A SHORT VINDICATION OF Phil. Scot's Defence OF THE Scots Abdicating DARIEN: BEING In Answer to the Challenge of the Author of the Defence of that Settle­ment, to prove the Spanish Title to Darien, by Inheritance, Marriage, Do­nation, Purchase, Reversion, Surrender, or Conquest. WITH A Prefatory Reply, to the False and Scurrillous Aspersions, of the New Au­thor of, The Just and Modest Vindicati­on, &c. And some Animadversions on the material Part of it, relating to the Title of DARIEN.

Non qui multa sed qui multum dicit bene dicit.

LONDON: Printed in the Year, 1700.

THE PREFACE.

THE most genuine and best meant De­signs of Man, being lyable not only to Misconstruction, but Reproach, 'tis the less surprising to meet with either of these in the present Case, considering the small Proportion I bear to a numerous Party, who are so far dipt in a Project, that notwithstanding a great ma­ny of them by this Time begin to perceive the Errour they have been led unto, yet they will not disintangle themselves; and if any Person should take upon him to unblind, them he must expect to have his Throat cut.

As my first Attempt in this Nature is not only censur'd Bold, but Impudent, by the Mana­gers of the Caledonian Project, so it has been attended with Menaces enough, that I should not eat my Christmas Dinner. The friend­ly Advices I have received of my sudden Fate don't in the least make my Pen stagger from Vindicating what I have already offer'd to show the Impracticability of that Project, for which altho' I am at present basely censur'd, by a reso­lute and headstrong Party, yet, I doubt not of receiving the Approbation of the moderate and [Page 4]judicious Part of that Nation before the Jubilee be over, my Theme being both just, and well design'd to the Proprietors of that Stock.

I could have wish'd that this gentle Author, who Effects so much Modesty, Sense, and good Manners, had stood by his Text, and had taken more convincing Ways of confuting what I have written on the Darien Subject: For, however necessary h [...] thinks it for his Argument to treat it and me with Reproach, yet he will gain there­by but few Proselytes to his Opinion: And if he had employ'd his Mathematical Head in dispro­ving what I have offer'd in Defence of the Abdication, with some of those Euclid Demon­strations, wherewith he would let us know that he abounds, his slanderous and personal Reflections might be the better credited: But as he has ad­vanc'd nothing, either to justifie the Conduct of the Directors of that Company, or to disprove one Syllable of what's offer'd against the Darien Project, except the Instance of Mr. Wafer, which he would have the World take for gran­ted to be a Lye, and make use of that to o­verthrow my Faith; I hope that (if the whole Discourse does not carry Demonstration enough along with it) it may stand firm till such Time as it is repeal'd by Dint of Argument: And as for this Passage velating to Mr. Wafer, I shall justifie it before I proceed any fur­ther.

In the first Place, I desire that it may be ta­ken as a Preliminary, that if. Mr. Wafer had met with so egregious a Romance, and so near­ly relating to him publickly in Print, he ought in Justice, both to the Company and himself, to have instantly detected it's Falshoods. But al­tho' he lives very near the Royal-Exchange, and had the Perusal of the same Book the first Day it was published (which is above Two Months ago) yet he hath been so far from offering to disprove it, that he hath since exprest himself to Persons of unquestionable Credit, that if he had known of my Intention, or had not thereby been anticipated from Publishing his own Sen­timents, he would have said a great Deal more on that Subject.

I must needs own, that he was ignorant of my Design of Publishing that, or any Thing else; but I must tell you, that about the same Time, he thought to have oblig'd the Company to recompense him for his Disappointment, or to have expos'd them to the Publick: And to confirm what I herein assert, 'tis very well known to a great many in Town, that about Four Months agoe, he presented a Memorial to a certain Scots Person of Quality, containing e­very Syllable of what I have wrote, as likewise some more which I design'dly left out, because it particulariz'd some Persons whom I had no Inclination to mention.

He was kept in Hopes of some Gratification, and I believe he might have been easily com­pounded with, but what I have wrote from his own Mouth and Memorial, I am so far from distrusting he will retract, or can be brib'd to deny, that I firmly believe he gave no Occasion to this Author, to make use of his Name to im­pose thus upon the World: And to confirm me the more in this Belief, it is not above Three Days since he came to my Lodging to acquaint me, that a Book was newly publish'd in Vindi­cation of the Darien Settlement, but he had not seen it; on which I ask'd, If any Persons had been with him from the Company, to ob­lige him to pass from what he had said and wrote? to which he answer'd, No. I show'd him the Book and Passage in it, relating to him, which having perus'd, he told me, That he was so far from passing from it, that he wonder'd how that Author should be so confident, as to re­ly on what he should answer.

If this is not enough to justifie that Passage relating to Wafer, by which our Author sub­mits the Truth of the Whole to be try'd, I shall prove it, Viva voce, if need be; and shall say no more to it here, but only show you the E­vasion which our Author makes use of in the 18 th Page of his Preface, to clear his Party of that Imputation, To wit; Nor can any with­out the Renouncing of common Sensë, be­lieve that the Gentlemen employ'd by the [Page 7]Company to confer and transact with Mr. Wafer, could be guilty of such Weakness and Folly, as to reveal and detect to him their Design upon Darien, in that the whole Suc­cess of that Undertaking depended entire­ly upon it's being kept and preserv'd a Secret. If our learned Author would not im­pute it to brutal Ignorance, to differ in any Point from his Conception of Things, I might be allow'd to detect the Weakness or Innocence of this strong Argument; and would ask him, if at the Conference between the same Gentle­men and Mr. Wafer, at Pontaks's, the Sub­ject was not Darien? I would likewise know whether the Collection of Guineas for him at that Meeting was not to keep him from Dis­posing of himself till they acquainted the Com­pany with his Qualifications to serve them? As also, whether that Article in the Contract, whereby he receiv'd 20 Guineas, was not to­wards Stopping the Publishing of this Book for the Space of a Month, till the Company and he should come to Terms for Suppressing it al­together? 'Tis evident enough, that the Sub­stance of that Book or Journal relates to no­thing but Darien; as likewise, that Wafer's Talent as to Projects lay no where else: Now how far this Mathematical Argument of our Author will demonstrate Wafer to be a Fool, and me a Lyar, I submit it to Judgment. In the mean Time, it may be worthy of Remark, [Page 8]that this Faction is not calculated for Lon­don or England, but for a Country where Wafer is not to be seen and spoken with.

Believing what is already said on this Head to be sufficient to reinstate me in my Credit, I shall return to the first Part of this Preface, where he throws some Foul-mouth'd Aspersions, not only on me, but likewise on his Majesty's Ministers of State; how corrospondent that Style is with the Title of his Book, let any Per­son judge, or if it is not fitter to be bound up with the Volumes of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, than left single for the more civil Ca­suists of this Age to peruse.

I shall not take upon me to say any thing re­lating to that Minister, whom he uses so scur­rilously, believing, that if he thinks it worth his While, he will do himself Right; yet I must take upon me to remark, that through the whole Strain of his Calumnies and Invectives, it is not at him alone he points his Thunder, but through the Sides of that State-Officer he wounds and bullies the Rest (be of what Office or Quality they will) who will presume to act directly or indirectly against the Darien Pro­ject; and if a Man dares be so bold, as to whisper his Thoughts, either publickly or pri­vately, in Opposition to it, he must be mouth'd at, and represented as an Enemy to one of His Majesty's Kingdoms, and is not fit for the Of­fice he bears; as also, that he must remember [Page 9]the Fate of Archbishop Laud, and the Earl of Strafford. So God ha' Mercy Old England.

As to that Part of his slandrous Story, where­in he insinuates, that large Rewards have been bestow'd on me by that Minister; I have Rea­son to believe, that the Persons, whom he calls Friends, of those State-Councellors, are only feign'd by himself, to make the Story pass the more current: As for my self, I must needs own, that when I came from Scotland, about Eighteen Years ago, I brought but little Money with me, and what I have purchased since, has been in Serving the King: But that I either receiv'd or expected any mercinary Reward (as our Author impudently and maliciously insinu­ates) I must tell him, or whoever else says so, that it is a Lye. To reproach me the more, he gives out, that I was expell'd the Navy for Crimes and Misdemeanours, which is likewise false, for I was neither expell'd or ever tainted with any base or mean Action: The Reason of my Leaving that Service, is sufficiently known to be on the Score of a Rancounter I had at Portsmouth, with the Commander of the Ship, where I serv'd. 'Tis true, the Cloud I was un­der for some Months afterwards (being unwil­ling to stand the Test of a Court Martial) induc'd me the easier to enter into that Com­panies Service, under the Notion of going to the East-Indies, and which I was made ta­citely to believe for a Twelve-month afterwards; [Page 10]but by what has happen'd it was jumping out of the Frying-pan into the Fire: For after I had serv'd them in more Stations than one (with their Approbation) for the Space of 26 Months, and proceeded in their private Expe­dition with Five or Six Months Provisions to a Country where nothing was to be seen but Death, Ruine, and the Spanish Mines, I ha­ving got my Belly full of the Project, obtain'd my Discharge with an ample Certificate from the Council of the Collony: And altho' I was Shipwrack'd the very next Day, coming out of their Harbour's Mouth, had my Servant drown'd, escaping very narrowly my self, be­sides the Loss of what I had; when I came to England, I was oblig'd to go to Law with them in Doctors-Commons for my Wages, where it cost me more than I recover'd.

As for the Meanness of my Office and Parts, wherewith our Author upbraids me, I shall not offer much on that Head, that signifying but little to the Subject in debate; the less Force the Weakness or Meanness of my Argument carries with it, it is the easier evinc'd, but as there's nothing appears, but slandrons Aspersions to confute it, it will bear but tittle Weight with the judicious Part of Mankind. The Obscurity of our Author, indeed, shades him from suitable Returns to his Compli­ments; however, I must take the Liberty to remark that, notwithstanding he would make [Page 11]us believe he is no Plagiary; yet the whole Sy­stem of his Discourse is easily discover'd to be Mr. F—rs, almost Paragraph by Paragraph, only dress'd up with a long-winded Proemium, a Chain of innumerable Tautologies, Paren­theses, and crabbed Abstrusities, designedly cal­culated to Crambo the Reader out of his Senses; besides, a few French and Civilian Authori­ties, the Latter of which he might have kept in his Pocket, 'till once the Spanish Title to Da­rien had been fairly confuted: He has, indeed, left out some of the sowrest Parts of the Origi­nal Book, which reslected on his Majesty, and the English Government, but he retains such Portions of the same Venome, that notwith­standing his affected Mannerliness, and De­cency, he can't forbear spurting it out in se­veral Places, nor from pointing it plainly and diametrically at the Councils, and Government of England. The Threats, indeed, are Airy, and so the less worthy of Regard; yet they may be look'd upon from one who sits under the Nose of the same Government, to be fraught­ed with much more Presumption, than what's offer'd in the Defence of the Scots Abdicating Darien, to a Company of Merchants.

But that I may vindicate that Defence from any National Aspersions, which those Gentle­men, who are bigotted to the Darien Project, load it with, and who would squeeze that sowre Part from the Managers of the Company, to [Page 12]whom it was plainly directed, and apply it to the Body of the Nation; to clear my self of this general Imputation, I must refer the Reader to the 6th Page of its Epistle Dedicatory, where I particularly caution it to prevent sini­strous Interpretations. In the next place, I must detect the base and unfair Methods, which the Author of, The just and modest Vindicati­on useth to wrest, and pervert what I have said in the Paragraphs, which he cites in his Preface to the Reader. The first is Page 2. where he tells you, That I have assum'd the Impudence of asserting, that the Motives on which the Proclamations were emitted in the English West-India Plantations, for­bidding the Supplying, Relieving, and Assisting the Scots at Darien, or in any Parts of America, where they should settle, was because the Government of England would not be accessary to an Act, which the World might judge to be Felonious. Now, that the Reader may judge of this man­nerly Gentleman's Integrity, I shall rehearse the Paragraph as I wrote it, where there's nei­ther any mention made of the English Procla­mations, much less of the English Govern­ment's forbidding, to assist or supply the Scots in any Part of America, to wit, Defence of the Scots Abdicating, Pag. 4. Epist. Ded. If you were thus perswaded (directing it to the Managers of the Company) to run head­long [Page 13]on a blind Project, at which the Tra­ding Part of the World stands amaz'd; the India Companies of England and Holland laugh at in their Sleeve, and the rest of Man­kind admire, that People in their right Senses should be guilty of, and if the same should miscarry by your own ill Management (to say no worse on't) 'tis not fair you should snarle at your Neighbours, who have no other Hand in your Misfortune, than that they would not be accessary to any Act which the World might judge Felonious, and wherein they could not join without engaging themselves in an unreasonable War, and in the End to assist you with Weapons to break their own Heads. But that I may likewise rehearse the Paragraph, where I had Occasion to mention the English Proclamation or Prohibition. See the Page 156. Laying aside the Spanish Complaint, and admit the Scotch Company to have a Legal Title to their Settlement, was it not reasonable, that the Goverment of England having met with the clandestine Declarations, which the Scotch Collony had spread all over the West-Indies, in­viting them over to Darien, should take suitable Measures to prevent the ill Con­sequences of the same, and retain their own Subjects: The Declarations are notorious, and must be penn'd by some Person belong­ing [Page 14]to the Company or Collony, and I presume the Opposite Proclamation or Prohibition was penn'd by some English Man, who had some Interest in the Eng­lish Plantations. Now whether our Author usbers in his just and modest Vindication, fairly and honestly, I submit it to Judgment, or whether I mayn't justly retort upon himself, again, that slanderous Aspersion relation to Wafer, in the 18th Page of his Preface, viz. That through the Fellows appearing a Lyar, or uncandid in one Case, his Testimony should not be receiv'd in any other whatsoever.

Nay in the same Breath, he backs it with such another Perversion (altho' not quite so malicious) and vents his Choller thus, citing the 7th Page of the Epistle Dedicatory, That I should have taken the Boldness to add, in Terms that are most slanderous, as well as defamatory, that their Attempt of Plant­ing on the Isthmus, was their Settling a Colony in another Man's Dominions, un­less by Virtue of their Presbyterian Tenet (of Dominions being founded in Grace) the Scots, who are the Presumptive Elect, pretend a Divine Right to the Goods of the Wicked, and so take upon them to cloath the Seven Councellors of their Co­lony, with such another Commission as God gave the Hebrews, when they depart­ed out of Egypt. The Injustice which this [Page 15]Gentleman does me, and the little Servicoe he does his Cause, is very apparent; for I don't say, that the Scots are the Presumptive Elect (there being no such Word mention'd) nor do I think it. Some Species of Men, indeed, in that Nation are conceited with that Opinion of themselves, but there are several Persons of Worth who will not assume that Title; neither do I direct that Dedication to them, but to Directors of the Scots Affrican Company, of whom that Sept, who were the Occasion of the chief Mismanagement, are of this vain Kid­ney. As for Harris, whom our Author cites irreverently in the same Paragraph, I know him, but D—l is such a Stranger to me, that I protest, there's none of my Acquaintance I can think of, whose Name begins and ends with those Letters: But that must be plac'd to the other false Notions he. runs on.

Our Author thinks fit to cite only one Pas­sage more of, The Defence of the Scots Abd. pag. 16. That just as the Scots Companies Books were open'd at Amsterdam, for re­ceiving Subscriptions to their Capital Stock, the Dutch East and West-India Companies run open-mouth'd to the Lords of Amster­dam, shewing what was hatching by the Scotch Commissioners in their City, to ruine the Trade of the Ʋnited Provinces. The Gentleman thinks fit to own this to be true, designing to make Two necessary Ʋses of [Page 16]it; the first is calculated for the Proprietors of the Scots Affrican Stock, as the Printing and Reprinting of the House of Commons Address to the King, of the Year 1696, at Edinburgh, was to insinuate the Vastness of the Project, and the Riches that were to be acquir'd by it, when such Foreign People oppos'd it: But that none of those may be deceiv'd by the Ʋse he makes of that Paragraph, I must acquaint them in short, that if those Dutch Men had known the Scotch Companies Project to be on Darien, I dare say, they would not have taken such Men­sures to oppose them. The other Ʋse our Au­thor makes of this is, to sow some malicious Seeds of distrust among the People of England, and to calumniate His Majesty and his Coun­cils, as if those were altogether calculated for a Dutch Interest. This Mathematical Poli­tician, both here and every where else, when he has occasion to discharge his Gall on His Ma­jesty and his Government, shreuds his Aspersi­ons under a Religious and Well-meaning Cant, as if they were the Apprehensions and Designs of other People, and not of himself.

This modest Author excuses himself from re­plying any Thing to the Argument-part of what has been offer'd against the Darien Project, it being fully obviated and anticipated by this Book of his, which he says was antecedently written on that Subject: How far this is true, let any Man (who will have the Patience, or [Page 17]punish himself, to read it) determine. 'Tis pity that it should have lain so long in Em­brio, and not seen the Light, till now most People are confirm'd of an adverse Opinion of the Project, not because it is like to enrich that Company and Nation, but because there's a great Deal of good Money squander'd away, which might have been better employ'd. Neither can that Judicious part of Mankind (to whom he recommends his Book) find any more in it of Substance than what is already, and less barba­rously express'd in the Original, which this eter­nal Parentheser has only Paraphras'd upon, with a Pedantick Accumulation of Synonimous Words and Repetitions, and has no ways mended it; unless he thinks it a strong Way of Arguing, to brawl a Man out of his Reason; which, in my Opinion, suits better with Billingsgate, than the Aula.

But to proceed on the Vindication of my de­fending the Scots Abdicating Darien, I must tell you, that the Motives which push'd me on to it, were quite different from those of this modest Author, or some more particular Per­sons, who, besides the Noise themselves make, may rather encourage than endeavour to crush the Clamours of others, it being a Topick war­ranted by Precedents, whereby Money has been got, and may still, if it be well manag'd, altho' perhaps, little of it may come to the Share of the Subscribers.

Any impartial or unprejudic'd Reader, who hath perus'd that Defence, may see that it runs in three different Strains; the first is in Vindi­cating the Justice of His Majesty and Councils from the oblique and express Calumnies, in the Defence of the Scots Settlemen at Darien, which my Duty oblig'd me to as a Subject, and so long a Servant of His Majesty and the Eng­lish Nation, that what Bread I have eat these 18 Years has been theirs, save my Caledonian Allowance, during that Service, and my Trip to Darien. And if in that Part of it, which points at the Errata's of that Author (where he sets up his Royal Beacons for King William to mind, and be aware of) I have offer'd anything inconsistent with the Celebrated Histories of Scotland, or have not worded it with more Ad­vantage to the Scots than the English Histo­rians relate it, I leave it to Judgment.

The second Strain of it runs on the Proce­dure of the Company, their Mismanagement of that great Act they are invested with, as also of the Money of the several Proprietors where­with they were intrusted, and of their sending so many worthy Gentlemen, and other brave Fellows on so dark an Errand, unprovided of either the Necessaries for their Subsistance, or Credit to purchase any; and of neglecting them in so Foreign and desolate a Country. I have said no more in this than what is notorious, and if I have deviated in any particular, those [Page 19]Gentlemen who left the Collony at first, and the rest who have quitted it since, are at liberty to confute me. As for my own Share, I lost what I had in their Service; when I came home, I was oblig'd to sue them for what was my due; and when at the Request of some Persons of Qua­lity, I gave a candid Relation of the Collony, their Affairs, and the Improbability of their holding of it; the Managers in Scotland not only us'd Means to stifle my Credit, but baffl'd and misrepresented me here, and when any ad­verse News came at any time, relating to Ca­ledonian, it was crush'd and laid on my Back, as the malicious Author of it. I thank God I am the Subject of a Nation, where I breath free Air, and may say, that I have been ill us'd by that Company, and am not under the petty Ty­ranny of some Gentlemen, where I must not mutter a Groan, altho' my Oppression were greater, but in a Country where it is no Crime to detect the Errors of as great Societies, and Persons when they act amiss.

The Third and Last Strain of that Defence, hints at the Impracticability of the Darien Pro­ject, showing the little Encouragement the Com­pany has to prosecute a Title to a Colony there, and the small Advantages they can reap by it, either to themselves or Nation, tho' they were firmly possest of it. If the Respect I bear to the Welfare of that Nation, and particular Friendship I owe to several Proprietors of the [Page 20]Stock, had not more Influence on me than my Pique at such Directors of the Company, as were the Occasion of the Mismanagement, I should have held my Pen, and wrote nothing on this Part of the Subjest; but by reason I know what Pains have been taken to lead and retain a great Number of People in this Mi­stake, I was resolv'd to detect it. 'Tis true, I did not insist much on it, thinking it unnecessary on the Account of their Colonies quitting the Place; but since what has been offer'd already on that Head has not any Influence, I shall of­fer some few Things more to their Considera­tion, by way of Answer to the Original Author's Challenge to prove the Spanish Title to Da­rien, either by Inheritance, Marriage, Dona­tion, Purchase, Reversion, Surrender, Pos­session or Conquect. I shall offer nothing dogma­tically, nor pretend to know all the Spanish Pre­tensions to it, so that what I offer on this Head, is, Salvo jure cujuslibit Hispani, or any o­ther Person who will take this Task upon him. If the Gentlemen of the Company will not listen to Reason, let them go on and prosper; they may perhaps find it true, after they have thrown some more good Money after bad. I must only whisper the just and modest Author in the Ear, that those Persons, whether of the English or Dutch Interest, who listen, and make least Opposition to the Darien Project, are not the best Friends to the Scots Affrican Company; [Page 21]they perhaps see the Event of it, and will but smile to see the remaining Part of the Stock shipt off for Darien.

DEfence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, Page 4. he begins to dis­prove the Spanish Title to the Province of Darien, and tells you; It is evident, that the Spaniards cannot pretend a Title to that Coun­try, by Inheritance, Marriage, or the Donati­on of Prince and People, &c.

It being the easiest Part of an Argument to deny, but not to prove a Negative, 'tis to be presum'd, that what he hath to ad­vance on this Head, is the Authority of the Colonies Journal, which came home last March: At the same time, it is to be believ'd, as a Preliminary, that the Com­pany design'd to invest the same Place of Darien before any Person of the Colony either saw that Country, or could pen the Journal. If the Company depended on Buccaneer's Stories (the Actions and Wri­tings of such being equally regarded by political Bodies) their Foundation was san­dy and lame, and such Evidences will scarce be admitted, in this Case, in the Courts of any Kingdom or State.

'Tis sufficiently known to all Europe, that the Spaniard has been near 200 Years Ma­ster [Page 22]of so much of the Continent of A­merica, as passes commonly by the Names of Mexico and Peru, which are Two Tracts of Land several Thousand Miles extent, both on the South and North Seas: Those Two vast Countries are join'd by a Neck of Land call'd the Isthmus of Darien (which is about 60 or 70 Leagues long, and about 20 broad in the narrowest Part from Sea to Sea) which Province, he may be said as much to inherit and possess as any o­ther Portion of Land, of that Extent, in either Mexico or Peru; or rather more, by Reason his most important and strongest Cities in America, are on this very Isthmus, to wit, New Panama, St. Maris, with se­veral smaller Garrisons on the South-side, and Porto-bello, Chagre, Nombre de dios, Conception, &c. on the North-side; besides Carthagena adjoining to the East End of the Isthmus. It can't be expected, that the Spaniard can have a Fort and Garrison on every Hill, or in every Creek of his A­merican Dominions, nor that he should ex­tirpate the whole Race of the Indians in this Province of Darien, more than he does in his others. 'Tis evident, that the Spaniards are more numerous on this Isth­mus and the Parts adjoining, than on four Times so much Ground, in either Mexico or Peru, and where never hitherto distur­bed [Page 23]or interrupted in their Possession of it, but by Pyrates, Buccaneers and Privateers, except in the Time of a declar'd War, when their Towns in Flanders and old Spain were equally lyable to Attacks.

This Isthmus is of that Importance to the Spaniards, that it will not admit of a Doubt amongst reasonable and uninteressed Men, but that they should take as much Pains to be Masters of it, and retain the same, as either Mexico or Peru, by Reason it is the Thorough-fair and Road by which all their Treasure and Riches from the South Sea are convey'd over to their Galleons and Flota's, on the North Sea, and so to Europe. 'Tis very odd, that this Gentle­man should allow the Spaniards to cut off 40 Millions of Indians in the Reign of Charles the 5th to make Way for their Co­lonies, and to neglect this Neck of Land which joins them, and which is the Termi­nus and Receptacle of the Whole, and without which most of their Collonies on the South Sea are not worth Six-pence to Old Spain. A Man's Reason will give him that it was as easie, and of more Importance to clear the Province of Darien of 40 Hun­dred Indians, as the other Parts of America of 40 Millions; and if they could sweep off so many at first Entrance into that Country, it may be reasonably allow'd that [Page 24]they have had time enough to clear this Province of such a small Number of Ene­mies. The Supposition of the Spaniards neglecting this Isthmus of Darien, is as im­probable and ridiculous, as if the incor­porated Inhabitants of London should have made themselves Masters of the City and Borough of Southwark, and have neglected to subject the Bridge to their Dominion or Charter: Nay, the Simile in Proportion is of more Weight and Importance on the Spanish side, than this is on the City's, al­tho' there was no other way of communi­cating with the other side of the Thames, than this of the Bridge.

'Tis evident, that those Spanish Cities and Forts are scatter'd over the Isthmus, being on the middle, and at both ends of it, and that they have an interrupted Com­munication with one another. If the Da­rien Indians were not in Subjection, or if they were in War with the Spaniards (as this Gentleman would make us believe) why might they not with the Half of those 50000 Men (which pag. 5. he has pick'd out of Ringrose the Buccanier's Dream) intercept the Spanish Treasure, and carry it to the Scotch Collony, if they were not able to beat them out of their Forts? 'Tis very well known, that the Spaniards are so very secure on that Isthmus, that they [Page 25]transport their Treasure over Land from Panama to Porto-bello by common Carriers, and when any of their Asses or Mules set up on the Road, they are so little appre­hensive of the Indians, that they leave their Loads of Silver where they fall, till such time as they or some others return that way again.

He tells us, p. 9. that the Spanish Domi­nions are limited at both Ends of tho Isth­mus, exclusive by a blind Story of the Ri­vers Chepo and Congo, and asserts, that Nom­bre de dios is the Spanish Boundary, at one end of the Isthmus, on the North-side, and that Panama and St. Maria are the Eastern and Western Bounds on the South-side (by which he would take off between 30 and 40 Leagues from the Length of the *The Author of the just and modest Vind. p. 48. makes the Length of his Isthmus but 17 Leagues; for he says, that the Scotch Fort and Harbour lies between 8 or 9 Leagues from the River, or Gulph of Darien on one side, and Conception River on the other. He tells you like wise in the same Page, that Boats can pass on ei­ther of these Rivers to the South Sea, which is as true and possible as to go by Water up to the Top of the Momment. Isthmus) if he will re-examine the Map, he will flad that not only Nombre de dios, but likewise Porto-bello, Chagre and Conception, are much about the middle of the Isthmus on the North-side, and that New Panama on the South­side is in the Cod of the [Page 26]Bay, and opposite to Porto-bello; as likewise that Old Panama and St. Maria on the same side, are further to the East-ward, and right opposite to Fort St. Andrew, in Cale­donia.

Travellers ought to be gifted with a good Memory, for altho' he will not al­low the Spaniard to be intitled to an Inch of Ground on his Isthmus, yet he forgets himself and betrays his Cause, for p. 76. he owns that a Party of Ten Spa­niards lived on Golden *By mistake call'd the Isle of Pines, in the Def.of the Scots Abdicar. Island (which is within 5 Miles of Fort St. Andrew, and looks in­to the Caledonian Harbour) till they were cut off by Capt. Ambrosio. He tells you, indeed, that it was done by Consent, and Combination of the Darien Princes, who had only given them a Toleration to live there, and were their Tenants durante bene placito; but there's no more Authority for this Assertion, than that Aristotle's Dixit.

The Ground where this Fact was com­mitted, was in the Districht of Capt. An­drews, who own'd himself to be a Spanish Captain, and which our Author indirectly confesseth, pag. 75. as likewise, that this Murder was committed but Two Months before the Scotch Collony settled there. The Collonies Journal acknowledgeth, that [Page 27]Capt. * Andrews and Capt. **Dignify'd by our last Author with the mysterious Names of Caiques, to smoother that of Captain, and imply as much Majesty as in that of Zaar. * Ambrosio were Enemies on the Score, that the for­mer would not break with the Spaniard, whereas if this Story of our Caledonian Author be true, of that Murders being committed by Consent, and Combination of the Darien Princes, it should be taken for granted, that Capt. Andrews was as much an Enemy to Spain as Ambro­sio, or rather more, because the Murder was committed in his Ground.

But it is more liable to belief, that those Ten Spaniards who were posted on Golden Island (which is not above a Quarter of a Mile from the main Land) could think themselves in no greater Danger than so many English in some Mountanous part of Ireland, where a Rapparee Party could with the same Ease cut their Throats. Our Au­thor acknowledgeth, that they were posted there for a Look-out, to give Notice of any Vessels that appear'd on that Coast; and it may be the easier credited, that the Spa­niards employ'd that Island or Promontory for that Use, by reason the Author of, The Just and Modest Vindicat. of the Darien Settle­ment, innocently tells you, that the Spa­niards call that Island by the Name of Guarda, (in his 48th Page) which of it self [Page 28]implies the Use which the Spaniards (not newly, but of a long Date) have made of it.

After all, I must tell, that Capt. Andrews had no Hand in this Murder, but Ambrosio, who came with his Gang from his Habita­tion (which is above 40 Miles distant) and treacherously surpriz'd them. Neither is it to be imagin'd, that the Spaniards (who are very Wary and Politick) can be thought to be guilty of such Weakness, as to expose so small a Party amongst Indians, their Native Enemies, but rather that they thought that Party secure enough in a Country which was under their Obedience.

So much I have offer'd to demonstrate the Spanish Inheritance: As for their Title by Marriage, 'tis evident enough, that the King of Spain has more Subjects born of Indian (besides Moorish) Mothers in Ame­rica, than he has of Spanish in Europe: Nay, if it were not for the Liberty which is gi­ven the Spaniards to marry with the Indians and Moors, it were impossible they could plant and inhabit that vast Continent; and 'tis well enough known, that this Progeny of the Spaniard is of most use in defending those Countries, and retaining them under the Obedience and Subjection of Spain.

As for the Donation of Prince or People, I don't pretend to know the Spanish Ameri­can Archives and Registers, more than our [Page 29]Author can prove the Contrary. I pre­sume the Spaniards have more to show for their Investiture, than the Caledonian Coun­cil has brought home with them. Only this I can be positive in, that these Dariens acknowledge, that they have had no Head or Emperor of their own Nation, for above these 150 Years, which may be reckon'd to be about the Date of the Spaniards Settling there; and if I am not mistaken, the Colonies Journal (altho' cautiously enough calculated) acknowledgeth the same.

As for Conquest (he says in the same Pa­ragraph, Page 4.) 'Tis ridiculous to alledge it, since the Dariens are in actual Possession of their Liberty, and were never subdu'd, nor receiv'd any Spanish Garrison or Governour amongst them. The last Author who para­phraseth on him, asserts likewise that those Captains are all sovereign and independent Princes, but coming closser to the Text, tells us, from Purffendorf and the Civilians, Page 73. (making the Supposition of their being conquer'd:) That per solam Viminju­stam, non posse alicui Jus quaeri, &c. and from Grotius; That Actus imperii invasoris quos excercet nullam Vim habere possant ex ipsius Jure, quod nullum est. By both these Au­thorities, this modest Author may as Le­gally claim a Right to all the Spanish Towns [Page 30]and Dominions, as to his Peninsula, where­in Fort St. Andrew stands, if he can but set his Foot there, and perswade the Indians to revolt; since he so plainly says, that the Spaniards made an unjust Invasion and Con­quest over the American Princes and King­doms, which no ways obliges them to pay Fealty, or continue in their Obedience long­er than they find it in their Power to free themselves from the Yoke. He fouls Pa­per enough in Preaching up this Doctrine, altho' it had been Time enough Seven Years hence, when the Caledonians had surer Footing on the Isthmus: But altho' those Civilians allow him such Liberty of Con­science, yet he will find some prevailing Arguments in the Treaties between the King of Great Britain and Spain to curb him, which out-balances his Civilian Au­thorities. So that we must agree to suffer the King of Spain to be Conqueror and Ma­ster of those Parts of America, especially where he has Cities, Forts, Garrisons and Mines.

But to return to the original Author, who says, that it is ridiculous to alledge any such Title to Darien, where the Na­tives are in actual Possession of their Li­berty. He is either Brazen-fac'd, else he has forgot that St. Maria, Tubaconti, Old and New Panama, Nombre de dios, Porto­bello, [Page 31]Conception, &c. are scatter'd over that very Isthmus, if I should say nothing of Guarda or Golden Island it self, where those Spaniards resided. 'Tis well enough known, the Spaniards have Mines in several Parts of that Isthmus, and some not above 12 Leagues from the Collony, without any Guard, save the Overseers and other Ne­cessary Assistants to keep the Negro's to Work.

I can't understand how those Dariens can be said to enjoy their Liberty, where there are so many Cities, Forts and Gar­risons to curb them. 'Tis very unaccoun­table, that his Warlike Prince, called Am­brosio, should live so occultly, as not to have a Path to his Royal Pallace, but that from the Capital Port of his King­dom a Man must wade Eleven Times through the same River, up to the Middle, and brush through Thickets, whose Twigs have not been cut nor prun'd since the Cre­ation, before he can come to his Wigwam City, altho' it is not above an Hour's Jour­ney, if the Road were beat and even. Am­brosio and Diego have indeed piss'd in the Pumpdale, and both live obscurely with, may be, 30 or 40 in their several Gangs, whom a Dozen of Men with Fire Arms would soon reduce, if it were possible to ferret them out.

As for Wafer and Dampier whom our Author adduces, Page 4. for his Evidences, neither of these pretend to know Diego or Ambrosio, Dampter having only cross'd the Isthmus, and Wafer staid not above Three Months there, with his Lacenta, with whom after he had sojourn'd till his Leg was well, cross'd the Country, and took Water at La-Sounds Key, which lies amongst the Sam­balla's, and about 20 Leagues to the North-West of the Caledonian Collony: And if Wafer says, that the Spaniards have no Com­mand over the Indians on the North-side of the Isthmus, a little beyond Porto-bello, I have no occasion to disprove him, since he does not deny, that the Spaniards Com­mand on the South-side, and likewise on this side of Porto-bello, where New Caledonia lies. See p. 4. Of the Def. of the Scots Settle­ment. Our Author either sums up his Evi­dence wrong, else he trusts to the slight En­quiry of his Readers.

In the Two next Paragraphs he cites the same Evidences, and tells you a Tale of a Cock and a Bull, how Batt. Sharp in the Year, 1680, landed at Golden Island, Chri­sten'd one of those Indian Captains, Empe­ror, and his Eldest Son, King Golden Cape, and having join'd those Darien Princes (of their own Creation) took St. Maria, at­tempted Panama, and made Prize of seve­ral [Page 33] Spanish Ships on the South Sea, and how afterwards when he came to be try'd for those Pyracies in England, the *The Author of, The just and modest Vindicat. as good as gives Wafer the Lye here; for p. 90. he says, the Darien Captains always rul'd within themselves, and never had any other Indian Sovereign. Emperor of Darien's Commission clear'd him.

'Tis evident by the Concession of the In­dians themselves, and by the Collonies Jour­nal, that there has been no Indian Monarch or Emperor in that Country for an Age or two by past; in the next place, if Batt's Jury had any great Inclination to hang him, they might have enquir'd further into the Emperor, or his Secretary who wrote the Commission: I dare say, that an English Pen both worded and sign'd it; for in my Tra­vels in that Country, I could meet with neither Prince nor Clergyman that knew a Letter of the Book. I want to know who Commanded as Generallissimo at the Taking of St. Maria, and the Spanish Prizes at Sea, and when those Princes serv'd on board, who was Captain, and who Cook? It seems the Darien Empire was very low at the Landing of Capt. Sharp, when he and his 330 Men could give such Life, and do such Feats against the Spaniards on that Isth­mus, when Basil Ringrose, one of the same Crew, his Darien King could do so little [Page 34]with his 50000 Men, to revenge the Rape of his Royal Daughter. 'Tis pity the Jury did not oblige Mr. Sharp to produce his Discharge, or Certificate from that Empe­ror: But let the Pitcher go ne'er so oft to the Well, it will be sure to come home crack'd some time or other; so this poor Sojour or Sailor of Fortune has not the same Luck every where, for none of those Commissions would serve his turn about 16 Months ago at the Island of St. Thomas, where he was doom'd to die in a Halter for one of the like Enterprizes, and had nothing else to trust to than the K. of Denmark's Mercy.

Our Author to confirm all, says in the same Paragraph, Page 5. This is the more remarkable, because those very Princes or their Successors are now in League with the Scots, and have joyfully receiv'd them into their Country. I answer to this, I refer my self to the 58 and 59 Pag. Of the Def. of the Scots Abd. where Captain An­dreas (whom both of us agree on, to be the supposed Emperors Successor) tells the tragical Story of their joining those Buc­caneers and Privateers, and how they suf­fer'd for the same, after these had got the Spanish Plunder (which was their Errand) and left them expos'd to the Spanish Fury.

As for Ambrosio and Diego's Willingness to receive the Scotch Colony amongst them, [Page 35]it may be reasonably believ'd, because those are outlaws and never expect to be pardon'd, the Former for the Murder of those Spani­ards on Golden Island, and the other for At­tacking Three Priests in their Cell or Chappel, and Murdering of them, and Rob­bing the Alter of it's Furniture; whereof, Diego's Son brought the Sacerdotal Vest­ments and Challice to the Scotch Colony, and sold the same to Captain Frazer, for little or nothing. Those Outlaws will not only be glad of the Scots, *Witness Diego's admitting Cap. Long in the Rupert Prize to settle in his Plantati­on, in the Gulph of Darien, about the same time the Scots settled. but of the Dutch, French, Danes, nay Jews or Turks, if they thought any of these, or all of them could protect and shelter them from Justice. Nay, they are so little able to make any Opposition, that I could engage to be one of 20 Men to go over that Isthmus over their Bellies, providing the Spaniards would wink at it.

In the next Paragraph, Pag. 6. Then as to any Claim, by Virtue of Possession the Spani­ards have not the least Ground of a Plea, all they can alledge on this Head is, that they were once admitted by the Consent of Capt. Diego, another of the Darien Princes, to work on some Gold Mines within 15 Leagues of the Scotch Settlement; but 'tis plain, that this makes no­thing [Page 36]for their Purpose, that Prince admitting them not as Proprietors, but as Labourers, and when they broke the Conditions on which they were admitted, VIZ. To allow the Dariens such and such Shares of the Product they were expell'd again by Force, &c.

Our Author having compos'd a handsom Story of Diego (whose Kingdom is the 3d from the Col­lony) shuffles in Mr. Wafer for Evidence, whereas he owns himself, that he never saw such a Man as Capt. Diego; and as for his Lacenta, that Prince is such a Stranger to the Indians of the Scots Ac­quaintance, that altho' some Pains was taken to enquire after him, yet he could not be heard of; but there being 17 or 18 Years between Wafer's and the Scots sojourning in that Country, Lacenta in the time might probably be choak'd with some of the Spanish Hemp amongst the other Princes, whom the Privatiers and Buccaniers deserted, and left to care of themselves.

This mighty Story of Diego is so ill coyn'd, that it would make a Man sick to trace it. He owns those Spanish Mines to be within 15 Leagues of the Collony (1 say 12) and Diego is the Third Captain, or Zaar, from the Collony towards St. Maria (as appears, p. 79 and 80) Andreas the Companies Landlord being the First, Poussigo the Clergy-man (as our Author dignifies him) the Second; whereby it may be easily conceiv'd what a powerful and large Government Diego can have to hire the Spaniards as Labourers; and after these Spaniards had spent some Years in opening those Mines, and bringing them to Perfection, they should be expell'd when King Diego took Snuff. This Strength of Diego is so very incoherent with the late Action which happen'd in January last, when 26 Spaniards being order'd from [Page 37]St. Maria to march over the Isthmus in order to view the Scots, came through Diego's Ground, where, if the Indians had been their open Ene­mies, so small a Party would scarce have ven­tur'd; yet Diego's Men were so unable to oppose them, that they took upon them to pilot them to a convenient Place, where they might view the Scots, and in the mean time some of Diego's Men came to the Government of Pedro (the Defunct Andreas his Successor) and so to the Collony with the News; on which Mr. Mont­gomry, with a Detachment of a 100 Men, were piloted by them to the Spot where the Spaniards lay.

In this very Action Four Things are remarka­ble, 1. The Weakness of Diego's and Pedro's Forces, who were not able to cut off the Heads of such a Handful, but that they must come to the Collony for Assistance. 2. The Confidence which the Spaniards put in the Indians of Diego and Pedro. 3. The Scotch Party leaving their Col­lony, and going with the Indians, with a Design to attack those 26 Spaniards, who were lying some Leagues off on the Bank of a small River, and who finding themselves betray'd by those Indians, fir'd upon them, and so retreated to their next Garrison of Tubaconti. 4. That this being the only Fight between the Scots and Spa­niards, the Breach of Peace was founded on it, and Letters of Mark and Reprisal granted by the Collony to Pilkinton and Sands, Masters of Jamaica Sloops.

The Story of Diego's beating the Spaniards from the Gold Mines tells very ackwardly (our Author imputing this Rupture to the Spaniards beating and male-treating Diego's People, when [Page 38]they came to ask their Shares) but to wave the Improbability of this Story, and admit it for a Truth; 'tis to be presum'd, that when Diego fell upon those Spaniards and slew them, he did not allow them time to blow up those Mines, or fill them up with Rubbish, that they might not be serviceable to him or his Friends afterwards; and it might have been reasonably expected, that Diego should either have made a Present of those Mines to the Scotch Collony (for House-warm­ing) or at least have suffer'd them to dig up some of the Gold to buy Provisions, and keep them from starving, that thereby they might have been the more enabled to assist them against the Spaniards, and restore them to their Ancient Li­berty, besides, leading them a nearer Way to the Kingdom of Heaven, than that which the Spa­niards cut out for them.

The Gentlement of the Collony were very mo­dest (as he tells you in the 78 and 79 pag.) When they were inform'd by some French *A pretty safe Name for two no­ted, French Pyrates, and a Molletoo, all Natives of Martine­co, who were oblig'd to live among the Indians, by reason they were stable to be hang'd on any Christian Ground, whereon they could be caught. Refugees, that with a 100 Men they could be Masters of some Gold and Silver Mines belonging to the Spa­niard, but they were so gifted with the Grace of Self-denyal, that they would not listen to it, till once the Spaniard offer'd some Hostility. We now find that this, which our Author would have to be the Hostile Act, was committed in January; but it is to be admir'd that the Collony should only send Sloops out to pilfer a few Fisher-mens Ca­nou's, and Houses at Teleu, near Carthagena, and not have spar'd the foresaid 100 Men to reduce the Spanish Mines to their Subjection; or if they [Page 39]were afraid to offend the Span. by Land, they had not sent a few of their num. to their Frd. and Ally Diego's Gold Mines, where there was no Danger to be apprehended of the Spaniards looking that Prince in the Face; and not have laid in Fort St. Andrew making Childrens Shooes after the War was thus begun from January to June, and at last be forc'd to quit the glorious Project for want of Provisions, when at the same time they were tantaliz'd with Vessels loaded with good Food on one side of them, and Mines full of Gold on the other for want of Grace to attack them. I wish our Author would revise those Paragraphs in the 5th and 6th Pages, as also in the 78 and 79th, and see if the Stories are of a piece, or if they will hold water.

I am rather inclin'd to believe that the Spani­ard is more Master than Servant amongst the In­dians, and likewise, that he does not easily part with any Place he once gets into his Possession, especially Gold Mines: 'Tis very rare to hear of the Spaniard's being beaten off by the Indi­ans, and it's more improbable on this small Tract of Ground, call'd the Isthmus of Darien, where his Cities, Forts, Garrisons and Mines are so closely planted, and where if he wanted any Assistance, he can sooner have Supplies brought thither, than to any other Part of New Spain.

When the Buccaniers and Privatiers were at the strongest (mustering about 1300) and sur­priz'd St. Maria, and some other Places on the South Sea, neither they nor the Indians durst venture too keep them above a Week or Ten Days, being jealous of the Spaniards rallying with new Umbro's, and attacking them again; but having robb'd and destroy'd what they could, [Page 40]sculk'd away to some new Place (may be 1 or 200 Leagues distant) and always left the Indians of of the last Place, if any join'd them, to capitu­late for themselves. If they fought under those Indian Princes to recover their Country for them, it might reasonably be expected, that they should left them possest of such Places as they recover'd out of the Spaniards Hands, but there's nothing like this in all the Buccaniers Chronicl.

To be short, if you'l take my Word, I'll tell you, that this Story of Diego's beating the Spaniards from their Mines is so far a Mistake, that the Spa­niards were at work on them when the Scots landed there, having only an Intendant, with 50 Spaniards to oversee 500 Negro's, who wrought them; nei­ther did they desert those Mines notwithstand­ing the Neighbourhood of the Scots, tho' per­haps they might reinforce their Guards. And notwithstanding Mr. Montgomrie was so near them with that select Party of 100 Men, and and those Three Indian Princes to stand by him, yet he did not think it expedient to disturb them, but stisfy'd himself with Redpith's famous Captain, Dan Domingo de la rada. As for the Testimony which our Author would draw Wafer in for here; he neither knows any thing of Diego, nor of those Priests, these being murder'd many Years after his leaving that Country.

Our Author proceeds thus to the 7th Page, where he tells us, that the aforesaid pretended Titles being fully confuted, the Spaniards can lay no Claim to Darien, but what they plead from the Pope's general Grant of America, &c. How ri­diculous it is to urge the Pope's Grant amongst Pro­testants, and how precarious it is amongst Papists themselves, but admitting it to be enough to justifie [Page 41]their Title, it is easie to prove that the Spaniards have forfeited all the Right they can claim by Virtue of that Grant.

His Buccanier Evidences are laid aside for some time, there being no room for them here, wherefore he tells us such another Tale in a Tub of the Bishop of Chiapa, who it seems, was Testy with his Sovereign Lord the King of Spain, because that Prince did not answer the End of the Pope's Grant, but minded more the Trea­sure than Souls of the Americans, and rail'd at him for not Restoring to the Executors of those dead Indians, whatever he or his Instruments had taken from them, and pleads Queen Issobella's Request for the same, when she was on her Death-bed, &c.

That I mayn't waste too much Paper in an­swering those Three or Four Paragraphs, take this in short, that the Bishop of Chiapa had not the same Sense of Money in his Age, as the Mis­sioners or Propoganda fide Gentlemen have in ours, else he had made less Noise. If the General Assembly should fraught their Disciples with never so strict Instructions, to establish the Kirk Discipline, yet if Praedicant Paterson should form an Anabaptist Government there, the Company would scarce think their Title to that Country thereby forfeited. Our Author somewhere else in his Politicks thinks it expedient for the speedier destroying of Antichrist, to seize on his Pouch or Purse: It was reasonable the Spaniard should make use of the same Maxim, and imitate Moses after his descending from the Mount, in taking away the Golden Calf from his Brethren, and such Instruments of Idolatry.

But if the Spaniard has been guilty of all our Author lays to his Charge, and hath not an­swerd the End of the Pope's Donation, pray [Page 42]whether is the Pope or the Scotch Company judge of it? If the Pope thinks fit to revoke the Spa­nish Charter, 'tis time enough then for the Com­pany to take the Charge of the American Souls upon them; but as he has done nothing like this as yet, but on the contrary has granted a large Subsidy on the American Church to sup­port it, the Company may appear officious in meddling with his Holiness's Business, and give the World too much reason to believe that their Design is not only to expel the Spaniard out of Darien, but likewise out of Mexico and Peru, under this Religious Pretext. I want to know whether Paterson's and the Companies Project was to take the Cure of the American Souls, or Treasure upon them? If the former, then 1048 Levites and two Soldiers, had been fitter Missio­ners to Darien, than two Preachers and 1048 such Lay Elders; and instead of 2 or 3000 Buchaniers Pieces, Pistols, Daggers, and Drums proportio­nable; they ought to have follow'd the Instru­ctions annex'd to the Original Commission of, ite & pradicate, and gone without Staff or Scrip.

Altho our Author by the strain of his Pen, shews that he has been a considerable time from Home, yet he betrays something now and then, to confirm us, that good store of the Kirk Milk lurks still in the recesses of his Nose; for he is not satisfy'd with beating the Spaniards out of *The just and modest Author of the Vindicat. pag. 84, and 85, admits the Spaniards Title to be valid to his American Possessious. But in other Places where he is Angry, he curs them off again with a strook of the sabe Pen. A­merica with his Religious Cant, but must stick to the good Old Way of Murdering his Adversa­ries Reputation, that by once rendring him Odi­ous, he may muster the whole Kennel of Curs to bark him out of Town. In the 7th, 8th, and 9th Pages, he Whines in the same Strain as the [Page 43]Hypocrites in the Gospel did, when they had a devouring Design on Widows Houses.

But to return to the Subject in Debate, since our Author after all his Railing, is such a Hero as to admit the Pope's Donation to be so valid as to give the Spaniard some Claim to America, I'll be quits with him in Civility, and pass from the Pope's Donation altogether, and stick to the Spanish Possession; which they have had not only of Mexico and Peru in Geneal, but of the Pro­vince of Darian in Particular, by Prescription of a great many Years; where their several Towns, Forts, Garisons and Mines, are sufficient Evidences of it; and besides these Legal Infest­ments, can bring 50 of those Darien Indians un­der their Banner, to one that will appear against them, to justifie their Right of Dominion. All this being duly consider'd, I can't see where the Audacious Affront lyes that's offer'd to His Brita­nick Majesty, by the Catholick King, who only as­serts his Right, and says, That some Scots in the time of Peace, without any Injury Offer'd, have Invaded the Heart of his Spanish Dominions: 'Tis very unaccountable, that this Cholerick Gentle­man should take his Catholick Majesty by the Nose, for saying, That the Church stands in the Church-yard.

So much then for the Spanish Title to Darien, by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Possession and Conquest; as for the Purchase and Surren­der, I was not Witness to those Transactions; but Reason will allow these to follow in Course, if the others be good. As for Reversion, I can't well comprehend our Author's Meaning; for it cannot be said, That the Spaniard has either Quit­ted, or Mortgag'd that Province to the Indians, since he remains still on the Spot, and in Posses­sion of it, and in all appearance is like to do after we are Dead.

If what I have offer'd in Answer to this An­thor's Challenge, will serve to demonstrate the Spaniard's Right to that Isthmus; there will be no more occasion for Puffendorf nor Hugo Grotius; so that the only Standard we are left to walk by, is the Treaties of Peace between Spain and Eng­land, which both these Authors, the Defender and Vindicator of the Darien Settlement, can neither wrest nor squeeze any thing from to serve their Turn: After they have said all they can think of on that Head, they tell you, ‘*Def. of the Scots Settlement pag. 11. That all that can be in­ferr'd from those Treaties, is, that they are a Mutual Security for the peaceable Possession of what each Crown Possest, and no more.’ The Spaniards desire no more benefit of these Treaties, than what those Authors herein allow them. 'Tis evident e­nough, That by those Treaties, His Majesty got considerably from the Spaniard, to wit, Not on­ly a Title to the Island of Jamaica, which was taken from the Spaniard during the Exile of Charles II. but likewise a full Right to all the Colonies in America, his Subjects were then pos­sest of. And if those Treaties were no Fence to the Spaniard in America, I don't know what should oblige him to make such large Gifts, and renounce his Title to Place wwhich some time or other he might be in a condition to Recover. If the Subjects of Great Britain, may when they please, Seat themselves on Darien, or elsewhere on the Spanish Coast, then the Spaniard has no Benefit by those Treaties: But I am rather apt to believe, (as our Author has hit it) That they were made for a Mutual Security of what oach Crown possest, and no more.

What our Authors would squeeze from those Treaties, is, That neither Party is excluded from en­larging [Page 45]his Dominions in America upon Wastes, Def. of the Scots Settlement pag. 11.or by consent of the Na­tives in fuch Places, as have never yet been possest by Spain, or Great Britain. Altho there's nothing exprest so in those Trea­ties, and if I should yield them this Gloss they set on them, yet I can't see how the Caledonian Settlement can take any place here, because Do­minion can't properly be enlarg'd before there be a Footing; and when those Treaties were conclu­ded, there was no word of a Caledonian Colony.

The Caribdee Islands cannot well be enlarg'd, but if the English or French have not Room e­nough on them, they may remove to such Neigh­bouring Ones as are not the Property of a­nother Prince in Alliance with their Sovereigns. As for the English and French Colonies on the main Land, they may enlarge their Dominions far enough round them, if they will, and the Spaniard never quarrel with them, so long as they don't come within the Tropicks, and meddle with his Noli me tangere.

As for Dr. Cox and the Creolians, who settl'd and remov'd in the Bay of Campechy, they were in the Right, in Forming, such Flying-Camps, for when any of them were caught by the Spa­niard, they pay'd for it, and had their Mends in their own Hands: And the Author of the just and modest Vindic. p. 168, is as good as satis­fy'd as to that Part of it, altho' he does not ap­prove of the Judgment of his Majesty, the Lords Justices, and the English Council, who being ad­dress'd by some English Marchants for a Patent to settle on the same Isthmus of Darien, some Time before the Scotch Company had got the Pro­ject, refus'd it on the Score of its being contrary to the Treaties of Peace. He would insinuate, that the King, &c. refus'd it for other Reasons: [Page 46]But if our Author will look back and enquire a little further, he will find, that Sr. Tho. Mud­diford, Governor of Jamaica propos'd the same in the Reign of Charles the 2d. and it being can­vass'd at Court, and the Legality of it exami­ned, it was refus'd on no other State-Reasons than its being contrary to the Treaties between their Britannick and Catholick Majesties; but our Author being dexterous, never wants a Hole to creep out at, by Insinuating, that his Majesty's and the Lords Justices refusing the English Subjects that Patent, was not on the Ac­count of its Injustice, but upon Motives of State, which is as much to say, that it was not Time to disoblige his Catholick Majesty.

As for their Instances of the independent So­vereignties in Europe and Affrica, which are inclos'd with other Princes Dominions, the Cases are no ways parallel, so long as the Spaniards are Masters of all the fortify'd Places and Towns on the Isthmus, and the Indians scarce of a Wigwam they can call their own. And as for the King of *Def. of the Scots Settlement, p. 13. Darien's inviting the Buccaniers to assist him to retake his Country. Altho' the King were not Fictitious yet by this innocent Story our Author concedes, that he had lost his Country to the Spaniards, when he wanted Assistance to recover it out of their Hands: At this Rate the Scotch Company may not only elbow the Spaniards out of Darien, but likewise out of Mexico and Peru, since in the same Page he means as much by declaring the Indians the natural Lords of Darien, and the Spaniards only Tyrannical Usurpers. But to dive a little further into the Probability of this Story, I want to know where that People, call'd Buccaniers liv'd, whom the King of Darien in­vited to his Assistance, or when they joyn'd [Page 47]him and recover'd some of those Spanish Towns, they did not leave him in Possession of them? 'Tis more reasonable to believe, that that Kind of Vermin which feeds on the Spanish Spoil, went to the Isthmus on the Account of its Communication with the South Sea, and the Passage by which the Spanish Riches are transported to the Galleons on the North Side, and perswaded those poor Indians to revolt, and pilot them to such Places where they thought to get Booty, which is the more probable, by reason these Indians paid dear for it always when the Buccaniers desert­ed them.

As for Capt. Saukins his sending a Letter to the Gover­nor of Panama, wherein he justify'd his Proceedings, and asserted this imaginary King of Darien to be natural Lord of Panama; I know that old Buccaneer so very well, that I believe it to be true, if Saukins had carry'd the Message himself, he might perhaps have got a suitable Answer.

As in the Def. of Scots Abdicat. I declin'd Answering the fiery Ejaculations of the first Author, either by offering any Thing against the Legality of the Octroy it self, or the Interest of the Scots Nation in applying themselves to Po­reign Trade, believing the former to be great and well de­sign'd, for the Advantage and Prosperity of the Country in general, and that the latter is so just, that I yield both the Theme and Doctrine of the just and modest Vindicator to be good so far as it relates thereto; so I still shun med­ling with any Passages, either in the First or Second Author that relates to the separate Interest of the Two Nations, but ftick close to the Darien Title which is the main Subject in Debate, and as the Original Author cites. Pag. 3. from Dr. Saffold—Sublata causa tollitur Effectus, if the Spanish Title to that Isihmus be found to be good; Then the Cause of the Complaint ceases; and the Company ought to apply them­selves to that which will turn to Account, and not run on Measures to imbroil not only the Isle of Great Britain, but per­haps all Europe in a new War. If the thinking Part of Man­kind will but reflect on the Steps that have been made to Darien, to wit, in sending their Ships and Men to so fo­reign a Country which was so lyable to be disputed, and that with Six Months Provisions, 2. The Companies Ne­glect in Supplying them with more. And Lastly, The Dispersing such Declarations clandestinly over the West-In­dia Islands and Plantations (which of Neceslity must meet with Opposition) to invite People thence to settle on Da­rien; they will find that there have been some private Wheels in this Machin that have brought it to the State wherein it now is, to say no more on't.

POSTSCRIPT.

IF I have treated the last Caledonias Author with more Civility than he merits, 'tis because these Sheets were finish'd and in the Press before I was sire that Fergason was the just and modest Man, till now his Looks sticking in the several Booksellers Hands obliges him to disperse them a­bout Gratis, as the other Quack-bills, and so gives me the Opportunity of being fully confirm'd in the Matter. His Employment and Morals are so notorions already, that any thing I should say of him would add but little to his Infamy, and would be so much loft on him. Wherefore, in reply to those Scurrilities he falsly asperses me with, I shall only put him in mind, that his Pot had not boil'd so well, if he had not been better paid for his Shuffling, Plotting and Tricking, than I have for what I have justly offer'd in Vin­dication of His Majesty's Proceedings, and to unblind a great Number of well-meaning Persons, who are industri­ously led into this Mistake, by some particular Gentlemen behind the Curtain, who possess them with a Notion, that the Mismanagement and Miscarriage of their Affairs was not occasion'd by the Directors of that Company, but by the Government of the English Nation: And how far this will appear to be true, when it comes to be either calmly or warmly canvas'd, Time will discover: The greatest Pro­spect that I have of any Reward at present is the Daggers and Pistols, wherewith I am daily threaten'd, and nightly way­laid; against which Dr. Ferguson in all his Machinations was always sure to fence himself. Trade being very dead of late, he is resolv'd to play at small Game rather than stand out; but altho' the conceited Polltician shades himself under the Skreen of Patria sua, to calumniate the Government of that Hospitium, whose Bread he hath so long eat, and where­with hath been so pamper'd; it is neither out of Friendship to the Company, Nation, or Kirk, (the last of which he plainly enough demonstrates, p. 205, & 206.) but to blow the Coal of Sedition, set Great Britain in a Flame, and bring his own Marks to bear; which may be the easier conceiv'd by minding of what Sect and Kindney those Gentlemen are, who espouse the Darien Interest with the most Heat. To flab the Knave in Newgate, were but to incourage the old Sinner in his Trade, and put him in a Way to get Money; whereas giving him his Mittimus, and sending hith home to his own Country, to drive the Trade there, and giving him leave freely to make what he can of this Text, would be the most mortifying and suitable Punishment that could be in­flicted on him.

FINIS.

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