An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage. — Selections. English. 1699

An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage. — Selections. English. 1699

Table of contents

Title page

[1]

THE CONTENTS.

Newly publiſh'd,

The PREFACE.

§

A RELATION OF THE VOYAGES and CRUELTIES Of the SPANIARDS in the WEST-INDIES.

§

§

A particular Account of what the Spaniards did in Hiſpaniola.

Of the Kingdoms contain'd in the Iſland of Hiſpaniola.

Of the Iſlands of St. John and Jamaica.

Of the Iſland of Cuba.

Of the Continent.

Of the Province of Nicaraqua.

Of New Spain.

A more particular Account of New Spain.

Of the Kingdom of Guatimala.

Of New Spain, of Panuco and Xaliſco.

Of the Kingdom of Yucatan.

Of the Province of St. Martha.

Of the Province of Carthagena.

Of the Pearl-Coaſt, and the Iſland of Trinidado.

Of the River Yuya-pari.

Of the Kingdom of Vençuela.

Of thoſe Provinces of the Continent called Florida.

Of the River de la Plata, or Silver-River.

Of the great Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru.

Of the new Kingdom of Grenada.

§

§

The Words of the Biſhop on this Subject are as follows:

§

I Propoſition.

II Propoſition.

III Propoſition.

IV Propoſition.

V Propoſition.

VI Propoſition.

VII Propoſition.

VIII Propoſition.

IX Propoſition.

X Propoſition.

XI Propoſition.

XII Propoſition.

XIII Propoſition.

XIV Propoſition.

XV Propoſition.

XVI Propoſition.

XVII Propoſition.

XVIII Propoſition.

XIX Propoſition.

XX Propoſition.

XXI Propoſition.

XXII Propoſition.

XXIII Propoſition.

XXIV Propoſition.

XXV Propoſition.

XXVI Propoſition.

XXVII Propoſition.

XXVIII Propoſition.

XXIX Propoſition.

XXX Propoſition.

A Diſpute between Don Bartholomew de Laſ-Caſas, Biſhop of Chiapa, and Dr. Sepulueda.

§

[2]

THE ART OF Travelling to Advantage.

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ACCOUNT Of the Firſt VOYAGES and DISCOVERIES Made by the SPANIARDS in America.

Containing The moſt Exact Relation hitherto publiſh'd, of their unparallel'd Cruelties on the Indians, in the deſtruction of above Forty Millions of People.

With the Propoſitions offer'd to the King of Spain, to prevent the further Ruin of the Weſt-Indies.

By Don Bartholomew de las Caſas, Biſhop of Chiapa, who was an Eye-witneſs of their Cruelties.

Illuſtrated with Cuts.

To which is added, The Art of Travelling, ſhewing how a Man may diſpoſe his Travels to the beſt advantage.

LONDON, Printed by J. Darby for D. Brown at the Black Swan and Bible without Temple-Bar, J. Harris at the Harrow in Little Britain, and Andr. Bell at the Croſs-kevs and Bible in Cornhil.

M.DC.XC.IX.

§

THE CONTENTS.

[Page]

[Page]

THE Introduction. page 1.

A particular Account of what the Spaniards did in Hiſpaniola. 6.

Of the Kingdoms contain'd in the Iſland of Hiſpaniola. 9.

Of the Iſlands of St. John and Jamaica. 18.

Of the Iſland of Cuba. 19.

Of the Continent. 23.

Of the Province of Nicaraqua. 28.

Of New Spain. 32.

A more particular Account of New Spain. 34.

Of the Kingdom of Guatimala. 41.

Of New Spain; of Panuco and Xaliſco. 47.

Of the Kingdom of Yucatan. 52.

Of the Province of St. Martha. 60.

Of the Province of Carthagena. 63.

Of the Pearl-Coaſt, and the Iſland of Trinidado. 64.

Of the River Yuya-pari. 73.

Of the Kingdom of Vencuela. 74.

Of the Provinces of the Continent call'd Florida. 80.

Of the River de la Plata, or Silver River. 82.

Of the great Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru. 84.

A Letter from Frier Mark de Xlicia to the King▪ of Spain againſt the Cruelties of the Spaniards. 87.

Of the new Kingdom of Grenada. 92.

A Letter of Bartholomew de las Caſas concerning the Spaniſh Cruelties in the Well-Indies. 100.

A Fragment of a Letter relating to the ſame Affair. 104.

The Biſhop of Chiapa's Diſcourſe to the King of Spain in order to prevent the ruin of the Weſt-Indies. 115.

His Propoſitions concerning the Title of the Kings of Spain to America. 138.

[Page] A Diſpute between the Biſhop of Chiapa and Dr. Sepulueda concerning the lawfulneſs of the Wars made by the Spaniards on the Indians. 150

The Bp of Chiapa's further Sentiments of that affair. 160

His Reaſons at large for ſubjecting the Weſt-Indies to the Crown of Spain, and thereby preventing the Ravages of the Spaniards there, &c. 184.

Newly publiſh'd,

AN Inquiry concerning Virtue, in two Diſcourſes: the firſt of Virtue, and the belief of a Deity; the ſecond, of th [...] Obligations to Virtue. Price bound in Calf 3 s.

An Argument, ſhewing that a Standing Army is inconſiſtent with a Free Government, and abſolutely deſtructive to the Libertie of this Nation. In two Parts. Price 12 d.

A Letter from the Author of the Argument againſt a Standing Army, to the Author of the Balancing Letter. Price 3 d.

The Militia Reform'd, or an eaſy Scheme of furniſhing England with a conſtant Land-Force, capable to prevent or to ſubdue any foren Power, and to maintain perpetual Quiet at home, without endangering the Public Liberty. Price 12 d.

A Letter to a Member of Parliament, ſhewing that a Reſtraint o [...] the Preſs is inconſiſtent with the Proteſtant Religion, and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation. Price 6 d.

A Letter to his Majeſty King William concerning the Expedients us'd by his Predeceſſors to ſupport the Engliſh Monarchy. Price 6 d.

Some Remarks on the Providences of God to this Nation during the four laſt Reigns. The 2d Edition. By Slings by Bethel, Eſq; Price bound 12 d.

Diſcourſes concerning Government, by Algernon Sidney, Son to Robert Earl of Leiceſter, and Ambaſſador from the Common-wealth of England to Charles Guſtavus King of Sweden. Publiſhed from an Original Manuſcript of the Author. Price bound Sixteen Shillings.

The PREFACE.

[Page]

AMerica was firſt diſcover'd by Chriſtopher Columbus a Genoeſe in the year 1492, in the Name of Ferdinando King of Arragon, but takes its Name from Americus Veſpucius a Florentine, who diſcover'd the Country of Brezil five years after, by order of Emanuel King of Portugal.

The Europeans had no ſooner enter'd on this vaſt Continent, and the Iſlands about it, but the Natives ſhew'd 'em all imaginable Kindneſs and Reſpect, and were ready to worſhip 'em as Gods; but theſe ſoon took care to convince 'em of their Error, and to deliver 'em from the danger of falling into this ſort of Idolatry, by treating 'em with all manner of Cruelties, and tormenting 'em like ſo many Devils: ſo that theſe barbarous People receiv'd as great a turn in their thoughts concerning the Spaniards, as the Barbarians of the Iſland of Melita did in reſpect of St. Paul; for as theſe believ'd him to be a God whom they had juſt before taken for a Murderer, ſo the other really found them to be Murderers, whom they had a little before eſteem'd as ſo many Gods.

The following Relation of the Deſtruction of many Millions of Indians by all the inhuman methods the Spaniards could invent, would appear incredible, were not the truth of it confeſs'd, and atteſted by the Spaniards themſelves, and among others, eſpecially by Don Bartholomew de las Caſas Biſhop of Chiapa, who made large Complaints of theſe Cruelties [Page] to the King of Spain, and to the Royal Council for the Indies, with a deſign to put a ſtop to 'em if poſſible. That he is a Perſon of irreproachable Credit in this caſe, will appear by the following account, wherein he challenges all the World to diſprove the truth of the matters of Fact he aſſerts, while he ſtood the Teſt of a Court who could eaſily have detected him, if he had attempted to impoſe on 'em by a malicious Falſhood.

This Biſhop writes with ſuch an Air of Honeſty, Sincerity, and Charity, as would very well have become one of a better Religion than that in which he had the unhappineſs to be educated. It may well ſurprize the Reader to hear a Spaniſh Prelat declaim ſo loudly againſt Perſecution, and plead ſo freely for Liberty of Conſcience in a Country ſubjugated to the Inquiſition. To hear him in his diſpute againſt Doctor Sepulueda, decry all methods of Violence for the propagation of the Truth, as more ſutable to the Maxims of Mahometiſm than the Principles of Chriſtianity: To hear him aſſert the Natural Right of all Mankind to Liberty and Property, and inveigh againſt all Vſurpation and Tyranny in the ſmarteſt Terms, is enough to move any one's Wonder, and Pity too, when on the other hand 'tis obſerv'd how much he magnifies the Power and Authority of the Pope in ſome of his Propoſitions contain'd in the following Treatiſe. But all may ſerve to convince one how great an advantage or diſadvantage a Man has as he pleads the Cauſe of Truth or Error; and of the great difference there is between the genuin Language of Reaſon and good Senſe, and the ſervil Prejudices of Bigotry and Superſtition.

[Page] 'Tis no leſs a Subject of Admiration that a Book of this ſtamp, which reflects ſo ſharply on Perſecution and Tyranny, ſhould ſee the light cum privilegio at this time of day in France, where the Civil and Religious Liberty of Subjects have not been provided for with the utmoſt Care, where the Will of the Prince has long ſince been the Law, and Dragoons of late years the principal Miſſionaries for the Propagation of the Goſpel.

This Treatiſe was firſt compos'd in Spaniſh in the beginning of the Reign of Charles V. and was long ſince tranſlated and printed in more Languages than one; but having lately receiv'd a new dreſs in Modern French at Paris, 'tis hop'd this Tranſlation from the French will not be unacceptable to the Engliſh Nation. I'm ſure the abovemention'd Principles of the Biſhop of Chiapa concerning Property and Liberty both Civil and Religious, are more agreeable to the Genius and Conſtitution of this Iſland, than to the preſent temper of that part of the Continent which lies neareſt to it; and ſo this Book may expect at leaſt as favorable a reception in this Nation as in that where it has been lately publiſh'd.

What the Biſhop ſays here and there in favor of his own Religion, is ſo weak, and has been ſo often exploded here and every where elſe where the Reformation has obtain'd, that 'twould be unneceſſary to confute any of thoſe Popiſh Fancies in this Preface. 'Tis enough for me that I have faithfully diſcharg'd the part of a Tranſlator. And if ſome particular things occur more than once, it muſt be conſider'd on the one hand, that the Biſhop had need to mention [Page] them on divers occaſions, as when he diſputed, and when he wrote his Arguments for the uſe of the King of Spain, &c. and on the other, that the Importance of the Affair, and the Greatneſs of his Zeal to have the Grievances he complain'd of redreſs'd, made ſo deep an Impreſſion of ſome things on his Mind that he could not forbear to repeat 'em.

As for the Tranſlation it ſelf, I hope thoſe that ſhall have the Curioſity to compare it with the French Copy, will find that I have done it Juſtice. And if there is not that exactneſs of Method and Stile the preſent Age expects, it may be the better excus'd, when 'tis conſider'd how long ſince the Original was compos'd. However, the extraordinary things contain'd in this Hiſtory will make ſufficient amends for any Defects in the Compoſition of the Biſhop of Chiapa, and for the abrupt Tranſitions ſometimes us'd by the Compiler of this Treatiſe in putting the Biſhop's ſeveral Pieces together, of which it almoſt wholly conſiſts.

I ſhall only add, That as no Hiſtory in the World can parallel this for the inhuman ſlaughter of ſuch vaſt numbers of People; ſo theſe Barbarities, together with the bloody Croiſades in the 12th and 13th Centuries, as well as the many Perſecutions and Maſſacres ſince the Reformation, render it no difficult matter to diſcern to what Church that Prophetick Character agrees, that in her was found not only the Blood of Prophets and of Saints, but of all that were ſlain upon the Earth. Rev. 18. 23.

§

[Page]

[Page]

[...]

[Page] The Cruelties us'd by the [...]niards on the Indians

Pag. 8.

Pag. 8.

Pag. 14. 15. 51. 81.

Pag. 14. 25. 65.

Pag. 44.

Pag. 44.

Pag. 128.

Pag. 35.

[Page]

Pag. 8. 55. 108.

Pag. 8.

P. 9. 54. 99.

Pag. 8.

P. 47.

P. 25. 45. 50.

P. 97.

P. 49. 94.

[Page] The Spaniards Cruelt [...] the Indians &c

P. 21.

P. 36.

P. 46.

[Page]

P. 35.

P. 37.

P. 54.

A RELATION OF THE VOYAGES and CRUELTIES Of the SPANIARDS in the WEST-INDIES.

[Page]

[Page]

§

THE Weſt-Indies were diſcover'd in the Year 1492; the year after the Spaniards ſetled there, and inhabited this new World. But for the ſpace of theſe 49 years laſt paſt, an infinite number of People have left Spain to dwell in theſe Countries: they generally touch at Hiſpaniola, which is a very fertile and large Iſland, and is become very famous: The Extent of it is above 600 Leagues; 'tis ſurrounded with a multitude of ſmall Iſlands, and abounds ſo with Inhabitants, that there's no Country in the World more populous. The Continent, which is above 250 Leagues diſtant from it, is of a vaſt Extent; a great part of which has been already diſcovered, and freſh Diſcoveries are made every day: and ſuch great numbers of People inhabit all theſe Countries, that it ſeems as if Providence had amaſs'd together the greateſt part of Mankind in this part of the World.

[Page] All theſe People are naturally ſimple, they know not what belongs to Policy and Addreſs, to Trick and Artifice; but are very obedient and faithful to their rightful Governors: They are Humble, Patient, and Submiſſive, even to the Spaniards who have ſubdued and enſlav'd 'em: they love to live quietly, and are enemies to diſputes and quarrels, hardly knowing what 'tis to be malicious, and ſeldom meditating Revenge.

They are a weak effeminate People, not capable of enduring great Fatigues; they care not to be expos'd to Toil and Labour, and their Life is of no long continuance; their Conſtitution is ſo nice, that a ſmall fit of Sickneſs carries 'em off. The Children of their Princes and Nobility, are in all reſpects dealt with like thoſe of the meaneſt Subjects: in which they differ much from our Europeans, among whom the Children of Kings and great Men, are brought up with all the delicacy and tenderneſs imaginable.

The People of this Iſland are ſo very poor, that they live in the want of almoſt every thing; they are very cool and indifferent in the purſuit of temporal Advantages, and ſeem not to be inclin'd to Pride and Ambition; their way of living is ſo frugal, that the antient Hermites in the Wilderneſs were ſcarce more Sober and Abſtemious. All the Indians in general go naked, only they have the modeſty to wear a ſort of Apron about their Waſte. They ſometimes uſe a kind of ſhaggy Covering, or a piece of Cloth an Ell or two long: Thoſe of the beſt Faſhion lie on Beds made with Girts tyed in Knots at the four Corners: their Apprehenſion is quick and ſubtile, therefore they are very docile, capable of receiving the impreſſions of ſound Doctrine, and eaſily inclin'd to embrace the Principles of the Catholick Religion: They are no Enemies to [Page] good Manners, but have a greater diſpoſition to Civility than many other Nations, becauſe their manner of Life is free from that care and diſtraction in which the perplexity of Buſineſs involves others. The very firſt Ideas and Inſtructions that are given 'em of our Religion, kindle in their Souls ſo great a deſire to the Sacraments and Divine Service of our Church, that thoſe Monks that inſtruct 'em, have need of a great deal of Patience to moderate the impetuoſity of their Minds, and to anſwer all the Queſtions they have the curioſity to ask. And it may truly be ſaid that theſe Indian Nations would be the moſt happy in the World, if endued with the knowledg of the true God. The Spaniards themſelves who have treated 'em ſo ill, cannot but confeſs the goodneſs of their natural Temper, and the great diſpoſition of their minds to every kind of Vertue.

The Almighty ſeems to have inſpir'd theſe People with a meekneſs and ſoftneſs of Humour like that of Lambs: and the Spaniards who have given 'em ſo much Trouble, and fallen upon 'em ſo fiercely, reſemble ſavage Tigers, Wolves, and Lions, when inrag'd with preſſing Hunger. They applied themſelves forty years together wholly to the maſſacring the poor Wretches that inhabited the Iſlands; putting them to all kinds of unheard of Torments and Puniſhments, (a part of which Cruelties exerciſed on theſe miſerable Indians we deſign to deſcribe in the ſequel of this Work) inſomuch that this Iſland which before the arrival of the Europeans, contained about three Millions of People, is now reduc'd to leſs than three hundred. The Iſland of Cuba, the length of which is equal to the diſtance between Validolid and Rome, is entirely deſert and deſtitute of its Inhabitants, and nothing but Ruins now to be ſeen in it. The Iſlands of St. John, and Jamaica, have met with the like Treatment, which were [Page] very fertile and populous, but are render'd deſolate and waſte by the like means. The Iſlands near Cuba and Hiſpaniola on the North-ſide are ſixty in number, which are commonly call'd the Iſles of Giants, of which the leaſt fruitful abounds more with Plenty than the Royal Garden of Seville; but they are deſtitute of Inhabitants, tho 'tis as wholeſom an Air as men can breath in. When the Spaniards firſt landed in theſe Iſles, there were above five hundred thouſand Souls; they cut the Throats of a great part of theſe, and carried away the reſt by force to make 'em work in the Mines of Hiſpaniola. When ſome pious Perſons embarked to viſit theſe Iſles after the Ravage the Spaniards had made in 'em, they found but eleven People left there: It was from the motives of Charity and Compaſſion they undertook this difficult and perilous Voyage, in hope to inſtruct theſe poor Creatures in the knowledg of Jeſus Chriſt. Above 30 Iſles near that of St. John were entirely depopulated, tho of a vaſt Extent, ſo that there is ſcarce an Inhabitant to be found in them.

As for the Continent 'tis certain, and what I my ſelf know to be true, that the Spaniards have ruined ten Kingdoms there, bigger than all Spain, by the commiſſion of all ſorts of Barbarity and unheard of Cruelties. They have driven away or kill'd all the Inhabitants; ſo that all theſe Kingdoms are deſolate to this day, and reduc'd to a moſt deplorable Condition, tho this was formerly the beſt peopled Country in the World. We dare aſſert, without fear of incurring the reproach of exaggerating, that in the ſpace of thoſe forty years in which the Spaniards exercis'd their intolerable Tyranny in this new World, they unjuſtly put to death above twelve Millions of People, counting Men, Women, and Children: and it may be affirm'd without injury to Truth, upon a juſt Calculation, that during this [Page] ſpace of Time, above fifty Millions have died in theſe Countries.

The Spaniards who invaded theſe Iſles, and boaſted of their Chriſtianity, made uſe of two ways principally to exterminate the Inhabitants: the firſt of which was by an unjuſt and bloody War carried on with the utmoſt Barbarity and Cruelty; the other was that deteſtable Policy which inſpir'd them to maſſacre all that had any remains of Liberty, or endeavour'd to ſhake off their Tyrannical Yoke, and to free themſelves from ſo unjuſt and intolerable a Slavery; for this the braveſt, moſt potent, and moſt warlike Nations off the Indians attempted. When the Spaniards had kill'd all the Men in the War, they ſuffer'd the Women and Children to live, but with the impoſition of a Yoke ſo cruel and inſupportable, that their Condition was rendred as miſerable as that of Beaſts. A multitude of other particular methods were taken for the deſtruction of theſe poor Americans, but they may be reduc'd in general to thoſe two we have mentioned.

The Gold and Silver theſe People had in their poſſeſſion, was the Motive that violently prompted the Europeans to perſecute and deſtroy 'em. The earneſt deſire they had of ſpeedily enriching themſelves, in order to procure ſuch Honour and Dignity as far exceeded their Condition, inſpir'd 'em with all this inhumanity. In a word, their Avarice and Ambition were arriv'd to an exceſs beyond Imagination; the immenſe Riches of the new World, the tractable, ſweet, and good diſpoſition of the Indians, which render'd a deſcent into their Country eaſy to any that would attempt it, have occaſion'd all the Ravage and Spoil, all the horrid Maſſacres and Cruelties which the Spaniards have caus'd 'em to ſuffer. They made ſo little account of the miſerable Inhabitants of theſe Iſlands, that I may aver, without [Page] fear of being accus'd either of Impoſture, or of ſpeaking inconſiderately, ſince 'tis that of which I have been an Eye-witneſs, that they valued them leſs, and treated them worſe than Beaſts. They had ſo little regard to the Salvation of their Souls, that they would not give themſelves the trouble ſo much as to ſpeak of the Chriſtian Faith and Sacraments to thoſe numberleſs multitudes of Men and Women whom they ſacrific'd to their Ambition and Tyranny. And that which aggravates the enormity of their Crimes, is, that theſe poor Indians had offer'd 'em no Injury, but on the contrary, gave 'em as much Honour and Reſpect as if they had been ſent from Heaven; till they were wearied out with repeated Outrages and Maſſacres, and conſtrain'd to betake themſelves to Arms contrary to their inclination, and to repel force by force, to ſecure themſelves from the horrible Violences and Inſults of their Enemies, who invented divers kinds of Torments for them, with a Barbarity beyond all Deſcription.

§

A particular Account of what the Spaniards did in Hiſpaniola.

AT this Iſland the Spaniards arriv'd in their firſt Voyages, and here began to perſecute and murder the Indians, taking away their Wives and Children, and uſing 'em, or rather abuſing 'em at their pleaſure. They devour'd all that theſe poor Creatures had amaſs'd together for their Subſiſtence with a great deal of Care and Labour, not content with what they freely offer'd 'em as far as their Poverty and the meanneſs of their Condition would permit: for they are ſatisfied with what is of pure Neceſſity, not troubling themſelves with ſuperfluities, [Page] or laying up great ſtores before hand. One Spaniard would conſume in a day, that which would have ſuffic'd three Indian Families of ten Perſons each, for the ſpace of a whole Month. This ill treatment and ſpoil ſoon made the Inhabitants of this Iſland loſe the Eſteem they had conceiv'd of the Spaniards, whom they at firſt look'd upon as meſſengers from Heaven: ſo that at length they began to hide their Wives and Children, and whatever Goods they had from 'em. Some retired into Caves, others fled up into the Mountains to avoid meeting with the Spaniards who now appear'd ſo terrible and cruel to 'em. The Spaniards did not content themſelves to beat 'em, and to offer 'em many other Indignities, but cut their Throats in cold Blood: and without any reſpect either to Age or Quality, put their Princes, and the Governors of their Cities to death: They came to that height of Impudence and Villany, that a Spaniſh Captain had the Inſolence to abuſe the Wife of the greateſt King of the Iſland. This vile fact drove 'em quite to deſpair, ſo that from that time they ſought means of driving the Spaniards out of their Country; they betook themſelves to Arms, and did what they could to defend themſelves againſt theſe Tyrants: but the Weapons they us'd were neither capable of defending them, nor of offending their Enemies to any purpoſe; and were more like thoſe that Children uſe to play with, than ſuch as are fit for Souldiers to uſe in War.

The Spaniards, who were mounted on fine Horſes, and armed with Lances and Swords, look'd upon Enemies ſo meanly equip'd with the greateſt Contempt, and committed the moſt horrible Slaughters with Impunity. They paſs'd through the ſeveral Cities and Towns, ſparing neither Age nor Sex, but kill'd Women and Children as well as Men: [Page] They rip'd up Women with Child, that Root and Branch might be deſtroy'd together. They laid Wagers one with another, who ſhould cleave a Man down with his Sword moſt dexterouſly at one blow; or who ſhould take his Head from his Shoulders moſt cleverly; or who ſhould run a Man through after the moſt artificial manner: They tore away Children out of their Mothers Arms, and daſh'd out their Brains againſt the Rocks; others they threw into the River, diverting themſelves with this brutiſh Sport, and giving great ſhouts while they ſaw 'em in this miſery: And to add inſulting Scoffs to their Cruelty, advis'd 'em to ſtruggle in the Water, and try if they could ſave themſelves from drowning. They held up the Bodies of Mothers and Children together upon their Lances: they ſet up Gibbets, and hang'd up thirteen of theſe poor Creatures in honour to Jeſus Chriſt and his twelve Apoſtles (as they blaſphemouſly expreſs'd themſelves): They kindled a great Fire under theſe Gibbets, to burn thoſe they had hang'd upon 'em: They cut off the Hands of thoſe they ſav'd alive, and ſent 'em away in that miſerable condition, bidding 'em carry the News of their Calamities to thoſe that were retir'd into the Mountains to eſcape the Spaniards.

They erected a ſmall Scaffold, ſupported with Forks and Poles, upon which to execute their Chiefs, and thoſe of the moſt conſiderable quality among 'em. When they had laid 'em at length upon this Scaffold, they kindled a gentle Fire, to make 'em feel themſelves die gradually, till the poor Wretches after the moſt exquiſite Pain and Anguiſh, attended with horrible Screeches and Outcries, at length expir'd. I one day ſaw four or five Perſons of the higheſt Rank in this Iſland burn'd after this manner. But the dreadful Cries this Torment extorted from 'em, incommoding a Spaniſh Captain; and hindring [Page] his Sleep, he commanded 'em to be preſently ſtrangled. But a certain Officer whoſe Name I know, and whoſe Relations are well known at Seville, put Gags into their Mouths to hinder 'em from making a Noiſe, that he might not be depriv'd of the brutiſh Pleaſure of broiling them gently, till they breath'd out their Souls in this Torment. I have been an Eye-witneſs of all theſe Cruelties, and an infinite number of others which I paſs over in ſilence.

And becauſe theſe poor People took all the care they could to hide themſelves from a Generation of Men ſo barbarous and wicked as the Spaniards, who had no Sentiment of Humanity, Honour, or Religion left, but acted as if they were made for nothing elſe but to deſtroy Mankind; to add further to their brutiſh Cruelty, they taught Dogs to go a hunting for theſe poor Wretches, and to devour 'em as if they had been Beaſts. And becauſe the Indians after they had been provok'd with ſo many unheard of Injuries, now and then kill'd one of them when they met with 'em ſtragling; the Spaniards made a Law among themſelves to maſſacre a hundred Indians for every Spaniard they ſhould kill.

Of the Kingdoms contain'd in the Iſland of Hiſpaniola.

HIſpaniola contains five great Kingdoms, the Kings of which were very powerful, and govern'd all the other Chiefs, whoſe number is very great: yet there are ſome independent Countries which have their particular Lords, and are not ſubject to any of thoſe Kings. One of theſe Kings they call Magua, which ſignifies a Plain, his Name [Page] being taken from the ſituation of his Kingdom, which is extremely pleaſant. This Plain is 80 Leagues in extent from South to North, but is only five, eight, and ſometimes ten Leagues in breadth. 'Tis encompaſs'd on every ſide with high Mountains; 'tis water'd with a great number of Brooks and Rivers, of which there are twelve that come not behind thoſe famous Rivers the Ebre, the Duere, and the Guadalquivir for bigneſs. The Rivers that water this Plain, eſpecially thoſe falling down from a Mountain that looks towards the Weſt, abound with Gold. This Mountain bounds the Province of Cibao, where the Mines bearing that Name produce that pure Gold of the fineneſs of 24 Carrats, ſo much talk'd of in Europe. The Soveraign of this Kingdom was call'd Guarionex; he had under him ſuch powerful Subjects, that one of 'em could bring 16000 Men into the field for the King's Service. I knew ſome of theſe Indian Lords. This King was very ſubmiſſive to the Kings of Spain, and expreſs'd a great deal of Affection to them. His Humour was mild and peaceable; and his Soul capable of every Vertue. He once order'd all his Subjects to bring him each of 'em a great Purſe of Gold; but finding they were not in a condition to anſwer his Requirement, he remitted half this Tax. The Inhabitants of this Iſland have not the Art of extracting Gold out of the Mines. This Cacique voluntarily offer'd himſelf to the Service of the King of Spain, on condition the Queen Iſabella would take care that thoſe Lands ſhould be cultivated, which the Spaniards inhabited at their firſt Arrival in the Indies, extending about the ſpace of 50 Leagues towards St. Domingo: for he ſaid his Subjects had no Experience or Skill to extract Gold out of the Mines. If this Condition had been accepted, he would faithfully and joyfully have accompliſhed [Page] his Promiſe, which would have been of vaſt advantage to the King of Spain, who might have taken above three Millions of Gold every year out of theſe Mines; and conſequently there might now have been fifty Cities in this Province as fine as Seville.

But what greateful Acknowledgments did the Spaniards return to the kind Offers of this Prince, who gave ſuch Proofs of his Good-will to 'em, and ſincere deſire to ſerve 'em? They cover'd him with Shame and Infamy, his Wife was violated (as has been ſaid) by a Spaniſh Captain, a Wretch unworthy of the Chriſtian Name. This Prince might have waited for an opportunity to revenge himſelf of this Outrage, but choſe rather to retire and live in Obſcurity and Exile in the Province of one of his Subjects, voluntarily abidicating his Kingdom and Government. The Spaniards being inform'd of the place of his Retreat, purſued him with the utmoſt Fury, without giving him time to hide himſelf. They cruelly declar'd War againſt that Indian Lord that had given him Sanctuary, and had receiv'd him with a becoming Humanity and Reſpect; they ravag'd all his Country, and never left off their Cruelties till they had found and ſeiz'd this Fugitive Prince, whom they loaded with Chains, and put on Shipboard to be carried into Spain as their Priſoner. This Veſſel was caſt away in the Voyage, a great many Spaniards drown'd, and an incredible ſum of Gold and Silver loſt: Among the reſt there was a prodigious lump of Gold as big as a great Loaf, which weighed 3600 Crowns. Thus did the Vengeance of God meet with 'em for the enormous Crimes they had committed in the Indies.

The ſecond Kingdom is called Marien, where there is a fine Port juſt at the end of the other Kingdom on the North-ſide: This Kingdom is [Page] larger than Portugal, and more fruitful, and was ſtor'd with vaſt numbers of Inhabitants; there are divers Mountains in it, and ſeveral Mines abounding with Gold and Copper. The Name of the King of this Country was Guacanagari, who had divers Lords under his Juriſdiction. 'Twas in this Country that famous Pilot who firſt diſcover'd America landed. Guacanagari receiv'd him with all imaginable Hoſpitality and Civility; he made the beſt Entertainment he could for all the Spaniards who accompanied him: when their Ship was ſunk, they were receiv'd at this Prince's Court as kindly as if they had been in the Houſes of their own natural Relations: here they met with all manner of Refreſhments and Recruits the Country afforded, which were given 'em with great Expreſſions of Humanity and Compaſſion on the account of their Hardſhips. This King afterwards to ſecure himſelf from the barbarous Uſage of the Spaniards, when they began to commit their Maſſacres in his Country, abandon'd his Kingdom, and was forc'd to retreat into ſome of the remote Mountains, where he died with the Fatigues and Inconveniencies to which he was expos'd. Thoſe Indian Lords that depended on him found no better Treatment, but periſh'd under that horrible Slavery to which the Spaniards had reduc'd 'em.

Maguana is the third Kingdom of this Iſland, and is an admirable Country, both for Health and Fruitfulneſs. Here is made the beſt Sugar in America. Caonabo was the King of it, who ſurpaſs'd all the other Kings both in regard of his Power, the Riches of his Kingdom, and the Reſpect and Ceremony with which he was honour'd. This Prince not keeping on his Guard, nor at all diſtruſting what Tricks the Spaniards deſign'd to play him, was ſurpriz'd in his own Houſe by the Artifices they had [Page] laid to inſnare him. He was put in a Ship to be carried into Spain, and there were at the ſame time ſix Veſſels in the Port ready to ſet Sail, when all on a ſudden there roſe a horrible Tempeſt, which batter'd the Ships to pieces and ſunk 'em, with all the Spaniards that were on board. King Caonabo loaded with Chains periſh'd, together with the Veſſel in which he was embarqu'd. The Almighty was pleas'd to diſplay his juſt and terrible Judgment by this ſudden Storm, in deſtroying ſo many Spaniards, and thereby puniſhing the Crimes they had committed in abuſing the poor Indians. This King had three or four Brothers, all of 'em valiant and couragious Princes; who being much provok'd at the unjuſt Captivity of the King, their Brother and Soveraign, and inform'd of the Ravage and Maſſacres the Spaniards had made in other neighbouring Kingdoms, and after all hearing the News of the fatal End of their Brother, betook themſelves to Arms, and ſought means of revenging themſelves on their Enemies. The Spaniards attack'd 'em with their Cavalry, which is very formidable to the Indians, whom they ſoon conquer'd, and made ſo prodigious a Slaughter among 'em, that half the Kingdom was depopulated and became deſert after this Defeat.

Xavagua is the fourth Kingdom of Hiſpaniola, and is as it were the Heart and Centre of all this Iſland; the Language of it is the moſt refin'd and polite. The People of this Kingdom are the moſt civiliz'd, and their Manners more cultivated than thoſe of other parts of the Country: and there are a greater number of great Lords and Perſons of Quality among 'em. Theſe People are better ſhap'd, and have a finer Aſpect than thoſe of the other Kingdoms. The King's Name was Behechio, he had a Siſter call'd Anacaona; both of 'em heap'd their Favours [Page] on the Spaniards when they landed in their Country, and with a great deal of Generoſity ſav'd 'em from Death, which they could not otherwiſe have avoided: They left no Stone unturn'd to ſhew themſelves obliging to the Kings of Spain. After Behechio's Death his Siſter Anacaona continued abſolute Miſtreſs of the whole Kingdom. One day the Governor of the Iſland, accompanied with 60 Horſe and 300 Foot, ſends a Summons to about 300 of the greateſt Lords of the Country to attend his Perſon. Theſe few Horſemen alone were able to have ravag'd and laid waſte not only all this Iſland, but even the whole Continent, ſo defenceleſs were theſe poor People. The Indian Nobles, not at all ſuſpecting any treacherous Deſign, were by the Governor's Order brought into a Houſe cover'd with Straw, which he commanded to be ſet on fire, where they periſh'd miſerably. Thoſe of 'em who attempted to eſcape were purſued by the Spaniſh Troopers, and kill'd without Mercy. They alſo kill'd a vaſt multitude of the common People, cutting 'em and running 'em through with their Swords and Lances. This ſame Governor caus'd Queen Anacaona, who had the ſoveraign Authority after the Death of her Brother (as has been ſaid) to be hang'd, that he might diſgrace the Memory of that Princeſs as much as he could by ſo vile and ignominious a Death. If at any time a Spaniard, either touch'd with the Sentiments of Compaſſion, or prompted with thoſe of Avarice, thought fit to ſpare one of theſe poor Wretches for his own Service; another would come tranſported with Rage, and fall upon him in his preſence, and either run him through the Body, or cut off his Legs, ſo as to render him unſerviceable. Some of theſe Indians who eſcap'd this Maſſacre retir'd into an Iſland not above eight Leagues diſtant from this Kingdom, to [Page] ſhelter themſelves from the Fury of the Spaniards; but theſe were condemned by the Governor to perpetual Slavery.

The Name of the fifth Kingdom is Hiquey: Hiquanama the Queen, who govern'd it, tho very much advanc'd in Years and decrepit, was hang'd by order of the Spaniards, who tormented an infinite number of the Inhabitants of this Kingdom by divers kinds of cruel Puniſhments. Some they burn'd alive, they cut off the Arms and Legs of others, and made Slaves of the reſt. There are ſo many things to be ſaid of the ill Treatment and Cruelty the Spaniards exercis'd againſt the People of this Iſland, that 'tis impoſſible to recount 'em all; and if that could be done, the recital of 'em would appear incredible: and yet the Indians gave the Spaniards no occaſion to engage in ſo barbarous a War againſt 'em, and to commit ſuch Violences upon 'em; but one may truly ſay, theſe poor Creatures liv'd in as great Subjection and Obedience to the Spaniards, as the moſt ſubmiſſive and obſequious Order of Monks do in the moſt regular and well-diſciplin'd Monaſtery; ſo that there was no lawful occaſion given 'em to rob thoſe of their Property, or condemn 'em to a rigorous Slavery, who had found means of eſcaping their bloody Maſſacres. 'Tis further to be obſerv'd, that the Indians offer'd no Affront to the Spaniards when they firſt arriv'd in America: So that they had no colourable Pretext for Revenge, or the leaſt right to puniſh 'em after ſo cruel a manner. As for thoſe Sins, the Puniſhment of which God has reſerv'd to himſelf, ſuch as Hatred, Envy, the paſſionate deſire of Revenge, the Spaniards had no occaſion to reproach 'em on this account, ſince theſe People have ſcarce more Strength and Courage than Children of ten Years old. On the other ſide, the Indians had a thouſand juſt Reaſons [Page] to make War with the Spaniards, tho theſe had no reaſonable pretence to treat them as they did with a barbarity equal to that of the moſt ſavage and inhuman Tyrants.

After this unjuſt War was ended with the Deſtruction and Maſſacre of all the Inhabitants of theſe Countries, having reſerv'd few beſides the Women and Children, they divided theſe among themſelves, ſome keeping 30 of them, others 40, others 100, ſome 200, according to the Intereſt they had in the Tyrant of the Iſland, whom they honour'd with the Title of Governor; for 'twas he that gave 'em theſe Indians, on condition they would cauſe 'em to be inſtructed in the Maxims of the Catholick Religion, tho the Perſons to whoſe care he committed 'em were the moſt ignorant, cruel, covetous, and vitious of all Mankind. Theſe (as might well have been expected) took no care to inſtruct 'em; but confined the men to the Mines to get out Gold with incredible Toil and Labour; they us'd the Women for Husbandry and Tillage, tho this laſt was a Labour hard enough for men of the moſt robuſt and vigorous Conſtitution. They fed 'em only with Herbs, or ſuch like Food, that had but little Subſtance or Nouriſhment in it: So that the Milk dry'd up in the Breaſts of the Women that gave ſuck, and their Children in a little time pin'd away and dyed with Faintneſs and Hunger. The Men having no Converſation with the Women, but dwelling in ſeparate Houſes, there could be no farther propagation of Children by 'em. Thus at length the Men periſh'd in the Mines with Hunger and Labour, the Women dyed under the preſſure of their ſervitude in the Fields; ſo that all the Inhabitants of this populous Iſland were exterminated in a ſhort time. And indeed if the ſame courſe were taken every where elſe, all Mankind would be deſtroy'd in the [Page] ſpace of a few Years. The Spaniards oblig'd theſe poor Creatures to carry Burdens of fourſcore or a hundred pound weight for a hundred or two hundred Leagues. And that they might travel the more at eaſe, they would make theſe Indians carry them in Chairs and Horſe-litters on their Shoulders: They us'd 'em like Beaſts of Burden to carry their Utenſils, and what they pleas'd either for their Profit or Pleaſure, ſo that the Backs and Shoulders of theſe poor Slaves were black with Bruiſes occaſion'd by the great weight of their Burdens. Theſe incredible Fatigues did not ſecure 'em from Blows with Cudgels and Whips, accompanied with Curſes, nor from a great many other Puniſhments. But 'twould be endleſs to deſcribe all the Miſeries theſe unfortunate People were made to ſuffer; it would require whole Volumes, and the reading of ſo deplorable a Story would deeply affect and ſoften every Mind not quite diveſted of Humanity.

It is to be obſerv'd that the Deſtruction and Deſolation of theſe Provinces began ſince the Death of the moſt ſerene Queen Iſabella, who departed this Life in the Year 1504. Before this time the Spaniards never durſt exerciſe their Cruelties on the People of this Iſland, nor deſtroy their Country: if they offer'd 'em any Violence, 'twas as it were by ſtealth, and with great Precaution. But after the Death of this Princeſs, the Deſolation became general. Before this fatal time, they took great care to conceal whatever Hardſhips they made theſe People endure, becauſe the Queen was marvellouſly zealous both to promote the Inſtruction and Salvation of the Inhabitants of this new World, and to advance their Temporal Advantages; and accordingly ſhe gave us many Examples of her Piety and Zeal.

In whatever part of America the Spaniards ſet their Feet, they perpetrated the ſame abominable [Page] Villanies and Maſſacres, to oppreſs and exterminate theſe poor Innocents. They ſeem'd to take Pleaſure in the invention of new kinds of Torments, and their Fury augmented every day more and more, till God Almighty provok'd by ſo many horrid Crimes, abandon'd 'em to a reprobate Senſe, and permitted 'em to fall as it were from deep to deep, and from one Precipice to another.

Of the Iſlands of St. John and Jamaica.

IN the Year 1509 the Spaniards went into the Iſlands of St. John and Jamaica (which reſemble delicious Gardens) with the ſame Intentions and Deſigns they had carried on in the Iſland of Hiſpaniola. Here they committed a world of Robberies and Cruelties, juſt as they had done in other places where-ever they came. The Marks of their Devaſtations and Murders were every where to be ſeen. They laid all places deſolate where they arriv'd, expoſing Men to the Mercy of Beaſts. And after having inflicted all ſorts of Torments on 'em, put 'em in the Mines to work like Slaves as long as they liv'd. They entirely depopulated theſe Countries, ſo that in theſe two Iſlands, where there were computed to have been above 600000. Inhabitants before their Arrival, there are ſcarce 200 now to be found: The reſt being all deſtroy'd with Miſery and Hardſhip, and that without having any Pains taken with 'em to inſtruct 'em in our Religion, or to adminiſter the Sacraments to 'em.

Of the Iſland of Cuba.

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THE Spaniards paſs'd into the Iſland of Cuba in the year 1511, which contains as much ground in length as from Vallidolid to Rome. There were formerly fine and flouriſhing Provinces to be ſeen, fill'd with vaſt numbers of People, who met with no milder or kinder Treatment from the Spaniards than the reſt. On the contrary, they ſeem'd to have redoubled their Cruelty upon thoſe People. There happen'd divers things in this Iſland that deſerve to be remark'd. A rich and potent Cacique nam'd Hathuey was retir'd into the Iſle of Cuba, to avoid that Slavery and Death with which the Spaniards menac'd him: and being inform'd that his perſecutors were upon the point of landing in this Iſland, he aſſembled all his Subjects and Domeſticks together, and made a Speech to 'em after this manner. You know (ſaid he) the Report that is ſpread abroad, that the Spaniards are ready to invade this Iſland; and you are not ignorant of the ill Ʋſage our Friends and Country-men have met with at their hands, and the Cruelties they have committed at Hayci (ſo Hiſpaniola is called in their Language) they are now coming hither with a deſign to exerciſe the ſame Outrages and Perſecutions upon us. Are you ignorant (ſays he) of the ill Intentions of the People of whom I am ſpeaking? We know not (ſay they all with one Voice) upon what account they come hither, but we know they are a very wicked and cruel People. I'll tell you then (reply'd the Cacique) that theſe Europeans worſhip a very covetous ſort of God, ſo that 'tis difficult to ſatisfy him; and to perform the Worſhip they render to this Idol, they'll exact immenſe Treaſures of us, and will uſe their utmoſt[Page]Endeavour to reduce us to a miſerable ſtate of Slavery, or elſe to put us to death. Upon which he took a Box full of Gold and valuable Jewels which he had with him, and expoſing it to their view: Here is (ſays he) the God of the Spaniards, whom we muſt honour with our Sports and Dances, to ſee if we can appeaſe him, and render him propitious to us; that ſo he may command the Spaniards not to offer us any Injury. They all applauded this Speech, and fell a leaping and dancing round the Box, till they had quite tired and ſpent themſelves. After which the Cacique Hathucy reſuming his Diſcourſe, continued to ſpeak to them in theſe terms: If we keep this God (ſays he) till he's taken away from us, he'll certainly cauſe our Lives to be taken from us; and therefore I am of opinion 'twill be the beſt way to caſt him into the River. They all approv'd of this Advice, and went all together with one accord to throw this pretended God into the River.

The Spaniards were no ſooner arriv'd in the Iſle of Cuba, but this Cacyque who knew 'em too well, began to think of retreating, to ſecure himſelf from their Fury, and reſolv'd to defend himſelf by force of Arms, if he ſhould happen to meet with them; but he unfortunately fell into their Hands: and becauſe he had taken all the precautions he could to avoid the Perſecutions of ſo cruel and impious a People, and had taken Arms to defend his own Life, as well as the Lives of his Subjects; this was made a capital Crime in him, for which he was burn'd alive. While he was in the midſt of the Flames, tied to a Stake, a certain Franciſcan Frier of great Piety and Vertue, took upon him to ſpeak to him of God and our Religion, and to explain to him ſome Articles of the Catholick Faith, of which he had never heard a word before, promiſing him Eternal Life, if he would believe, and threatning him with eternal [Page] Torment, if he continued obſtinate in his Infidelity. Hathuey reflecting on the matter, as much as the Place and Condition in which he was would permit, ask'd the Frier that inſtructed him, whether the Gate of Heaven was open to the Spaniards; and being anſwer'd that ſuch of 'em as were good men might hope for entrance there: The Cacyque, without any farther deliberation, told him, he had no mind to go to Heaven, for fear of meeting with ſuch cruel and wicked Company as they were; but would much rather chooſe to go to Hell, where he might be deliver'd from the troubleſom ſight of ſuch kind of People: To ſo great a degree have the wicked Actions and Cruelties of the Spaniards diſhonor'd God and his Religion in the Minds of the Americans.

One day there came to us a great number of the Inhabitants of a famous City, ſituate above 10 Leagues from the place where we lodg'd, to complement us, and bring us all ſorts of Proviſions and Refreſhments, which they preſented us with great marks of Joy, careſſing us after the moſt obliging manner they could. But that evil Spirit that poſſeſs'd the Spaniards put 'em into ſuch a ſudden Fury againſt 'em, that they fell upon 'em and maſſacred above 3000 of 'em, both Men and Women, upon the ſpot, without having receiv'd the leaſt Offence or Provocation from 'em. I was an Eye-witneſs of this Barbarity; and whatever endeavours were us'd to appeaſe theſe inhuman Creatures, 'twas impoſſible to reduce 'em to Reaſon; ſo reſolutely were they bent to ſatiate their brutal Rage by this barbarous Action.

Soon after this I ſent Meſſengers to the moſt noted Indians of the Province of Havane, to encourage and engage 'em to continue in their Country, and not to trouble themſelves to ſeek remote places to hide in, and advis'd 'em to come to us with aſſurance [Page] of our Protection. They knew well enough what Authority I had over the Spaniards, and I gave 'em my word, no Injury ſhould be offer'd 'em: for the paſt Cruelties and Maſſacres their Country-men had ſuffer'd, had ſpread Fear and Terror through all the Country; and this Aſſurance I gave 'em was with the Conſent and Advice of the Captains and other Officers. When we enter'd into this Province, two and twenty of their Chiefs came to us, and the very next Morning the Commander of our Troops, without any regard to the Promiſe that had been made 'em, would needs ſentence 'em to be burnt, pretending 'twas beſt to put theſe People to death, becauſe they might one time or other uſe ſome Stratagem to ſurprize and deſtroy us: And I had all the difficulty in the world to prevent 'em from throwing 'em into the Fire.

The Indians of Havane ſeeing themſelves reduc'd to a ſtate of ſevere Slavery, and that there was no Remedy left, but they were irrecoverably undone, began to ſeek Refuge in the Deſerts and Mountains, to ſecure themſelves if poſſible from Death: Some ſtrangled themſelves in deſpair; Parents hang'd themſelves, together with their Children, to put the ſpeedier end to their Miſeries by Death. Above two hundred Indians periſh'd here after this manner, to avoid the Cruelty of the Spaniards; and abundance of them afterwards voluntarily condemn'd themſelves to this kind of Death, hoping thus in a moment to put a period to the Miſeries their Perſecutors inflicted on 'em.

A certain Spaniard who had the Title of Soveraign in this Iſland, and had three hundred Indians in his Service, deſtroy'd a hundred and ſixty of 'em in leſs than three Months, by the exceſſive Labour he continually exacted of 'em. The Recruits he took to fill up their places were deſtroy'd after [Page] the ſame manner; and he would in a ſhort time have unpeopled the whole Iſland, if Death, which took him out of the way very happily for thoſe poor Wretches, had not ſhelter'd 'em from his Cruelties. I ſaw with with my own Eyes above ſix thouſand Children die in the ſpace of three or four Months, their Parents being forc'd to abandon 'em, being condemn'd to the Mines. After this the Spaniards took up a Reſolution to purſue thoſe Indians that were retir'd into the Mountains, and maſſacred multitudes of 'em; ſo that this Iſland was depopulated and laid waſte in a very little time. And 'tis a moſt lamentable Spectacle to ſee ſo fine a Country thus miſerably ruin'd and unpeopled.

Of the Continent.

IN the Year 1514, a mercileſs Governor, deſtitute of the leaſt ſentiment of Pity or Humanity, who was deſervedly accounted a barbarous Tyrant, and cruel Inſtrument of the Wrath of God, pierc'd into the Continent, being follow'd by a great many Spaniards, all animated with the Spirit, and purſuing the Deſigns of their Leader. Tho ſome of his ſtamp had enter'd the Continent before him, and had kill'd a great many People, yet they had only exercis'd their Robberies and Cruelties on the Sea-Coaſts. But he of whom I am now ſpeaking, ſurpaſs'd all his Predeceſſors in Cruelty and Impiety. He was not content to ravage the Sea-Coaſts, but laid waſte great Kingdoms and vaſt Countries, and deſtroy'd an infinite number of Indians in the groſs Darkneſs of their Idolatry. He run through above fifty Leagues of the fineſt Country in the World, and carried Deſolation with him where-ever he [Page] went, ruining in a little time the moſt pleaſant and fruitful Country in the Weſt-Indies. There were before the Arrival of this Tyrant, abundance of Villages, Towns and Cities, that excell'd thoſe of all the neighbouring Countries. This Country abounds more in Gold than any yet diſcover'd. The immenſe Riches that have fill'd Spain ſince ſhe has traded to the Indies, have been chiefly drawn out of the Mines of the Country of which I am now ſpeaking.

The Governor of this new World invented various kinds of Torments to conſtrain the Inhabitants to give him all the Gold they had heap'd together. In one Progreſs which ſome of his Captains made by his Order to pillage and rob the People of their Riches, they put above forty thouſand of 'em to the Sword; others they burnt, others they expos'd to be devour'd by Dogs, and the reſt they deſtroy'd with divers other kinds of cruel Puniſhments.

The wretched Ignorance of thoſe that have been ſent to govern the Indies, has occaſion'd a great many Miſchiefs and Diſorders, and hinder'd the Converſion of the Indians: for what they endeavour'd to perſwade 'em by their Words, was contradicted by their Actions; and the Sentiments of their Minds were no ways conformable to the Pretenſions of their Tongues. They commanded the Indians to embrace the Chriſtian Religion upon pain of Death, they menac'd 'em with cruel Slavery, or the moſt exquiſite Tortures, to force 'em to turn Chriſtians, or to ſwear Allegiance to the King of Spain: As if the Son of God, who dy'd for the Redemption of Men, had ordain'd thoſe whom he ſent to preach the Goſpel, and to declare the Kingdom of God, to conſtrain People that liv'd peaceably in their own Country, to make profeſſion of his Doctrine, on pain of being plunder'd of their Goods, of being [Page] ſeparated from their Wives and Children, of loſing their Liberty, and of being condemn'd to a cruel Death, without having ever been inſtructed in the Maxims and Principles of our Religion. And the poor Creatures muſt be oblig'd to render an exact Obedience to a King they had never ſeen or heard of, till they were inform'd of him by theſe Meſſengers of his that treated 'em ſo inhumanly.

This bloody and impious Governor, urg'd with the inſatiable deſire of heaping up Treaſure, pillaged the Indians that dwelt both in the Villages and Cities with Impunity, while they little thought of ſecuring themſelves againſt his Robberies. He order'd his Souldiers to go privately to the places where they ſuſpected any Gold was to be found, and to declare his Orders to the Inhabitants of this new World after the following manner. ‘Caciques and Indians of this Continent, we are come to declare to you that there is but one God, one Pope, and one King of Spain, who is Lord and Maſter of the Country you inhabit; we therefore require you to come immediately and take the Oath of Allegiance to him.’ After ſuch kind of Preambles as theſe, they would chooſe the Night to fall ſuddenly upon theſe poor Wretches, when laid faſt aſleep, without having taken any meaſures to ſecure themſelves from the Artifices of their Enemies, who would ſet fire to their Houſes, which being thatch'd with Reeds and Straw, were burnt to Aſhes in an inſtant. The Women and Children were devour'd by the Flames almoſt before they had time to conſider where they were. They maſſacred ſuch as made a ſhift to eſcape the Fire, or kept 'em for Slaves; they uſed Tortures to force 'em to tell where they had hid their Gold. They printed Marks on their Bodies with red hot Branding-irons; and after all theſe Cruelties, us'd their utmoſt diligence [Page] to make a ſtrict ſearch for the Gold of theſe miſerable People, of which they got vaſt Quantities together, beſides Pearls and Diamonds, which the Indians gave 'em to avoid their Fury. All the Spaniards who had any Office or Place of Truſt, committed the ſame Rapine; every one ſent as many Souldiers as he could to make their Progreſſes, and ravage all the Country. The firſt Biſhop that was ſent into America, imitated the Conduct of theſe covetous Governors, and made uſe of his Servants to procure himſelf a ſhare of the Spoil. The Spaniards in a little time carried away above three Millions out of this Kingdom; of which vaſt Sum the King of Spain had ſcarce 3000 Crowns for his ſhare. Here were above 800000 People ſlaughter'd; and the ſucceeding Governors continued the like Maſſacres till they had deſtroy'd the reſt of the Natives.

I muſt not paſs over in ſilence one Action committed in this Country by the Governor, of whom I have been ſpeaking. A Cacique, whether voluntarily or out of fear I know not, gave him the weight of 9000 Crowns in Gold: This great Sum not contenting the Spaniards, they tied this unhappy Prince to a Stake, and ſetting fire to his Feet, endeavour'd by this means to extort a greater quantity from him. This Torment being intolerable to him, he gave 'em the weight of 3000 Crowns of Gold more, which he had reſerv'd; upon this they renew'd their Tortures, to get ſtill more out of him: but whether he had no more to give 'em, or whether he was reſolv'd they ſhould exact no more of him, he expir'd amidſt their Tortures. They put to death many of the moſt conſiderable Perſons of this Kingdom after the ſame cruel manner.

A Company of Spaniards happening to light on a Body of Indians that had retreated into the Mountains, [Page] to avoid the Tyranny of their Perſecutors, in a great rage fell upon the poor Wretches, and killing all the Men they could catch, carried away three or fourſcore Women Priſoners. The Indians that eſcap'd being highly incens'd, came in Arms to attack the Spaniards, to try if they could oblige 'em to let go their Prey: Theſe ſeeing the Indians draw near 'em, and being unwilling to ſurrender the Booty they had taken, ſtab'd the Women and Maids in the preſence of their Husbands and Fathers, who were ſeiz'd with Horror and Deſpair at the ſight of ſo lamentable a Tragedy; and ſmiting their Breaſts, cry'd out, O mercileſs Men! O cruel Spaniards! who can murder poor Women that never offended you without Pity! And indeed they muſt be more ſavage and bloody than Beaſts of Prey, who can be capable of ſuch brutiſh Actions as theſe.

One of the greateſt Lords of this Country, whoſe Name was Paris, had a Houſe about ten or fifteen Leagues diſtance from Panama; he was very rich, having a great quantity of Gold in his poſſeſſion. When the Spaniards came to his Houſe, he receiv'd 'em with as much Kindneſs and Civility as if they had been his Relations. He frankly gave the Captain the value of 15000 Crowns: This Captain, and the Spaniards that accompanied him, concluded that this Indian muſt needs have immenſe Treaſures, from the parcel of Gold he had given 'em; and ſince they had undertaken this Journey on purpoſe to rob him, to make the more ſure of ſucceeding in their Deſign, they pretended they would be gone, and accordingly took their leave of him, but return'd in the middle of the Night, and ruſhing into the City unexpectedly, they ſet it on fire, and deſtroy'd abundance of the Citizens in the Flames, and carried away thence 50 or 60000 Crowns. A Perſon of the moſt conſiderable Quality of any in [Page] this City eſcap'd the fury of this Fire; and after a Reſpite of three or four days, having got as many Men together as he could, fell upon the Spaniards by ſurprize, kill'd about fifty of 'em, and retook all the Spoil of the City which they had burnt, and particularly the Value of 40000 Crowns, of which they had plunder'd him: the reſt of the Spaniards made the beſt of their way and eſcap'd, but not without a great many Wounds. Soon after this they return'd with a greater Force to attack this Cacique, and deſtroy'd the greateſt part of his Troops, making Slaves of the reſt.

Of the Province of Nicaraqua.

IN the Year 1522, the forementioned Governor undertook to ſubdue the Province of Nicaraqua. The great Fertility of this Country, the Goodneſs of the Air, and the vaſt number of the Inhabitants cannot be ſufficiently expreſs'd. There were Cities in this Province four Leagues in length. The great quantities of excellent Fruits that grow there, drew together thoſe great multitudes of People. Theſe Cities being ſituate in vaſt Plains, the People had no Mountains near in which to hide themſelves; beſides, the Climat is ſo ſweet, and the Country ſo agreeable, that the Inhabitants could not eaſily reſolve to quit it, and conſequently were the more expos'd to the Outrages and Perſecutions of the Spaniards; yet they ſuffer'd all with as much patience as was poſſible, that they might not be oblig'd to change their Dwelling. And tho theſe People are naturally of a mild and peaceable Temper, the Governor, or rather the Tyrant, with the Miniſters of his Cruelty, reſolv'd to treat the Indians of this [Page] Province after the ſame manner he had done thoſe of other Kingdoms. Here he committed ſo many Enormities, ſuch Robberies and Maſſacres, that 'tis impoſſible for any Pen to relate 'em all. He ſent 50 Troopers into this Province, which is bigger than the Country of Rouſillon, who maſſacred almoſt all the Inhabitants, without any regard to Age, Sex or Quality. If theſe poor Creatures fail'd to bring 'em a certain meaſure of Corn which they exacted of 'em, or did not ſend into their Service ſuch a number of Slaves as they demanded, they kill'd 'em without Mercy. And this being a plain Country (as has been ſaid) there was no place to ſhelter 'em from the Spaniſh Horſe, who purſu'd 'em with the utmoſt Fury.

The General permitted theſe Villains to commit all the Inſolencies and Robberies they pleas'd, and to take as great a number of Priſoners as they deſir'd. Theſe they ſometimes loaded with Chains of ſixty or eighty Pound weight; ſo that of 4000 Captives, ſcarce ſix were able to endure this Fatigue, the reſt all dy'd by the way under the intolerable weight of their Fetters. That they might not have the trouble to open the Chains of ſuch as dy'd with Hunger, Thirſt, Wearineſs and Toil, they cut off their Heads. When the Indians ſaw the Spaniards prepare for theſe kind of Journeys, well knowing they were never likely to ſee their Friends and Countrymen any more, they, with many deep Sighs and Groans, and floods of Tears, utter'd their Complaints after this manner. Time was (ſay they) when we have travell'd theſe Journeys to ſerve the Chriſtians, and have been ſuffer'd after a certain ſpace of time to return home to our Wives and Children, but now there is no hope of any ſuch return; and this Separation muſt be for ever.

One day a Fancy came into the Governors Head, [Page] to make a new diſtribution of the Indians; he took 'em away from thoſe for whom he had no kindneſs, and gave a greater number to thoſe he reſpected. This chopping and changing of Slaves occaſion'd a great ſcarcity for one Year, there being but a very ſmall Crop on the ground. The Spaniards endeavour'd to ſupply this defect by taking from the Indians all the Corn and other Proviſions which they had laid up in ſtore for the Subſiſtence of their Families. This Diſorder produc'd a Famin among 'em, which deſtroy'd above thirty thouſand People. There was one Woman ſo intolerably preſs'd with Hunger, that ſhe kill'd her Child to appeaſe her Appetite.

All the Cities and Fields round 'em are like pleaſant Gardens, which the Spaniards cultivated according to the ſhare each one had aſſign'd him by Lot: and to ſave their own Revenues, they fed upon the Stores that belong'd to the Indians, and liv'd at their Charge, devouring in a few days what theſe poor People had been a long time getting together with a great deal of Care and Toil. There was no Spaniard but had an Eſtate of his own, and kept abundance of Indians in his Houſe to manure his Land, and to do other Domeſtick Buſineſs: and none of theſe were exempted from Slavery, their Nobles, their Women and Children were made to work day and night for the advantage of the Spaniards, who exacted Tasks of 'em quite beyond their Strength, and miſerably wore 'em out with exceſs of Labour and Hardſhip. They drove 'em out of their Houſes, and took poſſeſſion of 'em; they ſeiz'd their Goods and Lands, and inſtantly conſum'd their Proviſions, thus reducing 'em to extreme neceſſity. Many of 'em dy'd under the heavy Burdens they oblig'd 'em to carry on their Shoulders as far as the Port, which was above 30 Leagues; for hither they made 'em bring [Page] Planks and pieces of Timber for the building of Veſſels. They forc'd 'em to go and ſeek for Honey and Wax in the Mountains, where they were devour'd by Tygers: Women big with Child were not exempted from theſe hard Services, and often periſh'd together with their Fruit, under the preſſure of this rigorous Slavery.

That which contributed yet farther to unpeople this Province, was the liberty the Spaniards took to exact of the Caciques, and richeſt Indians, a great number of Slaves. This kind of Tribute was authoriz'd by the Governor, and levied with a great deal of Severity; for he threaten'd to burn 'em alive if they fail'd to ſend him a Recruit of fifty Slaves every three Months, or as often as he ſhould give order: tho the Indians have no great number of Slaves ordinarily, and 'tis much if a Cacique has three or four among his other Domeſticks. If a Father had two Children, the Spaniards would take away one of them, or two if he had three: The Parents muſt ſubmit, with how great Reluctancy ſoever; but their Children were not raviſh'd from 'em without abundance of Tears and dolorous Complaints; for they have a very tender Affection to their Offſpring, and breed 'em up with abundance of Care. This kind of Tribute being often extorted, all this Kingdom was in a few years depopulated. There arriv'd five or ſix Ships here every year, which were laden with Slaves, whom they tranſported into Peru and Panama, and there ſold 'em, where they died in a little time; for it has been confirm'd by many Experiments, that thoſe Indians that are tranſported from their Native Country into other Climats, ſeldom live long: And that which contributed to kill 'em the ſooner, was the neglect of ſupplying 'em with ſufficient Suſtenance, and the exceſſive Labour with which they were over-charg'd. [Page] In the ſpace of a few Years there were above 500000 Slaves drawn out of this Province, tho they were all burn free: and during the War that was made againſt 'em, there dy'd about fifty or ſixty thouſand beſides theſe: the reſt were condemn'd to cruel Slavery, in which a conſiderable number dy'd every day. There are about four or five thouſand People ſtill to be found in this Province; but it was once one of the beſt peopled Countries in all America: And in a little time in all appearance the reſt will be deſtroy'd by the ill Treatment they continually ſuffer.

Of New Spain.

NEw Spain was diſcover'd in the year 1517, and the year following the Spaniards began to ravage it, and to maſſacre the Inhabitants, tho they pretend to go out of Europe to people this Country. Their Violences and Oppreſſions arriv'd to ſuch a height, that they had no regard either to God or the King, but forgot both that they were Men and Chriſtians. Since they came into this Country, there has been nothing but Rapine and Spoil, Maſſacres, and buring of Cities, nothing but Tyranny and Violence; ſo that they have in a ſhort time depopulated and ruined vaſt Kingdoms from one end to t'other. The remembrance of the Villanies and Cruelties committed there, has caſt ſuch a Terror into the minds of the Natives, that they can't think of a Spaniard without trembling. They have not yet left off tormenting 'em; on the contrary they rather grow worſe and worſe, and their Perſecutions augment every year. The Spaniards ſince they firſt enter'd into New Spain have deſtroy'd [Page] 450000 by violent Deaths in and about Mexico. This Country contains four or five Kingdoms, that come not ſhort of the Kingdom of Spain for Extent, Fertility, and Plenty of all things: Here were Cities to be ſeen more populous than Toledo, Seville, Vallidolid, Saragoſſa, or Barcelona; for tho all theſe Cities are well ſtor'd with Inhabitants, thoſe of the new World are yet more populous. The Country of which I am now treating is above 1800 Leagues in compaſs. Here the Spaniards have kill'd above four Millions of People by Fire and Sword, and other violent Deaths, both Men, Women and Children, within the ſpace of 480 Leagues. They call the Countries they have got by their unjuſt and cruel Wars, their Conqueſts, into which they enter'd with the bloody deſign of exterminating the Inhabitants, and behav'd themſelves worſe than Turks, or the greateſt Enemies of the Chriſtian Name would have done. I don't now reckon in the number of thoſe they have kill'd, ſuch as have periſh'd in Slavery, or dy'd under the Hardſhips of their Tyrannical Oppreſſions. No Tongue is capable of deſcribing to the life all the horrid Villanies perpetrated by theſe bloody-minded Men. They ſeem to be the declar'd Enemies of Mankind, and act as if they were deſtin'd to deſtroy the whole Human Race: And how accuratly ſoever one endeavours to relate the Cruelties and Ravages of the Spaniards, the thouſandth part of it cannot be utter'd.

A more particular Account of New Spain.

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IN the flouriſhing and famous City of Cholula, which contain'd more than thirty thouſand Families, the principal Inhabitants, together with the Prieſts, led by him whom they look'd upon as their High-prieſt, came with abundance of Solemnity and Pomp to meet the Spaniards; and that they might receive 'em with the greater Honour and Reſpect, they had order'd matters ſo amongſt themſelves, that thoſe of the higheſt quality in the City ſhould conduct the Spaniards to their Houſes, and give 'em the beſt Entertainment they could. Notwithſtanding this, the Spaniards reſolv'd upon the ſpot to make a horrible ſlaughter of 'em, thereby to render themſelves the more formidable, and to ſpread Terror through all the Country. And this method they us'd to obſerve in every Country through which they paſs'd, viz. to make a great Maſſacre at their firſt Arrival, that the People, who are as meek as Sheep, might not look upon 'em without dread. They deputed ſome to go and treat with the chief Men of the City, and places adjacent, to engage 'em to come and meet 'em, that they might confer together. Theſe were no ſooner come to 'em, but they put 'em in Chains, while the Inhabitants of the City knew nothing of this Treachery. They demanded 6000 Indians of 'em to carry their Baggage, their Utenſils and Proviſions: When they were come, they ſhut 'em up in divers Yards, and 'twas a miſerable Spectacle to ſee the poor Wretches prepare to carry the Burdens they were to lay upon 'em. They were almoſt ſtark naked, and ſtoop'd down proſtrating themſelves upon the Ground, ſubmitting [Page] like Sheep to the Blows and Wounds theſe Tyrants gave 'em. When they were all thus pounded in ſeveral Courts or Yards, part of the Spaniards arm'd with Lances and Pikes fill'd up the Avenues to hinder the Indians from eſcaping, while the reſt put 'em to the Sword; ſo that none of theſe eſcap'd. Two or three days after they found ſome of them among the Carcaſes all cover'd with Wounds and Blood, that had been left for dead; theſe cry'd for Mercy, and beg'd they might be ſuffer'd to live; but theſe bloody Men were not at all ſoften'd by their Groans and Tears, and the ſubmiſſive manner in which they ask'd their Lives, but cut 'em in pieces upon the ſpot with a kind of nameleſs Cruelty. Above a hundred of the principal Indians of this place were put in Irons, and kept alive as yet: But the Commander of the Spaniards order'd Stakes to be fix'd in the Ground, and theſe unhappy People to be faſten'd to 'em and burnt. The King of the Country happen'd to make his Eſcape, and retir'd into a Temple with thirty or forty attending him, hoping to find Sanctuary there: Here he defended himſelf for a whole day. But the Spaniards, who never gave Quarter to any one whom they found in Arms, ſet fire to the Temple, and burnt all that were in it. They cry'd out of the midſt of the Flames: O vile and cruel Men! what hurt have we done you, that you ſhould kill us after this manner? Be gone, be gone to Mexico, where our King Monteçuma will puniſh you according to your deſerts. 'Tis ſaid the Spaniſh Commander was at play during this Tragedy; and that when the Flames had quite conſum'd theſe poor Indians, in a Tranſport of barbarous Joy, ſhall I ſay? or Fury, he utter'd theſe words: Nero, ſays he, beholding from Mount Tarpeius the Flames that laid Rome in Aſhes, heard the Cries of his Citizens without any Emotion of Compaſſion.

[Page] The Spaniards made another great Maſſacre in the City of Tepeaca, which is a yet finer and larger City than the former, and comprehends in it a greater number of Houſes. Here they kill'd a multitude of the Inhabitants with their Lances and Swords. They afterwards went to Mexico, where King Monteçuma accompanied with his Nobles, and thoſe of the moſt diſtinguiſhed Rank in his Court, entertain'd the Spaniards with all ſorts of Divertiſements, to teſtify how mightily they were pleas'd with their Arrival. The King's Brother came to meet 'em with a ſplendid Retinue; he made 'em noble Preſents in Gold and Silver, and gave 'em rich Stuffs painted with divers Colours: the King himſelf receiv'd 'em at the entrance of the City with all his Court, being carried upon a Golden Frame, or Chair of State, and conducted 'em to the Palace that was provided for 'em. But the ſame day they ſeiz'd this unfortunate Prince, who thought of nothing leſs, and poſted fourſcore Souldiers to guard him, having loaded him with a heavy Chain. This Action put all the Indians in a Conſternation and Fear. But to augment their Terror, they contriv'd to ſignalize their Cruelty by ſome memorable Action. All the Nobility of the City was engag'd in repreſenting Plays and Shows, and in dancing round the place where their King was impriſon'd, to allay the Troubles of his Mind during his Captivity; in theſe Plays they expos'd to view all their Riches and Magnificence. Theſe were the Demonſtrations of their Joy, and of the deſire they had to pleaſe the Spaniards. The Nobles and Princes of the Blood, according to their ſeveral degrees, were employ'd in theſe Plays and Dances (as I have ſaid) round about their Prince's Priſon; ſo that there were about the Palace two thouſands young Men that were the very flower of the whole Kingdom, and the Pride and [Page] Glory of the Court of King Monteçuma: While they were thus engag'd, the Commander of the Spaniards with one of his Troops came to fall upon 'em. He had ſent the reſt of his Souldiers into the other quarters of the City, where the People were uſing the like Divertiſements, ordering 'em to ſeem to join in with theſe Indian Sports, as if they were mightily pleas'd with 'em, but withal giving 'em a word to put theſe Dancers at a certain time to the Sword. Accordingly they fell upon 'em, pronouncing the word St. James, which was the Signal for maſſacring theſe poor naked Indians, that were in no condition to defend themſelves from Souldiers arm'd with Swords and Lances: with theſe they made large Wounds in the tender Bodies of the young Noblemen of Mexico, who were all maſſacred, and not ſo much as one of 'em eſcap'd. The Indians in the other parts of the City were ſeiz'd with ſo much Horror and Trouble, that they knew not where to ſeek for ſhelter to ſecure themſelves from the fury of theſe Cut-throats, whom they loaded with a thouſand Curſes. Since this time they don't forget to celebrate the memory of this barbarous Action with their Sighs and Tears, and have put this day in the Rank of their moſt unfortunate ones, ſince in it they loſt in a moment the moſt illuſtrious Nobility of the whole Kingdom.

The Indians who had ſuffer'd the Impriſonment of their King with ſo much patience, hearing of the Maſſacre of ſo many young Noblemen, could not but expreſs their Deteſtation of this ſo bloody and wicked a Fact, and took up Arms to revenge themſelves: and tho Monteçuma had forbidden 'em to offer the Spaniards any Violence, they attack'd 'em vigorouſly, and kill'd divers of 'em, and the reſt were conſtrained to retreat. The Spaniards put a Dagger to their Prince's Breaſt, and ſhew'd him in this [Page] poſture to his Subjects through a Window, hoping the ſight of it would oblige 'em to lay down their Arms, which the Prince himſelf likewiſe commanded them to do; but they were too much provok'd now to obey even his Orders. They choſe one to head 'em, and having put all their Troops under his Command, attack'd the Spaniards ſo furiouſly, and fought with ſo much obſtinacy, that theſe concluding they were not able to withſtand 'em, left the City, and retreated in the middle of the night; which the Indians perceiving, purſu'd 'em, and kill'd a great number of 'em as they paſs'd the Rivers. However the Spaniards return'd ſoon after with a greater Strength, and aſſaulted and took the City, in which they made a horrible ſlaughter, and burnt thoſe Indians that were of greateſt Note.

After they had committed all this Cruelty and Spoil in the City of Mexico, they carried Deſolation with them into the Province of Panuco, which is not above twenty Leagues diſtant from it, and here exerciſed their ordinary Barbarity. This Province was mightily ſtock'd with People: but ſince the arrival of the Spaniards, the greateſt part of 'em has been cut off. The Province of Tute-peca, and that of Colima underwent the ſame Fate; each of which Provinces is as big as the Kingdoms of Leon and Caſtile.

'Tis to be obſerv'd that the Spaniards invaded theſe Provinces only to plunder and inſlave the Inhabitants. One of the firſt things they did was to oblige 'em to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain; which if they refus'd to do, they were preſently maſſacred, or made Slaves. They declar'd thoſe of 'em Rebels who came not to meet the Spaniards, and to ſubmit to their unjuſt and cruel Orders. Thoſe of the higheſt rank among the Indians were accus'd of this Crime, and this was improv'd [Page] againſt 'em to the King of Spain, without conſidering that 'tis a plain Rule in Law, that none can be term'd Rebels but Subjects that are revolted from their Prince.

There's no good Chriſtian will make any difficulty to conclude, that ſuch Miſſionaries as the Spaniards have not the Qualifications neceſſary to inſinuate the Maxims of our Religion into theſe People, who are naturally free, and know not how to bear the Haughtineſs and Inſolence with which they have been treated: for they are peremptorily told, you muſt without any more ado ſubmit to the Obedience of a Foreign Prince, whom you never ſaw nor heard of; and if you refuſe ſo to do, we'll cut you in pieces; and this no ſooner ſaid but done. But that which is more unaccountable is, that thoſe who yield a blind Obedience to all they command 'em, are no better treated than the others; for they are made miſerable Slaves, they exact intolerable Tasks of 'em, and condemn 'em to all ſorts of Torments: So that whole Provinces, both Men, Women and Children, are deſtroy'd in a ſhort time: Nay, thoſe whom they kill outright are the happier ſort, as having an end put to their Miſeries in a moment. But when they are forc'd by Menaces to promiſe Fidelity and Obedience to a Foreign Prince, can it be pretended they are oblig'd to it in Conſcience, when this ſuppos'd Duty is neither founded on the Laws of God, nor thoſe of Nations? Beſides, the Threatnings that are made 'em are capable of terrifying Men of the greateſt Courage and Reſolution; wherefore all the Promiſes obtain'd by ſuch menaces have no value nor obliging force. I paſs over in ſilence the Affronts, the Inſults and Injuries that were offer'd the King of Mexico. In a word, they have violated all the Laws of Nations, and infinitely wrong'd and abus'd the poor Indians. This [Page] is all the Service the Spaniards have done theſe People.

The Governor of this new World, ſupported by his imaginary Titles, ſent two Captains, ſcarce inferior to himſelf in Impiety aad Cruelty, into the Kingdoms of Guatimala, which are ſituate towards the South: they pierc'd as far as the Kingdoms of Naco and Gaymura, which extend Northward for the ſpace of about 300 Leagues; theſe Kingdoms border upon that of Mexico. Theſe Captains travell'd both by Sea and Land, accompanied with a good party of Horſe, and a conſiderable number of Foot.

The Captain whoſe Lot it was to travel into Guatimala, did a world of miſchief there (the other ſoon dying) he carried Deſolation with him every where, and fill'd this Kingdom with Blood and Ruin, to render the Spaniards formidable even to future Generations. I am of opinion, that the miſchief this Captain did here ſurpaſs'd whatever the Europeans had done before in the new World. He went by Sea, and carried Sword and Fire throughout all the Coaſts. Some of the Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Yucatan, which is in the way to the Kingdoms of Naco and Gaymura, made him magnificent Preſents: yet as ſoon as he had enter'd their Country, he ſent his Souldiers into every part of it, who committed horrible Spoil, and maſſacred an infinite number of theſe poor People. A furious Spaniard at the head of 300 Men, enter'd the Country adjoining to Guatimala, ſet fire to all their Cities, and cut the throats of all the Inhabitants, without giving any quarter: he carried away what Booty he could, and continued to pillage the Country for the ſpace of ſixſcore Leagues. This Captain had rebell'd, and revolted againſt his General; and his deſign in ruining the Country after this manner was to put the Spaniards [Page] out of a condition to purſue him, by preventing their finding Subſiſtence in a Country thus ruin'd, and by expoſing 'em to the fury of the Indians, who would omit nothing to revenge upon 'em the Injuries and Miſchiefs they had receiv'd from their Companions, which fell out accordingly: For the Spaniſh General attempting to purſue this Rebel, was kill'd by the Indians. Thoſe that ſucceeded him exerciſed all manner of Cruelties on 'em, and reduc'd almoſt all of 'em to Slavery, after they had ſpoil'd 'em of all their Goods, Proviſions, Clothes, Corn, Wine and other neceſſaries of Life. The Provinces of Naco and Hondure, which were like Gardens of Pleaſure, were turn'd into melancholy Deſerts, altho this Country was very full of People. 'Tis impoſſible to reflect on theſe things without being ſenſibly touch'd and ſoften'd into Compaſſion, tho one were naturally of an obdurate and ſowr Temper. They kill'd two Millions of People in this Country in leſs than ten years; ſo that there are ſcarce two thouſand left in all the vaſt Extent of it; and theſe are groaning under a heavy yoke of Bondage. When they propos'd to 'em to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain, they would give 'em no time to deliberate; they muſt immediately obey, or elſe die by Fire or Sword.

Of the Kingdom of Guatimala.

THE Spaniards ſignaliz'd their entrance into this Kingdom by divers Maſſacres, tho the King came to meet 'em in his Chair of State ſupported by his Slaves, follow'd by a great number of his Lords, and with Trumpets and Drums before him, to give the greater Teſtimony of Joy; he ſhew'd 'em all [Page] the Courteſy and Civility in the world, manifeſted a great deal of Kindneſs in readily ſupplying 'em with plenty of Proviſions, and gave 'em whatever they could reaſonably deſire. The Spaniards lodg'd without the City the firſt night, thinking they ſhould not be ſecure enough in a place ſo well fortified. The next day they engag'd the Prince of the place to come out to 'em with the greateſt part of the Perſons of Quality, obliging to bring with them a certain quantity of Gold. The Indians made anſwer that 'twas impoſſible for them to do what was requir'd, becauſe their Country did not yield this Metal. However this refuſal ſo mov'd the Indignation of the Spaniards, that for no other Offence, without any formal Proceſs, they caſt 'em all alive into a great Fire. The moſt conſiderable Inhabitants of theſe Provinces, ſeeing their Maſters ſo cruelly treated, only becauſe they gave not the Spaniards all the Gold they demanded, retir'd with all ſpeed into the Mountains, ordering the common People to ſubmit to the Spaniards as their Maſters, and giving 'em a ſtrict charge by no means to give the leaſt notice of the places where they were gone to hide themſelves. Abundance of theſe poor People came accordingly to the Spaniards, begging of 'em to receive them into the number of their Servants, and promiſing to ſerve 'em faithfully as far as they were capable. The Spaniſh Commander roughly anſwer'd 'em, that he would not ſo receive 'em, but cut 'em to pieces without Mercy, unleſs they would diſcover the places whither their Maſters were retreated; the Indians replied, they did not know: however they readily offer'd themſelves, their Wives and Children to their Service; and ſaid, they would continue in their Houſes expecting their Orders; they further told 'em, they might treat 'em as they pleas'd, 'twas in their power either to kill [Page] 'em, or to ſave 'em alive to employ 'em in their ſervice. The Spaniards upon this went into their Villages and Towns, and found theſe poor Indians with their Wives and Children buſy at their Work, and in great ſecurity, believing they had no need to fear the Spaniards would attack 'em; yet theſe blood-thirſty Men maſſacred 'em without pity. After this they went to another great Town, the Inhabitants of which confiding in their Innocence, thought themſelves in no great danger; but this whole Town was deſtroy'd in leſs than two hours, and the Maſſacre was ſo general, that no Age, nor Sex, nor Quality met with Pity, but all were put to the Sword, unleſs ſuch as fled before the arrival of the Spaniards.

The Indians at length finding it impoſſible either by their Patience, their Submiſſions, or their Preſents to ſoften the cruel and ſavage Temper of the Spaniards, who cut their Throats without any reaſon, or any ſentiment of Pity, reſolv'd to get together in a body, and take Arms to defend themſelves: for ſeeing Death was inevitable to 'em, and become a neceſſary Evil, they choſe rather to die with Weapons in their hands, thereby to ſell their Lives at as dear a rate as they could, and to revenge themſelves as much as poſſible on their Perſecutors, than to ſuffer their Throats to be cut like Sheep without making any reſiſtance. They wanted effectual Arms, they were quite naked, and knew their Strength was much inferior to that of their Enemies; they had no Horſes, nor did they underſtand the uſe of 'em in Battel: they had to do with a furious and warlike Enemy that gave 'em no quarter, and deſign'd nothing but their Extirpation. They therefore thought it neceſſary to uſe Stratagems: it came into their heads to make Pits up and down the ways by which the Spaniards were to paſs, and to cover 'em with [Page] Straw and Leaves that they might not be perceiv'd, that ſo their Horſes might fall in 'em, and break their Necks or Legs. Some of the Spaniards were two or three times taken in theſe Traps, but afterwards took care to avoid 'em, and reſolv'd to caſt all the Indians they could take into theſe Pits, whether Men, Women or Children, of what Age or Condition ſoever; they threw in Women big with Child, and old Men as well as others, till they had quite fill'd 'em. It was a moſt lamentable ſight to ſee ſome Women empaled together with their Children, and ſo expos'd to the fury of greedy Dogs, and others run through with Lances and Halberts. They burnt one of the greateſt Lords of the Country with a gentle Fire, and inſultingly told him 'twas to do him the more honour, that they put him to death after this manner. Theſe Butcheries and Cruelties were committed for ſeven years together. The Reader may conjecture what multitudes of poor Indians were ſlaughter'd during ſo tedious and bloody a Perſecution.

'Tis fit to be remark'd, that the Spaniards were receiv'd with great Acclamations, and with all the demonſtrations of a ſincere Joy in the Province of Cuzcatan, which is ſituate on the Sea-ſide, and extends forty or fifty Leagues in length. In this Province is the famous City of St. Saviour; Cuzcatan is the Metropolis of the Province. Theſe People ſent 30000 Indians to the Spaniards laden with Indian Poultry, and all other Proviſions the Country would afford in great abundance. After they had receiv'd theſe Preſents, the Spaniſh General order'd his Men to chooſe as many Indians as each of 'em deſir'd for their Service, while they remain'd in that Province: Accordingly one took a hundred, another fifty, as they had occaſion to carry their Baggage. Theſe poor Wretches ſerv'd them with all the care and [Page] diligence they could, and were even ready to worſhip 'em. At length the General demanded of 'em a great quantity of Gold, that being the main buſineſs for which he came: they with a great deal of Humility and Submiſſion, told him they would readily give him all they had, and preſently got together all the Lances they had, which were made of Copper gilt, and which they took for pure Gold by the looks of it. The General ſoon made trial of it, and finding what it was, addreſs'd himſelf to the Spaniards in theſe terms: We muſt carry Deſtruction with us (ſays he) through all this Country, ſeeing here's no Gold to be found: Every one of you may keep the Indians you have choſen for your perpetual Slaves: You may load 'em with Chains, and brand 'em with the marks of their Slavery: Which was immediately done: For they printed the King's Arms with a hot Iron upon all they could take. Thoſe of 'em that eſcap'd, provok'd with the ill Treatment which they every where met, aſſembled all the Indians they could to make an Effort to deliver themſelves from the Perſecutions of their Enemies by force of Arms; but their Enterprize was not ſucceſsful, ſo that an incredible number of 'em was kill'd.

After this Expedition the Spaniards return'd to Guatimala, where they built a City; but God was pleas'd by his juſt Judgment utterly to overthrow, and deſtroy it. They kill'd all without Mercy whom they ſuppos'd to be in a condition to incommode 'em by their Arms, and the reſt were condemn'd to Slavery. They extorted from 'em a Tribute of Boys and Girls, and ſent 'em into Peru to be ſold. The other Inhabitants of this Kingdom, which is 100 Leagues in length, were likewiſe deſtroy'd. Thus one of the moſt pleaſant and fruitful Countries in the World was reduc'd to a melancholy Deſert. The Governor himſelf has freely confeſs'd, that this [Page] was the moſt populous Country in the Weſt-Indies, not excepting Mexico it ſelf, which is certainly true. In this noble Country the Spaniards have deſtroy'd no leſs than four or five Millions of Men in fifteen or ſixteen years, and continue every day to treat thoſe that remain after the ſame manner.

Theſe inhuman Creatures were wont when they declar'd War againſt any City or Province, to bring with 'em as many of the conquer'd Indians as they could, to make 'em fight againſt their Country-men; ſometimes they had fifteen or twenty thouſand of theſe new Subjects among 'em. But becauſe they were not able to furniſh 'em with all neceſſary Proviſions, they allow'd 'em to eat thoſe other Indians whom they took in War, ſo that in their Camp they had Shambles ſtor'd with human Fleſh. Infants were kill'd in their ſight, and then broil'd and eaten; Men were ſlaughter'd like Beaſts, and their Legs and Arms dreſs'd for food; for the Indians like the taſte of thoſe Parts better than others. The News of theſe horrible Practices ſoon alarm'd the neighbouring Countries, and fill'd 'em with Terror and Conſternation.

Many of the Indians were worn out with carrying the Tackle of the Spaniſh Ships, which they would needs have brought from the North to the South Sea, which are 130 Leagues diſtant: They made 'em carry Anchors of a great weight all this long way; they laid great Guns upon the naked Backs of theſe poor Creatures, under the weight of which they were not able to ſtand; ſo that the greateſt part of 'em dy'd by the way, not being able to endure theſe Fatigues. To increaſe their Miſery, they divided their Families, taking Husbands from their Wives, and Wives from their Husbands; their Daughters were taken from 'em, and given to the Seamen and Souldiers to ſatisfy their Luſt, and to [Page] appeaſe their murmuring. They fill'd the Ships with Indians, and ſuffer'd 'em to periſh with Hunger and Thirſt; becauſe they would take no care to furniſh 'em with Neceſſaries. But to give a particular account of all their Cruelties would require large Volumes, the view of which would aſtoniſh all that ſhould have the curioſity to look into 'em.

The Spaniards had two powerful Fleets deſtin'd to the ſame purpoſe of deſtroying the poor Indians. How many Parents have they bereav'd of their Children! How many Children of their Parents! of how many Adulteries and other infamous Practices have they been the Cauſes, the Actors, and Accomplices! How many People have they inſlav'd! What Miſeries and Calamities have they not brought upon this new World! What Fountains of Tears have they open'd! What Rivers of Blood have they pour'd out! How many Lives have they taken away after ſuch a manner as might render 'em yet more miſerable in the other World! which is a melancholy Reflection both in regard of the Indians who have ſuffer'd ſo many Cruelties, and of the Spaniards who have been the Authors of ſo much Miſchief and Villany.

Of New Spain, of Panuco and Xaliſco.

AFter the Spaniards had committed all the foremention'd Cruelties and Maſſacres in New Spain, there came to Panuco another Tyrant as barbarous and unmerciful as the former. He loaded his Ships with multitudes of the Natives, and carried 'em to Cuba and Hiſpaniola, where they were ſold for Slaves: ſo that in a little time he render'd the whole Country deſtitute of People. Fourſcore of [Page] theſe Indians (tho they have reaſonable Souls as well as other Men) were exchang'd for one Horſe. When the Preſident of the City of Mexico was made Governor of all New Spain, there were alſo a great many Aſſeſſors and Auditors made, who all rul'd like ſo many petty Tyrants, and committed unparallel'd Cruelties and Outrages in the exerciſe of their Offices. They acted ſuch abominable things, and made the Country ſo deſolate in a very little time, that if the Franciſcan Monks had not oppos'd their Diſorders with a great deal of Courage and Reſolution, and had not the Royal Council by their Meſſages given Orders for the preſervation of this Province, all New Spain had been ruin'd in leſs than two years, and been made as deſolate as Hiſpaniola. One of the Preſident's Companions employ'd eight thouſand Indians to make a Wall round his Garden, but he gave 'em neither Wages nor Victuals; ſo that they almoſt all dy'd before the Work was finiſh'd: neither the hard Labour they endur'd, nor their Death could make this mercileſs Man relent.

After the former General, of whom we have ſpoken above, had made an end of deſtroying and waſting the Province of Panuco, and was inform'd that the Royal Council would arrive in a little time, he advanc'd farther into the Country, hoping to find ſome new Province on which to exerciſe his wonted Rapine. He forc'd fifteen or twenty thouſand Indians to attend him, to carry the Spaniards Baggage and Proviſions, which they did till they all died in the way except two hundred. He came at length into the Province of Mechuaca, about forty Leagues from Mexico. The King of this Province very civilly came out to meet him, and was as officious to ſerve him as could be deſir'd; but for his reward was loaded with Irons, becauſe ſuppos'd to have a great Treaſure by him; and the better to [Page] extort great Sums from him, he was made to ſuffer a great many Torments. His Hands being tied to a Stake, and his Legs ſtretch'd out, they drop'd burning Pitch on 'em, and baſted his Body with boiling Oil from time to time, that his Skin might be gradually roaſted. Over againſt him ſtood a furious Souldier with a Bow ſhooting Arrows into his Breaſt: Another let looſe hungry Dogs to bite and tear him in every part; all theſe Tortures were to make him confeſs where he had hid his Gold: And theſe Cruelties would have been continued longer if a Franciſcan Frier had not happen'd to come and reſcue him out of their hands; however he could not ſave his Life, for he expir'd ſoon after. Many Caciques and great Men of this Province were put to death after this manner, to make 'em confeſs where they had hid their Gold and Silver.

About this time there arriv'd another Perſon in this Country, who was more greedy of Money, than ſolicitous about the Salvation of the poor Indians. He happen'd to find ſome of their Idols which they had hid, (for the Spaniards would very ſeldom give themſelves the trouble to inform theſe Idolaters of the True God) Upon this he impriſon'd the moſt conſiderable Perſons in the Nation, till they ſhould diſcover to him where they had put their Idols, becauſe he ſuppos'd theirs were made either of Gold or Silver; but he fail'd in his Expectation: however to mend the matter, he impos'd great Sums on the Indians, which they were to pay for the redemption of their Idols, that they might worſhip 'em after their wonted manner. Theſe are the Improvements the Spaniards have been making in the Weſt-Indies, and this is their Zeal for the Glory of God and Religion.

After this Tyrant had run through the whole Province of Mechuaca, and pillaged it, he came to [Page] Xaliſquo, a Country very populous and fruitful, and the moſt famous in all America; there are Towns in it of ſeven Leagues in length. Theſe Indians, as the others had done before, came out to meet him with great expreſſions of Joy; but he ſoon left upon 'em the marks of his Cruelty, which he had cultivated by long Experience. The noble Preſents made this Tiger could not mollify him. His deſign was to heap together a great quantity of Gold, this was the only Idol he ador'd; and all means were indifferent to him, ſo he could but attain his end. He ſet fire to all the Cities through which he paſs'd, and deſtroy'd 'em to the very Foundation. He kept thoſe of the higheſt Dignity priſoners, after he had inflicted divers kinds of Torments on 'em. The Spaniards loaded all the Indians they could take here with Chains, which was a great number. The Souldiers made Women big with Child carry their Baggage, till they fainted and ſunk under their Burdens with hunger and wearineſs. Others not able to carry both the heavy Burdens they gave 'em, and their Children too, were forc'd to leave theſe by the way, by which means a prodigious number of Children periſh'd.

A Spaniard attempting to raviſh a Virgin in the preſence of her Mother, the Mother did what ſhe could to hinder him; upon which, to prevent her from farther oppoſing his brutiſh deſign, he drew his Sword and cut off her Arms, and afterwards kill'd her Daughter becauſe ſhe would by no means conſent to his filthy Deſires, but reſiſted him with a virtuous Indignation and Courage to her laſt breath.

Four thouſand and five hundred of theſe poor Indians were branded with a hot Iron by the Spaniards, who mark'd 'em thus for Slaves, tho they were born free and independent. The very Children, [Page] as well as thoſe that were grown to maturity, ſuffer'd this Puniſhment and Infamy: They pretended they had right to make a great number of 'em Slaves, to defray the Charge of their long Travels; and that they might lawfully make theſe poor Creatures endure all ſorts of Torments, to force 'em to declare where they had hid their Gold: Some of 'em they burnt, others were torn in pieces by hungry Dogs; they cut off the Feet, Hands, Arms, Tongues, and ſometimes the Heads of others, to terrify the reſt by theſe ſad Spectacles, that they might oblige 'em the more eaſily to ſubmit to Slavery, or to ſhew 'em the places where they had ſecur'd their Treaſure. And all theſe things were acted with the knowledg and conſent of the Governor, who would ſometimes order more Blows to be given 'em, when they were beat or whip'd, to compleat their Miſery.

Fourſcore Towns and Villages at leaſt were burnt in the Kingdom of Xaliſco: Which tragical ſight, together with all the various Cruelties they ſuffer'd every day, ſo provok'd the Indians, that they arm'd themſelves and fell upon the Spaniards, and kill'd ſome of 'em: after which Expedition they fled up into the Mountains, but at length were maſſacred in this place of Refuge by other Spaniards who made Excurſions through theſe Provinces to lay 'em waſte. They put all of 'em to the Sword who made any offer to defend themſelves, ſo that this place became a horrible ſcene of Blood: And there is ſcarce any Remnant of this once numerous People left. The Spaniards were certainly blinded, harden'd and abandon'd by the Almighty, that they made no Reflection on the Laws of God or Men, which all forbid the exerciſe of ſuch Violence as they have been guilty of in America. They had no juſt occaſion given 'em to drive the Inhabitants of thoſe Provinces from [Page] their Native Country by force of Arms, and to maſſacre 'em ſo barbarouſly: they did not conſider how unjuſt and criminal theſe Outrages were, and how contrary it was to all the Laws of Nations, for them to treat thoſe who had never injur'd 'em with ſo much Cruelty. They pretend the Wars they have made againſt theſe People are juſt and lawful; that God hath left 'em to their Mercy, and that they have right to make ſuch Conqueſts as theſe, and to deſtroy all theſe Nations: So that it ſeems they would fain make God himſelf Partner with 'em in their Tyranny and Wickedneſs; and one may well apply the words of the Prophet Zechariah to 'em: Feed the flock of the ſlaughter; whoſe Poſſeſſors ſlay them, and hold themſelves not guilty: and they that ſell them ſay, Bleſſed be the Lord, for I am rich; and their own Shepherds pity them not. Chap. 11. 4, 5.

Of the Kingdom of Yucatan.

A Very profligate Perſon who had neither Honour nor Conſcience, was made Governor of the Kingdom of Yucatan in the year 1526; which Dignity he procur'd by his Lies and Artifices, and the falſe accounts of Matters which he ſent to the King of Spain. A method which other Tyrants have hitherto likewiſe follow'd to obtain places of Truſt: For under the umbrage of the Title of Governor, which ſeems to give ſome Dignity and Authority to all they do, they take the liberty to exerciſe their Robberies and Violences with Impunity. The Kingdom of Yucatan contain'd a prodigious number of People; the Air of this Country is very temperate and pleaſant: it has great plenty of Fruits, and all the Neceſſaries of Life; it exceeds [Page] Mexico it ſelf in Fertility: There is more Wax and Honey found in this than in any other part of America that has been yet diſcover'd. This Kingdom is 300 Leagues in compaſs. The Inhabitants of it are more polite, more civiliz'd, and better diſciplin'd in Morals, and in what belongs to the good order of Societies, than the reſt of the Indians. There is a remarkable Prudence and Juſtneſs of Mind in them, which is not to be found in others. Theſe natural Endowments without doubt ought to have encouraged Chriſtians to take the pains to inſtruct 'em in the knowledg of the true God; and they ſeem'd to have no ſmall diſpoſition to receive the Maxims of the Catholick Religion. The Spaniards might have built great and flouriſhing Cities in ſo pleaſant and commodious a Country, where they might have liv'd in the midſt of Pleaſure and Plenty, as it were in another Earthly Paradiſe: but their Stupidity, their Avarice, and the enormous Crimes they have committed in America have render'd 'em unworthy of theſe Advantages. They attack'd theſe poor Indians, who liv'd in profound Peace and Security, with the utmoſt Violence of a cruel War, and maſſacred a prodigious number of 'em, tho the number of the Spaniards was but three hundred. This Country produces no Gold; if the Spaniards could have found any Mines there, they would have condemn'd the Indians to 'em, who muſt have periſh'd with Hunger and Hardſhip. Theſe covetous Wretches eſteem'd Gold more than Souls, which were purchas'd by the Blood of Jeſus Chriſt; they made Slaves of thoſe whom they ſav'd alive, and fill'd the Ships they had brought to the Coaſts of this Kingdom with 'em, and ſo exchang'd 'em for Wine, Oil, Vinegar, ſalt Pork, Horſes, and all other Neceſſaries. They would give fifty or a hundred of the handſomeſt young Girls for a meaſure of Wine, Oil or Vinegar, and would [Page] ſell a hundred or two of luſty well-made young Men at the ſame rate. They ſwop'd a Prince's Son for a Cheeſe, and a hundred Perſons of Eminency for a Horſe. They continued in this Country till they heard of the Riches of Peru, the News of which made 'em leave it immediately, and thus their Perſecutions ended in the Kingdom of Yucatan. However, before they went they committed all the Exceſſes and Diſorders that can be imagin'd againſt both God and Men: ſo that thoſe three hundred Leagues of one of the fineſt Countries in the World, that was very rich and full of People before their arrival, were in a little time reduc'd to a vaſt Deſert.

'Tis not eaſy to believe the Account of all the villanous Actions they committed in this Kingdom: I'll recite but two or three particular Facts. They had prepar'd fierce Dogs which they kept hungry to go a hunting after the poor Indians; as they were hunting they lighted on a Woman that was ſick, who not being in a condition to fly to avoid being devour'd of the Dogs, hang'd her ſelf, after ſhe had hang'd a Child ſhe had with her of a year old; the Dogs preſently camt to her, and began to devour her: but a certain Frier that was happily there perceiving the Child not to be yet quite dead, baptiz'd it.

When they quitted this Kingdom, they invited the Son of one of the Princes of the Country to accompany 'em, who ſhew'd a great unwillingneſs to abandon his Country to follow 'em, on which they threatned to cut him in quarters if he did not conſent to their deſire. The Child ſtill perſiſting in the ſame mind, one of the Spaniards drew his Sword and cut off both his Ears: This ill Treatment however could not make him alter his purpoſe, upon which this Brute cut off his Noſe and Lips, and [Page] laugh'd while he was committing this barbarous Action.

Another brag'd that he had got many Indian Women with Child, that he might ſell 'em for the more Money. Some of the Spaniards have been ſo inhuman as to give Infants to their Hounds when they were hungry: they would take theſe poor Babes by the two Legs, and violently tear 'em aſunder into two pieces, and then feed their Dogs with 'em, They were left of God to ſuch a reprobate mind, that they made no more account of human Creatures, that were ranſom'd by the Blood of Jeſus Chriſt, than of Beaſts.

I paſs over an infinite number of other unheard of Cruelties, which ſurpaſs all Imagination. When theſe covetous and ambitious Tyrants left the Kingdom of Yucatan to go in ſearch after the greater Riches of Peru, four Franciſcan Friers came thither to comfort theſe miſerable People, and to endeavour by their preaching to bring thoſe that had eſcap'd the fury of the Spaniards to the knowledg of the true God. The ſame Friers were very earneſtly ſolicited by many other Indians to come into their Country likewiſe to teach 'em the Maxims of their Religion. They aſſembled in great companies to inform themſelves what ſort of Men theſe Religious. Perſons were, who call'd one another Father and Brother, to inquire into their true deſigns, and to know wherein they differ'd from other Spaniards, who had exercis'd ſo much Cruelty over all the Weſt-Indies. They were willing to entertain 'em on condition they would come alone to inſtruct 'em, without any other Spaniards to attend 'em; which the Friers promis'd very readily, aſſuring 'em they would not offer 'em the leaſt Injury. The Governor of New Spain likewiſe now order'd 'em to promiſe the Indians, that they ſhould be treated more kindly [Page] for the time to come, and ſhould find no farther occaſion to complain of the Spaniards Severity. Thus theſe Religious Men began to preach the Goſpel of Chriſt with a great deal of Zeal, and inform'd theſe People moreover of the good Intentions of the King of Spain towards 'em; ſo that in about forty days time, they brought all their Idols to throw 'em in the fire: they as readily brought their Children, whom they bring up with a great deal of tenderneſs and fondneſs, to be inſtructed; and built both Houſes and Churches for theſe Friers with all the Affection and Forwardneſs imaginable. All the ſeveral Provinces ſtrove with great Emulation for their Company, their Zeal was ſo great for the new Religion they preach'd to 'em. So that what the Governors could never obtain of the Indians in many years, theſe Friers accompliſh'd in a very little time: for the Princes and Great Men of theſe Provinces, at the head of their People in a General Aſſembly, voluntarily ſubmitted to the Government of the King of Spain, whom they acknowledg'd for their Soveraign, and put themſelves under his Protection; as may be ſeen by the account theſe Friers ſent into Spain ſign'd with their own hands.

Theſe pious Men were tranſported with Joy to find a door open'd to 'em to preach the Goſpel in theſe vaſt Provinces, to thoſe that had eſcap'd the Barbarity of the ſeveral Governors, who had maſſacred ſuch prodigious numbers. About this time there came into theſe parts eighteen Spaniſh Troopers with twelve foot Souldiers, who brought with them abundance of Indian Idols which they had taken out of other Provinces; the Commander of theſe Souldiers ſent for one of the principal Chiefs of the Nation, and commanded him to take theſe Idols and diſtribute 'em throughout the Country, and to bring him Indian Men and Women in exchange for [Page] 'em, threatning him with a ſevere War if he refus'd to obey him. This Prince was ſo terrified with theſe Menaces, that he carried away all theſe Idols, and diſpos'd 'em in the ſeveral Cities of his Province, requiring the People in the name of this Spaniſh Captain to worſhip theſe falſe Gods, and to render 'em all the Honour and Service they were formerly wont to do. To recompenſe this Action they gave him liberty to make as many Slaves as he pleas'd. The Indians, frighted with the threatnings that were made 'em, deliver'd up their own Children; he that had two gave one, and he that had three gave two. This was the Event of this impious Traffick, the Cacyque being forced to obey the Orders of the Spaniſh Captain. One of theſe ungodly Wretches, whoſe name was John Garcia, being taken dangerouſly ſick, and ready to expire, bethought himſelf that he had a conſiderable number of theſe Idols under his Bed; and therefore order'd an Indian Woman that he kept to ſell 'em, telling her ſhe might make a good market of 'em, the matter of which being very valuable, he told her every Image was at leaſt fairly worth an Indian in exchange. This was the Spaniards laſt Will and Teſtament, and theſe were the marks he gave of the pious diſpoſition of his Mind, and in the midſt of ſuch Cares as theſe he gave up the Ghoſt. By this Story it may eaſily be conjectur'd what good Examples the Spaniards ſet before the Indians, and what progreſs the Catholick Religion is likely to make among theſe People; who being Eye-witneſſes of ſuch Actions as theſe, eaſily perceive that the Europeans have ſo little ſentiment of Religion, that they don't much care whether poor Infidels be reduc'd to pay the true God that Worſhip and Honour they owe him, or not. It can hardly be ſaid that Jeroboam's Crime, who caus'd two Golden Calves to be caſt, and oblig'd [Page] his Subjects to worſhip 'em, is more hainous than that of the Spaniards, who drive ſuch an abominable trade with Idols, and occaſion ſo much ſcandal by this ſhameful kind of Traffick. This is the manner of their Conduct and Behaviour in the new World. They ſacrifice every thing to their deteſtable Avarice, and ſell Chriſt Jeſus himſelf for Gold. They are every day renouncing him, and diſhonouring his Religion by the many infamous Crimes of which they are guilty.

The Indians ſeeing the Spaniards ſtill continue to ruin their Country, notwithſtanding all the expreſs Promiſes the Friers had made 'em that they would abſtain for the future from their wonted Robberies; and that inſtead of mending their own Lives, they brought Idols even from other Countries to expoſe to ſale among them, who had voluntarily reſign'd their own to the Friers to be committed to the Flames, being reſolv'd to worſhip but one God in their Country for time to come: Seeing all this (I ſay) they were extremely enrag'd at the Spaniards, and no leſs provok'd againſt the Friers, whom they accoſted after this manner. Why (ſay they) have you deceiv'd us thus by your falſe Promiſes? Did not you aſſure us the Spaniards ſhould no more invade and oppreſs us? Why have you burnt our Gods, to bring us ſtrange Gods out of other Countries? Are theſe better or mightier than our own? The poor Friers endeavor'd to appeaſe 'em as well as they could, tho they ſcarce knew how to anſwer their Complaints, having no good Reaſons to offer to excuſe the matter. However they applied themſelves to the Spaniards, reproach'd 'em for having ſo exceedingly ſcandaliz'd the Indians, and conjur'd 'em to leave the Country, which they abſolutely refus'd to do; and which was ſtill more vile and unworthy, they perſwaded the Indians that they had not come into their Country [Page] but at the requeſt of theſe Friers: Which pretence had the ſucceſs they deſired; for the Indians giving credit to theſe Stories, reſolv'd to kill the poor Friers; but ſome of 'em giving 'em notice of the Deſign, they made their eſcape in the night. After they were gone, the Indians perceiv'd they were impos'd on, and receiv'd full information of the Malice of the Spaniards, and the baſe trick they had play'd 'em, and therefore diſpatch'd a Meſſage to the Friers to entreat 'em to return, and forgive the fault they had committed, aſſuring 'em they heartily repented of their Ingratitude.

Theſe pious Men that were devoted to the Service of God, and animated with an ardent Zeal for the Salvation of Souls, confiding in the Proteſtations of the Indians, return'd to 'em according to their requeſt, and were receiv'd as if they had been Angels come down from Heaven: they continued three or four Months among 'em, receiving abundance of reſpect and kindneſs from 'em. The Spaniards, who ſtill refus'd to quit the Country, tho the Vice-roy had expreſly order'd 'em ſo to do, and had us'd all his Authority to oblige 'em to it, were declar'd Rebels and Traitors; however this did not hinder 'em from continuing their Rapine and Inſolence. And tho the Friers were ſatisfied they would not always eſcape with Impunity, yet they fear'd it might be a long time before they receiv'd their Deſerts; and conſidering moreover that the continual Inſults they made on the Indians, depriv'd them of the liberty of preaching to 'em, upon the whole they thought meet to reſolve to leave this Kingdom, which was depriv'd of the light of the Goſpel by the Malice of the Spaniards: and thus theſe poor Indians who manifeſted ſuch good Inclinations toward Chriſtianity, were abandon'd to their former Darkneſs and Idolatry, in which they continue to [Page] this day, while thoſe profligate Wretches ſtill by the ſame Obſtacles in the way of their Converſion. When theſe Friers were conſtrain'd to retire out of the Country, the Indians began to imbrace the Chriſtian Religion with a great deal of Zeal and Fervor; but being unhappily depriv'd of all means of Inſtruction, they wither'd like tender Plants, for want of Water.

Of the Province of St. Martha.

THE Province of St. Martha was famous for the rich Golden Mines that are near it, and for the fruitfulneſs of its Soil. The People are numerous, and very skilful in getting Gold out of the Mines, which eaſily engag'd the Spaniards to go thither, and that in great numbers; they made continual Excurſions over all this fine Country to ravage and ſpoil it; they maſſacred vaſt numbers of the Inhabitants, took away all their Gold, and fill'd their Ships, which ſerv'd 'em for Magazines, with the Booty. They ſoon laid waſte this flouriſhing Province by the Robberies and Villanies they committed: they did the greateſt miſchief upon the Sea-coaſts, but they ſoon after pierc'd higher up into the Country, where they endeavour'd to make a Settlement. The Country being rich and fertile, divers Spaniſh Captains ſucceſſively invaded it with their Troops, and the laſt was ſtill more cruel and inhuman than his Predeceſſor. They ſeem'd ambitious to outvie one another in the Enormity of their Crimes and Villanies. In the year 1520, a Spaniſh General attended with a great many Souldiers enter'd into this Province with a reſolution of ruining it entirely. He continued there for ſeven years together, and carried [Page] away an immenſe Treaſure with him; at laſt he was condemn'd to be baniſh'd, and dyed in his Exile without ſhewing the leaſt token of Repentance. Thoſe who ſucceeded him went on to maſſacre thoſe Indians that he and other Tyrants had ſpared; they made both the common People, and the Nobility of this Province ſuffer moſt horrible Torments, to oblige 'em by the violence of their pain to diſcover their Gold: they laid this Country waſte for above 40 Leagues, not leaving one ſoul alive; tho this Province was well ſtock'd with Inhabitants before their arrival.

To give a particular Relation of all the Extravagances, Maſſacres and Deſolations, of all the Impieties and Villanies committed by the Spaniards in this Province againſt God, againſt the King, and againſt the innocent Indians, would require a large Hiſtory: I muſt therefore content my ſelf to paſs over many Circumſtances after a curſory manner. The Biſhop of this Province, writing to the King of Spain in the year 1541, among other things thus expreſſes himſelf: Great Sir, To redreſs the Grievances of this Province, it ought to be deliver'd from the Tyranny of thoſe that ravage it, and committed to the Care of Perſons of Integrity, who will treat the Inhabitants with more kindneſs and humanity; for if it be left to the mercy of the Governours, who commit all ſorts of Outrages with impunity, 'twill be deſtroy'd in a very little time. The ſame Biſhop farther adds in his Letter: The ill Conduct of the Governours may well engage your Majeſty to deprive 'em abſolutely of their Places, to relieve theſe Provinces; and if this courſe be not taken, the diſeaſe will be incurable. I am neceſſitated to let your Majeſty know, that the Spaniards who come into this New World, live here rather like Devils than Chriſtians; they neither ſerve God nor the King; they violate all the Laws of God and Men with Impunity. [Page] Nothing can be a greater hindrance to the Converſion of the Indians, than the ill Treatment and Perſecution they make 'em ſuffer continually. Theſe People naturally love peace and quietneſs; but the barbarous uſage they meet with from the Spaniards, inſpires 'em with horror and indignation againſt all Chriſtians, whom they therefore call in their Language Yares, that is to ſay, Devils. Nor is it without reaſon that they appear ſo odious and abominable to theſe poor Creatures, ſince the Actions they ſee 'em commit, are more like thoſe of Devils, than of reaſonable Creatures, or Chriſtians. For while the Indians ſee the Officers as well as Souldiers commit ſuch deteſtable Crimes; they believe the Laws of Chriſtianity authorize theſe inhuman Actions, and that neither our God nor our King forbids 'em. 'Tis to no purpoſe to pretend to undeceive 'em, and remove theſe Prejudices, as the Caſe ſtands; 'tis but only to expoſe the Laws and Religion of Chriſt the more to the Contempt of theſe Idolaters. The Indians now begin to defend themſelves from the Spaniards by force of Arms; and chooſe rather to periſh together at once than to ſuffer a thouſand deaths by the Cruelty of theſe unmerciful Men. Your Majeſty has more Servants in this New World than you imagine; for there are none who bear Arms in theſe vaſt Countries, and make it their buſineſs to plunder, kill, and burn, but give out that they are employ'd here in your Majeſty's buſineſs, and endeavour to perſwade the World that 'tis by your Majeſty's Order, and for your Interest, that they do all this Miſchief to the Indians: tho the Truth is, they uſe 'em after this violent manner, only to enrich themſelves by plundering 'em of all they have. It ſeems abſolutely neceſſary for your Majeſty to ſtop the Courſe of theſe Robbers by ſome Exemplary Puniſhment; and that your Majeſty declare you will have none of their Services, who ſo highly diſhonour God and Religion.

Thus far the Letter which the Biſhop of St. Martha wrote to his Catholick Majeſty: By which it [Page] may be conjectur'd how the Spaniards have abus'd the poor Indians. They in deriſion and ſcorn call thoſe the Warlike Indians, that fly into the Mountains to ſave their Lives. And when they force theſe miſerable People, to travel in rough and difcult ways, ſweating under the great Burdens they oblige 'em to carry, not content with having overloaded 'em, they aggravate their miſery by beating 'em unmercifully, and bruiſing their Faces with the pommels of their Swords, till the poor Wretches driven to deſpair with all this Oppreſſion, often cry out, I can hold out no longer; kill me out-right; put an end to my Miſeries by a ſpeedy Death. And many deep ſighs accompany theſe Expreſſions, which ſometimes they are ſcarce able to utter, their Strength is ſo exhauſted with their Toil, their Wearineſs, and the unmerciful Blows which they give 'em, without any regard to their other Miſeries.

Of the Province of Carthagena.

THIS Province is ſituate about 50 Leagues diſtance from that of St. Martha Weſtward, and borders on the Country of Cenu; it ſtretches along the Sea-ſhore as far as the Gulf of Voaba, the ſpace of a hundred Leagues; and is ſtill larger on the South-ſide. All this Country from the year 1498. to this time hath ſuffer'd great Perſecutions from the Spaniards, who have exerciſed a World of violence, and made a great many Maſſacres here, till they have made all this Country as deſolate as that of St. Martha. But I begin to be weary of mentioning ſo often the Barbarity and Impiety the Spaniards have diſcovered in America.

Of the Pearl-Coaſt, and the Iſland of Trinidado.

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THE Spaniards have made horrible Ravage and Spoil from the Coaſt of Paria quite to the Gulf of Venecuela, which is the ſpace of above 200 Leagues; and after having committed their wonted Robberies, have taken as many Indians as they could, and either ſold 'em, or made Slaves of 'em themſelves, contrary to the promiſes often made 'em, that they would treat 'em as their Friends, and as a free People; which Proteſtations they never took care to obſerve. And tho theſe poor People did 'em all the good Offices they could, and were very ready to ſerve 'em on all occaſions; tho they liberally gave 'em all they had to ſubſiſt on themſelves; yet 'tis not to be expreſs'd with what Injuries and Miſchiefs the Spaniards requited all this kindneſs. I purpoſely omit a great many Diſorders which they committed along this Coaſt, being willing to inſiſt only on thoſe matters that are moſt remarkable.

The Iſle of Trinidado is larger and more fruitful than that of Sicily, it is join'd to the Continent on that ſide where it touches Paria; the Inhabitants are a very honeſt ſort of People, teachable enough, and well inclin'd to Virtue. A Spaniſh Captain, accompanied with 60 Cut-throats like himſelf, invaded this Country in the year 1510, and immediately commanded the Indians to come to him, pretending he was come to live peaceably with them in the Iſland; who receiv'd him and his Company with as great Teſtimonies of kindneſs, as if they had been their own Children. The chief men of [Page] the Country as well as the common People all waited on 'em with abundance of alacrity and joy; they every day brought 'em a quantity of Proviſions ſufficient for a much greater number of men: For the Indians are very much given to hoſpitality, and readily ſupply Strangers with all the Neceſſaries they have. In a little time the Spaniards would needs make 'em build a vaſt houſe, that all the Indians might lodg together in the ſame place; they us'd this Artifice to catch 'em in the ſnare they were preparing for 'em. When the work was carried up about the height of two men, they inclos'd a great many Indians within, that the work might be the ſooner finiſh'd, as they pretended; but the deſign was to hinder any Communication between them that were within and thoſe that were without: part of the Souldiers kept the doors of the houſe with their Weapons in their hands to prevent any from going out; another part went in among 'em with their naked Swords, threatning to cut their Throats, if they made any ſtir or diſturbance; and ſo bound 'em all like ſo many Sheep. If any one attempted to make his eſcape, they immediately cut him in pieces; however divers of 'em eſcaped, ſome whole and others wounded, who joining with thoſe that had not yet been ſhut up in this fatal Houſe, and arming themſelves with Bows and Arrows to the number of 200, retir'd into another Houſe, where they thought themſelves ſecure, if they could defend the door againſt the Spaniards; but theſe ſet it on fire on the other ſide, and cruelly deſtroy'd theſe poor Creatures. After this barbarous Expedition they retreated into the Iſland of St. John with about 180 Priſoners, who had ſuffer'd themſelves to be bound; where they ſold half of 'em, and the reſt in Hiſpaniola. When I ſeverely reprov'd this Captain for his perfidiouſneſs and cruelty, he [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] ſatisfied himſelf with making me this anſwer: Don't you trouble your ſelf about theſe matters; they that ſent me gave me Orders to act after this manner, and to take all thoſe by force that I could not bring away under the ſhadow and pretence of Peace. The Spaniards were guilty of a world of ſuch baſe Actions, in ſeizing theſe Indians contrary to their promiſes that they would treat 'em like Friends.

Let any one now make reflection on the Conduct of the Spaniards, and ſee if they have any appearance of right to reduce the Inhabitants of America, as they do, to ſuch a miſerable ſtate of bondage. It was reſolv'd among the Dominican Friers to ſend ſome of their Order, to diſplay the Light of the Goſpel among the Indians that liv'd in the groſs darkneſs of Idolatry, and were out of the way of Salvation: They firſt ſent one that was a Licentiate in Divinity, of great reputation for his Piety and Virtue, who took with him a Lay-brother: they both went through this Country to ſeek a commodious place for the building of a Monaſtry; and conferr'd with ſome of the Inhabitants what meaſures to take to ſucceed in this deſign. When the other Friers were arriv'd, the Indians receiv'd 'em as if they had been Meſſengers ſent from Heaven; they manifeſted abundance of affection to 'em, heard what they ſaid with great attention, as far as they were capable of underſtanding them; for theſe religious Perſons not being yet ſufficiently acquainted with their Language, were conſtrain'd to make uſe of ſigns to expreſs their meaning.

No ſooner was the Ship that brought the Friers gone off, but there came another full of Souldiers, who made uſe of Treachery and Artifice, according to their wicked Cuſtom, to ſeize the Prince of this Nation, unknown to the Friers. This Prince's name was Alfonſo, which was given him either by the Friers, or [Page] ſome other Spaniards; for theſe Indians take upon 'em Chriſtian Names with a great deal of Joy; and before they are inſtructed in our Myſteries, very eagerly deſire to be baptized. This Prince Alfonſo, together with his Princeſs, not aware of the Artifices of the Spaniards, and the deceitful trick they had reſolv'd to play 'em, were perſwaded to go on board one of their Ships, and many other Indians did the like, being all made to believe there was a great Feaſt prepar'd for 'em; and they needed the leſs importunity to entice 'em into the Ship, becauſe they ſuppos'd the Friers, in whom they put abundance of Cofidence, had Intereſt and Authority enough among the Soldiers to ſecure 'em from all manner of danger: otherwiſe they would not have ſo eaſily truſted themſelves in the hands of the Spaniards. The very moment they enter'd the Veſſel, theſe perfidious Men ſet ſail, and carried 'em to Hiſpaniola, where they ſold 'em for Slaves. All the Country was alarm'd at the ſad tidings that the Spaniards had carried away their Prince and Princeſs; and came in Crowds to ſeek the Friers, who narrowly eſcap'd being kill'd by 'em. Theſe good men were extreamly griev'd at the treachery us'd with theſe poor People; and would rather have died than ſuffer'd theſe Outrages to be on all occaſions committed againſt 'em, if they could have prevented 'em, becauſe theſe were the great obſtacles that hinder'd 'em from embracing the Catholick Religion. However, the Indians were appeas'd by the promiſes the Friers made 'em, that they would write by the firſt Veſſel that ſhould go to Hiſpaniola, to procure their Prince and Princeſs to be ſent back. Accordingly a Veſſel being in a little time prepar'd for this Voyage, they made uſe of the opportunity to write to Hiſpaniola, to engage theſe Robbers to reſtore their Prey, which they obſtinately refus'd to do, the Governours of [Page] that Iſland having had a ſhare in the Booty. Theſe good Friers who had given their word to the Indians, that their Prince Alfonſo and his Princeſs ſhould be reſtor'd to em in four months, ſeeing twice four Months elaps'd without any hope of their return, were oblig'd to prepare for death; there was now no way to avoid ſhedding their blood for the Glory of Chriſt, and in his Service, which Sacrifice they had offer'd in the ready diſpoſition of their Minds to ſuffer before they came from Spain: In ſhort, they were maſſacred by the Indians, who believed they were Accomplices of the foremention'd Treachery; and thought their ſuſpicion well founded, becauſe the Friers had promis'd to redreſs their Grievance in four months time; and yet they ſaw theſe promiſes produc'd no effect: Beſides, theſe Barbarians make no great difference between thoſe religious Men that go to the Indies only to inſtruct and preach to 'em, and the Spaniſh Souldiers who go thither only to enrich themſelves by robbing 'em. However, theſe good Fathers were unjuſtly put to death; and one may without ſcruple place 'em in the Order of Martyrs, and conclude they are now enjoying God in the glory of Heaven. They obediently reſign'd themſelves to go into America according to the direction of their Superiours, and had no other intention in their Voyage, but that of preaching the Chriſtian Faith to theſe Idolaters, and of putting 'em in the way of Salvation, with a reſolution to ſuffer any hardſhips, or even death it ſelf, in the proſecution of ſo pious a Deſign.

The cruel Treatment the Indians met with from the Spaniards occaſioned 'em likewiſe to kill two Dominican Friers about the ſame time. There was in theſe Provinces, near the Gulf of Codera, a City, the Prince of which was nam'd Higuerote; who was naturally of a ſweet and amicable temper, and his [Page] Subjects civil and complaiſant: when the Spaniards came firſt aſhore in his Country, the Inhabitants treated 'em with abundance of Kindneſs; they ſupplied 'em with Proviſions and Stores in great plenty; and omitted nothing they were capable of doing to refreſh and recruit 'em after the fatigues and troubles of their Voyage. This Prince had ſav'd the lives of a great many Europeans, who had exercis'd their Cruelty and Oppreſſion in other Provinces, when they came to his Coaſts half dead with hunger and wearineſs; and after he had recruited 'em with his good Entertainment, ſent 'em ſafe and in a good ſtate of health to the Iſle of Pearls, which was the ordinary Reſidence of the Spaniards, tho he might have ſecurely kill'd 'em all, without being ever ſuſpected of the fact. Upon this the Spaniards were ſo well perſwaded of Higuerote's good inclination toward 'em, that they took his houſe for their home, and were as kindly entertain'd in it as they could expect to be in their own. While this Country thus enjoy'd a profound Peace, a Spaniſh Captain coming aſhore there, invited divers of the Inhabitants to come on board his Veſſel; which they often did, from the entire confidence they had in the repeated Promiſes the Spaniards made 'em that they would do 'em no injury: At length when many of 'em were got into the Ship, the Captain gave a Signal to put out to Sea, and ſail'd directly for the Iſle of St. John, where he ſold all the poor Creatures, whom he had thus perfidiouſly ſurpriz'd. I ſoon after arriv'd in the ſame Iſland, where I ſaw this Robber, and had a particular account given me of the Circumſtances of this villanous Action; and it ſeems, to compleat the Crime, he utterly deſtroy'd this Prince's City. Theſe things were not well reſented by the reſt of the Spaniards that us'd to cruiſe up and down the neighbouring Coaſts to pillage 'em; [Page] for they could not but abhor the Action of this Captain, that he ſhould by ſo infamous a piece of Treachery abuſe this Indian Chief, who had done 'em ſo many good Offices from time to time, and was wont to entertain 'em as if they had been his own Children.

The Spaniards took away above two Millions of Men from the Coaſts of theſe Provinces, and tranſported 'em into the Iſlands of Hiſpaniola and St. John, where the greateſt part periſh'd in the Mines, or by other Hardſhips which they made 'em ſuffer. It would produce Compaſſion in the hardeſt Hearts, to ſee theſe Coaſts that were once ſo full of People now abſolutely deſert. It has been obſerv'd by many Trials, that one third part of the Slaves which the Spaniards take on board their Veſſels die by the way, beſides thoſe they kill when they ſearch their Houſes to take theſe poor Wretches away. The end the Spaniards propoſe to themſelves, which is to get Riches at any rate in the world, induces 'em to commit all this Violence; they carry away great numbers of Slaves, to produce conſiderable Sums of Mony, and yet take but a ſmall quantity of Proviſions in their Ships to maintain all theſe People, for fear of being at too great a charge in tranſporting 'em; nay ſometimes they have ſcarce enough for the Spaniards that man the Ship: ſo that many of the Indians periſh miſerably with Hunger and Thirſt; and ſometimes they caſt the greateſt part of 'em over board, to preſerve the reſt. A certain Pilot told me, that in a Voyage he once made from the Lucay Iſlands to Hiſpaniola, which is about ſeventy Leagues, he had no need either of a Compaſs, or the obſervation of the Stars to guide his Veſſel; for he aſſur'd me the floating Bodies of the Indians that had been thrown into the Sea, ſerv'd for his Guide throughout this Paſſage, and [Page] conducted him ſtraight to the port to which he was bound.

To ſee the Indians arrive in any Iſland where they deſign to ſell 'em, can't but excite Compaſſion and Trouble in every Mind that is not diveſted of all Sentiments of Humanity: To ſee a great number of Men. Women and Children ſtark naked, and ſo worn out with Hunger and Hardſhip, that many of 'em can ſcarce ſtand, and others fall down with Faintneſs; and to ſee 'em divided into ſeveral Companies like Sheep, Husbands ſeparated from their Wives, and Children from their Parents; for the Spaniards are wont to divide 'em by ten or twenty in a Company, and then to caſt Lots which ſhare each Man ſhall have. This is the trade of theſe Pirats, who arm and fit out Veſſels on purpoſe to carry away theſe poor Wretches from their own Houſes, to inrich themſelves by ſelling 'em for Slaves. When a Spaniard happens to have an old or ſick Man fall to his ſhare among the reſt, he'll complain of ſuch a Lot, and ſay to his Companions, Why d'ye give me this old Fellow that's good for nothing? he is not worth his keeping: What ſhall I do with this ſick Slave, that will only be a charge to me, and can do me no Service? 'Tis eaſy to ſee by all this how little account they make of theſe People, and what little regard they have to the Rules of Chriſtian Charity; 'tis too evident they neither have any love to God, nor to their Neighbour, tho on theſe two (as our Saviour ſays) both the Law and the Prophets depend.

The deteſtable Cruelty and Tyranny of the Spaniards in inſnaring and ſeizing theſe poor Indians, when they go in queſt of 'em to inſlave 'em, and employ 'em in fiſhing for Pearls, is ſcarce to be imagin'd. The Torments they make theſe unfortunate People endure, can ſcarce be compar'd to any leſs than thoſe of Hell. What they ſuffer in the Gold [Page] Mines, tho very terrible, yet is far inferior to that we are now relating. They make 'em dive in the Sea five or ſix fathom under water (where they are forc'd to hold their Breath) to take up Mother of Pearl; and when they come up to the ſurface of the Water with Nets full of thoſe Shells, to get a little Breath, if they keep above water ſomething longer than ordinary to refreſh themſelves a little, a mercileſs Spaniard who attends with a Boat, beats and abuſes 'em without meaſure, and often takes 'em by the hair of the head, to force 'em again under water, to continue their fiſhing. They feed 'em with a little Fiſh and a piece of dry hungry Bread, and don't give 'em a Belly full of that neither; they have no other Bed than the hard ground on which they make 'em ſleep in their Chains, for fear they ſhould run away. They are often drown'd in fiſhing thus for Pearl, or elſe devour'd by a ſort of Seamonſters, that will ſwallow a Man whole, ſo that they hear no more of 'em.

'Tis no hard matter to perceive by what has been ſaid, that the Precept of Chriſtian Charity is ill obſerv'd in this kind of fiſhing, ſeeing theſe poor Slaves are expos'd to imminent danger of periſhing both in Soul and Body. The Avarice of the Spaniards, who mind nothing but Gain, is ſuch, that they ſcarce take any care to inſtruct their Slaves, and to fortify 'em by communicating the Sacraments to 'em. They oppreſs 'em with ſo much Labour and Fatigue, that they die in a little time; and 'tis impoſſible Men ſhould continue long under water without Reſpiration, and endure the great Conſtraint they ſuffer in holding their Breath: The coldneſs of the Water ſometimes makes 'em vomit Blood; and they ſoon die, partly by having their Stomachs ſo violently preſs'd by long holding of their Breath under water, and partly by the exceſſive [Page] Cold they endure, which cauſes that flux of Blood of which I have juſt now ſpoken. Tho they have naturally black Hair, the Fatigue they undergo changes the colour of it; ſo that it becomes like the Hair of Sea-wolves. The foam of the Sea ſticks ſo faſt to their Shoulders, and in ſuch a manner, that they look more like Monſters than Men. By this fiſhing trade the Spaniards have deſtroy'd all the People of the Lucay-Iſlands, which were the moſt skilful and experienc'd in this Employment; and the reaſon why one of thoſe Indians was ſold for fifty Crowns or more, and ſometimes for a hundred, was becauſe they were marvellouſly dextrous at ſwimming and diving. However, thoſe of other Provinces were employ'd too in this work when they could take 'em; ſo that by this means an infinite number of People have been deſtroy'd.

Of the River Yuya-pari.

THIS Province is water'd by the River Yuya-pari, tho the ſource of it is two hundred Leagues diſtant. A Spaniſh Captain once had the boldneſs to go up this River to penetrate farther into the Country, and to ravage and ſpoil it. He maſſacred abundance of People in his way, laid the Country waſte with Fire and Sword, and ruin'd them by whole Families, while they were peaceably enjoying themſelves in their Houſes, and thought of nothing leſs: But after all this miſchief, himſelf periſh'd miſerably, and his Souldiers quarrel'd and deſtroy'd one another. They that afterwards came into this Country ſucceeded him in his Cruelties, and are ſtill laying it waſte; they commit abundance of Maſſacres and Robberies there with Impunity, and [Page] ſeem to undertake their long Voyages and Journeys on purpoſe to precipitate an infinite number of Souls into Hell, that were redeem'd by the Blood of the Son of God.

Of the Kingdom of Vençuela.

IN the year 1526, the King of Spain, abus'd by the Artifices of ſome ill-deſigning People, who made uſe of a thouſand fetches and excuſes to conceal from him the great Devaſtations the Spaniards had made in the new World, to the great prejudice of the Glory of God, the Chriſtian Religion, and the Salvation of the poor Indians, gave the Government of the Kingdom of Vençuela, which is bigger than all Spain, to ſeveral Flemiſh Merchants, with full Juriſdiction and Power to do what they pleas'd there, and to diſpoſe of the Country as they thought convenient. They accordingly enter'd it with three hundred Men, and found the People there to be of a meek, tractable and peaceful Diſpoſition, as indeed the Indians generally are when left to their natural Temper, and not enrag'd by the Abuſes ſo often offer'd 'em. Theſe were ſtill more brutiſh and cruel than thoſe Spaniards of whom we have been hitherto ſpeaking: They exceeded Tygers, Wolves and Lions in Barbarity, when they ſaw themſelves Maſters of this great Kingdom, in poſſeſſion of it, and the Juriſdiction of it entirely put into their hands: they thought they had ample liberty to do there whatever they pleas'd, and that they might ſatisfy their Covetouſneſs at any rate, and by all the methods they could imagine, tho never ſo unjuſt. They took no care but how to heap up vaſt Treaſures of Gold and Silver; and the abominable [Page] means they us'd to this end, ſhew'd they had no regard either to God or their Prince; nay, they ſeem'd to have utterly forgotten that themſelves were Men, having put on ſuch an inhuman and ſavage Fierceneſs; or to come yet nearer to their true Character, they appear'd like ſo many Devils in the ſhape of Men.

They ran through theſe rich and pleaſant Provinces, and inſtantly laid the Country waſte for forty Leagues together, wherein were fruitful Vallies of a prodigious extent, and Towns and Villages ſtor'd with great quantities of Gold. The deſtruction they made was ſo general, that ſcarce a Man was left to carry the News of the Cruelties they exerciſed in this Kingdom to other Provinces: none but thoſe that hid themſelves in Caves and Holes of the Earth, could eſcape the Sword of theſe furious and inhuman Creatures. They invented new kinds of Puniſhments wherewith to torment 'em, to force 'em to part with their Gold by diſcovering the places where they had hid it: After this manner they deſtroy'd three or four Millions of People. The Inſtances of three or four Facts will ſufficiently diſcover how theſe Brutes behav'd themſelves in this Kingdom.

One of the firſt things they did, was to ſeize him, whom they look'd upon as the Soveraign Prince of the whole Kingdom; they loaded him with Irons to get the more Gold out of him: they endeavour'd by the Tortures to which they put him, to make him diſcover the places where he had ſecur'd his Treaſures; but he had the good fortune to eſcape their hands, and fly into the Mountains: His Subjects ſurrounded him, and hid him in the Woods; but their number was too great to be long conceal'd: ſo that the Spaniards purſued 'em with Swords in their hands, and made a dreadful Maſſacre among [Page] 'em; others of them they took alive, and ſold for Slaves.

Before the Spaniards had took their King Priſoner, they were receiv'd in all theſe Provinces with ſinging, dancing, and all the higheſt demonſtrations of Joy, as if come to bring Peace and Plenty with 'em into the Country: They frankly and voluntarily gave 'em immenſe Sums of Gold and Silver; for which all the Compenſation they had was to be run through, and cut with Lances and Swords, and maſſacred without pity. One day when they came out to meet the Spaniards to do 'em the more honour, the Flemiſh Commander having order'd a great number of 'em to aſſemble together in a certain Houſe, cut 'em all in pieces immediately, only ſome of the poor Wretches got upon the Beams to avoid the fury of the Souldiers; upon which this Commander caus'd the Houſe to be fir'd, and deſtroy'd them in the Flames. The whole Country was ſoon turn'd into a Deſert; for all that eſcap'd the Souldiers Rage retir'd into the Mountains.

The Spaniards after this paſs'd into a vaſt Province upon the Confines of that of St. Martha, where they found the Natives following their ordinary buſineſs in profound Peace. All the while they continued here they liv'd at the charge of the Indians, who ſerv'd 'em with as much Affection and Diligence, as if they had ow'd their Lives to 'em: nay, they bore with their troubleſom Humors, and continually receiv'd ill Treatment from 'em with incredible Patience. The Indians moreover to qualify their ill Temper, brought 'em a prodigious quantity of Gold, and many other things of great value. Yet theſe Tyrants, when upon the point of leaving 'em, inſtead of gratefully acknowledging all the good Offices they had receiv'd of 'em, reſolv'd to put 'em all to the Sword. The Flemiſh General [Page] (who has ſince been ſuppos'd to be a Heretick, becauſe he never went to Maſs himſelf, nor ſuffer'd others to go) commanded his Men to take all the Indians with their Wives and Children, and put 'em into ſome very large place capable of containing 'em all; and then to declare to 'em that if they had a mind to redeem their Liberty, with that of their Wives and Children, they muſt neceſſarily lay down a certain Sum, which this unjuſt Governor had tax'd 'em according to his own capricious Humour; and to urge 'em the more to anſwer his Requirement, he barbarouſly prohibited his Men to give any Victuals to theſe poor Creatures, till each of 'em had paid the Sum impos'd on him. Many of 'em ſent to their Houſes for the Sum demanded, being willing to do what they could to redeem their Liberty, and to have leave to go ſeek ſomething to eat: Yet they were no ſooner got out of the Clutches of this covetous Governor, but he inſtantly ſent Soldiers to take 'em again, and ſubject 'em to the ſame Confinement from which they had ranſom'd themſelves with ſo much difficulty: ſo that they dy'd in this Captivity with Hunger and Thirſt, unleſs they ſpeedily bought their Liberty again, which they forc'd 'em to do by this barbarous uſage. So that many of 'em were taken and retaken thus three or four times, and every time oblig'd to ranſom themſelves with great Sums. Thoſe that were not able to pay the Tax laid upon 'em, continued in this cruel Priſon till they pin'd away with Hunger and Miſery. Thus was this opulent Province that abounded with Gold, made deſolate in a very little time. There was one pleaſant and fertile Vale ravag'd by theſe Brutes, which extended no leſs than forty Leagues; they burnt a Town in it conſiſting of a thouſand Houſes. After this reſolving to advance farther into the Country to diſcover a new way to Peru, they made [Page] uſe of a multitude of Indians in this Journey, whom they loaded with Chains, and their Baggage together: thoſe that fainted under their Burdens with wearineſs, they kill'd upon the ſpot, cutting of their heads; and divided the Burdens of them that died among the Survivors.

If one could exactly deſcribe all the Ravage and Maſſacres the Spaniards commited in this Province, together with all the Towns they fir'd, ſo deplorable a Story would fill every Reader with horror, and almoſt ſurpaſs belief. Many other Tyrants came afterward into this Province, who follow'd the ſteps of the former in ſearching for Gold and other Treaſure; but they found the Country ſo burnt, pillag'd and deſolate, tho it had heretofore been both very populous and fertile, that they themſelves could not but ſtand amaz'd to think what Cruelties the poor Indians had endur'd.

All theſe Violences were plainly prov'd by the Procurator of the Treaſury of the Council of the Weſt-Indies. The Acts and Proceedings made in this Affair are yet preſerv'd upon record; yet not one of theſe Tyrants was ever put to death for the Injuries offer'd theſe poor Indians: ſo that all the Proceſs that was made againſt 'em prov'd to very little purpoſe. Thoſe Miniſters of Juſtice that have been hitherto ſent into the Indies have regarded nothing but their Intereſt; and ſtudied how to enrich themſelves without taking the trouble to examin and puniſh the Crimes of theſe Tyrants, who did ſo much miſchief, and committed ſo many Outrages on the poor Indians. They content themſelves to ſay in general, that ſuch and ſuch have committed great Crimes, and abus'd the Inhabitants of the New World; that they have leſſen'd the King's Revenues to ſuch a degree. But when they have made theſe looſe and general Enquiries, they go no [Page] farther: Whereas more effectual Remedies ought to be uſed to ſtop the Courſe of all theſe Miſchiefs. There is not ſo much care taken as to evidence and verify theſe matters; nor do they give their Acts and Proceedings all the Life and Authority they ought: for to diſcharge their Duty faithfully to God and the King, they ſhould make ſuch Tyrants as theſe reſtore all the Plunder they have ſo unjuſtly got. And 'twould be no difficult matter to prove that they carried out of this Kingdom of Vencuela above 3 Millions of Gold, having utterly ruined the Country for 40 leagues together in the ſpace of 17 years; for ſo long they continued ſpoiling this noble and fruitful Region. They have cheated the King of above 2 Millions of his Revenues; nor can they ever be able to repair the damage they have done this delicious Country, unleſs the many thouſand People they have cruelly murder'd could be rais'd again from the dead. What I am now ſpeaking of, only reſpects the King's temporal Intereſt, which they have ſo ill manag'd, without ſaying any thing of their Blaſphemies, their Impieties and Outrages committed immediately againſt the Divine Majeſty. And who ſhall make reparation for the loſs of ſo many Souls they have precipitated into Hell, in not ſuffering the Miſſionaries to inſtruct 'em? Theſe are the Fruits of their deteſtable avarice and profanity. As ſoon as ever they enter'd this Kingdom, they ſeveral times loaded divers Ships with great numbers of Indians, whom they carried into the Iſle of St. Martha, and ſold for Slaves. Great multitudes of theſe poor Creatures were likewiſe carried into Hiſpaniola, Jamaica, and the Iſle of St. John, to the number at leaſt of a million of Men. The Royal Council has been ſufficiently inform'd of all theſe Diſorders and Cruelties; but they are pleas'd to connive at 'em, [Page] and are as willing to ſhut their Eyes, and take no notice of all the Robberies and Villanies the Spaniards have committed on the Coaſts of the Iſle of St. Martha; tho they might have eaſily hinder'd all this miſchief if they had applied themſelves to it. 'Twas the infamous Avarice of theſe Tyrants, that induc'd 'em to take ſo many Indians to ſell 'em for Slaves: and the very ſame covetous humour and phrenzie has ſeiz'd all the Europeans that have hitherto ſet foot in America. Their Cuſtom has been to take the poor Indians out of their houſes, with their Wives and Children, to load 'em with Chains, to mark 'em like Sheep that they might diſtinguiſh 'em one from another, and afterwards to ſell 'em as if they had been born Slaves.

Of thoſe Provinces of the Continent called Florida.

THREE mercileſs Tyrants have invaded theſe Provinces one after another ſince the year 1510, all animated with the ſame Spirit, and mov'd by the ſame deſigns. They all committed the ſame Outrages throughout this Country, to put themſelves by robbing and pillaging into a capacity of buying places of honour and profit, far above their quality: but God was pleas'd to puniſh 'em after a very ſignal manner; for they all came to a miſerable end; they were buried in the ruins of thoſe Houſes, which they had built with the Spoils of ſo many miſerable People whom they had ruin'd and murder'd. Thus were theſe Provinces left deſolate. Theſe Brutes would doubtleſs have committed yet more Villanies, had not the juſt Judgment of the Almighty ſhorten'd their days, and puniſh'd [Page] 'em in this Country for the Maſſacres and Robberies they had committed in other parts of the Indies.

When they came into Florida, they found it plentifully ſtor'd with People, who were wiſe and well diſciplin'd both in Civil Affairs, and in Morals: they immediately began to caſt a Terror throughout the Country by I know not how many Maſſacres; ſo that the poor Indians who had never known any thing like it, were put into a mighty Conſternation. The Spaniards us'd 'em inſtead of Beaſts of burden to carry their Arms, Utenſils and Proviſions: yet the Inhabitants of one great Town expreſs'd abundance of Joy at their arrival, entertain'd 'em with the beſt they had, and furniſh'd 'em with plenty of Proviſions as long as they continued there; they offer'd 'em 600 of their ſtrongeſt men to carry their Baggage, and look to their Horſes. Yet the Spaniſh General was ſo little touch'd with the courteſie of theſe People, that he kill'd their Prince with a Lance, that ſo he might be in a better condition to pillage them, who little thought of ſuch a bloody fact as this, and other Cruelties with which their barbarous Gueſts requited their kindneſſes. They with their Swords and Lances kill'd all the Inhabitants of another Town, who ſtood upon their Guard, and endeavour'd to defend themſelves from the Hoſtilities of theſe Tyrants. They put Men and Women, great and ſmall, Maſters and Servants all to the Sword, without any reſpect either to Age, Sex or Quality. In another Village a Spaniſh Captain kill'd above 200 Indians: he cut off the Lips and Noſes of others, and ſent 'em away in this condition to terrify the reſt of the Country by ſo horrible a ſight. Theſe Cruelties hinder'd the ſucceſs of the Miſſions of our Apoſtolick Men in the Indies, who had no good reaſons to [Page] produce to theſe poor Wretches to excuſe ſuch Barbarities as theſe. One may eaſily gueſs by this Inſtance what love the Indians muſt have for the Catholicks, and what confidence they can put in their Promiſes. What Idea can they have of God, when he is deſcribed to 'em as infinitly good and merciful? What can they think of his Law, which they are told is ſo holy and juſt; when they ſee thoſe that profeſs to obſerve it, not ſcruple to commit all theſe Crimes?

Moſt of theſe cruel Villains periſh'd miſerably without the leaſt contrition or repentance; and tho God is infinitely gracious and merciful, there is reaſon enough to fear they are condemn'd to eternal Torments.

Of the River de la Plata, or Silver-River.

SEveral Spaniſh Captains have undertaken Voyages to the Silver-River, ſince the year 1502. The Country upon it is of a vaſt extent, and contains many great Kingdoms and noble Provinces. The Inhabitants are a very rational and civil ſort of People, and live at a conſiderable diſtance from the other Indians; which render'd it an eaſy matter to the Spaniards to moleſt 'em with impunity, and to exerciſe all their wonted Rapine and Cruelty among 'em. They every where carry with 'em the ſame deſign of enriching and making themſelves great and powerful at the coſt of theſe unhappy People, whom they plunder of their Treaſure, as if it were the ſpoil of a juſt and lawful War. Wherever they come, they uſe the ſame ways and means to compaſs their deſign; they torment and kill the People, pillage and deſtroy the Country, ruining whole Nations to poſſeſs themſelves of their Gold and Silver.

[Page] On the Banks of the Silver-River they have deſtroy'd divers great Provinces and Kingdoms; and cut the Throats of multitude of Indians, treating 'em with all the Cruelties they could invent: for when they were at this vaſt diſtance from Spain, they did not much fear the King's Authority; believing the remoteneſs of the place where they committed their Crimes, would ſecure 'em from the danger of ſuffering for 'em. This hope of impunity made 'em more barbarouſly cruel in this Country than in others; ſo that they liv'd here after the moſt licentious manner imaginable, without the leaſt regard to Law or Juſtice. However ſome of their Actions have been reported to the Council of the Indies. A certain Governor one day commanded his Souldiers to enter into a Town, and maſſacre all the Inhabitants, if they ſhould refuſe to give 'em what proviſions they wanted. The Soldiers prompted by this Order, and ſupported by the Authority of the Governor that ſent 'em, kill'd 5000 of theſe poor Creatures; who looking on the Spaniards as their declared Enemies, were not willing to truſt 'em, or to have any commerce with 'em; and therefore hid themſelves, not ſo much to avoid giving 'em what they as'kd, as to eſcape the points of their Swords. The other Indians were ſo terrified by this ſlaughter, that they readily offer'd themſelves in great numbers to ſerve the Spaniards. Theſe Indians when they were one day call'd by the Governour to receive ſome orders from him, I know not by what hap, made ſome delay to preſent themſelves before him; upon which he commanded 'em to be deliver'd up to another Nation of Indians who were their mortal Enemies. The poor Wretches as ſoon as they heard this cruel Sentence, cried out moſt hideouſly, entreating the Spaniards with tears in their Eyes rather to kill 'em [Page] outright with their Swords and Lances, than to abandon 'em to the rage of their ſworn Enemies. Nor could they by any means be got out of the houſe were they were; upon which the Spaniards hew'd 'em in pieces one after another; while the poor Indians complain'd to 'em of their barbarity, expreſſing themſelves with hearts full of anguiſh and deſpair after this manner: We came voluntarily to meet you, to offer our Service to you, and to ſhew you all the reſpect we could; and all the return you make to our kindneſs is to murder us without pity. Our Blood that is daſh'd on every ſide upon the Walls of this Houſe ſhall be an everlaſting witneſs of your cruelty, and cry for vengeance againſt you for the unjuſt death you make us ſuffer. 'Tis impoſſible to reflect on this Action without being mov'd both with horror and compaſſion.

Of the great Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru.

A Spaniſh Commander with a great number of Soldiers enter'd theſe Kingdoms with the Title of Governour; and with a Reſolution to heap up a vaſt Treaſure in a little time. He had already given ſome proofs of his skill and capacity on the Continent; and he every day perfected himſelf more and more in the Art of cutting of throats and pillaging. He was naturally cruel, without Faith, Honour or Religion; he knew no other God than Gold or Silver, and therefore gave himſelf liberty to commit all ſorts of Crimes, to get theſe Metals any way in the world. He did abundance of miſchief in the large Provinces of Peru. 'Tis not poſſible to repreſent to the life what Perſecutions the Inhabitants of this rich Country underwent; and what cruel ſorts of death they were made to [Page] ſuffer, to extort their Gold and Silver from 'em.

When this Governour firſt enter'd Peru, he rifled divers Villages, and took away prodigious quantities of Gold. He then paſs'd into an Iſland (not far from this Kingdom) which is very pleaſant, fruitful and populous. The Prince of this Iſland, together with the Inhabitants, came out to meet the Spaniards, and received 'em with great joy and civility. But in the ſpace of ſix months, which time the Spaniards continued here, they conſum'd all the Corn and other Proviſions they found in the Iſland. After this they diſcover'd that the Indians had hid ſome Corn under ground, to keep againſt a time of ſcarcity, for the ſubſiſtence of their Wives and Children; which they were conſtrain'd to leave to the diſcretion of the Spaniards, who took poſſeſſion of it as their own Property; and hereby reduc'd theſe poor People to the utmoſt neceſſity. Soon after this they left the Iſland, but firſt kill'd a great many of the People, and carried away the reſt with 'em for Slaves. Thus by the many Cruelties they committed, this Iſland is quite depopulated.

From hence they went into the Iſle of Tumbala, which is ſituate near the Continent; here they maſſacred all the Inhabitants that fell into their hands. The reſt frighted at this cruel ſlaughter, fled every way they could to avoid 'em; and tho they did this only to ſave their Lives, it was interpreted a Rebellion againſt the King of Spain; but was only an Artifice of this Tyrant to entrap theſe miſerable People, that he might make 'em ſurrender to him all the Gold and Silver they had: which they brought to him in great quantities, while he ſtill demanded greater, being reſolv'd to leave 'em nothing: And when he had ſtrip'd 'em of all they had, he told them he receiv'd 'em into the number of the King of Spain's Subjects, and pretended a great deal of kindneſs [Page] to 'em, promiſing he would treat 'em as his friends, and not do 'em the leaſt hurt for the time to come. This Hypocrite was for plundering the Indians, and terrifying 'em with menaces of the King of Spain's diſpleaſure; but had the Policy not to receive 'em into the number of this Prince's Vaſſals, till he had robb'd 'em of all they had. And yet the Title of the King of Spain's Subjects did not ſecure 'em for the future from his Inſults and Robberies.

The name of the Soveraign Prince and Emperor of all theſe Kingdoms was Atabalipa, who brought with him an innumerable Army of naked men, who made uſe of a ridiculous ſort of Weapons, not underſtanding the force of the Spaniards Swords and Lances, and Horſes, with which theſe Indians had never been acquainted; he advanc'd his Troops near the Spaniards, crying with a great deal of courage, Where are theſe Spaniards? I'll never leave 'em till they have made me ſatisfaction for all my Subjects that have been kill'd by them; of all my Towns which they have burnt, and of all my Riches which they have carried away. The Spaniards came to meet this Prince in good order and well-arm'd, and made a horrible ſlaughter among his Souldiers; they took the King himſelf, who was carried on a ſtately Seat upon the Shoulders of his Subjects. This Prince finding himſelf in this miſerable Condition, began to treat with 'em about his Ranſom, for which he promiſed to give 'em 4 Millions of Crowns: for this Sum they engag'd to give him his Liberty; yet would not ſtand to their own Agreement, but obliged him to aſſemble all his People, who to obey their Prince's order came together in Crowds. This King bore ſuch a ſway in the minds of his Subjects, that he boaſted that the Leaves of the Trees in the Woods durſt not move without his order. He told [Page] the Spaniards he was their Priſoner, and they had now power to put him to death if they pleas'd. Upon this they held a Council of War to deliberate what to do with him; and reſolv'd to burn him with a gentle Fire: only there was one Captain not quite ſo inhuman as the reſt, who told 'em they ought to content themſelves with ſtrangling him, and then burning him after he was dead. When the King was inform'd that he was condemn'd to die, he thus expreſs'd himſelf; Why will ye needs put me to death? What Crime have I committed againſt you? Did you not promiſe to reſtore me my Liberty, provided I would pay that Fine of Gold you impos'd on me? Have not I given you a greater Sum than you demanded? However if you are reſolv'd to kill me firſt ſend me at leaſt to the King of Spain. But all his Complaints, all his juſt Reproaches and Proteſtations could not hinder them from burning him. 'Tis eaſy to ſee that the Spaniards had no right to make War with this Prince and to treat him ſo inhumanly. But the Captivity of this King, the Sentence of Death pronounc'd againſt him, and the Cruelty with which they put it in execution, after they had extorted ſuch vaſt Treaſures from him, all ſufficiently diſcover the Genius of theſe Tyrants, and of what Injuſtice and Violence they have been guilty both againſt the Princes and People of the new World.

I have a Letter from a Monk of the Order of St. Francis written to the King of Spain, by which it will appear how the Spaniards behav'd themſelves towards the Indians: The very Terms of which Letter I'll here ſet down.

I, Frier Mark de Xlicia of the Order of St. Francis, General of all the Monks of the ſaid Order in Peru, who came into this Country with the Spaniards that firſt invaded it, do teſtify what I have ſeen with my own Eyes of [Page] the manner of their treating the People of this new World. Having been an Eye-witneſs, I have a certain knowledg of the Diſpoſition and Manners of the Inhabitants of Peru; they are a meek, good-humour'd and peaceable Nation, and have ſhewn a great deal of Affection and Reſpect to the Spaniards; I have ſeen 'em give 'em great Sums of Gold and Silver, and Pearls of a great value very readily; they render'd 'em all the Services they could require of 'em with all the diligence that could be reaſonably deſir'd. They never offer'd to make War with 'em, nor ſo much as to put themſelves in a poſture of Defence, till they had receiv'd all imaginable Injuries from 'em, and were thereby conſtrained to it contrary to their Inclinations. They gave the Spaniards as many Men and Women as they needed for their Domeſtick Buſineſs; and when they had receiv'd 'em into their Towns and Villages with all the Honours they could think of, they ſupplied 'em liberally with all the neceſſary Accommodations of Life.

I farther teſtify, that the Spaniards without having receiv'd the leaſt occaſion of Offence from the Indians, ſeiz'd their great Cacique Atabalipa, ſoon after they enter'd his Country, and burnt him after they had receiv'd four Millions of Gold of him, and after having taken immenſe Sums out of his Province without any Reſiſtance. They inflicted the ſame Puniſhment on Cochilimaca his Captain General, when he came to meet them in an amicable manner with many other Noblemen of Peru. A few days after another great Lord of the Province of Quitonia ſuffer'd the ſame fate; for the Spaniards burnt him without having the leaſt occaſion given 'em for ſo cruel an Action: With the like Barbarity and Injuſtice they burnt Schapera the Prince of the Canaries. They alſo burnt the feet of Aluis, the firſt and greateſt Lord of the Province of Quitonia, and put him to a great many other Torments to make him reveal K. Atabalipa's Treaſures, of which he was utterly ignorant, as it evidently [Page] appear'd by the ſequel. They condemn'd Cocopagaganga to the ſame Puniſhment, who was Prince of the Province of Quitonia: He ſuffer'd himſelf to be over perſwaded by the Treaties of Sebaſtian Banalcaçar a Spaniſh Captain, to come in an amicable manner and ſurrender himſelf to the Spaniards; this Captain having given him his word that no Injury ſhould be done him; yet, contrary to this promiſe, he was burnt alive, with ſeveral Caciques beſides: and I have been inform'd, that the Spaniards deſign'd to ſhew no Mercy to any Indian in the Country.

I moreover affirm, that I my ſelf have ſeen the Spaniards in ſeveral places cut off the Noſes, Ears and Hands of Indian Men and Women, without any Provocation, in cold Blood (as it ſeem'd) purely for the ſake of doing Miſchief, which is a moſt inexcuſable ſort of Barbarity. I have ſeen the Spaniards ſet their fierce and hungry Dogs at the Indians to tear 'em in pieces and devour 'em. And I have ſeen 'em ſet fire to ſo many Towns and Villages, that 'tis impoſſible I ſhould recollect the number of 'em. 'Tis certain they have torn Children from their Mothers Breaſts, and thrown 'em with all their might as far as they could, to divert themſelves with this brutiſh Sport. I have often been a Witneſs of many other Cruelties of this nature, which have fill'd me with Dread and Horror; but I ſhould be too prolix and tedious to give the Detail of 'em.

I proteſt, that once the Spaniards when they had aſſembled the greateſt number of Indians they could in three great Houſes, ſet fire to 'em and burnt 'em all alive, without any reaſon, having not receiv'd the leaſt affront from 'em. And a certain Prieſt, whoſe name was Ocana, happening to attempt to take a young Child out of the Flames, a Spaniard that ſaw him, took the Child from him, and immediately caſt it again into the Fire, where it was burnt with the reſt. This Spaniard the ſame day be committed this black and curſed Action, died ſuddenly [Page] as he was going to the Camp; and I was of opinion that his Carcaſe ought not to be interred.

I have ſeen the Spaniards ſend Deputies to the Caciques and chief Indians, to engage 'em to come and meet 'em without fear, promiſing 'em to employ their Intereſt with the King of Spain on their behalf: but as ſoon as they were come upon the Credit of the Promiſes that had been given 'em, they were burnt without Pity or any formal Proceſs. Two of the moſt illuſtrious and conſiderable Indians were burnt in my ſight, one at Andonia, and the other at Tumbala. All the Efforts I made to ſecure 'em from the Flames, and to get 'em out of the hands of theſe bloody Wretches, were to no purpoſe; my Diſcourſes and Exhortations made no impreſſion on 'em. I can ſay with a good Conſcience, and in the preſence of God, that ſo far as I have been able to learn, by the long time I have been among 'em, the Inhabitants of Peru have never fomented any Mutiny or Rebellion, or done the leaſt Injury to the Spaniards, who have treated them ſo inhumanly; but whatever Torments they have ſuffer'd, they ſeem'd to have laid aſide the thoughts of Revenge. And when they found the Spaniards were always deceiving 'em, and breaking the Promiſes they made 'em; when they found they treated 'em with ſo much Tyranny, contrary to all Law and Equity; and that they did not ſcruple to commit all ſorts of Outrages againſt 'em, they rather choſe to die, than to be continually expos'd to ſuch Miſeries.

I have been inform'd by the Accounts the Indians themſelves have given, that there is a great deal more Gold among 'em undiſcover'd than has been yet found; the ill Ʋſage and Cruelty of the Spaniards having made 'em conceal it: and they are reſolv'd never to diſcover it while they are treated with ſo much Injuſtice and Tyranny, but will rather die as their Companions have done, who have been put to death with ſo much Cruelty. The Injuries offer'd theſe poor Indians are very hainous Sins in the [Page] ſight of God, and contrary to the Intereſt and Service of the King, who has been cheated of more Treaſure in Peru than would keep all the People in Caſtile.

Thus far the Letter of that Monk, which was confirm'd by the Atteſtation of the Biſhop of Mexico: He was an Eye-witneſs of what he here relates, for he went through this Country for the ſpace of fourſcore or a hundred Leagues, and continued there nine or ten years, in a time when there were but few Spaniards there. But as ſoon as it was reported in Spain that this new World was ſo full of Gold, there preſently came four or five thouſand People, who ſpread themſelves through theſe noble Provinces, and poſſeſs'd five or ſix hundred Leagues of the Country, which they entirely ruined, committing all thoſe Diſorders and Crimes that have been mention'd before. They have deſtroy'd a great many more People here than this Frier takes notice of in his Letter: and without having any fear of God before their Eyes, or any regard to the King, or the leaſt ſentiment of Compaſſion to their fellow-Creatures, they have almoſt deſtroy'd one half of Mankind; for in the Provinces of Peru alone they have kill'd above forty Millions of People.

A few days after what I have related above, they kill'd a great Queen with Arrows made of Reeds; ſhe was Wife to Prince Elingue, who ſtill governs this Province in quality of King: the Spaniards did what they could to ſeize this Prince's Perſon, and omitted no Tricks and Artifices to accompliſh it; this was the occaſion of his Revolt againſt the Spaniards, and he has ever ſince continued their declar'd Enemy. They took his Queen contrary to the Rules of Equity and Juſtice; and 'tis ſaid they kill'd her at a time when ſhe was big with Child, meerly to vex and grieve the King her Husband, who lov'd her [Page] very tenderly. If all the Maſſacres the Spaniards have committed in Peru ſhould be recounted, every one would be aſtoniſh'd at the recital, and the number of 'em after an exact Computation would ſurpaſs all probability, and appear too great to be believ'd.

Of the new Kingdom of Grenada.

A Great number of Spaniards went from Veneçuela, the Iſle of St. Martha, and Carthagena in the year 1536, to make a Diſcovery of Peru: Divers others went up higher, three hundred Leagues beyond St. Martha and Carthagena, to diſcover thoſe excellent Countries that were very fertile, and full of People of a mild and ſociable Temper; where is abundance of Gold and precious Stones found, eſpecially Emeralds: they gave this Kingdom the name of New Grenada, becauſe the Captain that firſt ſet his foot in it was born at Grenada. They that accompanied him were very profligate Men, and extremely cruel; they ſhed human Blood without any ſcruple or remorſe, for they had been long accuſtom'd to all ſorts of Wickedneſs, and therefore 'tis the leſs to be wonder'd at that they have committed ſo many Crimes in this New Grenada, where they abandon'd themſelves to all manner of Abominations. I ſhall only mention ſome Inſtances of 'em, becauſe an exact recital of their Cruelties would fill the Minds of all that read this Hiſtory with too much Horror.

A certain Governor that could not get his ſhare of the Booty another had got before him in ravaging this new Kingdom of Grenada at his pleaſure, tho he could have ſeconded him with all his heart [Page] in the Cruelties and Robberies he committed here; yet being enrag'd to ſee ſuch a valuable Prey eſcape him, thought meet to appeaſe his Trouble after a ſort, and to revenge himſelf on the other by making authentick Informations confirm'd by the concurrent Teſtimony of many Witneſſes, which expos'd to light all the Vexations, Murders and Cruelties which this Tyrant had been guilty of in New Grenada. The ſaid Informations were read in the Council of the Indies, where they have been hitherto preſerv'd, and are yet to be ſeen.

In theſe Informations the Witneſſes depoſe, that this new Kingdom enjoy'd a ſettled Peace before the Spaniards came thither; that the People ſhew'd 'em all the kindneſs imaginable as ſoon as they came among 'em; that they maintain'd the Spaniards with their Labour, and the Fruit of the Ground which they manur'd; that they gave 'em prodigious quantities of Gold, and abundance of precious Stones, amongſt others a great many Emeralds; that they freely brought 'em whatever was moſt valuable in their Cities, the Government of which the Spaniards divided among themſelves when they had canton'd 'em into ſeveral parts: for this they counted a proper method, the better to compaſs their deſign of heaping together all the Gold they could poſſibly find.

When the Indians were firſt ſubjugated to the Tyranny of the Spaniards, the chief Captain, who was General of the reſt, took poſſeſſion of the King's Perſon as well as of the Country, and kept him Priſoner for five or ſix Months, without any reaſon in the World, demanding Gold and Emeralds of him continually. This King, whoſe name was Bogata, in the midſt of his fears, promis'd the Spaniſh General to deliver up all the Gold-plate he had, hoping by this means to get out of the hands of this Tyrant: [Page] he ſent a great many Indians to his Houſe to fetch theſe precious Goods; and at the ſeveral turns they made he gave the Spaniard a great quantity of Gold and Emeralds; who was not content with all this, but threaten'd to kill him. Accordingly he commanded this unfortunate King to be brought before him to receive his Sentence. This is the Treatment theſe Tyrants give the moſt illuſtrious Perſons of the new World: This haughty General pronounc'd a fatal Sentence againſt this Prince, by which he was condemn'd to moſt horrible Torments if he did not immediately ſend for all the Gold he had: Accordingly this Tyrant's Executioners laid hold of the King, ſtretch'd him out at length upon the ground naked, and pour'd boiling Roſin upon his Belly; beſides this, they put his feet into a Fire, having faſten'd his Neck to a Stake fix'd in the ground, while two of theſe Hangmen held him by the Arms. The cruel General came from time to time to look upon him while this Torture continued, threatning to take away his Life if he did not ſpeedily deliver up his Gold. God ſeem'd by his Providence to ſignify his Diſpleaſure againſt theſe Cruelties, in ſuffering the City where they were committed to be conſum'd with Fire in a moment. The reſt of the Spaniards took pattern by their General, and fill'd up his ſteps: And having no other trade than that of tormenting the Indians, and cutting 'em in pieces, they practiſed the ſame Villanies in divers parts of this Kingdom: They inflicted terrible Puniſhments on ſeveral Caciques, and all their Subjects, who too imprudently depended on the good words and promiſes the Spaniards made 'em: And this after they had given 'em incredible Sums of Gold, and many Emeralds. Theſe Preſents, tho ſo valuable, could not ſoften their obdurate Hearts, and render 'em civil to their Benefactors▪ The Tortures to which [Page] they put the Indians were to make 'em bring yet more Gold and precious Stones; and the ſame motive has induc'd 'em to burn all the great Lords of the Country with a ſlow fire. A great multitude of Indians one day came to meet the Spaniards with a great deal of humility and ſimplicity (as their manner is) to offer 'em their ſervice, ſuppoſing themſelves ſafe; but while they were ſleeping without any apprehenſion of danger, being faint and weary, a Spaniſh Captain commanded his men to maſſacre 'em all, which was accordingly executed. This was done to ſtrike the whole Country with terror and conſternation, and to fright the Inhabitants out of their Gold by the horror of ſo tragical a Spectacle. The General made his Souldiers ſwear how many Caciques and Indians each of 'em had kill'd, and how many they had reſerv'd alive for their Slaves; theſe he immediately order'd 'em to bring out into the moſt publick place of their City, and made 'em there cut off the heads of 4 or 500 of theſe poor Creatures. Divers Witneſſes have depos'd that this Captain order'd the hands and noſes of many Indians both Men and Women to be cut off, and exercis'd other unheard of Cruelties among 'em. He ſent into Bogata's Province to enquire who had ſucceeded that Prince, whom he had ſo inhumanly put to death: The Men he ſent to make this Diſcovery took as many Indians as they could; ſuch of 'em as could not tell the name of their late Prince's Succeſſor, were barbarouſly abus'd, ſome of 'em had their Arms and Legs cut off; others were expos'd to the fury of greedy Dogs, and ſoon torn in pieces by 'em.

They fell upon a great number of Caciques and Indian Noblemen by a treacherous ſurprize in the middle of the Night, after they had aſſur'd 'em they need not fear any affront or abuſe from them. The [Page] innocent Indians confiding in theſe fair promiſes, were come down out of the Mountains where they had hid themſelves, to lodg in the Cities, not ſuſpecting the ill deſign the Spaniards had againſt 'em: However theſe perfidious men ſurpriz'd 'em, and cut off the Hands and Arms of all they took, letting 'em know they were chaſtiz'd after this ſevere manner for not telling the name of their late King's Succeſſor. Another time the General ſent a great party of Soldiers into a City to make war with the Inhabitants, becauſe they ſent him not a basket of Gold which he had demanded: they made theſe poor people ſuffer a thouſand Outrages, and maſſacred vaſt numbers of 'em. They inhumanly cut off the noſes and hands both of Men and Women, and gave others to be devour'd by their Dogs, which were wont to be fed with human fleſh.

The people of one of theſe Provinces, ſeeing 5 or 6 of their Chiefs burnt to death with a ſlow fire, were frighted by this horrible ſight into the mountains to ſhelter themſelves from the Spaniards; they were about 5 or 6000: hereupon the Spaniſh Commander ſent a Company of Soldiers to purſue 'em, and treat 'em as Rebels. 'Tis hard to imagine by what right they aſſum'd an Authority to puniſh people as rebels, that were free-born, and did not in the leaſt depend on 'em. When the Spaniſh Soldiers were got into this Mountain, they fell on the poor Indians, who were naked and diſarm'd, with a fury like that of Wolves and Lions, when they ſet upon a flock of Sheep to devour 'em; till at length they were ſo ſpent and fatigu'd meerly with ſlaughtering theſe poor Creatures, that they were forc'd to give over a while to take breath; after which they renew'd this Maſſacre with more vigour. And to cut ſhort their bloody work, they threw down the greateſt part of theſe Indians headlong [Page] from the top of the Mountain, which was very high. It has been depos'd by thoſe that were Eye-witneſſes of this Tragedy, that they forc'd above 700 of theſe poor Indians all together down this Precipice, ſo that they look'd like a Cloud as they fell; they were all daſh'd in pieces by this dreadful fall, and died miſerably.

The Spaniards puſh'd on this barbarous Expedition to the utmoſt; for they made a diligent ſearch in all the remote Corners of the Mountain, and gave no quarter to any they found; thoſe they could catch were either cut to pieces, or after many wounds caſt down from the top of the Mountain. Nor did theſe Cruelties ſatisfy 'em, but they ſhut up divers Indians both Men and Women, whom they had reſerv'd for Slaves, in a houſe cover'd with ſtraw, which they ſet on fire and ſo conſum'd 'em. They likewiſe went to the City of Cola, where they took abundance of People, with about 15 or 20 of their Great Men; they expos'd theſe to the fury of their Dogs, which devour'd 'em, having firſt cut off the hands and feet both of Men and Women; and fix'd theſe ſad Spoils on Poles, that they might be obvious to the view of all, and that the dreadful ſight might caſt terror and amazement in the minds of all that ſurviv'd.

The Ravage and Cruelties theſe bloody-minded Men exerciſed in this new Kingdom of Grenada are ſo great, that if the King of Spain dos not apply a ſpeedy remedy, and ſet bounds to their exceſſive Avarice and inſatiable thirſt of Gold, that whole Kingdom will ſoon be deſtroy'd, and the Land lie uncultivated and unimprov'd, for want of Inhabitants.

In the ſpace of 2 or 3 years, ſince this Kingdom has been diſcover'd, they have without the fear of God or Man put the Inhabitants to death, without any emotion or pity to ſee ſo much human blood [Page] pour'd out. There are now ſcarce any People to be found there after all theſe Maſſacres. There are divers fine large Provinces near New Grenada; this Country is called Popoyan and Cali, and is above 50 leagues in extent, which they alſo have ruined, and made as deſolate as the former. Here they have ſo ſlaughter'd the people, that this once populous Country is now quite deſtitute of Inhabitants. Thoſe that come from thence relate ſuch terrible things of the Spaniards proceedings there, that one can't hear their ſad Stories, without being pierc'd with trouble and compaſſion in a very ſenſible manner. In theſe Provinces they have ruin'd many fine Cities from one end to t'other; ſo that they now lie buried in their own Aſhes: there are ſcarce any of the ruins of thoſe Cities to be ſeen, which once contain'd above 2000 Houſes. In a word, this Country which was full of Villages, Towns, and Cities for the ſpace of 50 leagues, is now ſo bare, that there's ſcarce any token remaining to ſignifie there ever were any ſuch buildings.

Some of the Spaniards came from Peru into New Grenada and Popoyan through the Province of Quitonia; others of 'em came to Cali by the way of Carthagena and Vraba, but all join'd together to carry on the ſame deſign, ſpoiling a Country of 600 leagues in extent of all its Riches, and extirpating all the Inhabitants after they had plunder'd 'em. When this cruel War was ended, the Spaniards took ſome of the Indians, whom they had reſerved for Slaves, into their ſervice, and caus'd the heads of ſeveral of their Companions to be cut off in their ſight to terrify 'em; telling 'em they muſt all expect to undergo the ſame fate, if they did not ſerve 'em faithfully. By the recital of ſuch barbarous Actions as theſe, the Reader may eaſily imagin how the Spaniards behave themſelves towards the Indians in the [Page] ſeveral parts of America. They feed their fierce Dogs with human fleſh, on purpoſe to accuſtom 'em to tear Men in pieces, and devour 'em. They carry theſe Dogs with 'em wherever they go, and barbarouſly murder the poor Indians, to feed theſe ſavage Curs with their fleſh. They'l ſay one to another, Give me a quarter of that Indian to make my Dog a feaſt; and when I kill one, I'll pay you again. They commonly hunt in the morning with theſe Dogs; and when ask'd by their fellows what luck they have had, they anſwer according to their ſucceſs. Sometimes one will ſay, I am content, my Dogs have kill'd about a ſcore of 'em; ſo that one would think they were ſpeaking of Wolves or wild Boars. Can any thing be imagin'd that exceeds ſuch horrible Cruelty as this? And all theſe Barbarities have been prov'd and averred by ſtrict Examinations made and produc'd before the Council of the Indies.

§

But I ſhall add no more, till I ſhall receive farther information of their other Villanies, which may be expected to be yet greater than thoſe I have mention'd, if greater can poſſibly be committed. And that which is moſt deplorable is, that the Spaniards take no care to ſpeak to theſe people of the Myſteries of our Religion; nor ſeem to regard 'em any more than Dogs or wild Beaſts. Nay they have forbidden the Monks and Miſſionaries to inſtruct 'em, whom they have even perſecuted, and laid a thouſand Obſtructions in their way, to hinder 'em from preaching the Goſpel to theſe poor Creatures who paſſionately deſired it; and all becauſe they thought the Converſion of theſe People would be an Obſtacle to their covetous Deſigns, and hinder 'em from getting all the Gold they deſir'd. So that theſe miſerable people have been induſtriouſly kept in their former ignorance, and know no other God than thoſe of Wood, Stone or Copper; unleſs [Page] it be the People of New Spain (which is but a ſmall part of America) where the Monks have exerciſed their Function, and have been ſuffer'd to diſplay their Zeal with more freedom. In the other Provinces the Indians periſh without Baptiſm, or any other Sacrament; and no one gives himſelf the trouble to inſtruct 'em; as will farther appear by an authentick Letter from a Biſhop of this Country, who expreſſes himſelf in theſe Terms:

I Frier Bartholomew de Las-Caſas, Monk of the Order of St. Dominique, having ſignified my deſire to be recall'd from the Indies, had leave to come over to the Court of Spain, to give an account of the deplorable Condition of the Indians. To this I have been mov'd by the Zeal with which God has inſpir'd me for Souls redeem'd by his Blood. My earneſt deſire is, that they may know their Creator, and embrace his Word, that they may be ſav'd. And I cannot chooſe but extremely pity Spain, my native Country, becauſe I am greatly afraid God will utterly deſtroy it, for the enormous Crimes committed by the Spaniards (who go into the Indies) both againſt God, againſt the King, and againſt their Neighbours. I don't doubt but divers illuſtrious Perſons of this Court, who are truly zealous for the Salvation of Souls, are very ſenſibly touch'd with the Calamities and Miſeries thoſe multitudes of poor Creatures ſuffer in the New World, who are abandon'd to the fury of the Spaniſh Souldiers. I reſolv'd long ago to draw up an exact relation of theſe matters, but have been ſtill hinder'd by the continual urgency of thoſe affairs in which I have been engag'd till now. However I have at length accompliſh'd this deſign at Valence, the 8th of December, Anno 1542. This Treatiſe gives a ſhort account of the Violence, Tyranny, Perſecutions, Robberies, Maſſacres and Devaſtations committed by the Spaniards in all the parts of America where they have diſpers'd themſelves. [Page] Theſe Calamities and Diſorders are advanc'd to a degree that ſurpaſſes all belief, and is the more ſurprizing in that the Spaniards are much leſs furious and cruel every where elſe. Indeed the People of Mexico and of the places adjacent, are now treated much better than others; inſomuch that no body there dares offer violence to any Indian openly: 'Tis true they exact immenſe Sums of 'em, but the forms of Juſtice are at leaſt ſo obſerv'd, that the People are protected from the Inſults and Affronts of ſuch as have more power than themſelves. I have great hope our Illuſtrious Lord, Charles the Fifth, Emperor and King of Spain, who begins to take cognizance of the Tyranny and ill behaviour of the Spaniards toward the Indians, will undertake the protection of theſe miſerable People, who are perſecuted againſt his will, as well as againſt the will of God. All the miſeries that have bin inflicted on theſe newly diſcover'd Nations have bin hitherto conceal'd from our Prince with no leſs ſubtilty and addreſs than malice. Yet now 'tis not to be doubted but this wiſe Emperor, into whoſe hands God has caſt the Government of thoſe vaſt Regions, and who bears ſo ſincere an affection to Juſtice, will give effectual Orders to put a ſtop to theſe Perſecutions. May God preſerve this Illuſtrious Emperor in all the Glory and Proſperity that attends him, for the Salvation of his Soul, and the Preſervation of the Church. Amen.

A year after the writing of all of theſe matters above recited, there were publiſhed in the City of Madera certain Laws and Conſtitutions made by his Majeſty at Barcelona, in the month of December in the year 1542. which were calculated according to the urgent neceſſity of Affairs to rectify the Diſorders that were then commited with ſo much Inſolence both againſt God and Man, to the utter deſtruction and deſolation of the New World. For the conſtituting of theſe wiſe Laws his Majeſty aſſembled a great [Page] many Perſons, illuſtrious both for their Quality and Learning, and moreover endued with great Piety, who deliberated on theſe important Affairs in divers Seſſions at Valladolid. At length by the unanimous Conſent of the whole Aſſembly, divers Propoſitions were ratified and publiſh'd; and which appear the more conformable to the Rules of Chriſtianity, in as much as the Perſons who compos'd this famous Aſſembly had never been any way concern'd in the Outrages offer'd the Indians; they were ſuch as had neither waſh'd their hands in their Blood, nor reap'd any advantage by the immenſe Treaſures that had been taken from 'em with ſo much Violence, after the murder of incredible numbers of innocent People. For the Avarice and Cruelty of thoſe Spaniards who firſt ſet foot in America have been the fatal Cauſes of all the Miſeries that new World has undergon.

After the publication of theſe new Orders for regulating the Affairs of the Indies, the Protectors of thoſe cruel Tyrants, who had ſtill ſome Credit at Court, procur'd ſeveral Precepts to conſtitute Officers to ſend into divers Provinces of the Indies, for they were much concern'd to ſee the courſe of their Violence likely to be ſtop'd, and their wonted Robberies and Extortions obſtructed. And thus they to whom the care of ſuppreſſing theſe Diſorders, and preventing the farther Inſults of theſe Tyrants was committed, made no conſcience of violating that Equity and Fidelity they ow'd both to God and their Prince; for they knew very well what effect the Edicts that were made muſt needs have, and therefore alarm'd the People before the arrival of the Judges who were ſent to the Indies to publiſh the Laws of their Prince, and to put 'em in execution: ſo that as ſoon as theſe Judges came into America, they appear'd to be of the ſame ſtamp [Page] with thoſe that ſent 'em, and neither regarded God nor Man; they immediately forgot the King's Orders, and laid aſide the Reverence due to ſo great a Prince; and being willing to take part with thoſe Tyrants, that they might have a ſhare of the Booty, behav'd themſelves with a Cruelty beyond imagination, and juſtified thoſe Villanies which they were ſent to puniſh.

So that ſince the year 1542, ſuch Rapine and Violence has been committed in Peru, that the like has not been heard of either in the Indies, or any other part of the World: Nor do they exerciſe their Cruelty only on the Indians, whom they have almoſt exterminated, but are ſuffer'd by the juſt Judgment of God to turn their Arms one againſt another with great fury to their mutual deſtruction. Some of the People of this new World under the protection of theſe Rebels, were encourag'd to refuſe Obedience to the Emperor's Orders; others pretending they were deſirous to addreſs Petitions to his Imperial Majeſty, have ſuffer'd themſelves to be carried down the ſtream with the reſt, and have revolted too. For the Spaniards are not eaſily perſwaded to ſurrender thoſe Treaſures they have unjuſtly uſurped, or to releaſe thoſe Indians whom they have inſlav'd. If they don't ſo often maſſacre 'em, they increaſe the weight of their Irons, and impoſe Laws on 'em more and more unjuſt and rigorous. And the King with all his Authority has not yet been able to ſtop the courſe of theſe Miſchiefs, becauſe they are generally link'd together in a Confederacy, both ſmall and great; and all uſe the licentious trade of robbing and ſpoiling more or leſs according to their power, ſome more publickly, and others after a clandeſtine manner. But that which yet further diſcovers the Boldneſs and Inſolence of theſe Hypocrites is, that they ſtill make [Page] pretences that they conſult nothing but the King's Intereſt, and the Glory of God in all they do; while 'tis moſt apparent, they are continually robbing the King, and that with impunity, and are always diſhonouring God and Religion by their criminal and ſcandalous Practices.

That which next follows is a Fragment of a Letter of a certain Perſon who accompanied the Spaniards in their Voyages and Journies, giving an account of their Actions in the various places through which they paſs'd: But this Letter being deſign'd to be ſent with other Papers, he that made up the Packets loſt ſeveral Pages of it which contain'd very remarkable and extraordinary things concerning the Actions of the Spaniards. This Fragment I ſend you is the Body of the Letter, the beginning and end of which are both wanting. However, ſeeing that which it contains deſerves the notice of the Publick, I thought meet to print it, and hope the view of it will produce the ſame effect of moving you to commiſerate the Calamities of the poor Indians, as I preſume the more ample Relation I have given you above has done: And conſequently that your wonted Charity will excite in your Minds an ardent deſire to oppoſe and rectify all thoſe Diſorders as much as in you lies.

The Fragment.

—The Captain order'd theſe Indians to be chain'd for Slaves, which was preſently done, and he carried away with him great numbers of Men and Women in Chains; ſo that the whole Country was ſoon turn'd into a Deſert. They took away all the Crop of Corn theſe poor Creatures had, and whatever elſe they had laid up for the ſubſiſtence of their Families, by which means [Page] they were ſoon reduc'd to extreme want; ſo that many were found dead in the High-ways merely with Famine. There were alſo above ten thouſand of thoſe Indians the Spaniards took to carry their Baggage, that died on the Coaſts: for almoſt all that went any diſtance from the Sea were kill'd with the exceſſive Heat they met with on the Continent. This ſame Captain following the ſteps of John Ampudia, ſent before him two Indians whom he had taken in the Province of Quitonia, to diſcover the Villages and Towns that were in their way, and where any Booty was to be got; theſe Indians were either his own Slaves, or thoſe of his Souldiers, ſome of whom had two or three hundred Slaves a Man, and others more or leſs, as they had more or leſs Baggage and Proviſions to carry. Theſe Indians return'd to their Maſter, together with ſuch others as they could bring away with 'em. And in theſe Expeditions all ſorts of Cruelties were committed upon Women and Children. They did the ſame in the Province of Quitonia, they fir'd their Houſes wherever they came, and burnt all the Stores of Corn the Indians had. And to ſhew their ſpite the more, as if all this Miſchief had been too little, they kill'd their Cattel only for the Suet and Marrow, having no occaſion for the Fleſh; only the Indians who attended the Spaniards in theſe Expeditions ate the Livers, that being one of their principal Diſhes. 'Tis ſcarce to be believed what numbers of Cattel they kill'd here; they deſtroy'd above a hundred thouſand after this manner only for the Fat and Livers, and ſo made the Country deſolate by this needleſs ſlaughter, which brought ſuch a Famine and Miſery upon the Inhabitants, that they died for want of Food: They beſides carried away out of this Province all the Corn they did not burn; ſo that tho the Country [Page] produces abundance, there was ſo great a Scarcity, that a* Septier of Corn was worth ten Crowns, and a Lamb was ſold for the ſame Price.

The Commander of theſe Troops being return'd from the Sea-Coaſt, reſolv'd to leave the Province of Quitonia, and to join John Ampudia. To accompliſh this Deſign he raiſed above two hundred Men Horſe and Foot, among which were divers Citizens of Quitonia. He gave 'em leave to bring with them the Caciques, and all the other Indians which had formerly fallen to their ſhare, and to add as many others to 'em as they pleas'd, which they did. One Alphonſo Sanchez carried with him his Cacique, whoſe name was Nenuyta, with a hundred other Indians and their Wives. Peter Cobo accompanied him with a hundred and fifty Indians and their Wives, who were forc'd to drag their Children after 'em, for fear they ſhould periſh with Hunger. One Moran, a Citizen of Popayan carried above two hundred People with him; and all the reſt of the Souldiers did the ſame proportionably to their Stock and Occaſions. They deſir'd permiſſion to make all the Indian Men and Women that attended 'em their abſolute Slaves, which was granted; and this Privilege continued as long as they liv'd, tho theſe Indians were the Subjects and Vaſſals of the King of Spain as well as the Spaniards themſelves.

With ſuch an Equipage as this our General left the City of Quitonia, to go take poſſeſſion of that of Octaba, which fell to his lot. He demanded of the Cacique five hundred Men to join his Forces, which were deliver'd to him, with divers other Perſons of Note. Part of theſe Indians he diſtributed [Page] among his Souldiers, and took the reſt to himſelf, ſome of whom were loaded with Chains, and others with his Baggage and Proviſions. 'Twas a lamentable ſight to ſee theſe poor Wretches tied one to another with Cords. When theſe Spaniards parted from the Province of Quitonia, they carried away no leſs than ſix thouſand Indians, of which ſcarce twenty came back to their own Country; for the extreme Fatigues and ſcorching Heat they endur'd in thoſe hot Countries ſoon cut 'em off.

The General having made Alphonſo Sanchez Captain of a Company, this Brute meeting ſome Women and Children in his way, loaded with Proviſions, and waiting for him to preſent him with what they had brought, maſſacred 'em all without pity. In this cruel Action, a Spaniard going about to kill an Indian Woman broke his Sword in two the firſt blow he gave her; at the ſecond ſtroke he broke it again, ſo that he had nothing but the Hilt left in his hand: but that which is more ſurprizing is, that this poor Woman receiv'd no Wound by the blows he gave her. Another Souldier ſtriking an Indian Woman with a large Dagger, had about three Inches of it broken off at the firſt ſtroke, and the whole Blade quite to the Hilt at the ſecond.

When this General, of whom we have been ſpeaking, parted from Quitonia, he cruelly ſeparated Husbands and Wives one from another, giving the young Women to the Indians that went with him, and leaving the old Women to thoſe that remain'd in the City. One of theſe Women follow'd him with loud Cries when he went away, and beg'd of him with abundance of Tears, that he would not take away her Husband from her, telling him ſhe had the charge of three Children, and 'twould be impoſſible for her to provide for [Page] 'em if ſhe were bereav'd of her Husband; ſo that they muſt neceſſarily be ſtarv'd. The General repuls'd her not without ſome Indignation, upon which ſhe redoubled her Sighs and Cries, telling him her Children were ready to die with Hunger: at length ſeeing her Prayers and Tears made no Impreſſion on him, ſhe took a Stone and daſh'd out the Brains of all her Children in his ſight.

When this Commander arriv'd in the City of Palo, which is ſituate in the Province of Lilia, he met with Captain John Ampudia, who went before him to make a diſcovery of the Country, and to ſettle Peace in it: he was now Governor of this City, which had a Gariſon in the King of Spain's Name, and was under the direction of the Marqueſs Francis de Piccaro, who had eſtabliſh'd a Council there conſiſting of eight Counſellors, that had the Inſpection of the whole Country, and kept it in Peace and Union by the good management of Peter Solano de Quenon. Ampudia hearing our General was arriv'd in the Country, came to give him a Viſit, accompanied with many of the Inhabitants and Indians, who brought him abundance of Fruit, and other Proviſions. Many of the neighbouring Indians came afterwards on the ſame Errand, and after them the Inhabitants of Xamundia, Palonia, Solimania and Bolonia, did the like. But becauſe they did not bring ſo great a quantity of Corn as demanded, the General ſent a Troop of Souldiers with a great many Indians to ſeek ſome elſewhere, with Orders to take it where ever they found it. With this Order they went into Palonia and Bolonia, where they found the Indians dwelling very peaceably in their Houſes; and without any regard to the Laws of Nations or of Hoſpitality, took away all the Corn and other Proviſions, together with all the Gold and Silver they had, and [Page] put many of the poor Indians in Chains to make Slaves of 'em. Theſe unhappy People came to make their Complaint to the General of the ill Treatment and Injuſtice they had ſuffer'd, and to intreat him to cauſe Reſtitution to be made of what had been ſo violently taken from 'em, but in vain, for he would do nothing in the matter, only gave 'em his promiſe that his Men ſhould do 'em no hurt for the future, and that they ſhould never come again into their Country: yet four or five days after they went into another part of the Country for Corn, and pillag'd the poor Indians as they had done before; who were ſo provok'd to ſee themſelves deluded by the General, who had broke his Promiſes almoſt as ſoon as he had made 'em, that the whole Country betook themſelves to their Arms in an inſtant; which Tumult afterwards occaſion'd many Diſorders and great Offences to be commited both againſt the Majeſty of God and the Dignity of the King of Spain: At length theſe People fled, and left this whole Country deſolate. They that retreated into the Mountains came down from time to time to ſeek Proviſion; the Indians likewiſe engag'd in a cruel War one with another, wherein the ſtronger party us'd to eat the weaker: For that Indian Nation that inhabits the Mountains are a fierce and warlike People, and mortal Enemies to their Neighbours. After this Inſurrection the General went to the City of Ampudia, where he receiv'd all the Honours due to his Character; he afterwards march'd with two hundred Horſe and Foot toward Lilia and Pelinia.

He ſent his Captains all round the Country to make a cruel War upon the Indians; they fir'd a great many Houſes, robb'd all that fell into their hands, and kill'd abundance of 'em. This killing and pillaging continued many days together. The [Page] Lord of the Country hoped to put a ſtop to theſe Miſeries, and to allay the bloody Rage of theſe Tygers by ſending their Subjects to 'em with all ſorts of Proviſions and other Preſents. Soon after this they came to Lilia with all the Indians they had taken, for they would not diſcharge one of 'em. They paſs'd through Ycea in their way, and were no ſooner arriv'd there, but they fell to pillaging and maſſacring all they met with; they exercis'd their uſual trade of firing their Houſes, they conſum'd above a hundred of 'em in one Village; nor did other Towns and Cities in the neighbouring Country, which they call Tulilicui, fare any better. When the Cacique at the head of a great company of Indians came to meet 'em, the Spaniſh Commander demanded Gold of him and his Subjects: they told him they had no great quantity, but would readily give him all they had; and accordingly brought him that little they had got together. Upon which he deliver'd a kind of Receipt ſign'd with his own hand to each of 'em, which was to ſerve for a token by which to diſtinguiſh thoſe that had given him Gold from the reſt; adding, that whoever had not this Receipt ſhould be expos'd to the Dogs to the devour'd by 'em. The poor Creatures terrified by theſe Menaces, brought him all the Gold they had in very great haſte, and thoſe that had none were fain to retire into the Mountains, or into other Cities to ſave their Lives; and thus the Country was depriv'd of the greateſt part of its Inhabitants. A little after he order'd the Cacique to ſend two Indians to the City of Agua, to ſignify that he requir'd the Inhabitants to meet him, which they might do with ſafety, and to bring with them all the Gold they could. After he had diſpatch'd this Order, he went to another City, and the ſame might ſent a party of Spaniards [Page] to ſeize ſome of the People of Tulilicui, who brought him a hundred Men and Women the day following, of which he reſerv'd the moſt robuſt and luſty, whom he thought fit to carry great Burdens, for himſelf and his Souldiers, and put many of 'em in Chains, giving the young Children to the Cacique of Tulilicui to eat, in whoſe Houſe their Skins fill'd with Aſhes are ſtill to be ſeen. After this Expedition he went toward the Provinces of Calili, where he join'd Captain John d' Ampudia, who was gone another way to make a further diſcovery. Theſe two Commanders left great marks of their Cruelty in all the Provinces through which they paſs'd. Ampudia happen'd to come to a certain City, the Governor of which, whoſe name was Bitacon, had made deep works under ground to hinder the approach of an Enemy: Two of the Spaniards Horſes, that of one Antony Redondon, and that of Marc Marqués, fell into theſe Traps, and the latter of 'em dy'd with the fall, but the other eſcap'd the danger. However this ſmall loſs by the Stratagem of the Indians ſo provok'd this Captain, that he order'd his Men to take all of 'em they could light on, which was about three hundred, and to caſt 'em into theſe Pits; beſides this they fir'd a hundred Houſes. From hence they came to a very great and populous City, here they had no Interpreter by whom to converſe with theſe Indians; however they maſſacred abundance of 'em with their Swords and Lances. As ſoon as theſe two Commanders met one another again after all theſe Expeditions, Ampudia gave the other a relation of what he did at Bitaconia, and told him how many Indians he had caſt into the Pits that were made at the entrance of the City, while the other applauded all he had done, telling him he had reaſon to ſerve 'em after [Page] that manner: And added, that for his part he had deſtroy'd above two hundred Indians near the River Bamba, which waters the Province of Quitonia. Thus theſe two Tyrants made War upon all this Country at the ſame time. They both after this enter'd into the Provinces of Birumia and Anzerma, where they left everlaſting tokens of their Barbarity and Fury. One Francis Garcia, whom they ſent out to pillage the Country, treated the People with abundance of Inſolence, till he reduc'd 'em to extreme Indigence and Miſery. The Indians came to him by couples, making ſigns to deſire Peace for the whole Country, promiſing to give the Spaniards all they ſhould demand, and to deliver up their Gold, and their Wives too, provided they would give 'em their Lives; but receiv'd no other Anſwer from this cruel Garcia, but that they muſt be gone, for he had drank too much, and was now in no condition to conſider of what they ſaid. He enter'd their Country full of Fury, and running through the whole Province, put it all under Military Execution, robbing, and ſpoiling, and maſſacring the Inhabitants without mercy: he carried away two thouſand of the People with him, who were put in Chains, and dy'd under the rigor of their cruel Bondage: And before he left this Country he put fifty more to a violent Death.

After he had fill'd this Province with miſery and horror, he paſſed into the Province of Calili. When any of the Indians that carried his Baggage fainted with wearineſs, and fell under their Burdens in the way, they kill'd 'em on the ſpot, to terrify the reſt by theſe bloody Actions, that none of 'em might dare to pretend themſelves ſick to get rid of their Burdens and Labours. And thus they were all deſtroy'd by degrees; for partly becauſe [Page] they were not ſufficiently look'd after, and partly becauſe unreaſonable Labour was exacted of 'em, there was not ſo much as one of all thoſe Indians left alive, which they brought from Quitonia, Paſtonia, Quilla, Cangapatra, Popaya, Lilia, Calicia, and Anzerma. As the Spaniards return'd, they paſt through a great City, where they put moſt of the Inhabitants to the Sword, and carried away 300 Priſoners, whom they inſlav'd according to their uſual manner.

The General ſent John Ampudia, when they were in the Province of Lilia, with a conſiderable Party of Soldiers into thoſe parts of the Country moſt inhabited, to take as many Indians as he could to carry the Baggage; becauſe not one of that number they brought from Anzerma and Allia, which amounted to about 1000 Men, was able to endure the Fatigue, but all died in the way. They here took as many as they had occaſion for to carry their Baggage, and the reſt were left to the diſcretion of the Soldiers, who put 'em in Chains, and kept 'em till they were ſtarv'd; ſo that this Country was quite unpeopled, neither Spaniards nor Indians being now to be found in it. After all theſe Ravages, they advanc'd toward Popaya, leaving Martin d' Aquirra by the way, he being unable to follow the reſt. As ſoon as they arriv'd at Popaya; they form'd a Gariſon in the City, and treated the Inhabitants with the ſame Inſolence and Violence they had us'd in all other parts of the Country where they had made their Progreſs. Here they coined Money with the King's Image and Arms upon it; they ſtamp'd all the Gold they had, as well as that which John d' Ampudia had got by his Robberies, after this manner. All this Gold was melted by the General's Order, without keeping any Account of it, or paying any of the Soldiers, [Page] unleſs it were ſuch as had loſt their Horſes; ſo that he kept almoſt all the Gold for his own private uſe. He pretended indeed to take the 5th part of it, which is the King's due, and to go to Cuzco to give an Account of it to his Majeſty's Intendent; but took another way, and return'd into the Province of Quitonia, taking up many Indians as he went, who all died under the heavy Yoke of their ſlavery. He afterwards effac'd the King's Image, which he had ſtamp'd upon this new Money. And 'tis remarkable concerning this Man, that he could not but reflect on all the miſchief he had done, and on the Cruelties he had committed; for he was wont to ſay of himſelf, Whoever ſhall come into theſe Provinces 50 years hence, and be told what kind of life I led here, will ſay, Such a Tyrant went this way, and here are everlaſting marks of his Violence and Cruelty.

It is not to be conceal'd from Your Highneſs, that the reſt of the Spaniard who came into the Indies after him, have endeavour'd to tread in his ſteps, and have exactly follow'd the Example he ſet 'em; for they have committed the ſame Injuſtice and Villany and ſo they ſtill continue to do.

*

A Septier is a meaſure of Corn containing about 240 pound weight.

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Among the other Remedies propos'd by the Lord Bartholomew de Las-Caſas in the Aſſembly of Prelats and Learned Men whom the King call'd together at Valladolid, to reform the Affairs of the Indies, in the year 1542, he adviſes, That the King of Spain ſhould take the Indians under his protection, and conſider 'em as his lawful Subjects, that by this means they may be ſhelter'd and guarded from the continual Tyranny and Inſolence of their Enemies, and not be utterly extirpated by Maſſacres, which have bin ſo often committed with Impunity. For as fruitful and populous as this New World has been, [Page] it will ſoon be laid entirely waſte, and turn'd into a barren Deſert, if the Spaniards be ſtill ſuffer'd to root out the Inhabitants, as they have hitherto done.

The Words of the Biſhop on this Subject are as follows:

The moſt proper and beſt Expedient, and which is of great importance for your Majeſty's Intereſt, without which all others will be fruitleſs, is, that your Majeſty ſend expreſs Orders to all your Courts and Tribunals in the Indies, to receive all the Indians, both thoſe that have been already ſubjugated, and thoſe that ſhall be conquer'd for time to come, into the number of your free Subjects, that all the Provinces they inhabit be united to the Kingdoms of Caſtile and Leon, and that all the Inhabitants be incorporated as your own People, ſo that they ſhall not be capable of being inſlaved by any Spaniard; and that this Law and Order be inviolably obſerv'd: that for the future theſe new Provinces may not be diſmember'd and alienated from the Crown of Spain, under any pretext whatſoever, tho never ſo great neceſſity ſhould be pretended; and never ſo preſſing interceſſion be made with your Majeſty to obtain the Title of a particular Soveraignty for any one: That all the world may know that the Government of thoſe Provinces that are ſubdued in the Indies, is inſeparably united to your Majeſty's Crown, and a part of your Property. That to confirm this Conſtitution the better, and to render it the more ſolemn and inviolable, your Majeſty would pleaſe to take an Oath upon the Holy Goſpel, on your Crown, and all that is moſt ſacred, in the form and manner Princes are wont to do on ſuch Occaſions, that you will never revoke this Edict; and that your Succeſſors [Page] be oblig'd to take the ſame Oath: And that your Majeſty take care to make it one expreſs Article of your laſt Will and Teſtament to engage your Succeſſors to obſerve this Law, and to make others obſerve it, as much as lies in their Power.

Divers reaſons are afterwards produc'd to ſhew that this Policy is of abſolute neceſſity for the Preſervation of America, and to hinder the utter Extirpation of the Indians.

The inſatiable Covetouſneſs of the Spaniards, who mind nothing but to amaſs together heaps of Treaſure, makes 'em unwilling to ſuffer any Prieſt or Monk to come into thoſe Cities where they are Maſters, for fear their worldly Intereſt ſhould receive conſiderable damage by that ſort of Men; becauſe (they ſay) it makes the Indians idle, to aſſemble 'em (as they do) to inſtruct 'em in the matters of Religion; for all the time they take up to preach to 'em, they detain 'em from the Work impoſed on 'em. Sometimes when the poor Indians have been aſſembled for their inſtruction in Chriſtianity, the Spaniards have inſolently accoſted 'em with Cudgels in their hands; taking ſuch a number of 'em as they think fit, to carry their Baggage or any ſuch like Service; and if they are unwilling to obey, they force 'em to it with Blows in the ſight of all the reſt, and in the preſence of the Monks that inſtruct 'em; which is a great Scandal to our Religion, and a mighty Obſtacle to their Converſion, who are ſtrangely terrified and hinder'd in theſe pious Exerciſes as well as the Monks that preach to 'em, by this ill uſage.

Another Inconvenience the Spaniards pretend they receive from theſe Inſtructions, is, that when the Indians are converted and plac'd in the number of Chriſtians, they grow proud and inſolent, thinking better of themſelves than they are, and refuſe to work ſo [Page] hard as they did before. For the Spaniards are very ambitious to command the Indians as their abſolute Slaves, and to be obey'd, reſpected, and even ador'd by 'em; and therefore omit nothing that may hinder them from becoming Chriſtians.

Sometimes 3 or 4 Towns or Villages are given up to the diſpoſal of a certain number of Spaniards, and the Inhabitants diſtributed among 'em, to ſome more, to others fewer; and it often happens that a Woman falls to one Man's ſhare, whoſe Husband falls to the Lot of another, and their Children to a third; ſo that they divide theſe miſerable Families like Flocks of Sheep. They employ 'em in all ſorts of ſervice, as to manure the ground, to work in the Mines, and to carry Burdens in Journeys of 50 or 60 Leagues. And their Maſters ſo conſtantly exact the hard Tasks of Work they ſet 'em, that the poor Wretches have not time to attend the Inſtructions of the Divine Word, and to learn the Rules of Chriſtianity. Theſe People, tho free, have been made Slaves, and the greateſt part of 'em deſtroy'd. Parents and Children have been ſlaughter'd together; Villages and Cities entirely ruin'd, and not a Houſe left ſtanding. And the Spaniards have no more regard to their Salvation, than if their Souls and Bodies died together, and were uncapable of eternal Rewards or Puniſhments.

The Spaniards undoubtedly have an Obligation of Duty upon 'em to inſtruct them in the Doctrine of Chriſt; but they are ſo ignorant themſelves, that 'tis not much to be wonder'd at, if they take no care to inform others. I knew one John Colmenero in the Iſle of St. Martha, as dull, as ignorant and whimſical a fellow as one ſhould meet with, to whom the care of inſtructing the Indians in a great City was committed, tho he ſcarce knew how to make the ſign of the Croſs; and when he was examined about [Page] the courſe he took to inſtruct the Indians, could make no other anſwer, but that he taught 'em to ſay, Per ſignin ſanctin Cruces. By which one may eaſily gueſs at the profound Underſtanding of the Man. And how indeed is it poſſible for the Spaniards to teach the Indians Chriſtianity, and to inform 'em what is neceſſary to Salvation, when the moſt noted Spaniſh Lords, and ſuch as make the greateſt figure in the Indies, ſcarce know how many Commandments there are? For they go into America only to gratify their inſatiable Covetouſneſs. They are generally given to all ſorts of Vices; and ſo immodeſt, voluptuous and effeminate, that if a juſt Compariſon were made between them and the Indians, theſe latter would be found to have much more Virtue and Honeſty: For as ignorant and barbarous as they be, they are content with one Wife according to the Laws of Nature, as a neceſſary help to 'em; whereas the Spaniards lay aſide all reſpect to the will of their Maker, and take 14 or 15 Women, or as many as they pleaſe, to ſatisfy their brutiſh Paſſions, how oppoſite ſoever this Plurality of Wives is to the Law of God. The Indians ſcarce know what it is to take away one another's Goods, and live innocently by their Neighbours, without offering 'em any Violence or Oppreſſion. And what thoughts muſt ſuch People as theſe have of thoſe that call themſelves Chriſtians, when they ſee 'em commit all manner of Crimes and Villanies; when they ſee 'em guilty of ſo much Injuſtice and Treachery, and in a word, of all the Abominations of which men that are left of God, and have no principle of honour or conſcience can be capable? This makes many Indians laugh at the God we worſhip, and perſiſt obſtinately in their Incredulity. They believe the God of the Chriſtians to be the worſt of Gods, becauſe his Worſhippers are the worſt of Men.

[Page] As for your Majeſty, they think you are the moſt cruel and impious Prince in the World, while they ſee the Cruelty and Impiety your Subjects ſo inſolently commit; and they verily believe your Majeſty lives upon nothing but human fleſh and blood. Probably this account may very much ſurprize your Majeſty, who perhaps have not yet receiv'd ſufficient information about theſe matters; but this Opinion is of long ſtanding, and become inveterate among 'em. I could produce a great many Inſtances, of which I have been an Eye-witneſs, to convince you of the Truth of it; but I am afraid of making your Majeſty too uneaſy, and of filling the Reader's mind with too much horror, by reciting ſuch extraordinary and unparallel'd Stories, which may give a juſt occaſion of Wonder, that God has ſo long defer'd to inflict ſome exemplary and terrible Judgment upon Spain, to puniſh all the Abominations the Spaniards have committed in the Indies. The Pretence of ſubjecting the Indians to the Government of Spain, is only made to carry on the deſign of ſubjugating 'em to the Dominion of private Men, who make 'em all their Slaves. One Spaniards who has the Government of a Town or City, does more miſchief by his vitious and ſcandalous Example, than a hundred Prieſts and Monks can do good in endeavouring to advance Chriſtianity by all their Piety, and the exemplary Sanctity of their Lives.

When the Spaniards have the Government of any place committed to 'em, or have any perſonal concern, or ſpecial intereſt in it, they'l be ſure to oppreſs and haraſs the poor Indians, and offer 'em all the Abuſes that can be. And 'tis now become almoſt impoſſible for your Majeſty or your Miniſters to ſtop the Courſe of theſe Oppreſſions, and regulate theſe Diſorders; for the Spaniards terrify the Indians by their threatnings, and ſometimes kill 'em to prevent [Page] their complaints againſt 'em: and of this kind of Cruelty we have many Inſtances: So that the poor Indians are continually moleſted and haraſſed, without any calm Intervals in which to compoſe their Minds, and therefore are not capable of applying their Thoughts to the conſideration of Divine things. Their whole Life is ſpent in Sorrow and Anguiſh under their Perſecutions and Torments. This makes 'em mortally hate your Majeſty, and abhor the Chriſtian Religion; for they can't but think you impoſe a ſevere Yoke on 'em with intolerable Tyranny, that you are the moſt covetous Prince upon Earth, and that therefore they ought to leave no ſtone unturn'd to get clear of your Government. The deſpair under which they lie, occaſions 'em to belch out a thouſand Curſes againſt our God, attributing all the Miſeries they ſuffer to him, whom they accuſe of Blindneſs, Injuſtice, and want of Compaſſion, for not puniſhing the Outrages committed againſt 'em under the pretence of obliging 'em to embrace his Religion, and for not chaſtiſing the Impiety of ſuch as make a boaſt of being his Servants, while they are guilty of the higheſt Abominations. This inflames their Zeal towards their falſe Gods, which they ſay are much better than ours, who has brought all manner of Miſeries upon 'em, whereas their own were the Authors of all kinds of Bleſſings.

We ſhall make it evidently appear to your Majeſty, that the Spaniards in about eight and thirty or forty years have unjuſtly put to death above twelve Millions of your Subjects; and what an incredible damage muſt your Majeſty have farther ſuſtain'd by theſe Maſſacres, as they have hinder'd all theſe People from multiplying, who would have amounted to an infinite number, the People of this new World being very fruitful, and the Climat generally very [Page] temperate and pleaſant, and conſequently very proper for Generation? The Spaniards have maſſacred and deſtroy'd all theſe Nations, to poſſeſs themſelves of their Country, and to uſurp the Government of it, ſo as to have it entirely at their diſpoſal. And how injuſt ſoever thoſe Wars have been which they have made upon the Indians, if the poor Creatures put themſelves in a poſture of Defence, they cruelly cut their throats without any diſtinction of Quality, Sex or Age: Such as eſcape their Fury they reſerve for Slaves, many of whom they condemn to the Gold or Silver Mines, others they yoke together like Beaſts to make 'em carry vaſt Burdens. They don't much concern themſelves whether the Indians live or die, provided they reap ſome advantage by their Labour, and heap up Gold at any rate in the World. I paſs over in ſilence a great many of the Torments theſe poor People have been made to endure on all occaſions. If any ſhall attempt to perſwade your Majeſty of the contrary, we'l undertake to prove what Violence the Spaniards have us'd among the Indians by invincible and undoubted Evidence: And ſhall not ſcruple to ſay, that whoever take upon 'em to deny the truth of theſe matters, have in all appearance partaken of thoſe Robberies, or at leaſt hope to have a ſhare of 'em one time or other. For what ſhew of probability is there in ſaying the Contagion of the Air has ſo entirely deſtroy'd the People of a Country of 2500 Leagues extent, that there's ſcarce a Man to be found?

The Spaniards, who know no other God but their Intereſt, have ſullied the Reputation of the poor Indians with the moſt odious Stain that can be imagin'd, in accuſing 'em of being addicted to an infamous and abominable Sin againſt Nature; a Calumny as ill contriv'd as 'tis unjuſt. For that Crime has never [Page] been heard of in the Iſlands of Hiſpaniola, St. John, Cuba, and Jamaica, which have been very populous. This I can ſpeak with aſſurance, as knowing it to be true, becauſe I took care to inform my ſelf of it as ſoon as I came aſhore in the new World. Nor is it ſo much as known what this Vice is in all Peru: not one Man has ever been found guilty of it in the whole Kingdom of Yucatan; and the like may be aſſerted in general of other Countries of America: Only 'tis ſaid, that in ſome very remote parts of it there are ſome People addicted to this monſtrous Crime: But is it reaſonable for this to accuſe the whole new World, and to caſt an everlaſting Reproach on ſo many different Nations? We muſt ſay the ſame of another Enormity charg'd upon the Indians, namely their eating of Human Fleſh. There are indeed in ſome particular places a ſort of Men ſo barbarous that they eat their own kind; but 'tis very injuſt to take occaſion from this to report the ſame of all America in general. Another pretence the Spaniards uſe, by which to juſtify their ill Carriage towards the Indians, is their Idolatry; as if it did not belong to God rather than to them, to puniſh thoſe that offend him by ſuch abominable Worſhip when he ſees meet.

Beſides, the Lands and Territories they poſſeſs are not under the Juriſdiction of the Spaniards, nor are the Indians oblig'd to own any other Governors than their lawful and natural Soveraigns. Our Anceſtors before they were inſtructed in the Doctrine of Chriſtianity, were buried in the groſs darkneſs of Idolatry as well as the Indians. And before the coming of Chriſt, all the Nations of the World in general were guilty of that Crime. But that which evidently proves the Minds of the Indians to be very ſuſceptible of our Religion, is the Mildneſs, Humility and Courteſy they at firſt expreſs'd to the [Page] Spaniards, and the patience wherewith they have ſince undergone their Cruelties.

'Tis a moſt inexcuſable piece of Wickedneſs in the Spaniards, that they have made uſe of all the Obſtructions they could, and that deliberately, to hinder the Indians from imbracing the Chriſtian Faith; they have driven away all the Monks that came into the Indies to preach the Goſpel, from thoſe places where they had power enough to do it, becauſe they did not care theſe Religious Perſons ſhould be Witneſſes of the Tyranny and Cruelty they exercis'd on the poor People. They have even debauch'd the Indians by the ill Example they have ſet 'em, and taught 'em a great many Vices they never heard of before they converſed with the Spaniards, ſuch as Oaths and Blaſphemies againſt the Name of Chriſt, the Practice of Extortion, Lying, and many other Sins that ſeem'd oppoſite to the ſweet and peaceable Temper of theſe People: So that to leave theſe poor Indians under their Government, is viſibly to expoſe 'em to utter Deſtruction, and to make 'em miſerable both in Soul and Body.

King Ferdinando was ſo far impos'd on by the Artifices of ſome ſelf-intereſted Men, as to give 'em leave to tranſport the Inhabitants of the Lucay-Iſlands into Hiſpaniola: theſe People were forc'd out of their Houſes, and out of their Country, in purſuance of this Grant, which was ſubtily obtain'd, and occaſion'd the deſtruction of above a hundred thouſand People; ſo that there now remain but eleven of 'em in fifty Iſlands, ſome of which are bigger than the Canaries, that were well ſtor'd with People. And this I can affirm on my own knowledg, if your Majeſty could have ſeen the Ravages and Maſſacres that have been committed in the Lucay Iſlands, you would have been pierc'd with the moſt lively ſentiments of Compaſſion; and then I ſhould [Page] have been afraid to incommode your Majeſty by reviving the memory of that Tyranny, in giving an exact Recital of it. We have taken notice above of the injuſt Wars the Spaniards formerly rais'd againſt the Indians; we have ſhewn how they maſſacred 'em againſt all Law and Equity, how cruelly they depriv'd 'em of their Children, their Parents, and Friends; how they have laid waſte one of the fineſt Countries in the World, and render'd it in a manner deſtitute of Inhabitants. This Barbarity makes the Earth groan, the Angels lament theſe Miſeries: And God himſelf has given us to know by the Judgments he has inflicted on us, how much theſe injuſt and violent Actions diſpleaſe him.

The Spaniards have taken from the Indians all they had; they make 'em work till they ſpit Blood, they expoſe 'em to all ſorts of Hardſhips, and exact intolerable Tasks of 'em; and, which is yet more horrible, after all they load 'em with heavy Blows, beating, whipping and tormenting 'em with the utmoſt Cruelty. To give up the Indians to the Government and Tyranny of theſe Men, is as great a madneſs, as to give Children into the hands of Men that are acted by a raging Phrenzy, and have Knives and Daggers ready in their hands to cut their Throats; or to ſacrifice Men to the fury of their ſworn Enemies, who have long entertain'd the deſire of Revenge, and form'd a deſign to murder 'em; or to expoſe a young beautiful Virgin to the Diſcretion of an impudent Raviſher. Who in ſuch a conjuncture, without the interpoſition of ſpecial Grace, would abandon himſelf to the Conduct of his Paſſions? In a word, it would be the ſame thing as to give 'em up to ſo many wild Bulls, Wolves, Lions and Tigers, when inrag'd with preſſing Hunger: for all the Prohibitions that ſhould be given theſe wild Beaſts not to touch ſuch as are expos'd to their fury, would [Page] have juſt the ſame effect to prevent 'em from being devour'd, as any Charge that can be given the Spaniards to hinder 'em from murdering the Indians to poſſeſs themſelves of their Gold and Silver. We dare aſſure your Majeſty after the long Obſervation we have made of theſe matters, that if your Majeſty ſhould order a Gibbet to be ſet up at every Spaniard's door, and ſhould ſwear upon your Crown, that you would cauſe every Man to be hang'd that ſhould kill or offer any conſiderable Injury to the Indians to get their Riches; this would not be an effectual Remedy to theſe Diſorders, if your Majeſty gave 'em any Authority or Power over 'em either directly or indirectly. The ſame occaſions of doing miſchief would ſtill preſent, and defeat all the Prohibitions that could be made, and all the Puniſhments that could be us'd to terrify 'em.

Nor are the poor Indians expos'd only to be made Slaves by the Spaniards, but ſuffer abundance of Oppreſſion from a cruel Tyrant, that has the Government of each Town or City, who has a ſevere Eye over 'em, to ſee how they acquit themſelves of their Labors, and perform the Tasks impos'd on 'em. His buſineſs is to plague and torment 'em ſo many different ways, that their Sufferings are almoſt beyond compariſon; he beats 'em with Cudgels, tears their Fleſh with Whips, and cauſes burning drops of Fat to be diſtill'd on their naked Bodies. He is continually exerciſing his Invention in contriving new Tortures, he violates their Wives, takes away their Turkeys, which they count one of their greateſt Treaſures; theſe Fowls ſerve him to make Preſents to the General, who is ſuperior to all theſe petty Tyrants. But 'tis impoſſible to give a particular deſcription of all the Puniſhments theſe poor Wretches endure; and after all to ſtop their Complaints, [Page] they threaten to accuſe 'em of Idolatry. Thus the poor Indians are ſubject to the Authority of ſeveral different Powers, to your Majeſty, to their Cacique, and to the Spaniſh Governor, beſides twenty other little Tyrants, deſtitute of Reaſon, Honor and Conſcience, who commit all ſorts of Outrages; and likewiſe the Moors whom the chief Tyrant employs to rob and oppreſs the poor Indians.

'Tis much to be fear'd that Almighty God will make Spain feel ſome extraordinary marks of his Diſpleaſure and Indignation for theſe enormous Crimes: nay, there appear already ſome tokens of the Divine Anger againſt the Spaniſh Nation, for the Diſorders and Devaſtations made by ſome in the new World: for tho God had laid up ſuch quantities of Treaſure there, that it may be ſaid neither Solomon nor any other Prince ever poſſeſs'd a ſtock of Gold and Silver comparable to that which the People of theſe vaſt Regions enjoy'd; yet they have bin ſo pillag'd, that now there's little remaining among 'em: But that which is more unaccountable is, that there's ſcarce any of that Silver now to be found, that was ſo common in America when the Spaniards firſt diſcover'd it. This makes every thing extraordinary ſcarce there, ſo that the Spaniards are reduc'd to extreme Poverty and Indigence.

All the while Larés govern'd the Indies, there was no more care taken to inſtil the Principles of Chriſtianity into the poor Indians, and to put 'em in the way of Salvation, than if they had no Souls to ſave. This General applied himſelf only to plunder the great Cities, and would give a hundred Indians to one Spaniard, and fifty to another, as he had more or leſs reſpect for 'em. He made no diſtinction of Age or Condition, but promiſcuouſly diſtributed old Men, and big bellied Women, as well as others, Perſons of Eminency and Princes as well [Page] as the common People, to oblige his Favorites; as if theſe Indians were his abſolute Property. Their new Maſters made 'em work in the Gold Mines, or employ'd 'em in any other Service they pleas'd; and without regard to their Rank or Quality, oblig'd 'em to bear this ſlaviſh Yoke till they dy'd.

This Governor ſuffer'd the Spaniards to confine eighty thouſand of 'em in the Mines, who were all married Men, while their deſolate Wives were forc'd to labor in the Villages, in digging the ground, making Ditches, and throwing up Banks, a ſort of work fit only for the ſtrongeſt Men, and the rather becauſe they had neither Shovels nor other Inſtruments proper for their buſineſs. In other places they put 'em upon ſpinning and other works of that kind, which they found would turn to account; and would ſometimes keep Husbands and Wives from ſeeing one another a whole year together; and when they met after this long ſeparation, they were often ſo fatigued, and conſum'd with Hunger and Labor, that they were incapable of Multiplication. Sometimes the Children dy'd for want of Suſtenance, their Mothers Milk being exhauſted with hard Labor and Hunger; by this means there dy'd ſeven thouſand Infants in the ſpace of three months in the Iſle of Cuba, of which I was an Eye-witneſs. Some of the Women tranſported with deſpair ſtrangl'd their own Children; others that were with Child took poiſonous Herbs to deſtroy their Fruit. Thus the Men dy'd with hardſhip in the Mines, and the Women in the Villages; ſo that the whole Country became deſert in a little time, becauſe the Women ceas'd to bring forth Children into the World.

This Governor deliver'd up all the Indians to the Diſcretion of the Spaniards, and ſuffer'd 'em to treat 'em with all the Rigor and Severity they pleas'd, and to oppreſs 'em with the hardeſt Labor they [Page] could. They employ'd Men to chaſtiſe 'em that were more ſavage and barbarous than Tygers, theſe ſcourg'd and beat 'em moſt unmercifully, and gave them all the ill Treatment they could deviſe; they would never diſcover the leaſt ſign of Kindneſs or Pity, but always ſhew'd themſelves auſtere and barbarouſly cruel. It would be very inhuman to treat the Moors themſelves after this manner, tho they are ſo very cruel to the Chriſtians, and do 'em all the miſchief they can, when they have the Aſcendent over 'em. But the Indians are naturally a good-humour'd, eaſy, peaceable, ſubmiſſive, and tractable ſort of People. Some of 'em have by the many Miſeries they ſuffer'd, been driven to deſpair of any mitigation of 'em, and therefore fled into the Mountains, where they expected Death every moment. The Spaniards to hinder 'em from flying after this manner, appointed a bloody Fellow to make it his whole buſineſs to hunt out theſe Indian Refugees upon the Mountains. The Governor beſides eſtabliſh'd a ſort of Officers in the Spaniſh Cities of great Conſideration and Authority, whom he call'd Viſitors; to each of theſe he gave a hundred Indians to ſerve him, beſides his ordinary Domeſticks, the better to ſupport his Dignity. He choſe ſuch to this Office as had ſignaliz'd themſelves by their Cruelty. When the Alquazils preſented the Indians they found on the Mountains to theſe Viſitors, there were Perſons ſuborn'd and inſtructed to accuſe 'em after this manner; This Indian is a lazy Dog, that fled into the Mountains to avoid Work, therefore I deſire he may be chaſtiz'd as he deſerves. After the giving of this Evidence, the Viſitor us'd to cauſe the poor Indian to be tied to a Stake, and beat with a tarr'd Rope, which the Seamen call a Salt-Eel, and indeed is like a Rod of Iron, till the Blood would ſtart out in I know not how many parts of his Body, and the [Page] poor Creature would lie for dead upon the place. God is witneſs of all the Cruelties theſe miſerable Innocents have endur'd: 'Tis not poſſible to recount the hundredth part of what I have ſeen with my own Eyes. A man had need have a Body of Iron to undergo the Labor they endure in getting Gold out of the Mines. They muſt delve and ſearch a thouſand times over in the bowels of the Mountains, till they dig 'em down from top to bottom; they muſt work the very Rocks hollow. After this the Gold muſt be waſh'd in ſome River, and the poor Creatures that do this work muſt be perpetually in the Water, which gradually alters and ſpoils the Conſtitution of their Bodies; and if the Mines happen to be full of Water, they are forc'd to empty 'em. That your Majeſty may the better judg of the Labor and Toil they ſuffer in the Gold Mines, your Majeſty may pleaſe to conſider, that the Pagan Emperors accounted this the worſt and moſt intolerable Puniſhment to inflict on the Martyrs, next to Death it ſelf. The Indians are ſometimes kept a whole year in theſe Mines: but ſince the Spaniards have obſerv'd, that it kill'd moſt of 'em to keep 'em there ſo long together, becauſe their Bodies were uncapable of ſuſtaining the Fatigues of ſuch a tedious and continual Labor, they reſolv'd to make 'em work only for the ſpace of five months ſucceſſively, and then to give 'em a reſpite of forty days, wherein they employ'd 'em in melting Gold. But this pretended Reſt did 'em no great good, for they were not much leſs incommoded during this time than before, being employ'd in other very troubleſom kinds of Work. The Indians don't know what Holy-days are; for they work as hard and as long on thoſe days as at other times. Nor have they a ſufficiency of Bread allow'd 'em; and what they have is a very ordinary ſort, that has [Page] not much ſtrength in it, being made of Roots and Caſſave; ſo that if they don't eat Fleſh or Fiſh with it, it yields very little Nouriſhment. They likewiſe give 'em a ſort of Pepper that grows in the Country, and looks much like a dry'd Grape. Thoſe Spaniards that pretend to keep their Slaves extraordinary well, diſtribute a Porker every week among fifty Indians; but he that preſides over 'em at the Mine keeps one half of it for his ſhare, and gives them the other, which is but every one a bit. Some of the Spaniards are ſo wretchedly covetous, that they ſend their Slaves into the Fields and Mountains to feed upon what Fruit they can find, and then oblige 'em to work two or three days without giving 'em any thing to eat. Your Majeſty may eaſily imagine, that ſuch kind of Food can't poſſibly ſuſtain their weak and languiſhing Bodies, that are continually enfeebled and exhauſted with hard Labor; or that theſe poor Creatures that are macerated with all manner of Hardſhip and Fatigue, without any reſt, or relaxation of their Miſery, can live long under the preſſures of ſo cruel a Servitude.

The abovemention'd Governor at laſt order'd they ſhould have Wages diſtributed among 'em, viz. that three* Blancs ſhould be given each of 'em to ſpend every two days, as the Reward of the hard Labors they exacted of 'em. This was only to mock the poor Wretches, for this Mony would ſcarce buy 'em the leaſt Trifle. But for many years they had nothing at all given 'em, yet this does not diſturb 'em ſo much as want of Victuals; for there is nothing in the world they ſo much deſire as to eat well, inſomuch that if they could but ſatisfy themſelves with one good Meal, they would afterwards [Page] be content to die. This Governor depriv'd 'em of all the liberty they enjoy'd, and ſuffer'd the Spaniards to inſlave 'em, and treat 'em as ſeverely as they pleas'd; and indeed the ill uſage they have met with is beyond what the Mind of man can imagine. They have not the liberty to diſpoſe of any thing they have: The condition of Beaſts is preferable to theirs, for theſe are at leaſt ſometimes turn'd looſe to fill their Bellies with Graſs in the fields, and have a little eaſe and liberty; whereas the poor Indians have ſcarce any time of reſt allow'd 'em, but are conſtrain'd to do whatever the covetous Spaniards command 'em. They lead 'em to work like Beaſts of Burden rather than Men. If at any time they give 'em leave to go home to take a little Repoſe, they neither find their Wives nor Children there, nor any thing to eat, and have no other relief than to lay themſelves down and die. The incredible Fatigue they undergo wears 'em out the ſooner, becauſe they are naturally of a weak and tender Conſtitution; and when they are ſick and faint, they are ſtill made to work without any Compaſſion: nay, the Spaniards are ſo cruel as to beat and abuſe 'em when they are juſt ready to die, calling 'em lazy Raſcals, as if they refus'd to work, and feign'd themſelves ſick, merely out of Idleneſs. At laſt when they ſee their Illneſs increaſe to that degree, that they can expect no more Service of 'em, they ſend 'em home, giving 'em ſix or ſeven great Roots, almoſt like Turnips, with a ſmall quantity of Caſſave, to carry 'em a journey of fifty or ſixty Leagues; ſo that they often miſerably languiſh and die before they have proceeded far on their way: we often found a great many of 'em dead on the Roads, others we found ready to expire, and others by their Groans and Sighs gave us to underſtand their extreme Hunger. When the Governor had [Page] not a ſufficient number of Men for the Works in the Mines, he ſupplied the places of them that were releas'd by death, by caſting Lots for others, which method was obſerv'd once a year.

When he enter'd into the Continent, he came like a ſweeping Judgment of God, or as a Wolf among Sheep: He committed ſo many Robberies, Maſſacres and Cruelties, depopulated and deſtroy'd ſo many Towns and Cities, giving the Spaniards liberty to do what they pleas'd, that no Hiſtory can parallel his Barbarity: He robb'd both the King of Spain and his Subjects, without being ever call'd to account for it; he left above forty Leagues of a very populous and fertil Country to the diſcretion or rather fury of his Soldiers: All that pleaſant Tract of Ground from Daria where he landed to Nicaraqua was reduc'd to the utmoſt Deſolation; ſo that five or ſix Millions of Mony will not repair the Damage done there. This vile and cruel Man abandon'd the Indians to the Tyranny of the Spaniards, which was the ſource and original Cauſe of all the Perſecutions under which thoſe poor People have ſince groan'd, and of all the Devaſtations that America has ſuffer'd wherever the Spaniards have ſet their feet. This Contagion by degrees ſpread far and near; ſo that this General by letting looſe his Soldiers after this licentious manner, has occaſion'd the ruin of many millions of Men, and the deſolation of divers great Kingdoms that were ſubjected to your Majeſty's Dominion. If we ſay the Spaniards have deſtroy'd ſeven Kingdoms bigger than that of Spain, we can ſpeak it with confidence, as knowing it to be true, and having known the time when they were fill'd with multitudes of People, tho now there are ſcarce any to be found, the Spaniards having extirpated the People of theſe large Kingdoms, and left the Walls [Page] and Houſes of the Towns and Cities without Inhabitants.

Your Majeſty has no fix'd and conſtant Revenue in the Indies; your Effects are like Leaves, which when once they fall from the Trees appear no more till a year after. That the Spaniards are poſſeſs'd of the abſolute Government of the Indies is the true cauſe of this Diſorder; for the number of the Indians every day decreaſing, your Majeſty's Revenues muſt neceſſarily receive a proportionable diminution.

The Kingdom of Spain is in great danger to be invaded by Foreign Nations, eſpecially by the Moors and Turks, who perhaps may one day be in a condition to deſtroy it: For God is a juſt Judg, and cannot look upon the Villanies and Oppreſſions, the Robberies and Murders of the Spaniards in the Indies, without indignation. All the Nations of this new World, who were created (as well as his others) after the likeneſs and image of God, and ranſom'd by the precious Blood of Jeſus Chriſt, have been unjuſtly and cruelly tormented and perſecuted by 'em; they have made horrible ſlaughters among 'em to requite the many Kindneſſes they heap'd on 'em with all imaginable Freedom and Civility. And that which ſtill aggravates their Crimes the more, and muſt needs farther provoke the Divine Diſpleaſure, is, that God had made choice of Spain to carry his bleſſed Goſpel into the Indies, and to bring many populous Nations to the knowledg of himſelf; for which if they had fallen in with his Deſigns, he would, beſides thoſe eternal Rewards reſerv'd for 'em, have given into their hands many good and fruitful Countries, abounding with Mines of Gold and Silver, Diamonds and other precious Stones and Pearls; in a word, with all ſorts of temporal Bleſſings, beyond what any one can imagine, unleſs [Page] ſuch as have ſeen it with their own eyes. And 'tis to be remark'd that God uſually obſerves this Rule in the execution of his Judgments, to proportionate his Penalties to the Crimes committed againſt him.

The Outrages and Cruelties theſe innocent People have felt are ſo horrid and notorious, that their Tears and Groans and Blood, the cry of which has reach'd the Throne of God, will undoubtedly draw down Vengeance on thoſe that have offer'd all this violence to their Perſons, and plunder'd 'em of their Eſtates. The Report of theſe Cruelties is ſpread through the whole World, and has been carried even to the moſt barbarous Nations, and has made 'em abhor the Spaniards, and conceive a mortal hatred againſt 'em: A hatred which extends to the Perſon of our King, as well as Subjects, and is extremely prejudicial to the whole Nation in general.

None can be ſo ignorant as not to foreſee what Miſchiefs the Deſolations in America are like to bring upon Spain; and ſucceeding Generations will be but too much convinc'd of the truth of this Prophecy: And if the King of Spain ſtill ſuffers the Spaniards to domineer and tyrannize as they have hitherto done in the Indies, and makes not effectual proviſion by proper Edicts to ſtop the Courſe of the many Miſeries the People of this New World undergo, thoſe Countries will in a little time be totally depopulated. And God will undoubtedly make all Spain feel the Effects of his Wrath in puniſhing ſuch Crimes as theſe; ſince the whole Scripture is full of Threatnings, and plain Inſtances of the Judgments of God on ſuch as have been acceſſory to the Sins of others by permitting them.

Moſt Illuſtrious and Mighty Prince; The Royal Council for the Indies, animated with a ſincere Zeal for the Glory of God, and your Majeſty's Honour, deſir'd me a few days ago to write to your Majeſty [Page] all that I had told you viva voce before, and to explain to you what Right the Kings of Spain have to thoſe Kingdoms in the Indies: and the rather becauſe ſome who are uneaſy to ſee the liberty your Majeſty is pleas'd to give me in converſing with your Royal Perſon about theſe Affairs, to engage you to regulate thoſe Diſorders committed in America, have declar'd againſt my Sentiments with a great deal of heat and animoſity. They ſay the Zeal with which I oppoſe the Violence and Injuſtice of the Spaniards (and theſe I'm reſolv'd to oppoſe as long as it pleaſes God to continue my life) prompts men to call in queſtion the Title the King of Spain pretends to have to the New World. However I have perform'd what the Council demanded of me, and drawn up thirty Propoſitions, without giving my ſelf the trouble of proving them at large, partly becauſe they are all certain and evident, and partly becauſe I was much urg'd to diſpatch the buſineſs, and to ſend them to your Majeſty; which I have accompliſh'd in the fear of God, and according to the dictates of my Conſcience, with a ſtrict regard to Truth.

Since the deſire I have of being ſerviceable to God daily increaſes, I thought my ſelf oblig'd to refute the Impoſtures and Calumnies of ſome ill-deſigning Perſons, who wilfully ſhut their eyes againſt the Truth, becauſe 'tis directly oppoſite to the Deſigns and Projects they have form'd. They flatter themſelves, that under the falſe pretext of ſerving the Kings of Spain, who are ordinarily of a ſweet and benign temper, and ready to judg of others by the good Sentiments they find in themſelves; I ſay, they flatter themſelves that they ſhall ſtill be able to impoſe on 'em, and bear a ſufficient ſway in their minds to bring 'em into the ſnares they have laid for 'em. It was the complaint of Ahaſuerus in the Hiſtory of [Page] Eſther, that corrupt and vicious Subjects alter'd the good diſpoſition of Princes, and betray'd 'em into Exceſſes, that occaſion'd the ruin of whole Kingdoms and their Kings together. 'Tis for this reaſon, Great Sir, I have briefly drawn up theſe Propoſitions, to ſet this matter before you in a clear light. This I have done to diſcharge my own Conſcience, and that I might the better anſwer the Obligations of that Miniſtry wherewith God has entruſted me. I find my ſelf growing old, being advanc'd to the 50th year of my age; and the great acquaintance I have had with the Affairs of America, has furniſh'd me with a very diſtinct knowledg of 'em; ſo that my circumſtances render me in ſome reſpects more capable than others of giving proper Advice to thoſe that are propos'd for the Government of America, that they may know how to put a period to its Miſeries: for I have no other intention or deſire in this matter, than that of ſuppreſſing the Injuſtice and Cruelty that has ſo long haraſs'd the Inhabitants of the New World.

They that endeavour to croſs my good Deſign with the greateſt warmth, and deck themſelves with a falſe appearace of zeal and affection to your Majeſty, tho at the bottom they have no regard either to truth or juſtice, take care to hide their Deſigns under the ſpecious colour of promoting your Majeſty's Service and Intereſt, and of eſtabliſhing your Majeſtiy's Right and Title to America, while indeed all they do is directly contrary to your Majeſty's Service, whether in reſpect of Spirituals or Temporals. And I believe all intelligent Chriſtians, that have a true zeal for their Religion, will be of this opinion, when I have made the Errors and Extravagancies of thoſe that oppoſe my Sentiments appear; for theſe Gentlemen hand over head maintain that the Kings of Spain have a Right to found and eſtabliſh themſelves [Page] a Title to the Government of America by force of Arms, after the ſame manner that Nimrod, who was the firſt mighty Hunter (as the Scripture expreſly obſerves) and firſt began to tyrannize over Men, laid the foundation of his Dominion; or as Alexander the Great, and the antient Romans extended the bounds of their Empire; or juſt as the Turks to this day oppreſs the Chriſtians, and invade their Territories. All the World may eaſily perceive that they who reaſon thus, are ignorant of the true Intereſt of the King of Spain, and ſhamefully violate all the Rules of Juſtice. To prove what they advance, they add new Errors to their firſt Extravagancies, till they ſhew by the wretched Maxims they expoſe, that they have neither Honor nor Chriſtianity. For it often falls out, that while they who wander from the Tract of Truth and Virtue, go about to excuſe the Errors they have made, they fall into other Miſtakes that are ſtill more groſs and dangerous.

There are others of 'em who produce Titles that appear to be ſomewhat better founded, and alledg Arguments that ſeem more probable and honeſt. Theſe ſay we may juſtly take poſſeſſion of the Indies, and ſubdue the People, becauſe we have a greater ſtock of Prudence and Wiſdom than other Nations, and becauſe our Country is nearer to the Indies than many others. But 'tis eaſy to ſee that none of theſe Reaſons are concluding, having no ſolid Foundation to ſupport 'em.

That your Majeſty may the better comprehend the force of the Reaſons that have been produc'd before you, and more eaſily diſtinguiſh what is agreeable to the Rules of Equity from what is contrary to 'em, and diſcern your faithful Servants from ſuch as mind nothing but their own Intereſt, I ſhall come my ſelf, and viva voce explain to your [Page] Majeſty the principal Points on which my Judgment is founded. In the mean time I ſend your Majeſty an Abſtract of my Propoſitions, which your Majeſty may cauſe to be tranſlated into Latin, if you think meet, that they may be printed both in the Latin and Spaniſh Tongues: or if your Majeſty don't ſee good to make 'em publick, 'twill be no great matter.

§

I Propoſition.

The Pope of Rome Canonically elected to be the Vicar of Jeſus Chriſt, and the Succeſſor of St. Peter, hath received his Authority and Power from Chriſt himſelf; and this Power extends over all Men, whether Believers or Infidels, in matters appertaining to Salvation, and the way of eternal Life. But it is to be obſerv'd, that he ought to exerciſe this Power toward Infidels, that never enter'd into the Church by Baptiſm, nor never heard of Jeſus Chriſt and the Catholic Faith, in a different manner from what he does toward thoſe that either are or have been Believers.

II Propoſition.

St. Peter and his Succeſſors contracted an indiſpenſible Obligation, founded on the Divine Precept, to procure the publication of the Goſpel, and the propagation of the Chriſtian Faith in the whole World, that all Infidels may be brought to the knowledg of the true God, when there is any hope that they will not oppoſe the promulgation of the Faith, and the Doctrin of the Goſpel.

III Propoſition.

The Pope by the Authority of his Apoſtolic Miniſtry, may and ought to ſend capable Miniſters [Page] from all the States of Chriſtendom, to preach the Doctrine of Jeſus Chriſt through the Univerſe: Nay, he may oblige 'em by virtue of his power to accept this Miſſion and Employ; and they on the other hand are oblig'd to undertake it, in obedience to the Pope, as to Jeſus Chriſt.

IV Propoſition.

Among all the Inſtruments that can be choſen for the publication of the Catholic Faith, and the Converſion of Infidels, Chriſtian Princes are capable of contributing moſt to the carrying on of this Work; becauſe their Authority, their Forces and temporal Riches are a great help to preſerve and defend Eccleſiaſtical Miniſters that may be ſent, and to furniſh 'em with proper means to attain the end propos'd.

V Propoſition.

The Pope by the Authority which Jeſus Chriſt has given him upon Earth, ought to exhort Chriſtian Princes to contribute all their Aſſiſtance to remove the Obſtructions that impede the publication of the Chriſtian Faith; to employ their Mony in advancing this Work, and to ſend ſuch of their Subjects as are capable of inſtructing Infidels. The Pope may moreover in ſome ſort oblige all Chriſtians in general, according to their ability, to bear the neceſſary Charges of thoſe Miſſionaries in ſo pious a Work, as occaſion may require.

VI Propoſition.

No Chriſtian Kings or Princes ought to engage in this Work without the participation of the Holy See, and of the Vicar of J. Chriſt. And if any Prince ſhould [Page] think himſelf oblig'd, for the advantage of his Kingdom, to ſend Evangelic Miniſters to inſtruct the Infidels, he ought to conſult the Pope about it, who will uſe ſuch means as he thinks moſt proper to advance this deſign.

VII Propoſition.

To avoid confuſion, the Vicar of Chriſt may diſtribute the Kingdoms and Provinces of the Infidels, of what Sect ſoever they be, among the Princes of Chriſtendom; and may exhort 'em to be zealous for the propagation of the Faith, and vigorouſly to apply themſelves to the work of enlarging the Univerſal Church, by the Converſion and Salvation of Souls, as the only end they ought to have in view.

VIII Propoſition.

In making this diviſion the Pope ought not to regard the increaſe of the Honors, Titles, Riches and Territories of Princes, but only to have reſpect to the Converſion of the Infidels; ſince this alone is the Intention of Chriſt in the truſt he repoſes in 'em, to take care of the Inſtruction of Souls, which is a difficult and careful Charge, and of which they will be one day oblig'd to render an account before the ſtrict Tribunal of God. For this Employ reſpects the advantages of Infidels more than the particular Intereſt of Chriſtian Princes.

IX Propoſition.

Chriſtian Princes ought to have no conſideration for any thing but the Service of God, and the Advancement of the univerſal Church, when they apply their endeavors to propagate the Faith of Chriſt: [Page] In this affair they ought to have no temporal Advantage in their eye, but to look upon all earthly things as tranſitory and of ſmall conſequence: Yet it would not be juſt, if they can do any thing for the advantage of their Dominions, while they are procuring the Augmentation of the Kingdom of Chriſt, to oblige 'em to neglect ſo favourable an occaſion, provided it be done without any conſiderable prejudice to the Infidels, or to the Princes that govern 'em.

X Propoſition.

Thoſe Infidels that live in Countries remote from Europe, and have never heard of Jeſus Chriſt, or the Chriſtian Religion, have their own lawful Kings and Princes, who are the natural Rulers of the particular Countries they govern, and have right to make Laws, and to eſtabliſh all things neceſſary for the good Government of their reſpective Dominions; ſo that they can't be expell'd out of 'em, or depriv'd of what they poſſeſs, without doing violence to the Law of God as well as to the Law of Nations.

XI Propoſition.

That Opinion which contradicts the Principle juſt now laid down, is erroneous and pernicious; and if any Perſons ſet themſelves obſtinately to defend it, they'l become guilty of Hereſie. For it opens a door to all Impieties and Villanies, to Robbery and Cruelty; in a word, to many irreparable Miſchiefs, and hainous Sins which diſhonor the name of Chriſt, hinder the progreſs of the Catholic Faith, and bring the greateſt Miſeries on Mankind in this life, together with the inevitable deſtruction of multitudes of Souls ranſom'd by the Blood of Chriſt. So that this would be the way to ſtifle all the Sentiments of Piety, Humility, and Evangelic Meekneſs, nay of all Chriſtian Virtues in general, to introduce Violence, Treachery, [Page] Revenge, and other vices that are moſt contrary to the Maxims of the Goſpel in their ſtead.

XII Propoſition.

Infidel Princes ought not to be depriv'd of their States for their Idolatry, nor any other of thoſe great Sins they commit; nor may their Subjects be depriv'd of their Eſtates or Honors for the like Crimes.

XIII Propoſition.

Idolaters ought not to be puniſh'd for their Idolatry, or other Sins, how enormous and great ſoever, during the time of their Infidelity, before they have voluntarily receiv'd Baptiſm: There being no Tribunal or Judg in the world that has a right to moleſt 'em on that account, unleſs they directly oppoſe the publication of the Goſpel, and after they have been admoniſh'd and warn'd of it, obſtinatly perſiſt to obſtruct it out of mere malice.

XIV Propoſition.

Pope Alexander VI. under whoſe Popedom the Weſt-Indies were diſcover'd, was indiſpenſibly oblig'd by the Divine Law to chuſe a Chriſtian Prince, to whom he might commit the care of making proviſion for the preaching of the Goſpel in this new World, for the advancement of the Univerſal Church, the Catholic Faith, the Worſhip of God, the Converſion and Salvation of the Inhabitants of America, and for all things neceſſary to attain this end.

XV Propoſition.

King Ferdinando and Iſabella his Queen had ſome ſpecial Advantages preferable to thoſe of all other [Page] Catholic Princes, to induce the Pope to chuſe them rather than any other Potentates of Europe, to confer on 'em the Truſt of publiſhing the Catholic Faith in the Indies, and, without any other reaſon, by the Authority which God has given him, to inveſt 'em with this Dignity, and conſtitute 'em the Miniſters of the Apoſtles in the Indies. Among other Privileges peculiar to them, this is the principal, that they have taken a world of pains to reſcue thoſe Kingdoms which they inherited from their Anceſtors out of the hands of Infidels and Mahometans, who are declar'd Enemies of the Catholic Faith. For this they expos'd their Royal Perſons to imminent danger, when they attempted to enter again into the Kingdom of Grenada, to which they had a lawful Title, and which they at length reduc'd under the Yoke of Chriſt, and the Catholic Church. Another Reaſon to their advantage is, that they ſent the famous Chriſtopher Columbus to America at their own charge, and honor'd him with the Title of Chief Admiral of the Weſt-Indies, when he had diſcover'd thoſe rich and vaſt Countries.

XVI Propoſition.

The Pope might well chuſe them as the moſt proper Perſons to eſtabliſh Chriſtianity in the new World, juſt as he made choice of the Emperor for his Son to be the Defender of the Catholic Faith. But if this Choice ſhould in the iſſue become prejudicial to the eſtabliſhment of the Faith, 'tis not to be doubted that the Pope might revoke it by the Authority he has receiv'd from God. And for the ſame reaſon he might forbid all other Chriſtian Princes to ſend Miſſionaries into the Indies without the conſent of the holy See, on pain of Excommunication. And whoever ſhould act contrary [Page] to this Prohibition, would grievouſly offend God.

XVII Propoſition.

The Kings of Caſtille and Leon are the lawful Soveraigns of many Princes and Kings of the new World; therefore this univerſal Juriſdiction over the Indies, of which we have been ſpeaking, belongs to them.

XVIII Propoſition.

The Soveraign Empire which the Kings of Spain have over the Indies, obliges the natural Kings of thoſe ſubjected Nations to ſubmit to the Juriſdiction of the King of Spain.

XIX Propoſition.

All the natural Kings and Princes, all the Nations, Cities and Communities of the Indies, over whom the Kings of Spain have acquir'd a lawful Right, ought to acknowledg them for their rightful Soveraigns in the manner we have ſaid, ſince they have freely and voluntarily receiv'd the Catholic Faith and Baptiſm. But before they receiv'd it, or ſubmitted to Chriſtianity, and before the Kings of Spain had acquir'd any right over 'em, they depended on no Tribunal, nor Juriſdiction of any Judg in the World.

XX Propoſition.

The Kings of Spain are oblig'd by the Law of God to chuſe out and ſend into the Indies ſuch Miniſters as are capable of preaching the Goſpel and the Catholic Faith, to exhort all the People of the new World to embrace the Doctrine of Chriſt, [Page] and to ſeek all juſt and neceſſary means to accompliſh this Work.

XXI Propoſition.

The Kings of Spain have the ſame Power and Juriſdiction over theſe Infidels before their Converſion, as the Pope has in quality of Chriſt's Vicar, becauſe the charge and care of ſpreading the Light of the Goſpel amongſt theſe Idolaters, and of doing all that's poſſible for their Converſion, is committed to them.

XXII Propoſition.

The manner of eſtabliſhing the Chriſtian Faith in the Indies ought to be conformable to that which our Saviour uſed to introduce his Religion into the World; that is, it ought to be a mild, peaceable, and charitable method. Humility, and the good Examples of a holy and regular way of living, are to be imploy'd to gain upon all Infidels, eſpecially the Indians, who are naturally of a ſweet and eaſy Temper, and ready to ſubmit to the Yoke of Chriſt. They ought moreover to be engag'd by Preſents, and we ſhould with alacrity give 'em a ſhare of what we have, without regarding their Riches. By this means they would be eaſily perſwaded, that the God whom the Chriſtians worſhip, is good, juſt and gracious; they would more readily give ear to his Word, and would make no difficulty to forſake the Worſhip of their falſe Gods.

XXIII Propoſition.

To go about to ſubdue the Indians by force of Arms, is a courſe utterly againſt the Law of God, [Page] who is full of Kindneſs, Grace and Love. 'Tis to follow the method which Mahomet and the Romans before him us'd to ſpoil and conquer the World: and the Turks and Moors to this day take the ſame courſe, but 'tis unjuſt, tyrannical, infamous, and unworthy of Chriſtians: It would be the occaſion of many blaſphemous Reflections on the Name of Chriſt, and the Chriſtian Religion, as we have been taught by ſad Experience, ſince the Spaniards have exercis'd ſo many Cruelties on the Indians; for they believe that the God we worſhip is the moſt unjuſt, unmerciful and cruel of all Gods: Therefore the way of Violence and Severity would be an invincible Obſtacle to the Converſion of the Indians.

XXIV Propoſition.

'Tis to be expected that Infidels will alway oppoſe ſuch as attempt to invade their Country, in order to take poſſeſſion of it by the Title of Conqueſt; ſo that to go about to ſubdue 'em as the proper way to convert 'em, is to loſe time, and ruin ſo holy an Enterprize.

XXV Propoſition.

From the time when Chriſtopher Columbus diſcover'd the Indies, the Kings of Spain have always expreſly forbidden their Subjects to make War upon the Indians: ſo that the Spaniards can ſhew no Authority or Permiſſion that was ever given 'em by the King of Spain to commit any Act of Hoſtility in the new World: or if they can ſhew any ſuch Commiſſions, they are forged, or have bin ſurreptitiouſly obtain'd by falſe Informations, invented to obtain a power of taking away the Riches of the Indians, or of making them Slaves with impunity. [Page] On the contrary, the Kings of Spain have often on this account renew'd their Orders to obviate the Cruelties and Outrages that were committed on the Indians.

XXVI Propoſition.

Seeing the Spaniards have not been ſupported either by the Authority of their Prince, or any lawful reaſon to make War againſt the Indians, who liv'd peaceably in their own Country, and had done the Spaniards no wrong: All ſuch Conqueſts that have been, or may hereafter be made in the Indies are to be accounted unjuſt, tyrannical, and null, being condemned by all the Laws of God and Men. For the proof of this Propoſition one need only produce the Proceedings againſt theſe Tyrants, which are yet to be ſeen in the Archives of the Royal Council; or thoſe Proſecutions that might ſtill be made againſt 'em every moment. For both Heaven and Earth cry aloud againſt the Violence they have offer'd the poor Americans.

XXVII Propoſition.

The Kings of Spain are by the Law of God oblig'd to eſtabliſh ſo good a Government in the Indies, by cauſing thoſe Indian Laws and Cuſtoms that are good to be obſerv'd, and by aboliſhing the bad, which are leſs numerous than the other, that nothing contrary to good Manners and the Rules of civil Policy may be tolerated. And the moſt likely way to ſucceed in ſuch a deſign is to publiſh the Goſpel among thoſe People, by which means both the King's Intereſt and that of the Indians will be provided for effectually.

XXVIII Propoſition.

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The Devil could never have invented any thing more pernicious for the extirpation of the People of this New World, and the deſolation of ſo many great and populous Kingdoms in a little time, than the diſtribution the Spaniards have made of theſe Nations among themſelves, taking poſſeſſion of the Inhabitants as their own Property, and then treating 'em as ravenous Wolves do a flock of Sheep: For this is the moſt barbarous kind of Tyranny that can be imagin'd, becauſe it hinders all thoſe Nations from embracing the Chriſtian Religion: For the Spaniards employ 'em night and day in the Mines, and all other kinds of Labor; ſometimes obliging 'em to carry heavy Burdens forty or fifty Leagues, ſo that their condition is worſe than that of Beaſts. Beſides, they perſecute thoſe Indians with freſh Cruelty, who apply themſelves to the Monks to be inſtructed in the Goſpel, becauſe they are afraid (if theſe Religious Men ſhould be encourag'd to come among the Indians) they would be witneſſes of their Robberies and Cruelties.

XXIX Propoſition.

The diſtribution which the Spaniards make of theſe People among themſelves, as if they were ſo many head of Cattel, was never commanded nor allow'd by the Kings of Spain ſince the Spaniards enter'd the Indies. They never thought of authorizing ſo injuſt and tyrannical a kind of Government, and which ſo much tends to the deſtruction of the People of the new World. Queen Iſabella of immortal memory, under whoſe Reign the Indies were diſcover'd, gave expreſs Orders to Chriſtopher [Page]Columbus, who was the firſt Governor and chief Admiral of the Indies, and to Francis Bobadilla, who ſucceeded him, and alſo to General De Larés, who came after both the former, to preſerve Peace and Liberty among the Indians, and to do 'em Juſtice in every thing. Admiral Columbus gave only three hundred Indians to ſuch of the Spaniards as had done great Service to the Crown; and for his own part, contented himſelf with having only one Indian to ſerve him: The Court of Spain was then at Grenada, where the Queen iſſued out an Order that theſe three hundred Indians ſhould be releas'd and ſent home, only ſhe permitted Columbus to keep one Indian whom he had taken for his Service. What then would this great Queen now ſay, to ſee how the Spaniards have inſlav'd the People of America? The continual Avocations the King has had, and the frequent Journys he has been oblig'd to make into Italy, having not permitted him to inform himſelf exactly of the Miſeries thoſe People endure from the hands of the Spaniards.

XXX Propoſition.

From all that has been ſaid it may well be concluded, that if the ſoveraign Juriſdiction of the Indies belongs only to the Kings of Spain, the Conqueſts that private Men appropriate to themſelves are injuſt and tyrannical; that the ſhares they have made among themſelves are founded upon no lawful right: and that thoſe who uſurp the Lands of the new World, without the Conſent and Authority of their Prince, are abſolute Tyrants, in acting (as they do) directly contrary to his Orders, and the Regulations of the Royal Council; which is a matter ſo public and notorious, that there's no Spaniard in the Indies can juſtly excuſe himſelf by pretending ignorance.

A Diſpute between Don Bartholomew de Laſ-Caſas, Biſhop of Chiapa, and Dr. Sepulueda.

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DR. Sepulueda, at the inſtigation of ſome Spaniards who had committed great Ravages in the Indies, wrote a very elegant Book in Latin in the form of Dialogues, which contain'd principally two Concluſions, namely, that the Wars of the Spaniards in the Indies were very juſt, and that they might lawfully ſubjugate the People of this new World; and that the Indians were oblig'd to ſubmit to the Spaniards, and acquieſce in their Government, becauſe theſe are more wiſe and prudent than the others. And in caſe they refuſe to ſubmit, this Doctor aſſerts, that they may be conſtrain'd to it by force of Arms. Theſe are the two Points that have occaſion'd the ruin of incredible numbers of Indians; ſo that the Country is almoſt entirely unpeopled for the ſpace of two thouſand Leagues, where the Spaniards have left the marks of their boundleſs Cruelty. This Doctor, to give ſome color and ſhew of Truth to his Reaſons, declar'd that he had no other deſign in writing than that of juſtifying the King of Spain's Title to the Indies. He preſented his Book to the Royal Council, and was very importunate to obtain leave to print it, which was ſeveral times refus'd; after which he applied himſelf to ſome of his Friends, who were in the Emperor's Court, to patronize this Work. The Biſhop of Chiapa being well inform'd of the ſteps this Doctor made, with all his might oppos'd the Impreſſion of his Book, plainly demonſtrating what ill Conſequences the publication of it might produce. The Members of the King's Council perceiving [Page] this matter was purely Theological, reſolv'd to diſmiſs it to the Univerſities of Salamanca and Alcala, deſiring them to make a thorow Examination of this Treatiſe, to ſee if it contain'd any thing that might juſtly obſtruct the printing of it. Theſe two Univerſities after they had accuratly examin'd it, declar'd that it was not fit to be printed, as containing unſound Doctrine. The Doctor now deſpairing of ſeeing his Book obtain in Spain, ſent it to Rome, earneſtly recommending it to the Biſhop of Segovia, who was one of his particular Friends. When it was printed, it was prohibited by the Emperor's expreſs Order, who caus'd the Copies to be ſeiz'd, forbidding any of 'em to be ſold in Spain: but becauſe it was impoſſible to prevent divers Copies in the vulgar Language from being ſpread among the People; the Biſhop of Chiapa thought himſelf oblig'd to refute this Book in defence of the Indians, and to let all the world know how ſcandalous Doctrine it contain'd, being accommodated to open a door to all manner of Diſorders. Dr. Sepulueda was cited to give an account of his thoughts on this Subject by word of mouth, and the Biſhop of Chiapa was engag'd to anſwer him: The Diſpute laſted five whole days, after which Dominic de Soto, a great Divine, and Confeſſor to his Majeſty, was deſir'd to give a ſummary account of this Diſpute, which he did before the Aſſembly in theſe terms.

§

Moſt Illuſtrious, moſt Magnificent, and moſt Reverend Lords and Fathers.

YOU have bin pleas'd to order me to give a ſuccinct and ſummary account of the Diſpute maintain'd between the famous Dr. Sepulueda, and the Biſhop of Chiapa, without adding any thing of my own, or troubling my ſelf to ſeek other Reaſons [Page] to ſupport the Sentiments of either of 'em. The Point about which you deſire to be inform'd, is in general what method ought to be us'd for the publication of the Catholic Faith in the new World, which has bin lately diſcover'd by the permiſſion of God, and how the Emperor may ſubject thoſe Nations to his Government without offending his Conſcience, in conforming himſelf entirely to the Bull of Pope Alexander. 'Tis firſt neceſſary to enquire whether the Emperor may juſtly make War with the Indians before the Faith of the Goſpel be preach'd to 'em; and whether theſe People will be in any condition to receive the Light of the Goſpel, after they have bin ſubdu'd by force of Arms; whether they will be more tractable and docil, and better diſpos'd to receive the Impreſſions deſign'd to be given, ſo as to reject their Errors, and embrace the Doctrine of the Goſpel. Dr. Sepulueda maintains, that this War is not only allowable and lawful, but neceſſary. The Biſhop of Chiapa is of the contrary Opinion, and pretends that this War is unjuſt, and an invincible Obſtacle to the propagation of the Faith in the Indies.

Sepulueda ſupports his Opinion by four principal Arguments: The firſt is founded on the enormous Crimes of which the Indians have bin, and are every day guilty, eſpecially their Idolatry, and their Sins againſt Nature. His ſecond Reaſon is taken from their Barbarity and Ignorance, which may be reform'd under the Government of a People ſo intelligent and polite as the Spaniards. His third Reaſon reſpects the facility he ſuppoſes of publiſhing the Chriſtian Faith to the Indians when they are once ſubdu'd. His fourth Argument is taken from the cruel Treatment the Indians give one another, in that they offer human Sacrifices to their falſe Gods. He confirms his firſt Reaſon three ways: 1ſt. By [Page] Examples and Authorities taken out of the holy Scripture. 2dly. By the Suffrage of Doctors and Canoniſts. 3dly. By a particular account of the groſs Crimes which the Indians commit. He cites a Paſſage out of Deut. 20. to explain after what manner War ought to be made on the Indians; the words are theſe: When thou comeſt nigh unto a City to fight againſt it, then proclaim Peace unto it. And it ſhall be, if it make thee anſwer of Peace, and open unto thee, then it ſhall be that all the People that is found therein, ſhall be Tributaries unto thee, and they ſhall ſerve thee. And if it will make no Peace with thee, but will make War againſt thee, then thou ſhalt beſiege it: And when the LORD thy God hath deliver'd it into thy hands, thou ſhalt ſmite every Male thereof with the Edg of the Sword: ver. 10, 11, 12, 13. and ver. 16. But of the Cities of theſe People which the Lord thy God doth give thee for an Inheritance, thou ſhalt ſave alive nothing that breatheth. The Doctor adds, that this Paſſage is not to be ſtrictly taken, and enforc'd againſt the Indians with ſo much ſeverity: tho 'tis alſo ſaid, Thus ſhalt thou do unto all the Cities that are very far from thee; by which Paſſage the Gloſs underſtands thoſe of different Religions. From hence he concludes, that we may lawfully declare War againſt thoſe Nations that are of a Religion different from ours.

My Lord Biſhop anſwers him four ways. Firſt, he ſays, it was not to puniſh the Sin of Idolatry, that God commanded the Iſraelites to make War with the Gentiles and Infidels: That God was pleas'd to ſingle out preciſely ſeven Nations, the Canaanites, the Jebuſites, &c. mentioned in Deut. 7. who poſſeſs'd the Land of Promiſe bequeathed to Abraham and his Poſterity. He allows it to be true, that God deſign'd to puniſh the Idolatry of thoſe Heathen Nations, in giving 'em up to the Iſraelites; but he ſays [Page] if God's intention had bin only to chaſtiſe 'em for their Idolatry, he would alſo have puniſh'd all the Nations of the whole World after the ſame manner, ſeeing they were all polluted with the ſame Sin. Whereas God ſpecified only theſe Nations to be abandon'd to the Sword of the Iſraelites, to ſhew that it was rather to accompliſh the Promiſe he had made to Abraham, than to puniſh theſe Idolaters that he deliver'd 'em into the hands of their Enemies. That God himſelf expreſly forbad the Iſraelites to offer any Violence to the Edomites, or to the Egyptians who had entertain'd 'em when they were ſtrangers in their Country.

Secondly, That the Paſſage of Luke 14. where it is ſaid, Compel them to come in, is not to be underſtood of an external Conſtraint by War and Arms, but ought to be interpreted of internal Inſpiration, and the Motions which God produces in the Hearts of Men, either immediatly, or by the Miniſtration of Angels.

In the third place the Biſhop maintains, that Chriſtian Emperors have never engag'd in War with Heathen Nations to oblige 'em to renounce Idolatry, and to induce 'em to imbrace the Chriſtian Faith; that the Wars of Conſtantine were purely on a politic account, and that the Paſſage of the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtorian, lib. 10. cap. 6. is to be underſtood in that ſenſe. That this Prince who was ſo animated with Piety, when he ſubdued by his Arms the Goths, Sarmatians, and other barbarous Nations, excepted thoſe that ſought his Friendſhip, and deſir'd Peace. That becauſe he ſubjected himſelf to the Divine Commands, God was pleas'd to recompenſe his Virtue in ſubjecting all the People of the World to his Dominion. Beſides, he ſays, Conſtantine made War with the Goths and Sarmatians, becauſe they made incredible Ravage and Spoil wherever they [Page] came. But when theſe barbarous People were at peace with the Chriſtians, and offer'd 'em no Injury, they were ſuffer'd to live at quiet.

He adds in the 4th place, That if we would do any good upon Pagans, it muſt be by the power of good Examples, and not by Violence. He cites to this purpoſe a paſſage of St. Auguſtin, who ſays it belongs only to men tranſported with Rage, and to Aſſaſſins to uſe force againſt thoſe that are inferior to 'em in Power: that this Father alſo condemns ſuch as were not able to do the Pagans any hurt, and yet raſhly offer'd themſelves to death, to gain the reputation of Martyrs. He alſo quotes a Paſſage out of Deut. 7. When the Lord thy God ſhall bring thee into the Land whither thou goeſt to poſſeſs it, &c. ver. 1. Ye ſhall deſtroy their Altars, and break down their Images, and cut down their Groves, and burn their graven Images with Fire, ver. 5. Upon which Paſſage he ſays St. Auguſtin expreſſes himſelf after this manner: Many of the Pagans have Idols in their Fields, muſt we take upon us to break theſe Idols in pieces? 'Tis much better to endeavour to get 'em out of their Hearts. When they have embrac'd Chriſtianity, and exhort us themſelves to break theſe Idols, we ſhall do it with pleaſure. We muſt in the mean time pray for their Converſion, without appearing violent and paſſionate againſt 'em becauſe of their Idolatry: We are not ignorant where they hide their Idols, and yet we let 'em alone, becauſe God has not given us a Commiſſion to take 'em away without their leave. When then does God give us leave to take 'em from them? Not till the owners of theſe Idols are become Chriſtians.

He farther produces the examples of the Apoſtles and Martyrs, who took no other courſe to overthrow Idols but by their Doctrine. He grants that indeed on ſome accounts War may be made with Infidels; [Page] for inſtance, if they have violently uſurp'd the Lands of Chriſtians, as they have the Holy-Land; if they profane our Churches, break down our Images, and offer any great outrages to Chriſtians, in hatred and contempt of their Faith: That when the Emperor Conſtantine forbad the Heathens to keep their Idols, it was for fear the Chriſtians ſhould be ſcandaliz'd by 'em.

He ſays, If God ſeverely puniſh'd the Crimes of the Sodomites, it does not therefore follow that we may take upon us to puniſh all Infidels for their unnatural Pollutions: That we are to admire the Judgments of God, but not always to imitate every thing he does. He ſays, we may puniſh Infidels if they blaſpheme the Holy Name of God, or diſhonour the Saints and the Church; if they openly hinder the publication of the Faith, and if they maſſacre thoſe that preach it: but that it is not lawful to declare War againſt 'em merely on the account of their Idolatry, their unnatural Sins, or any other Crimes they commit among themſelves.

And whereas Dr. Sepulueda ſays, The Indians are a barbarous People, and born for Slavery: the Biſhop of Chiapa anſwers this Objection, in ſaying, That we ought not to make War upon Infidels to bring 'em to the true Religion, which is only to be demonſtrated by genuin Reaſons, that the underſtanding may be captivated according to the words of St. Paul, That it muſt be a pious Affection to the Chriſtian Faith that will diſpoſe men to embrace it; and that care ought to be taken that they may have no averſion againſt thoſe that preach it; who therefore ought by their good Examples to engage the Indians to reliſh the Doctrine they endeavour to propagate among 'em: That War is viſibly contrary to this end, becauſe it fills the minds of thoſe Idolaters with horror and indignation againſt the Chriſtians, [Page] for bringing ſo many Miſeries upon 'em; and that they cannot chuſe but think the Law of Chriſt an execrable Doctrine, ſince it authorizes (as they imagin) ſuch terrible Diſorders. The Biſhop concludes in ſaying, 'tis a mere deluſion to aſſert, that the Wars made againſt theſe Infidels are not deſign'd to introduce Chriſtianity among 'em by open force, but only to ſubjugate thoſe barbarous Nations the better to diſpoſe 'em to receive the Faith of Chriſt voluntarily. He pretends that this is ill reaſoning, becauſe War ſpreads ſo much terror among thoſe People, that if they afterwards embrace the true Faith, 'tis to be ſuppos'd they do it rather out of fear than love: and that their Neighbours when they hear what Violence, Spoil, and Maſſacres have attended this War, may probably, to avoid the like Miſchiefs, blindly embrace the Faith, without knowing what they do themſelves.

Dr. Sepulueda urges for another reaſon of War, that the Indians maſſacre innocent Perſons, either to ſacrifice, or to eat 'em. To which Argument the Biſhop returns this anſwer, That if the Church exhorts us to undertake the defence of Innocents, it ought not in this caſe to be by the way of Arms. Firſt, becauſe of two Evils we ought to chuſe the leaſt. If the Indians maſſacre ſome innocent Perſons to eat 'em, 'tis indeed a great Evil; but War would bring much greater ſlaughters with it: beſides, that theſe Wars diſhonour our Religion, and render the Chriſtians odious to the Infidels; who tho they ſacrifice men, are not altogether inexcuſable, becauſe of their great Ignorance, and have reaſon not to put themſelves into the hands of the Spaniſh Soldiers, who come with their Swords in their hands to rob and kill 'em, inſtead of inſtructing 'em in Religion; whereas they have no right to puniſh 'em for their Errors: That Plutarch ſays, when the Romans [Page] ſubdued divers barbarous Nations, who were wont to offer men in Sacrifice, they did not puniſh 'em for that Crime, but only forbad 'em to do the like for the future. That it is not to be expected of the Indians, that they ſhould renounce their Errors in a moment; that the light of Nature which informs 'em there is a God, teaches 'em to ſhew him reſpect, and to return him thanks for the Benefits they receive of him, and likewiſe to endeavour to make atonement for the Sins they commit againſt his Divine Majeſty; and that they ought to devote the beſt they have to him in Sacrifice: Conſequently their evil Cuſtom of ſacrificing human Creatures to the ſuppos'd Deities they worſhip, is the leſs to be wonder'd at, ſince they have no knowledg of Divine Revelation, but only the glimmerings of natural Light to direct 'em; which Light too is obſcur'd with much thick darkneſs in the minds of Pagans. That theſe People believe they perform a very acceptable Service to God, when they offer him the Lives of Men; that this may be confirmed in ſome ſort by the Teſtimony of Holy Writ, ſeeing God, when he would try the faithfulneſs of Abraham, commanded him to ſacrifice his only Son, whom he tenderly lov'd; which God might do, as he is the abſolute Maſter of the Lives of Men: that beſides this Inſtance, the Scripture teſtifies that God requir'd the Iſraelites to redeem their own Lives by the ſacrifice of Animals. That the Word of God remarks, that 'tis impoſſible to give a greater Teſtimony of Love, than to offer ones ſelf for the Perſon belov'd: that thoſe Women in the Indies that were moſt dear to their Husbands while they lived, choſe to be buried alive with 'em, to give the greater proof of their conjugal Fidelity and Affection.

In anſwer to the other Argument alledg'd by Dr. Sepulueda, namely, that the barbarity of the Indians [Page] which (he ſays) ſhews they were born for Slavery, is a ſufficient reaſon to declare War againſt 'em, in order to ſubject 'em to the Government of the Europeans: the Biſhop of Chiapa ſays, there are three different ſorts of Barbarians. Firſt, that this Term is taken in general to ſignify any Nation that differs from others by ſome ſtrange Opinion, or peculiar Cuſtoms, tho they want not Prudence or Policy to conduct their Affairs. That the ſecond kind of Barbarians is of thoſe, who have no Language proper by which to expreſs themſelves to other People; ſuch as the Engliſh formerly were, when they had no Letters or Characters whereby to explain their Thoughts. The third ſort of Barbarians are ſuch as reſemble ſavage Beaſts, by the dulneſs and ſtupidity of their Minds, by their brutiſh Inclinations, and by the extravagance of their Cuſtoms; who wander up and down in the Fields, never dwelling together in Towns or Cities; who are without Laws or Civil Government, and take no care to obſerve the Law of Nations; who rove about to commit Robberies, and uſe Violence on all that have not power enough to reſiſt 'em; ſuch as the Goths and Alans were formerly, and ſuch as the Arabs in Aſia are to this day: That 'tis as lawful to make War with this ſort of People, as to hunt wild Beaſts, and would be a great piece of ſervice to the World to reduce 'em to any tolerable Diſciplin. But as for the Indians, that tho they have ſome extravagant Cuſtoms, but not any good Policy, yet they ought not to be look'd upon as properly Barbarians; ſeeing they are of a quite contrary diſpoſition, being meek, civil, and tractable in their Manners; that they are a numerous People, who have Cities and Laws, and underſtand divers Arts; that they have Princes over 'em, and live under a kind of regulated Government; that they not only puniſh Sins againſt Nature, but [Page] have Laws that award capital Puniſhments for ſome Crimes of leſſer conſequence: That their Policy has its particular Rules; that upon all theſe Accounts their pretended Barbarity is not a ſufficient Reaſon for any to declare War againſt 'em, but would be a piece of viſible Tyranny and Injuſtice; and that this Courſe would be ſo far from promoting the Goſpel, that 'twould be the very way to cut off all hope of eſtabliſhing Chriſtianity among them. That therefore the beſt expedient would be to ſend Preachers into the Indies, to endeavour to convince ſome of the principal Indians of the truth of our Religion; and to make Treaties of Peace with 'em, to favour the entrance of the Europeans into the Indies by ſuch a gentle and peaceable Method as this: that if any danger ſhould ariſe after this, we might build ſome Forts upon the Frontiers, and ſo treat with 'em with the greater Security, and make 'em gradually reliſh our Religion, by ſetting 'em good Examples.

The Royal Council for the Indies having heard this Diſpute, between the Biſhop of Chiapa and Dr. Sepulueda, concerning the manner in which the Indians ought to be treated, order'd the Biſhop to draw up his Thoughts of this matter in Writing, whereby they ſhould be the better able to determin this queſtion, Whether they might lawfully inſlave the Indians, or were oblig'd to ſet at liberty all they had hitherto reduc'd to ſlavery. In anſwer to their deſire, the Biſhop farther explain'd his Sentiments after the following manner.

All the Indians taken in the Indies ſince the diſcovery of the New World to this day, have bin unjuſtly inſlav'd; and the Spaniards who retain 'em in bondage againſt their wills, can't do it with a good [Page] Conſcience, becauſe they had no right to declare War againſt 'em; for it follows by conſequence they could not lawfully deprive 'em of their Liberty, nor were they ever authoriz'd by their Prince to make War upon 'em. Now there are but two Motives that can render any War juſt, namely, ſome righteous Cauſe, or the Authority of one's Prince. And what juſt motive then could the Spaniards have to declare War againſt the Indians, who never did 'em any wrong, nor ever gave 'em any diſturbance? They were people they had never ſeen; they had never made any deſcent into any Country that belong'd to the Spaniards, to ſpoil and ravage it; they had never profeſs'd Chriſtianity as the Moors of Africa had done, who were Chriſtian in the time of St. Auguſtin; or as the Kingdom of Grenada, the Empire of Conſtantinople, and the Kingdom of Jeruſalem did formerly. Nor can we juſtly reproach the Indians as declar'd enemies to our Religion, or that they ever attempted to deſtroy it by open Perſecutions, or ſecret Perſwaſions, by Preſents, or any other manner whatſoever, that can be uſed to engage Chriſtians to renounce their Faith, and turn Idolaters: For neither the Law of God, nor that of Nations ever permitted War to be made againſt any People merely to eſtabliſh Chriſtianity among 'em. Unleſs any one will pretend that the Goſpel of Chriſt, which abounds with Charity, Meekneſs, and Humanity, ought to be introduc'd into the World by Force like the Religion of Mahomet.

The Spaniards can't ſay, that they had no other end than that of protecting the Innocent, ſeeing they have made it their whole buſineſs to rob, pillage, and murder the poor Indians, taking upon 'em to uſurp their Goods and Lands. Beſides, if the War they undertook had bin in defence of thoſe poor Wretches the Indians unjuſtly put to death for Sacrifices, [Page] it would not have bin carried ſo generally thro' the Indies, but would have bin a ſort of Civil War kept up only in ſome particular Places: Nor would the Spaniards have had right even in ſuch Places, to have made Slaves of thoſe whom they took in ſuch a War.

They can't ſo much as pretend that ever they had a Command or Order to this day from their Prince, to declare War againſt the Indians: 'Tis eaſy to evidence ſuch a Fact as this; for the Governors and Generals have nothing to do but to ſhow their Commiſſions if they have any. There's not one of 'em who has any fear of God, or reſpect for his Prince, that will pretend to ſhew any ſuch Commiſſion, except the Vice-Roy Don Antonio, and Don Sebaſtian Ramire Biſhop of Cuenza; all the reſt that have made War on the Indians, are Thieves, and Robbers, Murderers, and declar'd Enemies of Mankind. Seeing then the Spaniards have had no lawful reaſon to ſupport their Declarations of War againſt the People of America, nor have bin authoriz'd in ſuch Proceedings by their Prince, it evidently follows that the War they have made is injuſt, and contrary to the Laws of God and Men, and conſequently that the Indians ought not to have bin treated as Slaves.

All the ways the Spaniards have us'd to compaſs this end of inſlaving theſe People, have bin monſtrouſly wicked, made up of nothing but Fraud and Treachery, unlawful Tricks and Artifices, and ſuch unheard of Villanies as can't but fill the Minds of all that hear 'em with aſtoniſhment and horror. Some to inſnare the poor Indians that liv'd among 'em, have conſtrain'd 'em to own themſelves their Slaves in Courts of Juſtice: after which extorted Confeſſion, the Governors have order'd the King's Arms to be fix'd upon their Skin with a hot Iron; tho they were not ignorant what an unlawful Courſe had been [Page] taken to abuſe the poor Creatures. Others hir'd the Indians with a little Wine, or a Shirt, or by giving 'em ſome other trifle of ſmall value, to bring 'em fatherleſs and motherleſs Children, whom they put on Shipboard, and tranſported into other Countries, where they were ſold for Slaves, eſpecially into New-Spain, the Iſlands of St. John, and Cuba, or other neighbouring Iſlands. But at firſt the Spaniards us'd open Violence, attacking the Indians that liv'd peaceably in their Houſes, ſetting their Towns on fire, maſſacring ſome, and after the exerciſe of all this Cruelty, carrying away thoſe they could take alive to ſell 'em for Slaves. They us'd without any formal proceſs, to brand 'em with the King's Arms; which was enough to make 'em paſs for Slaves; and accordingly they were ſold from one hand to another, till they were tranſported into the Iſlands. Theſe were all the forms of Juſtice the Spaniards obſerv'd in carrying away the Indians from the Continent into the Iſlands of New-Spain, the Iſles of Cuba and St. John, the Coaſt of Pearls, Yucatan and Panuco. And by theſe execrable Artifices they have ſince carried away vaſt multitudes of People of every Age, Sex, and Condition, from the Kingdoms of Vencuéla, Guatimala, and Nicaraqua, to fell 'em in Panama, and in Peru. They once put 4 or 500 of 'em in one Ship, the greateſt part of whom died in their paſſage for want of Food, the Allowance given 'em being ſo very ſmall.

At a Town conſiſting of about 200 people, the Spaniards would require the Cacyque to ſend 'em 300 Indians at ſuch a certain day and hour, to carry their Proviſions, and work for 'em. The poor Cacyque was mightily concern'd he could not execute this Order, not having People enough in the whole Town; and not knowing what to do in the caſe, deſired to have a day or two more allow'd him: [Page] But theſe Brutes would interpret this delay as an expreſs breach of their Orders; and immediately asking leave of the Governor to go and fall upon 'em, would attaque 'em in their houſes, cutting the throats of many of 'em in a barbarous manner, and carrying away the reſt as Priſoners of War, whom they inſlav'd contrary to all Law and Equity. Sometimes they would order a Cacyque to ſend 'em half a hundred men to labour for 'em, and would ſet 'em to what work they thought good, after which they would embark 'em in Ships and carry 'em away; and ſometimes would mark 'em with the Letters of their own Names without fixing the King's Arms on 'em. When they were angry with 'em, they would load 'em with Chains, and make 'em carry heavy Burdens beſide, for 100 or 200 Leagues. After they had us'd 'em in what Drudgery they pleas'd, they would ſell 'em, tho the Indians are as freeborn as any other Nation. By this means the Spaniards have unpeopled the Province of St. Michael, which is ſituate between Guatimala and Nicaraqua.

When they formerly advanc'd far into the Country to make further Diſcoveries of the Indians that liv'd there, theſe good-natur'd People came to meet 'em loaded with Turkeys, and other Proviſions, which they freely offer'd 'em, but for their kindneſſ were either hew'd in pieces, or leſe made Slaves, on pretence they were found in Arms in the Fields. Nor could the Governors be ignorant of theſe Violences and Diſorders or the Soldiers, ſince themſelves had the beſt ſhare of the Spoil.

When they had divided thoſe Countries among themſelves, which they had ſo unjuſtly uſurp'd, and render'd themſelves the abſolute Maſters of the Indians, as if they had coquer'd 'em in a juſt and lawful War, they oblig'd the Caciques and natural Princes of thoſe People to bring 'em ſuch a Sum of [Page] Gold as they were pleas'd to command 'em. If they had not ſuch a quantity, they told the Spaniards, they would willingly give 'em all they had to appeaſe 'em; but receiv'd a ſevere reply from theſe cruel Men in ſuch terms as theſe: If you don't bring us all the Gold we demand within ſuch a time, we'll ſet fire to all your houſes. The poor Cacyques would ſometimes make ſuch a return as this in a lamentable Tone: Indeed our Country has no great ſtore of Gold in it; and beſides, we have not bin curious to ſearch for Mines. Upon ſuch an Account as this the Spaniards have faſten'd 200 Stakes at a time in the ground, and tied the poor Wretches to 'em with terrible Menaces, and then let looſe thoſe ravenous Dogs upon 'em, that us'd to be fed with human fleſh. It may be the Cacique would be ſo terrified with ſuch a horrible Spectacle as this, that he'd go among his Subjects, and take Children out of every Family, and give 'em to the Spaniards for Slaves to pacify 'em. If there were but 2 Children in a houſe, one of 'em was taken away, and that muſt be the ſtrongeſt and likelieſt to do ſervice. When the Cacique had got together ſuch a number of his People as the Spaniards requir'd, he would come to preſent 'em to them himſelf. And it was a moſt lamentable thing to hear the Sighs and Crys of Parents, when their deareſt Children were raviſh'd from 'em, to be tranſported into remote Countrys for Slaves. When theſe Children were brought to the Governor to be branded, the Spaniards would order the Caciques to engage the Indians to teſtify that they were Slaves, and the Children of Slaves, and that they were bought in the Market; and would threaten to burn 'em, unleſs they would ſtand to ſuch Lies as theſe. And when the Perſon appointed to examin them, who was well acquainted with all theſe Tricks, would ask the Children of what Country they were; they [Page] made 'em anſwer, that they were Slaves, and that their Parents were ſo, and that they were bought in ſuch a Market. After this Examination they were mark'd with the King's Stamp. His Majeſty's Governors and Officers are very well acquainted with all this Roguery of the Soldiers, and have had too great a hand in the invention of theſe Artifices, as appears by their having the largeſt ſhare of the Booty.

When the Miſſionary Monks had got a great number of Indians together in their Church to inſtruct 'em in the knowledg of the true God, the Spaniards would ſuddenly come upon 'em with their Swords in their hands, and take what number of 'em they thought meet; which could not but much ſcandalize the reſt, and extremely griev'd the Miſſionaries, who were only told by the Spaniards, that they wanted Men to carry their Baggage and Proviſions, and ſo were forc'd to take all patiently. When they had thus ſeiz'd the poor Indians, they ſet their mark upon 'em, and ſold 'em for Slaves.

The Governors at firſt ſeldom refus'd any that ask'd leave to plunder the Indians, and ruin and depolulate the Country. This was a kind of recompenſe they gave 'em for the great Services they had render'd the King of Spain. But afterwards they took a Courſe that did not ſeem ſo diſhoneſt and cruel, but was equally pernicious to the People of the New World, which was to buy Slaves of the Caciques, threatning 'em to burn 'em alive if they did not furniſh 'em with ſuch a number as they demanded, for which they would only give 'em a Shirt or ſome ſuch Trifle; ſo that the poor Caciques became themſelves the ruin of their own Country for fear of being burnt, and made it their buſineſs to go among their Subjects to gather great numbers of Slaves together, to ſasisfy the Avarice of the Spaniards. [Page] At laſt they would make the Caciques pay 'em this tribute with other People; ſo that they were conſtrain'd to go to ſome of the neighbouring Caciques, and would make their Complaint to 'em after this manner: Theſe Tyrant threaten me (would one ſay) to cut my throat if I don't furniſh 'em with ſuch a number of Indians for Slaves, and they won't ſuffer me to chuſe out ſome of my own Subjects for 'em; therefore I deſire the liberty to take ſome of yours, and you ſhall have as many of mine for 'em. I am content (would the other ſay) and the rather becauſe I my ſelf am oblig'd to pay ſuch a Tribute as you are, and to ſeek for Slaves out of my own Country to ſatisfy the Spaniards. The Caciques themſelves were wont to bring theſe poor Slaves to be mark'd, and were made to ſwear they were none of their Subjects, but that they had taken 'em among their Neighbors; which was true, but the Spaniards were never the leſs guilty in conſtraining 'em ſo to do. The Governors that knew their injuſtice and roguery, wink'd at it, and would never accuſe any of 'em of theſe prevarications before the Judges of the Royal Council; for they made it no part of their care to perform their Duty to God and the King faithfully; nor did they ſeem to be touch'd with the leaſt Compaſſion in obſerving all the violence committed againſt thoſe miſerable People.

I could produce a multitude of proofs to confirm what I ſay, but one ſhall ſuffice at preſent. There came an Order from the King to the Governor of the Province of Nicaraqua, to forbid him to inſlave any Indians, or to brand him with the King's Arms: at the ſame time there was a Ship in the Road that was deſign'd to be fill'd with Slaves; which made the Governor forbear to publiſh the Order he had receiv'd, till the Veſſel was laden with Indians, and ready to ſet ſail; nay he privately [Page] gave notice to thoſe that were concern'd in the Ship, to make what haſte they could, and carry away as many Slaves as they needed, becauſe the King had ſent an expreſs Prohibition to hinder any from being inſlaved for the future.

It was once matter of Aſtoniſhment to ſee the fruitfulneſs, plenty and multitude of Inhabitants, that fill'd the Province of Honduras; and 'tis now as deplorable to behold the Miſery, Deſolation, and want to People there, which reſemble it to a melancholy Wilderneſs. The Governor of this Province made uſe of a trick not much unlike that of which we have been ſpeaking. He ow'd a great Sum of Mony to ſome Merchants for Wine and other Commodities he had bought of 'em; who had their Veſſels in the Port, and expected this Governor to pay 'em in Slaves. But the Emperor's Order forbidding him to make any Slaves in this Province being very ſtrict, he durſt not take up Indians publicly to pay his debts, for fear of provoking the Emperor by acting directly againſt his Command: He therefore ſent out two of his Captains, one to the Sea-Coaſt, and the other farther up into the Continent, with Orders to take up ſuch Indians as were likely to make the leaſt noiſe and diſturbance by their Complaints; theſe he order'd to be embarqued, and to prevent to himſelf any danger from the Court, he pretended theſe Indians were ſeditious Perſons and Malefactors, whom he was oblig'd to baniſh, becauſe it would have been of ill conſequence to have let 'em remain in their Country: This was the Pretext under which he ſold 'em for Slaves to pay his Debts. And with this ſort of Coin the Spaniards us'd to buy all ſorts of Commodities that came from Europe, and whatever elſe they thought neceſſary. So that 'tis no wonder that thoſe fine and rich Provinces are become forlorn Deſerts, ſince this Trade of buying and ſelling [Page] Slaves has been allow'd, which was firſt practis'd in Hiſpaniola. Sometimes the Spaniards to deceive the Indians would perſwade 'em they ſhould go with them into Spain, when they deſign'd only to carry 'em to the Iſle of Cuba, and ſell 'em there. And there are many ſtill at Havana, that were taken after this manner; for when other Spaniards heard of the Stratagems their Countrymen us'd to impoſe on the poor Indians, they would uſe the ſame Tricks, and brag of 'em inſtead of being aſham'd; ſo that the World has been ſufficiently inform'd of theſe Artifices. The Miſeries and Deſolations of the Provinces of Nicaraqua and Guatimala, of the greateſt part of Mexico, Tabeſco, and Panuco, are inconteſtible Proofs of the Cruelties and other Crimes of the Spaniards. The Archbiſhop of Mexico wrote an Account of 'em by way of complaint to the Royal Council for the Indies, wherein he inform'd 'em that the Governor had loaded twenty eight Ships with Slaves. The Governor of the Province of Xaliſco took for his own Share 4560 Slaves, Men, Women and Children, ſome of whom were but one, others two or three years old; all was fiſh that came to net; beſides an infinit number that other Spaniards took in this Province, againſt the King's expreſs Orders, who was much diſpleas'd that thoſe People ſhould be inſlav'd, who ought to have bin inſtructed in the knowledge of the true God, and of the Chriſtian Religion, in order to their Salvation. Thoſe Flemiſh Merchants that got poſſeſſion of the Kingdom of Vençuela, to pillage and deſtroy it, made horrible Spoil there for the ſpace of twenty years. That all I ſay is the very Truth, may better appear by conſulting the Archives of the Royal Council, which are full of complaints againſt the inſidious Contrivances of the Spaniards, and the great Violences they have committed to enſlave the poor Indians.

[Page] Theſe poor Wretches have no body to interceed for 'em, or to protect 'em; and are always in great conſternation, becauſe continually expos'd to the inſults of their Enemies, who oppreſs 'em without being call'd to account for it. So that they deſpair of relief, not knowing to whom to addreſs themſelves for juſtice.

Now ſeeing the Artifices that have bin us'd to inſlave theſe poor Creatures, are ſo unjuſt and tyrannical; and ſeeing theſe People as well as others are born free, it follows that the Spaniards have acted contrary to the Law of Nations, in inſlaving all thoſe Indians whom they have taken for that end ever ſince the Diſcovery of the New World, and have by their Violences evidently tranſgreſs'd the Law of God and Nature.

To prove yet farther that the Spaniards are oblig'd to reſtore thoſe Indians their Liberty, whom they yet detain in bondage, there's only need of making one reflection, namely, that the Law of God obliges us to make reſtitution of every thing we have taken unjuſtly from our Neighbours, and to make reparation for the injuries done 'em; and without doing thus 'tis impoſſible to be ſav'd. Upon this Principle 'tis evident, that the Spaniards ought to releaſe their Indians Slaves, and to do what in 'em lies to make 'em amends for the wrong they have done 'em, againſt all Law and Equity; for 'tis not to be ſuppos'd the ſin will be forgiven, till what has bin unjuſtly taken away is reſtor'd; and conſequently the Spaniards who have treated the poor Indians after ſo ill a manner, and yet don't go about to make 'em ſatisfaction, are under the guilt of a mortal Sin.

To make this appear yet more evidently, two things muſt be ſuppos'd. Firſt, that there were no Slaves in New Spain, on the Borders of which there [Page] dwelt divers Nations, eſpecially the Mexicans, that are more dexterous and politic than other Indians: This every one knows who is acquainted with the new World. Secondly, That the term Slave does not ſignify the ſame thing among the Indians as among the Europeans, but only denotes a Servant with the former, or one that has ſome particular obligation to aſſiſt us in our neceſſary Affairs; ſo that to be the Slave of an Indian, is to be but one degree below his Son; 'tis to dwell in his Houſe, to take care of his Goods and Silver, to wait on his Wife and Children, which is conſiſtent with the enjoyment of his Liberty: He ſets the Houſe in order, ſows the Land, and does any neceſſary work, as occaſion requires. And his Maſter on his part treats him with a great deal of Kindneſs and Humanity, as if he were not oblig'd to render him this Service. Thoſe Miſſionaries that have learn'd the Indian Language, and know the import of their words, can teſtify the truth of what I ſay.

It is farther to be ſuppos'd, that in New Spain and Mexico many unlawful ways have bin us'd by the Spaniards to inſlave the Indians, in ſo much that one would have thought they knew nothing of the true God, nor had ever heard of the Precepts of the Goſpel. When there was a Famin there, which ſeldom happens in thoſe rich and fertil Countries, thoſe Indians that had a ſtock of Corn, perſwaded them that were poor to ſell 'em their Children for ſome of their Corn: with this propoſal they comply'd very willingly, becauſe their Servitude is ſo eaſy, their Slaves not being oblig'd to any very hard Labor. And the Indians are naturally obſequious and ſubmiſſive to thoſe on whom they depend; they would give one of their Children for five Buſhels of Corn, and this was the ordinary Price they gave. 'Tis true, this was an unjuſt method of making [Page] Slaves, becauſe all things ought to be common in a time of extreme Neceſſity; for the Law of Nature obliges us freely to give or lend to thoſe that are under preſſing want.

Another occaſion on which the Spaniards made the Indians their Slaves was this; when any one had found an Indian with ſome Ears of Corn which he had ſtolen, he had Authority to make him his Slave. The Miſſionaries have obſerv'd that ſome of 'em would maliciouſly ſcatter Ears of Corn in the Highways, that they might ſeize thoſe for Slaves that had innocently gather'd 'em up. Beſides this, the Parents and Relations of him that had the Corn found upon him were made Slaves for this imaginary Theft, which is a very unjuſt and criminal Artifice. They likewiſe had invented a ſort of Play among 'em, in which he that loſt was made a Slave; the beſt Players would make as if they knew not how to play, to inſnare thoſe that were ignorant into their Service. If any one whom they had thus caught, preſum'd to run away, his neareſt Relations were forc'd to ſupply his place. When a Free-man had lain with a Woman that was a Slave, her Maſter had power to ſeize him, or his Wife, if he were married, and to oblige him to ſerve him till ſhe was brought to bed. Which Cuſtom obtain'd throughout the whole Country. He that had a young Maid to his Slave, would inſlave any one that lay with her, which was attended with great Inconveniences; for the Maſters of theſe young She-ſlaves would put 'em upon enticing Men to lie with 'em, on purpoſe to catch 'em in this Trap. If a Slave took any thing out of his Maſter's Houſe to give it to his Relations, they all immediately became his Maſter's Slaves. When ſeveral Merchants went into other Countries for Slaves to ſell in New Spain, where they had the beſt trade for 'em, they lent thoſe that were poor [Page] their Goods and Corn upon Uſury; and when they were not in a condition to pay for what they had bought, they ſeiz'd 'em for Slaves. If he that ow'd the Sum, died before the Debt was diſcharg'd, and his Wife and Children were not capable of paying the Creditor, they became his Slaves. In time of Famin, Parents would ſell one of their Children to ſerve a Maſter for a certain number of years; but indeed there was no end of this Servitude, for if the Maſter dy'd, his Relations would take poſſeſſion of his Slave. But the Biſhop of Mexico, who is a very pious and virtuous Prelat, has written an account in Latin of all the Tricks the Spaniards have us'd to inſlave the Indians; by which 'tis eaſy to ſee with how much Injuſtice they have abus'd the Simplicity and Neceſſity of theſe poor wretches to reduce 'em to a miſerable ſtate of Bondage.

From what I have been relating it appears, that the Indians being Idolaters, and deſtitute of the knowledg of the true God, and the Rules of Chriſtianity, don't regulate their Actions by ſuch Motives as the fear of Hell, and the deſire of Heaven, and the hope of having their good Works rewarded hereafter: Therefore they are vicious and corrupt in many reſpects; for inſtance, they don't obſerve the Law of Nations in the Wars they make one upon another; by which one may well gueſs there are many other injuſt things done among 'em.

But the Faith of Chriſt, and the Precepts of the Goſpel are for preſerving only good Laws and Cuſtoms, and for aboliſhing thoſe that are bad, eſpecially ſuch as are oppoſite to the Law of Nature, and prejudicial to Human Society. Therefore thoſe Indians that are converted, who have bin guilty of Polygamy, are oblig'd to put away all their Wives but one, according to the preſcription of the Law of God, as well as to reſtore all the Goods they [Page] have gotten by unlawful ways of Robbery or Extortion. If Chriſtians follow the evil Cuſtoms of Infidels, or tolerate 'em when they can hinder 'em, they manifeſtly render themſelves Accomplices in the Crimes of thoſe Idolaters, becauſe we are oblig'd by the Divine Law to abſtain from ſuch Actions as may occaſion Scandal, or any way injure the temporal or ſpiritual Welfare of our Neighbor. For this reaſon St. Paul commanded Chriſtians not to eat things offer'd to Idols, leſt it ſhould be thought they approv'd of thoſe damnable Sacrifices; tho they might eat of thoſe very meats, provided the Pagans did not ſee 'em, and ſo were not ſcandaliz'd by the Action.

All Chriſtians are oblig'd by the Divine Word to do what in 'em lies for the Abolition of ſinful Cuſtoms, or at leaſt to abſtain from 'em, and diſapprove 'em themſelves. And when a man doubts whether any Action he is about to do is juſt or injuſt, he can't do it with a good Conſcience: this is a general Rule that admits of no exception, becauſe Chriſtians are oblig'd by the Doctrin of the Goſpel, rather to loſe all they have than to commit the leaſt Sin. Therefore while the Mind heſitates and doubts, whether the Action on which one thinks be ſin or no, we ought neceſſarily to abſtain from it. The very deſire of doing ſuch an Action is contrary to right Reaſon, and to the Love of God; becauſe it would be to expoſe one's ſelf to the hazard of tranſgreſſing the Divine Will, to do that concerning which one labors under an uncertainty whether it be lawful or forbidden. And the Doubt, when one thus ventures to ſin, is no longer a mere Doubt, but moſt certainly becomes an Offence againſt God, becauſe we are always oblig'd to take the ſafeſt courſe. When it falls out that we meet with two ways, and are uncertain which is the right, we [Page] ought always to chuſe that which is the leaſt dangerous, according to that Maxim of St. Auguſtin in his penitential Book, Take what is certain, and leave what is uncertain.

The Rules of the Civil Law, which are confirm'd by Reaſon, by the Law of Nature, and that of Chriſtian Charity, admit of a Diſpenſation in ſome caſes, when there is a proſpect of ſome great Good, to which a greater ſtrictneſs would probably be prejudicial. But 'tis a general Rule, that when a Man deliberates on two doubtful things, he is to determin his choice on that ſide where he may avoid Sin, where there are the feweſt Inconveniences, and where his Neighbour's Intereſt runs the leaſt hazard. Upon this Principle, Clergy-men ought not to be oblig'd to retire and live ſeparatly from their Mothers, Grandmothers or Siſters, or to forſake their Father's Houſe; becauſe ſuch a Separation may be very diſadvantagious to 'em, tho there may poſſibly be ſome Inconvenience likewiſe in their dwelling together.

That man retains a thing with an evil Conſcience, about which he is in doubt whether it be lawfully gotten, or which he has receiv'd of one who had no right to it, or who had reaſon to doubt whether it belong'd to him or no. Whatever is poſſeſs'd under ſuch circumſtances, is kept contrary to the Rules of Juſtice, and againſt both the Law of God and Nature. Therefore the Spaniards who keep thoſe Indians in ſlavery, concerning whom they are in doubt whether they have bin bought, or given to thoſe of whom they had 'em, act contrary to Juſtice and to the Law of God, in retaining 'em while under this doubt. Every one knows that a man is oblig'd to reſtore whatever he does not lawfully poſſeſs, and whatever he has receiv'd from one that had no juſt right to it, becauſe a man can't [Page] communicate a right to another which he has not firſt himſelf. Thus when any one buys or receives any thing from a Perſon who ſells or gives it, and yet has no right to it, he is unjuſt if he keeps it, and is oblig'd to make reſtitution. The Reaſon is evident, becauſe 'tis no leſs than the commiſſion of Theft, wilfully to retain any thing againſt the will of him to whom it appertains. And tho this thing ſhould have paſt through a thouſand hands before it came to you, you would have no right to withold it from the proper Owner, becauſe theſe were all unlawful Poſſeſſors, and conſequently ought to have made reſtitution. And tho ſome human Laws give permiſſion to retain a thing which one has bought with Mony that is coin'd with the King's ſtamp, and is current in the Commonwealth, yet this is no lawful Title to it, becauſe human Laws muſt not preſcribe contrary to the Law of God and Nature, nor to good Morals, which forbid Theft, and the witholding of another man's Goods againſt the conſent of the rightful Owner. Inferiors, and ſuch are Kings themſelves in reſpect of the Divine Majeſty, can't juſtly eſtabliſh any thing in prejudice to the Law of God, which is ſuperior to all other Laws.

He that buys ſtolen Goods knowingly, is an Acceſſory in the Robbery: and if he does but ſuſpect they are ſtolen, and has not bin ſo diligent as he might have bin, to inform himſelf whether they were lawfully gotten, he can't keep 'em with a good Conſcience; becauſe no man can innocently do that which expoſes him to Sin. And if we will not take the pains to inform our ſelves whether that which is ſold or given to us be lawfully gotten, when we are in doubt about it, we can't be the lawful Poſſeſſors, becauſe this is a culpable and wilful Ignorance. Thoſe who have in ſuch caſes conſulted Men capable of giving information, are excuſable, unleſs [Page] themſelves be of ſuch a Character as obliges 'em to be acquainted with Law and Equity, as Civilians, Judges, and the like; or when they ask advice, content themſelves with conſulting only one Perſon, tho they have opportunity of adviſing with many; or ask counſel of intereſted Perſons, and ſuch as will not anſwer according to the Dictates of their Conſcience, inſtead of conſulting Men of Integrity who will give advice according to the Rules of Law and Equity; or when they addreſs themſelves to Perſons whoſe Honeſty is ſuſpected upon good grounds. A Man is not excuſable under ſuch Circumſtances as theſe, tho he ask Counſel of the Learned in the Law; and after having taken their Advice, acts contrary to Right and Equity. Theſe four Circumſtances being regarded, may be of great uſe to eaſe ſcrupulous perſons of their doubts, and to give 'em peace of Conſcience.

And by theſe Principles it may be eaſily known that the Spaniards unjuſtly retain moſt of their Indian Slaves againſt the Law of God: and if they have a right to any of 'em, the number is very ſmall, and they have reaſon to doubt whether theſe have been lawfully made Slaves; becauſe thoſe they have had from the Indians have been brought to 'em as a Tribute extorted from 'em againſt their will, by Fear, Menaces and Torments; ſo that they have no juſt Title to 'em: or if they have bought 'em of Indians, they have us'd unfair tricks to procure 'em, having terrified the Caciques, and conſtrain'd 'em by Tortures to deliver up their Subjects into their hands, threatning otherwiſe to acuſe 'em to the Judges for worſhipping and offering Sacrifices to Idols; ſo that the poor Caciques when they could not give the Spaniards as many Indians as they demanded, us'd to ſteal 'em where they could▪ 'Tis true, when theſe Diſorders came to be known to his [Page] Majeſty, he expreſly forbad any ſuch ways of inſlaving the People for the future.

As for thoſe few Slaves which the Indians have voluntarily ſold, tho the Spaniards have hitherto made no queſtion that they had a lawful right to 'em, they have had however reaſon enough to doubt it, and they ought by no means to have taken poſſeſſion of 'em, till they had firſt us'd all neceſſary diligence to get information whether they might do it with a good Conſcience; and if after all their inquiry the matter remain'd dubious, they ought not to have bought 'em while under that ſcruple: So that all the ways they have taken to procure themſelves great numbers of Slaves are unlawful: And when the Indian Princes ſaw how eagerly the Spaniards purſu'd this trade, they would tyrannize over their Subjects, and force 'em to become Slaves, that they might be capable of anſwering the Spaniards demands, and of buying the trifles they ſold 'em. The Judges of the Royal Council, who have ſounded this matter to the bottom, have declar'd, that ſcarce any of the Indians have been lawfully inſlav'd, and on this account have ſet many of 'em at liberty.

The Miſſionary Monks who underſtood the Language of the Indians, and were acquainted with their Secrets, have declar'd, that thoſe who have kept 'em as their Slaves, have done ſo without any juſt ground: and they had no intereſt to ſpeak after this manner, being only concern'd about the Salvation of Souls.

And can it be thought that the Spaniards were ignorant of what themſelves had done, who made themſelves formidable to the poor Indians, and forc'd 'em by ſevere Puniſhment to procure 'em what Slaves they requir'd? And theſe ignorant Infidels, who have ſo little of the fear or love of God, might eaſily perſwade themſelves that there was no Injuſtice [Page] in doing what they ſaw Chriſtians do before 'em; ſo that their ill Examples might well embolden 'em to ſteal away fatherleſs Children, to trepan the ignorant, and even to make uſe of force and violence to get Slaves to ſell to the Spaniards. For after this manner have the Indians been corrupted and induc'd to commit all kinds of Injuſtice againſt their own Country-men to procure Slaves, ſince they have had Converſation with the Chriſtians, who incouraged 'em in theſe Tricks, not only by their Words, but likewiſe by their Example. And 'tis moſt certain, the Spaniards could not be ignorant of theſe unrighteous Proceedings, ſince themſelves were the occaſion and inſtruments of all this Miſchief: and it muſt at leaſt be granted, that they were oblig'd to ſuſpect whether the Slaves that were brought 'em were taken as lawful Priſoners of War, and to inquire whether they might keep 'em with a good Conſcience or not.

They drove this trade with ſuſpicious Perſons, and therefore might well have preſum'd that they offended the Rules of Juſtice; and that thoſe that gave or ſold theſe Slaves to 'em, had no right ſo to do. Men ought to be very cautious how they deal with the Indians, leſt they approve of the Theft and other Crimes of theſe Infidels. The Spaniards knew well enough what was commonly reported of the Indians every where, that they us'd many unjuſt and tyrannical ways to get Slaves on all ſides; and therefore ought to have ſcrupled the buying of 'em ſuch as were naturally free, and who had bin inſlav'd againſt the Law of Nations: So that they can never excuſe themſelves from poſſeſſing 'em unjuſtly, and from participating of the Crimes of the Indians in ſtealing and captivating great numbers of People. Among a hundred thouſand Slaves whom the Indians have ſold to the Spaniards, or paid 'em by way of [Page] Tribute, perhaps not one of 'em was properly a Slave, or taken in a juſt and lawful War. But allowing ſome of 'em to be ſo, how could they be diſtinguiſh'd from the reſt in this vaſt number? Beſides, that there is a great difference, as we have already obſerv'd, between the Slaves of the Indians and thoſe of the Europeans: The former make Slavery not very uneaſy or troubleſom, their Slaves being in a manner free, and not much differing from their Children; whereas Slavery among the Spaniards is a moſt terrible condition, and thoſe that are ſubjected to it, enjoy no Favor, Comfort or Reſt, but are continually expos'd to Hunger and Thirſt, and other ſevere Puniſhments: Nor are there any Laws or Statutes that can ſoften the cruel Temper of the Spaniards, and hinder 'em from exacting of their Slaves ſuch Service as ſurpaſſes human Strength.

From all the Principles we have been eſtabliſhing, it follows, Firſt, that his Majeſty is oblig'd by the Law of God to ſet all thoſe Indians at liberty, whom the Spaniards have made their Slaves, and unjuſtly retain as ſuch. Firſt, Becauſe his Majeſty is oblig'd to do Juſtice to all the World, to great and ſmall, without reſpect of Perſons, without deſpiſing the Cauſe of the miſerable and afflicted, who are not in a condition to defend themſelves, or redreſs their own Grievances. 'Tis the principal duty of Kings to execute Juſtice, and protect the weak againſt the oppreſſion of the ſtrong; and when they fail in this, they ſometimes draw down the Divine Vengeance on their own Perſons and Kingdoms; becauſe the Cries of the poor, and ſuch as labor under Miſery, inceſſantly go up to the Throne of God. And ſince the Spaniards unjuſtly oppreſs the Indians, who have no way to ſecure themſelves from the Violence and Tyranny of their Perſecutors; 'tis evident his Majeſty is oblig'd to [Page] ſtop the courſe of their Injuſtice, and to reſtore thoſe poor People their Liberty who groan under ſo cruel a Bondage. Nor ought this to be one moment deferr'd, ſeeing theſe Vexations are publick and notorious, and his Majeſty cannot be ignorant of 'em.

Thoſe Kings that are willing to obſerve the ſtrict Rules of Juſtice, whether Pagans or Chriſtians, ought to uſe their utmoſt Efforts to keep their Subjects in peace, tho at the ſame time they ſhould forget nothing that may conduce to lead 'em in the way of Virtue; becauſe the end that every Governor of a Commonwealth ought to propoſe to himſelf is, to act ſo as to render all his Subjects virtuous. How much more are Catholic Princes, who profeſs to follow the Rules of Chriſt, oblig'd to govern their Subjects according to his Precepts, and to remove all the Obſtacles that are likely to turn 'em out of the way of Truth? In which Enterprize they cannot ſucceed without giving 'em good and equal Laws, and obliging 'em to an exact obſervance of 'em.

Chriſtian Princes are moreover bound to exhort their Subjects to ſerve the true God, and to yield obedience to the Doctrin of Chriſt, as much as poſſibly they can. And ſeeing the Spaniards by unjuſtly retaining the Indians in ſlavery, are continually in the habit of a mortal Sin, and conſequently don't live according to the Laws of Chriſt, our Kings ought to command 'em to releaſe all the Indians, that they may remove this great Obſtacle which lies in the way of their Subjects Salvation. The Royal Character of Princes obliges 'em to make Laws and Regulations, that Juſtice may be maintain'd, and the People ſubject to their Government preſerv'd in the practice of Virtue; and are likewiſe requir'd by the Divine Law to employ their temporal Power for the augmentation of the Catholic Church, and [Page] the maintenance of Eccleſiaſtical Diſciplin, that the Profeſſors of Chriſtianity may not rebel againſt the Miniſters of Chriſt. In this they may lawfully employ the terror of their Arms, to keep all People to their Duty; for otherwiſe Temporal Powers would not be neceſſary for the adminiſtration of the Affairs of the Church. From hence it may fairly be concluded, that the King of Spain ought to uſe his power to render Juſtice to the poor Indians, who are ſo tyrannically oppreſs'd, and to ſtrengthen the hands of the Miniſters of the Church in the Indies by his Authority, who are not able to make any progreſs by their Miniſtry among the Natives, nor to reclaim the Spaniards from their Vices, while they are ſuffer'd to afflict and perſecute the poor Indians, becauſe theſe continual Violences, and their fix'd reſolution to perſiſt in 'em, are habitual Sins. At preſent they regard not at all the Remonſtrances and Menaces of Prelats, or Eccleſiaſtical Cenſures, but go on adding Sin to Sin, in ſo much that the Church in the Indies is in a forlorn condition, and under great difficulties: ſo that the Indians ought to be ſet free, that the Obſtructions lying in the way of their Salvation may be remov'd, and that they may the better be engag'd to ſubmit to the Doctrin that is preach'd to 'em: For by this means Chriſtian Paſtors will have a full liberty to exerciſe their Miniſtry, and to diſcharge their Apoſtolic Functions.

The Biſhops of America are oblig'd by the Law of God continually to ſollicit his Majeſty and his Royal Council to deliver the Indians from the Oppreſſion under which they groan, and to give 'em their former Liberty, becauſe theſe Biſhops are neceſſarily engag'd by their Character to do the beſt they can for the diſcharge of their Paſtoral Office, which conſiſts in governing and teaching the People under their Conduct, and in providing for all their [Page] ſpiritual neceſſities; as alſo in ſecuring 'em as well as they can from any temporal Injury, and in reſcuing 'em from the hands of Oppreſſors, eſpecially when the Vexations they ſuffer are ſo many ſtumbling blocks in the way of their Salvation. Nor ought they to be wanting in procuring 'em all the temporal Advantages they can.

The Dominican and Franciſcan Friers are very pious and prudent, and deſerve to be highly commended, in that they have agreed to refuſe abſolution to all the Spaniards of New Spain, who keep Indian Slaves, and to oblige 'em to bring this affair under examination before the Royal Council, in conformity to the Laws newly made; tho they would have done better not to have had recourſe to this Tribunal. Theſe Monks know very well by experience what unjuſt and deceitful Methods have been us'd to inſlave the Indians, and can't doubt but God has been highly offended by theſe Violences, and that thoſe who have committed 'em are oblig'd to repair the Injuries of which they have been guilty. A Confeſſor who undertakes to hear Mens Confeſſions, one who officiates in quality of a Biſhop or Curat as a ſpiritual Judg, ought to underſtand the Obligations of his Miniſtry, and to have that knowledg and prudence which is requiſite to perform it after a becoming manner, that he may paſs a wiſe and juſt Judgment on all matters propos'd to him, and rightly diſcern what wrong is offer'd to any oppreſſed Party. If his ignorance or negligence is the cauſe of his Miſtake, ſo that he obliges not his Penitent to reſtore any ill-gotten goods, he commits a great Sin, and is himſelf bound to make reſtitution and amends for the Injuſtice done the offended Party: Juſt as a Phyſician who has through ignorance done ſome conſiderable Miſchief to his Patient, or occaſion'd his death, ought to make ſome [Page] ſpecial Reparation for his fault. The ſame may be ſaid of Judges that paſs an unrighteous Sentence, while they are ignorant of the Law, or take no care to inform themſelves of the merit of the Cauſe before 'em, becauſe ſuch neglect and ignorance are criminal, and they ought to know the matters on which they are intruſted to paſs a Judgment.

'Tis certain all the Eccleſiaſtical Perſons in New Spain are well aſſur'd that the Indians have been inſlav'd, and are ſtill kept in bondage, contrary to all Law and Equity; and therefore are not oblig'd to refer the Examination of this Affair to the Royal Council: beſides, there are all ſorts of tricks and devices uſed to divert the Council from taking cognizance of the matter, leſt they ſhould ſuppreſs thoſe vexatious Practices. His Majeſty ought with all ſpeed to iſſue out his Orders for the releaſe of theſe miſerable People, and ſo much the rather, becauſe the oppreſſion they are under is the occaſion of the ruin of an infinit number of Souls. And this is the only way to reclaim the Spaniards from the habit of a mortal Sin, and to put the Prelats in a condition freely to acquit themſelves of their Eccleſiaſtical Functions.

Among all the Expedients Frier Don Bartholomew de Laſ-Caſas, Biſhop of the Royal City of Chiapa, propos'd for the reeſtabliſhment of Peace and Tranquillity in America, the moſt effectual was that of directly ſubjecting all the Weſt-Indies to the Crown of Spain, that ſo the Spaniſh Lords might be uncapable of making the Indians their own Subjects and Vaſſals. And he ſupported this Propoſal with many very cogent Reaſons.

Firſt he ſays, the Princes and People of the New World being Infidels, and their Converſion to our [Page] holy Faith appearing neceſſary, 'tis very proper they ſhould be under the Protection of a Catholic and powerful King, who has a true zeal for the honor and propagation of the Chriſtian Religion, and might ſend able Miſſionaries into the New World, to bring thoſe Idolaters to the knowledg of the true God, and to embrace our Divine Religion, and ſubmit themſelves to the Holy See. And hence it appears that nothing can be more advantageous to the Indians, than to put themſelves under the protection of Catholic Princes, that no particular Lords may be capable of taking poſſeſſion of 'em as their Property. This is what the Kings of Spain ought to regard, without ſharing with any others that Power and Authority they have acquired over the Indians; for they ought to preſerve this Juriſdiction immediately to themſelves, and not divide it to inveſt private Men with it. And this is an Affair of ſo great conſequence, that no leſs than both the temporal and eternal Welfare of thoſe Nations depend on it; for the Converſion of the New World would be a very advantageous thing to the Commonwealth.

'Tis neither juſt nor poſſible to abandon this Juriſdiction to private Perſons, ſince none but the King can be inveſted with it; becauſe when the Pope has once made choice of any Perſon or Power for this Affair, it ought not to be delegated or entruſted to another. When he has in this matter declar'd himſelf in favor of any Perſon illuſtrious by his Character and Merit, who has a perfect knowledg of any Cauſe he may have to determin, 'tis to be preſum'd he'l paſs ſuch a Judgment as the Pope himſelf would have done. Now 'tis manifeſt that in the Caſe in queſtion we have a Perſon cloth'd with Grandeur and Dignity, ſeeing he is King of Spain, a very good Chriſtian, and zealous for the Catholic Religion; [Page] and the matter is of great importance, becauſe it concerns the preaching and propagation of the true Faith and Worſhip of God, the Converſion of numerous Nations, and the Government of 'em; which is to be adminiſtred with Lenity and Prudence, that Juſtice may be maintain'd among 'em, and the love of Virtue inſpir'd into 'em: which is an Employ too great for any but Soveraign Princes to perform.

'Tis certain the Holy See has choſen the King of Spain to be entruſted with the Government of the Indies; which may be prov'd by two conſiderable Circumſtances. The firſt of which is the Clauſe added in the Commiſſion, We rely upon your Fidelity, Prudence and Juſtice: which is inſerted in the Bull of Grant and Commiſſion of the Indies to the moſt ſerene Kings of Spain, wherein the Pope ſays in expreſs Terms;

‘Knowing you to be Kings truly Catholic, as we have been aſſur'd by many experiences, and that your Piety is every where regarded throughout the Chriſtian World, we doubt not but you will uſe all the care and diligence you can for the Exaltation and Increaſe of the Catholic Faith; as you have ſpar'd no charge or pains to reſcue the Kingdom of Grenada from the hands of Sarazens and Infidels, which has ſo much conduc'd to the Glory of the name of God.’

The ſecond Circumſtance is, that when any expreſs Order is added in the Commiſſion, the firſt Clauſe of it is expreſs'd in theſe Words:

‘We exhort you by your Holy Baptiſm, which obliges you to ſubmit to our Apoſtolic Orders; and we conjure you by the Bowels of Compaſſion in Jeſus Chriſt, that you would generouſly undertake this Expedition, to engage the People of the New World to embrace the Chriſtian Religion: nor let any Hardſhips or Perils diſcourage you, but [Page] put your truſt in God, who will make your Work ſucceed to his Glory.’

The other Clauſe contains a kind of Command, and is thus expreſs'd;

‘We command you in virtue of the holy Obedience you owe us; and we doubt not but you will undertake this Affair with a great deal of zeal and fervor, and ſend into the Iſlands and Continent Men fearing God, able, experienc'd, and capable of inſtructing the Inhabitants of the New World in the Catholic Faith, and of inſpiring 'em with the love of Virtue.’

Theſe Circumſtances make it ſufficiently appear, that the Pope gave the charge of cauſing the Indians to be inſtructed to the Kings of Spain, in conſideration of the ſignal Services render'd the Church by that Crown; nay, that he has oblig'd them to undertake this good work by his expreſs Command to apply themſelves to it, in virtue of the holy Obedience they owe him.

Purſuant to this theſe Princes ſolemnly engag'd themſelves to ſecond the Pope's deſigns with all their Power: Their Promiſe was turn'd into a Covenant, and became a formal Obligation on 'em; and conſequently 'tis the indiſpenſible Duty of the Kings of Spain to be the Miniſters of the Holy See in carrying the Word of God into the Indies, and contributing all their Power to continue the work of converting the Indians: Their care ſhould be extended to their temporal as well as ſpiritual Concerns; and they ought to neglect nothing that may be neceſſary for their preſervation or converſion. Nor is it lawful for theſe Princes to abdicate this Authority, and diveſt themſelves of this Juriſdiction.

Let your Majeſty therefore pleaſe to conſider ſeriouſly how ſtrict and indiſpenſible this Obligation is; be pleas'd to remember that in the year 1499, [Page] when Chriſtopher Columbus, the firſt Diſcoverer and Admiral of the Weſt-Indies, had permitted each Spaniard that accompanied him to take one Indians in recompence of the great Services done the Crown of Spain in that Voyage, when thoſe Indians arriv'd in Spain, your Majeſty ſo much reſented it, that 'twas not eaſy to appeaſe your Anger on that occaſion. Your Majeſty ask'd if the Admiral had power to deſtroy your Subjects; and commanded the Spaniards to ſend back to the Indies all the Indians they had brought from thence on pain of Death. Accordingly they return'd in the year 1500, when Francis Bobadilla went to take the Government of the New World.

The ſecond reaſon that proves your Majeſty under an obligation to incorporate the Indies into the Inheritance of your Crown, and not to ſuffer the Spaniards in the leaſt to uſurp any thing in quality of Lords and Maſters, is, that otherwiſe 'tis impoſſible the People ſhould ever be brought to eſpouſe Chriſtianity. To comprehend the force of this Reaſon it muſt be remember'd that the Deſign of your Majeſty's Title to poſſeſs theſe newly-diſcover'd Nations, is no other than the publication of the Goſpel, to ſpread the knowledg of Jeſus Chriſt among 'em; and conſequently your Majeſty is oblig'd to remove all Impediments that oppoſe this end, by eſtabliſhing good Laws and Orders, and uſing all other juſt ways and means to render this deſign proſperous. The End is always the great Spring that ſhould give motion and direction to our Actions; and 'tis this we ought to have principally in view, that we may the better foreſee what Obſtructions are likely to lie in our way, and take the moſt ſutable meaſures to attain the end propos'd. Now 'tis certain, that the Power uſurp'd by the Spaniards over the Indians is one of the greateſt hindrances to the preaching of [Page] the Goſpel among 'em for their Converſion. All the World knows their exceſſive Avarice makes 'em unwilling to ſuffer the Miſſionary Monks to preach the Goſpel to the Indians, whom thoſe Tyrants look upon as their Vaſſals; becauſe the publication of the Goſpel (they ſay) occaſions a conſiderable damage to 'em two ways. Firſt, becauſe theſe Monks make the Indians loſe too much time in hearing their Inſtructions; theſe People (ſay they) are naturally lazy and negligent, ſo that when they are diverted from their Work, 'tis hard to bring 'em to it again. It has often happen'd when the Monks had got the Indians together in their Church to inſtruct 'em, the Spaniards have come upon 'em, and taken away a hundred or two by force, beating 'em cruelly to the ſcandal of the reſt, in ſpite of what the poor Monks could ſay or do. And ſuch Violences can't but extremely impede the Salvation of the Indians. Another Diſadvantage the Spaniards pretend to receive from the Converſion of the Indians, is, that when they are once inſtructed in the Maxims of Chriſtianity, they grow proud and untractable, and not ſo capable to ſerve 'em: and is not this an open Confeſſion that their private Intereſt is dearer to 'em than the Salvation of theſe Peoples Souls? The frame of their mind is an habitual mortal Sin againſt Charity, the Order of which they pervert, not only in not promoting their Salvation themſelves, which they ought every day to do, being oblig'd in Conſcience either to inſtruct 'em, or procure others to do ſo; but alſo in that they are ſo far from acquitting themſelves of this duty, that with all their might they hinder others from informing 'em, without being afraid of the Judgments of that God, who will one day ſeverely puniſh 'em for want of Charity to their Neighbours, in witholding light from 'em, tho [Page] they have ſo much need of Information. They hinder the pious Miſſionaries from coming to preach to 'em, leſt they ſhould become acquainted with their Vexations and Cruelties, which are ſo great and ſtrange, that the Monks are ſeiz'd with horror when the Indians relate 'em. And when they ſee with their own Eyes how miſerably the Indians are treated, they make it their buſineſs (as they are bound in duty to God) to oppoſe theſe Diſorders. They ſometimes advertiſe the Judges of thoſe Tribunals your Majeſty has eſtabliſhed there of theſe things, to ſeek to redreſs 'em that way; tho the means hitherto uſed have had very little effect; becauſe the Governors and Judges having a great many Indians themſelves, to whom they are unmerciful and cruel, abuſe their Power in oppreſſing theſe poor Creatures, cauſing 'em to be puniſh'd rigorouſly for the ſlighteſt faults. This is the true reaſon why the Monks are look'd upon as ſo many troubleſom Spies, and the Enemies of their temporal Intereſt; ſo that they can't endure ſo much as to ſee 'em, nor would they willingly tolerate 'em in the Country, but often curſe 'em, and invent all ſorts of Calumnies againſt 'em. The poor Indians almoſt deſpair to ſee any end of their Miſeries; and having nothing to truſt to but the Zeal and Charity of the Monks, do love and reverence 'em as their Deliverers and Protectors, ſtill putting great Confidence in them under all their troubles; they often come in Bodies out of their Towns and Cities to meet 'em: But 'tis a great mortification to the Spaniards to ſee the Indians pay theſe good Men ſo much reſpect; and they take occaſion from hence to reproach 'em, pretending the Monks deſign to make themſelves the Lords and Maſters of theſe poor Wretches. But God only knows what Labors and Hardſhips theſe [Page] Miſſionaries undergo, and to what Extremity they are often reduc'd by poverty and hunger; when they undertake great Journeys with inexpreſſible fatigue, in rough and troubleſom ways, to aſſiſt the Indians, and ſhew 'em the way of Salvation; and to admoniſh the Spaniards of their enormous Sins, in tormenting 'em ſo many ways, in robbing and murdering 'em: all which Violences call for large reſtitution, if they expect to be ſav'd. Covetouſneſs and Injuſtice reign more in the Indies, than in all the World beſides; tho the Spaniards have no juſt right nor power there, ſince they don't derive it of your Majeſty. The Indians are naturally timorous and cowardly, or rather the ill Treatments and Cruelties of the Spaniards have terrified 'em to that degree, that conſternation and dread are become natural to 'em, inſomuch that they ſcarce remember they are Men.

'Tis impoſſible for Men in their Condition to apply themſelves to hear the preaching of the Goſpel, that ſo they might become Chriſtians, ſince the Spaniards ſo ſtrenuouſly oppoſe it; who ought therefore to give up the Title they have uſurp'd over them, ever ſince they made a Conqueſt of 'em, as they are wont to boaſt. They that have any Intereſt in a Governor's favor, diſpoſe of the Perſons of the Indians as their proper Goods, and divide 'em among themſelves, as if they were born abſolute Vaſſals. Two or three Spaniards will ſometimes appropriate to themſelves a whole Nation of Indians. It may be the Maſter of the Family falls to the Lot of one, his Wife to another, and their Children to a third. They are ſent to the Mines loaded like Horſes, and forc'd to carry heavy Burdens a hundred or two hundred Leagues; this is ſeen every day. To obviate theſe Diſorders, it [Page] will not be ſufficient that your Majeſty demand your Tributes, and threaten thoſe with ſevere Puniſhment who ſhall preſume to torment the Indians for the future, or exact ſuch Tasks of 'em as they are not juſtly oblig'd to perform; for they'l ſtill perſiſt in the ſame courſe.

As the ſevere Bondage of the Indians is a great obſtacle to their Converſion on the one hand, ſo on the other is the courſe taken to diſperſe 'em at a diſtance one from another, whereby 'tis almoſt impoſſible to aſſemble a conſiderable number of 'em. Both theſe ways prevent their being inſtructed in our Religion, and put in the way of Salvation. 'Tis neceſſary in order to their being fed with the Divine Word, that they live in Society, and be in a condition to be eaſily aſſembled; and 'tis as neceſſary they ſhould enjoy an entire Liberty, that they might voluntarily embrace the Word of God. The Learned ſay there was no Syſtem of written Laws given by God in the time of Abraham, becauſe the Church was his Family, and did not conſiſt of any whole Nation. Nor did God ſee good to give his Law to the Iſraelites while in Egypt, tho they were then a numerous People, and computed to be no leſs than ſix hundred thouſand Men able to bear Arms, becauſe they were not a free People, being yet in Captivity. But the Almighty gave 'em his Law when theſe two conditions were found in 'em together, namely, when they were both Numerous and Free; which was not till he had employ'd his Power to deliver 'em from the Yoke of Pharaoh. But of all Laws, that of the Goſpel eſpecially requires both theſe Conditions, becauſe it ſuppoſes Perſons at liberty to ſeek to be inſtructed in it, and to put the Precepts of it in practiſe. And 'tis very proper for thoſe that obſerve the Laws of Chriſt to [Page] incorporate themſelves and live in Societies, that they may perform the ſolemn Acts of Divine Worſhip by the practice of the ſeven Sacraments and other Ceremonies of the Church. 'Tis neceſſary for Chriſtians to meet together from time to time in public to hear the Word of God, and aſſiſt at other parts of his Worſhip, that ſo new Converts may be confirm'd in the manner of Life they have embrac'd; for without theſe helps they would inſenſibly decline in their Zeal, and might come even to loſe their Faith. In ſhort, if the Spaniards are permitted to keep the Indians ſcatter'd up and down on the Mountains, and in the Vallies, and to employ 'em perpetually in performing the unreaſonable Tasks they exact of 'em, it will be impoſſible to inſtruct 'em in our Religion to any purpoſe.

By what has been ſaid, your Majeſty may very well conceive what Diſorders reign in the Indies, and how neceſſary 'tis to hinder the Spaniards from retaining the Natives under ſo ſevere a Yoke, and from proceeding to depopulate the Country as they have hitherto done. And that which is yet more deplorable, is, that they ſuffer 'em to die without taking care to have the Sacraments adminiſter'd to 'em, having no more regard for 'em than for Dogs or Horſes. One would think they believ'd theſe People to have no immortal Souls, but were uncapable of Rewards or Puniſhments in the other Life.

The Spaniards are no way qualified either to be Lords and Maſters of the Indians, or to teach 'em the Doctrin of the Goſpel, or to induce 'em to imbrace it by their Examples. A conſiderable number of Indians were committed to the care of John Colmenero to be inſtructed in our Religion, tho he was ſo ignorant that he knew not well how to make the ſign of the Croſs, or give any tolerable account of his own Faith; in ſo much that when he was ask'd [Page] what he taught thoſe Indians under his Conduct, he could make no other Anſwer than that he taught 'em to make the ſign of the Croſs, but pronounc'd the words wrong that are us'd in that Ceremony. When the Indians of one Province had brought all their Idols to the Miſſionaries, with Proteſtations that they now deteſted that impious Worſhip, and were reſolv'd to ſerve the true God for time to come, the Spaniards ſold theſe very Idols to other Indians, or exchang'd 'em for Slaves. What concern of Mind can the Spaniards be ſuppos'd to have for the Salvation of theſe People, when they only deſign to enrich themſelves, and thereby to be qualified for Employments above their Rank; and when they are ſo ignorant, that they don't know the Creed, or ten Commandments? They are ſordidly covetous, and indeed give themſelves up to all ſorts of Vices; ſo that their Lives are infamous and abominable. The Indians are comparatively more honeſt and virtuous than they are: for tho they are Pagans and Idolaters, yet are content with one Wife, as Nature teaches 'em, while they ſee Chriſtians take fourteen or fifteen Women, how expreſly ſoever the Law they profeſs forbids it. Many of the Indians ſcarce know what it is to rob one another, to offer Violence to any one, or to commit Murder: Whereas they ſee the Chriſtians guilty of all theſe, againſt all Reaſons and Juſtice, and that they violate all their Oaths, ſo that there is no ground to put the leaſt confidence in 'em. The poor Indians that are Witneſſes of the Crimes of ſuch as call themſelves Chriſtians, think the God they worſhip is the vileſt and moſt unjuſt God in the world, becauſe he does not immediately inflict ſome ſignal Puniſhment on thoſe that pretend to ſerve him, for their flagitious Lives. They alſo think your Majeſty the moſt cruel of all Princes, becauſe your Subjects are ſo abominably [Page] vicious; they fancy (as I have before ſaid) that your Majeſty drinks human Blood, and eats the Fleſh of Men. And tho theſe things may appear ſtrange and ſurprizing to your Majeſty, they are no news to us who have been accuſtom'd to 'em. And we can't but wonder, that ſome extraordinary marks of the Divine Anger and Indignation have not been inflicted on Spain to make her ſmart for the Crimes committed by the Spaniards in America.

Your Majeſty may by this time very well perceive the Character of thoſe Men to whom the charge and care of the Souls of the Indians is committed. And 'tis no wonder that there's ſo little done either for their temporal or ſpiritual Advantage, ſince the diſcovery of the Indies, under ſuch Conduct. God is no more known there now than he was before, unleſs it be in the Province of Mexico. And that ſlight Inſtruction the People have had there has coſt 'em very dear: Tho the Son of God commanded his Diſciples to give that freely which they had freely receiv'd. The Indians were committed to the Spaniards, on condition they would undertake to teach 'em the Chriſtian Religion: therefore ſince they have acquitted themſelves ſo ill of that Commiſſion, they ought to make reſtitution of all they have taken from 'em under this pretext. However, God will not be mocked, who ſees all things, and is a witneſs of all the wicked Actions of the Spaniards, who have made it their buſineſs only to torment and inſlave theſe poor People inſtead of taking care to inform 'em of the Truth. And indeed theſe ſecular Men are not very proper to be made Preachers of the Goſpel. Your Majeſty has been ill ſerv'd in not having had good Information given you of the ill deportment of your Subjects. For 'tis not to be doubted but your Majeſty would [Page] have provided a Remedy, if due care had been taken to give you advice of it: Or if your Majeſty had not done it, you would have very much wrong'd your Conſcience in ſending ſuch Men into the new World to preach the Faith, and give teſtimony to the Doctrin of Jeſus Chriſt, who are abſolutely uncapable of ſo honourable a Miniſtry, and even decry and debaſe it by their ſcandalous Converſation. 'Tis therefore neceſſary that this Employment be taken away from Secular, and committed to Religious Perſons, as agreeing better with their Character, which may be done without giving theſe Eccleſiaſtical Miniſters any occaſion to claim a temporal Juriſdiction over the Indians; for if that ſhould be allow'd, we ſhould fall into the ſame Inconveniences we are endeavouring to avoid. The corrupt Lives and evil Examples of the Spaniards do more hurt than the preaching of an infinit number of Prieſts and Monks can do good. Therefore your Majeſty is oblig'd in Conſcience to deprive the Spaniards of the power they uſurp over the Indians, and never ſuffer 'em to make 'em their Vaſſals.

One principal Reaſon that proves this Propoſition is, that People ought to enjoy Peace and Tranquillity, that they may be in a condition to attend the Worſhip of God, and the good Works preſcrib'd by the Chriſtian Religion, and not to be diverted from the Sacraments by being condemn'd to continual Labor. Which ſtate of Peace and Reſt can't ſubſiſt without preſerving to every Man his Property, and guarding him from all the aſſaults of Injury and Injuſtice. The Governors of Commonwealths are bound by the Law of God to remove out of the way all Obſtructions to ſo neceſſary a Peace, and ſpeedily to allay thoſe Diſſenſions and Troubles that may continue Diſcord among ſuch as [Page] profeſs Chriſtianity, becauſe 'tis directly oppoſit to the end of God in creating Men; for he ſends 'em into the World to obſerve his Commands, and to apply themſelves to the exerciſe of Religion and good Works, that they may thereby merit eternal Life. This good order is neceſſary in every Chriſtian Republic, but there eſpecially where the Chriſtian Faith has been but lately entertain'd. The Spaniards are too covetous and ſelf-intereſted to have any Juriſdiction over the Indians granted 'em, becauſe they'l never give 'em any reſpit or repoſe, but go on to rob and torment 'em all the ways they can invent. There is no kind of Injuſtice but they commit it to ſpoil theſe poor People, and therefore there is no way to ſhelter 'em from their Oppreſſions, but by annexing the Indies to the proper Inheritance of your Majeſty's Crown. The Spaniards kill the Indians with impunity in the Fields, in the High-ways, and in the Mines, and do it more boldly, becauſe many times there are no Witneſſes preſent to convict 'em of their Cruelties. So that nothing can be more evident, than that the Indians are not in a condition to compoſe their Minds to attend to the Divine Word, ſo as to be induc'd to obey the Divine Commands, while the Spaniards are their abſolute Lords, who will continually haraſs 'em with endleſs Trouble and Perſecution, which will fill their minds with Anguiſh and Vexation, and all kinds of Miſery, nay with an averſion to your Majeſty, and a great hatred to our God, and to his Law, which ſeems to 'em ſo ſevere, ſo heavy and intolerable a Yoke. They can't but think your Majeſty's Government is tyrannical, as well as that the God whom we adore is unjuſt and unmerciful; ſuppoſing him the Author of all the Violence they ſuffer from the Spaniards; becauſe while they, on pretence of preaching the Catholic Faith, bring ſo many [Page] terrible Calamities upon 'em, their God ſuffers this without puniſhing their Injuſtice and Impiety after a very remarkable manner. Theſe unfortunate People have no other Relief than what they find in their Tears, which they pour forth day and night, proteſting their own Gods were more kind and favourable than the God of the Europeans, and ſaying they enjoy'd a ſettl'd Peace, and all the Coveniences of Life while they ſerv'd their own Gods, whereas ever ſince they had been under the power of the Chriſtians, they had been expos'd to all manner of Abuſes. This makes 'em abhor the Catholic Faith, and by conſequence puts thoſe that preach to 'em out of a condition to attain their end: So that your Majeſty is beyond all queſtion oblig'd by the Law of God to reſcue the Indians from the Yoke of the Spaniards, and to take 'em under your own Protection.

I farther add, that the power your Majeſty has over the People of the New World, has been granted you by the Grace of God and the Suffrage of the Church, both for the temporal and eternal Advantage of the Indians, which Privilege is a kind of neceſſary means of their Salvation. So that the Government of 'em belongs of right to none but your Majeſty, with the excluſion of all other Powers whatſoever, unleſs they deſire to fruſtrate all the Advantages both ſpiritual and temporal, which the Indians might hope to reap from the Converſation of the Europeans. Your Majeſty's Character and Juriſdiction over 'em engages you to remove all Obſtacles that may hinder them from obtaining theſe Advantages, and being ſav'd through Faith by the preaching of the Goſpel. Your Majeſty ought not to ſuffer your Authority to become infamous and odious, nor your Subjects to uſurp a tyrannical Power that will infallibly iſſue in the deſtruction of [Page] the Indians, if they muſt be Vaſſals to the Spaniards, who treat 'em ſo cruelly and inhumanly. When we firſt arriv'd in the New World, we ſaw innumerable multitudes of People inhabiting the Provinces of New-Spain, Cuba, Jamaica, and the Iſle of St. John, which are now all deſolate. The Provinces and Kingdoms of the Continent are in a yet more deplorable condition, tho once as well peopled as Toledo and Seville. There's ſcarce any place in the World where Men and other Animals multiply ſo much as they do in the Indies, becauſe the Air of the Country being temperate, favours Generation. But the Spaniards have found out the art of entirely depopulating large Countries fill'd with infinit numbers of People, for they have unjuſtly maſſacred ſome to poſſeſs themſelves of their Gold and Silver, others they have deſtroy'd by exceſſive Labors, or by forcing them to carry unreaſonable Burdens in long Journies; in a word, they have ſacrific'd the poor Indians to enrich themſelves. We advance nothing but the very Truth, and all that we have ſaid does not expreſs half of what we have ſeen; nor will it be a difficult task to convince them of falſhood who dare maintain the contrary before your Majeſty. None but ſuch as have ſhar'd in the fruit of this Rapine and Cruelty, will oppoſe the truth of ſuch Facts as are known to all the world. And 'twill be in vain to pretend that any contagious Diſtemper has made a Country of 2500 leagues deſolate, which before was very populous.

The manner of governing Kingdoms ought to be conformable to the Law of God and Man, for the good and profit of the People, who are to be defended and preſerv'd from the Violence and Injuſtice of thoſe that are deſtitute of the fear of God, and uſe a tyrannical Power, merely obtain'd by Uſurpation, for the ruin and deſtruction of thoſe that are [Page] under 'em. Your Majeſty may eaſily be inform'd how the Spaniards have abus'd the Power you granted 'em for the Converſion of the Indians, in turning it to afflict and deſtroy 'em with unexampled Cruelty. And that which makes the caſe yet more lamentable is, that none of thoſe who have been employ'd in your Majeſty's ſervice have ever given you advice of theſe great Diſorders, tho ſo very prejudicial to your Intereſt, beſides the loſs of an infinite number of Souls who have periſh'd in the darkneſs of Paganiſm, out of which they might have been eaſily reduc'd if the Spaniards had in the leaſt been govern'd by the fear of God.

Your Majeſty may pleaſe to remember that one Article of the Will of the moſt Serene Queen Iſabella, is expreſs'd after this manner:

‘Item, Since the time wherein the Apoſtolic See granted us the Iſles and Containent of the Ocean, it has always been our principal Intention to cauſe the Light of the Goſpel to ſhine on the People of the New World, and to ſend Prelats and Monks thither to convert and inſtruct 'em in the truth of the Catholic Faith. Therefore I beſeech my Lord the King, and the Princeſs my Daughter, to labour with all their might to render this Enterprize ſucceſsful, and to ſecure the Indians from receiving any damage either in their Eſtates or Perſons, but on the contrary to take care they be treated with all ſorts of kindneſs; and that ſtrict and ſpeedy Juſtice be executed upon any one that ſhall offer 'em the leaſt Injury, and to keep exactly to the terms of the Apoſtolic Brief diſpatched for this Grant.’ Theſe are the expreſs Words of that Illuſtrious Princeſs: And yet no ſooner was ſhe expir'd, but the Spaniards began to abuſe the Indians, and to offer 'em all the Outrages of which we have been ſpeaking, and could give your Majeſty a more ample Relation.

[Page] To all the foregoing Reaſons it may be added, that the Spaniards are declar'd Enemies to the Indians, and deſign nothing but their deſtruction, and to get poſſeſſion of their Country; which is ſo undoubted a truth, that 'tis altogether needleſs to prove it. For he is properly a Man's declar'd Enemy, who goes about to accuſe him of ſome capital Crime, that deſerves death; who deprives him of his Liberty and the greateſt part of his Goods; who makes a cruel War upon him and inſlaves him; who ſeeks all Occaſions to kill him, and takes away his Wife and Children to inſlave 'em; who uſurps all the Goods of his Relations when they die, and unjuſtly raviſhes from him all that is dear to him. Certainly ſuch Violences as theſe are againſt the Rights both of People and Princes; and 'tis ſufficient to demonſtrate the Spaniards to be the declared Enemies of the Indians, that they have done 'em all the miſchief which we have been relating. For they have calumniated and accus'd 'em of the moſt horrible and infamous Crimes that can be imagin'd, meerly to get poſſeſſion of their Eſtates, and ſtrip 'em of all they had under this pretext; whereas the practices they charge 'em with are purely imaginary, and ſuch as have never been ſo much as heard of in the great Iſlands of New Spain, Cuba, Jamaica, and St. John, tho they have been all very populous; for after the moſt exact Enquiries we were able to to make, we could never find the leaſt appearance of thoſe abominable Sins, to which ſome few Perſians are addicted. The Indians of the Kingdom of Yucatan know not what this unnatural Vice is. Nor are there any great number of 'em that eat human Fleſh. They are farther accus'd of Idolatry; but Men have no right to puniſh 'em for this Crime, which ought to be left to the Judgment of God. Our Anceſtors were formerly Idolaters, as the Indians [Page] are now; and the whole Univerſe was polluted with this Sin before the coming of Chriſt, and before the Apoſtles had preach'd the Chriſtian Faith. For God diſpers'd them up and down the World to diſſipate the darkneſs that was ſpread over the Earth: and they did not employ violence and force of Arms to puniſh Idolatry, or other Sins that were the Conſequences of Infidelity; they made uſe of nothing but the good Examples of their Virtue and Holineſs, together with their Doctrin, which contain'd the Menaces and Promiſes of the Word of God; and we ought to do that in the Indies, which they did in other parts of the World. This was the Courſe which Chriſt himſelf firſt took, and then oblig'd his Apoſtles to follow his Example. The Son of God came to ſeek and to ſave that which was loſt. Which of our Anceſtors could have been ſav'd if they had been put to death for Crimes committed in the time of their unbelief? the expreſs Words of the Goſpel are contrary to this Method; for Chriſt ſays to his Diſciples, Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Chriſt to ſuffer and to riſe from the dead the third day; and that repentance and remiſſion of Sins ſhould be preach'd in his Name among all Nations, beginning at Jeruſalem: And ye are Witneſſes of theſe things, Luke 24. 46, 47, 48. which evidently proves that the Goſpel ought to be at firſt preach'd to Infidels, by declaring of Peace, and the remiſſion of Sins that are paſt, ſince Chriſt has given no power or permiſſion to men to puniſh 'em.

The Spaniards have moreover preſum'd to maintain that the Indians were like brute Beaſts, utterly uncapable of diſciplin, and unfit to receive the light of Chriſtianity. Your Majeſty has good reaſon to puniſh thoſe that declare ſuch notorious Falſhoods: For under this Colour they have obtain'd of your Majeſty a power to poſſeſs themſelves of the Indies [Page] as their abſolute Property, and to do the Indians what miſchief they pleaſe. Thus have they impos'd on the Conſcience of the moſt Catholic King; and obtain'd leave to carry away the Inhabitants of the Iſlands and Countries that lie near Hiſpaniola, and have accordingly forc'd 'em out of their own Country againſt all Law and Equity; ſo that an innumerable multitude both of Men and Women that inhabited above fifty Iſlands, ſome bigger than the Canaries, have been deſtroy'd, inſomuch that there are but eleven Perſons left. I have been an Eye-witneſs of this deſolation, as well as Peter de Liſle, who is a man of honor and credit, and now a Monk of the Order of St. Francis. He built a Brigantine, and man'd it with Sea-men to make a review of thoſe once populous Iſlands; and they found in all that vaſt Country but eleven People (as has been ſaid) tho they ſpent two years in making this Voyage. 'Tis impoſſible for me to expreſs to your Majeſty, on the one hand, the great meekneſs, goodneſs of temper, and ſincerity of the People of the New World, and on the other, what enormous Ravages and Cruelties the Chriſtians have exerciſed upon 'em. Your Bowels would be mov'd with Compaſſion, and your heart too much affected, if an exact deſcription of all this were made you.

Cruel Wars have been rais'd in divers rich Provinces, without any fair occaſion, but only to gratify the covetous humour of the Spaniards: At the ſame time they flatter themſelves that they have Authority from your Majeſty to employ force and violence to inſlave theſe People. And all the difference they make between thoſe Indians they look upon as their Subjects, and thoſe whom they treat as Slaves, is, that they ſell the latter publicly, but uſe a little more formality about ſelling the former, by ſeeking pretences to hide their Injuſtice. In the unjuſt Wars they have [Page] made with 'em, after having kill'd the Maſters of Families, they have alſo murder'd their Wives and Children, and poſſeſs'd themſelves of all they had. And God is now pleas'd every day to ſhew us by his ſevere Chaſtiſements that he has been grievouſly offended by theſe Robberies and Cruelties. The Welfare of the Indians both as to Body and Soul is in the greateſt danger; for if they muſt be ſubject to the abſolute Power of the Spaniards, they'l utterly deſtroy 'em, without ſparing any, ſo much as to propagate their Race. If the Law of Nature forbids us to commit a Pupil to the charge of one that is a mortal Enemy to him or his Parents, or has embezel'd his Eſtate, or ſet him an ill Example; and yet he has been given up to the care of a Perſon of this Character; the Judges would be oblig'd to rectify the matter, by taking him from under his Conduct, whatever ſecurity he offers to give for his fidelity. 'Tis much the ſame caſe with the Indians in reſpect of the Spaniards, for theſe would have it believ'd that they are the Guardians, Tutors, and Protectors of the other: tho 'tis only a fraudulent pretence to enſnare 'em. The Indians know well enough how to govern themſelves, without being beholden to Guardians; and the Spaniards are no way capable of inſtructing 'em in the things of Religion, which yet is the main thing the Indians want, and the greateſt kindneſs that can be done 'em. And 'tis eaſy to ſee what diſpoſition the Spaniards have towards 'em, as to their temporal advantage. So that 'tis moſt certain they are their declar'd Enemies; ſince they have ſtrip'd 'em of all their Goods, offer'd all ſorts of abuſes to their Perſons, and taken away their Wives and Children, whom they have condemn'd to perpetual Slavery; which courſe, together with the cruel Wars made upon 'em, has almoſt quite unpeopled the New World. How is it poſſible that men that lead [Page] ſuch kind of Lives, ſhould inſpire the Indians with the deſire of embracing the Law of God, and the love of Virtue, eſpecially ſeeing they many ways perſecute the very Monks, who are ſo zealous for the Reformation of theſe Idolaters? On the contrary, the Spaniards ſpare nothing that may debauch 'em, and expoſe 'em to all ſorts of Vice by the evil Patterns they ſet 'em: They teach 'em to ſwear and blaſpheme the holy Name of God, tho in reality the poor Indians don't do it deſignedly, but only becauſe they hear the Spaniards uſe ſuch Expreſſions. 'Tis therefore plain that the Spaniards ought not to have any Juriſdiction over the Indians, if their advantage either as to this Life or that to come be conſider'd, ſeeing they are the mortal Enemies of this People, and think of nothing but how to deſtroy 'em. It would therefore be a piece of great Injuſtice to abandon 'em to ſuch Men, when their Diſpoſition toward 'em is ſo well known; it being a mortal Sin to expoſe one's Neighbor to evident danger of loſing his Life: And we doubt not but your Majeſty will be cautious of falling under the guilt of ſuch a Crime, and not give up the Indians to the fury of the Spaniards.

All juſt and reaſonable Laws, and thoſe Philoſophers that have written on Morality are againſt placing any Government in the hands of neceſſitous and covetous Men, whoſe greateſt end is to get rid of their Poverty, and to deliver themſelves from that mean condition in which they live, and therefore are ready to ſacrifice all the obligations of Duty to the deſire they have of becoming rich. And becauſe this greedy Paſſion is continually increaſing, and their Minds are wholly ſet on the ways of heaping up Wealth, and filling their Cheſts, they find no reſt but in ſatisfying their Avarice. They abhor Poverty as Nature does a Vacuum, and therefore [Page] have no other thoughts night or day but to contrive means of amaſſing together as much Treaſure as they can. Upon this account the Philoſopher determins that 'tis a dangerous thing to put Nations or Provinces under the Government of ſuch as are covetous or needy, who are reſolv'd to be rich at any rate in the world. We are inform'd in Hiſtory that the Romans being about to ſend two Conſuls to govern Spain, one of whom was poor and the other covetous; when this Affair was propos'd to the Senat, Scipio Africanus gave his opinion that neither of 'em was proper to make a Governor, there being reaſon to fear that both would abuſe their Authority to feather their Neſts out of the public Stock; becauſe ſuch kind of Perſons are like Leeches in a Commonwealth, and make it their principal care to gather ſomething on every ſide, and to devour the Subſtance of the People, making themſelves rich at their charge, becauſe their covetous Deſires can never be ſatiated as long as they remain in this World: Nay it muſt be added, that this Vice moſt commonly proves incurable; ſo that if Men greedy of Lucre get Authority over any People, they will not fail to ſpoil and ruin 'em, becauſe the Paſſion that animates 'em, keeps no bounds or meaſures. No Laws nor Penalties with which they can be menaced, will be ſtrong enough to reſtrain 'em, as long as they are inveſted with Power; and the more ſucceſsful any covetous Man finds his Induſtry to be, the more earneſtly does he deſire and purſue Riches, which he accounts the ſupreme Good. The deſire of being rich produces much the ſame effect in the mind of a poor covetous Man, as the hope of Celeſtial Happineſs would in that of a good Man; for as this perfectly fills up the Capacity of his Mind that ardently wiſhes for it, ſo the Miſer's Soul can deſire nothing beſides [Page] hoards of Treaſure, wherein his Happineſs conſiſts, becauſe Money anſwers all things: For this is that which capacitates Men to undertake the greateſt Enterprizes, and to obtain whatever they deſire in this World, the higheſt Employments, Honors and Dignities, coſtly Habit, and the moſt delicious Dainties; this facilitates their commiſſion of all ſorts of Crimes, gives 'em opportunity to be reveng'd on their Enemies, to acquaint themſelves with Perſons of great Quality, and to obtain their Favour and Eſteem. 'Tis on theſe accounts that the Men of the world ſeek it with all their might, and expoſe themſelves to ſo many Fatigues and Perils, as well as perpetrate the greateſt Villanies to procure it.

Now the poſſeſſion of Riches can never ſatisfy the Soul, ſo as to give it perfect content; for 'tis perpetually craving what it does not yet poſſeſs. Therefore the Worldling, who has choſen Mony for his chief Good and laſt End, is indifferent as to other things, but devotes himſelf entirely to this, employing all his care and diligence to increaſe his Bags; and his thirſt of Gold grows more and more violent, by how much the more his Eſtate ſwells, according to the Philoſopher's Maxim, that Motion is by ſo much the more impetuous, by how much the nearer it approaches its end.

Avarice is a more incurable Evil than Concupiſcence, becauſe its Object, and the things it promiſes attract the Hearts of Men with greater violence; and the power of Mony is of a larger extent, becauſe it puts a Man in a condition to gratify his Luſt, whereas this on the other hand can't procure him Riches. The love of Mony endures longer on the Mind than the Appetite of ſenſual Pleaſures, how violent and impetuous ſoever they may be for a time. Covetouſneſs is always on the advance, and ſeldom extinguiſh'd but with a Man's Life: For the [Page] more a Man's natural Infirmites increaſe, the more the deſire of heaping up Wealth fortifies it ſelf; as 'tis obſervable in old Men, that the nearer they approach their end, the more covetous they uſually grow; becauſe as their Health and Strength gradually diminiſh, they think they have the more need of the aſſiſtance of the things of this World.

Theſe Reaſons make it evident, that if any Juriſdiction or Government be given to covetous Men, they will not fail to oppreſs and vex thoſe that are ſubjected to them, that they may make themſelves rich at their coſts; and that nothing will hinder 'em from gratifying their Avarice whenever they have a fair occaſion; for this Vice is the root and ſpring of all others, 'tis the ſource of Treaſon, Fraud, Perjury, Violence, Rapine, and barbarous Cruelty. This Paſſion is ſaid to be blind, becauſe it occaſions blindneſs in the Mind, and benights the Reaſon with the groſſeſt Darkneſs, and hinders him that is captivated with it from perceiving his danger. The ſight of Gold, tho it cauſes the commiſſion of all manner of Crimes, and is the ſource of Calumnies, gives him more Joy than the light of the Sun, becauſe he finds his Account in the ruin of others. It excludes Fidelity, and baniſhes Union and Concord out of the World; it violates Charity, and produces all manner of Miſchief; it knows no Compaſſion, but induces Men to diſclaim their very Parents, and break all the ties of Faith and Amity; it never ſuffers a Man to ſympathize with his Neighbour's Miſeries, but even makes him diſregard his Relations as if utterly unacquainted with them. The covetous Man never forgives himſelf his own Expences, and leads a miſerable Life in the midſt of Plenty and Wealth. This greedy humor ſo darkens the Underſtandings of thoſe that are bewitch'd by it, that they know not how to make a right Judgment [Page] of any thing, but inſtead of following the Dictates of reaſon, are on all occaſions driven down the impetuous Current of their beloved Vice, all their Thoughts and Deſires are directed this way, and yet they can never quench the inſatiable Thirſt that preys upon their Souls.

But I muſt now apply all theſe Reaſons to the ſubject in hand: and I beſeech your Majeſty to give attention to the Conſequences I draw from 'em. All the Spaniards that leave their own Country to go into the Indies are poor, and 'tis only Avarice that drives them thither; for they don't only pretend to raiſe themſelves a little above a condition of Poverty and Want, but to amaſs vaſt Treaſures together, without ſetting any Limits to their unmeaſurable Covetouſneſs, that they may be able to buy honorable Offices and Emploiments, and advance themſelves far above their degree. We have been taught by experience that in a few years, many Spaniards who were in the meaneſt and baſeſt condition, and always led a miſerable Life, have conſiderably alter'd their fortune by the Riches they have brought from the New World, and likewiſe introduc'd great corruption of Manners throughout all Spain. The love of Mony is now grown to that height, that Gold and Silver ſeem the only Gods that are worſhip'd. They that know not how to advance themſelves by induſtry and labor, do it by plundring and robbing without any fear of puniſhment. They take away from the poor Indians all they find in their houſes, and after all make 'em work to get ſtill more out of their ſweat and labor; ſo that if any Authority over the Indians be allow'd 'em, they'l certainly abuſe it to enrich themſelves, while this deteſtable covetouſneſs reigns in their minds. And what can the poor Indians do to ſhake off their tyrannical Yoke, ſince they are naturally meek, quiet and timorous, [Page] and dare not complain or murmur; or if they ſhould, have no body to hearken to 'em or defend 'em? The Spaniards who have an abſolute Power, are always chiding and domineering over 'em wherever they are, in the Fields, on the Mountains, in the Mines, in the Deſarts, or in the High-Ways. They take all the furniture of their Houſes from 'em, which is their greateſt Riches, as well as expoſe 'em to the greateſt dangers, and moſt intolerable Labours, beating and inflicting on 'em the ſevereſt Puniſhments for the leaſt Trifle, when they hope to get any thing by it. What a piece of Injuſtice then muſt it be to abandon ſuch meek and ſubmiſſive Creatures to the fury of ſuch men as theſe, when they are in no capacity to reſiſt the tyranny of their Perſecutors, but are made their meer tools?

What would one ſay of that Judg, who after he has received information of the violent paſſion of a wild Spark in the heat of Youth, to a beautiful Virgin, ſhould notwithſtanding order 'em to live together in the ſame houſe, and give him an abſolute power over her, but withal threatning to puniſh him ſeverely if he offer'd her any violence? Could any one ſafely confide in the Promiſes of ſuch a man as this, whatever Proteſtations he ſhould make of moderating his paſſion on ſo critical an occaſion? It is not to be doubted but ſuch a Judg would commit a mortal Sin, in thus expoſing his Neighbour to ſo dangerous a Temptation, tho he ſhould happen to abſtain from the Sin to which he has ſo great a propenſion. It almoſt amounts to the ſame thing to put the Indians under the Juriſdiction of the Spaniards, who are their mortal Enemies; for if they don't maſſacre 'em in cold blood meerly out of the hatred they bear 'em, they do it however to get their Goods, and rob 'em of their Treaſure. And [Page] as in the former Inſtance it would be next to a Miracle for that amorous Youth not to abandon himſelf to the Conduct of his Paſſion, when the Object of it is committed to his diſpoſal; ſo 'tis not to be expected that the Spaniards ſhould abſtain from committing all ſorts of Outrages on the Indians, and ſacrificing both their Eſtates and Lives to their own Intereſt, ſince their Avarice irritates 'em with greater violence (if poſſible) than Luſt does the other in the former caſe: ſo that Laws back'd with Menaces and Puniſhments will make no impreſſions on the minds of theſe men, but they'l be ſure ſtill to exerciſe a thouſand Cruelties on the poor Indians, if no other courſe be taken to give check to their Covetouſneſs.

I entreat your Majeſty to conſider what befals any Province to which you ſend a Governor. If he be covetous, and regardleſs both of his Honor or Relion, what Diſorders and Miſchiefs does he not bring with him? Tho he has not ſo abſolute a Power as the Spaniards have over the Indians whom they keep in their Houſes; tho the Royal Council of Spain think themſelves concern'd to oppoſe his Prevarications; and tho the King's Preſence one would think ſhould be a ſtrong Bridle to reſtrain his Exactions: yet in two years time, ſuch a Governor as we have bin deſcribing will become rich, by the Rapine and Extortion he commits in the Province put under his care. What then is it likely the Spaniards will do, in the remoteſt parts of the Indies, when they have an unlimited Power over the Indians, and neither ſtand in awe of God nor the King; and when theſe poor People are under ſo great apprehenſion of ſtill more intolerable Cruelties, that they dare not complain of the violence they ſuffer? And how ſhall they report their Grievances? ſhall they go to the Royal Council, which is it may be three or four [Page] hundred Leagues from 'em; or ſhall they addreſs themſelves to your Royal Throne, which is diſtant above three thouſand? What courſe ſhall they take to prove the Inſults, Vexations and Perſecutions they endure from the Spaniards in Countries ſo remote, where they can expect no relief?

The Spaniards are ſo hardn'd by their exceſſive Avarice, that they are not in the leaſt touch'd with the Groans and Complaints of theſe miſerable People; for nothing makes impreſſion on their minds but Gold and Silver. The Condition to which they advance themſelves in the Indies is ſo far above their former ſtate, that it inſpires 'em with intolerable Pride and Arrogancy. They paſs away their time in pleaſure and feaſting, and clothe themſelves after ſo ſumptuous a manner, that nothing in the World can be more magnificent. And withal it may well be ſaid that nothing can equal the corruption, licentiouſneſs and diſſoluteneſs of their Manners; and to ſupply all theſe ſuperfluous Expences and Exceſſes, they ſuck out the very Blood of the poor Indians. Now ſeeing there's no hope of obliging the Spaniards to alter their Conduct, and both the Laws of God, and right Reaſon, and all the Maxims of Policy and Prudence oppoſe the giving of any Government into the hands of covetous and indigent Perſons, who are prejudic'd with a violent deſire of gain: Much leſs ought your Majeſty to ſuffer the Spaniards to uſurp a Title to the Indians as their Free-hold, when they are ſo greedy and inſatiable, that they'l make no difficulty to ſacrifice all kinds of duty to the deſire they have of raking ſums of Mony together any way in the World. For all their Induſtry will be employ'd in pillaging their Vaſſals; and which is yet more to be lamented, while they cruelly deprive 'em of temporal Life, they likewiſe take a courſe to expoſe 'em to eternal Death. [Page] Therefore your Majeſty ought to incorporate the Indies with the Inheritance of your Crown, that you may be the univerſal Father, Protector, Governor and Lord of all the Indians.

I add to all the foregoing Reaſons, that the Spaniards impoſe intolerable Burdens on the Indians, and exact ſuch Services of 'em as reduce 'em to the extremity of miſery and deſpair. 'Tis their firſt and principal duty to ſerve and obey their own natural Princes; becauſe this is founded on the Law of Nature. In the ſecond place, they owe your Majeſty ſervice and obedience, as being their univerſal Soveraign; which is an obligation of Divine Right, founded on the Engagement your Majeſty has contracted to ſend 'em the Light of the Goſpel, and to take care for their Inſtruction in the orthodox Faith. The third kind of Service is that which the Spaniards oblige 'em to render them whether they will or no, which is a ſevere and tyrannical Yoke, nay more intolerable than what the Heathen Tyrants impos'd on the primitive Chriſtians; it may be liken'd to the torment the Devils inflict on the Damned in Hell. The Violence of it is contrary to all the Laws of Nature and Reaſons, nor can it be juſtified by any human Laws. It muſt be remembred that the Indians are naturally weak, going always naked, and continually expos'd to the heat of the Sun: 'tis therefore contrary to all Juſtice that they ſhould be oppreſs'd with heavy Burdens far above their ſtrength, as well as contrary to Charity, and the Cuſtom of all reaſonable Men. All the ſervice theſe poor Creatures do can't ſatisfy the Spaniards, who therefore ſet an Officer over 'em ſtrictly to inſpect their Actions, and render their ſervitude ſtill more terrible. This Employ is uſually beſtow'd on ſome cruel and inexorable Monſter, who always ſtands over 'em to make 'em work the harder, and punctually to obey all his [Page] Commands. The Executioners of the divine Wrath in Hell can't be more wicked and hard-hearted than this ſort of Men: They brand 'em with hot Irons, and are continually beating and abuſing 'em; they are not content to make 'em labor without intermiſſion, and to ſet 'em unreaſonable Tasks, but always reproach and chide 'em while they undergo this Toil, and beſides all this, violate their Wives and Daughters, or make Preſents of many of 'em together to their Maſters on whom they depend, and who ſet 'em to work as ſo many principal Tyrants, who alſo make it their buſineſs to invent cruel and unſufferable Torments. And to hinder the Indians from complaining of their Miſeries, they threaten to inform againſt 'em, that they have ſeen 'em worſhip their Idols. This is the ſad ſtate to which theſe People are reduc'd. They depend on no leſs than four ſeveral Maſters, on your Majeſty, their Caciques, the Spaniard to whom they are inſlav'd, and his Deputy, who is the greateſt Plague to 'em that can be. Nay, 'tis impoſſible to tell how many Maſters they have, ſeeing all the Spaniards domineer over 'em as ſo many Tyrants, robbing 'em by turns, and making no ſcruple cruelly to abuſe and murder 'em.

Seeing the preaching of the Orthodox Faith is the only thing that could warrant the reduction of the Indians to a ſtate of dependance on any foreign Power, in order to their Converſion; and ſeeing none can pretend on this account to be their lawful Soveraign but your Majeſty; it follows that your Majeſty ought with all your might to oppoſe the Power which private Men aſſume over 'em, and which can't be look'd upon as any better than Tyranny. Your Majeſty is oblig'd for the common good of all your Subjects to eſtabliſh a regular and ſtable form of Government among 'em, which may [Page] conduce to their Converſion and Salvation: and ſeeing the ſoveraign and ſingle Power you have over 'em is ſufficient for the end propos'd, other Juriſdictions are not to be tolerated, becauſe they can only prove burdenſom and incommodious, and contrary to the common Maxims of Government receiv'd in the World, which will not allow a People to be ſubject to ſeveral different Princes; much leſs ſhould the Indians be thus ſubjected, becauſe of their Poverty, Meekneſs, Patience, Humility, and the tenderneſs of their Conſtitution, partly occaſion'd by their going naked, their unwholſom Food, and the Labor they undergo to get their living. After all this 'twould be ſufficiently tedious and uneaſy to 'em if no other Duties were exacted of 'em than thoſe which your Majeſty and their Caciques, who are their immediat Princes, impoſe. How then can they be able to endure thoſe exceſſive Tasks, thoſe heavy Blows, Vexations and Abuſes of which we have ſpoken above? If your Majeſty has a mind to preſerve the Indians from utter Deſtruction, theſe new Burdens ought not to be impos'd on 'em, nor ſhould they be condemn'd to this ſevere Slavery. This would be to violate the Laws of Juſtice and Charity: For the Maſters of Policy and Prudence uſually ſay, that tho a Prince require extraordinary aſſiſtance of his Subjects in ſome preſſing Exigencies of the Commonwealth; yet where theſe Subjects are under other ſubordinate and immediate Lords, to whom they are oblig'd to pay the ſame Duties, this cannot be done, becauſe this would be to overcharge 'em with endleſs Taxes: for 'tis contrary to all Juſtice to oppreſs 'em with a double Burden, and all good Laws formally condemn it; for the Rules of Equity forbid all Oppreſſion and Injury. Therefore ſince the Indians are already bound to ſerve their natural and immediate Princes, and to pay 'em [Page] all the homage and duty of Subjects, it would be unjuſt to ſubject 'em to ſuch new Maſters as pretend to a right of exacting new Services of 'em. The Taxes that are impos'd on any Eſtate ſhould be proportionate to the Revenue that may be expected from it; and there ought not to be more Homage and Service annex'd to it than is reaſonable for the advantage of him that owns that Eſtate. If inanimate things have this privilege, how much more ought it to be ſo with Men, who deſerve to be us'd a little better? Since therefore your Majeſty's Government alone is ſufficient for the welfare and advantage of the Indians, to ſet other Lords over 'em would be to act contrary to Juſtice. For who can deny it to be contrary to all the Laws of Equity, to ſubject the Indians to the Spaniards, who mind nothing but to raiſe Eſtates by making a Prey of 'em? An 'tis as oppoſit to Charity to add new Burdens to them that can ſcarce bear ſuch as are already impos'd upon 'em, and to increaſe the Calamities of ſuch as are ſufficiently beſet with Affliction, beſides the pains they take for the ſubſiſtence of their Wives and Children▪ Charity teaches to do to others as we would have them do to us, to ſecure 'em from all the Evil we can, and to relieve 'em in their Indigence when they addreſs themſelves to us, and ſhew us their Neceſſities, becauſe we our ſelves are deſirous of the Aſſiſtance of others, when in diſtreſs. The Laws of Chriſt are founded on ſuch Maxims as theſe: Do to others what you would have others do to you; and, Thou ſhalt love thy Neighbour as thy ſelf; in which one word, St. Paul ſays, the whole Law is contain'd. He farther ſays, Bear ye one another's Burdens, and ſo fulfil the Law of Chriſt.

It is to be conſider'd, that all the Inhabitants of the New World are born free: Nor do they loſe this Liberty in recognizing your Majeſty for their [Page] Soveraign, and univerſal Emperor of the Indies. On the contrary, if there be any defects in their Polity, your Majeſty's Government may ſupply 'em, by which their Liberty will be render'd the more compleat. This was the deſign of that moſt Chriſtian Princeſs, Queen Iſabella, as appears by all the Writings ſhe left about this Affair. A few days before her Death ſhe commanded General d' Alcantara, then Governor of Hiſpaniola, to treat all the Indians as a free People. And in a general Aſſembly of Divines and Lawyers held at Burgos, his Catholic Majeſty declar'd in Council, that the Inhabitants of America were free, and commanded they ſhould be treated as ſuch. The ſame was done by your Majeſty, after having conſulted the moſt learned Divines and Canoniſts in the year 1523.

Now if it be an inconteſtable Principle that all the Indians are free, and that all of 'em that have been, or ſhall be diſcover'd in time to come, can't be ſubjected to any other Juriſdiction but that of your Majeſty, and that they own to your Majeſty alone that Homage and Obedience which free Cities and Nations are oblig'd to pay their lawful Soveraign, 'tis moſt evident that no private Men can pretend to the ſame. Nay, they are more free in reſpect of us than other Nations, becauſe the Kings of Spain have no Title to 'em as their Subjects by right of Inheritance, or that of Purchaſe, or of Conqueſt, as they might have had, if they had been conquer'd in a lawful War, that had bin formally declar'd, for the revenge of ſome great Offence which the Indians might have commited againſt the Spaniards, or againſt the univerſal Church, or ſome very conſiderable Member of it, for which they had refus'd Satisfaction when demanded: or if they had unjuſtly retain'd any Lands or Goods of which they were unlawfully poſſeſs'd. [Page] But on the contrary, they have frankly and voluntarily ſubmitted themſelves to your Majeſty. And yet they have bin hitherto not only neglected, but treated by the Spaniards, as wild Beaſts are by Hunters, tho they never did any thing to deſerve ſuch ill uſage. They have yet ſeen nothing to convince 'em of your Majeſty's Grandure, Juſtice, Goodneſs, and Magnificence, having found nothing but Tyranny, Violence, Injuſtice and Cruelty from the Spaniards your Subjects, whoſe ill Actions and bad Examples render 'em infamous; ſo that the Indians look upon 'em as the vileſt of Men. And this makes 'em think upon the Kings of Spain with horror, who yet never gave 'em occaſion to entertain ſuch thoughts of 'em. But they fancy your Majeſty perfectly knows all the ill treatment they endure, and that 'tis by your Conſent and Approbation; they believe 'tis all done by your order, and that you give your Protection and Favour to thoſe that inſult over 'em.

The Title your Majeſty has to the Indians is founded only on the Obligation you have taken upon your ſelf to have 'em inſtructed into the true Faith, as appears by the Apoſtolic Briefs granted on this account: which ought to engage your Majeſty to moderate your Government ſo much the more, and to treat 'em with the greater tenderneſs and kindneſs. The Kings of Spain ſhould ſignalize the Firſt-fruits of their Soveraignty over the Indies, by the tokens of Peace and Love to theſe People, and by taking care to furniſh 'em with good Examples: In a word, they ought to treat 'em as their Neighbors and natural Subjects, for fear the commiſſion of any Injuſtice or Cruelty among 'em ſhould prejudice 'em againſt the Chriſtian Faith, and indiſpoſe 'em to receive the Counſils and Maxims of our Religion. There ſhould not be the leaſt occaſion [Page] given 'em on any account to blaſpheme the Name of God, which would be an Obſtacle to the great end of their Converſion. Nothing ſhould be left undone, that may make 'em love your Majeſty, and induce 'em to praiſe God on finding themſelves under a Government ſo eaſy and commodious. They deſerve in ſome reſpect to be dealt with after this manner, becauſe of the freedom of their birth, which makes it unjuſt for any to violate their Liberty. 'Tis neceſſary for the Honor of the Chriſtian Religion, that they embrace it voluntarily, becauſe God himſelf will have men make a free choice in matters of Religion; nor is any man whatſoever to be treated with violence in this caſe, and forc'd to embrace a Religion againſt his Will. And temporal Princes commit a great piece of injuſtice, if they put a force on the minds of their Subjects in a buſineſs wherein they ought to have an entire liberty of Conſcience: they ſhould rather obſerve the Rules which God, the Univerſal Soveraign of all his Creatures, has conſtituted. There is no Power or Authority on Earth that has a right to violate the Liberty of any People, becauſe 'tis the moſt valuable thing they poſſeſs, and preferable to all other things in the World. Hence it is there are ſuch advantageous Conſtitutions in the Civil Law in favor of Liberty. And the particular Cuſtoms of the Kingdom of Spain preſcribe that nothing be determin'd in prejudice of a Man's Liberty in doubtful things, nor the leaſt force or conſtraint put upon men that are free. And when their conſent to any thing is violently extorted, it ought not to be imputed to 'em, becauſe 'tis an infringement of the Law of Nature.

If 'tis unlawful to ſeize on the Goods of Men that are free without cauſe, much more is it to offer violence to their Perſons, and to inſlave 'em, which [Page] is the greateſt Injury they can receive next to the loſs of Life it ſelf. If a Father can't chooſe himſelf another Heir without the conſent of his Son, who has a natural Title either to the whole, or at leaſt a 4th part of his Father's Eſtate; much leſs may inferior Lords pretend to a right of appropriating the Kings Subjects to themſelves, unleſs his Majeſty conſent by abandoning his own Right, which is founded on the voluntary Agreement of his Subjects. If the current Mony of the Kingdom can't be alter'd without the People's conſent, becauſe the alteration may be attended with great Inconveniences; much leſs can the People themſelves be taken from the Dominion of the King againſt their Will, and ſubjected to the abſolute Power of private Maſters; becauſe this forc'd Change is a Violation of their Liberty. It muſt be farther added, that ſuch as are tributary to your Majeſty, can't paſs under the Juriſdiction of another Perſon, which would be more uneaſy and diſadvantageous to 'em, and under which they would perhaps be condemn'd to a more ſervile and laborious Courſe of life. How much more ought they who enjoy an entire liberty under any Prince's Government, to be preſerv'd in the poſſeſſion of their Privileges; and how injurious would it be to deliver 'em up as Vaſſals to particular Lords, who would probably abuſe their Authority, and treat their Perſons with violence, as well as greatly prejudice 'em in their Eſtates? 'Tis moſt injurious both to the Lives and Liberties of Men, to depend on divers Lords and Maſters, becauſe their Service and Labors multiply according to the number of thoſe under whoſe juriſdiction they are: And 'tis to be preſum'd they will not be all alike juſt and equitable.

'Tis very much the Intereſt of Princes, not to ſuffer the number of their Subjects to be diminiſh'd, [Page] becauſe it will deprive 'em of much of the advantage and ſervice they may reaſonably expect from 'em. And 'tis as much the Intereſt of Subjects, not to ſuffer themſelves to be transfer'd from the Dominion of the Prince under which they have always liv'd, to that of an inferior Maſter. Thoſe that know the difference between the Government of Kings, and that of particular Lords, which is uſually hard and ſevere, will do any thing to be ſecure from the latter; while they are well pleas'd with the former, and readily diſpoſe themſelves to bear a Yoke that appears ſo much eaſier and lighter than the other. And this is the reaſon why the generality of Men do all they can to avoid falling under the dominion of private Men to the prejudice of that Royal Juriſdiction to which they have been continually accuſtom'd. And this Sentiment is juſtified by the ſuffrage of all wiſe Men, and favor'd by all juſt Laws.

'Tis a general Rule, that a Prince can do nothing that may cauſe any conſiderable damage to his Subjects, unleſs they freely give their own conſent: And this your Majeſty every day obſerves, wherein you follow the ſteps of your Anceſtors, who to avoid doing any thing contrary to the rules of Juſtice and Equity, frequently us'd to aſſemble their Council, and to take their advice who were Perſons of great Wiſdom and Senſe, and to make a due improvement of it. In the preſent affair, it would be injurious to the Indians to give 'em up to the Spaniards as their Vaſſals, becauſe they uſe 'em ſo barbarouſly, and reduce 'em to the utmoſt degree of Servitude. And ſuch a matter as this is not to be concluded, without propoſing it to the Indians, and obtaining their conſent. For thus to change their condition without conſulting 'em, were to put a treacherous trick upon 'em againſt the Laws of Nature, [Page] Juſtice and Charity, becauſe this ſubjection would be to a ſevere and tyrannical Power; as is evident by what the Indians have hitherto met with from the Spaniards. Beſide, ſuch an alteration would be contrary to the Will and Law of God, becauſe it would hinder the progreſs of the Catholic Faith, and inſpire the Indians with hatred to the Goſpel, and would tend to the general deſtruction of thoſe People whom your Majeſty is bound to preſerve and protect. This you owe 'em from a motive of Charity and Zeal for the good of your Neighbor, as you are a Chriſtian Prince, and moreover by the Obligation of your Office, as the Vice-gerent of Jeſus Chriſt.

From all the Reaſons alledg'd, it may well be concluded, that if even the Indians themſelves would voluntarily conſent to be inſlav'd, and utterly renounce their Liberty; yet this conſent of theirs would be void and null of it ſelf, becauſe a thing every way ſo miſchievous ought by no means to be tolerated. Your Majeſty would be oblig'd by the Law of God to hinder 'em from ruining themſelves in ſuch a manner; becauſe the Tyranny the Spaniards exerciſe over 'em is ſo great, that many of the Indians have fallen into utter deſpair under their unſufferable Impoſitions, and choſen rather to ſtab or poiſon themſelves than to pine away gradually under their miſerable Bondage: Others have fled into the Mountains, where they have become a Prey to Tigers and Lions; others have died merely with Sorrow and Anguiſh, when they found they were condemn'd to a Life ſo full of Miſery and Toil, without any hope of reſpit or mitigation. I knew a Spaniards who was ſo famous for his Cruelty, that above two hundred People kill'd themſelves, ſome one way and ſome another, to avoid his Barbarities in Hiſpaniola: A like number underwent the ſame [Page] fate in the Iſle of Cuba, where this Tyrant exercis'd his Violence and Rapine.

But tho the common Intereſt of all Nations in the World ought to prevent their Kings from alienating them from their own Dominion to make 'em the Vaſſals and Subjects of private Men, and tho this is founded on natural Reaſon and Juſtice; yet ſometimes in preſſing Exigencies Princes may alienate a part of their Territories to extricate themſelves out of ſome great and perplexing difficulty, from which they cannot otherwiſe get free. For inſtance, if they have no other courſe to take for the defence of the Commonwealth, it ſeems lawful for 'em to exchange the Juriſdiction they have over their Subjects, provided they ſome way indemnify 'em, or repair any damage this exchange may occaſion. But 'twould be impoſſible to indemnify the Indians if they ſhould be left to the Dominion of the Spaniards, who bring upon 'em inexpreſſible Calamities and Miſchiefs, that can never be repair'd by any advantage they may allow 'em; for they take a courſe to deſtroy both their Souls and Bodies. Therefore ſeeing the Converſion of the Indians depends principally on your Majeſty's Title and Juriſdiction over 'em, you ought not to do any thing that may blaſt the hope of this Deſign, and will infallibly hinder theſe People from embracing Chriſtianity. And it muſt be remember'd they have freely and willingly choſe your Majeſty for their Soveraign, which is a kind of Contract they have made with your Majeſty, that cannot be violated without their Conſent, unleſs it be to put 'em in a condition more eaſy, advantageous and ſecure, than what they enjoy under your Majeſty's Dominion. And your Majeſty is oblig'd to promiſe and ſwear to 'em, that you will always preſerve their Privileges, as they are ordinarily kept in the generality of Kingdoms, when a free People [Page] ſubmit themſelves to the Government of a new King. This Practice is almoſt as antient as the World, for ever ſince Men began to ſpread themſelves upon the face of the Earth, it has always been the cuſtom of Princes to promiſe and ſwear to 'em to employ all their Power in preſerving and defending 'em from Oppreſſion. Which evidently proves that your Majeſty has not power to give up the Indians to the abſolute Dominion of the Spaniards, who have had the cruelty to deſtroy ſuch numerous Nations of 'em, without any legal Proceſs, or leave to make their Defence. For it would be to act contrary to the Law of God and Nature to expoſe 'em to ſo many Miſeries, which are as ſo many invincible Obſtructions to hinder 'em from turning Chriſtians. Nor is there any Prince on Earth, who can juſtly pretend to have ſuch a Power: for Soveraign Princes have no Authority to do any thing that may provoke the Juſtice of God, who has not ſet 'em over their People for their ruin and deſtruction, or for the overthrow of the Church; but on the contrary has ſet 'em in the World to defend the Church, to bring their People to eſpouſe the true Faith, and edify 'em in it.

Reaſon and the Law of Nature direct that thoſe who have made an ill uſe of the Privileges granted to 'em, ſhould be depriv'd of 'em. Now the Juriſdiction allow'd the Spaniards over the Indians was only on condition they would inſtruct 'em in Religion, and defend 'em from their Enemies; and they have not only fallen ſhort of this Engagement, but even barbarouſly abus'd thoſe they were oblig'd to protect. 'Tis remarkable in the Laws of Spain, that if a Maſter treats any one of his Slaves inhumanly, he is oblig'd to ſell him, becauſe 'tis but juſt that he who tyrannizes over his Subjects ſhould loſe his Juriſdiction over 'em, which of right devolves [Page] on the Prince. He that abuſes his Title is not worthy to poſſeſs it: and a Man neither owes Homage nor Obedience to a Tyrant. So that your Majeſty ought in quality of Soveraign Lord of the People of the New World, to defend 'em, and do 'em Juſtice, when they are wrong'd; and conſequently to reſcue 'em from the power of the Spaniards, that they may enjoy their Liberty.

'Tis moreover a Cuſtom eſtabliſh'd by the Laws of Spain, That if the King grant any Privilege contrary to the Catholic Faith, 'tis null and void, as much as if it were contrary to the civil Good and Welfare of the Kingdom, or to the Rights of any particular Perſons. And the ſame account is to be made of any Privilege given contrary to the Law of Nature: as for example, if a King ſhould take away any private Man's Eſtate, to beſtow it on another. Therefore your Majeſty cannot diveſt the natural Princes of the Indians of their Dominion over 'em, to inveſt the Spaniards with it, who not only are Foreigners to 'em, but alſo treat 'em after a tyrannical manner. 'Tis therefore neceſſary for your Majeſty to revoke ſo unjuſt a Privilege, deſtructive to the People, and directly oppoſit to the Catholic Faith, as well as to your Majeſty's Service, the advantage of your Kingdom in general, the good of many Members of the Commonwealth in particular, and which is contrary to Reaſon, and the Law of Nature.

'Tis farther conſtituted by the Cuſtoms of Spain, in conformity to the Imperial Laws of your Majeſty, as well as thoſe of the Church, that when a Privilege in proceſs of time proves injurious, and occaſions more hurt than good, it ought to be immediately aboliſh'd, without ſo much as conſulting the Prince that granted it; becauſe from that very moment wherein this Privilege began to be detrimental, [Page] it ought to be ſuppos'd the Prince deſign'd to revoke it: ſo that it can have no more force or authority, becauſe not according to the Prince's Intention, who always ought to have Equity and the Divine Will in view. Now ſince the Privilege granted the Spaniards to ſubject the Indians as Vaſſals is become ſo pernicious, and occaſions an irreparable damage to the Chriſtian Religion, and to the Crown of Spain, and has bin the cauſe of the ruin of ſuch vaſt numbers of People, and of the deſolation of ſome of the fineſt Countries in the World; and ſeeing in all appearance it is the very reaſon of thoſe Calamities with which God is now afflicting Spain, 'tis neceſſary to apply a ſpeedy Remedy, and to go to the root of the Diſeaſe, in revoking ſo pernicious and tyrannical a Grant.

Beſides, the Dominion of the Spaniards over the Indians has never bin judicially approv'd by the Kings of Spain. He that firſt ſhar'd theſe poor People among 'em, as if they had been ſo many Sheep, had no order to make this diſtribution, which abſolutely deſolated and unpeopled New Spain, but exceeded the limits of his Power; ſo that no juſt Conſequence can be drawn from what he did. It was the great General d'Alcantara who began this irregular courſe in America. In the year 1502, the moſt ſerene King Ferdinando and Queen Iſabella ſent General De-Larés from Grenada to govern the new Conqueſts: At which time there were but three hundred Chriſtians in the Iſland of Hiſpaniola. This Governor was expreſly charg'd to treat the Indians as free Nations; to be very kind, tender and charitable toward 'em, to do 'em exact Juſtice on all occaſions, and not to impoſe too ſevere a Yoke on 'em, or to inſlave 'em; in a word, to protect 'em from all Injuries, leſt any Violence ſhould prove a Stumbling-block to divert 'em from entertaining [Page] the Chriſtian Faith, and inſpire 'em with an averſion to the Profeſſors of it. General De-Larés carried with him three thouſand Spaniards, who landed at St. Domingo, where they ſoon found themſelves reduc'd to great ſtraits for want of Food. However, the ſtrict Orders he had receiv'd would not permit him to do any Violence to the Indians, or to infringe their Liberty in the leaſt; upon which he writes many things to the Queen againſt the Indians, hoping to render 'em odious to her by his Lies and Slanders, that he might have leave to abuſe the poor Wretches at his pleaſure. Among other things he wrote, that it would be impoſſible to preach the Chriſtian Faith to 'em as long as they were ſuffer'd to enjoy an entire Freedom, becauſe they induſtriouſly avoided all manner of acquaintance with the Chriſtians; in ſo much that they refus'd to work for 'em, tho they offer'd 'em Wages for their Labor, and choſe rather to wander up and down as Vagabonds, than to keep company with Chriſtians to inform themſelves of their Religion. As if he thought the Indians were oblig'd to divine that there was a new Religion to be preach'd to 'em, which they ought to embrace; or that they ought, as poor as they are, to forſake their Houſes, Wives and Children, and to leave their Lands unmanur'd, to come to ſeek the Spaniards, and ſo expoſe themſelves to die with Hunger in a Journey it may be of two hundred Leagues or more; or as if they were under any obligation to undergo the fatigue of bringing Proviſion to the Spaniards ſuch a tedious way as this.

His Majeſty, who was ſincerely zealous for the Salvation of theſe Idolaters, and publiſhing the Name of Chriſt in the New World, anſwer'd the General after this manner: ‘We very ardently deſire the Converſion of the Indians to our holy [Page] Faith, and that they be taught the Myſteries of the Catholic Religion; and think it neceſſary to the ſucceſs of this Deſign, that the Indians and Spaniards converſe and live together. Therefore we by theſe Preſents command you to oblige the Indians to deal with the Spaniards of Hiſpaniola, and to have Converſation with 'em, to aſſiſt 'em in building their Houſes, and in getting Gold and other Metals out of the Mines, and to pay 'em their Wages exactly, according to their labor and deſert. You ſhall likewiſe order every Cacique to have a certain number of Indians always in a readineſs to be employ'd in ſuch Work as ſhall be aſſign'd 'em, provided that care be taken to preach to 'em, and inſtruct 'em in the Word of God on all Holy-days, and that they be always treated as Free-men, and not as Slaves; and beſure let them meet with no ill uſage, nor have any occaſion to complain: Yet let ſome diſtinction be ſtill made in favor of ſuch as embrace the Faith. But let no Perſon be permitted to wrong 'em, or give 'em the leaſt diſguſt in any thing whatſoever.’ Theſe are the very words of the Letter which the King ſent to the Governor of the Indies, by which his Majeſty ſufficiently ſignified that his principal deſign in the Indies was the Salvation of thoſe Idolaters, and that for that end they ſhould converſe with the Spaniards, which plainly proves he had no other regard to this Commerce betwixt the Chriſtians and theſe Infidels, but only as a neceſſary means for their Converſion. And it muſt be farther obſerv'd, that when the King gives order to oblige each Cacique to ſend the Spaniards a certain number of Indians to work for 'em, on condition of being paid for their Labor, he did not intend that all the Men in the Indies ſhould be bound to perform ſuch Tasks, much leſs that the Women, Children, old [Page] Men, and Chiefs of each Nation, whom the Indians look upon as their natural Princes, ſhould be thus treated. The King deſign'd there ſhould be due conſideration had of their Neceſſities, that they ſhould have liberty to provide for their Wives and Children, and go every night home to refreſh themſelves with their Families, and ſleep in their own Houſes. And it may be farther remark'd in the King's Patent, that he did not in the leaſt deſign the Indians ſhould be made to work every day and without intermiſſion, ſeeing it provides they ſhould be paid daily after their Labor; his intention was that they ſhould be engag'd by fair means to do what was requir'd of 'em, and not forc'd to it whether they would or no; in ſhort, that they ſhould be us'd in all reſpects as a free People. Beſides, the King commanded that all their Labors ſhould be moderate, and proportionate to their Strength, and that they ſhould reſt on Holy-days and Sundays, that their Wages ſhould be ſutable to their Work, ſufficient to encourage 'em in taking pains, and to relieve their Families in all their domeſtick Neceſſities.

If the King had a perfect account of the nature of the Land in the Indies, of the Weakneſs, Poverty, Meekneſs and good humor of the Inhabitants, of the rigor and ſeverity of their Labors, and the great difficulty of getting Gold out of the Mines; if he knew the deſolate ſtate in which they are often left, and the little care taken to engage 'em to receive the Sacraments before they die, he would without doubt employ ſome effectual means to put an end to theſe Diſorders. The firſt Admiral of the Indies, who made the diſcovery of this New World, though the acted conformably to the King's Intereſt in rendering the Indians of New Spain tributary, by obliging 'em to dig a certain quantity [Page] of Gold out of the Mines, and condemning others that were remote from any Mines to other kinds of Tribute. Some of the Spaniards he carried with him, ſhook off the Obedience they ow'd the King, and ſet up for ſo many Tyrants, committing Violence and Spoil beyond what can be eaſily imagin'd in the Province of Xavagua, one of the fineſt and moſt populous Countries in the Indies. The King being inform'd of theſe Ravages, wrote his mind to General De-Larés, and order'd him to put a ſtop to the Cruelty and Violence of the Spaniards on the Indians, and to govern 'em as a free People, which Orders were not well executed: For the Spaniards ſhut up the Indians by force in the Mines, to employ 'em in the toilſom work of digging for Gold, which requires a very robuſt Conſtitution: And when they had got this Gold, they were forc'd to be all day in the Water to waſh it. At firſt the Indians were kept in the Mines for a whole year, till the Spaniards found they were not able to endure ſuch hard and continual Labor, and therefore gave 'em ſome time of reſpite, contenting themſelves to keep 'em only for five Months in digging Gold, after which they employ'd 'em forty days in melting it. This they pretended was a time of reſt for theſe poor Creatures, tho this latter ſort of Work is more toilſom than that of grubbing up of Roots, and clearing Ground that is over-run with Wood: ſo that they don't know what a Holy-day or Sunday means throughout the whole year. They are ſometimes almoſt famiſh'd, having nothing given 'em ſave a few dry Roots that yield but little Nutriment: Tho the moſt liberal of the Spaniards diſtribute a Porker once a week among half a hundred Indians, which is little more than every one a taſte. Nay ſome of 'em have not been willing to give the Indians that ſerv'd 'em any thing at all to eat, but [Page] out of mere Avarice ſent 'em to feed like Beaſts in the fields, or to gather fruit upon the Mountains, after which they forc'd 'em to work two or three days together without eating. One Man frankly confeſs'd to me that he had got a great Eſtate in a little time by this kind of frugality. What ſtrength can Bodies that are naturally of a tender Conſtitution be ſuppos'd to have when fed after this manner, and oppreſs'd beſides with exceſſive Labor? 'Tis impoſſible they ſhould ſubſiſt long under this cruel Bondage; which makes 'em lead a ſorrowful, languiſhing and miſerable Life, being deſtitute both of convenient Food and Reſt.

Tho the King order'd each Indian to be paid in proportion to his Work, that they might have ſomething to live on, and be capable of buying themſelves Neceſſaries; this Command has been ill obſerv'd, for they had nothing at all for many years; ſo that they were put to the greateſt Extremity, and ſuffer'd Hunger to that degree that they deſir'd nothing more than to die, that they might find an end of their Miſeries. Theſe are the Calamities the poor Indians have ſuffer'd in the Service of Chriſtians, who have had no regard either to their Souls or Bodies.

As for thoſe Orders that have been given the Spaniards to treat the Indians as a free People, not to over-charge 'em with Labor, not to do 'em any▪ Injuſtice, and to let 'em mind their own Affairs, and order their buſineſs as they ſaw good, they have bin no more heeded than the other. For they have been made mere Slaves, and certainly have not ſo much liberty as Beaſts. And the Spaniards, as good Chriſtians as they are, are not at all mov'd by all the Calamities theſe poor Wretches undergo, but look upon them as the vileſt of Slaves, and not fit to have the liberty of doing any thing they have a mind to [Page] do. They are conſtantly expos'd to the Cruelty of theſe Tyrants, and not treated like human Creatures, but wild Beaſts, who are kept in Chains by their Owners, and diſpos'd of at their pleaſure. If they ſometimes let 'em go to their own Country, they will not ſuffer 'em to carry their Wives and Children with 'em, nor hardly any thing to eat; ſo that they are preſently conſtrain'd to return, while the Reflection they make on their deplorable Condition often makes 'em deſire death to relieve 'em. If the exceſſive Labors impos'd on 'em make 'em ſick, as it often happens (becauſe, as I have obſerv'd, the natural Temper of their Bodies is none of the ſtrongeſt) the Spaniards do not in the leaſt pity their Condition, but oppreſs 'em with intolerable Tasks, reproaching 'em as lazy, and only feigning themſelves ill to be excus'd from Labor. And when they ſee their Sickneſs increaſe, ſo that they become unſerviceable, they ſend 'em to their own Country, which is ſometimes forty or fifty Leagues diſtance, giving 'em nothing but a few ſapleſs Roots to eat by the way, ſo that they often die miſerably, not being able to accompliſh ſuch a Journey. Sometimes we find ſome of 'em on the Road juſt ready to expire, others groaning hideouſly in the Agonies of Death, and others quite dead. Thoſe of 'em that are able to ſpeak, ſay nothing but Hunger, Hunger. Your Majeſty by this account may ſee that the Governor of the New World had little regard to the Orders that were given him, to treat the Indians as a free People.

That Governor was expreſly charg'd not to do any thing to the Indians that might hinder 'em from receiving the Principles of the Chriſtian Religion, or prejudice their Lives or Health, becauſe the King had no deſign to deſtroy 'em: yet this Man ſaw infinit numbers of 'em periſh that were imploy'd in [Page] melting of Gold. The Labors exacted of 'em were like a furious Peſtilence, which cuts off multitudes of People in a little time; and yet this ſad Spectacle could not engage him to revoke his cruel Orders, or ſo much as mitigate the ſeverity of 'em. However he knew well enough that he was not able to excuſe his Proceedings either before God or the King, being expreſly contrary to the Charge that had been given him; and therefore us'd ſo much Subtilty and Artifice in the management of this Affair, that none of his Cruelties on the Indians were known in Spain for thoſe ſeven years in which he tyranniz'd over the New World. They that came after him, trod in his ſteps by deſtroying the Indians, tho his Catholic Majeſty recommended it to 'em to induce the Indians to receive the Catholic Faith, by ſhewing all kindneſs to 'em, and not to make War upon 'em on the account of Religion, or to conſtrain 'em to embrace Chriſtianity by force, but rather to treat 'em as the King's Liege People, impoſing a certain Tribute on 'em, as on his other Subjects. All this was expreſs'd in the Inſtructions given to Pedrarias, when he was made Governor of the Indies; notwithſtanding which he enter'd America juſt as a hungry Wolf falls on a flock of Sheep, and made horrible ſlaughters on all ſides, uſing ſuch unheard of Torments, and making ſuch waſte and ſpoil, that nothing like it is to be found in any Hiſtory. He might have been look'd upon as a heavy Plague, ſent by God to execute his Wrath in extirpating the Indians. This Man, and thoſe that accompanied him, cheated your Majeſty of five or ſix Millions of Gold, and 'tis impoſſible to compute the Spoil they made in the Indies. They depopulated a Country of above four hundred Leagues, as rich, fertil and pleaſant as any in the World. All this Tyranny was us'd to make the Indians deliver up [Page] all their Gold: But by the juſt Judgment of God they made no great advantage of their Robberies; and it would have bin more for their intereſt to have kept the Indians alive, and to have made a conſiderable Profit out of their hard Labors. If a particular account ſhould be given your Majeſty of all the Diſorders committed by the Spaniards in the noble Province of Nicaraqua, your Majeſty would be aſtoniſh'd; and if they had not ſtill continued their Tyranny over theſe poor People, every day killing and deſtroying 'em, I ſhould not have expos'd my ſelf to the fatigue of ſo tedious and troubleſom a Voyage, to give your Majeſty an account of it. When your Majeſty is aſſur'd that the Spaniards have depopulated ſo many vaſt and noble Kingdoms, and that they ſtill continue to deſtroy whatever eſcap'd the fury of former Governors; when you are convinc'd that they have carried Fire and Sword through ſeven Kingdoms that are larger than Spain, your Majeſty will eaſily be perſwaded that what I have ſaid is no Exaggeration. I have ſeen theſe Kingdoms in a manner as full of People as Hives are of Bees, where now there are none to be found, having been all murder'd by the Spaniards; ſo that there are only naked Walls and empty Houſes to be ſeen in many once populous Cities. The Orders given by the moſt Catholic Queen Iſabella to General De-Larés were very prudent and uſeful, but he did not think fit to obſerve 'em; and the Relation he gave the King and Queen of matters from time to time, were very far from Truth, tho ſupported by the Teſtimony of divers Indians. He acted quite contrary to the Inſtructions given him, violating all the Rules of the Law of Nature and Reaſon; by which 'tis evident he went beyond his Commiſſion, and prevaricated in thoſe Letters he directed to the Council of Spain, by intermixing [Page] Falſhoods in his account, and diſguiſing what was true. And 'tis certain if your Majeſty had been inform'd how tyrannically this Governor treated the Indians, you would never have entruſted your Authority in his hands; and by conſequence your Majeſty is oblig'd to declare that you deteſt the Proceedings of this Governor as injuſt and tyrannical, and to abrogate all he has done, and declare that the Indians ought not to have been ſubjected to the Dominion of particular Men, and that all the Injuries they have ſuffer'd are contrary to the Law of God and Nature, as well as to the Imperial and Canon Laws; ſeeing they have been tormented in their Perſons, moleſted in their Liberty and Eſtates, and condemn'd to die. Your Majeſty is oblig'd, as you are a juſt Prince, and an Enemy to Violence, to ſuppreſs theſe vexatious Practices, and to deliver the poor Indians from the Tyranny of thoſe that have oppreſs'd and tormented 'em.

If your Majeſty neglect to take this cruel Yoke from their Necks, they will infallibly periſh. And that lovely Country which is naturally fruitful and populous will ſoon become a vaſt Deſert; for the Spaniards that go thither, don't go to people the Country, but to inrich themſelves by pillaging it. Thoſe that have lately gon into Hiſpaniola, and other depopulated places, and carried thither the Commodities of Europe, have not been able to diſpoſe of 'em, there not being People to buy 'em: So that theſe Diſorders are directly oppoſite to your Majeſty's Intereſt; for what advantage can you receive from the ruin of thoſe People? And what will the World ſay of ſo juſt a Prince as your Majeſty, if when you are inform'd of the miſchief don by your Subjects in thoſe vaſt Kingdoms, and among ſuch multitudes of People, you ſhould not apply ſutable Remedies to ſo dangerous a Diſeaſe? It can't [Page] of Gold out of the Mines, and condemning others that were remote from any Mines to other kinds of Tribute. Some of the Spaniards he carried with him, ſhook off the Obedience they ow'd the King, and ſet up for ſo many Tyrants, committing Violence and Spoil beyond what can be eaſily imagin'd in the Province of Xavagua, one of the fineſt and moſt populous Countries in the Indies. The King being inform'd of theſe Ravages, wrote his mind to General De-Larés, and order'd him to put a ſtop to the Cruelty and Violence of the Spaniards on the Indians, and to govern 'em as a free People, which Orders were not well executed: For the Spaniards ſhut up the Indians by force in the Mines, to employ 'em in the toilſom work of digging for Gold, which requires a very robuſt Conſtitution: And when they had got this Gold, they were forc'd to be all day in the Water to waſh it. At firſt the Indians were kept in the Mines for a whole year, till the Spaniards found they were not able to endure ſuch hard and continual Labor, and therefore gave 'em ſome time of reſpite, contenting themſelves to keep 'em only for five Months in digging Gold, after which they employ'd 'em forty days in melting it. This they pretended was a time of reſt for theſe poor Creatures, tho this latter ſort of Work is more toilſom than that of grubbing up of Roots, and clearing Ground that is over-run with Wood: ſo that they don't know what a Holy-day or Sunday means throughout the whole year. They are ſometimes almoſt famiſh'd, having nothing given 'em ſave a few dry Roots that yield but little Nutriment: Tho the moſt liberal of the Spaniards diſtribute a Porker once a week among half a hundred Indians, which is little more than every one a taſte. Nay ſome of 'em have not been willing to give the Indians that ſerv'd 'em any thing at all to eat, but [Page] out of mere Avarice ſent 'em to feed like Beaſts in the fields, or to gather fruit upon the Mountains, after which they forc'd 'em to work two or three days together without eating. One Man frankly confeſs'd to me that he had got a great Eſtate in a little time by this kind of frugality. What ſtrength can Bodies that are naturally of a tender Conſtitution be ſuppos'd to have when fed after this manner, and oppreſs'd beſides with exceſſive Labor? 'Tis impoſſible they ſhould ſubſiſt long under this cruel Bondage; which makes 'em lead a ſorrowful, languiſhing and miſerable Life, being deſtitute both of convenient Food and Reſt.

Tho the King order'd each Indian to be paid in proportion to his Work, that they might have ſomething to live on, and be capable of buying themſelves Neceſſaries; this Command has been ill obſerv'd, for they had nothing at all for many years; ſo that they were put to the greateſt Extremity, and ſuffer'd Hunger to that degree that they deſir'd nothing more than to die, that they might find an end of their Miſeries. Theſe are the Calamities the poor Indians have ſuffer'd in the Service of Chriſtians, who have had no regard either to their Souls or Bodies.

As for thoſe Orders that have been given the Spaniards to treat the Indians as a free People, not to over-charge 'em with Labor, not to do 'em any▪ Injuſtice, and to let 'em mind their own Affairs, and order their buſineſs as they ſaw good, they have bin no more heeded than the other. For they have been made mere Slaves, and certainly have not ſo much liberty as Beaſts. And the Spaniards, as good Chriſtians as they are, are not at all mov'd by all the Calamities theſe poor Wretches undergo, but look upon them as the vileſt of Slaves, and not fit to have the liberty of doing any thing they have a mind to [Page] do. They are conſtantly expos'd to the Cruelty of theſe Tyrants, and not treated like human Creatures, but wild Beaſts, who are kept in Chains by their Owners, and diſpos'd of at their pleaſure. If they ſometimes let 'em go to their own Country, they will not ſuffer 'em to carry their Wives and Children with 'em, nor hardly any thing to eat; ſo that they are preſently conſtrain'd to return, while the Reflection they make on their deplorable Condition often makes 'em deſire death to relieve 'em. If the exceſſive Labors impos'd on 'em make 'em ſick, as it often happens (becauſe, as I have obſerv'd, the natural Temper of their Bodies is none of the ſtrongeſt) the Spaniards do not in the leaſt pity their Condition, but oppreſs 'em with intolerable Tasks, reproaching 'em as lazy, and only feigning themſelves ill to be excus'd from Labor. And when they ſee their Sickneſs increaſe, ſo that they become unſerviceable, they ſend 'em to their own Country, which is ſometimes forty or fifty Leagues diſtance, giving 'em nothing but a few ſapleſs Roots to eat by the way, ſo that they often die miſerably, not being able to accompliſh ſuch a Journey. Sometimes we find ſome of 'em on the Road juſt ready to expire, others groaning hideouſly in the Agonies of Death, and others quite dead. Thoſe of 'em that are able to ſpeak, ſay nothing but Hunger, Hunger. Your Majeſty by this account may ſee that the Governor of the New World had little regard to the Orders that were given him, to treat the Indians as a free People.

That Governor was expreſly charg'd not to do any thing to the Indians that might hinder 'em from receiving the Principles of the Chriſtian Religion, or prejudice their Lives or Health, becauſe the King had no deſign to deſtroy 'em: yet this Man ſaw infinit numbers of 'em periſh that were imploy'd in [Page] melting of Gold. The Labors exacted of 'em were like a furious Peſtilence, which cuts off multitudes of People in a little time; and yet this ſad Spectacle could not engage him to revoke his cruel Orders, or ſo much as mitigate the ſeverity of 'em. However he knew well enough that he was not able to excuſe his Proceedings either before God or the King, being expreſly contrary to the Charge that had been given him; and therefore us'd ſo much Subtilty and Artifice in the management of this Affair, that none of his Cruelties on the Indians were known in Spain for thoſe ſeven years in which he tyranniz'd over the New World. They that came after him, trod in his ſteps by deſtroying the Indians, tho his Catholic Majeſty recommended it to 'em to induce the Indians to receive the Catholic Faith, by ſhewing all kindneſs to 'em, and not to make War upon 'em on the account of Religion, or to conſtrain 'em to embrace Chriſtianity by force, but rather to treat 'em as the Kings's Liege People, impoſing a certain Tribute on 'em, as on his other Subjects. All this was expreſs'd in the Inſtructions given to Pedrarias, when he was made Governor of the Indies; notwithſtanding which he enter'd America juſt as a hungry Wolf falls on a flock of Sheep, and made horrible ſlaughters on all ſides, uſing ſuch unheard of Torments, and making ſuch waſte and ſpoil, that nothing like it is to be found in any Hiſtory. He might have been look'd upon as a heavy Plague, ſent by God to execute his Wrath in extirpating the Indians. This Man, and thoſe that accompanied him, cheated your Majeſty of five or ſix Millions of Gold, and 'tis impoſſible to compute the Spoil they made in the Indies. They depopulated a Country of above four hundred Leagues, as rich, fertil and pleaſant as any in the World. All this Tyranny was us'd to make the Indians deliver up [Page] all their Gold: But by the juſt Judgment of God they made no great advantage of their Robberies: and it would have bin more for their intereſt to have kept the Indians alive, and to have made a conſiderable Profit out of their hard Labors. If a particular account ſhould be given your Majeſty of all the Diſorders committed by the Spaniards in the noble Province of Nicaraqua, your Majeſty would be aſtoniſh'd; and if they had not ſtill continued their Tyranny over theſe poor People, every day killing and deſtroying 'em, I ſhould not have expos'd my ſelf to the fatigue of ſo tedious and troubleſom a Voyage, to give your Majeſty an account of it. When your Majeſty is aſſur'd that the Spaniards have depopulated ſo many vaſt and noble Kingdoms, and that they ſtill continue to deſtroy whatever eſcap'd the fury of former Governors; when you are convinc'd that they have carried Fire and Sword through ſeven Kingdoms that are larger than Spain, your Majeſty will eaſily be perſwaded that what I have ſaid is no Exaggeration. I have ſeen theſe Kingdoms in a manner as full of People as Hives are of Bees, where now there are none to be found, having been all murder'd by the Spaniards; ſo that there are only naked Walls and empty Houſes to be ſeen in many once populous Cities. The Orders given by the moſt Catholic Queen Iſabella to General De-Larés were very prudent and uſeful, but he did not think fit to obſerve 'em; and the Relation he gave the King and Queen of matters from time to time, were very far from Truth, tho ſupported by the Teſtimony of divers Indians. He acted quite contrary to the Inſtructions given him, violating all the Rules of the Law of Nature and Reaſon; by which 'tis evident he went beyond his Commiſſion, and prevaricated in thoſe Letters he directed to the Council of Spain, by intermixing [Page] Falſhoods in his account, and diſguiſing what was true. And 'tis certain if your Majeſty had been inform'd how tyrannically this Governor treated the Indians, you would never have entruſted your Authority in his hands; and by conſequence your Majeſty is oblig'd to declare that you deteſt the Proceedings of this Governor as injuſt and tyrannical, and to abrogate all he has done, and declare that the Indians ought not to have been ſubjected to the Dominion of particular Men, and that all the Injuries they have ſuffer'd are contrary to the Law of God and Nature, as well as to the Imperial and Canon Laws; ſeeing they have been tormented in their Perſons, moleſted in their Liberty and Eſtates, and condemn'd to die. Your Majeſty is oblig'd, as you are a juſt Prince, and an Enemy to Violence, to ſuppreſs theſe vexatious Practices, and to deliver the poor Indians from the Tyranny of thoſe that have oppreſs'd and tormented 'em.

If your Majeſty neglect to take this cruel Yoke from their Necks, they will infallibly periſh. And that lovely Country which is naturally fruitful and populous will ſoon become a vaſt Deſert; for the Spaniards that go thither, don't go to people the Country, but to inrich themſelves by pillaging it. Thoſe that have lately gon into Hiſpaniola, and other depopulated places, and carried thither the Commodities of Europe, have not been able to diſpoſe of 'em, there not being People to buy 'em: So that theſe Diſorders are directly oppoſit to your Majeſty's Intereſt; for what advantage can you receive from the ruin of thoſe People? And what will the World ſay of ſo juſt a Prince as your Majeſty, if when you are inform'd of the miſchief don by your Subjects in thoſe vaſt Kingdoms, and among ſuch multitudes of People, you ſhould not apply ſutable Remedies to ſo dangerous a Diſeaſe? it can't [Page] be thought that your Majeſty, whoſe Mind abounds with ſo much Goodneſs, and ſo great a Zeal for Equity and Juſtice, can tolerate ſuch cruel Oppreſſions as theſe.

To what has been ſaid, it may be added, to demonſtrate that the power the Spaniards have over the Indians is prejudicial to the Crown of Spain, that by this means your Majeſty loſes an infinit number of Subjects, who are every day cut off without any lawful occaſion; whereas if ſuffer'd to live, they would chearfully ſubmit to your Majeſty's Government when they ſaw the difference between your Majeſty's Yoke, and that Slavery in which they are held by their private Maſters. If your Majeſty had once receiv'd 'em into the number of your Subjects, ſo that they might be ſecur'd from the inhuman Severities they now daily endure, they would love and ſerve your Majeſty with incredible Zeal, being naturally inclin'd to be very ſubmiſſive to their Princes.

Your Majeſty may farther conſider, that you loſe immenſe Riches by the cruel depopulation of the Indies, which otherwiſe you might juſtly acquire; for 'tis impoſſible for the Spaniards to ſubſiſt long in the Indies, if the Natives be exterminated. And thoſe Treaſures ſufficient to enrich all Spain, would be no ſmall advantage to promote your Deſigns, and enable you to reſiſt your Enemies. If there come no Mony from the Indies, but that Spring of Treaſure be ſuffer'd to dry up, Spain muſt neceſſarily ſuſtain great Inconveniences for want of it. Experience already ſhews that the Indies don't furniſh us with ſo great a quantity as in time paſt, and 'tis likely to diminiſh more and more for time to come. Beſides, the manner of extorting it from the Indians can't poſſibly laſt long, becauſe 'tis too violent a courſe. The Iſle of Hiſpaniola is an unexceptionable [Page] Inſtance of what I ſay; for whereas above three Millions of very fine Gold were drawn out of it at firſt, it cannot now afford the tenth part of that Sum. The leaſt Reflection your Majeſty can make will eaſily convince you how your Revenues every day diminiſh. Your Majeſty has nothing certain and ſtable in the Indies, if the Land be not cultivated, and the Inhabitants preſerv'd for thoſe Labors that are ſo advantageous. You have now but a ſmall number of Indians in all New Spain, from whence your Majeſty might annually have drawn a Million of Ducats, if the Indians had been preſerv'd, and your Majeſty's Intereſt at firſt regarded. There have been yet greater Confuſions and Diſorders in Peru, and the Miſchief daily increaſes; from which Kingdom your Majeſty might yearly receive two or three Millions of Gold if the Indians were not treated with ſo much Injuſtice and Inhumanity, many of 'em having been murder'd, togther with their great King Atabalipa. All the Gold the Chriſtians have taken by force in Peru would of right have belong'd to your Majeſty, becauſe that Indian Prince would have voluntarily preſented himſelf to your Majeſty with all his Treaſures. The Church has likewiſe receiv'd great damage by theſe Cruelties; for as your Majeſty has been fruſtrated of thoſe immenſe Riches, ſo the Church has loſt an infinit number of Souls who have periſh'd in their Ignorance, when they might have been taught the Myſteries of our Faith: ſo that the Loſſes ſuſtain'd both by Church and State are irreparable.

The Kingdom of Spain, which your Majeſty rules with ſo much Equity, is ſurrounded with Enemies, and in danger of being waſted and ruin'd by the Turks and Moors, thoſe declar'd Enemies of the Catholic Faith: Becauſe God, who is the juſt Judg and Soveraign Lord of the Univerſe, is grievouſly [Page] offended with the Violence and Maſſacres which the Spaniards have committed in the Indies, where they have oppreſt and ſlaughter'd innumerable multitudes of People. Theſe Indians have rational Souls form'd after the image and likeneſs of God, and ranſom'd by the Blood of his Son, who keeps an account of 'em, and will not think 'em of no value, how ignorant and barbarous ſoever they ſeem to be. He was pleas'd to chooſe Spain to the Service of carrying the Light of the Goſpel into the New World, and to engage thoſe Nations to entertain the Chriſtian Faith. And it ſeem'd as if the Almighty had diſcover'd all theſe Temporal Riches to the Spaniards, as a recompenſe for thoſe Spiritual Pleaſures with which they were to enrich the Indies. But tho he open'd a way for 'em into thoſe vaſt Regions, ſo wealthy, fertil and pleaſant, ſo full of Mines of Gold, Silver and precious Stones; inſtead of being thankful for all theſe Favors, they have committed the moſt hainous Crimes to provoke him. Now 'tis uſual for God to diſtribute his Puniſhments by a rule of proportion, adjuſting them to the nature of the Offence. If Men ſin by Pride, he covers 'em with Confuſion and Shame; if they get any thing unjuſtly through Avarice, he often ſuffers 'em to loſe their own Goods; and they that have ſtolen, are in turn rob'd themſelves. Thoſe that oppreſs and murder others, he permits to fall into the hands of ſuch as treat 'em with the like Cruelty: They that take away their Neighbors Wives and violate 'em, have ſometimes the ſame Outrages committed on their own. And ſuch as uſurp Kingdoms that don't belong to 'em, by God's Judgment come to ſee their own Kingdoms invaded by their Enemies; and thus it is with other Judgments which frequently anſwer the different kinds of Sin. The Holy Scripture and other Hiſtories are full of Inſtances to this [Page] purpoſe; and Experience every day furniſhes us with ſuch marks of the Divine Diſpleaſure as theſe. The Moors once over-run Spain, and this was interpreted as a Judgment from God to puniſh the Crime of King Roderick, who raviſh'd the Daughter of Count Don Julian, tho 'tis more probable it was to puniſh the Crimes of the People of Spain, and the Injuries they offer'd their Neighbours, and that the Crime of this King only fill'd up the meaſure of thoſe Vices.

'Tis convenient to inform your Majeſty what is thought by Perſons of the beſt ſenſe, who are govern'd by no Prejudice, but only compaſſionate the Sufferings of the poor Indians. I have heard many ſuch Perſons ſay, I pray God theſe extravagant Cruelties don't one day fall heavy upon Spain! It may be ſuch words as theſe that drop from many wiſe Men, are ſo many Advertiſements and Menaces from God, who has been highly incens'd againſt this Nation by the Crimes of the Spaniards. And we already ſee that Spain is reduc'd to great Neceſſities, and Mony is very ſcarce among us; tho more Treaſures have bin brought hither than Solomon poſſeſs'd in all his Glory: Moſt of thoſe that have brought theſe Riches from the Indies have made a miſerable end, and their Children are reduc'd to extreme Poverty, which juſtifies the old Maxim, Vix gaudet tertius Haeres, the third Heir ſeldom enjoys an ill-gotten Eſtate; and that Paſſage of holy Scripture, He that oppreſſeth the poor to increaſe his Riches—ſhall ſurely come to want, Prov. 22. 16. Becauſe, as has bin ſaid, the Divine Judgments bear ſome proportion to the Crimes that Men commit. If your Majeſty have the curioſity to inform your ſelf of the detail of all theſe matters, we can ſhew you a Liſt of the principal Tyrants that have committed the greateſt Diſorders in the Indies, by pillaging and [Page] maſſacring thoſe poor People, and have themſelves all died in a dreadful and deſpairing manner. It ſeems their Violence and Cruelty, the great quantity of Blood ſhed in the Maſſacres they have commited, and their other vicious Actions, the effects of which are yet to be ſeen, cry aloud to Heaven for Vengeance; while the Tears, and Sighs, and Entreaties of ſo many poor Innocents have filled Heaven and Earth, and put all the World into a Conſternation, to the utter ſhame and reproach of all the Spaniſh Nation, and of the Kings of Spain too. Since then it depends only on your Majeſty to lay the Ax to the Root of all theſe Diſorders, and to do Juſtice to theſe afflicted People, it will be an Argument of your Prudence and Equity to employ your Power to deliver the Indians from the terrible Oppreſſions and Calamities under which they yet groan.

Your Majeſty may be pleas'd farther to obſerve, that if the Spaniards have an Authority given 'em over the Indians, however it may be qualified, they will infallibly abuſe it; for being naturally proud, they'l become ſtill leſs obedient to your Majeſty's Commands: Nay the immenſe Sums which they'l get in the Indies will enable 'em to confederate with other Nations, to withdraw their Allegiance entirely from your Majeſty at long-run, and to ſupport one another in their Rebellion. We already ſee that the richeſt of 'em, that flatter themſelves with the Title of Conquerors, are ſo intolerably preſumptuous, as to ſet themſelves above the Rules of common Juſtice. Your Majeſty's Vice-roy ſaid not long ſince in one of his Letters, that the Indians ought to acknowlege no other God nor King than himſelf. Your Majeſty therefore ſhould take it for granted that it is not conſiſtent with the Security of your Government, that there ſhould be any great [Page] Lord in the Continent of the Weſt-Indies, inveſted with an abſolute Juriſdiction over the Indians; this Power ought to be inſeparable from your Royal Perſon: 'Tis not convenient for the future to give any one the Title of Count, Marqueſs, or Duke over either the Indians or Spaniards that are ſetled there; becauſe 'twill prompt 'em to think too highly of themſelves, and to advance themſelves above their Condition, which may have very miſchievous Conſequences: In a word, this may probably open 'em a way to make themſelves Kings of the Indies, and thereby deveſt your Majeſty of the Right you have to thoſe Countries.

Nor will it be more ſafe to truſt this Power in the hands of thoſe Gentlemen that compoſe your Majeſty's Council in the Indies, which may alſo be attended with Inconveniences; for 'tis impoſſible for the Affairs of America to be well adminiſtred if the Members of that Council be abſolute Lords of the Indians: To be ſure then the King of Spain ſhall never know the truth of what paſſes there; this would produce nothing but Fraud and Impoſture, and be an infallible means to compleat the Ruin of the Indies. They that govern in the Indies, induſtriouſly endeavour to prevent the Court of Spain from receiving any true Information how matters ſtand there, that they may ſecurely pillage the Country, and live at their own Diſcretion. They have oppos'd thoſe Friers whoſe Zeal carried 'em to America to preach, and have hinder'd 'em from reaping the fruit they might have expected from their Labors. The Judges and other Officers were afraid the Converſion of the Indians would be prejudicial to their Temporal Intereſt; and Avarice bore ſway in their Minds inſtead of that Zeal they ought to have had for the Salvation of thoſe Infidels. God is witneſs that this is true, and 'tis not [Page] difficult to prove it. They continued to perſecute the Monks, till one of 'em, pitying them iſerable caſe of theſe Idolaters, came on purpoſe to inform the King of Spain of the Violence of his Officers, and of the Obſtructions they rais'd againſt the publication of the Goſpel there. Cardinal Ximenes at that time manag'd the Affairs of Spain, who being well inform'd of the Affairs in the Indies, immediately reſolv'd to deveſt the Council there of the Juriſdiction they pretended to have over the Indians, as being very pernicious. But the Kings of Spain are at ſo vaſt a diſtance from thoſe Countries, that they have not been able ſpeedily to redreſs all the preſſing Grievances that inceſſantly afflict thoſe miſerable People. Their Laws and Orders given at ſo great a diſtance have no great Efficacy: and 'tis next to impoſſible for 'em to have a true account what Perſecutions the Indians ſuffer: Or if a true Information ſhould be had, they can only give ſome general Orders, without deſcending to make ſpecial proviſion againſt all thoſe Miſchiefs that can't be well known unleſs they were upon the place where they are acted. Beſides, the Perſons to whom theſe Orders are directed, commonly conceal 'em, or defer the execution of 'em; ſo that when they go about to fulfil 'em, 'tis too late, and the Remedies applied prove unſeaſonable and uſeleſs. Nay, they are often ſo wicked as to act in direct contradiction to what is commanded 'em; and flatter themſelves with hopes of never being call'd to account, becauſe they are ſo remote from Spain.

If your Majeſty would reſerve to your ſelf alone the Juriſdiction of the Indies, without ſharing it among the Spaniards, it would be the greateſt happineſs imaginable to the Indians, and nothing could more rejoice 'em, becauſe then they would be convinc'd they ſhould be no more expos'd to the Inſults [Page] and Perſecutions of their Enemies; and would have ſo great a reſpect for your Majeſty, obey you ſo univerſally, and love you ſo ſincerely, that they would be always ready to ſacrifice their Lives for your Service. You could then require nothing of 'em, but they would do it chearfully, becauſe they ſeem to have a great propenſion to ſubmit to your Royal Crown; whereas if the Spaniards are their abſolute Maſters, as their Obedience will be forc'd, ſo it will be of no long continuance, and they'l do all they can to get free of ſo ſevere a Yoke.

Moreover, when the Indians are once perſwaded they are under your Protection, that they may live ſafely in their own Houſes, and need fear no injury either in their Perſons or Goods; all that are retir'd to the Mountains will ſoon come down to dwell in the Plains, as they were wont heretofore. For abundance of 'em have retreated to avoid the Cruelties of the Spaniards; and chuſe rather to be devour'd by wild Beaſts in the Mountains, than to fall into the hands of their Perſecutors, tho Chriſtians. The poor Wretches ſuffer a world of Inconveniences in thoſe places whither they have retir'd, wanting almoſt all the Neceſſaries of Life: And 'tis impoſſible to find 'em out to inſtruct 'em in the Chriſtian Faith: whereas if they liv'd together in Towns and Cities, they might eaſily be taught Religion, and a regular ſort of Government eſtabliſh'd among 'em, whereby they would be brought to the Service of the True God, which would become familiar to 'em: By this means the Ground would be cultivated, the Roads frequented and render'd more ſafe, and the Country no longer be deſert and forlorn: The Spaniards would be ſupplied with Proviſions, and convenient places to lodg in on their Journeys, and have a thouſand other Advantages of which they [Page] are now depriv'd by the Indians deſerting their Habitations.

Your Majeſty may remember that after a mature examination of this Affair by many learned Men and able Divines, they unanimouſly declar'd, that the Dominion of the Indies could not be juſtly given to private Men, nor diſmember'd from your Majeſty's Crown. This Determination was ſignified to Ferdinando Cortez, with orders to put it in execution. Your Majeſty was pleas'd on the ſame account again to call together an Aſſembly of Perſons of great Learning and Virtue, who after a long debate, declar'd that the Spaniards could not lawfully be made Lords of the Indies. After which your Majeſty gave moſt expreſs Orders to prohibit it, revoking all Grants to the contrary procur'd on thoſe falſe Accounts and Miſrepreſentations that had been given you. Your Majeſty commanded the Governor of Florida to put theſe Edicts in execution, as may be ſtill ſeen by his Inſtructions. Among the principal Articles of theſe Conſtitutions, one is, That the Indians ought to be accounted free, and not obliged to any other Services than the reſt of your Majeſty's Subjects who enjoy their Liberty under your Government: That they ought to pay Tithes to God, unleſs excus'd for ſome time, and likewiſe ſuch Tribute to your Majeſty as is impos'd lawfully, and in proportion to the Goods they poſſeſs, and the quality of their Land, according to the reaſonable Eſtimate of thoſe that govern 'em.

If it be deſir'd that the Indians ſhould be taught the Catholic Faith, and brought to embrace our Cuſtoms, while they keep up a ſort of Government among themſelves, your Majeſty ought not to give them as Slaves to any one whatſoever, either for ever, or for a limited time; for this would be to expoſe [Page] 'em to the ſame Miſeries they have hitherto endur'd, and perhaps to increaſe them: for after this there will be no dependence to be had on the Orders and Prohibitions made in favour of the Indians, whatever Penalties ſhall be annex'd to facilitate their Execution; for thoſe that have bin already made are very wiſe Edicts, and might be very uſeful if put in practice. And one chief Reaſon againſt giving the Indians for Vaſſals to the Spaniards, is the ſmall account theſe latter make of the Lives of thoſe poor Creatures; for 'tis not to be imagin'd with what Contempt they look upon 'em, unleſs by thoſe that have ſeen it: Their exceſſive Covetouſneſs induces 'em to make 'em labor beyond their Strength, not caring what becomes of 'em ſo they get any thing by 'em. If any Perſons give your Majeſty a contrary account of theſe matters, you ought to look upon 'em as Enemies to the State, and diſaffected to your Majeſty's Service.

If your Majeſty be convinc'd by the Arguments produc'd, you will prevent the Spaniards from committing a great many Violences and Murders, of which they are every day guilty. You will ſecure Spain from this Contagion, in preventing your People at home from partaking of the Sins of their fellow-Subjects, and ſharing the Plunder with them which they have ſo unjuſtly gotten. For all Men of ſenſe acknowledg that the Crimes of the Spaniards in America render all Spain obnoxious to the Curſe of God; that the courſe they take to become rich is unjuſt; that the Gold and Silver they bring from the Indies is ſtolen, and that they are oblig'd to reſtore it to the right Owners whom they have unjuſtly plunder'd: which likewiſe evidences that thoſe that partake of theſe uſurp'd Riches have no good Title to 'em; for they ought [Page] to have no Commerce with thoſe publick Robbers, nor to ſell 'em any Commodities for their ſtolen Gold; they ſhould not ſo much as receive Preſents from 'em, or conſent to be their Heirs: And if ſo, it follows that all Spain is become guilty of the Crimes of thoſe Men; ſo that there are few but have reaſon to be under trouble of Conſcience, and are in danger of Damnation, becauſe there are ſcarce any who have not participated of the Rapine of thoſe that have come from the New World.

It has bin objected by the Spaniards, that if they have not a Juriſdiction over the Indians as their Vaſſals, it will be impoſſible for 'em to live in the Indies, and conſequently that your Majeſty will not be able to keep thoſe Kingdoms that have bin conquer'd in your Name, nor to publiſh the Catholic Faith there. For they ſay, if the Spaniards can't ſubſiſt there, the King of Spain can't preſerve his Dominion over the Indians, nor maintain Monks among 'em to preach to 'em, ſo that they muſt be deſtitute of the Light of the Goſpel; and thoſe of 'em that have already receiv'd it, will gradually loſe it for want of freſh Inſtruction, and ſo return to their former Idolatry, and other Sins.

They that reaſon after this manner, do it not ſo much from a Principle of true Zeal and Compaſſion, leſt ſo many Souls ſhould periſh, as from a deſire of oppreſſing theſe People, and that they may grow rich by the Spoil they get from 'em. 'Tis only their privat Intereſt makes 'em talk at this rate; for they are not at all concern'd about your Majeſty's Intereſt, or the Salvation of the poor Indians. 'Tis not the Good of the Public, or the Glory of God that moves 'em; for their Conduct ſufficiently ſhews what little reſpect they have to the Law of God, which forbids 'em to do the leaſt hurt to any one, how great an advantage ſoever it might procure 'em. [Page] They ought to know, if they have the true Sentiments of Chriſtianity, that tho your Majeſty ſhould run the risk of loſing all your Conqueſts in the Indies, and be render'd uncapable of cauſing the Chriſtian Faith to be preach'd among the Indians; it were better to forgo all ſuch great Advantages, than to obtain 'em by ruining the Inhabitants after the manner hitherto practis'd. It had bin no great Miſfortune to your Majeſty, if your Empire had not extended ſo far as the Indies; and 'tis an ill way of going to work, to endeavour to eſtabliſh Chriſtianity there by ſuch criminal Methods. The reaſon of which is evident, becauſe we are forbidden to do evil that good may come, Rom. 3. 8. God is not pleas'd with the greateſt Sacrifices if polluted with any Sin, but abhors all ſuch Offerings. 'Tis a moſt hainous Sin, and worthy of eternal Damnation, to maſſacre Infidels on pretence of introducing the Chriſtian Faith among 'em, and of extirpating a part of 'em to ſave the reſt. God dos not require Men to receive his Word on ſuch hard terms, and abſolutely forbids ſuch a kind of Zeal for the Salvation of Souls as this. He would not have us pretend to be more concern'd about the Salvation of Souls than himſelf. That which he requires of us is to keep within the compaſs of his Laws, and not to exceed the Limits he has preſcrib'd. For 'twould be an Argument of much Stupidity, and a great ſin for any one to throw a Child into a Well to baptize it, and ſo to drown it on pretence of ſaving its Soul. And is it not a greater Crime, and more odious and abominable in the ſight of God, to ſcandalize, deſtroy and maſſacre ſo many thouſand People, under the pretext of putting the reſt in the way of Salvation? 'Tis our buſineſs to do all the Good we can in conforming our ſelves to God's Commandments, and keeping within the bounds he has ſet us, leaving the reſt to himſelf. [Page] But this is a falſe Gloſs which the Spaniards uſe to cover their Avarice; for the Salvation of the Indians is no part of their Care; all they mind is rather to ruin and inſlave 'em, than to make Chriſtians of 'em. Therefore in oppoſition to all their falſe Pretences, we aſſure your Majeſty, that if you pleaſe to reſerve to your ſelf alone the Dominion of the Indies without admitting the Spaniards to aſſume the quality of Lords and Maſters over the Indians, it will be an infallible means to eſtabliſh the Catholic Faith among them. The Spaniards will be able to live commodiouſly among 'em in greater numbers than they have hitherto done; and all other Inconveniences will be remov'd, which will mightly conduce to the Glory of God, the Advantage of the Indians, the Aggrandizement of your Empire, and the general Good of all Spain.

FINIS.

Notes

*

A Blanc is about the value of a Half-penny.

↵

§

THE ART OF Travelling to Advantage.

[Page]

'TIS commonly thought that the Advantages of Travelling are always out-balanc'd by the Inconveniences that attend it; that tho a Man is at never ſo much Charge in his Voyages, he muſt ſtill undergo a great deal of Hardſhip; and when all is done, the Profit he reaps is not to be compar'd with the Fatigues he endures. But nothing can be more falſe than this Opinion; for in truth, the advantage of Travelling infinitely ſurmounts the trouble of it: and as the Experiment of a Chymiſt, whatever it coſts him, is very well rewarded when he makes ſome conſiderable diſcovery of Nature; ſo that Traveller that knows how to improve his Mind as he ought by his Voyages, is always well requited for the Inconveniences he has ſuſtain'd.

The Prejudice that ſome entertain, that the want of that Experience which is to be gain'd in Voyages and actual Diſcoveries, may be ſupplied by reading Books that treat of ſuch matters, or by the force of the Imagination, which gives its own ſhape to all things it repreſents, and never makes 'em appear as they are in themſelves, is a mere Illuſion: For whatever [Page] ever foreſtals and prepoſſeſſes the Judgment is ſo little capable of forming the Mind, that 'tis the very thing which corrupts it, and deprives it of its natural reliſh for Truth, and that diſpoſition to receive it, which ſerves as a foundation for Reaſon to build upon. That which is found in Books is not always true; for beſides that Decency will not permit Men to write but within the compaſs of certain Rules, Flattery, the humor of the Time and Nation wherein a Man lives, the public Intereſt, or the management of private Affairs, always make ſome difference between what a Man writes, and what may be thought by thoſe among whom he lives: Which forms an almoſt invincible Obſtacle in the way of Truth, and hinders her from ſhewing her ſelf in her proper ſhape.

But in Travelling we find all imaginable help and aſſiſtance to furniſh our Minds with Experience and Knowledg; for what is conceal'd in Books is by this means openly diſcover'd to us; and we judg of things with more ſafety, becauſe we ſee 'em with greater perſpicuity when the Curtain is drawn aſide. When we go to the very Principles of things, and draw Water at the Fountain, the taſte and quality of it muſt needs be moſt agreeable. This is the way to know Men as they really are, and not only as the Intereſt of ſome Perſons makes 'em appear to be; and to judg of their Actions, Manners, and Politicks in themſelves, and not on the Credit of foreign Relations; ſo that the Mind receiving thence a pure and vivid light, that ſets it above the danger of Prejudice, is at the ſame time confirm'd and improv'd on ſolid grounds, and at length rais'd to the upper Region of Policy where its great Phenomena appear.

We are taught in the Book of Eccleſiaſtes, that to become wiſe a Man muſt go into ſtrange Countries, [Page] Sapiens in terram alienigenarum Gentium pertranſiet; and it follows afterwards, in abſconditis ſuis conciliabitur, by that means he ſhall be acquainted with the moſt profound Notions of Wiſdom, that is, of RELIGION; Occulta Proverbiorum exquiret, he'll make a ſcrutiny into their Maxims, Manners and Cuſtoms, that is, into MORALITY: bona enim & mala in hominibus tentabit; he'll have the advantage by converſing with the Living (which is much better than to conſult the Dead) to know the ſources of that Good and Evil which Men do either to themſelves, or one another, that is, in one word, POLICY. Theſe are the three fundamental Principles by which a wiſe Man ought to regulate his Conduct, and in theſe he ought to accompliſh himſelf by Travelling: For a Man is confirm'd in his Religion by the knowledg he acquires of the importance and certainty of it; he forms a ſolid Scheme of Morality from the different Practices he obſerves in the World, and informs himſelf in the true Rules of Policy by the uſe he finds other People make of 'em. From which it follows, that if a Man would be wiſe, he ought to travel; and 'tis hardly to be expected that any one who neglects this method, will prove eminent for Prudence and Politicks.

This Art of Travelling to advantage requires four Conditions that are all abſolutely neceſſary in every one that would ſucceed in it. The firſt is, That his Mind be already form'd and fix'd, and yet this in ſuch a manner as not to be ſtrictly determin'd. The ſecond is, That he be not prepoſſeſs'd with Prejudices. The third is, That his Capacity bear a proportion to the Science or Buſineſs to which he is devoted, and in which he deſires to be accompliſh'd. And the fourth is, That he want no aſſiſtance neceſſary to bring him into acquaintance with the [Page] beſt Maſters, and that he know their Sentiments at the firſt hand.

I ſay, the firſt Condition is to have the Mind form'd, but not determin'd; that is, it ſhould not be ſo crude as eagerly to receive all ſorts of Impreſſions, and yet ſufficiently diſpos'd to give a free admiſſion to Truth, which will perhaps be underſtood better by an Example. One that travels too young is immediately diſſatisfied in the exerciſ of the Religion he profeſſes, by the different manners of Worſhip he diſcovers abroad; therefore the greenneſs of his Age makes him run a greater risk than is commonly thought in the diſcuſſion of matters of Religion, tho it renders him very fit to endure Fatigues, the difference of Climats, of Food, and of the various Seaſons of the Year. Nor is a Man any more fit to improve by Travelling when too much advanc'd in Years, becauſe his Mind is too much determin'd, and in no very good diſpoſition to learn what he thinks he knows well enough already. So that that part of a Man's Age from twenty five to thirty five is the moſt proper time for Travelling, becauſe his Mind is neither wholly crude, nor entirely form'd; that which he has already learn'd only diſpoſes him to judg the better, while he ſeeks to be inform'd after another manner; and thus he makes ſo fair a deciſion of what he learns, that all the Sophiſms in the World will never ſhake him. By this 'tis eaſy to ſee whence it is that ſo few are the better for Travelling, and can only give an account of ſuch Circumſtances as Soldiers and Poſtilions might eaſily relate; 'tis to be attributed either to their too great Youth or too great Age.

The ſecond Qualification of a Traveller is, That he be void of Prejudice in every thing, about which he deſires to receive Information; becauſe Prejudice produces ſuch an Effect upon our Reaſon, as a Film [Page] does upon the Eye; it caſts ſuch a Miſt upon it, and renders it ſo uncapable to make a fair Judgment of what is propos'd to it, that nothing can be more oppoſite to the diſcovery of Truth than Prepoſſeſſion, which if it bear ſway in the Mind, will give little hope of improvement by Travelling.

The third Quality requiſite is, To have a Capacity of Mind proportionate to the buſineſs to which a man applies himſelf, and in which he ſeeks to be accompliſh'd: For ſeeing the Rudiments of Painting and other Arts are not to be learn'd by Travelling, and obſerving the fineſt Strokes of the beſt Maſters; but a Man muſt be cut out for a buſineſs before he preſumes to ſeek Improvement in it by going abroad: They that ſuppoſe to turn a Blockhead into a Man of Parts by ſending him into foreign Countries, will find themſelves miſtaken. He that has but a ſmall Natural Capacity will never have a large one, whatever courſe be taken to improve it: 'Tis true, he may learn by Travelling to fill up what Capacity he has, but he'll never be able to go beyond it; for the Minds of Men have their ſeveral degrees of height and ſtrength, as well as their Bodies; and as 'tis impoſſible by all the Art in the World to add one inch to a Man's Stature when at his full growth, ſo 'tis utterly impracticable to enlarge the Capacity of his Mind beyond the Bounds which Nature has preſcrib'd.

The fourth Qualification is, To be furniſh'd with all neceſſary Aſſiſtance to facilitate his Acceſs to the Maſters of thoſe Arts and Sciences he has a mind to learn; in which reſpect every Country has a different Genius; ſo that 'tis often ſeen, that what may contribute to a man's aſſiſtance in one place, will by no means do him any good in another. For inſtance, In Germany a man ſhall never get inward with Great Men by being profuſe in his Expences, [Page] but will by this means be the more likely to fall under ſuſpicion, and become much leſs welcome than one of another Character. To gain Eſteem there, a Man muſt bring with him a good Reputation, a diſtiguiſh'd Birth, or an extraordinary Merit. In Italy the quite contrary Humor obtains. And in the Levant neither one nor t'other takes place, but an Air of Simplicity, Sincerity and Honeſty will introduce a Man into any Company. An eloquent and voluble Tongue does well in Poland, but very ill in Spain, and ſtill worſe at Conſtantinople: A great ſhew of Devotion will naturalize a Man in Portugal, but render him ridiculous in the Northern Kingdoms. A pleaſant and merry Humor will ſpoil a Man's buſineſs in Auſtria and Italy, but give him eaſy acceſs in England.

As for the knowledg of Tongues, beſides that it is impoſſible to acquire all a Man wants if he travel any thing far, and that it will not do him all the Service that is commonly imagin'd, if he has only a mind to run through Europe, it is a great occaſion of the Corruption of Manners, by eaſily introducing Men into places of Debauchery; and on the other hand it has been obſerv'd, that it contributes very little to the forming of the Mind: for beſides that it is not the common People that a Man ought to be curious in conſulting; and among Men of figure the knowledg of their Language renders a Man obnoxious to ſuſpicion, 'tis ſufficient that a Man can ſpeak any one Language that is know: As the Italian Tongue is very common in Greece and the Leſſer Aſia, beſides the help one may have from Interpreters, of whom there are great numbers for all the living Tongues in Europe. And if you ſpeak a dead Language with any Native of a foreign Country, he has no advantage above you; and if you are better vers'd in it than he, he'll be ſure to [Page] ſupply what he wants in Expreſſion by the degree of Knowledg, wherein he excels you in reſpect of the matter about which you converſe, and will give you a greater inſight into it in half an hour's Diſcourſe, than you ſhould have obtain'd it may be in twenty Viſits, if you had made uſe of his Native Language. 'Tis ſufficient if you have Language enough to make your ſelf underſtood about your neceſſary Affairs; and there are always People to be found, who will make uſe of your Native Language, to diſcourſe with you ſo as not to be underſtood by others, that they may learn ſomething of you that others don't know; and that they may give you occaſion to learn ſomething of them which you don't yet underſtand. But Curioſity ought to be kept within the bounds of Patience and Diſcretion, and that being ſuppos'd, there's ſcarce any thing but a Man may be capable of it in Travelling; if one can but add to the Conditions I have been mentioning a lively and yet obſequious Fancy, and eaſy and faithful Memory, a ſweet and inſinuating Humor, a Curioſity that is not impatient, and an impartial way of judging. Theſe are the Qualities that give a Man an eaſy and agreeable reception into all Companies, and prepoſſeſs the People of any Nation with favourable thoughts of a Traveller who is endow'd with 'em. Theſe cut his Work ſhort, remove all Obſtacles in the way of his acquaintance with them, and bring them into ſuch a familiarity with him, as will be ſure to engage their Confidence, if he be but careful to obſerve himſelf, as well as ſtudy the Temper of others. Theſe are the Vehicles of Policy, which by diſcovering the Humor, Inclinations and Genius of every Nation, inſenſibly bring us to the knowledg of their Maxims, their Reaſons of State, their Deſigns, their Conduct and various Sentiments. In a word, 'tis by the help of [Page] theſe Qualifications, that a Man becomes a Proteus in foreign Countries, and knows how to transform himſelf into the ſhape of others, and ſo to conceal his own. And by conſequence muſt needs reap advantage by all the good he ſees or hears, which is agreeable to his Character, and the Capacity of his Mind.

I ſay, he ſhould have a lively, but obſequious Imagination, which may paſs for a Paradox among ſuch as judg haſtily, juſt as they feel their Fancies touch'd; and ſuppoſing a lively Imagination can never be obſequious without loſing its Vivacity at the ſame time, will tell me I require an impoſſibility: 'tis therefore convenient to undeceive 'em by a ſenſible Compariſon. When one that ſeeks for Game ſees ſomething move in a Buſh, his firſt motion is to put himſelf in a poſture to ſhoot; but if he diſcharges immediately without any further Obſervation, he may well be counted raſh, and his precipitancy will ſpoil his Deſign: whereas if he has prudence and patience, he'll obſerve what 'tis that ſtirs, and endeavour to diſcover what Game may be in the Buſh, which way it came, and whither it goes, which gives him the greater advantage to direct his Aim, ſo that his ſhot can hardly miſs. There's no Compariſon can be more juſt and applicable to the caſe in hand. A Traveller that has a mind to make ſome Diſcoveries in the Myſteries of State-Policy, is prying and obſerving with an Activity like that of one who is ſeeking after Game; every thing that appears more than ordinary ought to ſtrike his Mind ſo as to excite his Attention: but nothing ought to determine him but his Reaſon, and a due application of the Principles of Policy; he ſhould ſee and hear, and take a meaſure of every thing, without imagining he has got any thing till he has meaſur'd it with that profound Diſcuſſion I have been commending. [Page] Stateſmen are extremely crafty, and know how to dodg with a Stranger, eſpecially when they ſee in him a great Vivacity and Eagerneſs to receive what they tell him.

Theſe Artifices are us'd in all Nations more or leſs according to the degree of their Refinement and Subtilty: Therefore the intelligent Traveller muſt imitate the cunning Hunter, who ſometimes makes as if he did not ſee his Game, merely to ſurprize it the more eaſily: He muſt make as if he did not hear ſome things, and as if he underſtood much leſs, and diſcover'd nothing at all; from whence one of theſe two things muſt neceſſarily follow, either that he will be ſuppos'd to be ignorant and ſtupid, which will render him leſs ſuſpected, and occaſion a new Explication of the matter diſcourſed of in more open and intelligible terms; or elſe that the Perſon he converſes with, will immediately give another turn to the Subject in hand by different Expreſſions, and the variety of Terms cannot chooſe but give ſome light into what he would conceal or diſguiſe.

He may alſo learn ſomewhat from the common report of a Province or City, to inform him what is the predominant Genius of a Nation, or of the Court that governs it, only with this difference, that what he is told of the Spirit of any Nation, is generally and almoſt infallibly true; whereas the Idea that is given of a Court is almoſt always falſe; ſo that 'twould be a kind of Miracle if ever it ſhould happen to be true. There is in the Voice of the Publick a certain tract of Truth, Simplicity, Ingenuity and Sincerity, which keeps the Multitude either from being eaſily deceiv'd themſelves, or from deceiving others; and ſo much the more, becauſe (as Origen ſays) God, the firſt Cauſe of all things, has reſerv'd only this way to make an impreſſion [Page] of Truth on the Minds of the Populace, who are not capable of any other diſcuſſion of things, much leſs of refin'd Politicks; which gave occaſion to that wiſe ſaying, The Voice of the People is the Voice of God. But the Court is another World, where all things are compounded, and from whence Simplicity, Candor, Sincerity, and oftentimes even Juſtice and Truth are exil'd. And ſeeing the Men of this World are different from others, 'tis not to be wonder'd at if one is deceiv'd by their Diſguiſes, and if the warm Fancy of a young Man is every day impos'd on by them: For every thing they do is with deſign, and therefore 'tis no wonder that there's double dealing in all Affairs, ſo that one knows not where to have 'em. Hence it is that thoſe Authors that write Relations of the State of Princes-Courts, are carried away with ſo many Illuſions: For the more account they make of that certain knowledg they pretend to have of 'em, and the more the Miniſtry ſee they depend upon it, the more they vary in their diſcourſe with ſuch an Author, to deprive him of the ſight of what he aims at, by embaraſſing his Mind with diverſity of Mediums.

There's no Rock more dangerous to an intelligent Traveller, than the popular Reports which a Prince's Council either purpoſely ſpreads abroad, or ſuffers to be divulg'd: There's no ſtreſs to be laid on ſuch Stories, and a Man ought to be careful not to ſuffer himſelf to be ſurpriz'd by 'em. A wiſe Roman on ſuch an occaſion one day ſaid to me, Se queſto foſſe véro, non to ſaprébbe il popolo. ‘The Credit the People give this Report may be enough to convince you that there's no ſuch matter at the Palace, but that the buſineſs is either already finiſh'd, or elſe 'tis a ſtroke that is not reſolv'd, and it may be not thought on, for if it was either the one or the [Page] other, you may be ſure the People would have known nothing of it.’

However 'tis true, that common Reports as they precaution the Fancy inſtead of inſtructing it, do not fail to furniſh a Traveller with ſuch Notices, as muſt needs turn to his account. Theſe Reports Saluſt very wiſely calls, Experimenta Nationum, The Trials of the People; for there is at leaſt ſo much probability in 'em, that they have ſome Principle that gives riſe to 'em, and that they have given ſome colour to an End which a Court is willing to hide by ſome ſpecious means.

I confeſs the Italians excel all Chriſtian Nations in this method of Travelling; but the People of the Eaſt infinitely out-do the Italians themſelves: and 'tis from the long Converſation I have had with both, that I have receiv'd what Light I have in this matter, eſpecially the way of abating the heat of Fancy, and preventing it from being tranſported beyond due bounds by its Vivacity, in which the Eaſtern People are inimitable; and 'tis a Quality one can't behold in 'em without Aſtoniſhment.

But ſeeing a Fancy that is tractable and obedient determines nothing, and what it diſcovers may as well deceive it as inform it; it ought to commit the diſcuſſion of all to the Judgment that ſo it may come to a reſult: For this purpoſe the Judgment ought to be ſublime and clear, tho theſe two Qualities are not ſo compatible as at the firſt glance they ſeem to be: for the elevation of the Mind expoſes it to Miſts and Clouds, tho clearneſs of thought is common to an extenſive Soul. The former is like the tops of Mountains which reach to the Clouds, and almoſt always ſeem cover'd with a Miſt to them that ſtand in the Plain. That is, to explain the Similitude; That Genius which is naturally ſublime, being leſs capable than others of ſtooping [Page] down to the many frivolous Circumſtances which concur to the diſcovery of the politick Spirit of a Court, often happens to paſs ſuch a Judgment as is not free from all Objections, or elſe his way of expreſſion is leſs clear and intelligible than that of others. On the contrary, they that affect clearneſs of Judgment creep on the ground as it were, ſtill following the natural extent of their Minds which ſerves for a Line to direct their ſteps; and as without this they could never go directly to the end they have in view, ſo by the help of it they do every thing with a becoming Juſtneſs and Deliberation.

Happy are they whoſe Genius is both ſublime and extenſive, for the elevation of their Minds ſhews 'em what Souls of an inferior Rank could never have diſcover'd; and their extenſion ſerves to help to render every thing preſent to 'em without confuſion, becauſe the elevation of their Minds gives 'em a proſpect of every thing; ſo that they ſee both diſtinctly, and as it were at one view, whatever is neceſſary to direct 'em to make a right Judgment.

To inculcate this matter the better, it may not be amiſs to make uſe of a Compariſon. Suppoſe three Men walking in the field together diſcover an Object at a diſtance: one of 'em having obſerv'd it, ſays 'tis a Cart going on the top of a Hill; another ſuppoſes it to be a Buſh wav'd up and down by the Wind; and the third is confident 'tis a Man on horſeback riding againſt the Wind. Now it being naturally impoſſible for the ſame Object to be at once a Cart, a Buſh, and a Man on horſeback, 'tis moſt certain that at leaſt two of the three are miſtaken in their Judgments; and if one of them judges right, it muſt be he that conſiders with the greateſt force of thought all poſſible Motions of that Object about which he has thought fit to make a [Page] Judgment. This diſcovery is not to be aſcrib'd preciſely to the ſenſe of ſeeing, ſince this is ſuppos'd to be alike in all three; therefore the truth of this Judgment muſt be attributed to the quality of his Mind who has the beſt notices of the matter.

The application of this Compariſon is eaſy: Travellers often think they have diſcover'd every thing that paſſes in a Court, thoſe Enterprizes that are yet only to be ſeen at a diſtance, and thoſe Deſigns that are ſtill more remote; yet 'tis not poſſible that all that make theſe Obſervations ſhould have the ſame elevation of Mind, and none but ſuch as have a very ſublime and clear Judgment are capable of ſpeaking accuratly of what they have obſerv'd. Hence it is that we ſee ſo many different accounts of foreign Countries, and yet all of 'em publiſh'd for truth by their reſpective Authors; and indeed they may be ſo, but this in proportion to the Character of the Minds of thoſe who compos'd 'em in their Travels, according to the Judgment they made of things.

If I had not read in the account of the Voyage to Athens the Hiſtory of one Hieros Damaskinos of Caloyero, with whom I had juſt ſuch another interview as the Author of that Relation ſays happen'd to him, I would here give an account of it at large; but ſhall now only add ſomething which that Traveller ſeems not to have met withal. There were three Gentlemen of different Countries and my ſelf one day diſcourſing with this illuſtrious Caloyer about the Policy of the Turks, which each of us pretended to look upon as barbarous and uncultivated, on purpoſe to give him an occaſion to ſpeak of it after ſuch a manner as might give us light into it. He told us he had no skill in Policy either in general, or in the uſe of it among the Turks; and that he made it his buſineſs only to underſtand and explain the holy Scripture to his Diſciples of Athens: but he ſaid if [Page] we would addreſs our ſelves to the Turks, as to the Vaivode of Athens, or any other Perſon of Note, they would be ſure to give us ſatisfaction in thoſe matters.

I remember I was the only Perſon in the company that could not be perſwaded that this Caloyer was unacquainted with Politicks. A very ingenious Polander thought he was too much devoted to the ſtudy of the Scripture to have any great matter of skill in other things. A German that was of our company took him for a Perſon only vers'd in the Notions of the School-men, and capable of criticizing on the holy Scripture: an Italian that was with us maintain'd that as he was one of that remnant of Greeks who ſeem to be the Poſterity of the Peaſants of former times; he had not ſubtilty of mind enough to penetrate into ſuch Politicks as were as burdenſom to 'em as they appear'd violent and unreaſonable.

We puſh'd our Curioſity yet further, and by good luck a Sangiac who was upon his return from Candie to the Port, and paſs'd through Athens, was ſo kind as to inform us of many things we had a mind to know; and among other things told us there was no Man in the World knew more of thoſe matters than this Grecian. It may eaſily be imagin'd I hug'd my ſelf for judging differently of this Man from the reſt of the company. And at laſt, after many earneſt Sollicitations, we engag'd this learned Caloyer to take off the Mask, and ſhew us that he was under ſuch a ſerious diſguiſe of Simplicity as would have deceiv'd a thouſand People.

To return from this Digreſſion; I ſay, to judg well of all that preſents and ſtrikes the Imagination of a man in travelling into foreign Parts, whether it concern Religion, Morals or Politicks, there's need of both elevation and clearneſs in the Judgment; [Page] that is to ſay, ſuch a meaſure of both, as may diſpoſe things in ſo much order that they don't perplex and confound the Minds of other Men, nor produce any thing in 'em but Light. And this Qualification is not to be acquir'd if a Man is not born with a ſutable diſpoſition. It can't be well explain'd but by Practice; however, to give ſome Idea of it, it ſeems to me to conſiſt in three things: Firſt, In laying the ſtreſs of one's Judgment on that which makes the leaſt appearance in an Intrigue or Negotiation; for Policy being the Academy of Diſguiſe, and an exerciſe of Craft and Subtilty, generally that which appears leaſt in a politick Obſervation may paſs for the moſt real and true part of it. Secondly, In never counting any thing ſufficiently explain'd to determine one's mind about it, that ſo the unexpected ſounding of ſome Circumſtance or other, that does not ſeem to be thought of, may give one a diſcovery of ſomewhat of which the Miniſtry of a Court perhaps is not aware. And ſo much the more in as much as ſpeculative Policy being ſuppos'd impenetrable, and not beginning to appear till 'tis going to be put in execution, 'tis in the Circumſtances of the Execution that you are to ſeek the certain diſcovery of the Deſign. Thirdly, In the oppoſition of one thing to another; for altho the means employ'd in any particular politick Deſign may be abſolutely alter'd from one day to another, becauſe there's no Medium always eſſential to and inſeparable from Policy, yet 'tis certain, conſidering how Men are made, that 'tis probable the Council of a Prince don't alter their common Notions, nor take up Reſolutions as contradictory one to another as Black to White: and therefore the Oppoſition an intelligent Traveller diſcovers in the Affairs on which he is making obſervation, ought to ſuſpend his Judgment, and to oblige him to forbear [Page] determining his Opinion, till time give him further light. The firſt of theſe Rules forms the Judgment, and renders it ſolid; the ſecond cultivates and refines it; and the third advances it to Perfection. The firſt is owing more to Nature than Experience; the ſecond depends as much on Experience as on a Genius: and the third raiſes the Mind to a conſummate Prudence, which is the higheſt pitch of politick Wiſdom.

That Traveller who has not an elevation of Mind capable of ſuch Inventions as may out-wit another, may make uſe of the ſecond Character of a prudent Mind, namely, to enquire much into things, and determine but little about 'em; but if a Man wants both the one and the other of theſe Qualities, we'll venture to propheſy that he'll never become a Politician.

The Memory in the judgment of many paſſes for one of the moſt excellent Faculties of the Soul: But few conſider, that ſeeing it brings out nothing but what has been committed to it before, when there is Confuſion in the Mind, there muſt alſo neceſſarily be the like diſorder in the Memory. 'Tis a great advantage to a Traveller to have a Memory eaſily impreſſible, provided it be faithful; for if a Man becauſe he has ſeen much, goes about to utter a great deal without giving an intelligible account of matters, by reaſon of that Confuſion which the amazing diverſity of Things, Names and Circumſtances ordinarily occaſions, his Memory appears to be a mere Labyrinth of Perplexity.

I have always look'd upon an eaſy Memory to be like a handſome Face, which hides a great many Infirmities in a crazy Body, and ſtrikes the Fancy more than all theſe Imperfections, tho they really much out-balance it. For beſides that ſuch a Memory ſerves for a Rock for the Imagination to ſplit [Page] on, and this becomes as dangerous to the Reaſon and Judgment, ſuppoſing it not to be incompatible with the regular exerciſe of either of theſe; yet 'tis moſt certain a great multiplicity of Facts require either abundance of time to range 'em in good order, or a prodigious heat of Fancy to melt 'em down (as it were) altogether, without making any alteration in 'em. So that it ſeems an impoſſible ſuppoſition, that an eaſy Memory can be ſtrong and true, ſo as not to divert from that ſteady Application which the Judgment requires.

And yet both are neceſſary for a Traveller, ſo that one of theſe Qualities without the other would be of no uſe to get the knowledg of the State-Reſolutions of any foreign Politicians: For if what he learns to day is not ſupported with all thoſe Circumſtances that may render it more than probable to his diſcuſſion, and is not produc'd afreſh in all its Circumſtances when any Affair that bears a proportion to it preſents, 'tis eaſy to conceive that all the Circumſtances that help'd him at firſt to decide the matter in hand being repreſented to him but by halves, and in the room of thoſe that are omitted others ſubſtituted which alter the ſtate of the caſe; 'tis not difficult, I ſay, to conceive that ſuch an eaſy Memory muſt caſt him into confuſion, becauſe it does not faithfully revive all thoſe Circumſtances. This Concluſion may be ſet in a clearerlight by an Example.

The Viſier Kara Muſtapha who beſieg'd Vienna remember'd the Advice, and a great many of the Projects Count Tekely had given him in his Tent at their enterview beyond Buda before this great Enterprize: And his Memory reproduc'd that in his extremity, which his Pride had made him deſpiſe. The Count perſwaded him to poſſeſs himſelf of the Bridges of Vienna on the North-ſide before he made [Page] a formal Siege, preſuming that by this means he would either block up the late Duke of Lorrain with his Troops in Leopalſtat, or oblige him to quit it with the more ſpeed, and a greater number of his Men, which would make the Circumvallation more eaſy, and the Gariſon probably leſs numerous, or elſe the Duke would expoſe himſelf to be firſt routed in the field▪ and never was any Advice more wiſely given, or more raſhly contemn'd.

When this Viſier was mortified by the Reſiſtance of the Beſieged, and reſolv'd to attempt any thing to repair the damage he had ſuſtain'd, and the time he had loſt in this Siege, he was willing to have recourſe to Count Tekely's Counſel, and would needs endeavour to be maſter of thoſe Bridges, without conſidering the difference of Time and other Circumſtances; he gave his Orders for the execution of this Deſign, but inſtead of depriving Vienna of good part of its Gariſon, or of weakening thoſe Succors which the Prince of Lorrain manag'd ſo long, and to ſo good purpoſe againſt him, as he might certainly have done in the former Juncture, he diminiſh'd his own Force, and ſent his Troops to be cut in pieces without being able to execute the Orders they had receiv'd.

By this one may judg that an eaſy Memory is always dangerous when 'tis unfaithful; tho I confeſs 'tis leſs ſo in the ſpeculation of a Traveller than in the conduct of a Stateſman, who ought from the very firſt ſtep he takes to diſtruſt it more than depend on it. Memory is a great help at the Bar, and in the Pulpit, but 'tis the leaſt Qualification of a Stateſman. 'Tis by reading (which is a kind of Travelling) and by Travelling (which is a living ſort of reading) that a Man is to be convinc'd of this Truth, that an eaſy Memory being uſually treacherous when 'tis over-charg'd with many things [Page] that have no mutual connexion, nothing is to be omitted that may render it leſs eaſy and more faithful.

I think I have obſerv'd by Experience three Rules that contribute much to reduce the Memory to this ſtate, which is certainly no eaſy matter to accompliſh. The firſt is, for a Man to learn well the chief foreign things about which he has a mind to employ his Memory, without troubling himſelf to retain the proper Names of Places, Perſons and Times, of which Gazetteers ſeldom fail to give a very particular account for the information of the Curious, becauſe 'tis their province to know things of this kind. The ſecond is, To join that which one deſires to know, to what one knows already by ſome Epocha of Facts, Times, or Conjunctures, which reſemble and refer one to another; as, for inſtance, to join to the raiſing the Siege of Vienna the politick Propoſition made by the King of Poland for his eldeſt Son to be married to the Archdutcheſs as his Reward for relieving that City. The third is, to unite and accommodate both the one and the other to the Circumſtances and actual Conduct of the Country where a Man is at preſent, or whither he is to return; becauſe what paſſes there can't eaſily eſcape the Mind, being often reviv'd by the Memory, and therefore that which has been link'd to it will alſo be retain'd, and the Memory render'd faithful to ſuch a degree, that all things will be eaſily recollected.

I ſay a Man ought in the firſt place thorowly to poſſeſs his Mind with the firſt diſcoveries he makes in his Travels; that is to ſay, after he has made a deep ſearch into the Precepts of Policy (without which nothing is to be expected of him) to look on every ſide upon that which firſt ſtrikes his Mind in a manner different from the Prejudices he has brought [Page] out of his own Country, that ſo he may object againſt his own Prepoſſeſſion all thoſe Reaſons that he imputes to the Prejudices of others, which is fit to be demonſtrated by an Example.

A French Man that goes to Rome furniſh'd with many Advantages and Recommendations that give him acceſs to Perſons of Quality, is preſently loaded with Civilities, without being taken into that kind of Familiarity with them, which is ſo agreeable to his Humor: This makes him impatient, and it ſeems no ſmall Puniſhment to him to continue ſix weeks at Rome, to live all the while in an Inn: But at length the Reaſons of this kind of Treatment are open'd to him, and he comes to underſtand that the Italian loving Splendor tho he is not rich, and affecting to be liberal without incommoding himſelf, waits to regale him after a magnificent manner and in good company, when he finds a proper time for it, and then his Splendor, Profuſion and Magnificence will appear at once. He muſt therefore examine all the Reaſons of this kind of Conduct; and by oppoſing this liberty the Italians reſerve to themſelves, to the ordinary profuſeneſs of that Nation, he'll be convinc'd that they do well at Rome not to live in that familiarity he ſo much deſir'd. Theſe Diſcoveries will be ſerviceable to him at Conſtantinople, and he'll appear a knowing Man in other places in proportion to the faithfulneſs of his Memory in reviving the Reaſons, and different reſpects that have determin'd him at Rome. This is what I call a thorow poſſeſſing of the Mind with that which one deſires to commit to Memory.

The ſecond method is, to join things together by ſome Epocha that is remarkable, and not eaſy to be chang'd. This Connexion is like a Guide always going before the Judgment with a light in his hand, ſo that he ſeldom miſtakes his way who is conducted [Page] by it. The Epocha contributes much to the fidelity of the Memory, and the things being allied together by a proper reference and proportion, 'tis almoſt impoſſible that the revival of 'em in the Memory ſhould not be exact and true.

The reaſon of which is not from the nature of thoſe Incidents which accidentally happen to be link'd together, but from the immediate application of the Mind, which becauſe it omits nothing that may give it a deep impreſſion of a thing, can't ſee two different Circumſtances which concur to the ſame Fact, without making a certain fix'd Point, as well for the Time, as other Conjunctures: 'Tis this that has occaſion'd ſo many Digreſſions in antient Hiſtorians, who have not been able to reſiſt that natural Inclination of ſhewing in the ſame Treatiſe, what they had obſerv'd at the ſame time, and by the ſame diſcoveries.

In fine, the third method of rendering the Memory faithful is, to reunite the Notices one receives, and the Conjunctures that preſent, to what actually paſſes in one's own Country; becauſe the revival of what is acted there muſt needs be frequent and of long duration, and a Man's mind will neceſſarily be concern'd about it; and ſeeing this obliges a Man to join to his preſent Obſervations, that which paſs'd in his own Country when he was there, he is as it were tied faſt to the Circumſtances of things ſo that he cannot eaſily miſtake 'em, but is neceſſarily oblig'd to revive 'em in his mind. 'Tis true, there muſt be ſtrength of Thought, Labor and Time to reunite theſe things after long Voyages, eſpecially if our Traveller has not had much correſpondence with his own Country: But Experience every day ſhews that 'tis no impoſſible thing.

This is, in my opinion, the innocent Art of rendering an eaſy Memory faithful; let us now paſs [Page] to the other Qualifications of a Traveller.

It has been ſaid that he ought to have a ſweet and inſinuating Humor, not by a ſtudy'd compoſing of himſelf, which will ſoon betray him when he tarries long in a place, but by a docility of Mind, which makes a Man as it were naturally comply with things that one would think muſt needs ſhock him, to judg of him by the guſt of his Country. 'Tis this ſweetneſs of temper which becomes Affability in thoſe who are in public Poſts, but in Travellers it ſhould always be Condeſcenſion, without degenerating into a ſervile weakneſs of Mind: And they ought to have the art of uſing this Condeſcenſion after an advantageous manner, ſo as to engage thoſe with whom they converſe, either to confide in 'em, or to inform 'em. Suppoſe, for inſtance, that one happens to be with an Engliſh-man who boaſts of his own Nation, in reſpect of its Strength, Courage, Trade, Plenty and Independence; and ſcarce ever ſpeaks of a French-man, an Italian, or a German, without contempt; a Traveller who has docility, and yet firmness of Mind, will in ſincere terms give his Suffrage to applaud what is good in the Engliſh Nation, and in their Polities, without undertaking to make compariſons between Nation and Nation, or ſo much as between Man and Man, which ought to be induſtriouſly avoided; becauſe there are always in foreign Countries ſome Perſons that go under a diſguiſe, whoſe Genius, Country, Intereſt and Deſigns, can ſcarce ever be diſcover'd, but yet by this means may be won upon. In obſerving this Conduct, our Traveller would not fail to attract the Confidence of ſuch an Engliſh-man, and ſo might get out of him why the Engliſh Nation is ſo fickle and unſteady in the midſt of all its Proſperity, why they are ſo eager after Gain amidſt ſo great Riches, and why they are ſo unfit for long Enterprizes and [Page] tedious Conqueſts, tho they have ſuch good Armies and Fleets. In a word, he'd learn more of this Engliſh-man in three days, than he could perhaps in reading all the Hiſtorians that have written of that Country.

But to give the Demonſtration of this, when ever any thing flatters and pleaſes a Man to ſuch a degree as to make him deſpiſe what does not ſeem to bear a proportion to it, either he is a Fool, or under a diſguiſe, or an intelligent Man ſet upon his own Intereſt, and over-zealous for it. If the firſt, a wiſe Traveller will eaſily diſcover him, and contemn him, without troubling himſelf to talk with him. If the ſecond, he'll make trial of him by the Rules I have been laying down; ſo that this Man under a Mask ſhall not be able to proceed far without being either reduc'd to ſilence, or elſe betraying himſelf. If the laſt, he can't be a man of Knowledg but by the univerſal Principles of Policy, in which he has no advantage above our Traveller, or elſe by ſuch particular Deciſions he has made as are proper to his Country; and in this point he excites all the Curioſity of our Traveller, who for his own ſatiſfaction muſt apply himſelf to receive Inſtruction with all that nice Complaiſance which we have been already ſuppoſing; he muſt hearken, applaud, and enquire: for Attention and Applauſe always procure the Eſteem and Confidence of him that ſpeaks; and a ſweet, ingenuous and modeſt way of inquiring always returns with ſome diſcoveries; Experience ſhews that it never fails to get ſome degrees of knowledg out of thoſe upon whom 'tis duly tried. The Information I have receiv'd even from a Servant as it were by accident, of a Viſit made by a certain Perſon to his Maſter, has furniſh'd me with the firſt occaſion of diving into an Affair, of which I had not the leaſt thought, and the diſcovery [Page] very of which gave me that ſatisfaction which is agreeable to one that travels for his Information.

But to re [...] this Effect the more certain; to this quality one ought to add a Curioſity that is not impatient. Curioſity is needful in travelling, but then it ought not to be too brisk and lively, that one may the better diſſemble the Motives of it, and cover 'em with the uſual pretexts of ſuch a vain Curioſity as only applies it ſelf to the deſcription of Churches, Palaces, Gardens, Fortifications, and the detail of ſuch Counſels and Circumſtances as the meaneſt Servants of a Court always underſtand, as well as thoſe that compoſe Hiſtorical Relations. There muſt be Curioſity to mitigate the uneaſineſs and difficulty a man muſt be ſure to meet with in accommodating one's way of Living, Habit and Manners, to the Cuſtom of Countries ſo unlike one's own: for ſeeing Self-love hath more preſſing Reaſons when it deprives it ſelf of what is pleaſing to it, to expoſe it ſelf to that to which it has an averſion; 'tis neceſſary that it be requited for quitting what it ſo naturally likes, by ſome other ſatisfaction which the Fancy has the art to repreſent as greater, more rare, and more durable; without which there's no probable ground to expect a Man ſhould travel with delight, and 'twould be an unadviſed thing to attempt it. For to ſuppoſe that all thoſe advantages a Man may make uſe of in Travelling will excuſe him from all kind of uneaſineſs, is to pleaſe one's ſelf with a mere Deluſion, eſpecially when a Man goes out of the Chriſtian part of Europe. Curioſity therefore muſt ſerve inſtead of all other Pleaſure to make amends for the Expence and Uneaſineſs to which our Traveller is expos'd.

This Curioſity deprives it ſelf of what it deſigns to obtain, when it once appears to be impatient, and it really is impatient when ever it appears to [Page] be ſo. Men of all Countries in the World are fram'd after ſuch a manner, that no Man is willing to oblige another to his own diſadvantage; and the moſt grateful and officious Perſon that can be will never give an occaſion of getting an advantage over him by what he diſcovers. All that obſerve a Traveller have in this reſpect the ſame impreſſion; every body ſuſpects that Man to have ſome ſpecial deſign, who leaves his Family and his Country to expoſe himſelf to Sickneſs and other Dangers and Inconveniences, which are inevitable. They that ſuppoſe he has only a ſenſual Curioſity are always indulgent enough to ſatisfy him in that reſpect, becauſe ſelf-love obliges a Man to diſcover whatever is curious in his own Country to a Stranger: but it being another ſort of Traveller that I have been ſuppoſing, namely, one who ſeeks to get an inſight into State-Policy; the chief Advice I would give him, is not to deveſt himſelf of Curioſity (for that would be unreaſonable) but not to be impatient in ſeeking to give it ſatisfaction.

Impatience is the daughter of Deſire, and this if it be reaſonable, muſt be the production of the Judgment, which will fully convince a Man that whatever ſets him at a greater diſtance from the end he has in view, can't be proper to lead him to it. Now Impatience will infallibly ſet our Traveller at a greater diſtance from the End he propoſes, and conſequently cannot be fit to promote the Pleaſure he expects from it. But to make it the better underſtood how and why Impatience retards the ſatisfaction of the Curioſity, one need only obſerve that it produces ſuch precaution in the Minds of thoſe with whom a Traveller converſes, as becomes a kind of Partition-wall, that he muſt either pierce through or break down before he can diſcover what is acted on the other ſide of it. The [Page] more importunate a Man of underſtanding perceives a Stranger to be to get information, the leſs willing he is to ſatisfy him, and keeps the greater guard on himſelf not to gratify his deſire till he is as it were neceſſitated to do it, and has learn'd ſomething of this Traveller that may oblige him to it. This Obſtacle is ſo great that one muſt not think either of ſlighting it, or of overcoming it without a conſiderable ſpace of time, and a great deal of management. If a Man preſumes to do the former, he'll find every body prejudic'd againſt him, when the Perſon he has ſlighted comes to explain himſelf after a manner that is diſadvantageous to him: and if he depends on the latter courſe, he engages himſelf in a great Charge with more than a moral uncertainty of ſucceeding in his Deſign.

Would it not therefore be much better for our Traveller to appear free and eaſy in the preſence of ſuch Perſons, that they may not become ſo cautious, but may attribute that only to his Curioſity which by his Impatience he'll give 'em occaſion to impute to a deſire of knowing the preſent ſtate of the Government in which they are concern'd? And on this head it will not be improper to alledg an Example of which I have been a witneſs my ſelf. I happen'd to be in a certain foreign Court, where there was a Dutch-man who had a great deal of Wit, and made too great an appearance not to be ſuſpected; this Perſon deſir'd Audience of one of the principal Miniſters of State, who in converſation making uſe of that right which his Rank and Authority gave him, ask'd him, What was the Motive of his Travels? The Dutch-man thinking to make his Court to him, anſwer'd, that it was to learn of him as well as by the Example of other Perſons of his figure, to underſtand the Government of a State. The Miniſter coldly replied, You had need of a great [Page]deal of time, and a ripeneſs of Age to ſucceed in a buſineſs of this nature. To which this Stranger made this fooliſh return, My Curioſity (ſays he) and impatience after Knowledg may abridg both the one and the other. At this Anſwer the Stateſman roſe up and left him, with theſe words, For my part, Sir, I perceive I ſhall contribute nothing to either. And the Dutch-man was driven to deſpair to find himſelf ſuſpected by a Miniſter of State, who had receiv'd him with affability, and now look'd upon him as a Man of no ſenſe.

Needs any more to be ſaid to ſhew that Curioſity, which is ſuppos'd neceſſary to a Traveller, ought not to be impatient? But for this end there's need of a great deal of judgment, and a good faculty of diſcerning the Humor of Nations, and the Temper of particular Mens Minds, which is a Talent that one can't communicate to any Man.

After all it is not impoſſible not to be impatient to learn what one goes ſo far to ſeek: for as our Traveller has not aſſign'd his Voyages a preciſe ſpace of time, much leſs does he pretend to preſcribe Laws to foreign Nations; 'tis his buſineſs to accommodate the extent of his Curioſity to the meaſure of his Capacity, and to proportion the effects of it to the good ſucceſs he has had in foreign Diſcoveries: All Occaſions, Seaſons and Conjunctures are not equally proper for this purpoſe. There are ſome States in which nothing at all is to be learn'd during the time of War, and others wherein one can get no information but in ſuch a time. In one place Peace is an Obſtacle to politick Diſcoveries, in another War ſhuts up all the Avenues to the confidence of particular Perſons. There are ſome Miniſters under whoſe Conduct Men dare not ſpeak, and others under whoſe Government people ſay any thing. Hence it is that ſome [Page] Travellers learn more than others, tho perhaps they are Perſons of like Ability and Curioſity. And if I may be permitted to add my Opinion, I ſhall not ſcruple to ſay, that a Man ought to travel at ſeveral times and occaſions to the ſame Court, to be well aſſur'd of Improvement, and that he has penetrated into the Maxims and Conduct of it.

Let any one judg after this, whether Impatience is not an invincible Obſtacle to Curioſity, and how great a diſadvantage they muſt be under, whoſe too great Vivacity precipitates 'em, and whoſe warm Temper expoſes 'em rather to the Cenſure than procures 'em the Confidence of foreign Nations.

'Tis ſtill much worſe when a Man has not ſuch a politick undetermin'd poſture of Mind as to act with impartiality, and not to ſhew any prejudice or a ſtrong inclination to the Maxims of his own Country on the one hand, and on the other hand an indifference for thoſe of others. And this being the great and indeed the original fault that Men carry into other Countries, one can't too much argue againſt it, and ſhew the danger of it.

Univerſal Reaſon, which is the foundation of Policy, directs that a Man of Honor part from his own Country undetermin'd in his Mind, that is, ſo diſpos'd to learn of all Men according to the foremention'd Paſſage of the wiſe Man; Bona enim & mala ex hominibus tentabit; He ſhall try what is good and evil among Men: That he may appear docile to every Man, and receive any one courteouſly who is willing to give him any Information. 'Tis not only uſeleſs but dangerous to travel without this diſpoſition; for the diverſity of Minds one meets with being the only remedy againſt Prejudice, an inconſiderate and heady Traveller often ruins his Health, as well as corrupts his Reaſon, by every thing which might otherwiſe improve the one and [Page] reſtore the other. 'Twas this that made the late Elector Palatine ſay, That Man is a fool that goes out of his own Country without hopes of returning with more Honor, Wiſdom and Knowledg than what he carried abroad.

This diſpoſition being ſuppos'd will be followed by another, and that is, that a wiſe Traveller will never return undetermin'd in his Mind, as he was when he went out: But fully convinc'd what is the greateſt and moſt ſolid Advantage, with which he has had the addreſs to form his Mind in proportion to the Capacity he has had of caſting abundance of differing matters together, only to extract out of 'em what might contribute to his improvement in Knowledg.

This temper of Mind is more eaſily ſpoken of than found; for the Mind muſt be moulded after an extraordinary manner to be capable of that docility which places a Man at the feet of others to learn their Inſtructions; and 'tis next to a Miracle to find a Genius of this Character, which is fix'd and ſolid enough to come to a determination in the midſt of ſuch a prodigious number of Maxims which all reſult from Reaſon as their Principle, tho the Effects they produce appear ſo oppoſite one to another. And again there is danger leſt this docility with which a Man prepares himſelf in going abroad, ſhould degenerate into Irreſolution, Eaſineſs, and ſervile Complaiſance at his return. That which is to be ſeen in the greateſt part of thoſe who are willing to make too deep and prying a ſearch into matters of Religion in prejudice to the eſtabliſh'd Syſtems, who often by their too curious Enquiries are brought at laſt to ſit looſe from all Religion, and die in this irreſolution of Mind, often happens to thoſe middle-witted Perſons whoſe Minds are tractable in appearance, but weak in reality, ſo that by [Page] the very proſpect of the many different Maxims of Government, they become uncapable of governing; becauſe their Minds are not endow'd with a vigor and heat ſufficient to melt down all ſuch matters together, and to extract out of 'em only what preciſely ſutes with the Government of the Country in which they live.

One may every day ſee not only a great many Travellers, but even Miniſters of State and Ambaſſadors, whoſe Minds are ſo fram'd, that their Heads turn round inſtead of becoming firm and ſtable at the appearance of ſo many different Circumſtances and Meaſures. On which account the old Prince Lubomirski was wont to ſay, that ſuch ſort of Men are ſent abroad to learn the art of being regular Fools. Indeed ſuch Perſons appear ſo little furniſhed with the general Ideas of Policy, and ſo deeply prepoſſes'd with the particular Maxims of their own Country, that their Weakneſs is diſcover'd almoſt as ſoon as they begin to talk.

To ſpeak yet more plainly for the good of the publick, 'tis Ignorance that determines the Judgments of ſome Travellers; even before the Maxims of foreign Countries are known to 'em, they go from home ſo full of Prejudice, that they are reſolv'd to return poſſeſs'd with greater Opiniatrety than when they went out: whence it comes to paſs either that they can learn nothing becauſe of their prevention, or elſe they ſee and obſerve ſo much that they can come to no deciſive Judgment, like thoſe who have more Victuals in their Stomachs than they have natural heat to digeſt. To this purpoſe the late Prince Charles of Lorrain us'd to ſay; If theſe Travellers would learn with a deſign of improving in Knowledg, they would act becomingly; but to preſume they know every thing, before they are capable of learning, is the way to become a diſtinguiſh'd Fop.

[Page] And Ignorance in this matter contains in it three reſpects, which the greateſt part of the World does not ſufficiently conſider, at leaſt they ſeldom or never unite 'em all together. The firſt regards the Principles of univerſal Policy; which Perſons of ordinary Parts almoſt perpetually confound with the actual Determinations of the Government of their Country. 'Tis true, there are every where ſome Minds more ſublime and judicious, who go to the bottom of things, and ſeek out means of repairing the Defects of the Politicks of their Country: but it generally ſo happens that Perſons of this Genius are ſeldom advanc'd into favor, and meet with very little Reſpect in a State; whether it be that they want Docility to accommodate themſelves to the Humors of others, or Submiſſion to procure them Patrons, or Ambition to puſh 'em forward. It was of this ſort of Men that the Duke of Parma once ſaid, They were of the ſame uſe to States, as Props to old Houſes to hinder their fall.

The ſecond ſort of Ignorance reſpects Perſons of another Genius, who ſurpaſſing the former as well in Number as Authority, are in poſſeſſion of the privilege of ſetting a value upon things, and giving weight to Deciſions that are made: and hence it almoſt neceſſarily comes to paſs, that that is ſuppos'd to be beſt and trueſt, which appears to be moſt authoriz'd, and moſt generally receiv'd. And this Miſtake is almoſt irreparable, if we take the matter in general, in as much as the number of juſt and ſublime Minds being every where very ſmall, and that of narrow Capacities almoſt immenſe in proportion to the other; there is between both a ſort of middle-ſiz'd Underſtandings, to whoſe Deciſion thoſe of a ſubordinate Rank pay a blind deference, which produces that publick Impreſſion which obtains on the generality of People, that ſuch as fill [Page] the firſt places in any Government, are ordinarily the wiſeſt and ableſt Men. This popular Opinion is often heard without contradiction, and this ſilence encreaſes the number of the Suffrages that are given 'em, by which means People are confirm'd and rivetted in their Ignorance.

The Dutch with ſome appearance of Reaſon value themſelves upon their ſcrupulous care of avoiding the firſt of theſe Inſtances of National Ignorance; becauſe they indeed apply themſelves more than any other Nation to dive into the Principles and ſpecial Uſes of univerſal Policy: And we deſign hereafter to ſhew what is their Motive, and how it is ſupported, in a Treatiſe of the Politic Genius of the United Provinces. But they have too little firmneſs to keep 'em from falling into the ſecond Error, which will always mightily check the Projects they lay in particular Determinations.

On the contrary, the Spaniards very ſtupidly fall into all the faults of the firſt Miſtake by their negligence and contempt of the Principles of Univerſal Policy, which they ſeem not to know, but only ſo as to appropriate them to themſelves without any diſtinction of Actions, Perſons, Intereſts and Obſtacles, which foils 'em at every turn, and defeats 'em in all Treaties. But they preſerve among 'em the liberty of ſpeaking with firmneſs of Mind about public Affairs againſt the ſecond Inſtance of National Ignorance: and therefore the Duke of Holſtein Ploen ſaid one day at Vienna with a great deal of ſolidity; By the firſt courſe the Dutch will ſupport themſelves a great while, but never advance very far: Whereas the Spaniards have enough to do to ſuſtain themſelves by reaſon of the actual weakneſs of their preſent Situation; but if ever they come to recover themſelves, they can't fail of making a very great advance.

[Page] The third reſpect of this National Ignorance proceeds from the Indiſpoſition Men are in to know others, by reaſon of the little ſincerity and application they uſe to get the knowledg of themſelves, which betrays 'em into frequent Miſtakes, and occaſions 'em to take the Faults of a Nation for the Genius of it, and the Art of augmenting thoſe Faults (inſtead of mending 'em) for Motives of governing it. Nay more than this, Men are willing to miſunderſtand their own Properties which might be cultivated, and by that means neglect the Remedies by which they might continually rectify them.

Perhaps theſe Metaphyſical Abſtractions will not ſute every body's Palat; but I have already declar'd that I ſpeak in general without making a particular application of things, and am unwilling to offend any one. However 'tis certain that every Nation has its faults, its ſingular qualities, its bright and dark ſides; and if an Inſtance of this be deſir'd, the love of Riches will one time or other ruin the Dutch, but the indefatigable Induſtry they are capable of to acquire Wealth, will be their ſupport a long time. Ambition is a fault in the French, which may run to dangerous Extremes; but their Valor and Activity will ſerve a great while to ſuſtain 'em.

To avoid being ignorant of any thing that relates to this, both theſe are to be throughly conſider'd, and exactly balanc'd one againſt the other; and a Man ought to be convinc'd by himſelf which ſide has the greateſt weight, either to do the moſt Miſchief, or procure the moſt Good. But in good earneſt do Men uſually begin their Voyages with ſuch a preliminary Knowledg as this? And yet leſs than this will not ſuffice to travel to any purpoſe; and for want of this Diſcuſſion, Men carry [Page] nothing but Ignorance with them into Foreign Courts.

I could advance a great deal on this Head, but ſhall produce only two Examples, which may ſerve to inſtruct others, and 'tis in what I have been a Witneſs my ſelf.

A certain Gentleman that made a good Appearance, and had very great Recommendations (a fatal help in a Foreign Court when a Man has not the art of ſupporting them well by his own Conduct) was ask'd by a Miniſter of State, What was the occaſion of his Travels, becauſe he ſeem'd to be of a weak Conſtitution, and conſiderably advanc'd in Years, and therefore probably had ſome particular deſign in view. The Gentleman ingenuouſly anſwer'd: Sir, I travel to acquaint my ſelf with Europe, and to take occaſion hereafter to make my own Country acquainted with it. The Miniſter replied; If the Pencil that is to draw your Picture of Europe is like that with which you deſcribe your own Country, there will be more Fancy than Truth in your Originals. Sir, I can ſcarce believe (return'd the Gentleman) that there are any more perfect ones than thoſe I have left in my own Country. Upon which the Miniſter roſe up and ſaid, Sir, you ſeem to me to be rather ſtruck with one certain Impreſſion than to have a true knowledg of things; you'll judg of us by that in which you moſt excel: Have a care that you be not judg'd of here by that in which you are moſt deficient.

This Stranger was caſt into ſo great a perplexity, when he compar'd this Anſwer with the firſt Compliments of Eſteem for his Country, and for the Recommendations he brought from thence, that he was quite nonplus'd. And tho he would ſeveral times fain have recover'd himſelf, and endeavor'd by great Expence, Induſtry and Converſation with ingenious Men to inform himſelf better than he had [Page] done; all ſignified nothing but to give occaſion to have it ſaid to him at the end of eighteen Months, Sir, you had need to come and conſult us; you ſee a Man learns much if he knows but little when he leaves his own Country; and that he has made no ſmall advantage, who has acquir'd by his Travels the art of Learning.

The ſecond Inſtance is of one who was ſent with the Charge of a Negotiation to a Court, where he had Orders to tarry only ſo long as was neceſſary to perform his Duty, and to wait for an Anſwer. He came and lodg'd in a Publick Houſe, where he was complimented on the part of the Chief Miniſter by an Abbot, who found him ready to ſit down at Table, very much diſpleas'd at the way of dreſſing the Victuals which was prepar'd according to the guſt of the Country: After the firſt Compliments were paſt, this Envoy could not help ſaying, What ſort of a Country have you here, Sir? Here is not ſo good eating as in other places where I have been, and nothing near ſo good as at my own Table. Sir, (ſaid the Abbot) Men reaſon here as they ought to do, but do not much trouble their heads about the art of Cookery; that they leave to other Nations to carry to the higheſt pitch of Perfection they pleaſe. What (reply'd the Envoy) can there be juſt reaſoning in a Country where every thing ſeems out of order At which the Abbot roſe up and ſaid, You ſhall judg of our Country (if you pleaſe) by your ſelves; and we'll refer our ſelves in this matter to your Opinion, provided you don't pretend to ſubject ours to your pleaſure.

By the recital of this fooliſh Diſcourſe of the Envoy, the Miniſter of State had a ſufficient diſcovery of his Character: the day following he came to his Audience, where nothing was diſcours'd but State-Affairs; and as he was going out, ſays the Miniſter in a tone of Railery: Be ſure to get a good Dinner, Sir, and pray order your matters ſo as to dine [Page]with me to morrow. The Envoy did not fail to come, and oppoſite to him was plac'd one of thoſe ſecret Cenſors, who penetrate a Man as ſoon as he begins to open his Mouth, without regard to his Office, of which they never ſpeak directly or indirectly. He was magnificently regal'd, and at the time when the Table allows a liberty of free Diſcourſe; Well Sir, ſays this Cenſor, how d'ye like this Country? There's nothing but Magnificence (ſays the Envoy) every where, but yet here's one thing wanting: to which the other wittily reply'd; If it be nothing but your Approbation, we can do well enough without it.

Indeed this Envoy was not long enough at this Court to improve himſelf by it: for when he left it he was ſo entirely diſpleas'd with it, that by ſignifying his Diſguſt, he gave occaſion to 'em to let him know a thouſand ways, that they were every jot as much diſguſted with him. At his return he made a ridiculous Deſcription of this Court: but Men had need take care what they ſay, for there happen'd to be a Stranger in the company who made this diſdainful Reply: If your own Country (ſaid he) could not furniſh you with common Senſe, how could you expect that a Court which you did but juſt paſs through ſhould teach you what you had no diſpoſition to learn? This Repartee was carried to that Court of which this Envoy had given ſo unſutable a Character, and 'tis certain he a long time paſs'd there for the greateſt Fool that ever was honour'd with a public Employ: Theſe are the Effects of Ignorance, and a ſottiſh Prejudice.

That is never to be learn'd in Travelling which 'tis ſuppos'd a well-bred Man ought to know before he engages in Travels. For the Principles of Society and Policy are ſo link'd together, that he that tranſgreſſes the former, renders himſelf ridiculous [Page] when he ſpeaks, to ſignify ſome unjuſt Preference that he makes in it.

The confounding of a perſonal Determination of a Miniſter of State, together with a National Determination, is a ſecond Stumbling-block, againſt which the greateſt part of inconſiderate and raw Travellers break their Shins: Who when they are ſpoken to about the actual Symptoms of the Government of their Country, on purpoſe to put 'em upon diſcourſing, if inſtead of intimating by a wiſe Reply, that they know how to diſtinguiſh the Intereſts and Deſigns of their Country from the perſonal Motives of thoſe who govern it, which on that account determine them otherwiſe, they confound them both together, they paſs for Fools, and mere Butterflies, that always flutter about that which caſts the greateſt Light. And after a Man has once made ſuch a falſe ſtep, let him try as long as he pleaſes, he'll find it impoſſible to ſet himſelf right again in the Eſteem of Men of ſenſe, Railery will take its turn after ſerious Diſcourſe; and the greater Expence he ſhall be at to introduce himſelf into good Company, the more ridiculous will he appear to 'em. And if you tell theſe ſtupid Creatures, or (if you pleaſe) theſe pretended Politicians, that they err in the firſt Principles of Policy, they'll treat you as a ridiculous and whimſical Perſon; nay ſome of 'em have been ſo ill-temper'd as to endeavour to render a Man ſuſpected, for having had reſpect and kindneſs enough for his Country to advertiſe 'em of their Miſtake.

The Faults of every Nation are known in all foreign Countries: Nay they compoſe divers Axioms of 'em, which are not altogether falſe; for after all, if they are not all of 'em abſolutely true, there's ſomething in 'em infallibly ſo. And whether [Page] it be Prejudice or Time that has given Authority to this ſort of Proverbs, 'tis certain whoever ſhocks 'em, goes for an extravagant Man.

The Art of Travelling teaches a Man to keep his equal diſtance from the Extremities of wholly denying, or wholly confeſſing ſuch National Faults. For 'tis equally dangerous to err on either hand, which very few Perſons conſider: He that denies a Fault that is imputed to his Country, pulls an old Houſe upon his head in irritating the People among whom he reſides at preſent, which muſt needs be a great piece of Imprudence. Nor is that Traveller much wiſer who falls into the other Extreme, that is, coldly and tamely to grant every Story that is impos'd on his Country; for tho he ſhould captivate ſome vulgar Minds by this Air of Sincerity, he'll be ſure to get the Reputation of a Fop among Perſons of Note. 'Tis ſtill worſe when a Traveller grants that with which his Country is reproach'd, only to take his turn immediately to twit that Nation where he is thus attack'd with that Fault which is imputed to it in our Traveller's Country; for this is to inſult over People at their own home, and therefore can't chooſe but irritate 'em. And the wiſeſt Men will diſapprove of any man's coming into a Country to reproach it with a Fault, which 'tis always aſham'd to be thought to have, and perfectly hates to hear laid to its charge. What then muſt a Man do in this caſe? Why that which no body will ever teach you, if you neglect to learn it before you leave your own Country; And that is, to ſtudy well the Defects and Virtues of your Country by ſetting 'em in oppoſition one to the other, that ſo you may oppoſe 'em when occaſion requires to what is imputed to you, and may ſpeak of the one, without ſignifying any thing for or againſt the others, by entering into a particular [Page] Examination and Confutation of 'em. By this Conduct you'l paſs in Foreign Nations for a wiſe Man, by this means your Capacity will be known, and you'l be conſider'd and eſteem'd in proportion to the Knowledg you appear to have, and to the Advantage others may have of learning by you to become acquainted with a Nation which perhaps they never deſign to ſee. And ſince one Story draws out another, that which you give concerning your Country will infallibly procure you the knowledg of the Nation where you are; and by this Addreſs you'll eaſily get a ſolid underſtanding of what you came to ſeek, namely, the diſcovery of the Genius, Policy, and Manners of a whole Nation. This is the Product of Skill in the Art of Travelling. I'll give one Inſtance which formerly touch'd me very ſenſibly. A certain Italian being in Lithuania, one of the principal Lords of the Country ſaid to him in Converſation: Whence is it, Sir, that the Italians never forgive an Injury? My Lord, reply'd the Italian, 'tis becauſe they are never eaſily offended. Now this being the great fault of the Poliſh and Lithuanian Nobility, the Repartee was very witty, and as it ſeem'd to me, the moſt ſubtil and ingenious Cenſure that a Man could paſs on 'em. The Lithuanian Nobleman receiv'd the Impreſſion of it ſo prudently, that he even affected to expoſe the fault of his Country yet farther, in making this return: Sir, (ſaid he) we ſhould be as eaſily offended as you have been made to believe of us in your Country, if we could be capable of being diſpleas'd to hear the Truth told us with ſo good a Grace. He afterwards preſented him with a Horſe, and order'd that he ſhould be conducted at his Charge from his Eſtate, which lies within two days Journy of Grodnaw, as far as Dantzick, whither this Italian had a mind to go.

[Page] And now let any one put in the room of what he has been reading, ſuch a diſpoſition of Mind as the greateſt part travel with, and he'll eaſily perceive what is produc'd by that buſy Preference which determines on the firſt Prejudices, which are almoſt always falſe, and may eaſily judg by this whether it was not neceſſary to give the Publick a method of Travelling. I intend hereafter to treat of the Politic Genius of all the Courts of Europe, and hope the manner in which I ſhall diſcourſe of 'em will ſute the reliſh of the World; becauſe I am to treat of the Facts and Maxims of common Uſe and Converſation, without which 'tis impoſſible to penetrate into the true Spirit of thoſe Courts: And I ſhall begin with the Port, or Ottoman Court.

FINIS.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage.Selections. English. 1699

Casas, Bartolomé de las, 1474-1566.

Edition statement

1699

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Date

2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A69842

ID [STC]

Wing C797

ID [STC]

ESTC R21602

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12260538

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12260538

ID [VID]

57864

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69842)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57864)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 133:9 or 175:22)

Source

— An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage., Selections. English. 1699, Casas, Bartolomé de las, 1474-1566..

Extent

[8], 248, 40 p., [2] leaves of double plates : ill.

Printed by J. Darby for D. Brown [and 2 others],. London :: 1699.. (Abridged translations of six of the nine pamphlets published in 1552 and of L'Art de voyager utilement. Cf. BM.) (Reproduction of original in British Library.) ("The art of travelling to advantage": 40 p. at end.)

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