notwithstan­ding some of these by the unru­ly multitude had before bin ba­nished unjustly from their Coun­try and grieveously mulcted a­gainst all equity. Thus by the Athenians, Phocyon, Aristides, and Themistocles, yea and that fa­mous Historian Thucidides, al­though derived from the blood of Kings, without any of their proper deserts, were exiled by ostracismes. Of which kind of punishing or rather unjust con­demnation of just men, Ari­stoteles thus hath it l. 3. c. 9. of his [Page 115] Politiques. These men (mea­ning the confused rabble) in this action had no regard to the good of their city; but by ostra­cismes and tumults, under pre­tences of consultation with the publique enemies, they puni­shed their best Patriots. So also amongst the Romans F. Camid­lus, after he had expulsed the Gallograecians or rather the Seno­nes from the city, was sent into Exile, because as Val. sayeth, be­ing Tribune [...] [...] was accused to have taken 1500 pounds out of the treasury; when that money (as it was well knowne) being pillaged by the Gaules, had peri­shed in the Combat. Much bet­ter therefore and more nobler [Page 116] did the Ephori of the Lacedemoni­ans deale with their generall Pausanias, whom (although he was certainely by his owne friend Arginnius Accused to have dealt about the change of his Countreys government with the King of Persia) they would not sudainely apprehend, untill his owne confessions, drawne on by the youth, made his trea­chery apparent. The history is worth the consideration; and written in a most choise and e­legant latin stile by Cornelius Ne­pos,, in his booke of the lives of (the) most excellent generals. Valerius Maximus also may sup­ply the like examples in his chapter offidelity.

[Page 117] Let therefore be alwaies con­versant, before the eies of a tra­vellour, piety towards god; and residing in his most inward af­fections, a faithfull, constant, and perpetuall love towards his country. For if it be necessary for every Christian man alwaies to thinke of God; and to remem­ber his benefits with a gratefull commemoration; as also to di­rect our humble petitions, and prayers for the enjoyment of those blessings which every day we receave from omnipotent and sacred Majestie of heaven: much more the more fervently (if herein by any, any meane is to bee held) ought a travel­lour to addict himselfe unto this [Page 118] holy duty; which continually undergoeth not only the diffi­culties and dangers common to other men, but also undertaketh sometimes a combat with dan­gers themselves. And to this religious feare of god, let the love of our countrey succed in the next place. For rightly saied he, which told us; that fidelity yeelded to a friend is a great or­nament, (and) trust performed and duty to our parents is a grea­ter, but to our Country stability yeelded is the greatest of all. Nei­ther shall wee find any men of fame and honor celebrated in history, which did not flourish with an immaculate love of their Country. The truth of this [Page 119] axiome may appeare in the re­nowned relations of Codrus, Themistocles, Timoleon, and a­mongst ours, of the Horatii, Fa­bii, Camilli, Curtii, Bruti, Ciceroues, which to their eternall honor are commended (nay almost deifyed) in fames never dying register, for their inviolate fide­lity to their Country in its most sodaine and heavy dangers; which they like noble and truly renowned patriots bought out with their owne lives. For all­waies amongst generous spirits have publique affaires beene pre­ferred before private, although sometimes those private have not a little concerned the pub­lique also. Most Heroique (if [Page 120] the politicall affaires of this life be only ballanced, is that speech of Otho the first to his most faithfull souldiers, after the foile he receaved by the Vitellianists at Bebriacum. To hazard (quoth hee) this vertue and valour of yours to needlesse dangers, I ac­compt it to deare a price of my life. The more hope you doe shew, ifI listed to live, the more commendation will bee of my death, as being voluntary, and not by constraint. Fortune and I have had good experience the one of the other: and nothing the lesse for that my time hath beene short. I tell you it is har­der to moderate a mans selfe in felicity, which hee looketh not [Page 121] long to enjoy. The civill warre first grew on Vitellius party; and thence grew the first occasion to contend with arms for the Em­pire; but to contend no oftner but once, I, for my part, am pur­posed to give the example. And hereby let posterity judge and esteeme of Otho.

Through my benefit Vitellius shall enjoy his brother, his wife, and his children: I seeke no revenge; I have no neede of such comforts. Others have kept longer the Empire, but let it be said, that none hath ever so vali­antly left it. Shall I suffer so much Roman blood again to be spilt; and the Common-wealth de­prived of so worthy armies? [Page 122] let this minde accompany mee my to grave, and so surely it shall, that you for your parts would have dyed for my sake: but tarry you, and live, and let not me be any longer a hinde­rance to your obtaining of par­don, nor you to my determina­tion and purpose. To speake more of dying, or to use many words of that argument, I take to proceede of a cowardly cou­rage. This take for a principall part of my resolutenesse, that I complaine not of any. For to blame Gods or men is their property, which gladly would live. This was he which exceeded Cato himselfe. For Cato dyed rather out of dif­daine [Page 123] and a sullen humour; be­cause he would not behold af­ter his victory, a pretended ty­rant, his enemy, but this noble Emperour rather then he would engage his countrymen in a bloo­dy quarrell, chose to end his dayes on the point of a rapier. Not un­like was that Christian, and tru­ly worthy resolution of Capt. Nicholas Downton in his 7. East India voyage where (after the retort of the Portugall Bravado) he concludeth his Iournie, and combat, with this admirable re­solution. After all these insulta­tions (quoth hee) I was glad to see the Viceroy give over the hopes of his fortunes, by further following of us, which course I [Page 124] like very well, since he is so pa­tient; for there is nothing under his foot which can make a­mends for the losse of the worst mans finger I have. Besides, I wish no occasion to fight for that, which I have already paied for, I am already possessed on: and I am so farre from the hu­mour to fight for honor, unlesse for the honor of my King and Country, that I would rather save the life or lives of one of my poorest Pur: pilg: Pur. I. l. 4. c. II. p. 514. people, then kill a thousand enemies. Great and noble also was the care of Charles the fifth King of Spaine, and Emperour of Germa­ny at that unhappy siege of Algier [Page 125] wherein he himselfe in person was present, when many of his gallies and ships of burthen be­ing lost by a horrible Tempest, he commanded a great multitude of excellent coursers to be cast overboord; reputing it (as sayeth my au­thor) Knols Tur. Histo. 724. Vit. Solim: an unmercifull part, to preferre the safeguard of those horses, although they were of great worth, before the life of the basest common soul­dier or horse-boy in his campe. And therefore (in my poore opi­nion) not without Cause Sir Arthur Gorges in his martiall and marine observations of the Por­tugall voyage taxeth Sir Richard Greenvile, Viceadmirall unto the [Page 126] Lord Thomas Howard in a voy­age unto the Azores or Flem­ming Islands, who being chased by a great armada of huge Spa­nish Galleons, followed not the directions and judicious courses of his Admirall; but suffered himselfe to be inclosed, and his sailes becalmed by those massy shipps, and at length to be tak­en; his shippe being sunke, cal­led the Revenge, and neare two hundred slaine outright. But more ridiculous (as also more vainly cruel) was the practice of Mathias de Alburkerke an East-In­dia Captaine, who beeing by the King of Portugall appointed Go­vernour of Goa, and fearing at his returne to be dismissed of his [Page 127] office, caused his ship to stay out eighteen months at sea, in which voyage for one mans pride and vanity 250 men peri­shed. This was he which grew (after he receaved his Com­mission) to that height of vanity that he caused fortune to be pictured in his Cabine, himselfe with a threatning countenance standing by her, and holding up a staffe with this impreza: Quaero quae vincas, i. e. I will have thee to overcome. The juditious Travailour, from these examples may perceave that noble natures preferre the publique affaires of their Country before private ne­gotiations: and therefore in my judgment that saying of 10. Ba­silius [Page 128] or Ivan Vasilinich recorded in his answer to the excuse of Mr. Anth. Ienkenson, is well worth the noting. Ienkenson had beene commanded by the Emperour, at his first returne into England, to impart and negotiate some affaires concerning the estate of both Kingdoms, England & Rus­sia, to the ever glorious Princesse, Queene Elizabeth. He seeming to have neglected this com­mand the Emperour tooke him up, with this Apothegme. We have since thy last depar­ture given audience unto one Thomas Randolph, but all his talke was with us about mer­chants affaires. We know that merchants matters are to be [Page 129] heard: for they are the stay of our Princely Treasures: but first Princes affaires are to be estab­lished, and then merchants. Ma­ny more ludicious sentences of this nature may be read with Mr. Ienkensons Polite oration in the 1. To. of Mr. Hacluits voyages p. 405. Let therefore a Travellour so much honour, and entirely respect the benefit of his Coun­trey, that unto this, the love and duty he oweth unto his parents, the next under God, may be subjected. To this tye among good men even the love of bro­thers hath given place. Thus Timophanes affecting tyranny, not without praise, lyeth stab'd dead by the just hand of his owne bro­ther [Page 130] Timoleon an act, without the ayde: of this truth, blotted with the odious attribute of par­ricide.

Thus that noble freer of his country I. Brutus, for the safety of his most Libertatem quam ma­jores pepe­rere dignè studeat fo­vere poste­ritas. Sicl. deare mother com­manded his owne a­spiring sons to be whipped to death, after the, ancient custome of the Ro­mans. And why should we be ambitious to heape up example [...]? since Curtius to stop an infecti­ous plague amongst his Coun­trymen, leaped into the ground alive since Genucius Cipus went into a voluntary banish­ment with his family, because [Page 131] the south-sayers, had declared his sonne should be a king, be­cause he was borne, with some small extuberancies in his fore­head: since Decius, the Army of the Roman breaking order confusedly vowed himselfe a sacrifice; since Scipio compelled the re­liques Brutus Poti­us quam pa­tr [...]i amoris vim ex animo ei [...]ceret; libe­ros proprios se­ri feriri elegit. of that bloody battell of Canna to sweare their service unto their Country as long as any of them should remaine alive; since Codrus the King of the Athenians, by a stratageme drew on his owne death, that he might fulfill, the Oracle, and save his army. I could heape innumerable ex­amples; [Page 132] unlesse it were imprin­ted in every mans mind, that hath any dram of honesty; or vertue; even by the lawes of na­ture; That all mens affections unto their Countrey, are to be preferred be­fore all other bondes, and obligations whatsoever. Wherefore Horatium Coclitem contra om­nes hosti­um copias tennit in ponte solū sine ulla spe salu­tis patria salus. Vt Cl [...]lia vir­go, ita om­nes suo ca­su aut con­firmare pa­tria salu­tem aut morari pe­riculum debent bist T. C. h [...]apo 534. he that in forraigne and strange nations doth invent or endea­vour any snares or de­ceipts against his coun­try, or Countreymen; doth not only shew himselfe to be a most ungratefull, and wic­ked man; but one which is banished by his owne Confession [Page 133] and iudgement. Neither commonly doth any forraigne nation; re­gard those which pre­sume to betray their owne Countrey. A most ex­cellently just, but more ter­rible execution have wee of this truth (that I may passe over to many examples) performed by the magnificent Emperour Solyman upon a perfidious traitor of this Kind. Nicholas Keretschen a German, held Giula a city in Hungaria against Parthaw Bassa, generall of the Otthoman forces there. After many encounters and assaults, the Bassa still had the worst untill he left of his Iron, and began to batter with [Page 134] golden engines. These no soo­ner set on worke by Georgius Bebicus Kinseman to the Gover­nor; but they made an impressi­on, and forthwith like a deepe wellfilled mine presently blew up the Governours faith.

Shortly therefore after this com­primise he delivereth the city, covenanting besides his reward, that the souldiers should with bagge, and baggage safely de­part; all which, sayth mine au­thor, Knols; was frankely granted, who were not gon past a mile out of the Towne; but they [Page 135] were set upon by the Turkes, and all slaine except some few, which crept into the reedes growing in the marish fast by and so escaped. The traitour him­selfe expecting his reward, was carried in bonds to Constanti­nople; where afterwardes upon complaint made, how hardly he had used certaine Turkes, whom he had sometimes taken priso­ners, he was by the command of Selimus who succeeded Soly­man, (not of Solyman himselfe as others say) thrust into a hogshead struck full of nailes with the point inward, with this inscrip­tion upon it. Heare receave the re­ward of thy avarice, and treason. Giula thou soldest for gold: if thou [Page 136] bee not faithfull to Maximilian thy Lord, neither wilt thou be to mee. And so the hogshead closed fast upp; he was rowled up and down, untill he therin miserably dyed. Nay the very Barbarians and Salvages doe hate this most unworthy perfidiousnesse. For

Not long since there lived a sal­vage Weroance or petty Prince in Virginia, a continent of the Nor. America; named Powhatan. To this Barbarian two Duchmen belonging to the english planta­tion, under the government, at that time, of Cap. Iohn Smith, a worthy and valiant gentleman, [Page 137] the first commander, and disco­verer, fled away: pretending hard usage, and discovering the secrets of the fortification. These base unworthy traitours two Gentlemen, one Mr. Wiffin; and Ieffrey Abbot were sent to dispatch: which when Wiffin would have done, he was resisted by his companion. Therefore they re­turned backe without due pu­nishment of these fugitives. Which Powhatan perceiving (al­though they had promised him to doe great matters for him, with the next governour the Lo. La Ware, then upon the sea;) he commanded his men to beat out their Braines telling them, as you would have betrayed [Page 138] Capt. Smith to me so will you me to this Lord. Thus can the divine Iustice amongst the very barbarous, find due chastife­ment for infideli­ty. Raro anteceden­tem scelestum Deseruit peds poena cla [...]do.

To this considera­tion of fidelity, a discreet travellour ought to ad­joine the next of Temperance: which like the very soule of the soule, consists of 3 parts. For there is a temperance of our ali­ment or dyet: a temperance of sensuall pleasures; which is pro­perly called continence; and lastly a temperance in our speech which is called, a discreet taci­turnity.

[Page 139] The first part of which ver­tue is most exactly to be obser­ved by a travellor into forraigne regions. For what can be more dangerous then for a stranger to devoure strange, and unknowne meates: perhaps although deli­tious yet in their owne natures poisonous. Such are the most beautifull apples growing neere Ierico (of which W. Lithgow) that are in colour and tast most beautifull and gustfull; and yet in operation most venimous: as also are those apples which were found in Guiana by Capt. Vnton Fisher, a little of whose juice causeth sleepe unto death. Such are those dangerous Druggs of Petum amongst the Brasilians, O­pium [Page 140] amongst the Turkes, Areca and Betelee amongst the Mala­pars, Cassany rootes amongst the Americans in generall, which are most dangerous to forraigners, and have caused the death of many thousand stout men, which have rather trusted the de­light of the palate, then the dire­ction of temperance: nay the very lovely sweet Durgoens (being the glory and delight of the East Indias) is found to be most dan­gerous, if taken in to great quantity, rusting a knife, and ea­ting Iron like aqua fortis: and are there no lesse obnoxious then Melones over greedily eaten in Spain or Italy; or grapes over vio­lently devoured in France. Many [Page 141] are the inconveniences which such seeming idainties produce; being indeed as the Greekes rightly name them, [...], sowre-sweet to the Improvi­dent belly god Amongst such viands use the Italian proverbe related by Cornarus; that which is left, profiteth more then that which is eaten. Let temperance therefore be thy preparative, and sometime evacuation by Phlebo­tomy in hot; by bathe stoves in cold countries. but especially a­void Voracity and a greedy desire to be devouring; because such customes doe disgrace, not only thy own manners; but call into question also the Customes of thy Nation. Besides, this vice [Page 142] bringeth upon thee all sort of diseases, since there is nothing so miserable expensive as a glut­ton, which eateth that he may surfet; and surfetteth that he may eate. The proofe of this saying is most evident, from the deadly and infectious events of the voy­age to Puerto rico; and Portugall; as also the first voyage, to Guinea and Benin where many thousands of lusty men suddenly perished for want of this golden vertue of temperance. Also there is nothing more exactly observed in a forraigner then the outward gesture of his clothing, feeding, and gesture, from which signes strangers make a Iudgement of his education. But of this most ex­quisite [Page 143] and rare vertue especially amongst young men; wee have spoken somewhat before, that may be (if well disgested) a sop for Cerberus.

2. Of the temperance of lan­guage also in the former caution enough hath beene spoken.

3 Wherefore now some brief direction concerning sensuall re­creations and pleasures shall in order be added. Of these a­mongst forraigners great care must be taken. For if this Vio­lence, or rather furious rage of the most unbridled passion, which tempteth mankind, be exceeding dangerous, covered with the best stratagems of this wicked art, (in which P. Ovi­dius [Page 144] and Io. Bocatius have to their owne disgrace, if not ruine, approved themselves masters) to those which remaine fixed in the same place of habitation: what shall we conceive of the great inconveniences, it bringeth forth, when we lye open to all forraign snares and temptations? besides, (which would be mar­ked) Crimes creepe, nay sud­dainely rush and upon those which are secure: and to easily doe strange vices overcome those which are already wor­ryed with domestique and home-bred passions. The force also of custome doth tickle an Intemperate man; whilst he thinketh it a part of great wise­dome [Page 145] to collect those things, and to practise them, which although (perhaps) rare, yet cer­tainely are most vitious.

And can there be a greater misery then for a man which in his own country was accounted to be wel and honestly educated, being intoxicated with the study of novelties; to become in ano­ther climate, the very fosse, and sinke of all those vices, which either vanity hath invented, or luxury found out? Against these most pernitious foments of vice, there is no better antidote, then temperance; which also doth most prevalently resist, when the vice of incontinency doth but begin; and is of most power [Page 165] when as yet, (in Ciceroes phrase) the Ramme of the enemy hath not shaken the wall: for as the Satyrist hath it:

For as a City which is well fortified is not subject to so­daine Invasions; neither doth a Castle well munited with Ordinance and Bulwarks much feare Panique terrours: so a [Page 147] minde inabled with the muni­tion of fortitude most easily re­sisteth the enticements of vices; neither is sodainly conquered with the machinations of im­pietie.

For, an enemy which is ar­med with the darts of fortitude, doth not presently yeeld, be­sides it is the nature of Vice to creepe on by degrees, neither to fight at their first appearances, but rather to seeke ambuscadoes, working their feates rather by the helpe of deceipt, then prowesse. It is the saying of the Poet.

So mischiefes often trye by faire meanes, rather then by open force to assaile those, they would subject; and rather seeke opor­tunity to deceive, then a just warre. And like as heretofore many ancient Chieftaines did use to terrifie, by some strange strata­gems and sudden devices, their enemies; thinking it more safe to fright, them with panique feares then with Armes: So vice, whilst it artificially doth frame a combat, it placeth Intemperance perdue, as it were in the field, or sends this Monster as a spy into the little Isle of man; which by ill customes and enticements, [Page 149] may draw him into Voracitie, Gluttony and Incontinencie: which sprigs of Vices, like the darke pathes of errours, deceive and draw many men into most dangerous precipices; otherwise the most dissolute persons would abhor to act those things, which are undecent; if they were not newly varnished with some a­duleerate commixtions. Let Tem­perance therefore be as a watch­tower or lanthorne unto a Tra­vellour; by whose bright rayes, not clouded with the dark fumes of luxury, he may rightly steere his reason in this Sea of Adversi­ties, and so may preserve his dis­cretion untainted from any im­modest word or deed.

[Page 150] The second generall observa­tion is referred to inquisition or enquiry, to wit, the enquiry of the Common-wealth, in which thou art conversant after the common romances & conceipts of the vulgar. Then such inqui­sition (except it be very moderate and discreet) there is nothing more vaine, unprofitable or empty. For certainly it is a most vaine and frivolous thing to en­quire about every sleight ru­mour, which is set abroach by the common people, and to dis­course of other mens affaires, as of our own; Since such men ra­ther amongst the learned, de­serve the opinion of vaine curiosity, then learned Science. [Page 151] This vice is by Caesar in his Com­mentaries and Nico Flisclinus in his Iulius Redivivus, Act. 2. Scen. 4. attributed to the barbarous Celtes or Gaules.

These men (quoth my Author) have a very barbarous and rude custome; for assoone as they see forreigne Merchants, they com­passe them round in the streetes, and enquire most nicely of the state of those Forraigners from whence they come. The Mer­chants being compelled by their importunities to answer un­known or unfitting questions, many times invent such tales as may please them best, and seeme most credible; Which they hea­ring, forthwith they set upon [Page 152] their consultations, and accor­ding to these relations dispose of their affaires; then the which there cannot be devised a more rash and inconsiderate folly. There are no people more mise­rable therefore then such men, which suffer their eares to be per­petually filled with such newes; (which suppose they are strained upon the racke, if one day bee spent quietly and studiously.) Hence it is that such men, for the most part are perpetually subject to exorbitant passions, unquiet motions, and sudden feares; for being filled with choller and me­lancholy, through the overmuch agilitie of their apprehensions, and the uncertainty of their reso­lutions, [Page 153] they continually have those galleries of reason, their heads stusted with the undige­sted and crude rumours, which they so much affect and hunt af­ter. Of these Lucretius:

[Page 154] Let this be therefore a cauti­on to be observed by a Travel­lour, not to take newes upon trust, concerning strange Com­mon-wealthes: because hardly such an inquisitor can obtain any remarkeable knowledges, and yet is most subiect to be ensnared by promoters. Rather let choise and silent narrations (although fewer in number, and perchance not seeming to every companion so plausible, be his ayme,) such are the observations of Antiqui­ties, AEdifices, Libraries; the ex­scriptions of the places of battels, and the changes of the govern­ments of cities. In this path let moderation be also his guide: that if he happen to strike upon [Page 155] some difficult passages, he may retract his footsteps, before he be to farregone.

The third observation is more generall; to wit, that a travellour ought with his vigorous and festive carriage, to conjoine mag­nificence according to his ability. For a poore, and ill accoutred tra­vellor is the most ig­noble creature in the Nil habit infaelix pauper tas duri­us in se, quam quod re­diculos homines facit. world. All men in a manner, (such are these later times) are esteemed from their outward comportment; but espe­cially travellours. To this magnificencie, let there be added a manly reservation, for some men attributing all their best [Page 156] gestures to a kind of easinesse or (rather parasitisme) and dedica­cating, whatsoever they can get from others or exhaust from their owne, to vaine ostentation, doe faile in the especiall parts of splendor, same and reputation. From this precipice we must be­ware, ‘least that wee yeeld to much to exteriour pompe, and little or nothing to discreet me­diocrity.’ For when once our familiar affaires, and the opinion of our credits are subjected to wast; it is scarse credible, how soone these buildings of our estates and fortunes decay. And therefore most wittily doth the Comaedian Plautus induce the young Cavalerò Philolaches in the [Page 157] first Act. 2. Scene of his Com: Mo­stellaria, comparing himselfe un­to a Carpenter, and his estate un­to a new building which unlesse it be perpetually repaired, and often new furbished;

And no wonder is this sudden mutation (quoth Lucretius:) be­cause.

Let magnificence therefore bee moderately mixed with this manly discretion: lest that wee overmuch contract the goods we have by the divine provi­dence allotted unto us: or (with­out the just care of a discreet ste­ward) suffer them over-nimbly and fluidly to slip from us.

The fourth observation of a Travellour should be the study of the best things. For many there are which seeke forraigne Countries to no other end in­deed, but to satisfie their sensuall pleasures. But Trismegistus, Apollo­nius, [Page 159] Mercurius, and Pythagoras, the antient quaternio of travel­lours and wise men, to this end only did leave the sweet ayre of their Countreys, that they might returne enriched, with the gene­rall magazine of knowledge.

Neither travelled these Wor­thies that they might only be­hold the outward shapes, coun­tenances, and appearances of men; but that they might under­stand their Manners, customes, languages, learning; and that they might be capable of those grounds and foundations, which may prove Canons and Theo­remes of future Sciences. Let therefore a travellour heare of no­famous Polititian, or learned [Page 160] Scholler, but let him endeavour (if he may) to bee his Visitant, and rather let him study to see such a miracle of science; then the lofty buildings of the most aspiring Cities; that he may un­derstand from this Oracle of the Muses those things, which may both delight and instruct him. Thus many learned judicious travellours (even from the rising of the Patron of the Muses) came to Rome or Padua, to visit T Livi­us, the most exquisite builder of all prophane Histories. Thus as yet is Cor. Tacitus honoured in most moderne languages: and amongst the starres of this latter age Erasmus, Vives, Polidorus, Mu­retus, Lipsius, Gruterus, &c. were [Page 161] in their houses, schooles, studies, visited with no small (I had al­most said) adoration. Let also a travellour passe by no Library of worth, (but if that opportunity may permit) without searching and observing it, committing to memory those things there which he findeth rare, and not regarding those sleight vanities, which the Market or Tavernes may afford. These judicious speculations also being referred to this one and onely end, that at his returne he may excell in the Knowledge of the best things.

To this let there be added, a constant resolution. In all busi­nesse whatsoever we undertake the chiefe ornament and ad­vancement [Page 162] is constancy: especi­ally in those things, which take force from our resolutions. In this purpose of travel (if we may beleve Iudicious Lipsius) there is need of a twofold caution, that our intent be well founded; and then that it be cōstant. For a mind that is mutable, gathers not the juice of erudition. Because it im­ploieth the times of discipline to please extravagant passions. Di­screet frugality is an excellent re­medy against these. But frugality it self is a most vain & idle name, yea often the cover of wretched­nes and penury, unlesse judicious moderation may be the director of our expences. Then indeed our manner of living truly shineth, & [Page 163] strengthened with the glory of reason, groweth famous. Avoid also the distraction of businesse, which often hindereth the in­tents of a travellour.

For a iudicious man underta­keth not his peregrination, to be pragmaticall after the manner of lawyers, but when his leasure serveth him, that he may observe by action; because he often, which is to busy in the practique part, can hardly learne any thing, whilst he doth spend his time in superficiall follies, or need­lesse businesse, and so both lo­seth science, and experience. Then which, what is more ridiculous? For the age of man being distingui­shed, and separated into proper [Page 164] seasons, hath unto them opposed severall faculties. And youth (for in our childish yeares some men prohibit us to travell) seemeth to be the middle centre of Practise and Theorie. Let therefore time be so allotted, and distributed un­to thy businesse, that thou mayst not bee inforced to neglect the due seasons of meditation. At all, and in all ages it is most conve­nient to meditate; Neither is there any degree in the world that may not be adorned, and advanced by learning.

To this part adde the modera­tion of thy gesture and behavi­our; for as speech is the Index of the minde: so is gesture a de­claration of thy naturall inclina­tions. [Page 165] So Ambrose is reported to have refused the service of two Deacons in the Church, being offended with the levitie of their behaviour; besides, nothing is so mutable as gesture, or more ob­noxious to censure in Forraigne parts; whose opinions, who of­ten lightly doth contemne, is without doubt to be accounted of a Dissolute inclination.