A word to the wavering, or, An answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the King in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by G.B.

A word to the wavering, or, An answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the King in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by G.B.

Table of contents

Title page

A WORD TO THE Wavering, &c.

POSTSCRIPT. Since I wrot this I heard ſome ask at a Bookſeller's Shop for Dr. Burnet's Enquiry after Allegiance, &c. and therefore to do the Doctor Right, I have added ſome of his own Words tranſcribed out of Two of his Sermons.

§

[Page]

A WORD TO THE WAVERING: OR AN ANSWER TO THE ENQUIRY INTO THE Preſent State of Affairs: Whether we owe Allegiance to the KING in theſe Circumſtances? &c.

VVith a Poſtſcript of Subjection to the Higher Powers; by Dr. G. B—

LONDON, Printed in the Year, MDCLXXXIX.

A WORD TO THE Wavering, &c.

[Page]

[Page]

'Tis ſaid, (Page 3.)—Whereſoever Protection fails wholly, Allegiance falls with it.

THE whole Nation almoſt did not think ſo when they own'd King Charles the Second in his Exile, when his Protection failed them; and yet they, very Dutifully and Religiouſly, as well as Loyally and Unanimouſly, brought him in in 1660. and did what they could poſſibly for him by their Pens, and Purſes, in his Abſence.

And the whole People of Iſrael and Judah, did not think their Allegiance cancell'd, becauſe King David's Protection over them was diſabled, but ſtrove who ſhould be the forwardeſt to bring him back, 2 Sam. 19. 42. And all the men of Judah anſwered the men of Iſrael, Becauſe the King is near of kin to us: wherefore then be you angry for this matter? have we eaten at all of the King's coſt? or hath he given us any gift? (nay, to accommodate the Caſe to the Objection,—Was he ſo much [Page] as able to protect us?) Yet the men of Iſrael anſwered the men of Judah (Ver. 43.) We have ten parts in the King, and we have alſo more right in David than ye: why then did ye deſpiſe us, that our advice ſhould not be firſt had in bringing back our King? What more evident, then that their Allegiance did not fall with David's ability to protect them, ſeeing they profeſs no Selfintereſt in the caſe, no Gift, &c. but only the Allegation of Birth, Family, and Kindred, or the like.

Again, (Pag. 3.)—Service and Obedience are without doubt abſolved, when a Father ceaſes to be a Father, by becoming an Enemy.

That the Father of our Country is not become an Enemy, ſhall be made out hereafter—But if a Father, or a Prince, becomes an Enemy, yet Service, and Obedience, are ſtill due to them; in as much as the Vices of the Fathers cannot affect the Duty of the Children. Cham got a Curſe for diſcovering his Father's Nakedneſs, while Shem and Japheth got a Bleſſing by covering it. Why ſhould Cham be curſed, if Noah's Drunkenneſs had cancell'd his Son's Reſpect and Duty? And, I believe, his Majeſty's Children abhor the thoughts of but ſuppoſing their Duty to their Natural Parent and Soveraign at preſent waved, or extinguiſhed; leſt upon the breach of the Fifth Commandment, of not honouring their Father, &c. their days ſhould not be long in the Land; beſides the Conſiderations of Eternity.

(Pag. 4.) The firſt 7 Verſes of the 13th. Chapter to the Romans are ſet down; in which the Duty of the Magiſtrate, as well as the Obedience of the Subject, are ſet forth, and ſo mixt together, as that our Author thence concludes—upon the total failing of the one, the other does likewiſe ceaſe.

But firſt, does this hold on both Sides? Then, if Rebels and Traytors have totally failed their Duty of Allegiance, the Magiſtrate is not to do his; not to try, judg, nor condemn, nor ſee them executed. Is that it, which you would be at? Why then do you blame the King for going away, from that his Duty? But [Page] thus much only to ſhew the Weakneſs of your Reaſoning. As to the Text, St. Paul meant it primarily, and literally, of Nero, the worſt of Men and Princes; who was ſo very far from doing his Duty, or protecting our Religion, that he was a grievous Tyrant, and a mighty Terror to good Works; and yet the Apoſtle commands all, without exception, to be ſubject to him, not becauſe he was a good Governour (for that he was not) but becauſe he was one of the Higher Powers; and becauſe he had received that Power, not from any mutual Compact of the People, but only from God, whoſe Vicegerent he was (though never ſo bad;) ſince there is no Argument ever yet able to ſhake that Aſſertion, That there is no Power but of God, and the Powers that be are ordained of him: Whoſoever therefore reſiſteth (not the Vice and Wickedneſs of the Man, but) the Power and Ordinance of God, lodged in that Man, ſhall receive to themſelves Damnation; from which, good Lord, deliver us all.

As Nero was the worſt, ſo Saul was none of the beſt of Princes; and yet David ſtiles him, 1 Sam. 24. 8. My Lord the King; and owns him his Soveraign, becauſe he was the Lord's Anointed, Ver. 10. and this not out of Flattery and Courtſhip, but Loyalty and Duty; for he had been far from a Saint after God's own Heart, if (even upon any Occaſion) he had let himſelf looſe to ſpeak evil of Dignities.

To Nero, and Saul, I will add a third, and that is Pilate, whoſe Power Chriſt owned to have been from above, Joh. 19. 11. and therefore ſubmitted to it even to the Death, though there was no Law of the Romans by which he could be put to Death, Joh. 18. 31, 38. and when he ſuffered, he threatned not, but committed himſelf (not to Arms and Revenge) but to him that judgeth Righteouſly, thereby leaving us an Example that we ſhould follow his ſteps: And accordingly all the primitive and ſucceeding Chriſtians fought the Battles of all their Pagan Emperors and Tyranical Perſecutors, without Reſiſtance, or ever aiding the Armies of the Rebels. Tertullian glories, that when Poſſenius Nigar in Syria, and Clodius Albinus in France and Britany, rebelled againſt Septimius Severus, that bloody and cruel Emperor, and pretended Piety, and publick [Page] Good, yet that none of the Chriſtians joyned with either.

And the noble Thebaean Legion, in the 18. of Diocleſian, are moſt eminently Famous for laying down 6666 Lives at the command of the Emperor Maximinian, when they could eaſily have ſaved them; if they could have imagined, that the Protection of the Magiſtrate failing, it was Lawful for the Subject to withdraw his Obedience. This is viſible throughout all Ages and Places of the Chriſtian Church, and has been ever moſt eminently the conſtant Doctrine and Practice of this Church of England, in her Articles, Conſtitutions, and Behaviours; however ſome that have been willing to rejoyce in Iniquity have imagined ſome Occaſion of triumph, in Reſpect of ſome Perſons, and Things, which perhaps they do not fully underſtand: But there is too much behind.

(Pag. 4.) The King's Zeal for his Religion never puſhed him beyond the Meaſures of a pious and juſt Prince: If he attempted any thing that has appeared ſince Illegal, it was againſt his Will, having had the Judgment and Deciſion of all (or moſt of) the Judges, and many other Proteſtant Counſellors Learned in the Law, upon their Oaths, and Conſciences, That what they put him upon, was ſo far from Subverting the Eſtabliſhment of our Religion and Laws, that he thought he did no more than his Royal Predeceſſors had done; and particularly Queen Elizabeth, and King James, by their Legal, and Acknowledged Prerogative, which is Law, as well as thoſe Priviledges which concern the Subject, according to Statute, as well as Common, and Natural Law.

(Pag. 5.) Seeing you grant, That if the King was in eminent Danger, he was then driven away: I ſhall only ſay, that as long as the King did rationally believe it, and all his Friends, you and I ought to believe it too, or at leaſt acquieſce ſo far in it, as that his Majeſty hath not thereby forfeited his Crown, and Right: It is more mannerly to ſuppreſs the diminiſhing Conditions of (what you call) a Treaty, than inſiſt upon the hardneſs, or unacceptableneſs of any of them; [Page] as for the Seals they may be brought again, by the ſame Hand that took them away, at a convenient Seaſon.

(Pag. 6.) Allegiance ſtands in its full force, make you what Conſequence you pleaſe; neither is it under any Suſpenſion, for none but God can Suſpend it, or Legally put the Regency into other Hands: Neither is there any Incapacity, by being Affected, and Culpable; for nothing is ſuppoſed to be Culpable in the Perſon of a Lawful King, in reſpect of his Subjects, who are no competent Judges of what are ſuppoſed his Faults.

(Pag. 8.) As for the terms of Security, the beſt way is to leave them to him, who is the only Ruler of Princes, By whom alone Kings Reign, and Princes Decree Judgment; and that without the expectation of Miracles, to preſerve us under our again reſtored Sovereign; foraſmuch as he ſees thoſe Rocks upon which he daſh'd before, and doubleſs will avoid them, as becomes ſo Great, ſo Wiſe, and ſo Experienced a Prince: Neither need we now fear any Jeſuits in the Council, no, nor ſo much as any Papiſt in the Government; ſeeing they now expect and deſire no more Priviledge than they have in Holland, nor ſo much neither, unleſs the King and Parliament ſhall vouchſafe it them; no danger therefore of throwing our ſelves back into any miſerable Condition upon the King's return.

(Pag. 10.) Oaths are binding, although thoſe in behalf of whom they are taken do not perform their part. The breach of one Man's Duty, will not Legitimate an others.

The Matrimonial Oath is not abſolutely made for term of Life, but God himſelf has put in an Exception in the caſe of Adultery, which he has not done in the caſe of Loyalty; wherefore the Oath of Allegiance binds ſemper, & ad ſemper, and admits of no Intermiſſion, or Interception. The King never ceaſes to be a King till he ceaſes to be a Man; and it is a contradiction in terminis, that the next Heir, ſhould be at the ſame time King: For if he be actually King, he is no Heir; and while he is an Heir, he is no King.

[Page] (Pag. 11.) For all your new fangled Interpretation of that Maxim—The King can do no Wrong; it is to be underſtood of the King's Perſon, not his Power, in your Senſe; for his Power, even in his Minſters, may poſſibly do amiſs; but this is not to be imputed to, or exacted of his Perſon, but his Inſtruments, whoſe fault it is, if he be not better adviſed.

(Pag. 12.) As for the Preſidents of Edward II. and Richard II. 'tis too long to examine their Hiſtories: But, let me offer in general, that never any King of England was Judged in Parliament for their Male Adminiſtration, in Quiet and Sedate Times, but always ſoon after ſome great Commotions or Rebellions. And would you bring the Acts of the Rump, or thoſe at the latter end of King Charles I. Reign, for Preſidents of Law, eſpecially againſt a King?

For the Judgments of Edward II. and Richard II. whether they were ever revoked or not, by the ſucceeding Kings, is a Queſtion; but this is certain, that ſome of the Conſpirators againſt Edward II. were in the 4th. of Edward III. adjudged and attainted in Parliament, although the King was but a Child. And as to that againſt Richard II. it was given in the Firſt Parliament of Henry IV. whoſe Son, and Son's Son, reigned after him, and was the Foundation of their Uſurping Titles, and ſo could not be for their Honour or Intereſt to have them ſet aſide. And beſides, Edward IV. who ſucceded that Line, claimed from Edward III. and not from Richard II. he leaving no Iſſue, whoſe buſineſs it might have been, more properly, to have ſeen the Judgments againſt his Father abrogated.

Beſides, notwithſtanding that, Richard II. was Murthered ſo Inhumanly, yet he was ſeveral times ſet up, by the People, againſt Henry IV. which ſhews what Opinion they had of that Scandalous Judgment.

But for that againſt Charles I. which was much of the ſame Nature, all the proceedings againſt that Unfortunate Prince were, by Act of Parliament, ordered to be taken off the File, Eraced, and (if I am not miſtaken) ordered to be burnt by the Common Hang-man; and the Perſons concerned, by Parliament, Attainted, and moſt of them Executed. Beſides, [Page] conſidering the diſtance of time between Richard II. and Edward IV. which was 60 Yeras probably eraſing them would not quit Coſt, nor be tanti, in compariſon of the Smoak and Puther thoſe Agitations might raiſe, between King and People; to prevent which, the Wiſdom of thoſe latter Definitions (you ſpeak of) is Conſpicuous, and has been Succeſsfull to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom.

But our Author in this matter, (as well as to the Right of a Husband, who Marries the Heireſs of the Kingdom of England,) ſhews his little Reading in the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom: For if he had any, he would have remembered what the Parliament, by an Eſtabliſhed Law has declared, after giving a Hiſtory of the Proceedings againſt King Charles I. That by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, 12 Car. 2. cap. 30. neither the Peers of this Realm, nor the Commons, nor both together, in Parliament or out of Parliament, or the People collectively or repreſentatively, nor any other Perſon whatever, ever had, have, hath, or ought to have, any Coercive Power over the Perſons of the Kings of this Realm, which is, I hope, a full Abrogation or Declaration of the Illegality of thoſe Judgments of Edward II. and Richard II. with a Witneſs.

The Convention, which you call the Repreſentative of the Kingdom, having ſuch an Honour and Deference to the Prince, it is to be hoped, they will concur with his Highneſs, in laying the blame on the Evil Counſellors rather than on the Sacred Perſon (which you acknowledge ſo) of the King, his Father, and Uncle, and great Obliger.

As to the calling his Majeſty's Honour in queſtion, he has born a great deal of that already. In Gods Name; If another Mother, Father, Nurſe, Midwife, Servants, will come [Page] in, and confeſs all, with due credible Circumſtances, (outweighing the Depoſitions upon Oath, of ſo many Proteſtants, and others) let them come forth and be heard; and that with all ſafety, till the Truth be out. Let us try all things, and hold faſt that which is good; and let Truth never fear the Frowns of any Impoſture, how great and powerfull ſoever. This, I conceive, is the Cardo Controverſiae; and, I hope, we may wiſh his Majeſty's Affairs, and all his Royal Family, may thrive and proſper according to the Merit of that great Cauſe.

(Pag. 13.) The 10th. Paragraph is wholly ſpent in throwing down the imaginary Treaty with the King; and the Arguments are ſo ſtrong againſt any indecent Propoſal that I cannot anſwer them; neither is it the Intereſt of the Cauſe, if I could.

(Pag. 14. Parag. 11.) There my Author contends, That this Nation is a Proteſtant Kingdom incompatable with Popery, or a Popiſh King, witneſs the Excluſioners—You know it was compatable before the Reformation; and you ought to know, That Dominion is not founded in Grace: Neither do the Temporal Rights of Princes depend upon Religion, whether true or falſe. The Power of the Magiſtrate is never the more from God, becauſe he is a good Man; and never the leſs from God, becauſe he is a bad Man: To this purpoſe is that of St. Auguſtine, in his Fifth Book de Civitate Dei,—Qui Auguſto ipſe & Neromi, &c. Qui Conſtantino Chriſtiano, ipſe Apoſtatae Juliano, &c. He that gave the Soveraign Power to Auguſtus, gave it likewiſe to Nero; and he that conferred it upon Conſtantine a Chriſtian, beſtowed it in like manner upon Julian an Apoſtate.

(Pag. 15.) As for the King's Friends, I dare ſay you, Sir, are none of them; and they know how to conſtrue his Abſence from them, without your invidious ſuggeſtion of his abandoning them. True Friendſhip, much leſs ſteady Loyalty, will never think ill of a Prince in ſuch Circumſtances; who has done ſo much good, and ſo little deſerved any ill Uſage from his Subjects. As for the disbanding the Army; What danger was there of their turning Banditti, when there was ſuch a [Page] potent and ſucceſsful Prince, and power to ſuppreſs them? And the event ſhews this ſuggeſtion to have been meer Malice. ‘Upon all this, Is it Natural?’ I ſay it is Unnatural to declare the Throne void, which the Law looks upon as Impoſſible; no, not upon the Death of a King, who in Law never dies; inſomuch that it never admits of an Interregnum, much leſs vacancy for another Candidate. ‘That the King therefore has fallen from all Right to the Throne,’ is a Chimaera, and Figment of this Authors Brain, proceeding from a vacuum, or vacancy, never known, or underſtood, or read of before.

As to the King's return from Feverſham.—Doubtleſs had he thought himſelf in Safe and Honorable Circumſtances, he had ſtay'd; and, then there would have been no want of the Seals, or a Parliament, or any other Conceſſion, that was fit for a good King to grant, to make his People happy; which they can never be, Without rendering to Caeſar the Things that are Caeſars; and acknowledging the Lords Anointed, to be their only Lawful Sovereign during his Life.

(Pag. 16. line 3. Errata.) Inſtead of Unbounded, read Legal, or Scriptural, or Primitive Loyalty; which is as much as the King, or our Clergy call for.

To Conclude, Your Flurts and Dawbing, can never alter the Steady Principles of the Reverend and Learned Clergy, who have declared themſelves abundantly, ever ſince the Reformation, in behalf of the Crown, and in Favour of entire Loyalty: And it is not Nature (as you ſay) they muſt Conquer, but Scripture and Reaſon, Primitive and Eſtabliſh'd Authority, their own great Learning, and their well regulated Conſciences; if they ever depart from the Glory of the Church of Englands Loyalty, which they have ſo Nobly, ſo Faithfully, and ſo Dutifully Aſſerted and Propagated, as a moſt Evident and Fundamental Truth.

POSTSCRIPT.
Since I wrot this I heard ſome ask at a Bookſeller's Shop for Dr. Burnet's Enquiry after Allegiance, &c. and therefore to do the Doctor Right, I have added ſome of his own Words tranſcribed out of Two of his Sermons.

PAg. Dr. G. Burn. Sermon on 2 Sam. 2. 12. preached Jan. 30. 1674-75. 30.]—David, his going out with the Armies of the Philiſtins, and profeſſing a great deſire to fight againſt the Enemies of Achiſh, who were no other but Saul his natural Liege. Lord, and the Armies of Iſrael, (wherein he acted a very unſincere part, or did really reſolve to have ingaged againſt them) are things ſo manifeſtly contrary [Page] to the Laws of God, that they give a ſtrong preſumption, that the whole buſineſs of his taking Arms, was contrary to Law, and Religion.

Pag. 33.] May not one be ſaid to kill the King, that robbed him of his Revenue, Power, and Authority, and every thing that was neceſſary for the maintenance of the Royal Dignity?

Pag. Dr. Burn. Sermon on Rom. 13. 5 1674. 17.] There is a Tribunal ſet up by God for the Magiſtrate in all our Breaſts, which will paſs Sentence ſeverely, and will not be put off by the Tricks of Law, &c.

Pag. 20.] The Higher Powers being deputed by God muſt indeed render him a ſevere account, but not to others; we are therefore to obey them for the Lord's ſake. 1 Pet. 2. 13.

Pag. 26.] Chriſt did in the plaineſt Style was poſſible condemn all practiſing's againſt Government upon pretence of Religion, by ſaying, my Kingdom is not of this World, &c. Joh. 18. 36. This does ſo expreſly diſcharge all Buſling and Fighting on the pretence of Religion, that we muſt either ſet up another Goſpel, or utterly reject what is ſo formally condemned by the Author of this we profeſs to believe.

Pag. 31.] Though after that the Emperors turned Chriſtian, and Eſtabliſhed the Faith by Law; yet neither did the ſubtil attempts of Julian the Apoſtate, nor the open Perſecutions of ſome Arrian Emperors, who did with great violence Proſecute the Orthodox, occaſion any Seditious Combinations againſt Authority.

Pag. 34] They are without more Ceremony of Words. Traytors, who ſubject Our Sovereign's Rights which he derives from God only, to a Foreign Superior Power, &c.

Pag. 36.] The Dr. taxes alſo thoſe who pretend a great heat againſt Rome, and value themſelves on their Abhorring all the Doctrines and Practices of that Church, and yet have carried along with them, one of their moſt Peſtiferous Opinions, pretending Reformation, when they would bring all under Confuſion; and vouching the Cauſe and Work of God, when they were deſtroying that Authority he had ſet up, and oppoſing thoſe Impowred by him. And the more Piety and Devotion ſuch daring Pretenders put on, it ſtill brings the greater Stain and Imputation on Religion, as if it gave a Patrociny to thoſe Practices, it ſo plainly Condemns. This is Judas-like to kiſs our Maſter when we betray him; and to own a Zeal for Religion, when we engage in courſes that diſgrace and deſtroy it. But bleſſed be God, our Church hates, and condemns this Doctrine, from what Hand ſoever it come; and hath Eſtabliſh'd the Rights and Authority of Princes, on ſure and unalterable Foundations, enjoyning an entire Obedience to all the Lawful Commands of Authority, and an abſolute Submiſſion to that Supreme Power God hath put into our Sovereign's Hands. This Doctrine we juſtly Glory in; and if any that had their Baptiſm and Education in our Church, have turned Renegades from this, they proved no leſs Enemies to the Church her ſelf, than to the Civil Authority: So that their Apoſtacy leaves no blame on our Church, &c.

This is enough to clear the Doctors Reputation, and moreover to Entitle it—Dr. Burnet's Anſwer to the Enquiry about Allegiance.

FINIS.

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Title statement

A word to the wavering, or, An answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the King in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by G.B.

Hickes, George, 1642-1715.

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1689

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— A word to the wavering, or, An answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the King in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by G.B., Hickes, George, 1642-1715., Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715..

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[s.n.],. London :: 1689.. (Attributed by the NUC pre-1956 imprints to George Hickes and to Gilbert Burnet by Wing.) (This item is identified as Wing B5941 at reel 1326:16 and as Wing H1878A at reel 496:35.) (Wing number B5941 cancelled in Wing (CD-ROM).) (Reproduction of originals in the Cambridge University Library and the Huntington Library.)

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Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.